THE GIFT OF
FLORENCE V. V. DICKEY
TO THE
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA
AT LOS ANGELES
THE DONALD-R. DICKEY
LIBRARY
OF VERTEBRATE ZOOLOGY
HISTORY
OF THE
CONQUEST OF MEXICO
VOL. 1.
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HISTORY
OF THE
OONaUEST OF MEXICO,
WITH A PREIJMINARY VIEW
ANCIENT MEXICAN CIVILIZATION,
AND THE
LIFE OF THE CONQUEROR,
HERNANDO CORTES.
WILLIAM H. PRESCOTT,
AUTHOR OF THE "HISTORY OF FERDINAND AND ISABELLA.'
"Victrices aquilaa alium laturua in orbem."
Ldcan, Pharsalia, lib. r., v. 238
IN THREE VOLUMES.
VOLUME I.
EIGHTH EDITION.
NEW YORK:
IIAKPER AND BROTHERS, 82, CLIFF STREET
M DCX'C XLVIII.
Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1843, by
William H. Prescott,
n tlie Clerk's ofiice of the District Court for the District of Massachusetts
PREFACE.
As the Conquest of Mexico has occupied the
pens of Solis and of Robertson, two of the ablest
historians of their respective nations, it might
seem that little could remain at the present day
to be gleaned by the historical inquirer. But
Robertson's narrative is necessarily brief, forming
only part of a more extended work ; and neither
the British, nor the Castilian author, was provided
with the important materials for relating this event,
which have been since assembled by the industry
of Spanish scholars. The scholar who led the
way in these researches was Don Juan Baptista
Munoz, the celebrated historiographer of the In-
dies, who, by a royal edict, was allowed free access
to the national archives, and to all libraries, public,
private, and monastic, in the kingdom and its col-
onies. The result of his long labors was a vast
body of materials, of which unhappily he did not
VI PREFACE.
live 10 reap the benefit himself. His manuscripts
were deposited, after his death, in the archives of
the Royal Academy of History at Madrid ; and
that collection was subsequently augmented by the
manuscripts of Don Vargas Pon9e, President of
the Academy, obtained, like those of Munoz, from
different quarters, but especially from the archives
of the Indies at Seville.
On my application to the Academy, in 1838,
for permission to copy that part of this inestima-
ble collection relating to Mexico and Peru, it was
freely acceded to, and an eminent German schol-
ar, one of their own number, was appointed to
superintend the collation and transcription of the
manuscripts ; and this, it may be added, before
I had any claim on the courtesy of that respecta-
ble body, as one of its associates. This conduct
shows the advance of a liberal spirit in the Pen-
insula since the time of Dr. Robertson, who com-
plains that he was denied admission to the most
important public repositories. The favor with which
my own application was regarded, however, must
chiefly be attributed to the kind offices of the ven-
erable President of the Academy, Don Martin Fer-
nandez de Navarrete ; a scholar whose personal
character has secured to him the same hiuh con-
PREFACE. VU
sideration at home, which his hterary labors have
obtained abroad. To this eminent person 1 am
under still further obligations, for the free use which
he has allowed me to make of his own manuscripts,
— the fruits of a life of accumulation, and the
basis of those valuable publications, with which he
has at different times illustrated the Spanish colo-
nial history.
From these three magnificent collections, the re-
sult of half a century's careful researches, I have
obtained a mass of unpublished documents, relat-
ing to the Conquest and Settlement of Mexico and
of Peru, comprising altogether about eight thou-
sand folio pages. They consist of instructions of
the Court, military and private journals, corres-
pondence of the great actors in the scenes, legal
instruments, contemporary chronicles, and the like,
drawn from all the principal places in the exten-
sive colonial empire of Spain, as well as from the
public archives in the Peninsula.
I have still further fortified the collection, by
gleaning such materials from Mexico itself as had
been overlooked by my illustrious predecessors in
these researches. For these I am indebted to the
courtesy of Count Cortina, and, yet more, to that
of Don Lucas Alaman, Minister of Foreign Aflairs
▼IM PREFACE.
in Mexico ; but, above all, to my excellent friend,
Don Angel Calderon de hi Barca, late Minister
Plenipotentiary to that country from the Court of
Madrid, — a gentleman whose high and estima-
ble qualities, even more than his station, secured
him the public confidence, and gained him free
access to every place of interest and importance in
Mexico.
1 have also to acknowledge the very kind offices
rendered to me by the Count CamaldoH at Naples ;
by the Duke of Serradifalco in Sicily, a nobleman,
whose science gives additional lustre to his rank;
and by the Duke of Monteleone, the present rep-
resentative of Cortes, who has courteously opened
the archives of his family to my inspection. To
these names must also be added that of Sir Thom-
as Phillips, Bart., whose precious collection of man-
uscripts probably surpasses in extent that of any
private gentleman in Great Britain, if not in Eu-
rope ; that of Mons. Ternaux-Compans, the pro-
prietor of the valuable literary collection of Don
Antonio Uguina, including the papers of Muiloz,
the fruits of which he is giving to the world in
his excellent translations ; and, lastly, that of my
friend and countryman, Arthur Middleton, Esq.,
late Charge d'Affaires from the United States at
PREFACE. IX
the Couri of Madrid, for the efficient aid he has
afforded me in prosecuting my inquiries in that
capital.
In addition to this stock of original documents
obtained through these various sources, 1 have dili-
gently provided myself with such printed works as
have reference to the subject, including the mag-
nificent publications, which have appeared both in
France and England, on the Antiquities of Mexi-
co, which, from their cost and colossal dimensions,
would seem better suited to a public than to a
private library.
Having thus stated the nature of my materials,
and the sources whence they are derived, it remains
for me to add a few observations on the general
plan and composition of the work. — Among the
remarkable achievements of the Spaniards in the
sixteenth century, there is no one more striking to
the imagination than the conquest of Mexico. The
subversion of a great empire by a handful of ad-
venturers, taken with all its strange and pictur-
esque accompaniments, has the air of romance
rather than of sober history ; and it is not easy to
treat such a theme according to the severe rules
prescribed by historical criticism. But, notwith-
standing the seductions of the subject, I have con-
X PREFACE.
scientiously endeavoured to distinguish fact from
fiction, and to establish the narrative on as broad
a basis as possible of contemporary evidence ; and
I have taken occasion to corroborate the text b\
ample citations from authorities, usually in the orig-
mal, since few of them can be very accessible to
the reader. In these extracts I have scrupulously
conformed to the ancient orthography, however ob-
solete and even barbarous, rather than impair in
any degree the integrity of the original document.
Although the subject of the work is, properly,
only the Conquest of Mexico, I have prepared the
way for it by such a view of the Civilization of
the ancient Mexicans, as might acquaint the reader
with the character of this extraordinary race, and
enable him to understand the difficulties which the
Spaniards had to encounter in their subjugation.
This Introductory pai't of the work, with the essay
in the Appendix which properly belongs to the
Introduction, although both together making only
half a volume, has cost me as much labor, and
nearly as much time, as the remainder of the his-
tory. If I shall have succeeded in giving the read-
er a just idea of the true nature and extent of the
civilization to which the Mexicans had attained, it
will not be labor lost.
PREFACE. Xi
The story of the Conquest terminates with the
fall of the capital. Yet I have preferred to con-
tinue the narrative to the death of Cortes, relying
on the interest which the development of his char-
acter in his military career may have excited in the
reader. I am not insensible to the hazard I incur
by such a course. The mind, previously occupied
with one great idea, that of the subversion of the
capital, may feel the prolongation of the story be-
yond that point superfluous, if not tedious ; and may
find it difficult, after the excitement caused by wit-
nessing a great national catastrophe, to take an
interest in the adventures of a private individual.
Soils took the more politic course of concluding his
narrative with the fall of Mexico, and thus leaves
his readers with the full impression of that memo-
rable event, undisturbed, on their minds. To pro-
long the narrative is to expose the historian to the
error so much censured by the French critics in
some of their most celebrated dramas, where the
author by a premature denouement has impaired the
interest of his piece. It is the defect that neces-
sarily attaches, though in a greater degree, to the
history of Columbus, in which p^tty adventures
anjong a group of islands make up the sequel of
a life that opened with the magnificent discovery
VOL. I. B
XW PREFACE.
of a World ; a defect, in short, which has required
all the genius of Irving and the magical charm of
his style perfectly to overcome.
Notwithstanding these objections, I have been
induced to continue the narrative, partly from defe-
rence to the opinion of several Spanish scholars,
who considered that the biography of Cortes had
not been fully exhibited, and partly from the cir-
cumstance of my having such a body of original
materials for this biography at my command. And
I cannot regret that I have adopted this course ;
since, whatever lustre the Conquest may reflect on
Cortes as a military achievement, it gives but an
imperfect idea of his enlightened spirit, and of his
comprehensive and versatile genius.
To the eye of the critic there may seem some
incongruity in a plan which combines objects so
dissimilar as those embraced by the present history ;
where the Introduction, occupied with the antiqui-
ties and origin of a nation, has somewhat the char-
acter of a philosophic theme, while the conclusion
is strictly biographical^ and the two may be sup-
posed to match indifferently with the main body,
or historical portion of the work. But I may hope
that such objections will be found to have less
weight in practice than in theory ; and, if j)roper]y
PREFACE. Xlli
managed, that the general views of the Introduc-
tion will prepare the reader for the particulars of
the Conquest, and that the great public events
narrated in this will, without violence, open the
way to the remaining personal history of the hero
who is the soul of it. Whatever incongmity may
exist in other respects, I may hope that the imity
of interest, the only unity held of much importance
by modern critics, will be found still to be pre-
served.
The distance of the present age from the period
of the narrative might be presumed to secure the
historian from undue prejudice or partiality. Yet
to American and English readers, acknowledging
so different a moral standard from that of the six-
t^enth century, I may possibly be thought too in-
dulgent to the errors of the Conquerors ; while
to a Spaniard, accustomed to the undiluted pane-
gyric of Soils, I may be deemed to have dealt too
hardly with them. To such I can only say, that,
while, on the one hand, I have not hesitated to
expose in their strongest colors the excesses of the
Conquerors ; on the other, I have given them the
benefit of such mitigating reflections as might be
suggested by the circumstances and the period in
which they lived. I have endeavoured not only to
XIV PREFACE.
present a picture true in itself, but to place it in
its proper light, and to put the spectator in a
proper point of view for seeing it to the best ad-
vantage. I have endeavoured, at the expense of
some repetition, to surround him with the spirit
of the times, and, in a word, to make him, if I
may so express myself, a contemporary of the six-
teenth century. Whether, and how far, I have suc-
ceeded in this, he must determine.
For one thing, before I conclude, I may reason-
ably ask the reader's indulgence. Owing to the
state of my eyes, I have been obliged to use a
writing-case made for the blind, which does not
permit the writer to see his own manuscript. Nor
have I ever corrected, or even read, my own origi-
nal draft. As the chirography, under these disad-
vantages, has been too often careless and obscure,
occasional errors, even with the utmost care of
my secretary, must have necessarily occurred in the
transcription, somewhat increased by the barbarous
phraseology imported from my Mexican authorities.
I cannot expect that these errors have always been
detected even by the vigilant eye of the perspic.a-
cious critic to whom the proof-sheets have be(3n
subjected.
In the Preface to the " History of Ferdinand and
PREFACE. XV
Isabella," I lamented, that, while occupied with
that subject, two of its most attractive parts had
engaged the attention of the most popular of Amer-
ican authors, Washington Irving. By a singular
chance, something like the reverse of this has ta-
ken place in the composition of the present his-
tory, and I have found myself unconsciously taking
up ground which he was preparing to occupy.
It was not till I had become master of my rich
collection of materials, that I was acquainted with
this circumstance ; and, had he persevered in his
design, I should unhesitatingly have abandoned my
own, if not from courtesy, at least from policy ;
for, though armed with the weapons of Achilles,
this could give me no hope of success in a com-
petition with Achilles himself. But no sooner was
that distinguished writer informed of the prepara-
tions I had made, than, with the gentlemanly spirit
which will surprise no one who has the pleasure
of his acquaintance, he instantly announced to me
liis intention of leaving the subject open to me.
While I do but justice to Mr. Irving by this state-
ment, I feel the prejudice it does to myself in the
unavailing regret 1 am exciting in the bosom of
the reader.
I must not conclude this Preface, too long pro-
Xvi PREFACE.
traded as it is already, without a word of ac-
knowledgment to my friend George Ticknor, Esq.,
— the friend of many years, — for his patient re-
vision of my manuscript ; a labor of love, the wortii
of which those only can estimate, who are acquaint-
ed with his extraordinary erudition and his nice
critical taste. If I have reserved his name for the
last in the list of those to whose good offices I
am indebted, it is most assuredly not because I
value his services least.
WILLIAM H. PRESCOTT
Boston, October 1, 1843.
GENERAL CONTENTS.
BOOK I.
INTRODUCTION. — VIEW OF THE AZTEC CIVILIZATION
BOOK II.
DISCOVERY OF MEXICO
BOOK III
MARCH TO MEXICO.
BOOK IV.
RESIDENCE IN MEXICO.
BOOK V.
EXPULSION FROM MEXICO
BOOK VI.
SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO.
BOOK VII.
CONCLUSION. — SUBSEQUENT CAREER OF CORTES.
APPENDIX.
CONTENTS
VOLUME FIRST
BOOK I.
INTRODUCTION. — VIEW OF THE AZTEC CIVILIZATION.
CHAPTER L
Page
Ancient Mexico. — Climate and Products. — Primitive
Racks. — Aztec Empire 3
Extent of the Aztec Territory .... 4
The Hot Region ... 5
Volcanic Scenery .... ... 7
Cordillera of the Andes ... ... 8
Table-land in the Days of the Aztecs . . . 9
Valley of Mexico 10
TheToltecs 11
Their mysterious Disappearance . . . . . .13
Races from the North-west 14
Their Hostilities 15
Foundation of Mexico ....... IG
Domestic Feuds ......... 17
League of the kindred Tribes 18
Rapid Rise of Mexico 20
Prosperity of the Empire 21
Criticism on Veytia's History 22
CHAPTER 11.
Succession to the Crown. — Aztec Nobilitt. — Judicial
System. — Laws and Revenues. — Military Institutions 23
Election of the Sovereign 23
His Coronation 24
VOL. I. C
XX CONTENTS.
Pago
Aztec Nobles 25
Their barbaric Pomp 26
Tenure of their Estates .... 27
Legislative Power .....••• 28
Judicial System .....-••• 29
Independent Judges .....•• «>1
Their Mode of Procedure .... . . 32
Showy Tribunal ........ 33
Hieroglyphical Paintings ....... 35
Marriage Rites .....••• 36
Slavery in Mexico .36
Royal Revenues 38
Burdensome Imposts . . . . • • • .41
Public Couriers ........ 42
Military Enthusiasm 43
Aztec Ambassadors 44
Orders of Knighthood 45
Gorgeous Armor 45
National Standards ........ 46
Military Code 47
Hospitals for the Wounded 48
Influence of Conquest on a Nation ..... 50
Criticism on Torquemada's History . . . . .51
Ahh6 Clavigero 52
CHAPTER III.
Mexican Mythology. — The Sacerdotal Order. — The TeM'
PLES. — Human Sacrifices
Systems of Mythology
Mythology of the Aztecs
Ideas of a God
Sanguinary War-god .
God of the Air
Mystic Legends .
Division of Time
Future State
Funeral Ceremonies
Baptismal Rites .
Monastic Orders
Fasts and Flagellation .
Aztec Confessional .
54
54
56
57
58
59
GO
61
62
63
64
66
67
68
CONTENTS.
Education of the Youth
Revenue of the Priests
Mexican Temples
Religious Festivals .
Human Sacrifices
The Captive's Doom
Ceremonies of Sacrifice
Torturing of the Victim
Sacrifice of Infants
Cannibal Banquets .
Number of Victims
Houses of Skulls
Cannibalism of the Aztecs
Criticism on Sahagun's History
CHAPTER IV
Mexican Hieroglyphics. — Manuscripts
Chronology. — Astronomy
Dawning of Science
Picture-writing ....
Aztec Hieroglyphics
Manuscripts of the Mexicans
Emblematic Symbols
Phonetic Signs ....
Materials of the Aztec Manuscripts
Form of their Volumes
Destruction of most of them
Remaining Manuscripts
Difficulty of decyphering them .
Minstrelsy of the Aztecs
Theatrical Entertainments
System of Notation
Their Chronology
The Aztec Era ....
Calendar of the Priests
Science of Astrology .
Astrology of the Aztecs .
Their Astronomy ....
Wonderful Attainments in this Science
Remarkable Festival
Carnival of the Aztecs
XXI
69
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
79
83
84
86
— Arithmetic. —
90
90
91
93
94
95
96
99
100
101
103
106
108
109
109
110
114
117
120
121
122
123
125
127
xxil CONTENTS.
Page
Lord Kingsborough's Work 128
Criticism on Gama 130
CHAPTER V.
Aztec Agriculture. — Mechanical Arts. — Merchants. —
Domestic Manners .131
Mechanical Genius • 131
Agriculture . . . .133
Mexican Husbandry ....... 134
Vegetable Products 135
Mineral Treasures 138
Skill of the Aztec Jewellers 139
Sculpture 141
Huge Calendar-stone 142
Aztec Dyes ......... 143
Beautiful Feather-work 144
Fairs of Mexico 145
National Currency 145
Trades 146
Aztec Merchants 147
Militant Traders 148
Domestic Life 150
Kindness to Children 151
Polygamy 151
Condition of the Sex 152
Social Entertainments 152
Use of Tobacco 153
Culinary Art 155
Agreeable Drinks 156
Dancing 156
Intoxication 157
Criticism on Boturini's Work 158
CHAPTER VL
Tezcucans. — Their Golden Age. — Accomplished Princes.
— Decline of their Monarchy 161
The Acolhuans or Tezcucans ...... 161
Prince Nezahualcoyotl 162
His Persecution ........ 163
His Hair-breadth Escapes 164
CONTENTS.
His wandering Life .
Fidelity of liis Subjects
Triumphs over his Enemies
Remarkable League
General Amnesty
The Tezcucan Code
Departments of Government
Council of Music .
Its Censorial Office .
Literary Taste
Tezcucan Bards
Royal Ode ....
Resources of Nezahualcoyotl
His magnificent Palace
His Gardens and Villas
Address of the Priest .
His Baths
Luxurious Residence .
Existing Remains of it
Royal Amours
Marriage of the King
Forest Laws
Strolling Adventures
Munificence of the Monarch .
His Religion
Temple to the Unknown God
Philosophic Retirement
His plaintive Verses
Last Hours of Nezahualcoyotl
His Character
Succeeded by Nezahualpilli
The Lady of Tula
Executes his Son
Efieminacy of the King
His consequent Misfortunes
Death of Nezahualpilli
Tezcucan Civilization
Criticism on Ixtlilxochitl's Writings
xxm
Page
165
166
167
168
168
169
170
170
171
172
173
174
176
177
178
181
183
184
185
186
188
189
190
191
192
193
194
195
197
200
201
201
202
203
203
204
205
206
XXIV
CONTENTS.
BOOK 11.
DISCOVERY OF MEXICO.
Pa»e
CHAPTER I.
Spain under Charles V. — Progress of Discovery. — Colo-
nial Policy. — Conquest of Cuba. — Expeditions to
Yucatan 211
Condition of Spain .
Increase of Empire
Cardinal Ximenes
Arrival of Charles the Fifth ,
Swarm of Flemings .
Opposition of the Cortes
Colonial Administration
Spirit of Chivalry
Progress of Discovery
Advancement of Colonization
System of Repartimientos .
Colonial Policy
Discovery of Cuba .
Its Conquest by Velasquez
Cordova's Expedition to Yucatan
His Reception by the Natives
Grijalva's Expedition
Civilization in Yucatan .
Traffic with the Indians
His Return to Cuba
His cool Reception .
Ambitious Schemes of the Governor
Preparations for an Expedition .
CHAPTER II
211
212
212
213
213
214
215
216
217
218
218
219
220
221
222
223
224
225
226
228
228
228
229
Hernando Cortes. — His Early Life. — Visits the New
World. — His Residence in Cuba. — Difficulties with
Velasquez. — Aumada intrusted to Cortes . . 230
Hernando Cortes 230
His Education 231
Choice of a Profession . 232
CONTENTS.
XXV
Page
Departure for America 233
Arrival at Hispaniola
His Mode of Life
Enlists under A^elasquez .
Habits of Gallantry
Disaffected towards Velasquez
Cortes in Confinement .
Flies into a Sanctuary
Again put in Irons
His perilous Escape .
His Marriage
Reconciled with the Governor
Retires to his Plantation
Armada intrusted to Cortes
Preparations for the Voyage .
Instructions to Cortes
234
235
236
237
237
238
239
240
240
241
242
243
245
246
247
CHAPTER III
Jealousy of Velasquez. — Cortes embarks. — Equipment of
HIS Fleet. — His Person and Character. — Rendezvous
AT Havana. — Strength of his Armament . . . 251
Jealousy of Velasquez . . . . . . . 251
Intrigues against Cortes ....... 252
His clandestine Embarkation 253
Arrives at Macaca ........ 254
Accession of Volunteers ....... 255
Stores and Ammunition ....... 256
Orders from Velasquez to arrest Cortes .... 257
He raises the Standard at Havana 257
Person of Cortes ........ 258
His Character . . .259
Strength of the Armament . . . . . . 261
Stirring Address to his Troops 263
Fleet weighs Anchor . . . . . . . . 264
Remarks on Estrella's Manuscript 265
CHAPTER IV.
V'oyage to Cozumel. — Conversion of the Natives. — Jero-
NIMO DE AgUILAR. ArMY ARRIVES AT TaBASCO. GrEAT
Battle with the Indians. — Christianity introduced 266
Disastrous Voyage to Cozumel .... . 266
XXVI
CONTENTS.
Humane Policy of Cortes
Cross found in the Island .
Religious Zeal of the Spaniards
Attempts at Conversion
Overthrow of the Idols
Jeronimo de Aguilar
His Adventures .
Employed as an Interpreter
Fleet arrives at Tabasco
Hostile Reception
Fierce Defiance of the Natives
Desperate Conflict .
Effect of the Fire-arms
Cortes takes Tabasco
Ambush of the Indians
The Country in Arms
Preparations for Battle .
March on the Enemy
Joins Battle with the Indians
Doubtful Struggle .
Terror at the War-horse
Victory of the Spaniards .
Number of Slain .
Treaty with the Natives .
Conversion of the Heathen .
Catholic Communion
Soaniards embark for Mexico
267
268
269
271
272
273
274
275
276
277
278
279
279
280
281
282
283
284
285
286
287
287
288
289
290
291
292
CHAPTER V.
Voyage ALONG the Coast. — Dona Marina. — Spaniakds land
IN Mexico. — Intehvievv with the Aztecs . . . 293
Voyage along the Coast 293
Natives come on Board ....... 294
Doiia Marina 295
Her History 296
Her Beauty and Character 297
First Tidings of Montezuma 298
Spaniards land in Mexico . 299
First Interview with the Aztecs . . . . . .301
Their magnificent Presents ...... 302
Cupidity of the Spaniards ..... . . 303
CONTENTS.
xxvn
Cortes displays his Cavalry
Aztec Paintings .
304
304
CHAPTER VI.
Account of Montezuma. — State of his Empire. — Strange
Prognostics. — Embassy and Presents. — Spanish En
campment . 306
Montezuma then upon the Throne 306
Inaugural Address ........ 307
The Wars of Montezuma 308
His civil Policy .309
Oppression of his Subjects ...... 310
Foes of his Empire 311
Superstition of Montezuma 312
Mysterious Prophecy 313
Portentous Omens . ...... 314
Dismay of the Emperor 316
Embassy and Presents to the Spaniards . . . . 317
Life in the Spanish Camp 318
Rich Present from Montezuma 319
Large gold Wheels 320
Message from Montezuma . . . . ' . . 322
Effects of the Treasure on the Spaniards .... 323
Return of the Aztec Envoys 324
Prohibition of Montezuma ....... 325
Preaching of Father Olmedo 326
Desertion of the Natives 326
CHAPTER VII
Troubles in the Camp. — Plan of a Colont. — Management
OF Cortes. — March to Cempoalla. — Proceedings with
the Natives. — Foundation of Vera Cruz . . 328
Discontent of the Soldiery 328
Envoys from the Totonacs ....... 329
Dissensions in the Aztec Empire 330
Proceedings in the Camp ....... 331
Cortes prepares to return to Cuba ..... 332
Army remonstrate ........ 332
Cortes yields ......... 333
Foundation of Villa Rica .....•• 334
VOL. I. D
XXVUl
CONTENTS.
Resignation and Reappointment of Cortfe
Divisions in the Camp ....
General Reconciliation
March to Cempoalla ....
Picturesque Scenery
Remains of Victims ....
Terrestrial Paradise
Love of Flowers by the Natives .
Their splendid Edifices
Hospitable Entertainment at Cempoalla
Conference with the Cacique
Proposals of Alliance ....
Advance of the Spaniards
Arrival of Aztec Nobles
Artful Policy of Cortes .
Allegiance of the Natives
City of Villa Rica built .
Infatuation of the Indians
Page
335
336
337
338
339
341
341
342
343
344
345
346
348
349
350
351
352
353
CHAPTER VIII.
Another Aztec Embassy. — Destruction of the Idols. —
Despatches sent to Spain. — Conspiracy in the Camp.
— The Fleet sunk 354
Embassy from Montezuma ...... 354
Its Results 355
Severe Discipline in the Army ...... 356
Gratitude of the Cempoallan Cacique 357
Attempt at Conversion ...... 358
Sensation among the Natives .... . 359
The Idols burned .360
Consecration of the Sanctuary . . . . . ,361
News from Cuba 362
Presents for Charles the Fifth ...... 363
First Letter of Cortds 364
Despatclies to Spain ........ 360
Agents for the Mission ....... 367
Departure of the Ship ........ 368
It touches at Cuba ........ 309
Rage of Velasquez 369
Ship arrives in Spain 370
Conspiracy in the Camp 371
CONTENTS. ■ xxix
Paga
Destruction of the Fleet 373
Oration of Cortes . 374
Enthusiasm of the Army . 375
Notice of Las Casas 377
His Life and Character 373
Criticism on his Works 38^
BOOK III.
MARCH TO MEXICO.
CHAPTER L
Proceedings at Cempoalla. — The Spaniards climb the
Table-land. — Picturesque Scenery. — Transactions
WITH THE Natives. — Embassy to Tlascala . . 389
Squadron off the Coast 389
Stratagem of Cortes . 391
Arrangement at Villa Rica 392
Spaniards begin their March ...... 393
Climb the Cordilleras 395
Wild Mountain Scenery 397
Immense Heaps of human Skulls 399
Transactions with the Natives 400
Accounts of Montezuma's Power 401
Moderation of Father Olmedo 403
Indian Dwellings . 405
Cortes determines his Route • . . . . . . 406
Embassy to Tlascala 407
Remarkable Fortification ....... 408
Arrival in Tlascala . 409
CHAPTER II.
Republic of Tlascala. — Its Institutions. — Early Histo-
ry.— Discussions in the Senate. — Desperate Battles 410
The Tlascalans ........ 410
Their Migrations 411
Their Government . . 411
XXX
CONTENTS.
Public Games . . .
Order of Knighthood
Internal Resources
Their Civilization
Struggles with the Aztecs .
Means of Defence .
Sufferings of the Tlascalans .
Their hardy Character
Debates in the Senate .
Spaniards advance .
Desperate Onslaught
Retreat of the Indians
Bivouac of the Spaniards
The Army resumes its March
Immense Host of Barbarians
Bloody Conflict in the Pass
Enemy give Ground
Spaniards clear the Pass .
Cessation of Hostilities
Results of the Conflict
Troops encamp for the Night
Page
413
414
414
415
416
417
418
419
420
421
422
423
424
425
427
428
429
430
431
432
433
CHAPTER III.
EcisivE Victory. — Indian Council.
— Night Attack. -
-
Negotiations with the Enemy. —
-Tlascalan Hero
434
Envoys to Tlascala
...
434
Foraging Party ....
435
Bold Defiance by the Tlascalans
.
436
Preparations for Battle
437
Appearance of the Tlascalans '.
. .
438
Showy Costume of (he Warriors
440
Their Weapons ....
441
Desperate Engagement
443
The Combat thickens
....
444
Divisions among the Enemy
445
Decisive Victory ....
.
446
Triumph of Science over Numbers
. 44?
Dread of the Cavalry
....
448
Indian Council ....
449
Night Attack
.
450
Spaniards victorious
451
CONTENTS.
Embassy to Tlascala
Peace with the Enemy
Patriotic Spirit of their Chief
XXXI
Page
452
453
453
CHAPTER IV.
Discontents in the Army. — Tlascalan Spies. — Peace with
THE Republic. — Embassy from Montezuma . . . 455
Spaniards scour the Country 455
Success of the Foray 456
Discontents in the Camp ....... 457
Representations of the Malecontents 458
Reply of Cortes 459
Difficulties of the Enterprise 461
Mutilation of the Spies 462
Interview with the Tlascalan Chief 464
Peace with the Republic 466
Embassy from Montezuma ....... 467
Declines to receive the Spaniards ..... 468
They advance towards the City » 470
CHAPTER V.
Spaniards enter Tlascala. — Description of the Capital.
— Attempted Conversion. — Aztec Embassy. — Invited
TO Cholula 471
472
. 472
473
. 474
475
. 475
476
477
477
. 473
479
. 479
480
, 481
482
. 482
Spaniards enter Tlascala .
Rejoicings on their Arrival .
Description of Tlascala
Its Houses and Streets .
Its Fairs and Police .
Divisions of the City
Wild Scenery round Tlascala
Character of the Tlascalans .
Vigilance of Cortes .
Attempted Conversion .
Resistance of the Natives
Zeal of Cortes
Prudence of the Friar
Character of Olmedo
Mass celebrated in Tlascala
The Indian Maidens
xxxii CONTENTS.
Aztec Embassy ; 483
Power of Montezuma 484
Embassy from Ixtlilxochitl 485
Deputies from Cholula 486
Invitation to Cholula ....... 487
Prepare to leave Tlascala 489
MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
MAPS.
The maps for this work are the result of a laborious investigation by a
skilful and competent hand. Humboldt's are the only maps of New Spain
which can lay claim to the credit even of tolerable accuracy. They have
been adopted as the basis of those for the present history ; and an occasional
deviation from them has been founded on a careful comparison with the
verbal accounts of Gomara, Bernal Diaz, Clavigero, and, above all, of
Cortes, illustrated by his meagre commentator, Lorenzana. Of these,
Cortes is generally the most full and exact in his statement of distances,
though it is to be regretted that he does not more frequently afford a hint
as to the bearings of the places. As it is desirable to present the reader
with a complete and unembarrassed view of the route of Cortes, the names
of all other places than those which occur in this work have been dis-
carded, while a considerable number have been now introduced which
are not to be found on any previous chart. The position of these must
necessarily be, in some degree, hypothetical ; but, as it has been determined
by a study of the narratives of contemporary historians, and by the meas-
urement of distances, the result, probably, cannot in any instance be much
out of the way. The ancient names have been retained, so as to present
a map of the country as it was at the time of the Conquest.
PORTRAIT PREFIXED TO VOLUME FIRST.
This engraving of Cortes was taken from a full-length portrait, present-
ed to me by my friend Don Angel Calderon de la Barca, during his
residence as minister to Mexico. It is a copy, and, as I am assured, a
very faithful one, from the painting in the Hospital of Jesus. This paint-
ing is itself a copy from one taken, probably, a few years before the death
of Cortes, on his last visit to Spain. What has become of the original is
not known. That in Mexico was sent there by one of the family of Monte-
leone, descendants of the Conqueror, as appears from his arms, which the
painter has introduced in a corner of the picture. This seems to be re-
garded by the family as the best portrait of the Conqueror, and a copy, like
that in my possession, has been recently made for the present Duke ot
Monteleone in Italy. It has never before been engraved.
XXHV MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS
PORTRAIT PREFIXED TO VOLUME SECOND.
The original portrait was said to have heen painted by an artist named
Maldonado, who came over to Mexico at the time of the Conquest. It
belonged to the Counts of Miravalle, and, not many years since, came into
the possession of Mr. Smith Wilcox, consul from the United States to
Mexico. Of the authenticity of this portrait I have received opposite
opinions, and these, too, from the most respectable sources in Mexico ; the
one representing it as undoubtedly genuine, the other regarding it as an
ideal portrait, painted after the Conquest, to adorn the halls of the Counts
of Miravalle, and to flatter their pride by the image of their royal progeni-
tor. The countenance must be admitted to wear a tinge of soft and not
unpleasing melancholy, quite in harmony with the fortunes of the unhappy
monarch.
PORTRAIT PREFIXED TO VOLUME THIRD
This likeness of Cortes was originally engraved for that inquisitive
scholar and industrious collector, Don Antonio Uguina, of Madrid, from
what he considered the best portrait of Cortes. The original is, I am
informed, the same portrait which now hangs in the Musco, among the
series of viceroys, at Mexico. It must have been taken at a much earlier
period of life than the portrait in the Hospital of Jesus, in which both the
hair and beard are somewhat grizzled with years. The expression of the
countenance, of a higher and more intellectual cast than the preceding, has
a quiet, contemplative air, not to have been expected in one of the stirring
character of Cortes.
ARMS OF CORTES.
The t*amp on the back of the work represents the arms granted by letters
patent to Cortes by the Emperor Charles V., March 7, 1525. In the instru-
ment, it is stated, that the double-headed eagle is given as the arms of the
empire ; the golden lion, in memory of the courage and constancy shown
by Cortes in the conquest of Mexico; the three gold crowns indicate the
three monarchs whom lie successively opposed in the capital of Mexico;
the city represents that capital ; and the seven heads held together by a
chain, on the border of the shield, denote so many Indian princes whom
he subdued in the Valley.
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BOOK FIRST.
INTRODUCTION.
PRELIMINARY VIEW OF THE AZTEC CIVILIZATION
VOL. L
CONQUEST OF MEXICO.
BOOK I.
INTRODUCTION.
VIEW OF THE AZTEC CIVILIZATION.
CHAPTER I.
Ancient Mexico. — Climate and Products. — Primitive Races.
— Aztec Empire.
Of all that extensive empire which once acknowl-
edged the authority of Spain in the New World, no
portion, for interest and importance, can be com-
pared with Mexico ; — and this equally, whether we
consider the variety of its soil and climate ; the in-
exhaustible stores of its mineral wealth ; its scenery,
grand and picturesque beyond example ; the charac-
ter of its ancient inhabitants, not only far surpassing
in intelligence that of the other North American
races, but reminding us, by their monuments, of
the primitive civilization of Egypt and Hindostan ;
or lastly, the peculiar circumstances of its Con-
quest, adventurous and romantic as any legend de-
vised by Norman or Italian bard of chivalry. It is
the purpose of the present narrative to exhibit the
4 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I.
histor)' of this Conquest, and that of the remarkable
man by whom it was achieved.
But, in order that the reader may have a bettei
understanding of the subject, it will be well, before
entering on it, to take a general survey of the politi-
cal and social institutions of the races who occu-
pied the land at the time of its discovery.
The country of the ancient Mexicans, or Aztecs
as they were called, formed but a very small part of
the extensive territories comprehended in the mod-
ern republic of Mexico.^ Its boundaries cannot be
defined with certainty. They were much enlarged
in the latter days of the empire, when they may be
considered as reaching from about the eighteenth de-
gree north, to the twenty-first, on the Atlantic ; and
from the fourteenth to the nineteenth, including a
very narrow strip, on the Pacific.^ In its greatest
1 Extensive indeed, if we may informed his readers on what frail
trust Archbishop Lorenzana, who foundations his conclusions rest,
tells us, " It is doubtful if the coun- The extent of the Aztec empire is
try of New Spain does not border to be gathered from the writings of
on Tartary and Greenland ; — by historians since the arrival of the
the way of California, on the for- Spaniards, and from the picture-
mer, and by New Mexico, on the rolls of tribute paid by the con-
latter " ! Historia de Nueva Es- quered cities ; both sources ex-
pafia, (Mexico, 1770,) p. 38, nota. tremely vague and defective. See
2 I have conformed to tlie limits the MSS. of the Mendoza collec-
fixed by Clavigero. He has, prob- tion, in Lord Kingsborough's mag-
ably, examined the subject with nificent publication (Antiquities of
more tlioroughness and fidelity Mexico, comprising Facsimiles o/
than most of his countrymen, who Ancient Paintings and Hieroglyph-
differ from liim, and who assign a ics, together with the Monuments
more liberal extent to the monar- of New Spain. London, 1830).
chy. (See his Storia Antica del The difficulty of the inquiry is
Messico, (Cesena, 1780,) dissert, much increased by the fact of the
7.) The Abbe, however, has not conquests having been made, as
Ch. I.] . ANCIENT MEXICO. 5
breadth, it could not exceed five degrees and a half,
dwindling, as it approached its south-eastern limits,
to less than two. It covered, probably, less than
sixteen thousand square leagues.^ Yet such is the
remarkable formation of this country, that, thougli
not more than twice as large as New England, it
presented every variety of climate, and was capable
of yielding nearly every fruit, found between the
equator and the Arctic circle.
All along the Atlantic, the country is bordered
by a broad tract, called the tierra caliente, or hot
region, which has the usual high temperature of
equinoctial lands. Parched and sandy plains are in-
termingled Vv^ith others, of exuberant fertility, almost
impervious from thickets of aromatic shrubs and wild
flowers, in the midst of which tower up trees of that
will be seen hereafter, by the unit- puts in a sturdy claim for the par-
ed arms of three powers, so that it amount empire of his own nation,
is not always easy to tell to which Historia Chichemeca, MS., cap.
party they eventually belonged. 39, 53, et alibi.
The affair is involved in so much 3 Eighteen to twenty thousand,
uncertainty, that Clavigero, not- according to Humboldt, who con-
withstanding the positive assertions siders the Mexican territory to
in his text, has not ventured, in his have been the same with that oc-
map, to define the precise limits of cupied by the modern intendancies
the empire, either towards the of Mexico, Puebla, Vera Cruz,
north, where it mingles with the Oaxaca, and Valladolid. (Essai
Tezcucan empire, or towards the Politique sur le Royaume de Nou-
south, where, indeed, he has fallen velle Espagne, (Paris, 1825,) torn,
into the egregious blunder of as- I. p. 196.) This last, however,
serting, that, while the Mexican was all, or nearly all, included in
territory reached to the fourteenth the rival kingdom of Mechoacan,
degree, it did not include any por- as he himself more correctly states
tion of Guatemala. (See torn. I. p. in another part of his work. Comp.
29, and tom. IV. dissert. 7.) The torn. II. p. 164.
Tezcucan chronicler, Ixtlilxochitl,
6 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I
magnificent growth which is found only within the
tropics. In this wilderness of sweets lurks the fatal
malaria, engendered, probably, by the decomposition
of rank vegetable substances in a hot and humi^
soil. The season of the bilious fever, — vomito, as
it is called, — which scourges these coasts, continues
from the spring to the autumnal equinox, when it is
checked by the cold winds that descend from Hud-
son's Bay. These winds in the vdnter season fre-
quently freshen into tempests, and, sweeping down
the Atlantic coast, and the winding Gulf of Mexico,
burst with the fury of a hurricane on its unprotected
shores, and on the neighbouring West India islands.
Such are the mighty spells with which Nature has
surrounded this land of enchantment, as if to guard
the golden treasures locked up within its bosom.
The genius and enterprise of man have proved more
potent than her spells.
After passing some twenty leagues across this
burning region, the traveller finds himself rising into
a purer atmosphere. His limbs recover their elas-
ticity. He breathes more freely, for his senses are
not now oppressed by the sultry heats and intoxi-
cating perfumes of the valley. The aspect of nature,
too, has changed, and his eye no longer revels among
the gay variety of colors with which the landscape
was painted there. The vanilla, the indigo, and the
flowering cacao-groves disappear as he advances.
The sugar-cane and the glossy-leaved banana still
accompany him ; and, when he has ascended about
four thousand feet, he sees in the unchanging verd-
Ch. I.] CLIMATE AND PRODUCTS. 7
ure, and the rich foliage of the liquid-amber tree,
that he has reached the height where clouds and
mists settle, in their passage from the Mexican Gulf.
This is the region of perpetual humidity ; but he
welcomes it with pleasure, as announcing his es-
cape from the influence of the deadly vdmito.^ He
has entered the tierra templada, or temperate re-
gion, whose character resembles that of the temper-
ate zone of the globe. The features of the scenery
become grand, and even terrible. His road sweeps
along the base of mighty mountains, once gleaming
with volcanic fires, and still resplendent in their
mantles of snow, which serve as beacons to the
mariner, for many a league at sea. All around he
beholds traces of their ancient combustion, as his
road passes along vast tracts of lava, bristling in the
innumerable fantastic forms into which the fiery
torrent has been thrown by the obstacles in its
career. Perhaps, at the same moment, as he casts
his eye down some steep slope, or almost unfathom-
able ravine, on the margin of the road, he sees their
depths glowing with the rich blooms and enamelled
vegetation of the tropics. Such are the singular
* The traveller, who enters the who came on shore at Tampico ;
country across the dreary sand-hills (Rambler in Mexico, (New York,
of Vera Cruz, will hardly recog- 1836,) chap. 1 ;) a traveller, it may
nise the truth of the above de- be added, whose descriptions of
scription. He must look for it in man and nature, in our own coun-
other parts of the tierra cahente. try, where we can judge, are dis-
Of recent tourists, no one has given tinguished by a sobriety and fair-
a more gorgeous picture of the ness that entitle him to confidence
impressions made on his senses by in his delineation of other coun-
these sunny regions than Latrobe, tries.
8 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I.
coiiuasts presented, at the same time, to the senses,
in this picturesque region I
Still pressing upwards, the traveller mounts into
other chmates, favorable to other kinds of cultiva-
tion. The yellow maize, or Indian corn, as we usu-
ally call it, has continued to follow him up from the
lowest level ; but he now first sees fields of wheat,
and the other European grains brought into the coun-
try by the Conquerors. Mingled with them, he views
the plantations of the aloe or maguey {agave Ameri-
cana), applied to such various and important uses by
the Aztecs. The oaks now acquire a sturdier growth,
and the dark forests of pine announce that he has
entered the tierra fria, or cold region, — the third
and last of the great natural terraces into which the
country is divided. When he has climbed to the
height of between seven and eight thousand feet, the
weary traveller sets his foot on the summit of the
Cordillera of the Andes, — the colossal range, that,
after traversing South America and the Isthmus of
Darien, spreads out, as it enters Mexico, into that
vast sheet of table-land, which maintains an eleva-
tion of more than six thousand feet, for the distance
of- nearly two liundred leagues, until it gradually
declines in the higher latitudes of the north.°
Across this mountain rampart a chain of volcanic
5 This long extent of country land stretches still three hundred
varies in elevaiion from 5570 to leagues further, before it declines
8850 feet, — equal to the height to a level of 2624 feet. Hum-
of the passes of Mount Cenis, or boldt, Essai Politique, torn. I.
the Great St. Bernard. The tabic- pp. 157, 255.
Ch. I.] CLIMATE AND PRODUCTS. 9
hills Stretches, in a westerly dii'ection, of still more
stupendous dimensions, forming, indeed, some of the
highest land on the globe. Their peaks, entering
the limits of perpetual snow, diffiise a grateful cool-
ness over the elevated plateaus below ; for these last,
though termed ' cold ', enjoy a climate, the mean
temperature of which is not lower than that of the
central parts of Italy.^ The air is exceedingly dry ;
the soil, though naturally good, is rarely clothed
with the luxuriant vegetation of the lower regions.
It frequently, indeed, has a parched and barren as-
pect, owing partly to the greater evaporation which
takes place on these lofty plains, through the dimin-
ished pressure of the atmosphere ; and partly, no
doubt, to the want of trees to shelter the soil from
the fierce influence of the summer sun. In the time
of the Aztecs, the table-land was thickly covered
with larch, oak, cypress, and other forest trees, the
extraordinary dimensions of some of which, remain-
ing to the present day, show that the curse of bar-
renness in later times is chargeable more on man
than on nature. Indeed, the early Spaniards made
as indiscriminate war on the forest as did our Puri-
tan ancestors, though with much less reason. After
once conquering the country, they had no lurking
6 About 62° Fahrenheit, or 17° during a great part of the day,
Reaumur. (Humboldt, Essai Po- rarely rises beyond 45° F. Idem,
litique, torn I. p. 273.) The more (loc. cit.,) and Malte-Brnn, (Uni-
elevated plateaus of the table-land, versal Geography, Eng. Trans.,
as the Valley of Toluca, about 8500 book 83,) who is, indeed, in this
feet above the sea, have a stem part of his work, but an echo of
climate, in which the thermometer, the former writer.
VOL. T. 2
10 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book 1.
ambush to fear from the submissive, semicivilizcd
Indian, and were not, like our forefathers, obliged to
keep watch and ward for a century. This spoliation
of the ground, however, is said to have been pleas-
ing to their imaginations, as it reminded them of the
plains of their own Castile, — the table-land of Eu-
rope ; '' where the nakedness of the landscape forms
the burden of every traveller's lament, who visits
that country.
Midway across the continent, somewhat nearer
the Pacific than the Atlantic ocean, at an elevation
of nearly seven thousand five hundred feet, is the
celebrated Valley of Mexico. It is of an oval form,
about sixty-seven leagues in circumference,"^ and is
encompassed by a towering rampart of porphyritic
rock, which nature seems to have provided, though
ineffectually, to protect it from invasion.
The soil, once carpeted with a beautiful verdure,
and thickly sprinkled with stately trees, is often bare,
" The elevation of the Castiles, suit of M. de Humboldt's meas-
according to the authority repeat- urement, cited in the text. Its
edly cited, is about 350 toises, or length is about eighteen leagues,
2100 feet above the ocean. (Hum- by twelve and a half in breadth,
boldt's Dissertation, apud Labordc, (Humboldt, Essai Politique, torn.
Ttineraire Dcscriptif do I'Espagne, H. p. 29. — Lorenzana, Hist, de
(Paris, 1827,) torn I. p. 5.) It is Nueva Espana, p. 101.) Hum-
rare to find plains in Europe of so boldt's map of the Valley of Mex-
great a height. ico forms the third in his " Atlas
8 Archbishop Lorenzana esti- G^ographique et Physique," and,
mates the circuit of the Valley at like all the others in the collection,
ninety leagues, correcting at the will be found of inestimable val-
,same time the statement of Cortes, ue to the traveller, the geologist,
which puts it at seventy, very near and the historian,
tlie truth, as appears from the re-
Ch. I.] PRIMITIVE RACES. H
and, in many places, white with the incrustation of
salts, caused by the draining of the waters. Five
lakes are spread over the Valley, occupying one tenth
of its surface.^ On the opposite borders of the lar-
gest of these basins, much shrunk in its dimensions'"
since the days of the Aztecs, stood the cities of
Mexico and Tezcuco, the capitals of the two most
potent and flourishing states of Anahuac, whose his-
tory, with that of the mysterious races that preceded
them in the country, exhibits some of the nearest
approaches to civilization to be met with anciently
on the North American continent.
Of these races the most conspicuous were the
Toltecs. Advancing from a northerly direction, but
from what region is uncertain, they entered the ter-
ritory of Anahuac," probably before the close of the
9 Humboldt, Essai Politique, reconciliation, after the idolatrous
tona. II. pp. 29, 44-49. — Malta races of the land had been de-
Brun, book 85. This latter geog- stroyed by the Spaniards I (Mo-
rapher assigns only 6700 feet for narchia Indiana, (Madrid, 1723.)
the level of the Valley, contradict- torn. I. p. 309.) Quite as prob-
ing himself, (comp. book 83,) or able, if not as orthodox an expla-
rather, Humboldt, to whose pages nation, may be found in the active
he helps himself, plenis manibus, evaporation of these upper regions,
somewhat too liberally, indeed, for and in the fact of an immense
the scanty references at the bottom drain having been constructed,
of his page. during the lifetime of the good
10 Torquemada accounts, in part, father, to reduce the waters of the
for this diminution, by supposing, principal lake, and protect the ca;--
that, as God permitted the waters, ital from inundation.
which once covered the whole ii Anahuac, according to Hum
earth, to subside, after mankind boldt, comprehended only the coun-
had been nearly exterminated for try between the 14th and 21st de-
their iniquities, so he allowed the grees of N. latitude. (Essai Po-
watersof the Mexican lake to sub- litique, tom. I. p. 197.) Accord
side in token of good-will and ing to Clavigero, it included nearl
12
AZTEC CIVILIZATION.
[Book I.
seventh century. Of course, little can be gleaned,
with certainty, respecting a people, whose written
records have perished, and who are known to us only
through the traditionary legends of the nations that
succeeded them.'^ By the general agreement of
these, however, the Toltecs were well instructed in
agriculture, and many of the most useful mechanic
arts ; were nice workers of metals ; invented the
complex arrangement of time adopted by the Aztecs ;
and, in short, were the true fountains of the civili-
zation which distinguished this part of the continent
all since known as New Spain.
(Stor. del Messico, torn. I. p. 27.)
Veytia uses it, also, as synonymous
with New Spain. (Historia An-
tigua de Mejico, (Mejico, 1836,)
torn. I. cap. 12.) The first of these
writers probably allows too little,
as the latter do too much, for its
boundaries. Ixtlilxochiil says it
extended four hundred leagues
south of the Otomie countr}'.
(Hist. Chichemeca, MS., cap. 73.)
The word Anahuac signifies near
the water. It was, probably, first
applied to the country around the
lakes in the Mexican Valley, and
gradually extended to the remoter
regions occupied by the Aztecs,
and the other semicivilized races.
Or, possibly, the name may have
been intended, as Veytia suggests,
(Ilist. Antig., lib. 1, cap. 1,) to
denote the land between the wa-
ters of the Atlantic and Pacific.
'2 Clavigero talks of Boturini's
having written "on the faith of
the Toltec historians.*' (Stor. del
Messico, torn. I. p. 128.) But
that scholar does not pretend to
have ever met with a Toltec man-
uscript, himself, and had heard of
only one in the possession of Ix-
tlilxochitl. (See his Idea de una
Nueva Historia General de la
America Septentrional, (Madrid,
17-lG,) p. 110.) The latter writer
tells us, that his account of the
Toltec and Chichemec races was
"derived from interpretation,"
(probably, of the Tezcucan paint-
ings,) " and from the traditions of
old men"; poor authority for
events which had passed, centu-
ries before. Indeed, he acknowl-
edges that their narratives were
so full of absurdity and falsehood,
that he was obliged to reject nino-
tenths of them. (See his Rela-
clones, MS., no. 5.) The cause
of truth would not have suffered
much, probably, if he had rejected
nine-tenths of the remainder.
CH. l.J PRIMITIVE RACES. 13
in later times. '^ They established thek capital at
Tula, north of the Mexican Valley, and the remains
of extensive buildings were to be discerned there at
the time of the Conquest. ^^ The noble ruins of re-
ligious and other edifices, still to be seen in vari-
ous parts of New Spain, are referred to this people,
whose name, Toltec, has passed into a synonyme
for architect ^^' Their shadowy history reminds us
of those primitive races, who preceded the ancient
Egj^ptians in the march of civilization ; fragments
of whose monuments, as they are seen at this day,
incorporated with the buildings of the Egyptians
themselves, give to these latter the appearance of
almost modern constructions.^^
After a period of four centuries, the Toltecs, who
had extended their sway over the remotest borders
of Anahuac,^' having been greatly reduced, it is
said, by famine, pestilence, and unsuccessfiil wars,
disappeared from the land as silently and mysteri-
ously as they had entered it. A few of them still
lingered behind, but much the greater number, prob-
ably, spread over the region of Central America
'3 Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., '6 Description de I'Egypte,
MS., cap. 2. — Idem, Relaciones, (Paris, 1809,) Antiquites, torn.
MS., no. 2. — Sahagun, Historia I. cap. 1. Veytia has traced the
General de las Cosas de Nueva migrations of the Toltecs with
Espafia, (Mexico, 1829,) lib. 10, sufficient industry, scarcely re-
cap. 29. — Veytia, Hist. Antig., warded by the necessarily doubtful
lib. 1, cap. 27. credit of the results. Hist. Antig.,
14 Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva lib. 2, cap. 21-33.
Espana, lib. 10, cap. 29. 17 Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich.,
15 Idem, ubi supra. — Torque- MS., cap. 73.
mada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 1, cap. 14.
14 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I.
and the neighbouring isles ; and the traveller now
speculates on the majestic ruins of Mitla and Pa-
lenque, as possibly the w^ork of this extraordinary
people.'^
After the lapse of another hundred years, a nu-
merous and rude tribe, called the Chichemecs, en-
tered the deserted country from the regions of the far
Northwest. They were speedily followed by other
races, of higher civilization, perhaps of the same
family with the Toltecs, whose language they appear
to have spoken. The most noted of these were the
Aztecs or Mexicans, and the Acolhuans. The latter,
better known in later times by the name of Tezcu-
cans, from their capital, Tezcuco,"^ on the eastern
border of the Mexican lake, were peculiarly fitted,
by their comparatively mild religion and manners,
for receiving the tincture of civilization which could
be derived from the few Toltecs that still remained
in the country. This, in their turn, they communi-
cated to the barbarous Chichemecs, a large portion
of whom became amalgamated with the new settlers
as one nation.^
18 Veytia, Hist. Antig., lib. 1, fully equal to that of any of his
cap. 33. — Ixtlilxochitl, Hist, calling. See his Monarch. Ind.,
Chich., MS., cap. 3. — Idem, Re- lib. 1, cap. 14.
iaciones, MS., no. 4, 5. — Father ^9 Tezcvco signifies "place of
Torquemada — perhaps misinter- detention"; as several of the tribes
preting the Tczcucan hieroglyph- who successively occupied Ana-
ics — has accounted for this mys- huac were said to have halted
terious disappearance of the Tol- some time at the spot. Ixtlilxo-
tecs, by such fee-faw-fum stories chitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 10.
of giants and demons, as show his ^o The historian speaks, in one
appetite for the man-ellous was page, of the Chichemecs' burrow-
Ca. I.] PRIMITIVE RACES. 15
Availing themselves of the strength derived, not
only from this increase of numbers, but from their
own superior refinement, the Acolhuans gradually
stretched then empire over the ruder tribes in the
north ; while their capital was filled with a numerous
population, busily employed in many of the more
useful and even elegant arts of a civilized commu-
nity. In this palmy state, they were suddenly as-
saulted by a warlike neighbour, the Tepanecs, their
own kindred, and inhabitants of the same valley as
themselves. Their provinces were overrun, their
armies beaten, their kmg assassinated, and the flour-
ishing city of Tezcuco became the prize of the
victor. From this abject condition the uncommon
abilities of the young prince, Nezahualcoyotl, the
rightful heir to the crown, backed by the efficient
aid of his Mexican allies, at length, redeemed the
state, and opened to it a new career of prosperity,
even more brilliant than the former.^'
The Mexicans, with whom our history is princi-
pally concerned, came, also, as we have seen, from
the remote regions of the North, — the populous
hive of nations in the New World, as it has been in
the Old. They arrived on the borders of Anahuac,
towards the beginning of the thirteenth century, some
time after the occupation of the land by the kindred
ing^ in caves, or, at best, in cabins cap. 1-10. — Camargo, Historia
of straw ; — and, in the next, talks de Tlascala, MS.
gravely of their senoras, infantas, 21 Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich.,
and caballeros! Ibid., cap. 9, et MS., cap. 9-20. — Veytia, Hist.
seq. — Veytia, Hist. Antig., lib. 2, Antig., lib. 2, cap. 29-54
1(5 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I.
races. For a long time they did not establish them-
selves in any permanent residence ; but continued
shifting their quarters to different parts of the Mex-
ican Valley, enduring all the casualties and hardships
of a migratory life. On one occasion, they were
enslaved by a more powerful tribe ; but their ferocit}'
soon made them formidable to their masters.^^ After
a series of wanderings and adventures, which need
not shrink from comparison with the most extrava-
gant legends of the heroic ages of antiquity, they
at length halted on the southwestern borders of
the principal lake, in the year 1325. They there
beheld, perched on the stem of a prickly pear, which
shot out from the crevice of a rock that was washed
by the waves, a royal eagle of extraordinary size
and beauty, with a serpent in his talons, and his
broad wings opened to the rising sun. They hailed
the auspicious omen, announced by the oracle, as
indicating the site of their future city, and laid its
foundations by sinking piles into the shallows ; for
the low marshes were half buried under water. On
these they erected their light fabrics of reeds and
rushes ; and sought a precarious subsistence from
fishing, and from the wild fowl which frequented
the waters, as well as from the cultivation of such
simple vegetables as they could raise on their float-
ing gardens. The place was called Tenochtitlan,
in token of its miraculous origin, though only known
22 These were the Colliuans, have confounded them. See his
not Acolhuans, with whom Hum- Essai Politique, torn. I. p. 414;
boldt, and most writers since, II. p. 37.
Ch. I]
PRIMITIVE RACES.
17
to Europeans by its other name of Mexico, derived
from their war-god, Mexitli.^ The legend of its
foundation is still further commemorated by tlie de-
vice of the eagle and the cactus, which form the
arms of the modern Mexican republic. Such were
the humble beginnings of the Venice of the Western
VVorld.^
The forlorn condition of the new settlers was
made still worse by domestic feuds. A part of the
citizens seceded from the main body, and formed a
separate community on the neighbouring marshes.
Thus divided, it was long before they could aspire
to the acquisition of territory on the main land.
They gradually increased, however, in numbers, and
23 Clavigero gives good reasons
for preferring the etymology of
Mexico above noticed, to varions
others. (See his Stor. del Messico,
torn. I. p. 168, nota.) The name
Tenochtitlan signifies tunal (a cac-
tus) 071 a stone. Esplicacion de la
Col. de Mendoza, apud Antiq. of
Mexico, vol. IV.
24 " Datur haec venia antiqui-
tati," says Livy, " ut, miscendo
humana divinis, primordia urbium
augustiora faciat." Hist.,Pr8ef. —
See, for the above paragraph, Col.
de Mendoza, plate 1, apud Antiq.
of Mexico, vol.1., — Ixtlilxochitl,
Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 10, — To-
ribio, Historia de los Indios, MS.,
Parte 3, cap. 8, — Veytia, Hist.
Antig.,lib. 2, cap. 15. — Clavige-
ro, after a laborious examination,
assigns the following dates to some
VOL. I 3
of the prominent events noticed
in the text. No two authorities
agree on them ; and this is not
strange, considering that Clavige-
ro — the most inquisitive of all
— does not always agree with
himself. (Compare his dates for
the coming of the Acolhuans ;
torn. 1. p. 147, and torn. IV. dis-
sert. 2.) —
A. D.
The Toltecs arrived in Anahuar
. . 648
They abandoned the country
. . 1051
The Chichemecs arrived . .
. . 1170
The Acolhuans arrived about
. . 12(10
The Blexicans reached Tula
. . 119C
Thev founded Mexico . . .
. . 1325
See his dissert. 3, sec. 12. In
the last date, the one of most im-
portance, he is confirmed by the
learned Veytia, who differs from
him in all the others. Hist. Antig.,
lib. 2, cap. 15.
18 AZTEC nVILIZATION. [Book I.
Strengthened themselves yet more by various im-
provements in their polity and military discipline,
w hile they established a reputation for courage as
well as cmelty in war, which made their name
terrible throughout the Valley. In the early part of
the iifteenth century, nearly a hundred years from
the foundation of the city, an event took place
which created an entire revolution in the circum-
stances, and, to some extent, in the character of the
Aztecs. This was the subversion of the Tezcucan
monarchy by the Tepanecs, already noticed. When
the oppressive conduct of the victors had at length
aroused a spirit of resistance, its prince, Nezahual-
coyotl, succeeded, after incredible perils and escapes,
in mustering such a force, as, with the aid of the
Mexicans, placed him on a level with his enemies.
In two successive battles, these were defeated with
great slaughter, their chief slain, and their territory,
by one of those sudden reverses which characterize
the wars of petty states, passed into the hands of
the conquerors. It was awarded to Mexico, in re-
turn for its important services.
Then was formed that remarkable league, which,
indeed, has no parallel in history. It was agreed
between the states of Mexico, Tezcuco, and the
neighbouring little kingdom of Tlacopan, that they
.should nnitually support each other in their wars,
offensive and dc^fensive, and that, in the distribution
of the spoil, one fifth should be assigned to Tlaco-
pan, and the remainder be divided, in what propor-
tions is uncertain, between the other powers. The
Ch. I.] AZTEC EMPIRE. 19
Tezcucan writers claim an equal share for their
nation with the Aztecs. But this does not seem to
be warranted bj the immense increase of territory
subsequently appropriated by the latter. And we
may account for any advantage conceded to them by
the treaty, on the supposition, that, however inferior
they may have been originally, they were, at the
time of making it, in a more prosperous condition
than their allies, broken and dispirited by long
oppression. What is more extraordinary than the
treaty itself, however, is the fidelity with which il
was maintained. During a century of uninterrupted
warfare that ensued, no instance occurred where the
parties quarrelled over the division of the spoil, which
so often makes shipwreck of similar confederacies
among civilized states.^'
The alhes for some time found sufficient occupa-
tion for their arms in their own Aalley; but they soon
overleaped its rocky ramparts, and by the middle of
the fifteenth century, under the first Montezuma,
'■^5 The loyal Tezcucan chroni- Espagne, trad, de To rnaux, (Paris,
cler claims the supreme dignity 1840,) p. 11), both very compe-
Ibr his own sovereign, if not the tent critics, acquiesce in an equal
greatest share of the spoil, by this division between the two principal
imperial compact. (Hist. Chich., states in the confederacy. Anode,
cap. 33.) Torquemada, on the still extant, of Nezahualcoyotl, in
other hand, claims one half of all its Castilian version, bears testi-
ihe conquered lands for j\Iexico. mony to the singular union of the
(Monarch. Ind., lib. 2, cap. 40.) three powers.
All agree in assigning only one , , , , , >., •
=' o t) J '-solo se acordaran en las Naciones
fifth to Tlacopan ; and Veytia lo bien que gobemaron
(Hist. Antig., lib. 3, cap. 3) and las/res Caftezfwqueel ImperiohonrAion.'
Zurita (Rapport sur les Differentes Cantares del Emperadob
1 >„ ,. , , -.T ,, Nkzahdalcovotl, IMS.
Classes de Chefs de la Nouvelle
20 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I.
nad spread down the sides of the table-land to the
Dorders of the Gulf of Mexico. Tenochtitlan, the
Aztec capital, gave evidence of the public prosperity.
Its frail tenements were supplanted by solid struc-
tures of stone and lime. Its population rapidly
increased. Its old feuds were healed. The citizens
who had seceded were again brought under a com-
mon government with the main body, and the quar-
ter they occupied was permanently connected with
the parent city ; the dimensions of which, covering
the same ground, were much larger than those of
the modern capital of Mexico."*^
Fortunately, the throne was filled by a succession
of able princes, who knew how to profit by their
enlarged resources and by the martial enthusiasm of
the nation. Year after year saw them return, loaded
with the spoils of conquered cities, and with throngs
of devoted captives, to their capital. No state was
able long to resist the accumulated strength of the
confederates. At the beginning of the sixteenth
century, just before the arrival of the Spaniards, the
Aztec dominion reached across the continent, from
the Atlantic to the Pacific ; and, under the bold
and bloody Ahuitzotl, its arms had been carried far
over the limits already noticed as defining its perma-
'•* See the plans of the ancient turini ; if, as seems probable, it is
and modern capital, in Bullock's the one indicated on page 13 of
" Mexico,'' first edition. The his Catalogue, I find no warrant
original of the ancient map was for Mr. Bullock's statement, that
obtained by that traveller from the it was the same prepared for Cor-
coUection of the unfortunate Bo- t^.s by the order of Montezuma
Ch. I.] VEYTIA. 21
nent territory, into the farthest corners of Guatemala
and Nicaragua. This extent of empire, however
limited in comparison with that of many other
states, is truly wonderful, considering it as the ac-
quisition of a people whose whole population and
resources had so recently been comprised within the
walls of their own petty city ; and considering,
moreover, that the conquered territory was thickly
settled by various races, bred to arms like the Mex-
icans, and little inferior to them in social organiza-
tion. The history of the Aztecs suggests some
strong points of resemblance to that of the ancient
Romans, not only in their military successes, but in
the policy which led to them.^^
27 Clavigero, Stor. del Messico, wars, with other states, as the
torn. I. lib. 2. — Torquemada, Mon- principal"; and expresses his as-
arch. Ind., torn. I. lib. 2. — Boturini, tonishment that a similar policy
Idea, p. 146. — Col. of Mendoza, should not have been adopted by
Parti, and Codex Telleriano-Re- ambitious republics in later times,
mensis, apud Antiq. of Mexico, (See his Discorsi sopra T. Livio,
\ols. I., VI. lib. 2, cap. 4, apud Opere (Gene-
Machiavelli has noticed it as one va, 1798).) This, as we have
{Treat cause of the military sue- seen above, was the very course
cfisses of the Romans, " that they p'uaurxl by the Mexicans,
associated themselves, in their
The most impoilant contribution, of late years, to the early history
of Mexico is the Historia Antigna of the Lie. Don Mariano Veytia,
published in the city of Mexico, in 1836. This scholar was born of
an ancient and highly respectable family at Puebla, 1718. After finish-
ing his academic education, he went to Spain, where he was kindly
received at court. He afterwards visited several other countries of
Europe, made himself acquainted with their languages, and retuni-ed
hoir.e well stond with the fruits of a discriminating observation and
22 VEYTIA. [Book 1.
diligent study. The rest of his life he devoted to letters ; especially
ti) the illustration of the national history and antiquities. As the
3xecutor of the unfortunate Boturini, with whom he had contracted an
intimacy in Madrid, he obtained access to his valuable collection of
"Tianuscripts ia Mexico, and from them, and every other source which
nis position in society and his eminent character opened to him, he
romposed various works, none of which, however, except the one
Defore us, has been admitted to the honors of the press. The time
of his death is not given by his editor, but it was probably not later
han 1780.
Veytia's history covers the whole period, from the first occupation
of Anahuac to the middle of the fifteenth century, at which point his
labors were unfortunately terminated by his death. In the early portion
jie has endeavoured to trace the migratory movements and historical
annals of the principal races who entered the country. Every page
Dears testimony to the extent and fidelity of his researches ; and, if we
feel but moderate confidence in the results, the fault is not imputable
to him, so much as to the dark and doubtful nature of the subject. As
he descends to later ages, he is more occupied with the fortunes of the
Tezcucan than with those of the Aztec dynasty, which have been amply
discussed by others of his countrymen. The premature close of his la-
bors prevented him, probably, from giving that attention to the domestic
institutions of the people he describes, to which they are entitled as
the most important subject of inquiry to the historian. The deficiency
has been supplied by his judicious editor, Orteaga, from other sources.
In the early part of his work, A'eytia has explained the chronological
system of the Aztecs, but, like most writers preceding the accurate
Gama, with indifferent success. As a critic, he certainly ranks much
iiigher than the annalists who preceded him ; and, when his own
religion is not involved, shows a discriminating judgment. When it
is, he betrays a full measure of the credulity which still maintains its
Iiold on too many even of the well informed of his countrymen. The
editor of the work has given a very interesting letter from the Abbe
(JIavigero to A'eytia, written when the former was a poor and hum-
nle exile, and in the tone of one addressing a person of high stand-
ing and literary eminence. Both were employed on the same subject
The writings of the poor Abbe, published again and again, and trans
lated into various languages, have spread his fame throughout Europe
while the name of Veytia, whose works have been locked up in theii
primitive manuscript, is scarcely known beyond the boundaries of
Mexico.
CHAPTER II.
Succession to the Crowm. — Aztec Nobility. — Judicial Sys-
tem.— Laws and Revenues. — Military Institutions.
The form of government differed in the different
states of Anahuac. With the Aztecs and Tezcucans
it was monarchical and nearly absolute. The two
nations resembled each other so much, in their politi-
cal institutions, that one of their historians has re-
marked, in too unqualified a manner indeed, that
what is told of one may be always understood as
applying to the other.' I shall direct my inquiries
to the JNIexican polity, borrowing an illustration oc
casionally from that of the rival kingdom.
The government was an elective monarchy. Four
of the principal nobles, who had been chosen by
their own body in the preceding reign, filled the
ofifice of electors, to whom were added, with merely
an honorary rank however, the two royal allies of
Tezcuco and Tlacopan. The sovereign was select-
ed from the brothers of the deceased prince, or, in
default of them, from his nephews. Thus the elec-
tion was always restricted to the same family. T!ic
candidate preferred must have distinguished himself
in war, though, as in the case of the last Montezuma,
I Ixllilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 36.
24 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book 1.
he were a member of the priesthood." This singu-
lar mode of supplying the throne had some advan-
tages. The candidates received an education which
fitted them for the royal dignity, while the age, at
which they were chosen, not only secured the nation
against the evils of minority, but afforded ample
means for estimating their qualifications for the office.
The result, at all events, was favorable ; since the
throne, as already noticed, was filled by a succession
of able princes, well qualified to rule over a warlike
and ambitious people. The scheme of election,
however defective, argues a more refined and calcu-
lating policy than was to have been expected from
a barbarous nation.^
The new monarch was installed in his regal dig-
nity with much parade of religious ceremony; but
not until, by a victorious campaign, he had obtained
a sufficient number of captives to grace his trium-
j)hal entry into the capital, and to furnish victims for
the dark and bloody rites which stained the Aztec
superstition. Amidst this pomp of human sacrifice,
he was crowned. The crown, resembling a mitre
2 This was an exception. — In II. p. 112. — Acosta, Naturall
l*'?ypt, also, the kin^ was fre- and Morall Historie of the East
fluently taken from the warrior and West Indies, Eng. trans,
caste, though obliged afterwards (London, 1604.)
to be instructed in the mysteries According to Zurita, an elec-
of the priesthood : « 2i U ju.uxi/ta>r tion by the nobles took place only
aTaiihiyftifit iwSw; iyiura rut li^u; in default of heirs of the deceased
Plutarch, de Isid. et Osir., sec. 9. monarch. (Rapport, p. 15.) The
3 Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., minute historical investigation of
lib. 2, cap. 18 ; lib. 11, cap. 27. — Clavigero may be permitted to
Clavigero, Stor. del Messico, torn, outweigh this general assertion.
Ch. II.] AZTEC NOBILITY. 25
111 its form, and curiously ornamented with gold,
gems, and feathers, was placed on his head by the
lord of Tezcuco, the most powerful of his royal allies.
The title of King, by which the earlier Aztec prin-
ces are distinguished by Spanish writers, is supplant-
ed by that of Emperor in the later reigns, intimat-
ing, perhaps, his superiority over the confederated
monarchies of Tlacopan and Tezcuco.^
The Aztec princes, especially towards the close of
the dynasty, lived in a barbaric pomp, truly Oriental.
Their spacious palaces were provided with halls for
the different councils, who aided the monarch in the
transaction of business. The chief of these was a
sort of privy council, composed in part, probably,
of the four electors chosen by the nobles after the
accession, whose places, when made vacant by death,
were immediately supplied as before. It was the
business of this body, so far as can be gathered from
the very loose accounts given of it, to advise the
king, in respect to the government of the provinces,
the administration of the revenues, and, indeed, on
all great matters of public interest.''
* Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Es- other writer whom I have con-
pana, lib. 6, cap. 9, 10, 14 ; lib. 8, suited.
cap. 31, 34. — See, also, Zurita, 5 Sahagun, who places the elec-
Rapport, pp. 20-23. tive power in a much larger body,
Ixtlilxochitl stoutly claims this speaks of four senators, who form-
supremacy for his own nation, ed a state council. (Hist, de Nue-
(Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 34.) His va Espana, lib. 8, cap. 30.) Acos-
assertions are at variance with ta enlarges the council beyond the
facts stated by himself elsewhere, number of the electors. (Lib. 6,
and are not countenanced by any ch. 26.) No two writers agree.
VOL. I. 4
26 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I.
In the royal buildings were accommodations, also,
for a numerous body-guard of the sovereign, made
up of the chief nobility. It is not easy to deter-
!nine with precision, in these barbarian governments,
the limits of the several orders. It is certain, there
was a distinct class of nobles, with large landed
possessions, who held the most important offices
near the person of the prince, and engrossed the
administration of the provinces and cities.^ Many
of these could trace their descent from the founders
of the Aztec monarchy. According to some writers
of authority, there were thirty great caciques, who
had their residence, at least a part of the year, in the
capital, and who could muster a hundred iliousand
vassals each on their estates.^ Without relying on
such wild statements, it is clear, from the testimony
of the Conquerors, that the country was occupied by
numerous powerful chieftains, who lived like inde-
pendent princes on their domains. If it be true
that the kings encouraged, or, indeed, exacted, the
residence of these nobles in the capital, and required
hostages in their absence, it is evident that their
power must have been very formidable.^
*> Zurita enumerates four orders Firme del Mar Oceano, (Madrid,
of chiefs, all of whom were ex- 1730,) dec. 2, lib. 7, cap. 12.
empted from imposts, and enjoyed 8 Carta de Cortes, ap. Lorenza-
very considerable privileges. He na, Hist, de Nueva Espana, p. 110.
does not discriminate the several — Torquemada, Monarch. Ind.,
ranks with much precision. Rap- lib. 2, cap. 89 ; lib. 14, cap. 6. —
port, p. 47, et seq. Clavigero, Stor. del Messico, torn.
" See, in particular, Herrera, H. p. 121. — Zurita, Rapport,
Historia General de los Hechos de pp. 48, 65.
los Castellanos en las Islas y Tierra Ixtlilxochitl (Hist. Chich., MS..
Cq. II.] AZTEC NOBILITY. 27
Their estates appear to have been held by various
tenures, and to have been subject to different restric-
tions. Some of them, earned by their own good
sw^ords, or received as the recompense of pubhc ser-
vices, were held without any limitation, except that
the possessors could not dispose of them to a plebe-
ian.^ Others were entailed on the eldest male issue,
and, in default of such, reverted to the crown. Most
of them seem to have been burdened with the obli-
gation of military service. The principal chiefs of
Tezcuco, according to its chronicler, were expressly
obliged to support their prince Avith their armed
vassals, to attend his court, and aid him in the coun-
cil. Some, instead of these services, were to provide
for the repairs of his buildings, and to keep the royal
demesnes in order, with an annual offering, by way
of homage, of fruits and flowers. It was usual, if
we are to believe historians, for a new king, on his
accession, to confirm the investiture of estates derived
from the crown. "^
cap. 34) speaks of thirty great '0 Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich.,
feudal chiefs, some of them Tez- MS., ubi supra. — Zurita, Rapport,
cucan and Tlacopan, whom he ubi supra. — Clavigero, Stor. del
styles " grandees of the empire " ! Messico, tom. II. pp. 122 - 124. —
He says nothing of the great tail Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib.
of 100,000 vassals to each, men- 14, cap. 7. — Gomara, Cronica de
tioned by Torquemada and Her- Nueva Espafia, cap. 199, ap. Bar-
rera. cia, tom. II.
^ Macehual, — a word equivalent Boturini (Idea, p. 165) carries
to the French word roturier. Nor back the origin oifiefs in Anahuac,
could fiefs originally be held by to the twelfth century. Carli says,
plebeians in France. See Hallam's " Le systeme politique y etoit feo-
Middle Ages, (London, 1819,) dal." In the next page he tells
vol. II. p. 207. us, " Personal merit alone made
28 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I.
It cannot be denied that we recognise, in all this,
several features of the feudal system, which, no
doubt, lose nothing of their effect, under the hands
of the Spanish writers, who are fond of tracing
analogies to European institutions. But such analo-
gies lead sometimes to very erroneous conclusions.
The obligation of military ser\dce, for instance, the
most essential principle of a fief, seems to be natu-
rally demanded by every government from its
subjects. As to minor points of resemblance, they
fall far short of that harmonious system of reciprocal
service and protection, which embraced, in nice
gradation, every order of a feudal monarchy. The
kingdoms of Anahuac were, in their nature, despotic,
attended, indeed, with many mitigating circum-
stances, unknown to the despotisms of the East;
but it is chimerical to look for much in common —
beyond a few accidental forms and ceremonies —
with those aristocratic institutions of the Middle
Ages, which made the court of every petty baron
the precise image in miniature of that of his sovereign.
The legislative power, both in Mexico and Tez-
cuco, resided wholly with the monarch. This feature
of despotism, however, was, in some measure, coun-
teracted by the constitution of the judicial tribunals,
— of more importance, among a rude people, than
the legislative, since it is easier to make good laws
for such a community, than to enforce them, and the
the distinction of the nobiUty " ! Carli was a writer of a lively ima-
(Lettres Americaines, trad. Fr., gination.
(Paris, 1788,) torn. I. let. 11.)
Ch. II.] JUDICIAL SYSTEM. 29
best laws, badly administered, are but a mockery.
Over each of the principal cities, with its dependent
territories, was placed a supreme judge, appointed
by the crown, with original and final Jurisdiction in
both civil and criminal cases. There was no appeal
from his sentence to any other tribunal, nor even to
the king. He held his office during life ; and any
one, who usurped his ensigns, was punished with
death. ^^
Below this magistrate was a court, established in
each province, and consisting of three members. It
held concurrent jurisdiction with the supreme judge
in civil suits, but, in criminal, an appeal lay to his
tribunal. Besides these courts, there was a body of
inferior magistrates, distributed through the country,
chosen by the people themselves in their several
districts. Their authority was limited to smaller
causes, while the more important were carried up
to the higher courts. There was still another class
of subordinate officers, appointed also by the peo-
ple, each of whom was to watch over the conduct
of a certain number of families, and report any
disorder or breach of the laws to the higher au-
thorities.'~
1^ This magistrate, who was Montezuma, who introduced great
called cihuacoatl, was also to audit changes in them. (Antiq. of Mex-
the accounts of the collectors of ico, vol. I., Plate 70.) According
the taxes in his district. (Clavi- to the interpreter, an appeal lay
gero, Stor. del Messico, tom. II. from them, in certain cases, to the
p. 127. — Torquemada, Monarch, king's council. Ibid., vol. VI. p. 79.
Ind., lib. 11, cap. 25.) The Men- 12 Clavigero, Stor. del Messico,
doza Collection contains a painting tom. 11. pp. 127, 128. — Torque-
of the courts of justice, under mada, Monarch. Ind., ubi supra.
30 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I
In Tezcuco the judicial arrangements were of a
more refined character ; '^ and a gradation of tri-
bunals finally terminated in a general meeting or
parliament, consisting of all the Judges, great and
petty, throughout the kingdom, held every eighty
days in the capital, over which the king presided
in person. This body determined all suits, which,
from their importance, or difficulty, had been re-
served for its consideration by the lower tribunals.
It served, moreover, as a council of state, to assist
the monarch in the transaction of public business.'^
Such are the vague and imperfect notices that
can be gleaned, respecting the Aztec tribunals, from
the hieroglyphical paintings still preserved, and from
the most accredited Spanish writers. These, being
usually ecclesiastics, have taken much less interest
In this arrangement of the more ''* Botuvini, Idea, p. 87. Tor-
hiimble magistrates we are remind- quemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 11,
ed of the Anglo-Saxon hundreds cap. 26.
and tithings, especially the lat- Zurita compares this body to the
ter, the members of which were Castilian cortes. It would seem,
to watch over the conduct of the however, according to him, to
families in their districts, and bring have consisted only of twelve
the offenders t,o justice. The hard principal judges, besides the king,
penalty of mutual responsibility Ilis meaning is somewhat doubt-
was not known to the Mexicans. ful. (Rapport, pp. 94, 101, 106.)
•^ Zurita, so temperate, usually, M. de Humboldt, in his account
in his language, remarks, that, in of the Aztec courts, has confound-
the capital, " Tribunals were insti- ed them with the Tezcucan. Comp.
tuted which might compare in their Vues des Cordilleres et Monumens
organization with the royal audi- des Peuples Indigenes do I'Amer-
ences of Castile." (Rapport, p. ique, (Paris, 1810,) p. 55, and
93.) His observations are chiefly Clavigero, Stor. del Messico, torn,
drawn from the Tezcucan courts, II. pp. 128, 129.
which, in their forms of procedure,
he says, were like the Aztec.
(Log. cit.)
Ch. II.] JUDICIAL SYSTEM. 31
in this subject, than in matters connected with
religion. They find some apology, certainly, in the
early destruction of most of the Indian paintings,
from which their information was, in part, to be
gathered.
On the whole, however, it must be inferred, that
the Aztecs were sufficiently civilized to evince a
solicitude for the rights both of property and of
persons. The law, authorizing an appeal to the
highest judicature in criminal matters only, shows
an attention to personal security, rendered the more
obligatory by the extreme severity of their penal
code, which would naturally have made them more
cautious of a wrong conviction. The existence of a
number of coordinate tribunals, without a central
one of supreme authority to control the whole, must
have given rise to very discordant interpretations of
the law in different districts. But this is an evil
which they shared in common with most of the
nations of Europe.
The provision for making the superior judges
wholly independent of the crown was worthy of
an enlightened people. It presented the strongest
barrier, that a mere constitution could afford, against
tyranny. It is not, indeed, to be supposed, that, in
a government otherwise so despotic, means could
not be found for influencing the magistrate. But
it was a great step to fence round his authority with
the sanction of the law ; and no one of the Aztec
monarch?, as far as I know, is accused of an attempt
to \iolate it.
32 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I.
To receive presents or a bribe, to be guilty of
collusion in any way with a suitor, was punished,
in a judge, with death. Who, or what tribunal,
decided as to his guilt, does not appear. In Tezcu-
co this was done by the rest of the court. But
the king presided over that body. The Tezcucan
prince, Nezahualpilli, who rarely tempered Justice
with mercy, put one judge to death for taking a
bribe, and another for determining suits in his own
house, — a capital offence, also, by law.^"'
The judges of the higher tribunals were main-
tained from the produce of a part of the crown
lands, reserved for this purpose. They, as well as
the supreme judge, held their offices for life. The
proceedings in the courts were conducted with de-
cency and order. The judges wore an appropriate
dress, and attended to business both parts of the
day, dining, always, for the sake of despatch, in an
apartment of the same building where they held
their session ; a method of proceeding much com-
mended by the Spanish chroniclers, to whom de-
spatch was not very familiar in their own tribunals.
Officers attended to preserve order, and others
summoned the parties, and produced them in court.
No counsel was employed ; the parties stated their
own case, and supported it by their witnesses. The
oath of the accused was also admitted in evideflce.
'•> " Ah ! si esta se repitiera iiota. — Zurita, Rapport,;). 102.
hoy, que bueno seria ! " exclaims Torquemada, Monarch Ind., ubi
Sahagun's Mexican editor. Hist, supra. — Ixtlil.\ochitl,Kist. Chich..
de Nueva EspaHa, torn. II. p. 301, MS., cap. 67.
Ch. II.] JUDICIAL SYSTEM. 53
The statement of the case, the testimony, and the
proceedings of the trial, were all set forth by a clerk,
in hieroglyphical paintings, and handed over to the
court. The paintings were executed with so much
accuracy, that, in all suits respecting real property,
they were allowed to be produced as good authority
in the Spanish tribunals, very long after the Con-
quest ; and a chair for their study and interpretation
was established at Mexico in 1553, which has long
since shared the fate of most other pro\isions for
learning in that unfortunate country. ^^
A capital sentence was indicated by a line traced
with an arrow across the portrait of the accused
In Tezcuco, where the king presided in the comt,
this, according to the national chronicler, was done
with extraordinary parade. His description, which
is of rather a poetical cast, I give in his own words.
" In the royal palace of Tezcuco was a court-yard,
on the opposite sides of which were two halls of
justice. In the principal one, called the ' tribu-
nal of God,' was a throne of pure gold, inlaid with
turquoises and other precious stones. On a stool,
in front, was placed a human skull, crowned with an
immense emerald, of a pyramidal form, and sur-
mounted by an aigrette of brilliant plumes and
precious stones. The skull was laid on a heap of
16 Zurita, Rapport, pp. 95, 100, Clavigero says, the accused
103. — Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva might free himself by oath; "II
Espafia, loc. cit. — Humboldt, reo poteva purgarsi col giuramen-
Vuesdes Cordilleres, pp. 55, 56. — to." (Stoi. del Messico, torn. H.
Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. p. 129.) What rogue, then, could
11 , cap. 25. ever have been convicted T
VOL. I. 5
34 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I.
military weapons, shields, quivers, bows, and ar-
rows. The walls were hung with tapestry, made
of the hair of different wild animals, of rich and
various colors, festooned by gold rings, and embroi-
dered with figures of birds and flowers. Above the
throne was a canopy of variegated plumage, from
the centre of which shot forth resplendent rays of
gold and jewels. The other tribunal, called ' the
King's,' was also surmounted by a gorgeous canopy
of feathers, on which were emblazoned the royal
arms. Here the sovereign gave public audience,
and communicated his despatches. But, when he
decided important causes, or confirmed a capital
sentence, he passed to the ' tribunal of God,' at-
tended by the fourteen great lords of the realm,
marshalled according to their rank. Then, putting
on his mitred crown, incrusted with precious stones,
and holding a golden arrow, by way of sceptre, in
his left hand, he laid his right upon the skull, and
pronounced judgment." ^^ All this looks rather fine
for a court of justice, it must be owned. But it is
certain, that the Tezcucans, as we shall see here-
after, possessed both the materials, and the skill
requisite to work them up in this manner. Had
they been a little further advanced in refinement,
one might well doubt their having the bad taste
to do so.
The laws of the Aztecs were registered, and ex-
i"' Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., bolical meaning, according to Bot
MS., cap. 36. iirini, Idea, p. 84.
These various objects had a .sym-
Ch. II.] LAWS AND REVENUES. 35
hibited to the people, in their hierogljphical paint-
ings. Much the larger part of them, as in every
nation imperfectly civilized, relates rather to the
security of persons, than of property. The great
crimes against society were all made capital. Even
the murder of a slave was punished with death.
Adulterers, as among the Jews, were stoned to death.
Thieving, according to the degree of the offence, was
punished by slavery or death. Yet the Mexicans
could have been under no great apprehension of this
crime, since the entrances to their dwellings were
not secured by bolts, or fastenings of any kind. It
was a capital offence to remove the boundaries of
another's lands; to alter the established measures;
and for a guardian not to be able to give a good
account of his ward's property. These regulations
evince a regard for equity in dealings, and for pri-
vate rights, which argues a considerable progress
in civilization. Prodigals, who squandered their
patrimony, were punished in like manner ; a severe
sentence, since the crime brought its adequate pun-
ishment along with it. Intemperance, which was
the burden, moreover, of their religious homilies,
was visited with the severest penalties ; as if they
had foreseen in it the consuming canker of their
own, as well as of the other Indian races in later
times. It was punished in the young with death,
and in older persons with loss of rank and confisca-
tion of property. Yet a decent conviviality was not
meant to be proscribed at their festivals, and they
possessed the means of indulging it, in a mild fer-
36 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I.
merited liquor, called pulque, which is still popular,
not only with the Indian, but the European popula-
tion of the country. ^"^
The rites of marriage were celebrated with as
nmch formality as in any Christian country ; and
the institution was held in such reverence, that a
tribunal was instituted for the sole purpose of de-
termining questions relating to it. Divorces could
not be obtained, until authorized by a sentence of
this court, after a patient hearing of the parties.
But the most remarkable part of the Aztec code
was that relating to slavery. There were several
descriptions of slaves : prisoners taken in war, who
were almost always reserved for the dreadful doom
of sacrifice ; criminals, public debtors, persons who,
from extreme poverty, voluntarily resigned their
freedom, and children who were sold by their own
parents. In the last instance, usually occasioned
also by poverty, it was common for the parents,
with the master's consent, to substitute others of
18 Paintings of the Mendoza Col- 112.) Mons. Ternaux's traiisla-
lection, PI. 72, and Interpretation, tion of a passage of the Anony-
ap. Anliq. of Mexico, vol. VI. p. mous Conqueror, " aucun peuple
Vl. — Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., n'est aussi sobre,'' (Recueil de
_b. 12, cap. 7. — Clavigero, Stor. Pieces Relatives a la Conquete du
del Messico, torn. II. pp. 130- Mexique, ap. Voyages, &c., (Paris,
134. — Camargo, Hist, de Tlasca- 1838,) p. 54,) may give a more fa-
la, MS. vorable impression, however, than
They could scarcely have been thatintendedby his original, whose
an intemperate people, with these remark is confined to abstemious-
heavy penalties hanging over them, ness in eating. See the Relatione,
Indeed, Zurita bears testimony tliat ap. Ramusio, Raccolta delle Navi-
those Spaniards, who tlioiiglit they gationi et Viaggi. (Venetia, 1554
were, greatly erred. (Rapport, p. - 1565.)
Ch. II.] LAWS AND REVENUES. 37
their children successively, as they grew up ; thus
distributing the burden, as equally as possible,
among the different members of the family. The
willingness of freemen to incur the penalties of this
condition is explained by the mild form in which
it existed. The contract of sale was executed in
the presence of at least four witnesses. The ser-
vices to be exacted were limited with great precis-
ion. The slave was allowed to have his own family,
to hold property, and even other slaves. His chil-
dren were free. No one could be born to slavery in
Mexico ; ^^ an honorable distinction, not known, I
believe, in any civilized community where slavery
has been sanctioned.^" Slaves were not sold by
their masters, unless when these were driven to it
by poverty. They were often liberated by them at
their death, and sometimes, as there was no natural
repugnance founded on difference of blood and race,
were married to them. Yet a refractory or vicious
slave might be led into the market, with a collar
round his neck, which intimated his bad character.
'9 In Ancient Egypt the child of so cheap in the eye of the Mex-
a slave was born free, if the father ican law, that one might kill
were free. (Diodorus, Bibl. Hist., them with impunity. (History of
lib. 1, sec. 80.) This, though America, (ed. London, 1776,) vol.
more liberal than the code of most IH. p. 164.) This, however, was
countries, fell short of the Mexi- not in Mexico, but in Nicaragua,
can. (see his own authority, Herrera,
20 In Egypt the same penalty Hist. General, dec. 3, lib. 4, cap.
was attached to the murder of a 2,) a distant country, not incorpo-
slave, as to that of a freeman, rated in the Mexican empire, and
(Ibid., lib. 1, sec. 77.) Robertson with laws and institutions very
speaks of a c^ass of slaves held different from those of the latter.
58 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I.
and there be publicly sold, and, on a second sale,
reserved for sacrifice.^^
Such are some of the most striking features of
the Aztec code, to which the Tezcucan bore great
resemblance/''' With some exceptions, it is stamped
with the severity, the ferocity, indeed, of a rude peo-
ple, hardened by familiarity with scenes of blood,
and relying on physical, instead of moral means, for
the correction of evil."" Still, it evinces a profound
respect for the great principles of morality, and as
clear a perception of these principles as is to be
found in the most cultivated nations.
The royal revenues were derived from various
sources. The crown lands, which appear to have
been extensive, made their returns in kind. The
places in the neighbourhood of the capital were
bound to supply workmen and materials for build-
ing the king's palaces, and keeping them in re-
pair. They were also to furnish fuel, provisions,
and whatever was necessary for his ordinary domes-
tic expenditure, which was certainly on no stinted
scale. ^' The principal cities, which had numerous
21 Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., Mexican, in the latter days of the
lib. 12, cap. 15; lib. 14, cap. 16, empire. Zurita, Rapport, p. 95.
17. — Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva 23 Jn this, at least, they did not
EspaiTa, lib. 8, cap. 14. — Clavi- resemble the Romans; of whom
pero, Stor. del Messico, torn. II. their countryman could boast,
pp. 134- 136. " Gloriari licet, nulli gentium mi-
^ Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., tiores placuisse poenas." Livy,
MS.,cap. 38, andRelaciones, MS. Hist., lib. 1, cap. 28.
The Tezcucan code, indeed, as ^4 Xhe Tezcucan revenues were,
digested under the great Nezahu- in like manner, paid in the prod-
alcoyoil, formed the basis of the uce of the country. The various
CK. II.]
LAWS AND REVENUES.
39
villages and a large territory dependent on them,
were distributed into districts, with each a share of
the lands allotted to it, for its support. The inhab-
itants paid a stipulated part of the produce to the
crown. The vassals of the great chiefs, also, paid a
portion of their earnings into the public treasury ;
an arrangement not at all in the spirit of the feudal
institutions.^'
In addition to this tax on all the agricultural
produce of the kingdom, there was another on its
manufactures. The nature and variety of the trib-
utes will be best shown by an enumeration of some
of the principal articles. These wer-^ cotton dresses,
and mantles of featherwork exquisit el y made ; orna-
mented armor ; vases and plates of gold ; gold dust,
bands and bracelets ; crystal, gilt, and varnished jars
branches of the royal expenditure
were defrayed by specified towns
and districts ; and the whole ar-
rangements here, and in Mexico,
bore a remarkable resemblance to
the financial regulations of the
Persian empire, as reported by the
Greek writers; (see Herodotus,
Clio, sec. 192 ; ) with this differ-
ence, however, that the towns of
Persia proper were not burdened
with tributes, like the conquered
cities. Idem, Thalia, sec. 97.
25 Lorenzana, Hist, de Nueva
Espaiia, p. 172. — Torquemada,
Monarch. Ind., lib. 2, cap. 89;
lib. 14, cap. 7. — Boturini, Idea,
p. 166. — Camargo, Hist, de Tlas-
cala, MS. — Herrera, Hist. Gen-
eral, dec. 2, lib. 7, cap. 13.
The people of the provinces
were distributed into calpulli or
tribes, who held the lands of the
neighbourhood in common. Offi-
cers of their own appointment par-
celled out these lands among the
several families of the calpulli :
and, on the extinction or removal
of a family, its lands reverted to
the common stock, to be again
distributed. The individual pro-
prietor had no power to alienate
them. The laws regulating these
matters were very precise, ami
had existed ever since the occupa-
tion of the country by the Aztec.-i.
Zurita, Rapport, pp. 51-62.
40
AZTEC CIVILIZATION.
[Book i.
and goblets ; bells, arms, and utensils of copper ;
reams of paper ; grain, fruits, copal, amber, cochi-
neal, cacao, wild animals and birds, timber, lime,
mats, &c.^^ In this curious medley of the most
homely commodities, and the elegant superfluities
of luxury, it is singular that no mention should
be made of silver, the great staple of the country
in later times, and the use of which was certainly
known to the Aztecs. ^^
26 The following items of the
tribute furnished by different cities
will give a more precise idea of
its nature : — 20 chests of ground
chocolate ; 40 pieces of armor,
of a par^.icular device ; 2400 loads
of large mantles, of twisted cloth ;
800 loads of small mantles, of rich
wearing apparel ; 5 pieces of ar-
mor, of rich feathers ; 60 pieces
of armor, of common feathers ;
a chest of beans ; a chest of cliian ;
a chest of maize ; 8000 reams of
paper ; likewise 2000 loaves of
very white salt, refined in the
shape of a mould, for the con-
sumption only of the lords of Mex-
ico ; 8000 lumps of unrefined co-
pal ; 400 small baskets of white
refined copal ; 100 copper axes ;
80 loads of red chocolate ; 800
Acaras, out of which they drank
chocolate ; a little vessel of small
turquoise stones ; 4 chests of tim-
ber, full of maize ; 4000 loads of
lime ; tiles of gold, of the size of
an oyster, and as ihick as the fin-
ger ; 40 bags of cochineal ; 20
bags of gold dust, of the finest
quality ; a diadem of gold, of a
specified pattern ; 20 lip-jewels
of clear amber, ornamented with
gold ; 200 loads of chocolate ;
100 pots or jars of liquid-amber ;
8000 handfuls of rich scarlet
feathers ; 40 tiger-skins ; 1600
bundles of cotton, &c., &c. Col.
de Mendoza, part 2, ap. Antiq.
of Mexico, vols. I., VI.
-^ Mapa de Tributes, ap. Lo-
renzana. Hist, de Nueva Espafia.
— Tribute-roll, ap. Antiq. of Mex-
ico, vol. I., and Interpretation, vol.
VI., pp. 17-44.
The Mendoza Collection, in the
Bodleian Library at Oxford, con-
tains a roll of the cities of the
Mexican empire, with the specific
tributes exacted from them. It is
a copy made after the Conquest,
with a pen, on European paper
(See Foreign Quarterly Review,
No. XVII. Art. 4.) An original
painting of the same roll was in
Boturini's museum. Ijorenzana
has given us engravings of it, in
which the outlines of the Oxford
copy aio filled up, though some-
Ch. II.] LAWS AND REVENUES. 41
Garrisons were established in the larger cities, —
probably those at a distance, and recently conquered,
— to keep down revolt, and to enforce the payment
of the tribute. ^^ Tax-gatherers were also distrib-
uted throughout the kingdom, who were recognised
by their official badges, and dreaded from the mer-
ciless rigor of their exactions. By a stern law,
every defaulter was liable to be taken and sold as
a slave. In the capital were spacious granaries
and warehouses for the reception of the tributes.
A receiver-general was quartered in the palace, who
rendered in an exact account of the various con-
tributions, and watched over the conduct of the
inferior agents, in whom the least malversation was
summarily punished. This functionary was fur-
nished with a map of the whole empire, with a
minute specification of the imposts assessed on every
part of it. These imposts, moderate under the reigns
of the early princes, became so burdensome under
those at the close of the dynasty, being rendered still
more oppressive by the manner of collection, that
what rudely. Clavigero considers ^8 Xhe caciques, who submitted
the explanations in Lorenzana's to the allied arms, were usually
edition very inaccurate, (Stor. del confirmed in their authority, and
Messico, torn. I. p. 25,) a judg- the conquered places allowed to
ment confirmed by Aglio, who has retain their laws and usages. (Zu-
transcribed the entire collection of rita, Rapport, p. 67.) The con-
the Mendoza papers, in the first quests were not always partitioned,
volume of the Antiquities of Mex- but sometimes, singularly enough,
ico. It would have much facili- were held in common by the three
tated reference to his plates, if powers. Ibid., p. 11.
they had been numbered ; — a
strange omission !
VOL. I. 6
42 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I.
they bred disaffection throughout the land, and pre
pared the way for its conquest by the Spaniards.^^
Communication was maintained with the remotest
parts of the country by means of couriers. Post-
houses were estabHshed on the great roads, about
two leagues distant from each other. The courier,
bearing his despatches in the form of a hieroglyphi-
cal painting, ran with them to the first station, where
they were taken by another messenger and earned
forward to the next, and so on till they reached the
capital. These couriers, trained from childhood,
travelled with incredible swiftness ; not four or five
leagues an hour, as an old chronicler would make
us believe, but with such speed that despatches
were carried from one to two hundred miles a day.^
Fresh fish was frequently served at Montezuma's
table in twenty-four hours from the time it had
been taken in the Gulf of Mexico, two hundred
miles from the capital. In this way intelligence
29 Collec. of Mendoza, ap. An- Indian of his party travelled a
tiq. of Mexico, vol. VI. p. 17. — hundred miles in four and twenty
Carta de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, hours. (Travels in N. America,
Hist, de Nueva Espana, p. 110. (New York, 1839,) vol. I. p. 193.)
— Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., The Greek, who, according to
lib. 14, cap. 6, 8. — Herrera, Hist. Plutarch, brought the news of
General, dec. 2, lib. 7, cap. 13. — victory to Platsea, a hundred and
Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Espana, twenty-five miles, in a day, was a
lib. 8, cap. 18, 19. better traveller still. Some inter-
s'* The Hon. C. A. Murray, esting facts on the pedestrian capa-
vhose imperturbable good-humor bilities of man in the savage state
under real troubles forms a con- are collected by Buffon, who con-
trast, rather striking, to the sensi- eludes, truly enough, " L'homme
tiveness of some of his predeces- civilise ne connait pas ses forces."
sors to imaginary ones, tells us, (Histoire Naturelle ; De la Jeu-
among other marvels, that an nesse.)
Ch. ii] military institutions. 4^
of the movements of the royal armies was rapidly
brought to court ; and the dress of the courier, de-
noting by its color that of his tidings, spread joy
or consternation in the towns through which he
passed.^^
But the great aim of the Aztec institutions, to
which private discipline and public honors were
alike directed, was the profession of arms. In
Mexico, as in Egypt, the soldier shared with the
priest the highest consideration. The king, as we
have seen, must be an experienced warrior. The
tutelary deity of the Aztecs was the god of war. A
great object of their military expeditions was, to gath-
er hecatombs of captives for his altars. The sol-
dier, who fell in battle, was transported at once to
the region of ineffable bliss in the bright mansions of
the Sun.^^ Every war, therefore, became a crusade ;
and the warrior, animated by a religious enthusiasm,
like that of the early Saracen, or the Christian cru-
31 Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., Marco Polo. Their stations were
lib. 14, cap. 1. only three miles apart, and they
The same wants led to the same accomplished five days' journey in
expedients in ancient Rome, and one. (Viaggi di Marco Polo, lib.
still more ancient Persia. " Noth- 2, cap. 20, ap. Ramusio, torn. II.)
ing in the world is borne so swift- A similar arrangement for posts
ly," says Herodotus, " as mes- subsists there at the present day,
sages by the Persian couriers " ; and excites the admiration of a
which his commentator, Valcke- modern traveller. (Anderson, Brit-
naer, prudently qualifies by the ish Embassy to China, (London,
exception of the carrier pigeon. 1796,) p. 282.) In all these cases,
(Herodotus, Hist., Urania, sec. 98, the posts were for the use of gov-
nec non Adnot. ed. Schweighau- ernment only,
ser.) Couriers are noticed, in the ^^ Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva
thirteenth century, in China, by Espana, lib. 3, Apend., cap. 3.
44. AZTEC CIVILIZATION [Book I.
sader, was not only raised to a contempt of danger,
but courted it, for the imperishable crown of mar-
tyrdom. Thus we find the same impulse acting in
the most opposite quarters of the globe, and the
Asiatic, the European, and the American, each
earnestly invoking the holy name of religion in the
perpetration of human butchery.
The question of war was discussed in a council
of the king and his chief nobles. Ambassadors
were sent, previously to its declaration, to require
the hostile state to receive the Mexican gods, and to
pay the customary tribute. The persons of ambas-
sadors were held sacred throughout Anahuac. They
were lodged and entertained in the great towns at
the public charge, and were everywhere received
with courtesy, so long as they did not deviate from
the highroads on their route. When they did,
they forfeited their privileges. If the embassy
proved unsuccessful, a defiance, or open declaration
of war, was sent ; quotas were drawn from the
conquered provinces, which were always subjected
to military service, as well as the payment of taxes ;
and the royal army, usually with the monarch at its
head, began its march.*^
The Aztec princes made use of the incentives
employed by European monarchs to excite the am-
bition of their followers. They established various
33 Zurita, Rapport, pp. 68, 120. The reader will find a remark-
— Col. of Mendoza, ap. Antiq. of able resemblance to these military
Mexico, vol. I. PI. 67 ; vol. VI. usages, in those of the early Ro-
p. 74. — Torquemada, Monarch, mans. Comp. Liv., Hist., lib. 1,
End., lib. 14, cap. 1. cap. 32 ; lib. 4, cap. 30, et alibi
ch. ii] military institutions. 45
military orders, each having its privileges and pecu-
liar insignia. There seems, also, to have existed a
sort of knighthood, of inferior degree. It was the
cheapest reward of martial prowess, and whoever
had not reached it was excluded from using orna-
ments on his arms or his person, and obliged to
wear a coarse white stuff, made from the threads
of the aloe, called nequen. Even the members of
the royal family were not excepted from this law,
which reminds one of the occasional practice of
Christian knights, to wear plain armor, or shields
without device, till they had achieved some doughty
feat of chivalry. Although the military orders were
thrown open to all, it is probable that they were
chiefly filled with persons of rank, who, by their
previous training and connexions, were able to
come into the field under peculiar advantages.^
The dress of the higher warriors was picturesque
and often magnificent. Their bodies were covered
with a close vest of quilted cotton, so thick as to be
impenetrable to the light missiles of Indian warfare.
This garment was so light and serviceable, that it
was adopted by the Spaniards. The wealthier
chiefs sometimes wore, instead of this cotton mail,
a cuirass made of thin plates of gold, or silver. Over
it was thrown a surcoat of the gorgeous feather-
work in which they excelled.^^ Their helmets
^ Ibid., lib. 14, cap. 4, 5. 33 "Their mail, if mail it may be called.
Acosta, lib. 6, ch. 26. — CoUec. nr^'^Tr", ,-., « t«.
Of vegetable down, like finest flax,
of Mendoza,ap. Antiq. of Mexico, Bleached to the whiteness of new-
vol. I. PI. 65 ; vol. VI. p. 72. — fallen snow.
Camargo, Hist, de TIascala, MS.
46 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I.
were sometimes of wood, fashioned like the heads
of wild animals, and sometimes of silver, on the
top of which waved a panache of variegated plumes,
sprinkled with precious stones and ornaments of
gold. They wore also collars, bracelets, and ear-
rings, of the same rich materials.^^
Their armies were divided into bodies of eight
thousand men ; and these, again, into companies of
three or four hundred, each with its own comman-
der. The national standard, which has been com-
pared to the ancient Roman, displayed, in its em-
broidery of gold and feather-work, the armorial en-
signs of the state. These were significant of its
name, which, as the names of both persons and
places were borrowed from some material object,
was easily expressed by hieroglyphical symbols.
The companies and the great chiefs had also their
appropriate banners and devices, and the gaudy hues
of their many-colored plumes gave a dazzling splen-
dor to the spectacle.
Their tactics were such as belong to a nation,
with whom war, though a trade, is not elevated to
the rank of a science. They advanced singing, and
Others, of higher office, were arrayed doubt, however, ihc propriety of
In feathery breastplates, of more gorgeous ., tut i , , ^ i_ /■ .i_
jijjg ^ " the Welshman s vaunt, before the
Than the gay plumage of the mountain- use of fire-arms.
cock, 36 Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva
Than the pheasant's glittering pride. But j, -^ jjj,_ g ^ ^^ g
what were these, tS
Or what the thin gold hauberk, when op- cap. 12. — Relatione d' un gentil'
posed huomo, ap. Ramusio, tom. III.
To arms like ours in^battle , >■ ^^^^ ^ p. 3^5. _Torquemada, Monarch.
Beautiful painting! One may Ind-, "bi supra.
Ch. II.] MILITARY INSTITUTIONS. 47
shouting their war-cries, briskly charging the enemy,
as rapidly retreating, and making use of ambuscades,
sudden surprises, and the light skirmish of guerilla
warfare. Yet their discipline was such as to draw
forth the encomiums of the Spanish conquerors.
" A beautiful sight it was," says one of them, " to
see them set out on their march, all moving forward
so gayly, and in so admirable order ! " ^'^ In battle,
they did not seek to kill their enemies, so much as
to take them prisoners ; and they never scalped, like
other North American tribes. The valor of a war-
rior was estimated by the number of his prisoners ;
and no ransom was large enough to save the devoted
captive.^
Their military code bore the same stern features as
their other laws. Disobedience of orders was pun-
ished with death. It was death, also, for a soldier
to leave his colors, to attack the enemy before the
signal was given, or to plunder another's booty or
prisoners. One of the last Tezcucan princes, in the
spirit of an ancient Roman, put two sons to death,—
^7 Relatione d'un gentil' huomo, The Father of History gives an
ubi supra. account of it among the Scythians,
38 Col. of Mendoza, ap. Antiq. showing that they performed the
of Mexico, vol. I. PI. 65, 66 ; vol. operation, and wore the hideous
VI. p. 73. — Sahagun, Hist, de trophy, in the same manner as our
Nueva Espaua, lib. 8, cap. 12. — North American Indians. (Hero-
Toribio, Hist, de los Indios, MS., dot., Hist., Melpomene, sec. 64.)
Parte I. cap. 7. — Torquemada, Traces of the same savage custom
Monarch. Ind., lib. 14, cap. 3. — are also found in the laws of the
Relatione d'un gentil' huomo, ap. Visigoths, among the Franks, and
Ramusio, loc. cit. even the Anglo-Saxons. See Gui-
Scalping may claim high au- zot, Cours d'Histoire Modeme,
thority, or, at least, antiquity. (Paris, 1829,) torn. I. p. 283.
48 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I
after having cured their wounds, — for violating the
last-mentioned law.'^^
I must not omit to notice here an institution,
the introduction of which, in the Old World, is
ranked among the beneficent fruits of Christianity.
Hospitals were established in the principal cities, for
the cure of the sick, and the permanent refuge of
.he disabled soldier ; and surgeons were placed over
them, "who were so far better than those in Eu-
rope," says an old chronicler, " that they did not
protract the cure, in order to increase the pay."^°
Such is the brief outline of the civil and military
polity of the ancient Mexicans ; less perfect than
could be desired, in regard to the former, from the
imperfection of the sources whence it is drawn.
Whoever has had occasion to explore the early his-
tory of modern Europe has found how vague and
unsatisfactory is the political information which can
be gleaned from the gossip of monkish annalists.
How much is the difficulty increased in the present
instance, where this information, first recorded in
the dubious language of hieroglyphics, was inter-
preted in another language, with which the Spanish
chroniclers were imperfectly acquainted, while it
related to institutions of which their past expe-
rience enabled them to form no adequate conception !
Amidst such uncertain lights, it is in vain to expect
nice accuracy of detail. All that can be done is, to
39 Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., lib. 12, cap. 6 ; lib. 14, cap. 3, —
MS., cap. 07. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS.,
*> Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., cap. 86.
Ch. II.J
AZTEC CIVILIZATION.
49
attempt an outline of the more prominent features,
that a correct impression, so far as it goes, may be
produced on the mind of the reader.
Enough has been said, however, to show that the
Aztec and Tezcucan races were advanced in civiH-
zation very far beyond the wandering tribes of North
America."*' The degree of civilization which they
had reached, as inferred by their political institu-
tions, may be considered, perhaps, not much short
of that enjoyed by our Saxon ancestors, under
Alfred. In respect to the nature of it, they may bo
4^ Zurita is indignant at the ep-
ithet of barbarians bestowed on
the Aztecs ; an epithet, he says,
" which could come from no one
who had personal knowledge of
the capacity of the people, or their
institutions, and which, Ir. some re-
spects, is quite as well merited by
the European nations." (Rapport,
p. 200, et seq.) This is strong
language. Yet no one had better
means of knowing than this emi-
nent jurist, who, for nineteen years,
held a post in the royal audiences
of New Spain. During his long res-
idence in the country he had ample
opportunity of acquainting himself
with its usages, both through his
own personal observation and in-
tercourse with the natives, and
through the first missionaries who
came over after the Conquest. On
his return to Spain, probably about
1560, he occupied himself with an
answer to queries which had been
propounded by the government,
on the character of the Aztec laws
VOL. I. 7
and institutions, and on that of the
modifications introduced by the
Spaniards. Much of his treatise is
taken up with the latter subject.
In what relates to the former he
is more brief than could be wished,
from the difficulty, perhaps, of ob-
taining full and satisfactory infor-
mation as to the details. As far
as he goes, however, he manifests-
a sound and discriminating judg-
ment. He Ls very rarely betrayed
into the extravagance of expression
so visible in the writers of the
time ; and this temperance, com-
bined with his uncommon sources
of information, makes his work
one of highest authority on the
limited topics within its range. —
The original manuscript was con-
sulted by Clavigero, and, indeed,
has been used by other writers.
The work is now accessible to all,
as one of (he series of translations
from the pen of the indefatigable
Ternaux.
60 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book 1.
better compared with the Egyptians ; and the ex-
amination of their social relations and culture may
suggest still stronger points of resemblance to that
ancient people.
Those familiar with the modern Mexicans will
hnd it difficult to conceive that the nation should ever
have been capable of devising the enlightened polity
which we have been considering. But they should
remember that in the Mexicans of our day they see
only a conquered race ; as different from their an-
cestors as are the modern Egyptians from those who
built, — I will not say, the tasteless pyramids, —
but the temples and palaces, whose magnificent
wrecks strew the borders of the Nile, at Luxor and
Karnac. The difference is not so great as between
the ancient Greek, and his degenerate descendant,
lounging among the master-pieces of art which he
has scarcely taste enough to admire, — speaking
the language of those still more imperishable monu-
ments of literature which he has hardly capacity to
comprehend. Yet he breathes the same atmosphere,
is warmed by the same sun, nourished by the same
scenes, as those who fell at Marathon, and won
the trophies of Olympic Pisa. The same blood
flows in his veins that flowed in theirs. But ages of
tyranny have passed over him ; he belongs to a con-
quered race.
The American Indian has something peculiarly
sensitive in his nature. He shrinks instinctively
from the rude touch of a foreign hand. Even when
this foreign influence comes in the form of civiliza-
Ch. II.] torquemada. 51
tion, he seems to sink and pine away beneath it.
It has been so with the Mexicans. Under the
Spanish domination, their numbers have silently
melted away. Their energies are broken. They
no longer tread their mountain plains with the con-
scious independence of their ancestors. In their
faltering step, and meek and melancholy aspect, we
read the sad characters of the conquered race. The
cause of humanity, indeed, has gained. They live
under a better system of laws, a more assured tran-
quillity, a purer faith. But all does not avail.
Their civilization was of the hardy character which
belongs to the wilderness. The fierce virtues of
the Aztec were all his own. They refused to submit
to European culture, — to be engrafted on a foreign
stock. His outward form, his complexion, his lin-
eaments, are substantially the same. But the moral
characteristics of the nation, all that constituted its
individuality as a race, are effaced for ever.
Two of the principal authorities for this Chapter are Torquemada
and Clavigero. The former, a Provincial of the Franciscan order,
came to the New World about the middle of the sixteenth century.
As the generation of the Conquerors had not then passed away, he
had ample opportunities of gathering the particulars of their enterprise
from their own lips. Fifty years, during which he continued in the
country, put him in possession of the traditions and usages of the
natives, and enabled him to collect their history from the earliest
missionaries, as well as from such monuments as the fanaticism of his
own countrymen had not then destroyed. From these ample sources
he compiled his bulky tomes, beginning, after the approved fashion of
the ancient Castilian chroniclers, with the creation of the world, and
embracing the whole circle of the Mexican institutions, political, reli-
gious, and social, from the earliest period to his own time. In handling
52 CLAVIGERO. [Book I.
these fruitful themes, the worthy father has shown a full measure of
the bigotry which belonged to his order at that period. Every page,
too, is loaded with illustrations from Scripture or profane history, which
form a whimsical contrast to the barbaric staple of his story ; and he
has sometimes fallen into serious errors, from his misconception of the
chronological system of the Aztecs. But, notwithstanding these glaring
defects in the composition of the work, the student, aware of his au-
thor's infirmities, will find few better guides than Torquemada in tracing
the stream of historic truth up to the fountain head ; such is his man-
ifest integrity, and so great were his facilities for information on the
most curious points of Mexican antiquity. No work, accordingly,
has been more largely consulted and copied, even by some, who, like
Herrera, have affected to set little value on the sources whence its
information was drawn. — (Hist. General, dec. 6, lib. 6, cap. 19.)
The Monarchia Indiana was first published at Seville, 1615, (Nic.
Antonio, Bibliotheca Nova, (Matriti, 1783,) tom. II. p. 787,) and
since, in a better style, in three volumes folio, at Madrid, in 1723.
The other authority, frequently cited in the preceding pages, is the
Abbe Clavigero's Storia Antica del Messico. It was originally printed
towards the close of the last century, in the Italian language, and in
Italy, whither the author, a native of Vera Cruz, and a member of the
order of the Jesuits, had retired, on the expulsion of that body from
America, in 1767. During a residence of thirty-five years in his own
country, Clavigero had made himself intimately acquainted with its
antiquities, by the careful examination of paintings, manuscripts, and
such other remains as were to be found in his day. The plan of his
work is nearly as comprehensive as that of his predecessor, Torque-
mada; but the later and more cultivated period, in which he wrote,
is visible in the superior address with which he has managed his
complicated subject. In the elaborate disquisitions in his concluding
volume, he has done much to rectify the chronology, and the various
inaccuracies of preceding writers. Indeed, an avowed object of his
work was, to vindicate his countrymen from what he conceived to be
the misrepresentations of Robertson, Raynal, and De Pau. In regard
to the last two, he was perfectly successful. Such an ostensible de-
sign might naturally suggest unfavorable ideas of his impartiality. But,
on the whole, he seems to have conducted the discussion with good
feith ; and, if he has been led by national zeal to overcharge the pic
ture with brilliant colors, he will be found much more temperate,
on this score, than those who preceded him, while he has applied
sound principles of criticism, of which they were incapable. In a
word, the diligence of his researches has gathered into one focus the
aeattered lights of tradition and antiquarian lore, purified in a great
ch. ii] clavigero. 53
measure from the mists of superstition which obscure the best produc-
tions of an earlier period. From these causes, the work, notwithstand-
ing its occasional prolixity, and the disagreeable aspect given to it by
the profusion of uncouth names in the Mexican orthography, which
bristle over every page, has found merited favor with the public, and
created something like a popular interest in the subject. Soon after
its publication at Cesena, in 1780, it was translated into English, and
more lately, into Spanish and German.
CHAPTER III.
Mexican Mythology. — The Sacerdotal Order. — The Temples.
— Human Sacrifices.
The civil polity of the Atzecs is so closely blended
with their religion, that, without understanding the
latter, it is impossible to form correct ideas of their
government or their social institutions. I shall pass
over, for the present, some remarkable traditions,
bearing a singular resemblance to those found in the
Scriptures, and endeavour to give a brief sketch of
their mythology, and their careful provisions for
maintaining a national worship.
Mythology may be regarded as the poetry of re-
ligion, — or rather as the poetic development of the
religious principle in a primitive age. It is the
effort of untutored man to explain the mysteries of
existence, and the secret agencies by which the
operations of nature are conducted. Although the
growth of similar conditions of society, its character
must vary with that of the rude tribes in which it
originates ; and the ferocious Goth, quaffing mead
from the skulls of his slaughtered enemies, must
have a very different mythology from that of the
effeminate native of Hispaniola, loitering away his
hours in idle pastimes, under the shadow of his ba-
nanas.
Ch. III.] MEXICAN MYTHOLOGY. 55
At a later and more refined period, we sometimes
find these primitive legends combined into a regular
system under the hands of the poet, and the rude
outline moulded into forms of ideal beauty, which
are the objects of adoration in a credulous age, and
the delight of all succeeding ones. Such were the
beautiful inventions of Hesiod and Homer, " who,"
says the Father of History, " created the theogony of
the Greeks " ; an assertion not to be taken too liter-
ally, since it is hardly possible that any man should
create a religious system for his nation.' They only
filled up the shadowy outlines of tradition with the
bright touches of their own imaginations, until the}
had clothed them in beauty which kindled the imagi-
nations of others. The power of the poet, indeed,
may be felt in a similar way in a much riper period
of society. To say nothing of the " Divina Corn-
media," who is there that rises from the perusal of
" Paradise Lost," without feeling his own concep-
tions of the angelic hierarchy quickened by those of
the inspired artist, and a new and sensible form, as
it were, given to images which had before floated
dim and undefined before him ?
The last-mentioned period is succeeded by that
of philosophy ; which, disclaiming ahke the legends
of the primitive age, and the poetical embellish -
1 woinv»*rts dtaywiJit "Exxti^i. He- supplied the numerous gods that
rodotus, Euterpe, sec. 53. — Hee- fill her Pantheon." Historical Ke-
ren hazards a remark equally searches, Eng. trans., (Oxford,
strong, respecting the epic poets 1833,) vol. HI. p. 139.
of India, " who," says he, " have
56 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book i.
ments of the succeeding one, seeks to shelter itself
from the charge of impiety by giving an allegorical
interpretation to the popular mythology, and thus
to reconcile the latter with the genuine deductions
of science.
The Mexican religion had emerged from the first
of the periods we have been considering, and, al-
though little affected by poetical influences, had
received a peculiar complexion from the priests, who
had digested as thorough and burdensome a cere-
monial, as ever existed in any nation. They had,
moreover, thrown the veil of allegory over early
tradition, and invested their deities with attributes,
savoring much more of the grotesque conceptions
of the eastern nations in the Old World, than of the
lighter fictions of Greek mythology, in which the
features of humanity, however exaggerated, were
never wholly abandoned.-
In contemplating the religious system of the Az-
tecs, one is struck with its apparent incongruity,
as if some portion of it had emanated from a com-
paratively refined people, open to gentle influences,
while the rest breathes a spirit of unmitigated fe-
rocity. It naturally suggests the idea of two dis
tinct sources, and authorizes the belief that the Az
2 The Hon. MountstuartElphin- philosophic work suggests some
stone has fallen into a similar train curious points of resemblance to
of thought, in a comparison of the the Aztec religious institutions,
Hindoo and Greek Mythology, in that may furnish pertinent illustra-
his " History of India," published tions to the mind bent on tracing
since the remarks in the text were the aflinities of the Asiatic and
written. (See Book I. eh. 4.) American races.
The same chapter of this truly
Ch III.] MEXICAN MYTHOLOGY 57
tecs had inherited from their predecessors a milder
faith, on which was afterwards engrafted their own
mythology. The latter soon became dominant, and
gave its dark coloring to the creeds of the conquered
nations, — which the Mexicans, like the ancient
Romans, seem willingly to have incorporated into
their own, — until the same funereal superstition
settled over the farthest borders of Anahuac.
The Aztecs recognised the existence of a supreme
Creator and Lord of the universe. They addressed
him, in their prayers, as " the God by whom we
live," " omnipresent, that knoweth all thoughts, and
giveth all gifts," " without whom man is as noth-
ing," " invisible, incorporeal, one God, of perfect
perfection and purity," " under whose wings we find
repose and a sure defence." These sublime attri-
butes infer no inadequate conception of the true
God. But the idea of unity — of a being, with whom
volition is action, who has no need of inferior min-
isters to execute his purposes — was too simple, or
too vast, for their understandings ; and they sought
relief, as usual, in a plurality of deities, who presided
over the elements, the changes of the seasons, and
the various occupations of man.^ Of these, there
were thirteen principal deities, and more than two
hundred inferior ; to each of whom some special day,
or appropriate festival, was consecrated.'*
3 Fitter has well shown, by the Ancient Philosophy, Eng. trans.,
example of the Kindoo system, (Oxford, 1838,) book 2, ch. 1.
how the idea of unity suggests, of "* Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Es-
itself, that of plurahty. History of paiia, lib. 6, passim. — Acosta, lib
VOL. I. 8
58
AZTEC CIVILIZATION.
[Book 1.
At tlie head of all stood the terrible Huitzilo-
potchli, the Mexican Mars ; although it is doing in-
justice to the heroic war-god of antiquity to identify
him with this sanguinary monster. This was the
patron deity of the nation. His fantastic image
was loaded with costly ornaments. His temples
were the most stately and august of the public ed-
ifi^::j, and his altars reeked with the blood of hu-
man hecatombs in every city of the empire. Dis-
astrous, indeed, must have been the influence of
such a superstition on the character of the people.'^
5, ch. 9. — Boturini, Idea, p. 8, et
seq. — Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich.,
MS., cap. 1. — Camargo, Hist, de
Tlascala, MS.
The Mexicans, according to
Clavigero, believed in an evil Spir-
it, the enemy of the human race,
whose barbarous name signified
" Rational Owl." (Stor. del Mes-
sico, torn. H. p. 2.) The curate
Bernaldez speaks of the Devil be-
ing embroidered on the dresses of
Columbus's Indians, in the likeness
of an owl. (Historia de los Reyes
Catolicos, MS., cap. 131.) This
must not be confounded, however,
with the evil Spirit in the mytholo-
gy of the North American Indians,
(see Ileckewelder's Account, ap.
Transactions of the American
Philosophical Society, Philadel-
phia, vol. I. p. 205,) still less,
with the evil Principle of the Ori-
ental nations of the Old World.
It was only one among many dei-
ties, for evil was found too liberally
mingled in the natures of most of
the Aztec gods, — in the same
manner as with the Greek, — to
admit of its personification by any
one.
5 Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Es-
paiia, lib. 3, cap. 1, et seq. — Acos-
ta, lib. 5, ch. 9. — Torquemada,
Monarch. Ind., lib. 6, cap. 21. —
Boturini, Idea, pp. 27, 28.
Huitzilopotchli is compounded of
two words, signifying " humming-
bird," and "left," from his image
having the feathers of this bird on
its left foot ; (Clavigero, Stor. del
Messico, tom. II. p. 17 ;) an amia-
ble etymology for so ruffian a dei-
ty.— The fantastic forms of the
Mexican idols were in the highest
degree symbolical. See Gamas
learned exposition of the devices
on the statue of the goddess found
in the great square of Mexico.
(Descripcion de las Dos Piedras,
(Mexico, 1832,) Parte 1, pp. 34-
44.) The tradition respecting the
origin of this god, or, at least, his
appearance on earth, is curious
Ch III.]
MEXICAN MYTHOLOGY.
59
A far more interesting personage in their mvthol-
ogj was Quetzalcoatl, god of the air, a divinity
who, during his residence on earth, instructed the
natives in the use of metals, in agriculture, and in
the arts of government. He was one of those ben-
efactors of their species, doubtless, who have been
deified by the gratitude of jx)steritv. Under him,
the earth teemed with fruits and flowers, without
the pains of culture. An ear of Indian corn was as
much as a single man could carry. The cotton, as
it grew, took, of its own accord, the rich dves of
human art. The air was filled with intcxicatins:
perfumes and the sweet melody of birds. In short,
these were the halcyon days, which find a place
in the mythic systems of so many nations in the
Old World. It was the golden age of Anahuac.
He was bom of a womaa. His
mother, a devout person, one day,
in her attendance on the temple,
saw a ball of bright-colored feath-
ers floating in the air. She took
it, and deposited it in her bosom.
She soon after found herself preg-
nant, and the dread deity was bom,
coming into the world, like Miner-
va, all armed, — with a spear in
the right hand, a shield in the left,
and his head surmounted by a crest
of green plumes. (See Clavigero,
Stor. del Messico, tom. H. p. 19,
et seq.) A similar notion in re-
spect to the incarnation of their
principal deity existed among the
people of India beyond the Gan-
ges, of China, and of Thibet.
" Budh," says Milman, in his
leamed and luminous work on the
History of Christianity, " accord-
ing to a tradition known in the
West, was bom of a virgin. So
were the Fohi of China, and the
Schakaof of Thibet, no doubt the
same, whether a mythic or a real
personage. The Jesuits in China,
says Barrow, were appalled at
finding in the mythology of that
country the counterpart of the Vir-
go Deipara." (Vol. I. p. 99, note.)
The existence of similar religious
ideas in remote regions, inhabited
by different races, is an interesting
subject of study ; furnishing, as it
does, one of the most important
links in the great chain of commu-
nication which binds together the
distant families of nations.
60 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book 1
From some cause, not explained, Quetzalcoatl in-
curred the wrath of one of the principal gods, and
was compelled to abandon the country. On his
way, he stopped at the city of Cholula, where a
temple was dedicated to his worship, the massy ru-
ins of which still form one of the most interesting
relics of antiquity in Mexico. When he reached
the shores of the Mexican Gulf, he took leave of his
followers, promising that he and his descendants
would revisit them hereafter, and then, entering his
wizard skiff, made of serpents' skins, embarked on
the great ocean for the fabled land of Tlapallan.
He was said to have been tall in stature, with a
white skin, long, dark hair, and a flowing beard.
The Mexicans looked confidently to the return of
the benevolent deity ; and this remarkable tradition,
deeply cherished in their hearts, prepared the way,
as we shall see hereafter, for the future success of
the Spaniards.^
6 Codex Vaticamis, PI. 15, and za to identify this god with the
Codex Telleriano-Remensis, Part apostle Thomas, (Didymussignify-
2, PI. 2, ap. Antiq. of Mexico, ing also a twin,) who, he supposes,
vols. I., VI. — Sahagun, Hist, de came over to America to preach
Nueva Espafia, lib. 3, cap. 3, 4, 13, the gospel. In this rather start-
14. — Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., ling conjecture he is supported by
lib.6,cap. 24. — Ixtlilxochitl, Hist, several of his devout countrymen,
Chich., MS., cap. 1. — Gomara, who appear to have as little doubt
Cr6nica de la Nueva Espafia, cap. of the fact as of the advent of St.
222, ap. Barcia, Historiadores James, for a similar purpose, in
Primitivos de las Indias Occiden- the mother country. See the va-
tales, (Madrid, 1749,) tom. II. rious authorities and arguments
Quetzalcoatl signifies" feathered set forth with becoming gravity in
serpent." The last syllabic means, Dr. Mier's dissertation in Busta-
likewise, a "twin"; which fur- mante's edition of Sahagun, (lib. 3,
nishcd an argument for Dr. Siguen- Suplem.,) and Veytia, (tom. I.pp
Ch. Ill] MEXICAN MYTHOLOGY. 61
We have not space for further details respecting
the Mexican divinities, the attributes of many of
whom were carefully defined, as they descended, in
regular gradation, to the penates or household gods,
whose little images were to be found in the humblest
dwelling.
The Aztecs felt the curiosity, common to man
m almost every stage of civilization, to lift the veil
which covers the mysterious past, and the more
awful future. They sought relief, like the nations
of the Old Continent, from the oppressive idea of
eternity, by breaking it up into distinct cycles, or
periods of time, each of several thousand years' du-
ration. There were four of these cycles, and at the
end of each, by the agency of one of the elements,
the human family was SAvept from the earth, and
the sun blotted out from the heavens, to be again
rekindled.''
160-200.) Our ingenious coun- the key to llie calculations of the
tryman, McCulloh, carries the Az- former. (Vues des Cordilleres,
tec god up to a still more respectable pp. 202-212.) In truth, there
antiquity, by identifying him with seems to be a material discordance
the patriarch Noah. Research- in the Mexican statements, both
es, Philosophical and Antiquarian, in regard to the number of revo-
concerning the Aboriginal History lutions and their duration. A
of America, (Baltimore, 1829,) p. manuscript before me, of Ixtlilxo-
233. chitl, reduces them to three, before
■^ Cod. Yat., PI. 7-10, ap. Antiq. the present state of the world, and
of Mexico, vols. I., VI. — Ixtlilxo- allows only 4394 years for them ;
chitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 1. (Sumaria Relacion, MS., No. 1 ;)
M. de Humboldt has been at Gama, on the faith of an ancient
some pains to trace the analogy Indian MS., in Boturini's Cata-
between the Aztec cosmogony logue, (VIII. 13,) reduces the du-
and that of Eastern Asia. He ration still lower ; (Descripcion do
has tried, though in vain, to find las Dos Piedras, Parte 1, p. 49, et
a multiple which might serve as seq. ;) while the cycles of the Vat
B2 AZTEC CIVILIZATION.' [Book I
They imagined three separate states of existence
in the future life. The wicked, comprehending the
greater part of mankind, were to expiate their
sins in a place of everlasting darkness. Another
class, with no other merit than that of having died
of certain diseases, capriciously selected, were to
enjoy a negative existence of indolent contentment.
The highest place was reserved, as in most warlike
nations, for the heroes who fell in battle, or in sacri-
fice. They passed, at once, into the presence of the
Sun, whom they accompanied with songs and choral
dances, in his bright progress through the heavens ;
and, after some years, their spirits went to animate
the clouds and singing birds of beautiful plumage,
and to revel amidst the rich blossoms and odors of
the gardens of paradise.^ Such was the heaven of
the Aztecs ; more refined in its character than that
of the more polished pagan, whose elysium reflected
only the martial sports, or sensual gratifications, of
this life.'' In the destiny they assigned to the
ican paintings take up near 18,000 Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib.
years. — It is interesting to observe 13, cap. 48.
how the wild conjectures of an ig- The last writer assures us,
no rant age have been confirmed "that, as to what the Aztecs said
by the more recent discoveries in of their going to hell, they were
geology, making it probable that right ; for, as they died in igno-
the earth has experienced a number ranee of the true faith, they have,
of convulsions, possibly thousands witnout question, all gone there to
of years distant from each other, suffer everlasting punishment " !
which have swept away the races Ubi supra.
then existing, and given a new 9 It conveys but a poor idea of
aspect to the globe. these pleasures, that the shade of
8 Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Achilles can say, " he had rather
Espana,lib. 3,Apend. — Cod. Vat., be the slave of the meanest man
ap. Antiq. of Mexico, PI. 1-5. — on earth, than sovereign among
Oh. Ill] MEXICAN MYTHOLOGY. 63
wicked, we discern similar traces of refinement ;
since the absence of all physical torture forms a
striking contrast to the schemes of suffering so in-
geniously de\ised by the fancies of the most enlight-
ened nations. ^° In all this, so contrary to the
natural suggestions of the ferocious Aztec, we see
the evidences of a higher civilization, inherited from
their predecessors in the land.
Our limits will allow only a brief allusion to one
or two of their most interesting ceremonies. On
the death of a person, his corpse was dressed in the
peculiar habiliments of his tutelar deity. It was
strewed with pieces of paper, which operated as
charms against the dangers of the dark road he was
to travel. A throng of slaves, if he were rich, was
sacrificed at his obsequies. His body was burned,
and the ashes, collected in a vase, were preserved in
one of the apartments of his house. Here we have
the dead." (Odyss. A. 488-490.) 1° It is singular that the Tuscan
The Mahometans believe that the bard, while exhausting his inven-
souls of martyrs pass, after death, tion in devising modes of bodily
into the bodies of birds, that haunt torture, in his "Inferno," should
the sweet waters and bowers of have made so little use of the mor-
Paradise. (Sale's Koran, (Lon- al sources of misery. That he
don, 1825,) vol. I. p. 106.) — has not done so might be reck-
The Mexican heaven may remind oned a strong proof of the rude-
one of Dante's, in its material en- ness of the time, did we not meet
joyments ; which, in both, are with examples of it in a later
made up of light, music, and mo- day ; in which a serious and
tion. The sun, it must also be sublime writer, like Dr. Watts,
remembered, was a spiritual con- does not disdain to employ the
ception with the Aztec ; same coarse machinery for moving
"He sees with other eyes than theirs; where the conscience of the reader,
they
Hehold a sun, he spies a deity."
64 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I.
successively the usages of the Roman Catholic, the
Mussulman, the Tartar, and the Ancient Greek and
Roman ; curious coincidences, which may show how
cautious we should be in adopting conclusions found-
ed on analogy."
A more extraordinary coincidence may be traced
with Christian rites, in the ceremony of naming
their children. The lips and bosom of the infant
were sprinkled with water, and " the Lord was im-
plored to permit the holy drops to wash away the
sin that was given to it before the foundation of the
world; so that the child might be born anew."'^
We are reminded of Christian morals, in more than
one of their prayers, in which they used regular
forms. "Wilt thou blot us out, O Lord, for ever?
Is this punishment intended, not for our reforma-
tion, but for our destruction ? " Again, " Impart
to us, out of thy great mercy, thy gifts, which we
are not worthy to receive through our own mer-
its." " Keep peace with all," says another petition;
U Carta del Lie. Zuazo, (Nov., ^ This interesting rite, usually
1521,) MS. — Acosta, lib. 5, cap. solemnized with great formality,
8. — Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., in the presence of the assembled
lib. 13, cap. 45. — Sahagun, Hist, friends and relatives, is detailed
de Nueva Espana, lib. 3, Apend. with minuteness by Sahagun,
Sometimes the body was buried (Hist, de Nueva Espafla, lib. G,
entire, with valuable treasures, if cap. 37,) and by Zuazo, (Carta,
the deceased was rich. The MS.,) both of them eyewitnesses.
"Anonymous Conqueror," as he For a version of part of Sahagun's
is called, saw gold to the value of account, see Appendix, Part 1.
3000 castellanos drawn from one note 26.
of these tombs. Relatione d' un
gentir huomo, ap. Ramusio, torn.
m. p. 310,
Ch. III.] SACERDOTAL ORDER. (55
" bear injuries with humility ; God, who sees, will
avenge jou." But the most striking parallel with
Scripture is in the remarkable declaration, that "he,
who looks too curiously on a woman, commits adul-
tery with his eyes." These pure and elevated max-
ims, it is true, are mixed up with others of a puerile,
and even brutal character, arguing that confusion
of the moral perceptions, which is natural in the
twilight of civilization. One would not expect,
however, to meet, in such a state of society, with
doctrines as sublime as any inculcated by the en-
lightened codes of ancient philosophy.'^
But, although the Aztec mythology gathered noth-
ing from the beautiful inventions of the poet, nor
from the refinements of philosophy, it was much
indebted, as^ I have noticed, to the priests, who
endeavoured to dazzle the imagination of the people
by the most formal and pompous ceremonial. The
influence of the priesthood must be greatest in an
imperfect state of civilization, where it engrosses all
13 *' jEs posible que este azote Dios bien os ve y respondera por
y este castigo no se nos da para vosotros, y el os vengara (a) sed
nuestra correccion y enmienda, humildes con todos, y con esto os
sino para total destruccion y aso- hara Dios merced y tambien hon-
lamiento?" (Sahagun, Hist, de ra." (Ibid., lib. 6, cap. 17.)
Nueva Espaiia, lib. 6, cap. 1.) " Tampoco mires con curiosidad
" Y esto por sola vuestra liberali- el gesto y disposicion de la gente
dad y magnificencia lo habeis de principal, mayormente de las mu-
hacer, que ninguno es digno ni geres, y sobre todo de las casadas,
merecedor de recibir vuestras lar- porque dice el refran que el que
guezas por su dignidad y mereci- curiosamente mira a la muger
naiento, sino que por vuestra benig- adultera con la vista.' (Ibid., lib
nidad." (Ibid., lib. 6, cap. 2.) 6, cap. 22.)
" Sed sufridos y reportados, que
VOL. I. 9
6S AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book [
the scanty science of the time in its own body.
This is particularly the case, when the science is
of that spurious kind which is less occupied with
the real phenomena of nature-, than with the fanci-
ful chimeras of human superstition. Such are the
sciences of astrology and divination, in which the
Aztec priests were well initiated ; and, while the}'
seemed to hold the keys of the future in their own
hands, they impressed the ignorant people with
sentiments of superstitious awe, beyond that which
has probably existed in any other country, — even
in ancient Egypt.
The sacerdotal order was very numerous ; as may
be inferred from the statement, that five thousand
priests were, in some way or other, attached to
the principal temple in tlie capital. The various
ranks and functions of this rnnltitudinous body were
discriminated with great exactness. Those best
instructed in music took the manao-ement of the
choirs. Others arranged the festivals conformably
to the calendar. Some superintended the education
of youth, and others had charge of the hieroglyphi-
cal paintings and oral traditions ; while the dismal
rites of sacrifice were reserved for the chief digni-
taries of the order. At the head of the whole
establishment were two high-priests, elected from
the order, as it would seem, by the king and prin-
cipal nobles, without reference to birth, but solely
for their qualifications, as shown by their previous
conduct in a subordinate station. They were equal
in dignity, and inferior only to the sovereign, who
Ch. III.] SACERDOTAL ORDER. Q7
rarely acted without their advice in weighty matters
of public concern.'^
The priests were each devoted to the service of
some particular deity, and had quarters provided
within the spacious precincts of their temple ; at
least, while engaged in immediate attendance there,
— for they were allowed to marry, and have families
of their own. In this monastic residence they lived
in all the stern severity of conventual discipline.
Thrice during the day, and once at night, they
were called to prayers. They were frequent in
their ablutions and vigils, and mortified the flesh by
fasting and cruel penance, — drawing blood from
their bodies by flagellation, or by piercing them
with the thorns of the aloe ; in short, by practising
all those austerities to which fanaticism (to borrow
the strong language of the poet) has resorted, in
every age of the world,
" In hopes to merit heaven by making earth a hell." '5
14 Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva may be." (Monarch. Ind., lib. 9,
Espana, lib. 3, Apend; lib. 3, cap. cap. 5.) It is contradicted by
9. — Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., Sahagun, whom I have followed
lib. 8, cap. 20 ; lib. 9, cap. 3, 56. as the highest authority in these
— Gomara, Cr6n., cap. 215, ap. matters. Clavigero had no other
Barcia, torn. n.—Toribio, Hist, de knowledge of Sahagun's work
los Indios, MS., Parte 1, cap. 4. than what was filtered through
Clavigero says that the high- the writings of Torquemada, and
priest was necessarily a person of later authors,
rank. (Stor. del Messico, tom. II. ^^ Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva
p. 37.) I find no authority for Espana, ubi supra. — Torquemada,
this, not even in his oracle, Tor- Monarch. Ind., lib. 9, cap. 25. —
quemada, who expressly says, Gomara, Cron., ap. Barcia, ubi
"There is no warrant for the as- supra. — Acosta, lib. 5, cap. 14,
sertion, however probable the fact 17.
38 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I.
The great cities were divided into districts, placed
under the charge of a sort of parochial clergy, who
regulated every act of religion within their pre-
cincts. It is remarkable that they administered the
rites of confession and absolution. The secrets of
the confessional were held inviolable, and penances
were imposed of much the same kind as those
enjoined in the Roman Catholic Church. There
were two remarkable peculiarities in the Aztec cere-
mony. The first was, that, as the repetition of an
offence, once atoned for, was deemed inexpiable,
confession was made but once in a man's life, and
was usually deferred to a late period of it, when
the penitent unburdened his conscience, and settled,
at once, the long arrears of iniquity. Another pecu-
liarity was, that priestly absolution was received in
place of the legal punishment of offences, and au-
thorized an acquittal in case of arrest. Long after
the Conquest, the simple natives, when they came
under the arm of the law, sought to escape by
producing the certificate of their confession. ^^
^6 Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva from the soul. Thou knowest that
Espafia, lib. 1, cap. 12; lib. 6, this 'poor man has sinned , not from
cap. 7. Aw oicn free rvill, but from the
The address of the confessor, influence of the sign under which
on these occasions, contains some he was born." After a copious
things too remarkable to be omit- exhortation to the penitent, en-
ted. " O merciful Lord," he joining a variety of mortifications
says, in his prayer, "thou who and minute ceremonies by way of
knowest the secrets of all hearts, penance, and particularly urging
let thy forgiveness and favor de- the necessity of instantly procur-
scend, like the pure waters of ing a slave for sacrifice to the
heaven, to wash away the stains Deity, the priest concludes with
Gh. in.] SACERDOTAL ORDER. 69
One of the most important duties of the priest-
hood was that of education, to which certain build-
ings were appropriated within the inclosure of the
principal temple. Here the youth of both sexes, of
the higher and middling orders, were placed at a
very tender age. The girls were intrusted to the
care of priestesses ; for women were allowed to
exercise sacerdotal functions, except those of sac-
rifice.'^ In these institutions the boys were drilled
in the routine of monastic discipline ; they deco-
rated the shrines of the gods with flowers, fed the
sacred fires, and took part in the religious chants
and festivals. Those in the higher school — the
Calmecac, as it was called — were initiated in their
traditionary lore, the mysteries of hieroglyphics, the
principles of government, and such branches of as-
tronomical and natural science as were within the
inculcating charity to the poor. ap. Antiquites Mexicaines, (Par-
" Clothe the naked and feed the is, 1834,) torn. II. p. 7, note.)
hungry, whatever privations it may The early missionaries, credulous
cost thee ; for remember, their enough certainly, give no coun-
Jlesh is like thine, and they are men tenance to such reports ; and fa-
like thee.'''' Such is the strange ther Acosta, on the contrary, ex-
medley of truly Christian benevo- claims, " In truth, it is very strange
lence and heathenish abomina- to see that this false opinion of
tions which pervades the Aztec religion hath so great force among
litany, — intimating sources wide- these yoong men and maidens of
ly different. Mexico, that they will serve the
l'' The Egyptian gods were also Divell with so great rigor and
served by priestesses. (See Herod- austerity, which many of us doe
otus, Euterpe, sec. 54.) Tales of not in the service of the most high
scandal similar to those which the God ; the which is a great shame
Greeks circulated respecting them, and confusion." En?. Trans., lih
have been told of the Aztec vir- 5, cap. Ifi
gins. (See Le Noir's dissertation,
70 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I.
compass of the priesthood. The girls learned vari-
ous feminine employments, especially to weave and
embroider rich coverings for the altars of the gods.
Great attention was paid to the moral discipline of
both sexes. The most perfect decorum prevailed ;
and offences were punished with extreme rigor, in
some instances with death itself. Terror, not love,
was the spring of education with the Aztecs.'^
At a suitable age for marrying, or for entering
into the world, the pupils were dismissed, with
much ceremony, from the convent, and the recom-
mendation of the principal often introduced those
most competent to responsible situations in public
life. Such was the crafty policy of the Mexican
priests, who, by reserving to themselves the business
of instruction, were enabled to mould the j'oung and
plastic mind according to their own wills, and to
train it early to implicit reverence for religion and
its ministers ; a reverence which still maintained
its hold on the iron nature of the warrior, long after
every other vestige of education had been effaced
by the rough trade to which he was devoted.
To each of the principal temples, lands were
18 Toribio, Hist, de los Indies, good father last cited, " to eschew
MS., Parte 1, cap. 9. — Sahagun, vice, and cleave to virtue, — ao
Hist. de Nueva Espana, lib. 2, cording to their notions of them ;
Apend. ; lib. 3, cap. 4-8. — Zu- namely, to abstain from wrath, to
rita, Rapport, pp. 123 - 126. — offer violence and do wrong to
Acosta, lib. 5, cap. 15, 16. — no man, — in short, to perform the
Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. duties plainly pointed out by natu-
9, cap. 11-14, 30, 31. ral religion,"
" They were taught," says the
Ch. III.] SACERDOTAL ORDER. 71
annexed for the maintenance of the priests. These
estates were augmented by the policy or devotion
of successive princes, until, under the last Monte-
zuma, they had swollen to an enormous extent, and
covered every district of the empire. The priests
took the management of their property into their
own hands ; and they seem to have treated their ten-
ants with the liberality and indulgence characteristic
of monastic corporations. Besides the large supplies
drawn from this source, the religious order was en-
riched with the fust-fruits, and such other oflerings
as piety or superstition dictated. The surplus beyond
what was required for the support of the national
worship was distributed in alms among the poor ; a
duty strenuously prescribed by their moral code.
Thus we find the same religion inculcating lessons
of pure philanthropy, on the one hand, and of mer-
ciless extermination, as we shall soon see, on the
other. The inconsistency will not appear incredible
to those who are familiar with the history of the
Roman Catholic Church, in the early ages of the
Inquisition.'''
•9 Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., may consult, for the same purpose,
lib. 8, cap. 20, 21. — Camargo, Heeren, (Hist. Res., vol. V. chap.
Hist, de Tlascala, MS. 2,) Wilkinson, (Manners and
It is impossible not to be struck Customs of the Ancient Eg}'ptians,
with the great resemblance, not (London, 1837,) vol. I. pp. 257-
merely in a few empty forms, but 279,) the last writer especially, —
in the whole way of life, of the who has contributed, more than
Mexican and Egyptian priesthood, all others, towards opening to us
Compare Herodotus (Euterpe, the interior of the social life of this
passim) and Diodorus (lib. 1, sec. interesting people.
73. 81). The English reader
72 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I
The Mexican temples — teocallis, "houses of
God," as they were called — were very numerous.
There were several hundreds in each of the principal
cities, many of them, doubtless, very humble edifices.
They were solid masses of earth, cased with brick,
or stone, and in their form somewhat resembled the
pyramidal structures of ancient Egypt. The bases
of many of them were more than a hundred feet
square, and they towered to a still greater height.
They were distributed into four or five stories, each
of smaller dimensions than that below. The ascent
was by a flight of steps, at an angle of the pyramid,
on the outside. This led to a sort of terrace, or
gallery, at the base of the second story, which passed
quite round the building to another flight of stairs,
commencing also at the same angle as the preced-
ing and directly over it, and leading to a simi-
lar terrace ; so that one had to make the circuit of
the temple several times, before reaching the sum-
mit. In some instances the stairway led directlv
up the centre of the western face of the building.
The top was a broad area, on which were erected
one or two towers, forty or fifty feet high, the sanc-
tuaries in which stood the sacred images of the
presiding deities. Before these towers stood the
dreadful stone of sacrifice, and two lofty altars,
on which fires were kept, as inextinguishable as
those in the temple of Vesta. There were said to
be six hundred of these altars, on smaller buildings
within the inclosure of the great temple of Mexico,
which, with ihosc on the sacred edifices in other
CH. III.] TEMPLES. 73
parts of the city, shed a brilliant illumination over its
streets, through the darkest night.^°
From the construction of their temples, all reli-
gious services were public. The long processions
of priests, winding round their massive sides, as
they rose higher and higher towards the summit,
and the dismal rites of sacrifice performed there,
were all visible from the remotest corners of the
capital, impressing on the spectator's mind a super-
stitious veneration for the mysteries of his religion,
and for the dread ministers by whom they were
interpreted.
This impression was kept in full force by their
numerous festivals. Every month was consecrated
to some protecting deity ; and every week, nay, al-
most every day, was set down in their calendar for
some appropriate celebration ; so that it is difficult
to understand how the ordinary business of life
could have been compatible with the exactions of
religion. Many of their ceremonies were of a light
and cheerful complexion, consisting of the national
songs and dances, in which both sexes joined. Pro-
20K.el. d' un gent.,ap. Ramusio, some of the smaller temples, or
torn. III. fol. 307. — Camargo, pyramids, were filled with earth
Hist, de TIascala, MS. — Acosta, impregnated with odoriferous gums
lib. 5, cap. 13. — Gomara, Cron., and gold dust; the latter, some-
cap. 80, ap. Barcia, tom. II. — times in such quantities as prob-
Toribio, Hist, de los Indios, MS., ably to be worth a million of cas-
Parte 1, cap. 4. — Carta del Lie. ^e^/anos.' (Ubi supra.) These were
Zuazo, MS. ihe temples of Mammon, indeed!
This last writer, who visited But I find no confirmation of such
Mexico immediately after the golden reports.
Conquest, in 1521, assures us that
VOL. 1. 10
74 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I.
cessions were made of women and children crowned
with garlands and bearing offerings of fruits, the
ripened maize, or the sweet incense of copal and
other odoriferous gums, while the altars of the deity
were stained with no blood save that of animals.^'
These were the peaceful rites derived from their
Toltec predecessors, on which the fierce Aztecs en-
grafted a superstition too loathsome to be exhibited
in all its nakedness, and one over which I would
gladly draw a veil altogether, but that it would leave
the reader in ignorance of their most striking in-
stitution, and one that had the greatest influence in
forming the national character.
Human sacrifices were adopted by the Aztecs
early in the fourteenth century, about two hundred
years before the Conquest.^^ Rare at first, they
became more frequent with the wider extent of their
empire ; till, at length, almost every festival was
closed with this cruel abomination. These religious
ceremonials were generally arranged in such a man-
ner as to afford a type of the most prominent cir-
cumstances in the character or history of the deity
2' Cod. Tel. -Rem., PI. I, and 22 Xhe traditions of their origin
Cod. Vat., passim, ap. Antiq. of have somewhat of a fabulous
Mexico, vols. I., VI. — Torquema- tinge. But, whether true or false,
da, Monarch. Ind., lib. 10, cap. 10, they are equally indicative of un-
ct seq. — Sahaguii, Hist, de Nue- paralleled ferocity in the peoph;
va Espaila, lib. 2, passim. who could be the subject of them
Among the offerings, quails Clavigero, Stor. del Messico, tom.
may be particularly noticed, for I. p. 167, et seq. ; also Humboldt,
the incredible quantities of them (who does not appear to doubt
sacrificed and consumed at many them,) Vues des Cordilleres, p. 95.
of the festivals.
Cu. III.] HUMAN SACRIFICES. 75
who was the object of them. A single example
will suffice.
One of their most important festivals was that in
honor of the god Tezcatlipoca, whose rank was
inferior only to that of the Supreme Being. He
was called " the soul of the world," and supposed
to have been its creator. He was depicted as a
handsome man, endowed with perpetual youth. A
year before the intended sacrifice, a captive, dis-
tinguished for his personal beauty, and without a
blemish on his body, was selected to represent this
deity. Certain tutors took charge of him, and in-
structed him how to perform his new part with
becoming grace and dignity. He was arrayed in
a splendid dress, regaled with incense and with a
profusion of sweet-scented flowers, of which the
ancient Mexicans were as fond as their descendants
at the present day. When he went abroad, he was
attended by a train of the royal pages, and, as he
halted in the streets to play some favorite melody,
the crowd prostrated themselves before him, and did
him homage as the representative of their good
deity. In this way he led an easy, luxurious life,
till within a month of his sacrifice. Four beautiful
girls, bearing the names of the principal goddesses,
were then selected to share the honors of his bed ;
and with them he continued to live in idle dalliance,
feasted at the banquets of the principal nobles, who
paid him all the honors of a divinity.
At length the fatal day of sacrifice arrived. The
76 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I
term of his short-lived glories was at an end. He
was stripped of his gaudy apparel, and bade adieu to
the fair partners of his revelries. One of the royal
barges transported him across the lake to a temple
which rose on its margin, about a league from the
city. Hither the inhabitants of the capital flocked,
to witness the consummation of the ceremony. As
the sad procession wound up the sides of the pyra-
mid, the unhappy victim threw away his gay chap-
lets of flowers, and broke in pieces the musical
instruments with which he had solaced the hours of
captivity. On the summit he was received by six
priests, whose long and matted locks flowed disor-
derly over their sable robes, covered with hiero-
glyphic scrolls of mystic import. They led him to
the sacrificial stone, a huge block of jasper, with its
upper surface somewhat convex. On this the pris-
oner was stretched. Five priests secured his head
and his limbs ; while the sixth, clad in a scarlet
mantle, emblematic of his bloody office, dexterously
opened the breast of the wretched victim with a
sharp razor of itztli, — a volcanic substance, hard as
flint, — and, inserting his hand in the wound, tore
out the palpitating heart. The minister of death,
first holding this up towards the sun, an object of
worship throughout Anahuac, cast it at the feet of
the deity to whom the temple was devoted, while
the multitudes below prostrated themselves in hum-
ble adoration. The tragic story of this prisoner was
expounded by the priests as the type of human
Ch. Ill.J HUMAN SACRIFICES. 77
destiny, which, brilliant in its commencement, too
often closes in sorrow and disaster.^^
Such was the form of human sacrifice usually
practised by the Aztecs. It was the same that
often met the indignant eyes of the Europeans, in
their progress through the country, and from the
dreadful doom of which they themselves were not
exempted. There were, indeed, some occasions
when preliminary tortures, of the most exquisite
kind, — with which it is unnecessary to shock the
reader, — were inflicted, but they always terminated
with the bloody ceremony above described. It
should be remarked, however, that such tortures
were not the spontaneous suggestions of cruelty, as
with the North American Indians ; but were all
rigorously prescribed in the Aztec ritual, and doubt-
less were often inflicted with the same compunc-
tious visitings which a devout familiar of the Holy
Office might at times experience in executing its
stern decrees."^ Women, as well as the other sex,
23 Sahag-un, Hist, de Nueva tale of woe by coolly dismissinor
Espaiia, lib. 2, cap. 2, 5, 24, et "the soul of the victim, to sleep
alibi. — Herrera, Hist. General, with those of his false gods, in
dec. 3, lib. 2, cap. 16. — Torque- hell ! " Lib. 10, cap. 23.
mada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 7, cap. 24 Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva
19; lib. 10, cap. 14. — Rel. d' un Espaua, lib. 2, cap. 10, 29.—
gent., ap. Ramusio, torn. HI. fol. Goraara, Cron., cap. 219, ap. Bar-
307. — Acosta, lib. 5, cap. 9-21. cia, torn. H. — Toribio, Hist, de
— Carta del Lie. Zuazo, MS. — los Indies, MS., Parte 1, cap. 6-
Relacion por el Regimiento de 11.
Vera Cruz, (Julio, 1519,) MS. The reader will find a tolerably
Few readers, probably, will exact picture of the nature of
sympathize with the sentence of these tortures in the twenty-first
Torquemada, who concludes his canto of the " Inferno." The fan.
78 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book 1
were sometimes reserved for sacrifice. On some
occasions, particularly in seasons of drought, at the
festival of the insatiable Tlaloc, the god of rain,
children, for the most part infants, were offered up.
As they were borne along in open litters, dressed
in their festal robes, and decked with the fresh
blossoms of spring, they moved the hardest heart
to pity, though their cries were drowned in the wild
chant of the priests, who read in their tears a
favorable augury for their petition. These innocent
victims were generally bought by the priests of
parents who were poor, but who stifled the voice
of nature, probably less at the suggestions of pov-
erty, than of a wretched superstition.^^
The most loathsome part of the story — the man-
ner in which the body of the sacrificed captive was
disposed of — remains yet to be told. It was de-
livered to the warrior who had taken him in battle,
and by him, after being dressed, was served up in
lastic creations of the Florentine lowed to escape. If vanquished,
poet were nearly realized, at the he was dragged to the block and
very time he was writing, by the sacrificed in the usual manner,
barbarians of an unknown world. The combat was fought on a huge
One sacrifice, of a less revolting circular stone, before the assem-
character, deserves to be men- bled capital. Sahagun, Hist, de
tioned. The Spaniards called it the Nueva Espafia, lib. 2, cap. 21. —
" gladiatorial sacrifice," and it may Rel. d'un gent., ap. Ramusio,
remind one of the bloody games of torn. III. fol. 305.
antiquity. A captive of distinc- 25 Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva
tion was sometimes furnished with Espaiia, lib. 2, cap. 1, 4,21, et
arms, and brought against a num- alibi. — Torquemada, Monarch,
ber of Mexicans in succession. Ind., lib. 10, cap. 10. — Clavigc-
If he defeated them all, as did ro, Stor. del Messico, tom. IT
occasionally happen, he was al- pp. 76, 82.
Ch. III.] HUMAN SACRIFICES. 79
an entertainment to his friends. This was not the
t oarse repast of famished cannibals, but a banquet
teeming with delicious beverages and delicate viands,
prepared with art, and attended by both sexes, who,
as we shall see hereafter, conducted themselves with
all the decorum of civilized life. Surely, never were
refinement and the extreme of barbarism brought so
closely in contact wdth each other ! ^^
Human sacrifices have been practised by many
nations, not excepting the most polished nations of
antiquity ;^^ but never by any, on a scale to be
compared with those in Anahuac. The amount of
victims immolated on its accursed altars would stag-
ger the faith of the least scrupulous believer. Scarce-
ly any author pretends to estimate the yearly sacri-
fices throughout the empire at less than twenty thou-
sand, and some carry the number as high as fifty ! ~-
26 Carta del Lie. Zuazo, MS. — than a hundred years before the
Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. Christian era, — a law recorded in
7, cap. 19. — Herrera, Hist. Gen- a very honest strain of exultation
eral, dec. 3, lib. 2, cap. 17.— by Pliny; (Hist. Nat., lib. 30,
Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Espaiia, sec. 3, 4 ;) notwithstanding which,
lib. 2, cap. 21, et alibi. — Toribio, traces of the existence of the prac-
Hist. de los Indios, MS., Parte 1, tice may be discerned to a much
cap. 2. later period. See, among others,
^ To say nothing of Egypt, Horace, Epod., In Canidiam.
where, notwithstanding the indi- 28 gge Clavigero, Stor. del
cations on the monuments, there Messico, torn. H. p. 49.
is .strong reason for doubting it. Bishop Zumarraga, in a letter
(Comp. Herodotus, Euterpe, sec. written a few years after the Con-
45.) It was of frequent occurrence quest, states that 20,000 victims
among the Greeks, as every school- were yearly slaughtered in the
boy knows. In Rome, it was so capital. Torquemada turns this,
common as to require to be in- into 20,000 infants. (Monarch,
terdicted by an express law, less Ind., lib. 7, cap. 21.) Herrera
80 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book 1
On great occasions, as the coronation of a king,
or the consecration of a temple, the number becomes
still more appalling. At the dedication of the great
temple of Huitzilopotchli, in 1486, the prisoners,
who for some years had been reserved for the pur-
pose, were drawn from all quarters to the capital.
They were ranged in files, forming a procession
nearly two miles long. The ceremony consumed
several days, and seventy thousand captives are said
to have perished at the shrine of this terrible deity !
But who can believe that so numerous a body would
have suffered themselves to be led unresistingly like
sheep to the slaughter ? Or how could their remains,
too great for consumption in the ordinary way, be
disposed of, without breeding a pestilence in the
capital ? Yet the event was of recent date, and is
unequivocally attested by the best informed histori-
ans."^ One fact may be considered certain. It was
following Acosta, says 20,000 vie- real number was not above 50 " !
tims on a specified day of the (CEuvres, ed. Llorente, (Paris,
year, throughout the kingdom. 1822,) torn. I. pp. 365,386.) Prob-
(Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. 2, cap. ably the good Bishop's arithme-
16.) Clavigero, more cautious, tic, here, as in most other instan-
infers that this number may have ces, came more from his lirart than
been sacrificed annually through- his head. With such loose and
out Anahuac. (Ubi supra.) Las contradictory data, it is clear thai
Casas, however, in his reply to any specific number is mere con-
Sepulveda's assertion, that no one jecturc, undeserving the name of
who had visited the New World calculation.
put the number of yearly sacrifices 29 I ^m within bounds. Tor-
at less than 20,000, declares that quemada states the number, most
'' this is the estimate of brigands, precisely, at 72,344. (Monarch,
who wish to find an apology for Ind., lib. 2, cap. 63.) Ixtlilxo-
their own atrocities, and that the chitl, with equal precision, at
Ch. III.]
HUMAN SACRIFICES.
81
customary to preserve the skulls of the sacrificed,
in buildings appropriated to the purpose. The com-
panions of Cortes counted one hundred and thirty-
six thousand in one of these edifices ! ^^ Without
attempting a precise calculation, therefore, it is safe
tj conclude that thousands were yearly offered up,
in the different cities of Anahuac, on the bloody
altars of the Mexican divinities.^^
Indeed, the great object of war, with the Aztecs,
was quite as much to gather victims for their sacri-
fices, as to extend their empire. Hence it was, that
an enemy was never slain in battle, if there were a
chance of taking him alive. To this circumstance '
the Spaniards repeatedly owed their preservation.
80,400. (Hist. Chich., MS.) iQui-
en sabe ? The latter adds, that the
captives massacred in the capital,
in the course of that memorable
year, exceeded 100,000! (Loc.cit.)
One, however, has to read but a
little way, to find out that the sci-
ence of numbers — at least, where
the party was not an eyewitness
— is any thing but ac exact sci-
ence with these ajicient chroni-
clers. The Codex Tcl.-Remen-
sis, written some fifty years after
the Conquest, reduces the amount
to 20,000. (Antiq. of Mexico,
vol. I. PI. 19 ; vol. VI. p. 141,
Eng. note.) Even this hardly
warrants the Spanish interpreter
in calling king Ahuitzotl a man
" of a mild and moderate disposi-
tion," templada y henigna condi-
cion! Ibid., vol. V. p. 49.
VOL. I. 11
20 Gomara states the number on
the authority of two soldiers, whose
names he gives, who took the trou-
ble to count the grinning horrors
in one of these (Jolgothas, where
they were so arranged as to pro-
duce the most hideous effect. The
existence of these conservatories
is attested by every writer of the
time.
31 The " Anonymous Conquer-
or" assures us, as a fact beyond
dispute, that the Devil introduced
himself into the bodies of the idols,
and persuaded the silly priests that
his only diet was human hearts !
It furnishes a very satisfactory solu-
tion, to his mind, of the frequen-
cy of sacrifices in Mexico. Rel.
d' un gent., ap. Ramusio, torn
III. fol. 307.
82 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I.
When Montezuma was asked, " why he had suffered
the republic of Tlascala to maintain her indepen-
dence on his borders," he replied, " that she might
furnish him with \ictims for his gods " ! As the
supply began to fail, the priests, the Dominicans of
the New World, bellowed aloud for more, and urged
on their superstitious sovereign by the denunciations
of celestial wrath. Like the militant churchmen of
Christendom in the Middle Ages, they mingled
themselves in the ranks, and were conspicuous in
the thickest of the fight, by their hideous aspect and
firantic gestures. Strange, that, in every country,
the most fiendish passions of the human heart have
been those kindled in the name of religion ! ^
The influence of these practices on the Aztec
character was as disastrous as might have been ex-
pected. Familiarity with the bloody rites of sacrifice
steeled the heart against human sympathy, and begat
a thirst for carnage, like tKat excited in the Romans
32 The Tezcucan priests would field ■wus marked out, on which
fain have persuaded the good king the troops of the hostile nations
Nezahualcoyotl, on occasion of a were to engige at stated seasons
pestilence, to appease the gods by and thus supply themselves with
the sacrifice of some of his own subjects for sacrifice. The victo-
subjects, instead of his enemies ; rious party was not to pursue his
on the ground, that, not only they advantage by invading the other's
would be obtained more easily, but territory, and they were to contin-
would be fresher victims, and more ue, in all other respects, on the
acceptable. (Ixtlilxochitl, Hist, most amicable footing. (Ubi supra.)
Chich., MS., cap. 41.) This wri- The historian, who follows in the
ter mentions a cool arrangement track of the Tezcucan Chronicler,
entered into by the allied mon- may often find occasion to shelter
archs with the republic of Tlasca- himself, like Ariosto, with
la and her confederates. A battle- " Meitendolo Turpin, lo metto anch' io."
Cn. III.] HUMAN SACRIFICES. 83
by the exhibitions of the circus. The perpetual re-
currence of ceremonies, in which the^ people took
part, associated religion with their most intimate
concerns, and spread the gloom of superstition over
the domestic hearth, until the character of the nation
wore a grave and even melancholy aspect, which
belongs to their descendants at the present day.
The influence of the priesthood, of course, became
unbounded. The sovereign thought himself honored
by being permitted to assist in the services of the
^emple. Far from limiting the authority of the
priests to spiritual matters, he often surrendered his
opinion to theirs, where they were least competent
to give it. It was their opposition that prevented
the final capitulation which would have saved the
capital. The whole nation, from the peasant to the
prince, bowed their necks to the worst kind of tyran-
ny, that of a blind fanaticism.
In reflecting on the revolting usages recorded
in the preceding pages, one finds it difficult to rec-
oncile their existence with any thing like a regular
form of government, or an advance in civilization.
Yet the Mexicans had many claims to the charac-
ter of a civilzed community. One may, perhaps,
better understand the anomaly, by reflecting on the
condition of some of the most polished countries in
Europe, in the sixteenth century, after the estab-
lishment of the modern Inquisition ; an institution,
which yearly destroyed its thousands, by a death
more painful than the Aztec sacrifices ; which armed
the hand of brother against brother, and, setting its
84 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I
burning seal upon the lip, did more to stay the
march of improvement than any other scheme ever
devised by human cunning.
Human sacrifice, however cruel, has nothing in it
degrading to its victim. It may be rather said to
ennoble him by devoting him to the gods. Although
so terrible with the Aztecs, it was sometimes volun-
tarily embraced by them, as the most glorious death,
and one that opened a sure passage into paradise.^
The Inquisition, on the other hand, branded its vic-
tims with infamy in this world, and consigned them
to everlasting perdition in the next.
One detestable feature of the Aztec superstition,
however, sunk it far below the Christian. This was
its cannibahsm ; though, in truth, the Mexicans were
not cannibals, in the coarsest acceptation of the
term. They did not feed on human flesh merely to
gratify a brutish appetite, but in obedience to their
religion. Their repasts were made of the victims
whose blood had been poured out on the altar of
sacrifice. This is a distinction worthy of notice.^
Still, cannibalism, under any form, or whatever sanc-
tion, cannot but have a fatal influence on the nation
'•^ Rel. d' un gent., ap. Ramu- 28.) This was the law of honoi
sio, torn. III. fol. 307. with the Aztecs.
Among other instances, is that ^ Voltaire, doubtless, intends
of Chiinalpopoca, third king of this, when he says, " lis n'etaient
Mexico, who doomed himself, with point anthropophages, comme un
anumber of his lords, to this death, tres-petit nombre de peupladea
to wipe off an indignity offered him Am^ricaincs." (Essai sur les
by a brother monarch. (Torque- Moeurs, chap. 147.)
mada, Monarch . Ind., lib. 2, cap.
Ch. Ill] HUMAN SACRIFICES. 85
addicted to it. It suggests ideas so loathsome, so
degrading to man, to his spiritual and immortal na-
ture, that it is impossible the people who practise it
should make any great progress in moral or intellec-
tual culture. The Mexicans furnish no exception
to this remark. The civilization, which they pos-
sessed, descended from the Toltecs, a race who
never stained their altars, still less their banquets,
with the blood of man. All that deserved the name
of science in Mexico came from this source ; and
the crumbling ruins of edifices, attributed to them,
still extant in various parts of New Spain, show a
decided superiority in their architecture over that of
the later races of Analmae. It is true, the Mexicans
made great proficiency in many of the social and me-
chanic arts, in that material culture, — if I may so
call it, — the natural growth of increasing opulence,
which ministers to the gratification of the senses.
In purely intellectual progress, they were behind the
Tezcucans, whose wise sovereigns came into the
abominable rites of their neighbours with reluctance,
and practised them on a much more moderate
scale. ^^
In this state of things, it was beneficently ordered
by Providence that the land should be delivered
over to another race, who would rescue it from the
brutish superstitions that daily extended wider and
wider, with extent of empire.^ The debasing in-
^5 Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., character engendered by their
MS., cap. 45, et alibi. sanguinary rites greatly facilitated
'■^ No doubt the ferocity of their conquests. Machiavelli at-
86 AZTEC CIVILIZATIO>. [Book 1
stitutioiis of the Aztecs furnish the best apology for
then- conquest. It is true, the conquerors brought
along with them the Inquisition. But they also
brought Christianity, whose benign radiance would
still survive, when the fierce flames of fanaticism
should be extinguished ; dispelling those dark forms
of horror which had so long brooded over the fair
regions of Anahuac.
tributes to a similar cause, in part, contains some ingenious reflec-
the military successes of the Ro- tions — much more ingenious than
mans. (Discorsi sopra T. Livio, candid — on the opposite tenden-
lib. 2, cap. 2.) The same chapter cies of Christianity.
The most important authority in the preceding chapter, and, indeed,
wherever the Aztec religion is concerned, is Bernardino de Sahagun, a
Franciscan friar, contemporary with the Conquest. His great work.
Historia Universal de Nueva Espana, has been recently printed for the
first time. The circumstances attending its compilation and subse-
quent fate form one of the most remarkable passages in literary history.
Sahagun was born in a place of the same name, in old Spain. He
was educated at Salamanca, and, having taken the vows of St. Fran-
cis, came over as a missionary to Mexico in the year 1529. Here he
distinguished himself by his zeal, the purity of his life, and his un-
wearied exertions to spread the great truths of religion among the
natives. He was the guardian of several conventual houses, succes-
sively, until he relinquished these cares, that he might devote himself
more unreservedly to the business of preaching, and of compiling va-
rious works designed to illustrate the antiquities of the Aztecs. For
these literary labors he found some facilities in the situation which he
continued to occupy, of reader, or lecturer, in the College of Santa
Cruz, in the capital.
The " Universal History " was concocted in a singular manner. In
order to secure to it the greatest possible authority, he passed some
years in a Tezcucan town, where he conferred daily with a number
of respectable natives unacquainted with Castilian. He propounded to
them queries, which they, after deliberation, answered in their usual
Ch. III.] SAHAGUN. 87
method of writing, by hieroglyphical paintings. These he submitted
to other natives, who had been educated under his own eye in the
college of Santa Cruz ; and the latter, after a consultation among
themselves, gave a written version, in the Mexican tongue, of the
hieroglyphics. This process he repeated in another place, in some
part of Mexico, and subjected the whole to a still further revision by a
third body in another quarter. He finally arranged the combined
results into a regular history, in the form it now bears; composing it
in the Mexican language, which he could both write and speak with
great accuracy and elegance, — greater, indeed, than any Spaniard of
the time.
The work presented a mass of curious information, that attracted
much attention among his brethren. But they feared its influence
in keeping alive in the natives a too vivid reminiscence of the very
superstitions which it was the great object of the Christian clergy to
eradicate. Sahagun had views more liberal than those of his order,
whose blind zeal would willingly have annihilated every monument of
art and human ingenuity, which had not been produced under the
influence of Christianity. They refused to allow him the necessary
aid to transcribe his papers, which he had been so many years in pre-
paring, under the pretext that the expense was too great for their order
to incur. This occasioned a further delay of several years. What
was worse, his provincial got possession of his manuscripts, which
were soon scattered among the different religious houses in the country.
In this forlorn state of his affairs, Sahagun drew up a brief statement
of the nature and contents of his work, and forwarded it to Madrid.
It fell into the hands of Don Juan de Ovando, president of the Council
for the Indies, who was so much interested in it, that he ordered the
manuscripts to be restored to their author, with the request that he
would at once set about translating them into Castilian. This was
accordingly done. His papers were recovered, though not without
the menace of ecclesiastical censures ; and the octogenarian author
began the work of translation from the Mexican, in which they had
been originally written by him thirty years before. He had the satis-
faction to complete the task, arranging the Spanish version in a
parallel column with the original, and adding a vocabulary, explaining
the difficult Aztec terms and phrases ; while the text was supported
by the numerous paintings on which it was founded. In this form,
making tvi'o bulky volumes in folio, it was sent to Madrid. There
seemed now to be no further reason for postponing its publication, the
importance of which could not be doubted. But from this moment it
disappears ; and we hear nothing further of it, for more than two cen-
turies, except only as a valuable work, which had once existed, and
88 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I.
was probably buried in some one of the numerous cemeteries of learn-
ing in which Spain abounds.
At length, towards the close of the last century, the indefatigable
MuHoz succeeded in disinterring the long lost manuscript from the
place tradition had assigned to it, — the library of a convent at Tolosa.
in Navarre, the northern extremity of Spain. With his usual ardor,
he transcribed the whole work with his own hands, and added it to the
inestimable collection, of which, alas ! he was destined not to reap
the full benefit himself. From this transcript Lord Kingsborough was
enabled to procure the copy which was published in 1830, in the sixth
volume of his magnificent compilation. In it he expresses an honest
satisfaction at being the first to give Sahagun's work to the world.
But in this supposition he was mistaken. The very year preceding,
an edition of it, with annotations, appeared in Mexico, in three volumes
8vo. It was prepared by Bustamante, — a scholar to whose editorial
activity his country is largely indebted, — from a copy of the Mufioz
manuscript which came into his possession. Thus this remarkable
work, which was denied the honors of the press during the author's
lifetime, after passing into oblivion, reappeared, at the distance of nearly
three centuries, not in his own country, but in foreign lands widely
remote from each other, and that, almost simultaneously. The story
is extraordinary, though unhappily not so extraordinary in Spain as it
would be elsewhere.
Sahagun divided his history into twelve books. The first eleven are
occupied with the social institutions of Mexico, and the last with the
Conquest. On the religion of the country he is particularly full. His
great object evidently was, to give a clear view of its mythology, and
of the burdensome ritual which belonged to it. Religion entered so
intimately into the most private concerns and usages of the Aztecs, that
Sahagun's work must be a text-book for every student of their antiqui-
ties. Torquemada availed himself of a manuscript copy, which fell
into his hands before it was sent to Spain, to enrich his own pages, —
a circumstance more fortunate for his readers than for Sahagun's rep-
utation, whose work, now that it is published, loses much of the origi-
nality and interest which would otherwise attach to it. In one respect
it is invaluable ; as presenting a complete collection of the various
forms of prayer, accommodated to every possible emergency, in use by
the Mexicans. They are often clothed in dignified and beautiful lan-
guage, showing, that sublime .speculative tenets are quite compatible
with the most degrading practices of superstition. It is much to be
regretted that we have not the eighteen hymns, inserted by the author
in his book, which would have particular interest, as the only specimen
of devotional poetry preserved of the Aztecs. The hieroglyphical
Cn. Ill] SAHAGUN. 89
paintings, which accompanied the text, are also missing. If they have
escaped the hands of fanaticism, both may reappear at some future day.
Sahagun produced several other works, of a religious or philologi-
cal character. Some of these were voluminous, but none have been
printed. He lived to a very advanced age, closing a life of activity
and usefulness, in 1590, in the capital of Mexico. His remains were
followed to the tomb by a numerous concourse of his own countrymen,
and of the natives, who lamented in him the loss of unaffected piety,
benevolence, and learning.
VOL. I. 12
CHAPTER IV.
Mexican Hieroglyphics. — Manuscripts. — Arithmetic. —
Chronology. — Astronomy.
It is a relief to turn from the gloomy pages of the
preceding chapter, to a brighter side of the pictm'e,
and to contemplate the same nation in its generous
struggle to raise itself from a state of barbarism, and
to take a positive rank in the scale of civilization.
It is not the less interesting, that these efforts were
made on an entirely new theatre of action, apart
from those influences that operate in the Old World ;
the inhabitants of which, forming one great brother-
hood of nations, are knit together by sympathies,
that make the faintest spark of knowledge, struck
out in one quarter, spread gradually wider and wider,
until it has diffused a cheering light over the re-
motest. It is curious to observe the human mind,
in this new position, conforming to the same laws as
on the ancient continent, and taking a similar direc-
tion in its first inquiries after truth, — so similar,
indeed, as, although not warranting, perhaps, the
idea of imitation, to suggest, at least, that of a com-
mon origin.
In the eastern hemisphere, we find some nations,
as the Greeks, for instance, early smitten with such
a love of the beautiful as to be unwilling to dispense
Cn. IV.] MEXICAN HIEROGLYPHICS. 91
\\ ith it, even in the graver productions of science ;
and other nations, again, proposing a severer end to
themselves, to which even imagination and elegant
art were made subservient. The productions of
such a people must be criticized, not by the ordinar}
rules of taste, but by their adaptation to the peculiar
end for which they were designed. Such were the
Egyptians in the Old World, ^ and the Mexicans in
the New. We have already had occasion to notice
the resemblance borne by the latter nation to the
former in their religious economy. We shall be more
struck with it in their scientific culture, especially
their hieroglyphical writing and their astronomy.
To describe actions and events by delineating visi-
ble objects seems to be a natural suggestion, and is
practised, after a certain fashion, by the rudest sav-
ages. The North American Indian carves an arrow
on the bark of trees to show his followers the direc-
tion of his march, and some other sign to show the
success of his expeditions. But to paint intelhgibly
a consecutive series of these actions — forming what
Warburton has happily called picture-writing ^ — re-
^ " An Egyptian temple," says The bishop of Gloucester, in his
Denon, strikingly, "is an open comparison of the various hiero-
volume, in which the teachings of glyphical systems of the world,
science, morality, and the arts are shows his characteristic sagacity
recorded. Every thing seems to and boldness by announcing opin-
speak one and the same language, ions little credited then, though
and breathes one and the same since established. He affirmed the
spirit." The passage is cited by existence of an Egyptian alphabet,
Heeren, Hist. Res., vol. V. p. 178. but was not aware of the phonetic
2 Divine Legation, ap. Works, property of hieroglyphics, — the
(London, 1811,) vol. lY. b. 4, great literary discovery of our age.
sec. 4.
92 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book 1.
quires a combination of ideas, that amounts to a
positively intellectual effort. Yet further, when the
object of the painter, instead of being limited to the
present, is, to penetrate the past, and to gather from
its dark recesses lessons of instruction for coming
generations, vi^e see the dawnings of a literary cul-
ture, — and recognise the proof of a decided civiliza-
tion in the attempt itself, however imperfectly it
may be executed. The literal imitation of objects
^vi\[ not answer for this more complex and extended
plan. It would occupy too much space, as well as
time, in the execution. It then becomes necessary
to abridge the pictures, to confine the drawing to
outlines, or to such prominent parts of the bodies
delineated, as may readily suggest the whole. This
is the representative or figurative writing, which
forms the lowest stage of hieroglyphics.
But there are things which have no type in the
material world ; abstract ideas, which can only be
represented by visible objects supposed to have some
quality analogous to the idea intended. This con-
stitutes symbolical writing, the most difficult of all
to the interpreter, since the analogy between the
material and immaterial object is often purely fanci-
ful, or local in its application. Who, for instance,
could suspect the association which made a beetle
represent the universe, as with the Egyptians, or a
serpent typify time, as with the Aztecs?
The third and last division is the phonetic, in
which signs are made to represent sounds, either
entire words, or parts of them. This is the nearest
Ch. IV.] MEXICAN HIEROGLYPHICS. 93
approach of the hieroglyphical series to that beauti-
ful invention, the alphabet, by which language is re-
solved into its elementary sounds, and an apparatus
supplied for easily and accurately expressing the
most delicate shades of thought.
The Egyptians were well skilled in all three kinds
of hieroglyphics. But, although their public monu-
ments display the first class, in their ordinary inter-
course and written records, it is now certain, they
almost wholly relied on the phonetic character.
Strange, that, having thus broken down the thin
partition which divided them from an alphabet, their
latest monuments should exhibit no nearer approach
to it than their earliest." The Aztecs, also, were
acquainted with the several varieties of hieroglyphics.
But they relied on the figurative infinitely more
than on the others. The Egyptians were at the
top of the scale, the Aztecs at the bottom.
In casting the eye over a Mexican manuscript, or
map, as it is called, one is struck with the grotesque
caricatures it exhibits of the human figure ; mon-
strous, overgrown heads, on puny, misshapen bod-
3 It appears that the hieroglyph- may seem more strange that the
ics on the most recent monuments enchorial alphabet, so much more
of Egypt contain no larger infusion commodious, should not have been
of phonetic characters than those substituted. But the Egyptians
which existed eighteen centuries were familiar with their hiero-
before Christ ; showing no ad- glyphics from infancy, which,
vance, in this respect, for twenty- moreover, took the fancies of the
two hundred years! (See Cham- mostillit.erate,probably in thesanio
pollion. Precis du Systeme Hi^ro- manner as our children are attract
glyphique des Anciens Egypliens, ed and taught by the picture-alpha
(Paris, 1824,) pp. 242, 281.) It bets in an ordinary spelling-book.
94 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I.
ies, which arc themselves hard and angular in their
outlines, and without the least skill in composition.
On closer inspection, however, it is obvious that it is
not so much a rude attempt to delineate nature, as a
conventional symbol, to express the idea in the most
clear and forcible manner ; in the same way as the
pieces of similar value on a chess-board, while they
correspond with one another in form, bear little re-
semblance, usually, to the objects they represent.
Those parts of the figure are most distinctly traced,
which are the most important. So, also, the coloring,
instead of the delicate gradations of nature, exhibits
only gaudy and violent contrasts, such as may pro-
duce the most vivid impression. " For even col-
ors," as Gama observes, " speak in the Aztec hie-
roglyphics."*
But in the execution of all this the Mexicans were
much inferior to the Egyptians. The drawings of
the latter, indeed, are exceedingly defective, when
criticised by the mles of art ; for they were as igno-
rant of perspective as the Chinese, and only exhibit-
ed the head in profile, with the eye in the centre, and
with total absence of expression. But they handled
the pencil more gracefully than the Aztecs, were
more true to the natural forms of objects, and, above
all, showed great superiority in abridging the original
figure by giving only the outline, or some character-
istic or essential feature. This simplified the process,
and facilitated the communication of thouoht. An
o
^ Descripcion Hist6rica y Cronol6gica de las Dos Piedras, (Mexico,
1832,) Parte 2, p. 39.
Ch. IV.J MEXICAN HIEROGLYPHICS 95
Egyptian text has almost the appearance of alpha-
betical writing in its regular lines of minute figures.
A Mexican text looks usually like a collection of
pictures, each one forming the subject of a separate
study. This is particularly the case with the delin-
eations of mythology ; in which the story is told by
a conglomeration of symbols, that may remind one
more of the mysterious anaglyphs sculptured on the
temples of the Egyptians, than of their written
records.
The Aztecs had various emblems for expressing
such things as, from their nature, could not be direct-
ly represented by the painter ; as, for example, the
years, months, days, the seasons, the elements, the
heavens, and the like. A " tongue " denoted speak-
ing ; a " foot-print," travelling ; a " man sitting on
the ground," an earthquake. These symbols were
often very arbitrary, varying with the caprice of the
writer ; and it requires a nice discrimination to inter-
pret them, as a slight change in the form or position
of the figure intimated a very different meaning.'
An ingenious writer asserts that the priests devised
secret symbolic characters for the record of their
religious mysteries. It is possible. But the re-
searches of Champollion lead to the conclusion, that
5 Ibid., pp. 32, 44. — Acosta, The editor has rendered a good
lib. 6, cap. 7. service by this further publication
The continuation of Gama's of the writings of this estimable
work, recently edited by Busta- scholar, who has done more than
inante. in Mexico, contains, among any of his countrymen to explain
other things, some interesting re- the mysteries of Aztec science.
marks on the Aztec hieroglyphics.
9G AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I.
the similar opinion, formerly entertained respecting
the Egyptian hieroglyphics, is without foundation/'
Lastly, they employed, as above stated, phonetic
signs, though these were chiefly confined to the
names of persons and places ; which, being derived
from some circumstance, or characteristic quality,
were accommodated to the hieroglyphical system.
Thus the town Cimatlan was compounded of cimatl,
a " root," which grew near it, and tlan, signifying
" near " ; Tlaxcallan meant " the place of bread,"
from its rich fields of corn ; Huexotzinco, " a place
surrounded by willows." The names of persons
were often significant of their adventures and
achievements. That of the great Tezcucan prince,
Nezahualcoyotl, signified " hungry fox," intimating
his sagacity, and his distresses in early life.'' The
emblems of such names were no sooner seen, than
they suggested to every Mexican the person and
6 Gaina, Dcscripcion, Parte 2, Gama, Descripcion, Parte 2, pp.
p. 32. 34-43.
Warburton, with his usual pen- Heeren is not aware, or does
etration, rejects the idea of mys- not allow, that the Mexicans used
tery in the figurative hieroglyph- phonetic characters of any kind,
ics. (Divine Legation, b. 4, sec. (Hist. Res., vol. V. p. 45.) They,
4.) If there was any mystery indeed, reversed the usual order
reserved for the initiated, Cham- of proceeding, and, instead of
poliion thinks it may have been adapting the hieroglyphic to the
the system of the anaglyphs, name of the object, accommodated
(Precis, p. 360.) Why may not the name of the object to the hie-
this be true, likewise, of the mon- roglyphic. This, of course, could
strous symbolical combinations not admit of great extension. We
which represented the Mexican find phonetic characters, however,
deities'? applied, in some instances, .to com-
■^ Boturini, Idea, pp. 77-83. — mon, as well as proper names.
Ch. IV.] MEXICAN HIEROGLYPHICS. 97
place intended ; and, when painted on their shields,
or embroidered on their banners, became the armo-
rial bearings, by which city and chieftain were dis-
tinguished, as in Europe, in the age of chivalry.^
But, although the Aztecs were instructed in all
the varieties of hieroglyphical painting, they chiefly
resorted to the clumsy method of direct representa-
tion. Had their empire lasted, like the Egyptian,
several thousand, instead of the brief space of two
hundred years, they would, doubtless, like them,
have advanced to the more frequent use of the pho-
netic writing. But, before they could be made
acquainted with the capabilities of their own system,
the Spanish Conquest, by introducing the European
alphabet, supplied their scholars with a more perfect
contrivance for expressing thought, which soon sup-
planted the ancient pictorial character.^
Clumsy as it was, however, the Aztec picture-
writing seems to have been adequate to the demands
of the nation, in their imperfect state of civilization.
By means of it Avere recorded all their laws, and
even their regulations for domestic economy ; their
tribute-roils, specifying the imposts of the various
towns; their mythology, calendars, and rituals; their
political annals, carried back to a period long before
the foundation of the city. They digested a com-
8 Boturini, Idea, ubi supra. testimony to the literary ardor
9 Clavigero has given a cata- and intelligence of the native
logue of the Mexican historians races. Stor. del Messico, torn. I.,
of the sixteenth century, — some Pref. — Also, Gama, Descripcion,
of whom are often cited in this Parte 1, passim.
history, — which bears honorable
VOL. I. 13
98 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book 1.
plele system of chronology, and could specify with
accuracy the dates of the most important events in
their history ; the year being inscribed on the mar-
gin, against the particular circumstance recorded.
It is true, history, thus executed, must necessarily
])e vague and fragmentary. Only a few leading in-
cidents could be presented. But in this it did not
differ much from the monkish chronicles of the dark
ages, which often dispose of years in a few brief
sentences ; — quite long enough for the annals of
barbarian s.^°
In order to estimate aright the picture-writing ot
the Aztecs, one must regard it in connexion \vith
oral tradition, to which it was auxiliary. In the col-
leges of the priests the youth were instructed in
astronomy, history, mythology, &c. ; and those who
were to follow the profession of hieroglyphical paint-
ing were taught the application of the characters
appropriated to each of these branches. In an histor-
ical work, one had charge of the chronology, another
of the events. Every part of the labor was thus
mechanically distributed." The pupils, instructed
'"M. de Humboldt's remark, that looseness and uncertaiiity of these
the Aztec annals, from the close historical records are made apparent
of the eleventh century, "exhibit by the remarks of the Spanish
the greatest method, and astonish- interpreter of the Mendoza ctdex,
ing minuteness," (Vues des Cor- who tells us that the natives, to
dilleres, p. 137,) must be received whom it was submitted, were very
with some qualification. The read- long in coming to an agreement
er would scarcely understand from about the proper signification of
It, that there are rarely more than the paintings. Antiq. of Mexico,
one or two facts recorded in any vol. VI. p. 87.
year, and sometimes not one in a ^^ Gama, Descripcion, Parte 2.
dozen or more. The necessary p. 30. — Acosta, lib. 6, cap. 7.
Ch. IV.J
MANUSCRIPTS.
99
in all that was before known in their several depart-
ments, were prepared to extend still further the
boundaries of their imperfect science. The hiero-
glyphics served as a sort of stenography, a collection
of notes, suggesting to the initiated much more than
could be conveyed by a literal interpretation. This
combination of the written and the oral compre-
hended what may be called the literature of the
Aztecs.'^
Their manuscripts were made of different mate-
rials, — of cotton cloth, or skins nicely prepared ;
of a composition of silk and gum ; but, for the most
" Tenian para cada genero,"
says Ixtlilxochitl, " sus Escritores,
linos que trataban de los Anales,
poniendo por su orden las cosas que
acaecian en cada un afio, con dia,
mes, y hora ; otros tenian a su
cargo las Genealogias, y descen-
dencia de los Reyes, Seijores, y
Personas de linaje, asentando por
cuenla y razon los que nacian, y
borraban los que morian con la
misma cuenta. Unos tenian cui-
dado de las pinturas, de los termi-
nos, limites, y mojoneras de las
Ciudades, Provincias, Pueblos, y
Lugares, y de las suertes, y repar-
timiento de las tierras cuyas eran,
y a quien pertenecian ; otros de
los libros de Leyes, ritos, y sere-
moniasqueusaban." Hist. Chich.,
MS., Prologo.
19 According to Boturini, the
ancient Mexicans were acquainted
with the Peruvian method of re-
cording events, by means of the
quippus, — knotted strings of va-
rious colors, — which were after-
wards superseded by hieroglyphi-
cal painting. (Idea, p. 86.) He
could discover, however, but a sin-
gle specimen, which he met with
in Tlascala, and that had nearly
fallen to pieces with age. McCul-
]oh suggests that it may have
been only a wampum belt, such
as is conamon among our North
American Indians. (Researches,
p. 201.) The conjecture is plausi-
ble enough. Strings of wampum,
of various colors, were used by the
latter people for the similar pur-
pose of registering events. The
insulated fact, recorded by Boturi-
ni, is hardly sufficient — unsup-
ported, as far as I know, by any
other testimony — to establish the
existence of quippus among the
Aztecs, who had but little in com-
mon with the Peruvians.
100 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [ Book I.
part, of a fine fabric from the leaves of the aloe,
agave Americana, called by the natives, maguey,
which grows luxuriantly over the table-lands of
Mexico. A sort of paper was made from it, resem-
bling somewhat the Egyptian papyrus,^^ which, when
properly dressed and polished, is said to have been
more soft and beautiful than parchment. Some of
the specimens, still existing, exhibit their original
freshness, and the paintings on them retain their
brilliancy of colors. They were sometimes done up
into rolls, but more frequently into volumes, of mod-
erate size, in which the paper was shut up, like a
folding-screen, with a leaf or tablet of wood at each
extremity, that gave the whole, when closed, the
appearance of a book. The length of the strips was
determined only by convenience. As the pages
might be read and referred to separately, this form
had obvious advantages over the rolls of the an-
cients.^*
13 Pliny, who gives a minute dilleres, p. 52. — Peter Martyr
account of the papyrus reed of Anglerius, De Orbe Novo, (Corn-
Egypt, notices the various manu- pluti, 1530,) dec. 3, cap. 8 ; dec.
factures obtained from it, as ropes, 5, cap. 10.
cloth, paper, &c. It also served Martyr has given a minute de-
as a thatch for the roofs of houses, scription of the Indian maps, sent
and as food and drink for the na- home soon after tke invasion of
tives. (Hist. Nat., lib. 11, cap. New Spain. His inquisitive mind
20-22.) It is singular that the was struck with the evidence they
American agave, a plant so totally afforded of a positive civiliza-
different, should also have been tion. Ribera, the friend of Cortes,
applied to all these various uses, brought back a story, that the
^* Lorenzana, Hist, de Nueva paintings were designed as pat-
Espafia, p. 8. — Boturini, Idea, terns for embroiderers and jewel-
p. 96. — Humboldt, Vues des Cor- lers. But Martyr had been in
Ch. IV.] MANUSCRIPTS. 101
At the time of the arrival of the Spaniards, great
quantities of these manuscripts were treasm'ed up
in the country. Numerous persons were employed
in painting, and the dexterity of their operations
excited the astonishment of the Conquerors. Un-
fortunately, this was mingled with other, and unwor-
thy feelings. The strange, unknown characters
inscribed on them excited suspicion. They were
looked on as magic scrolls ; and were regarded in
the same light with the idols and temples, as the
symbols of a pestilent superstition, that must be
extirpated. The first archbishop of Mexico, Don
Juan de Zumarraga, — a name that should be as
immortal as that of Omar, — collected these paint-
ings from every quarter, especially from Tezcuco,
the most cultivated capital in Anahuac, and the
great depository of the national archives. He then
caused them to be piled up in a " mountain-heap,"
— as it is called by the Spanish writers themselves,
— in the market-place of Tlatelolco, and reduced
them all to ashes ! '^ His greater countryman, Arch-
bishop Ximenes, had celebrated a similar auto-da-fe
of Arabic manuscripts, in Granada, some twenty
years before. Never did fanaticism achieve two
Egypt, and he felt little hesitation Writers are not agreed whether
in placing the Indian drawings in the conflagration took place in the
the same class with those he had square of Tlatelolco or Tezcuco.
seen on the obelisks and temples Comp. Clavigero,Stor.delMessico,
of that country. torn. II. p. 188, and Bustamante's
15 Ixtlilxochit], Hist. Chich., Pref. to Ixtlilxochitl, Cruautes des
MS., Prologo. — Idem, Sum. Re- Conquerans, trad, de Ternaux, p.
lac, MS. xvii.
\Ql2 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I
more signal triumphs, than by the annihilation of so
many curious monuments of human ingenuity and
learning ! ^'^ "
The unlettered soldiers were not slow in imitating
the example of their prelate. Every chart and
volume which fell into their hands was wantonly
destroyed ; so that, when the scholars of a later
and more enlightened age anxiously sought to re-
cover some of these memorials of civilization, nearly
all had perished, and the few surviving were jeal-
ously hidden by the natives. '~ Through the inde-
fatigable labors of a private individual, however, a
considerable collection was eventually deposited in
the archives- of Mexico ; but was so little heeded
there, that some were plundered, others decayed
piecemeal from the damps and mildews, and others,
again, were used up as waste-paper ! ^^ We con-
template with indignation the cruelties inflicted by
the early conquerors. But indignation is qualified
with contempt, when we see them thus ruthlessly
trampling out the spark of knowledge, the common
boon and property of all mankind. We may well
16 It has beer my lot to record '^ The enlightened governor,
both these displays of human in- Don Lorenzo Zavala sold the doc-
firmity, so humbling to the pride uments in the archives of the
of intellect. See the History of Audience of Mexico, according to
Ferdinand and Isabella, Part 2, Bu«tamante, as wrapping-paper,
Chap. 6. to L.poihecarics, shopkeepers, and
1' Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva rocket-makers ! Boturini's noble
Espana, lib. 10, cap. 27. — Bus- collection has not fared much
tamante, Mafianas de Alameda, better.
(Mexico, 1836.) tom. II., Pr61ogo.
Ca IV.]
MANUSCRIPTS.
105
doubt, which has the strongest claims to civilization,
the victor, or the vanquished.
A few of the Mexican manuscripts have found
their way, from time to time, to Europe, and are
carefully preserved in the public libraries of its capi-
tals. They are brought together in the magnificent
work of Lord Kingsborough ; but not one is there
from Spain. The most important of them, for the
light it throws on the Aztec institutions, is the
Mendoza Codex ; which, after its mysterious dis-
appearance for more than a century, has at length
reappeared in the Bodleian library at Oxford. It has
been several times engraved. ^^ The most brilliant
19 The history of this famous
collection is familiar to scholars.
It was sent to the Emperor Charles
the Fifth, not long after the Con-
quest, by the viceroy Mendoza.
Marques de Mondejar. The ves-
sel fell into the hands of a French
cruiser, and the manuscript was
taken to Paris. It was afterwards
bought by the chaplain of the Eng-
lish embassy, and, coming into
the possession of the antiquary
Purchas, was engraved, in exten-
so, by him, in the third volume of
his " Pilgrimage." After its pub-
lication, in 1625, the Aztec origin-
al lost its importance, and fell into
oblivion so completely, that, when
at length the public curiosity was
excited in regard to its fate, no
trace of it could be discovered.
Many were the speculations of
scholars, at home and abroad,
respecting it, and Dr. Robertson
settled the question as to its ex-
istence in England, by declaring
that there was no Mexican relic
in that country, except a golden
goblet of Montezuma. (History of
America, (London, 1796,) vol.
III. p. 370.) Nevertheless, the
identical Codex, and several oth-
er Mexican paintings, have been
since discovered in the Bodleian
library. The circumstance ha.->
brought some obloquy on the his-
torian, who, while prying into the
collections of Vienna and the Es-
curial, could be so blind to those
under his own eyes. The over-
sight will not appear so extraordi-
nary to a thorough-bred collector,
whether of manuscripts, or med-
als, or any other rarity. The Men-
doza Codex is, after all, but a copy,
coarsely done with a pen on Eu-
ropean paper. Another copy, from
which Archbishop Lorenzana en-
104
AZTEC CIVILIZATION.
[Book J.
in coloring, probably, is the Borgian collection, in
Rome.-° The most curious, however, is the Dres-
den Codex, which has excited less attention than
it deserves. Although usually classed among Mexi-
can manuscripts, it bears little resemblance to them
in its execution ; the figures of objects are more deli-
cately drawn, and the characters, unlike the Mexi-
can, appear to be purely arbitrary, and are possibly
phonetic.^^ Their regular arrangement is quite equal
to the Egyptian. The whole infers a much higher
^^raved his tribute-rolls in Mexico,
existed in Boturini's collection. A
third is in the Escurial, according
10 the Marquess of Spineto. (Lec-
tures on the Elements of Hiero-
glyphics, (London,) lect. 7.) This
may possibly be the original paint-
ing. The entire Codex, copied from
the Bodleian maps, with its Span-
ish and English interpretations, is
included in the noble compilation
of Lord Kingsborough. (Vols. L,
V.jVL) It is distributed into three
parts ; embracing the civil history
of the nation, the tributes paid by
the cities, and the domestic econo-
Tny and discipline of the Mexicans ;
and, from the fulness of the inter-
pretation, is of much importance
in regard to these several topics.
* It formerly belonged to the
Ciustiniani family ; but was so lit-
tle cared for, that it was suffered
to fall into the mischievous hands
of the domestics' children, who
made sundry attempts to burn it.
Fortunately it was pain ed on
deerskin, and, though so/newhat
singed, was not destoyed. (Hum-
boldt, Vues des Cordilleres, p. 89,
et seq.) It is impossible to cast
the eye over this brilliant assem-
blage of forms and colors with-
out feeling how hopeless must be
the attempt to recover a key to
the Aztec mythological symbols ;
which are here distributed with
the symmetry, indeed, but in all
the endless combinations, of the
kaleidoscope. It is in the third
volume of Lord Kingsborough's
work.
21 Humboldt, who has copied
some pages of it in his " Atlas Pit-
toresque," intimates no doubt of
its Aztec origin. (Vues dcs Cor-
dilleres, pp. 26G, 267.) M. Le
Noir even reads in it an exposition
of Mexican Mythology, with oc-
casional analogies to that of Egypt
and of Hindostan. (Antiquites
Mexicaines, tom. II., Introd.) The
fantastic forms of hieroglyphic
symbols may afford analogies for
almost any thing.
Oh. IV.]
MANUSCRIPTS
105
and offers abundant food
civilization than the Aztec,
for curious speculation*^ .
Some few of these maps have interpretations an-
nexed to them, which were obtained from the na-
tives after the Conquest.-^ The greater part are
22 The history of this Codex,
engraved entire in the third volume
of the " Antiquities of Mexico,"
goes no further back than 1739,
when it was purchased at Vienna
for the Dresden library. It is made
of the American agave. The fig-
ures painted on it bear little re-
semblance, either in feature or
form, to the Mexican. They are
surmounted by a sort of head-
gear, which looks something like
a modern peruke. On the chin
of one we may notice a beard, a
sign often used after the Con-
quest to denote a European. Many
of the persons are sitting cross-
legged. The profiles of the faces,
and the whole contour of the
limbs, are sketched with a spirit
and freedom, very unlike the hard,
angular outlines of the Aztecs.
The characters, also, are delicately
traced, generally in an irregular,
hut circular form, and are very mi-
nute. They are arranged, like the
Egyptian, both horizontally and
perpendicularly, mostly in the for-
mer manner, and, from the preva-
lent direction of the profiles, would
seem to have been read from right
to left. Whether phonetic or ideo-
graphic, they are of that compact
and purely conventional sort which
belongs to a well-digested system
VOL. I. 14
for the communication of thought.
One cannot but regret, that no trace
should exist of the quarter whence
this MS. was obtained ; perhaps,
some part of Central America ;
from the region of the mysterious
races who built the monuments of
Mitla and Palenque. Though, in
truth, there seems scarcely more
resemblance in the symbols to the
Palenque bas-reliefs, than to the
Aztec paintings.
23 There are three of these ; the
Mendoza Codex ; the Telleriano-
Remensis, — formerly the property
of Archbishop Tellier, — in the
Royal library of Paris ; and the
Vatican MS., No. 3738. The in-
terpretation of the last bears evi-
dent marks of its recent origin :
probably as late as the close of
the sixteenth, or the beginning of
the seventeenth century, when the
ancient hieroglyphics were read
with the eye of faith, rather than
of reason. Whoever was the
commentator, (comp. Vues des
Cordilleres, pp. 203, 204 ; and
Antiq. of Mexico, vol. VI. pp.
155, 222,) he has given such an
exposition, as shows the old Az-
tecs to have been as orthodox
Christians, as any subjects of tiie
Pope.
106 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I
without any, and cannot now be unriddled. Had
the Mexicans made free use of a phonetic alphabet,
it might have been originally easy, by mastering the
comparatively few signs employed in this kind of
communication, to have got a permanent key to the
whole.^ A brief inscription has furnished a clue to
the vast labyrinth of Egyptian hieroglyphics. But
the Aztec characters, representing individuals, or, at
most, species, require to be made out separately ; a
hopeless task, for which little aid is to be expected
from the vague and general tenor of the few inter-
pretations now existing. There was, as already
mentioned, until late in the last century, a professor
in the University of Mexico, especially devoted to
the study of the national picture-writing. But, as
this was with a view to legal proceedings, his infor-
mation, probabl}^, was limited to deciphering titles.
In less than a hundred years after the Conquest, the
knowledge of the hieroglyphics had so far declined,
that a diligent Tezcucan writer complains he could
find in the country only two persons, both very aged,
at all competent to interpret them.-"'
^ The total number of Egyp- Boturini, who travelled through
tian hieroglyphics discovered by every part of the country, in the
ChampoUion amounts to 864 ; and middle of the last century, could
of these 130 only are phonetic, not meet with an individual who
notwithstanding tliat this kind of could afford him the least clue to
character is used far more frequent- the Aztec hieroglyphics. So com-
ly than both the others. Precis, pletely had every vestige of their
p. 203 ; — also Spineto, Lectures, ancient language been swept away
lect. 3. from the memory of the natives.
25 Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., (Idea, p. 116.) If we are to be-
MS., Dedic. lieve Bustamante, however, a com-
Ch. IV.] MANUSCRIPTS. 107
It is not probable, therefore, that the art of read-
ing these picture-writings will ever be recovered ; a
circumstance certainly to be regretted. Not that
the records of a semi-civilized people would be like-
ly to contain any new truth or discovery important
to human comfort or progress ; but they could scarce-
ly fail to throw some additional light on the previous
history of the nation, and that of the more polished
people who before occupied the country. This
would be still more probable, if any literary relics of
their Toltec predecessors were preserved ; and, if re-
port be true, an important compilation from this
source was extant at the time of the invasion, and
may have perhaps contributed to swell the holo-
caust of Zumarraga.'^ It is no great stretch of
fancy, to suppose that such records might reveal the
plete key to the whole system is, &c., &c., a good deal too much
at this moment, someivhere in for one book. Ignolum pro mag-
Spain. It was carried home, at nifico. It has never been seen by
the time of the process against a European. A copy is said to
father Mier, in 1795. The name have been in possession of the
of the Mexican ChampoUion who Tezcucan chroniclers, on the taking
discovered it is Borunda. Gama, of their capital. (Bustamante,
Descripcion, tom. 11. p. 33, nota. CronicaMexicana, (Mexico, 1822,)
26 Teoamoxtli, "the divine carta 3.) Lord Kingsborough, who
book," as it was called. Accord- can scent out a Hebrew root, be it
ing to Ixtlilxochitl, it was com- buried never so deep, has discov-
posed by a Tezcucan doctor, named ered that the Teoamoxtli was the
Huematzin, towards the close of Pentateuch. Thus, — teo means
the seventh century. (Relaciones, "divine," amotl, "paper" or
MS.) It gave an account of the "book," and moxtli ^^ appears to
migrations of his nation from Asia, be Moses," — "Divine Book of
of the various stations on their jour- Moses " ! Antiq. of Mexico, vol
ney, of their social and religious VI. p. 204, nota.
institutions, their science, arts,
108 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book 1.
sticcessive links in the mighty chain of migration
of the primitive races, and, by carrying us back to
the seat of their possessions in the Old World, have
solved the mystery which has so long perplexed the
learned, in regard to the settlement and civilization
of the New.
Besides the hieroglyphical maps, the traditions
of the country were embodied in the songs and
hymns, which, as already mentioned, were carefully
taught in the public schools. These were various,
embracing the mythic legends of a heroic age, the
warlike achievements of their own, or the softer tales
of love and pleasure. ^'^ Many of them were com-
posed by scholars and persons of rank, and are
cited as affording the most authentic record of
events.^^ The Mexican dialect was rich and ex-
pressive, though inferior to the Tezcucan, the most
polished of the idioms of Anahuac. None of the
Aztec compositions have survived, but we can form
some estimate of the general state of poetic culture
from the odes which have come down to us from
the royal house of Tezcuco.^^ Sahagun has fur-
nished us with translations of their more elaborate
prose, consisting of prayers and public discourses,
27 Boturini, Idea, pp. 90-97. — dida, que siempre observaroa y
Clavigero, Stor. del Messi'io, torn, adquirieron la verdad, y esta con
II. pp. 174 - 178. tanta, y razon, quanta pudieron
28 " Los cantos con que las ob- tener los mas graves y fidedig-
servaban Autores muy graves en nosAutores." Ixtlilxochitl, Hist,
su modo de ciencia y facultad, Chich., MS., Prologo.
pues fueron los mismos Reyes, y 20 gee Chap. 6, of this Intro-
de la gente mas ilustre y enten- duction.
ch. iv] arithmetic. 109
which give a favorable idea of their eloquence, and
show that they paid much attention to rhetorical
effect. They are said to have had, also, something
like theatrical exhibitions, of a pantomimic sort, in
which the faces of the performers were covered with
masks, and the figures of birds or animals were
frequendy represented ; an imitation, to which they
may have been led by the familiar delineation of
such objects in their hieroglyphics.^'' In all this
we see the dawning of a literary culture, surpassed,
however, by their attainments in the severer walks
of mathematical science.
They devised a system of notation in their arith-
metic, sufficiently simple. The first twenty numbers
were expressed by a corresponding number of dots.
The first five had specific names ; after which they
were represented by combining the fifth with one of
the four preceding ; as five and one for six, five and
two for seven, and so on. Ten and fifteen had
each a separate name, which was also combined
with the first four, to express a higher quantity.
These four, therefore, were the radical characters of
their oral arithmetic, in the same manner as they
were of the written with the ancient Romans ; a
more simple arrangement, probably, than any exist-
ing among Europeans.^' Twenty was expressed by
30 See some account of these gravings of them are both in Lord
mummeries in Acosta, (lib. 5, cap. Kingsborough's work, and in the
30,) — also Clavigero (Stor. del Antiquites Mexicaines.
Messico, ubi supra). Stone mod- 31 Gama, Descripcion , Parte 2,
els of masks are sometimes found Apend. 2.
among the Indian ruins, and en- Gama, in comparing the language
110 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book 1.
a separate hieroglyphic, — a flag. Larger sums
were reckoned by twenties, and, in writing, by re-
peating the number of flags. The square of twenty,
four hundred, had a separate sign, that of a plume,
and so had the cube of twenty, or eight thousand,
which was denoted by a purse, or sack. This was
the whole arithmetical apparatus of the Mexicans,
by the combination of which they were enabled to
indicate any quantity. For greater expedition, they
used to denote fractions of the larger sums by draw-
ing only a part of the object. Thus, half or three
fourths of a plume, or of a purse, represented that
proportion of their respective sums, and so on.^
With all this, the machinery will appear very awk-
ward to us, who perform our operations with so
much ease, by means of the Arabic, or, rather, Indian
ciphers. It is not much more awkward, however,
than the system pursued by the great mathemati-
cians of antiquity, unacquainted with the brilliant
invention, which has given a new aspect to mathe-
matical science, of determining the value, in a great
measure, by the relative position of the figures.
In the measurement of time, the Aztecs ad-
justed their civil year by the solar. They di-
vided it into eighteen months of twenty days each.
Both months and days were expressed by peculiar
hieroglyphics, — those of the former often intimating
of Mexican notation with the de- ^ Ibid., ubi supra,
cimal system of the Europeans, This learned Mexican has given
and the ingenious binary system a very satisfactory treatise on the
of Leibnitz, confounds oral with arithmetic of the Aztecs, in his
written arithmetic. second part.
Ch. IV.] CHRONOLOGY. 1 1 1
the season of the year, like the French months, at
the period of the Revolution. Five complementary
days, as in Egypt,^^ were added, to make up the full
number of three hundred and sixty-five. They be-
longed to no month, and were regarded as peculiarly
unlucky. A month was divided into four weeks, of
five days each, on the last of which was the public
fair, or market day.^' This arrangement, differing
from that of the nations of the Old Continent,
whether of Europe or Asia,^^ has the advantage of
giving an equal number of days to each month, and
of comprehending entire weeks, without a fraction,
both in the months and in the year."^*^
As the year is composed of nearly six hours more
than three hundred and sixty-five days, there still
remained an excess, which, like other nations who
have framed a calendar, they provided for by in-
tercalation ; not, indeed, every fourth year, as the
Europeans,^" but at longer intervals, like some of the
33 Herodotus, Euterpe, sec. 4. monument existing of astronom-
34 Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva ical science. See La Place, Ex-
Espafia, lib. 4, Apend. position du Syst^me du Monde,
According to Clavigero, the fairs (Paris, 1808,) lib. 5, chap. 1.
were held on the days bearing the 36 Veytia, Historia Antigua de
sign of the year. Stor. del Mes- Mejico,(Mejico, 180G,) torn. I. cap.
sico, torn. n. p. 62. fi, 7. — Gama, Descripcion, Parte
35 The people of Java, accord- 1, pp. 33, 34, et alibi. — Boturini,
ing to Sir Stamford Raffles, reg- Idea, pp. 4, 44, et seq. — Cod.
ulated their markets, also, by a Tel. -Rem., ap. Antiq. of Mexico,
week of five days. They had, vol.VI.p. 104. — Camargo,Hist. de
besides, our week of seven. (His- Tlascala, MS. — Toribio, Hist, de
tory of Java, (London, 1830,) vol. los Indies, MS., Parte 1, cap. 5.
L, pp. 531, 532.) The latter di- 37 Sahagun intimates doubts of
vision of time, of general use this. " Otra fiesta hacian de cua-
throughout the East, is the oldest tro en cuatro aiios a honra del
112
AZTEC CIVILIZATION.
[Book I.
Asiatics.^^ They waited till the expiration of fifty-
two vague years, when they interposed thirteen days,
or rather twelve and a half, this being the number
which had fallen in arrear. Had they inserted thir-
teen, it would have been too much, since tlie annual
excess over three hundred and sixty-five is about
eleven minutes less than six hours. But, as their
calendar, at the time of the Conquest, was found to
correspond with the European, (making allowance
for the subsequent Gregorian reform,) they would
seem to have adopted the shorter period of twelve
days and a half,^^ which brought them, within an
fuego, y en esta fiesta cs verosimil,
y hay congeturas que hacian su
visiesto contando seis dias de ne-
mnntemi''^ ; the five unlucky com-
plementary days were so called.
(Hist, de Nueva Espaiia, lib. 4,
Apend.) But this author, how-
ever good an authority for the
superstitions, is an indiflferent one
lor the science of the Mexicans.
38 The Persians had a cycle of
one hundred and tvi'enty years, of
three hundred and sixty-five days
each , at the end of which they inter-
calated thirty days. (Humboldt,
Vues des Cordilleres, p. 177.)
This was the same as thirteen after
the cycle of fifty-two years of the
Mexicans ; but was less accurate
than their probable intercalation
of twelve days and a half. It is
obviously indifferent, as far as ac-
curacy is concerned, which mul-
tiple of four is selected to form
the cycle ; though, the shorter the
interval of intercalation, the less,
of course, will be the temporary
departure from the true time.
^ This is the conclusion to
which Gama arrives, after a very
careful investigation of the subject.
He supposes that the "bundles,'"
or cycles, of fifty-two years, — by
which, as we shall see, the Mex-
icans computed time, — ended, al-
ternately, at midnight and mid-
day. (Descripcion, Parte 1, p.
52, et seq.) He finds some war-
rant for this in Acosta's account,
(lib. 6, cap. 2,) though contra-
dicted by Torquemada, (Monarch.
Ind., lib. 5, cap. 33,) and, as it
appears, by Sahagun, — whose
work, however, Gama never saw,
— (Hist, de Nueva Espaiia, lib.
7, cap. 9,) both of whom place
the close of the year at midnight.
Gama's hypothesis derives con-
firmation from a circumstance I
have not seen noticed. Besides
the "bundle " of fifty-two years,
the Mexicans had a larger cycle
Ch. IV.]
CHRONOLOGY.
113
almost inappreciable fraction, to the exact length of
the tropical year, as established by the most accurate
observations.^" Indeed, the intercalation of twenty-
five days, in every hundred and four years, shows a
nicer adjustment of civil to solar time than is pre-
sented by any European calendar ; since more than
five centuries must elapse, before the loss of an en-
tire day.^' Such was the astonishing precision dis-
played by the Aztecs, or, perhaps, by their more
polished Toltec predecessors, in these computations,
so difficult as to have baffled, till a comparatively re-'
cent period, the most enlightened nations of Chris-
tendom ! ^
of one hundred and four years,
called "an old age." As this
was not used in their reckonings,
which were carried on by their
" bundles," it seems highly prob-
able that it was designed to ex-
press the period which would
bring round the commencement of
the smaller cycles to the same
hour, and in which the intercalary
days, amounting to twenty-five,
might be comprehended without a
fraction.
40 This length, as computed by
Zach, at 365d. 5h. 48m. 48sec.,
is only 2m. 9sec. longer than the
Mexican ; which corresponds with
the celebrated calculation of the
astronomers of the Caliph Alraa-
mon, that fell short about two
minutes of the true time. See
La Place, Exposition, p. 350.
4t "El corto exceso de 4hor.
38min. 40seg., que hay de mas de
los 25 dias en el periodo de 104
afios, no puede componer un dia
entero, hasta que pasen mas de
cinco de estos periodos maximos 6
538 ailos." (Gama, Descripcion,
Parte 1, p. 23.) Gama estimates
the solar year at 365d. 5h. 48m.
50sec.
■^2 The ancient Etruscans ar-
ranged their calendar in cycles of
110 solar years, and reckoned the
year at 365d. 5h. 40m. ; at least,
this seems probable, says Niebuhr.
(History of Rome, Eng. trans.,
(Cambridge, 1828,) vol. I. pp.
113, 238.) The early Romans
had not wit enough to avail them-
selves of this accurate measure-
ment, which came within nine
minutes of the true time. The
Julian reform, which assumed
365d. 5dh. as the length of the
VOL. T.
15
114
AZTEC CIVILIZATION.
[Book 1
The chronological system of the Mexicans, b_y
which they determined the date of any particulai
event, was, also, very remarkable. The epoch, from
which they reckoned, corresponded with the yeai
1091, of the Christian era. It was the period of
the reform of their calendar, soon after their migra-
tion from Aztlan. They threw the years, as already
noticed, into great cycles, of fifty-two each, which
they called " sheafs," or " bundles," and represented
by a quantity of reeds bound together by a string.
As often as this hieroglyphic occurs in their maps,
it shows the number of half centuries. To enable
them to specify any particular year, they divided the
year, erred as much, or rather
more, on the other side. And
when the Europeans, who adopted
this calendar, landed in Mexico,
their reckoning was nearly eleven
days in advance of the exact time,
— or, in other words, of the reck-
oning of the barbarous Aztecs ; a
remarkable fact.
Gama's researches lead to the
conclusion, that the year of the
new cycle began with the Aztecs
on the ninth of January ; a date
considerably earlier than that usu-
ally assigned by the Mexican wri-
ters. (Descripcion, Parte I, pp.
49-52.) By postponing the in-
tercalation to the end of fifty-two
years, the annual loss of six hours
made every fourth year begin a
day earlier. Thus, the cycle com-
mencing on the ninth of January,
the fifth year of it began on the
eighth, the ninth year on the sev-
enth, and so on ; so that the last
day of the series of fifty-two years
fell on the twenty-sixth of Decem-
ber, when the intercalation of thir-
teen days rectified the chronolog}'.
and carried the commencement of
the new year to the ninth of Jan-
uary again. Torquemacia, puzzled
by the irregularity of the new-
year's day, asserts that the Mex-
icans were unacquainted with the
annual eslcess of six hours, and
therefore never intercalated ! (Mon-
arch. Ind., lib. 10, cap. 36.) The
interpreter of the Vatican Codex
has fallen into a series of blunders
on the same subject, still more
ludicrous. (Antiq. of Mexico, vol.
VI. PI. 16.) So soon had Aztec
science fallen into oblivion, afte'
the Conquest !
Ch. IV.] CHRONOLOGY. 115
great cycle into four smaller cycles, or indictions, ot
thirteen years each. They then adopted two periodi-
cal series of signs, one consisting of their numerical
dots, up to thirteen, the other, of four hieroglyphics
of the years.^^ These latter they repeated in regular
succession, setting against each one a number of the
corresponding series of dots, continued also in reg-
ular succession up to thirteen. The same system
was pursued through the four indictions, which thus.
It will be observed, began always with a different
hieroglyphic of the year from the preceding; and
in this way, each of the hieroghphics was made to
combine successively with each of the numerical
signs, but never twice with the same ; since four,
and thirteen, the factors of fifty-two, — the number
of years in the cycle, — must admit of just as many
combinations as are equal .to their product. Thus
every year had its appropriate symbol, by which it
was, at once, recognised. And this symbol, pre-
ceded by the proper number of " bundles," indicat-
ing the half centuries, showed the precise time
which had elapsed since the national epoch of
1091.'" The ingenious contrivance of a periodical
series, in place of the cumbrous system of hiero-
43 These hieroglyphics were a bit" and "air," which lead the
" rabbit," a " reed," a " flint," a respective series,
"house." They were taken as ^ The following table of two
.sj'^mbolical of the four elements, of the four indictions of thirteen
air, water, fire, earth, according to years each will make the texi
Veytia. (Hist. Antig., tom. I. cap. moreclear. The first column shows
5.) It is not easy to see the con- the actual year of the great cycle,
nexion between the terms " rab- or " bundle." The second, the nu-
116
AZTEC CIVILIZATION
[Book 1.
glyphical notation, is not peculiar to the Aztecs, and
is to be found among various people, on the Asiatic
merical dots used in their arithme- hieroglyphics for rabbit, reed, flint,
tic. The third is composed of their house, in their regular order.
First Indiction.
Second Indiction.
Year
f the
Jycl©.
1.
2.
• •
3.
. . .
4.
....
5.
6.
. . . . .
7.
. . . . .
8.
'.'.',''
9.
::.'.'
10
11.
12.
'.'.''
13.
'.'.'.'
Year
of the
Cycle.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
S
liy pursuing the combinations coincide with the same 'a: rv.
through the two remaining indie- glyphic.
tioiis, it will be found that the These tables are genc-..illy
same number of dots will never thrown into the form of wheels,
Ch. IV.]
CHRONOLOGY.
117
continent, — the same in principle, though varying
materially in arrangement.^''
The solar calendar, above described, might have
answered all the purposes of the nation ; but the
priests chose to construct another for themselves.
This was called a " lunar reckoning," though nowise
accommodated to the revolutions of the moon.^^ It
as are those, also, of their months
and days, having a very pretty
effect. Several have been publish-
ed, at different times, from the col-
lections of Siguenza and Boturini.
The wheel of the great cycle of
fifty-two years is encompassed by a
serpent, which was also the sym-
bol of "an age," both with the
Persians and Egyptians. Father
Toribio seems to misapprehend
the nature of these chronological
wheels ; " Tenian rodelas y escu-
dos, y en alias pintadas las figuras
y armas de sus Demonios con su
blason." Hist, de los Indies, MS.,
Parte 1, cap. 4.
^ Among the Chinese, Japan-
ese, Moghols, Mantchous, and oth-
er families of the Tartar race.
Their series are composed of sym-
bols of their five elements, and
the twelve zodiacal signs, making
a cycle of sixty years' duration.
Their several systems are exhib-
ited, in connexion with the Mex-
ican, in the luminous pages of
Humboldt, (Vues des Cordilleres,
p. 149,) who draws important con-
sequences from the comparison, to
wliich we shall have occasion to
return hereafter.
^ In this calendar, the months
of the tropical year were dis
tributed into cycles of thirteen
days, which, being repeated twenty
times, — the number of days in a
solar month, — completed the lu-
nar, or astrological, year of 260
days ; when the reckoning began
again. "By the contrivance of
these trecenas (terms of thirteen
days) and the cycle of fifty-two
years," saysGama, "they formed
a luni-solar period, most exact for
astronomical purposes." (Descrip-
cion,Partel,p. 27.) Headds,that
these trecenas were suggested by
the periods in which the moon is
visible before and after conjunction.
(Loc. cit.) It seems hardly possible
that a people, capable of construct-
ing a calendar so accurately on the
true principles of solar time, should
so grossly err as to suppose, that,
in this reckoning, they really " rep-
resented the daily revolutions of
the moon." " The whole Eastern
world," says the learned Niebuhr,
" has followed the moon in its cal-
endar ; the free scientific division
of a vast portion of time is pecu-
liar to the West. Connected with
the West is that primeval extinct
world which we call the New."
History of Rome, vol. I. p. 239.
118
AZTEC CIVILIZATION.
[Book I.
was formed, also, of two periodical series, one of
them consisting of thirteen numerical signs, or dots,
the other, of the twenty hieroglyphics of the days.
But, as the product of these combinations would only
be 260, and, as some confusion might arise from the
rep6'tition of the same terms for the remaining 105
days of the year, they invented a third series, con-
sisting of nine additional hieroglyphics, which, alter-
nating with the two preceding series, rendered it im-
possible that the three should coincide twice in the
same year, or indeed in less than 2340 days ; since 20
X 13 X 9 = 2340.'*^ Thirteen was a mystic number,
of frequent use in their tables.^® Why they resorted
to that of nine, on this occasion, is not so clear .^^
47 They were named ' ' compan-
ions," and "lords of the night,"
and were supposed to preside over
the night, as the other signs did
over the day. Boturini, Idea, p. 57.
'^ Thus, their astrological year
was divided into months of thir-
teen days, there were thirteen
years in their indictions, which
contained each three hundred and
sixty-five periods of thirteen days,
&c. It is a curious fact, that the
number of lunar months of thir-
teen days, contained in a cycle of
fifty-two years, with the intercala-
tion, should correspond precisely
with the number of years in the
great Sothic period of the Egyp-
tians, namely, 1491 ; a period, in
which the seasons and festivals
came round to the same place in
the year again. The coincidence
may be accidental. But a people
employing periodical series, and
astrological calculations, have gen-
erally some meaning in the num-
bers they select and the combina-
tions to which they lead.
^3 According to Gama, (Descrip-
cion, Pai'te 1, pp. 75, 76,) because
360 can be divided by nine without
a fraction ; the nine ' ' companions ' '
not being attached to the five com-
plementary days. But 4, a mystic
number much used in their arith-
metical combinations, would have
answered the same purpose, equal-
ly well. In regard to this, McCul-
loh observes, with much shrewd-
ness, " It seems impossible that
the Mexicans, so careful in con-
structing their cycle, should ab-
ruptly terminate it with 360 revo-
lutions, whose natural period of
termination is 2340." And he
supposes the nine "companions"
Ch. IV.] CHRONOLOGY. 119
This second calendar rouses a holy indignation in
the early Spanish missionaries, and father Sahagun
loudly condemns it, as " most unhallowed, since it is
founded neither on natural reason, nor on the influ-
ence of the planets, nor on the true course of the
year ; but is plainly the work of necromancy, and
the fruit of a compact with the Devil ! "^° One may
doubt, whether the superstition of those who in-
vented the scheme was greater than that of those
who thus impugned it. At all events, we may,
without having recourse to supernatural agency, find
in the human heart a sufficient explanation of its
origin ; in that love of power, that has led the priest-
hood of many a faith to affect a mystery, the key to
which was in their own keeping.
By means of this calendar, the Aztec priests kept
their own records, regulated the festivals and seasons
were used in connexion with the solar year might have annexed to it
cycles of 260 days, in order to the first of the nine " companions,"
throw them into the larger ones, which signified " lord of the year ";
of 2340 ; eight of which, with a (Idea, p. 57 ; ) a result which
ninth of 260 days, he ascertains to might have been equally well se-
be equal to the great solar period cured, without any intermission
of 52 years. (Researches, pp. 207, at all, by taking 5, another favor-
208.) This is very plausible. But ite number, instead of 9, as the
in fact the combinations of the two divisor. As it was, however,
first series, forming the cycle of the cycle, as far as the third se-
260 days, were always interrupted ries was concerned, did terminate
at the end of the year, since each with 360 revolutions. The sub-
new year began with the same ject is a perplexing one ; and I
hieroglyphic of the days. The third can hardly hope to have presented
series of the " companions " was it in such a manner as to make it
intermitted, as above stated, on the perfectly clear to the reader,
five unlucky days which closed the ^^ Hist, de Nueva Espafia, lib
year, in order, if we may believe 4, Introd.
Boturini, that the first day of the
120 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I.
of sacrifice, and made all their astrological calcula-
tions.''^ The false science of astrology is natural to
a state of society partially civilized, where the mind,
impatient of the slow and cautious examination by
which alone it can arrive at truth, launches, at
once, into the regions of speculation, and rashly
attempts to lift the veil, — the impenetrable veil,
which is drawn around the mysteries of nature. It
is the characteristic of true science, to discern the
impassable, but not very obvious, limits which divide
the province of reason from that of speculation.
Such knowledge comes tardily. How many ages
have rolled away, in which powers, that, rightly di-
rected, might have revealed the great laws of nature,
have been wasted in brilliant, but barren, reveries on
alchemy and astrology !
The latter is more particularly the study of a
primitive age ; when the mind, incapable of arriving
at the stupendous fact, that the myriads of minute
lights, glowing in the firmament, are the centres of
systems as glorious as our own, is naturally led to
speculate on their probable uses, and to connect
them in some way or other with man, for whose
convenience every other object in the universe seems
to have been created. As the eye of the simple
child of nature watches, through the long nights, the
51 " Dans les pays Ics plus dif- doce a du au culte des elements et
ferents," says Benjamin Constant, des astres un pouvoir dont aujour-
concluding some sensible reflec- d'hui nous concevons a peine
lions on the sources of thp saccr- I'idee." De la Religion, (Paris
dotal power, " chez les pcuples de 1825.) lib. 3, ch. 5.
nicBurs les plus oppos'-os, le sacer-
Ch. IV.] ASTRONOMY. 121
Stately march of the heavenly bodies, and sees the
bright hosts coming up, one after another, and chan
ging with the changing seasons of the year, he natu-
rally associates them with those seasons, as the pe-
riods over which they hold a mysterious influence.
In the same manner, he connects their appearance
with any interesting event of the time, and explores,
in their flaming characters, the destinies of the new-
born infant.''" Such is the origin of astrology, the
false lights of which have continued from the earliest
ages to dazzle and bewilder mankind, till they have
faded away in the superior illumination of a com-
paratively recent period.
The astrological scheme of the Aztecs was founded
less on the planetary influences, than on those of
the arbitrary signs they had adopted for the months
and days. The character of the leading sign, in
each lunar cycle of thirteen days, gave a complexion
to the whole ; though this was qualified, in some
degree, by the signs of the succeeding days, as well
as by those of the hours. It was in adjusting these
conflicting forces that the great art of the diviner was
shown. In no country, not even in ancient Egypt,
were the dreams of the astrologer more implicitly
deferred to. On the birth of a child, he was in-
52 "It is a gentle and affectionate thought, than history, when he tells US, in
That, in immeasurable heights above us,
At our first birth the wreath of love was
woven
the beautiful passage of which
this is part, that the worship of
With sparkling stars for flowers." the stars took the place of classic
Coleridge, Translation of Wal- mythology. It existed long he-
lenstein, Act 2, sc. 4. /.
fore It.
Schiller is more true to poetry
VOL. I. 16
122 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I
stantly summoned. The time of the event was
accurately ascertained ; and the family hung in trem-
bling suspense, as the minister of Heaven cast the
horoscope of the infant, and unrolled the dark vol-
ume of destin}^ The influence of the priest was
confessed by the Mexican, in the very first breath
which he inhaled.^^
We know little further of the astronomical at-
tainments of the Aztecs. That they were acquainted
with the cause of eclipses is evident from the repre-
sentation, on their maps, of the disk of the moon
projected on that of the sun.^^ Whether they had
arranged a system of constellations is uncertain ;
though, that they recognised some of the most ob-
vious, as the Pleiades, for example, is evident from
the fact that they regulated their festivals by them.
We know of no astronomical instruments used by
them, except the dial.'^-' An immense circular block
^ Gama has given us a com- trous ; and was never contrived by
plete almanac of the astrological human reason." The good father
year, with the appropriate signs was certainly no philosopher,
and divisions, showing with what ^ See, among others, the Cod.
scientific skill it was adapted to Tel.-Rem., Part 4, PI. 22, ap. An-
its various uses. (Descripcion, tiq. of Mexico, vol. I.
Paite 1, pp. 25-31; 02-76.) Sa- ^5 " It can hardly be doubted,"
hagun has devoted a whole book says Lord Kingsborough, "that
to explaining the mystic import the Mexicans were acquainted with
and value of these signs, with a many scientifical instruments of
minuteness that may enable one strange invention, as compared
to cast up a sclieme of nativity for with our own ; whether the tele-
himself. (Hist, de Nueva Espafia, scope may not have been of the
lib. 4.) It is evident he fully be- number is uncertain ; but the thir-
lieved the magic wonders which teenth plate of M. Dupaix's Mon-
he told. " It was a deceitful art," umcnts, Va.ri Second, which rep
he says, " pernicious and idola- resents a man holding som3thing
:h. IV.]
ASTRONOMY.
123
of carved stone, disinterred in 1790, in the great
square of Mexico, has supplied an acute and learned
scholar with the means of establishing some inter-
esting facts in regard to Mexican science.''^ This
colossal fragment, on which the calendar is engraved,
shows that they had the means of settling the hours
of the day with precision, the periods of the solstices
and of the equinoxes, and that of the transit of the
sun across the zenith of Mexico."^"
We cannot contemplate the astronomical science
of the Mexicans, so disproportioned to their progress
in other walks of civilization, without astonishment.
An acquaintance with some of the more obvious
principles of astronomy is within the reach of the
of a similar nature to his eye, af-
fords reason to suppose that they
knew how to improve the powers
of vision." (Antiq. of Mexico,
vol. VI. p. 15, note.) The in-
strument alluded to is rudely
carved on a conical rock. It is
raised no higher than the neck
of the person who holds it, and
looks — to my thinking — as much
like a musket as a telescope ;
though I shall not infer the use of
firearms among the Aztecs from
this circumstance. (See vol. IV.
PL 15.) Captain Dupaix, however,
in his commentary on the drawing,
sees quite as much in it as his
Lordship. Ibid., vol. V. p. 241.
56 Gama, Descripcion, Parte 1,
sec. 4 ; Parte 2, Apend.
Besides this colossal fragment,
Gama met with some others, de-
signed, probably, for similar scien-
tific uses, at Chapoltepec. Before
he had leisure to examine them,
however, they were broken up for
materials to build a furnace ! A
fate not unlike that which has too
often befallen the monuments of
ancient art in the Old World.
^"^ In his second treatise on the
cylindrical stone, Gama dwells
more at large on its scientific con-
struction, as a vertical sun-dial, in
order to dispel the doubts of some
sturdy skeptics on this point. (Des-
cripcion, Parte 2, Apend. 1.) The
civil day was distributed by the
Mexicans into sixteen parts ; and
began, like that of most of the
Asiatic nations, with sunrise. M.
de Humboldt, who probably never
saw Gama's second treatise, al-
lows only eight intervals. Vues
des Cordilleres, p. 128.
124 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I.
rudest people. With a little care, they may learn
to connect the regular changes of the seasons with
those of the place of the sun at his rising and set-
ting. They may follow the march of the great lu-
minary through the heavens, by watching the stars
that first brighten on his evening track, or fade in
his morning beams. They may measure a revolu-
tion of the moon, by marking her phases, and may
even form a general idea of the number of such
revolutions in a solar year. But that they should
be capable of accurately adjusting their festivals by
the movements of the heavenly bodies, and should
fix the true length of the tropical year, with a pre-
cision unknown to the great philosophers of antiqui-
ty, could be the result only of a long series of nice
and patient observations, evincing no slight progress
in civilization.'^^ But whence could the rude inhab-
itants of these mountain regions have derived this
curious erudition ? Not from the barbarous hordes
who roamed over the higher latitudes of the North ;
nor from the more polished races on the Southern
continent, with whom, it is apparent, they had no
intercourse. If we are driven, in our embarrass-
ment, like the greatest astronomer of our age, to
^ Un calendrier," exclaims the naison. II faut done supposer chez
enthusiastic Carli, " qui est reg\6 ces peuples une suite d'observa-
sur la revolution annuelle du so- tions astronomiques, une idee dis-
leil, non seulement par I'addition tincte de la sphere, de la decli-
de cinq jours tous les ans, mais en- naison de I'^cliptique, et I'usage
core par la correction du bissextile, d'un calcul concernant les jours
doit sans doute etre regarde comme et les heures des apparitions so
une operation dcduite d'une etude laircs." Lettres Am^ricaines, torn
reflechie, et d'une grande combi- I. let. 23.
Ch. IV.] ASTRONOMY. 125
seek the solution among the civilized communities
of Asia, we shall still be perplexed by finding,
amidst general resemblance of outline, sufficient dis-
crepancy in the details, to vindicate, in the judg-
ments of many, the Aztec claim to originality.^^
I shall conclude the account of Mexican science,
with that of a remarkable festival, celebrated by the
natives at the termination of the great cycle of fifty-
two years. We have seen, in the preceding chapter,
their tradition of the destruction of the world at
four successive epochs. They looked forward confi-
dently to another such catastrophe, to take place,
like the preceding, at the close of a cycle, when the
sun was to be effaced from the heavens, the human
race, from the earth, and when the darkness of chaos
was to settle on the habitable globe. The cycle
would end in the latter part of December, and, as
the dreary season of the winter solstice approached,
and the diminished light of day gave melancholy
presage of its speedy extinction, their apprehensions
increased ; and, on the arrival of the five " unlucky "
days which closed the year, they abandoned them-
selves to despair.^" They broke in pieces the little
images of their household gods, in whom they no
59 La Place, who suggests the till the 26th of December, if Gatna
analogy, frankly admits the diffi- is right. The cause of M.Jomard's
culty. Systeme du Monde, lib. 5, error is his fixing it before, instead
ch. 3. of after, the complementary days.
60 M. Jomard errs in placing the See his sensible letter on the Az-
new fire, with which ceremony the tec calendar, in the Vues des Cer-
oid cycle properly concluded, at dilleres, p. 309.
the winter solstice. It was not
126 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I.
longer trusted. The holy fires were suffered to go
out in the temples, and none were lighted in their
own dwellings. Their furniture and domestic uten-
sils were destroyed ; their garments torn in pieces ;
and every thing was thrown into disorder, for the
coming of the evil genii who were to descend on
the desolate earth.
On the evening of the last day, a procession of
priests, assuming the dress and ornaments of their
gods, moved from the capital towards a lofty moun-
tain, about two leagues distant. They carried with
them a noble \dctim, the flower of their captives,
and an apparatus for kindling the new fire, the suc-
cess of which was an augury of the renewal of
the cycle. On reaching the summit of the moun-
tain, the procession paused till midnight ; when, as
the constellation of the Pleiades approached the
zenith,*^^ the new fire was kindled by the friction of
the sticks placed on the wounded breast of the vic-
tim.^^ The flame was soon communicated to a
funeral pile, on which the body of the slaughtered
captive was thrown. As t-he light streamed up to-
6^ At the actual moment of their Humboldt, Vues des Cordilleres,
culmination, according to both Sa- pp. 181, 182.) The longer we
hagun (Hist, de Nueva Espana, postpone the beginning of the new
lib. 4, Apend.) and Torquemada cycle, the greater still must be the
(Monarch. Ind., lib. 10, cap. 33, discrepancy.
36). But this could not be, as that 62 " On his bare breast the cedar boiigh.s
took place at midnight, in Novem- n u- "k^ ^V ' . j j j j
'^ o ' On his bare breast, dry sedge and odor-
ber ; so late as the last secular ous gums
festival, which was early in Monte- Laid ready to receive the sacred spark,
„ „)„ ; ■ t rnm tc And blaze, to herald the ascending Sun,
zuma s reign, m 1507. (Uama, „ , . ,. . , ,, o .
° ' ^ ' Upon his uving altar."
Descripcion, Parte 1, p. 50, nota. — Southey's Madoc, pari2, canto 2B
Ch IV.] ASTRONOMY 127
wards heaven, shouts of joy and triumph burst forth
from the countless multitudes who covered the hills,
the terraces of the temples, and the house-tops, with
eyes anxiously bent on the mount of sacrifice. Cou-
riers, with torches lighted at the blazing beacon,
rapidly bore them over every part of the country ;
and the cheering element was seen brightening on
altar and hearth-stone, for the circuit of many a
league, long before the sun, rising on his accustom-
ed track, gave assurance that a new cycle had com-
menced its march, and that the laws of nature were
not to be reversed for the Aztecs.
The following thirteen days were given up to fes-
tivity. The houses were cleansed and whitened.
The broken vessels were replaced by new ones.
The people, dressed in their gayest apparel, and
crowned with garlands and chaplets of flowers,
thronged in joyous procession, to offer up their obla-
tions and thanksgivings in the temples. Dances
and games were instituted, emblematical of the re-
generation of the world. It was the carnival of the
Aztecs ; or rather the national jubilee, the great sec-
ular festival, like that of the Romans, or ancient
Etruscans, which few alive had witnessed before, —
or could expect to see again. ®^
^ I borrow the words of the sum- Mexican chroniclers warm into
mons by which the people were something like eloquence in their
called to the ludi seculares, the descriptions of the Aztec festival,
secular games of ancient Rome, (Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib.
^'' quos nee spectasset quisquam, nee 10, cap. 33. — Toribio, Hist, de
spectaturus esset.''^ (Suetonius, Vi- los Indios, MS., Parte 1, cap. 5. —
ta Tib, Claudii, lib. 5.) The old Sahagun, Hist, de NuevaEspana,
128 LORD KINGSBOROUGH. [Book I.
lib. 7, cap. 9 - 12. See, also, lish reader will find a more bril-
Gama, Descripeion, Parle 1, pp. liant coloring of the same scene
52-54, — Clavigero, Stor. del Mes- in the canto of Madoc, above cited,
sico, tom. II. pp. 84-86.) TheEng- — " On the Close of the Century."
M. de Humboldt remarked, many years ago, " It were to be wished
that some government would publish at its own expense the remains
of the ancient American civilization ; for it is only by the comparison
of several monuments, that we can succeed in discovering the meaning
of these allegories, which are partly astronomical, and partly mystic."
This enlightened wish has now been realized, not by any government,
but by a private individual. Lord Kingsborough. The great work,
published under his auspices, and so often cited in this Introduction,
appeared in London in 1830. When completed, it will reach to nine
volumes, seven of which are now before the public. Some idea of its
magnificence may be formed by those who have not seen it, from the
fact, that copies of it, with colored plates, sold originally at £\15,
and, with uncolored, at £120. The price has been since much re-
duced. It is designed to exhibit a complete view of the ancient Aztec
MSS., with such few interpretations as exist ; the beautiful drawings
of Castafieda relating to Central America, with the commentary of
Dupaix ; the unpublished history of father Sahagun ; and, last, not
least, the copious annotations of his Lordship.
Too much cannot be said of the mechanical execution of the book, —
its splendid typography, the apparent accuracy and the delicacy of the
drawings, and the sumptuous quality of the materials. Yet the pur-
chaser would have been saved some superfluous expense, and the read-
er much inconvenience, if the letter-press had been in volumes of an
ordinary size. But it is not uncommon, in works on this magnificent
plan, to find utility in some measure sacrificed to show.
The collection of Aztec MSS., if not perfectly complete, is very
extensive, and reflects great credit on the diligence and research of the
compiler. It strikes one as strange, however, that not a single docu-
ment should have been drawn from Spain. Peter Martyr speaks of a
number having been broiigiit thitlier in his time. (Do Insulis nuper
Inventis, p. 368.) The Marquis Spineto examined one in the Escurial,
being the same with the Mendoza Codex, and perhaps the original, since
that at Oxford is but a copy. (Lectures, lee. 7.) Mr. Waddilove, chap-
lain of the British embassy to Spain, gave a particular account of one
to Dr. Robertson, which he saw in the same library, and considered an
Aztec calendar. Indeed, it is scarcely possible, that the frequent voya-
Ch. IV.] LORD KINfiSBOROUGH. 129
gers to the New World should not have furnished the mother-countrv
with abundant specimens of this most interesting feature of Aztec-
civilization. Nor should we fear that the present liberal governmeiu
would seclude these treasures from the inspection of the scholar.
Mucli cannot be said in favor of the arrangement of these codices.
In some of them, as the Mendoza Codex, for example, the plates are not
even numbered ; and one, who would study them by the corresponding
interpretation, must often bewilder himself in the maze of hieroglyphics,
without a clue to guide him. Neither is there any attempt to enlight-
en us as to the positive value and authenticity of the respective docu-
ments, or even their previous history, beyond a barren reference to the
particular library from which they have been borrowed. Little light,
indeed, can be expected on these matters ; but we have not that little.
— The defect of arrangement is chargeable on other parts of the work
Thus, for instance, the sixth book of Sahagun is transferred fi-om the
body of the history to which it belongs, to a preceding volume ; while
the grand hypothesis of his lordship, for which the work was concoct-
ed, is huddled into notes, hitched on random passages of the text, with
a good deal less connexion than the stories of queen Scheherezade, in
the " Arabian Nights," and not quite so entertaining.
The drift of Lord Kingsborough's speculations is, to establish the
colonization of Mexico by the Israelites. To this the whole battery
of his logic and learning is directed. For this, hieroglyphics are
unriddled, manuscripts compared, monunaents delineated. His theory,
however, whatever be its merits, will scarcely become popular ; since,
instead of being exhibited in a clear and comprehensive form, readily
embraced by the mind, it is spread over an infinite number of notes,
thickly sprinkled with quotations, from languages ancient and modern,
till the weary reader, floundering about in the ocean of fragments,
with no light to guide him, feels like Milton's Devil, working his wav
through chaos, —
" neither sea,
Nor good dry land ; nigh foundered, on he fares."
It would be unjust, however, not to admit that the noble author, if
his logic is not always convincing, shows much acuteness in detecting
analogies ; that he displays familiarity with his subject, and a fund of
erudition, though it often runs to waste ; that, whatever be the defects
of arrangement, he has brought together a most rich collection of un-
published materials to illustrate the Aztec, and, in a wider sense, Ameri-
can antiquities ; and that, by this munificent undertaking, which no
government, probably, would have, and few individuals could have, ex-
ecuted, he has entitled himself to the lasting gratitude of every friend
of science.
VOL. L 17
130 GAMA. [Book I.
Another writer, whose works must be diligently consulted by ever"
student of Mexican antiquities, is Antonio Gama. His life conlaii
as few incidents as those of most scholars. He was born at Mexico, ii.
1735, of a respectable family, and was bred to the law. He early
showed a preference for mathematical studies, conscious that in this
career lay his strength. In 1771, he communicated his observations
on the eclipse of that year to the French astronomer M. de Lalande,
who published them in Paris, with high commendations of the author.
Gama's increasing reputation attracted the attention of government ;
and he was employed by it, in various scientific labors of importance.
His great passion, however, was the study of Indian antiquities. He
made himself acquainted with the history of the native races, their
traditions, their languages, and, as far as possible, their hieroglyphics.
He had an oppoilunity of showing the fruits of this preparatory train-
ing, and his skill as an antiquary, on the discovery of the great cal-
endar-stone, in 1790. He produced a masterly treatise on this, and
another Aztec monument, explaining the objects to which they were
devoted, and pouring a flood of light on the astronomical science of
the Aborigines, their mythology, and their astrological system. He
afterwards continued his investigations in the same path, and wrote
treatises on the dial, hieroglyphics, and arithmetic of the Indians.
These, however, were not given to the world till a few years since,
when they were published, together with a reprint of the former work,
under the auspices of the industrious Bustamante. Gama died in
1802 ; leaving behind him a reputation for great worth in private life ;
one, in which the bigotry, that seems to enter too frequently into the
character of the Spanish-Mexican, was tempered by the liberal feelings
of a man of science. His reputation as a writer stands high for pa-
tient acquisition, accuracy, and acutcness. His conclusions are neither
warped by the love of theory so common in the philosopher, nor
by the easy credulity so natural to the antiquary. He feels his way
with the caution of a mathematician, wliose steps are demonstrations.
M. de Humboldt was largely indebted to his first work, as he baa
emphatically acknowledged. But, notwithstanding the eulogiums of
this popular vnriter, and his own merits, Gama's treatises are rarely
met with out of New Spain, and his name can hardly be said to have
« transatlantic reputation.
CHAPTER V.
AzTEO Agriculture. — Mechanical Arts. — Merchants. —
Domestic Manners.
It is hardly possible that a nation, so far advanced
as the Aztecs in mathematical science, should not
have made considerable progress in the mechanical
arts, which are so nearly connected ^vith it. In-
deed, intellectual progress of any kind implies a de-
gree of refinement, that requires a certain cultiva-
tion of both useful and elegant art. The savage,
wandering through the wide forest, without shelter
for his head, or raiment for his back, knows no other
wants than those of animal appetites ; and, when
they are satisfied, seems to himself to have answered
the only ends of existence. But man, in society,
feels numerous desires, and artificial tastes spring
up. accommodated to the various relations in which
he is placed, and perpetually stimulating his inven-
tion to devise new expedients to gratify them.
There is a wide difference in the mechanical skill
of different nations ; but the difference is still greater
in the inventive power which directs this skill, and
makes it available. Some nations seem to have no
power beyond that of imitation ; or, if they possess
invention, have it in so low a degree, that they are
132 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I.
constantly repeating the same idea, without a shadow
of alteration or improvement; as the hird builds
precisely the same kind of nest which those of its
own species built at the beginning of the world.
Such, for example, are the Chinese, who have, prob-
ably, been familiar for ages with the germs of some
discoveries, of little practical benefit to themselves,
but which, under the influence of European gen-
ius, have reached a degree of excellence, that has
wrought an important change in the constitution of
society.
Far from looking back, and forming itself slavishly
on the past, it is characteristic of the European in-
tellect to be ever on the advance. Old discoveries
become the basis of new ones. It passes onward
from truth to truth, connecting the whole by a suc-
cession of links, as it were, into the great chain of
science which is to encircle and bind together the
universe. The light of learning is shed over the
labors of art. New avenues are opened for the com-
munication both of person and of thought. New
facilities are devised for subsistence. Personal com-
forts, of every kind, are inconceivably multiplied,
and brought within the reach of the poorest. Se-
cure of these, the thoughts travel into a nobler region
than that of the senses ; and the appliances of art
are made to minister to the demands of an elegant
taste, and a higher moral culture.
The same enlightened spirit, applied to agricul-
ture, raises it from a mere mechanical drudgery, or
the barren formula of traditional precepts, to the
Ch. v.] agriculture. 133
dignity of a science. As the composition of the
earth is analyzed, man learns the capacity of the
soil that he cultivates ; and, as his empire is gradu-
ally extended over the elements of nature, he gains
the power to stimulate her to her most bountiful and
various production, it is with satisfaction that we
can turn to the land of our fathers, as the one in
which the experiment has been conducted on the
broadest scale, and attended with results that the
world has never before witnessed. With equal
truth, we may point to the Anglo-Saxon race in both
hemispheres, as that whose enterprising genius has
contributed most essentially to the great interests of
humanity, by the application of science to the use-
ful arts.
Husbandry, to a very limited extent, indeed, was
practised by most of the rude tribes of North Ameri-
ca. Wherever a natural opening in the forest, or
a rich strip of interval, met their eyes, or a green
slope was found along the rivers, they planted it with
beans and Indian corn.^ The cultivation was sloven-
ly in the extreme, and could not secure the improvi-
dent natives from the frequent recurrence of desolat-
ing famines. Still, that they tilled the soil at all
was a peculiarity which honorably distinguished
^ This latter grain, according to thers found it in abundance on iii
Tlumboldt, was found by the Eu- New England coast, wherever
Topeans in the New World, from they landed. See Morton, New
the South of Chili to Pennsylva- England's Memorial, (Boston,
nia; (Essai Politique, torn. II. p. 1826,) p. 68. — Gookin, Massa-
408 ;) he might have added, to the chusetts Historical Collections,
St. Lawrence. Our Puritan fa- chap. 3.
134 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Rook. I.
them from other tribes of hunters, and raised them
one decree higher in the scale of civilization.
Agriculture in Mexico was in the same advan-
ced state as the other arts of social life. In few
countries, indeed, has it been more respected. It
was closely interwoven with the civil and religious
institutions of the nation. There were peculiar dei-
ties to preside over it ; the names of the months
and of the religious festivals had more or less refer-
ence to it. The public taxes, as we have seen,
were often paid in agricultural produce. All, except
the soldiers and great nobles, even the inhabitants
of the cities, cultivated the soil. The work was
chiefly done by the men ; the women scattering the
seed, husking the corn, and taking pait only in the
lighter labors of the field.^ In this they presented
an honorable contrast to the other tribes of the
continent, who imposed the burden of agriculture,
severe as it is in the North, on their women.^ In-
deed, the sex was as tenderly regarded by the Aztecs
in this matter, as it is, in most parts of Europe,
at the present day.
2 Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., notices the effeminacy of the men
lib. 13, cap. 31. in Egypt, who stayed at home
"Admirable example for our tending the loom, while their wives
times," exclaims the good father, were employed in severe labors
" when women are not only unfit out of doors,
for the labors of the field, but have ..m ' • ,» ' - . a. '
too much levity to attend to their
own household ! " ^.^^^ ««r.,»a<rSavr« Ka) H'.ov Tf.^rff.
3 A Striking contrast also to the .g^^- ^^^ ^. ^^^^ »^^^^^^ ^^^^ ^^j^^.
Egyptians, with whom some an- Q^^.d^.y l^rcv.y.dvns • alii ,ri,,.f^oi
tiquaries are disposed to identify j^^^ ^;„„ ^^^^^-^ xoz<riyou,r' iti."
the ancient Mexicans. Sophocles Sophocl., CEilip. Col., v. 337-341.
Ch. v.] agriculture. 135
There was no want of judgment in the manage-
ment of their ground. When sometvhat exhausted,
it was permitted to recover bj lying fallow. Its
extreme dryness was relieved by canals, with ^\ hich
the land was partially irrigated ; and the same end
was promoted by severe penalties against the de-
struction of the woods, with which the country, as
already noticed, was well covered before the Con-
quest. Lastly, they provided for their harvests ample
granaries, which were admitted by the Conquerors
to be of admii'able construction. In this provision
we see the forecast of civilized man.^
Among the most important articles of husbandry,
we may notice the banana, whose facility of cultiva-
tion and exuberant returns are so fatal to habits of
systematic and hardy industry.^ Another celebrated
plant was the cacao, the fruit of which furnished
the chocolate, — from the Mexican chocolatl, — now
so common a beverage throughout Europe.^ The
4 Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., boldt, who has given much atten-
lib. 13, cap. 32. — Clavigero, Stor. tion to it, concludes, that, if some
del Messico, torn. n. pp. 153-155. species were brought into the
"Jamas padecieron hambre,'" country, others were indigenous,
says the former writer, " sino en (Essai Politique, torn. II. pp. 383
pocas ocasiones." If these fam- -388.) If we may credit Clavige-
ines were rare, they were very ro, the banana was the forbidden
distressing, however, and lasted fruit, that tempted our poor mother
very long. Comp. Ixtlilxochitl, Eve ! Stor. del Messico, tom. I.
Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 41, 71, et p. 49, nota.
alibi. 6 Rel. d' un gent., ap. Ramusio.
5 Oviedo considers the musa an tom. HI. fol. 306. — Hernandez,
imported plant ; and Hernandez, De Historia Plantarum Novae
in his copious catalogue, makes no Hispanise, (Matriti, 1790,) lib. 6,
mention of it at all. But Hum- cap. 87.
136 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I.
vanilla, confined to a small district of the seacoast,
was used for tlje same purposes, of flavoring their
food and drink, as with usJ The great staple of the
country, as, indeed, of the American continent, was
maize, or Indian corn, which grew freely along the
valleys, and up the steep sides of the Cordilleras to
the high level of the table-land. The Aztecs were as
curious in its preparation, and as well instructed in
its manifold uses, as the most expert New England
housewife. Its gigantic stalks, in these equinoctial
regions, afford a saccharine matter, not found to the
same extent in northern latitudes, and supplied the
natives with sugar little inferior to that of the cane
itself, which was not introduced among them till after
the Conquest.^ But the miracle of nature was the
great Mexican aloe, or maguey, whose clustering pyr-
amids of flowers, towering above their dark coronals
of leaves, were seen sprinkled over many a broad
acre of the table-land. As we have already noticed,
its bruised leaves afforded a paste from which paper
was manufactured ; ^ its juice was fermented into an
^ Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Es- ^ And is still, in one spot at
paila, lib. 8, cap. 13, ct alibi. least, San Angel, — three leagues
8 Carta del. Lie. Zuazo, MS. from the capital. Another mill
He extols the honey of the was to have been established, a few
maize, as equal to that of bees, years since, in Puebla. Whether
(Also Oviedo, Hist. Natural de las this has actually been done I am
Indias, cap. 4, ap. Barcia, torn. I.) ignorant. See the Report of the
Hernandez, who celebrates the Committee on Agriculture to the
manifold ways in which the maize Senate of the United States, March
was prepared, derives it from the 12, 1838.
Haytian word, mahiz. Hist. Plan-
tarum, lib. fi, cap. 41, 45.
Ch. v.]
AGRICULTURE.
137
intoxicating beverage, pulque, of which the natives,
to this day, are excessively fond ; ^^ its leaves further
supplied an impenetrable thatch for the more humble
dwellings ; thread, of which coarse stuffs were made,
and strong cords, were drawn from its tough and
twisted fibres ; pins and needles were made of the
thorns at the extremity of its leaves; and the root,
when properly cooked, was converted into a palatable
and nutritious food. The agave, in short, was meat,
drink, clothing, and writing materials, for the Aztec!
Surely, never did Nature enclose in so compact a
form so many of the elements of human comfort
and civilization ! ^^
1" Before the Revolution, the
duties on the pulque formed so im-
portant a branch of revenue, that
the cities of Mexico, Puebla, and
Toluca alone, paid $817,739 to
government. (Humboldt, Essai
Politique, torn. II. p. 47.) It re-
quires time to reconcile Europeans
io the peculiar flavor of this liquor,
on the merits of which they are
consequently much divided. There
is but one opinion amonjr the na-
tives. The English reader will
find a good account of its manu-
facture in Ward's Mexico, vol. II.
pp. 55-60.
^1 Hernandez enumerates the
several species of the maguey,
which are turned to these manifold
uses, in his learned work, De Hist.
Plantarum. (Lib. 7, cap. 71 et
seq.) M. de Humboldt considers
them all varieties of the agave
Americana, familiar in the south-
ern parts, both of the United
States and Europe. (Essai Po-
litique, tom. II. p. 487 et seq.)
This opinion has brought on him
a rather sour rebuke from our
countryman, the late Dr. Perrine,
who pronounces them a distinct
species from the American agave ;
and regards one of the kinds, the
pita, from which the fine thread
is obtained, as a totally distinct
genus. (See the Report of the
Committee on Agriculture.) Yet
the Baron may find authority for
all the properties ascribed by him
to the maguey, in the most accred-
ited writers, who have resided
more or less time in Mexico. See,
among others, Hernandez, ubi su-
pra.— Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva
Espaiia, lib. 9, cap. 2; lib. 11,
cap. 7. — Toribio, Hist, de los In-
dies, MS., Parte 3, cap. 19.—
Carta del Lie. Zuazo, MS The
i38 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book 1.
It would be obvdously out of place to enumerate
in these pages all the varieties of plants, many of
them of medicinal virtue, w^hich have been introduced
from Mexico into Europe. Still less can I attempt
a catalogue of its flowers, which, with their varie-
gated and gaudy colors, form the greatest attraction
of our greenhouses. The opposite climates embraced
within the narrow latitudes of New Spain have given
to it, probably, the richest and most diversified Flora
to be found in any country on the globe. These dif-
Jerent products were systematically arranged by the
Aztecs, who understood their properties, and col-
lected them into nurseries, more extensive than any
then existing in the Old World. It is not improb-
able that they suggested the idea of those " gardens
of plants " which were introduced into Europe not
many years after the Conquest.'^
The Mexicans were as well acquainted with the
mineral, as with the vegetable treasures of their
kingdom. Silver, lead, and tin they drew from the
mines of Tasco ; copper from the mountains of Za-
cotollan. These were taken, not only from the
crude masses on the surface, but from veins wrought
in the solid rock, into which they opened extensive
last, speaking of the maguey, shows himself intimately acquaint-
which produces the fermented ed with the structure and habits
drink, says expressly, " De lo que of the tropical plants, which, with
queda de las dichas hojas se such patriotic spirit, he proposed
aprovechan, como de lino mui del- to introduce into Florida,
gado, 6 de Olanda, de que hacen 12 Xhe first regular establish-
lienzos mui primos para vestir, e ment of this kind, according to
bien delgados." It cannot be de- Carli, was at Padua, in 1545.
nied, however, that Dr. Perrine Lettres Americ, torn. I. chap. 21.
ch. v.] mechanical arts. 1^39
galleries. In fact, the traces of their labors furnished
the best indications for the early Spanish miners.
Gold, found on the surface, or gleaned from the beds
of rivers, was cast into bars, or, in the form of dust,
made part of the regular tribute of the southern
provinces of the empire. The use of iron, with
which the soil was impregnated, was unknown to
them. Notwithstanding its abundance, it demands
so manj processes to prepare it for use, that it has
commonly been one of the last metals pressed into
the service of man. The age of iron has followed
that of brass, in fact as well as m fiction. ^^
They found a substitute in an alloy of tin and
copper ; and, with tools made of this bronze, could
cut not only metals, but, with the aid of a silicious
dust, the hardest substances, as basalt, porphyry,
amethysts, and emeralds.'^ They fashioned these
last, which were found very large, into many curious
and fantastic forms. They cast, also, vessels of gold
13 p. Martyr, De Orbe Novo, no work in metal, worth looking
Decades, (Compluti, 1530,) dec. at, no masonry nor architecture,
5, p. 191. — Acosta,lib. 4, cap. 3. engraving, nor sculpture." (His-
— Humboldt, Essai Politique, torn, tory of the Indies, Eng. trans., vol.
III. pp. 114- 125. — Torqueniada, III. b. 6.) Iron, however, if
Monarch. Ind., lib. 13, cap. 34. known, was little used by the An-
" Men wrought in brass," says cient Egyptians, whose mighty
Hesiod, •' when iron did not exist. " monuments were hewn with bronze
X«x«4i 5* lj7^?a»T» • /iixcci y oix taKt to^^s, while their w^eapons and do-
trilnpos. mestic utensils were of the same
Hesiod, "Egyx xa! "Hui^x,. material, as appears from the
The Abbe Raynal contends that green color given to them in their
the ignorance of iron must neces- paintings.
sarily have kept the Mexicans in a 14 Gama, Descripcion, Parte 2,
low state of civilization, since with- pp. 25 - 29. — Torquemada, Mon-
out it " they could have produced arch. Ind., ubi supra.
140 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I.
and silver, carving them with their metallic chisels in
a very delicate manner. Some of the silver vases
were so large that a man could not encircle them
with his arms. They imitated very nicely the fig-
ures of animals, and, what was extraordinary, could
mix the metals in such a manner, that the feathers
of a bird, or the scales of a fish, should be alternately
of gold and silver. The Spanish goldsmiths admit-
ted their superiority over themselves in these ingen-
ious works. '^
They employed another tool, made of itztli, or
obsidian, a dark transparent mineral, exceedingly
hard, found in abundance in their hills. They made
it into knives, razors, and their serrated swords. It
took a keen edge, though soon blunted. With this
they wrought the various stones and alabasters em-
ployed in the construction of their public works and
principal dwellings. I shall defer a more particular
account of these to the body of the narrative, and
will only add here, that the entrances and angles of
the buildings were profusely ornamented with im-
ages, sometimes of their fantastic deities, and fre-
quently of animals.'^ The latter were executed
15 Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Es- lib. 7, cap. 15.) Sir John Maun-
pana, lib. 9, cap. 15- 17. — Botu- deville, as usual,
rini, Idea, p. 77. — Torquemada, " with his hair on end
Monarch. Ind., loc. cit. At his own wonders,"
Herrera, who says they could notices the " gret marvayle " of
also enamel, commends the skill of similar pieces of mechanism, at the
the Mexican goldsmiths in making court of the grand Chane of Ca-
birds and animals with movable thay. Seehis Voiage and Travaile,
wings and limbs, in a most curious chap. 20.
fashion. (Hist. General, dec. 2, ^^ Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 2.
Ch. V.l MECHANICAL ARTS. 141
with great accuracy. " The former," according to
Torquemada, " were the hideous reflection of their
own souls. And it was not till after they had been
converted to Christianity, that they could model the
true figure of a man."'~ The old chronicler's facts
are well founded, whatever we may think of his
reasons. The allegorical phantasms of his religion,
no doubt, gave a direction to the Aztec artist, in his
delineation of the human figure ; supplying him with
an imaginary beauty in the personification of divini-
ty itself. As these superstitions lost their hold on
his mind, it opened to the influences of a purer
taste ; and, after the Conquest, the Mexicans furnish-
ed many examples of correct, and some of beautiful
portraiture.
Sculptured images were so numerous, that the
foundations of the cathedral in the plaza mayor,
the great square of Mexico, are said to be entirely
composed of them.'^ This spot may, indeed, be
regarded as the Aztec forum, — the great depository
of the treasures of ancient sculpture, which now lie
hid in its bosom. Such monuments are spread all
over the capital, however, and a new cellar can
hardly be dug, or foundation laid, without turning
up some of the mouldering relics of barbaric art.
But they are little heeded, and, if not wantonly
lib. 7, cap. 11. — Torquemada, milase a la que tenian sus almas,
Monarch. Ind., lib. 13, cap. 34. — por el pecado, en que siempre per-
Gama, Descripcion, Parte 2, pp. manecian." Monarch. Ind., lib.
27, 28. 13, cap. 34.
17 " Parece, que permitia Dios, ^^ Clavigero, Stor. del Messico,
que la figura de sus cuerpos se asi- torn. II. p. 195.
142 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book 1.
broken in pieces at once, are usually worked into
the rising wall, or supports of the new edifice.'^
Two celebrated bas-reliefs, of the last Montezuma
and his father, cut in the solid rock, in the beautiful
groves of Chapoltepec, were deliberately destroyed,
as late as the last century, by order of the govern-
ment ! ^ The monuments of the barbarian meet
with as little respect from civilized man, as those of
the civilized man from the barbarian .~^
The most remarkable piece of sculpture yet dis-
interred is the great calendar-stone, noticed in the
preceding chapter. It consists of dark porphyrj^,
and, in its original dimensions, as taken from the
quarry, is computed to have weighed nearly fifty
tons. It was transported from the mountains be-
yond Lake Chalco, a distance of many leagues, over
a broken country intersected by water-courses and
canals. In crossing a bridge which traversed one of
these latter, in the capital, the supports gave way,
and the huge mass was precipitated into the water,
whence it was with difficulty recovered. The fact,
i9Gama,Descripcion,Parte l,p. seen by Gama, who highly com-
1. Besides the plaza mayor, Ga- mends the execution of it. Ibid,
ma points out the Square of Tlate- ^^ This wantonness of destruc-
lolco, as a great cemetery of an- tion provokes the bitter animadver-
cient relics. It was the quarter to sion of Martyr, whose enlightened
which the Mexicans retreated, on mind respected the vestiges of civ-
the siege of the capital. ilization wherever found. " The
20 Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., conquerors," he says, " seldom
lib. 13, cap. 34. — Gama, Descrip- repaired the buildings that were
cion, Parte 2, pp. 81-83. defaced. They would rather sack
These statues are repeatedly no- twenty stately cities, than erect
ticed by the old writers. The last one good edifice.*' De Orbe Novo,
was destroyed in 1754, when it was dec. 5, cap. 10.
Ch. v.] mechanical arts. 143
that so enormous a fragment of porphyry could be
thus safely carried for leagues, in the face of such
obstacles, and without the aid of cattle, — for the
Aztecs, as already mentioned, had no animals of
draught, — suggests to us no mean ideas of their
mechanical skill, and of their machinery ; and im-
plies a degree of cultivation, little inferior to that de-
manded for the geometrical and astronomical science
displayed in the inscriptions on this ver}^ stone.^^
The ancient Mexicans made utensils of earthen
ware for the ordinary purposes of domestic life,
numerous specimens of which still exist.^^ They
made cups and vases of a lackered or painted wood,
impervious to wet and gaudily colored. Their dyes
were obtained from both mineral and vegetable
substances. Among them was the rich crimson of
the cochineal, the modern rival of the famed Tyrian
purple. It was introduced into Europe from Mexi-
co, where the curious little insect was nourished
- Gama, Descripcion, Parte 1, well to each other, by suggesting
pp. 110-114. — Humboldt, Essai that these great masses of stone
Politique, tom. 11. p. 40. were transported by means of the
Ten thousand men were employ- mastodon, whose remains are oc-
ed in the transportation of this casionally disinterred in the Mexi-
enormous mass, according to Te- can Valley. Rambler in Mexico,
zozomoc, whose narrative, with all p. 145.
the accompanying prodigies, is mi- ^ A great collection of ancient
nutely transcribed by Bustamante. pottery, with various other speci-
The Licentiate shows an appetite mens of Aztec art, the gift of
for the marvellous, which might Messrs. Poinsett and Keating, is
excite the envy of a monk of the deposited in the Cabinet of the
Middle Ages. (See Descripcion, American Philosophical Society,
nota, loc. cit.) The English trav- at Philadelphia. See the Cata-
oller, Latrobe, accommodates the logue, ap. Transactions, vol. III.
wonders of nature and art very p. 510.
144 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book 1
with great care on plantations of cactus, since fallen
into neglect.~^ The natives were thus enabled to
give a brilliant coloring to the webs, which were
manufactured of every degree of fineness, from the
cotton raised in abundance throughout the warmer
regions of the country. They had the art, also, of
interweaving with these the delicate hair of rabbits
and other animals, which made a cloth of great
warmth as well as beauty, of a kind altogether origi-
nal ; and on this they often laid a rich embroidery,
of birds, flowers, or some other fanciful device. ^^
But the art in which they most delighted was
their plumaje, or feather-work. With this they could
produce all the effect of a beautiful mosaic. The
gorgeous plumage of the tropical birds, especially of
the parrot tribe, afforded every variety of color ; and
the fine down of the humming-bird, which revelled
in swarms among the honeysuckle bowers of Mexi-
co, supplied them with soft aerial tints that gave an
exquisite fmish to the picture. The feathers, pasted
on a fine cotton web, were wrought into dresses for
24 Hernandez, Hist. Plantarum, unlike our silkworm, indeed, which
lib. 6, cap. 116. spun a thread that was sold in the
25 Carta del Lie. Zuazo, MS. — markets of ancient Mexico. See
Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. the Essai Politique, (torn. HI. pp.
7, cap. 15. — Boturini,Idea, p.77. 66-69,) where M. de Humboldt
It is doubtful how far they were has collected some interesting- facts
acquainted with the manufacture in regard to the culture of silk by
of silk. Carli supposes that what the Aztecs. Still, that the fabric
Cortes calls silk was only the fine should be a matter of uncertainty
texture of hair, or down, mention at all shows that it could not have
ed in the text. (Lettres Americ, reached any great excellence or
torn. I. let. 21.) But it is certain extent.
they had a species of caterpillar,
ch. v.] merchants. 145
the \vealthj, hangings for apartments, and ornaments
for the temples. No one of the American fabrics
excited such admiration in Europe, whither numer-
ous specimens were sent by the Conquerors. It
is to be regretted, that so graceful an art should
have been suffered to fall into decay.-''
There were no shops in Mexico, but the various
manufactures and agricultural products were brought
together for sale in the great market-places of the
principal cities. Fairs were held there every fifth
day, and were thronged by a numerous concourse of
persons, who came to buy or sell from all the neigh-
bouring country. A particular quarter was allotted
to each kind of article. The numerous transactions
were conducted without confusion, and with entire
regard to justice, under the inspection of magistrates
appointed for the purpose. The traffic was carried
on partly by barter, and partly by means of a regu-
lated currency, of different values. This consisted
of transparent quills of gold dust; of bits of tin,
cut in the form of a X ; and of bags of cacao, con-
26 Carta del Lie. Zuazo, MS. — nice gradation of color, and for
Acosta, lib. 4, cap. 37. — Saha- beauty of design. No European
gun, Hist, de Nueva Espafia, lib. artist could have made such a
9, cap. 18-21. — Toribio, Hist, de thing." (Lettres Americ, let. 21,
los Indies, MS., Parte 1, cap. 15. note.) There is still one place,
— Rel. d' un gent., ap. Ramusio, Patzquaro, where, according to
torn. HI. fol. 306. Bustamante, they preserve some
Count Carli is in raptures with a knowledge of this interesting art,
specimen of feather-painting which though it is practised on a very
he saw in Strasbourg. " Never limited scale, and at great cost,
did I behold any thing so exqui- Sahagun, ubi supra, nota.
site," he says, " for brilliancy and
VOL. I. 19
146 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I
raining a specified number of grains. " Blessed
money," exclaims Peter Martyr, " which exempts its
possessors from avarice, since it cannot be long
hoarded, nor hidden under ground ! " "^
There did not exist in Mexico that distinction of
castes found among the Egyptian and Asiatic na-
tions. It was usual, however, for the son to follow
the occupation of his father. The different trades
were arranged into something like guilds ; having,
each, a particular district of the city appropriated to
it, with its own chief, its own tutelar deity, its pe-
culiar festivals, and the like. Trade was held in
avowed estimation by the Aztecs. " Apply thyself,
my son," was the advice of an aged chief, " to ag-
riculture, or to feather-work, or some other honora-
ble calling. Thus did your ancestors before you.
Else, how would they have provided for themselves
and their families ? Never was it heard, that nobil-
ity alone was able to maintain its possessor. " ^
-7 "O felicem monetam, qua time, consisting of bits of stamped
suavem utilemque prasbet huma- paper, made from the inner bark of
no generi potum, et a tartarea pes- the mulberry- tree. See Viaggi di
te avaritiae suos immunes servat Messer Marco Polo, gentil' huomo
possessores, quod suffodi aut diu Yenetiano, lib. 2, cap. 18, ap. Ra-
servari nequeat!" De Orbe Novo, musio, tom. II.
dec. 5, cap. 4. — (See, also, Carta 28 " Procurad de saber algun ofi-
de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p. 100 c?o /iom'oso, como es el hacerobras
et seq. — Sahagun, Hist, de Nue- de pluma y otros oficios mecanicos.
va Espafia, lib. 8, cap. 36. — Tori- Mirad que tengais cuidado
bio. Hist, de los Indies, MS., Parte de lo tocante a la agricultura
3, cap. 8. — Carta del Lie. Zuazo, En ninguna parte he visto que al-
MS.) The substitute for money gunose mantengapor sunobleza."
throughout the Chinese empire was Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva EspaSa,
equally simple in Marco Polo's lib. 6, cap. 17.
ch. v.] merchants. 147
Shrewd maxims, that must have sounded somewhat
strange in the ear of a Spanish hidalgo ! ^^
But the occupation pecuharly respected was thai
of the merchant. It formed so important and singular
a feature of their social economy, as to merit a much
more particular notice than it has received from
historians. The Aztec merchant was a sort of itin-
erant trader, who made his journeys to the remotest
borders of Anahuac, and to the countries beyond, car-
rying with him merchandise of rich stuffs, jewelry,
slaves, and other valuable commodities. The slaves
were obtained at the great market of Azcapozalco,
not many leagues from the capital, where fairs were
regularly held for the sale of these unfortunate
beings. They were brought thither by their masters,
dressed in their gayest apparel, and instructed to
sing, dance, and display their little stock of personal
accomplishments, so as to recommend themselves to
the purchaser. Slave-dealing was an honorable call-
ing among the Aztecs.^^
With this rich freight, the merchant visited the
different provinces, always bearing some present of
value from his own sovereign to their chiefs, and
usually receiving others in return, with a permis-
sion to trade. Should this be denied him, or should
he meet with indignity or violence, he had the
means of resistance in his power. He performed
29 Col. de Mendoza, ap. Antiq. 30 Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva
of Mexico, vol. I. PI. 71 ; vol. VI. Espana, lib. 9, cap. 4, 10- 14.
p. 86. — Torquemada, Monarch.
Tnd., lib. 2, cap. 41.
148 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I.
his journeys with a number of companions of his
own rank, and a large body of inferior attendants
who were employed to transport the goods. Fifty
or sixty pounds were the usual load for a man. The
whole caravan went armed, and so well provided
against sudden hostilities, that they could make good
their defence, if necessary, till reinforced from home.
In one instance, a body of these militant traders
stood a siege of four years in the town of Ayotlan,
which they finally took from the enemy.^' Their
own government, however, was always prompt to
embark in a war on this ground, finding it a very
convenient pretext for extending the Mexican em-
pire. It was not unusual to allow the merchants to
raise levies themselves, which were placed under
their command. It was, moreover, very common
for the prince to employ the merchants as a sort of
spies, to furnish him information of the state of the
countries through which they passed, and the dis-
positions of the inhabitants towards himself. -^^
Thus their sphere of action was much enlarged
beyond that of a humble trader, and they acquired
a high consideration in the body politic. They were
allowed to assume insignia and devices of their
own. Some of their number composed what is
called by the Spanish writers a council of finance ;
31 Ibid., lib. 9, cap. 2. destruction of his city, for mal-
^ Ibid., lib. 9, cap. 2, 4. treating the persons of some Az-
In the Mendoza Codex is a paint- tec merchants. Antiq. of Mexico,
ing, representing the execution of vol. I. PI. 67.
a cacique and his family, with the
tH. v.] MERCHANTS. 149
at least, tliis was the case in Tezcuco.^ They were
much consulted by the monarch, who had some of
them constantly near his person ; addressing them
by the title of " uncle," which may remind one of
that of primo, or " cousin," by which a grandee of
Spain is saluted by his sovereign. They were al-
lowed to have their own courts, in which civil and
criminal cases, not excepting capital, were deter-
mined ; so that they formed an independent com-
munity, as it were, of themselves. And, as their
various traffic supplied them with abundant stores
of wealth, they enjoyed many of the most essential
advantages of an hereditary aristocracy.*^*
That trade should prove the path to eminent
political preferment in a nation but partially civil-
ized, where the names of soldier and priest are
usually the only titles to respect, is certainly an
anomaly in history. It forms some contrast to the
standard of the more polished monarchies of the
^ Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., The ninth book is taken up with
lib. 2, cap. 41. an account of the merchants, their
Ixtlilxochitl gives a curious story pilgrimages, the religious rites on
of one of the royal family of Tez- their departure, and the sumptuous
cuco, who offered, with two other way of living on their return. The
merchants, otros mercaderes, to whole presents a very remarkable
visit the court of a hostile cacique, picture, showing they enjoyed a
and bring him dead or alive to the consideration, among the half-civ-
capital. They availed themselves ilized nations of Anahuac, to which
of a drunken revel, at which they there is no parallel, unless it be
were to have been sacrificed, to that possessed by the merchant-
effect their object. Hist. Chich., princesof an Italian republic, or the
MS., cap. 62. princely merchants of our own
3^1 Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva
Espana, lib. 9, cap. 2, 5.
150 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I.
Old World, in which rank is supposed to be less
dishonored by a life of idle ease or frivolous pleasure,
than by those active pursuits which promote equally
the prosperity of the state and of the individual.
H civilization corrects many prejudices, it must be
allowed that it creates others.
We shall be able to form a better idea of the
actual refinement of the natives, by penetrating into
their domestic life and observing the intercourse
between the sexes. We have fortunately the means
of doing this. We shall there find the ferocious
Aztec frequently displaying all the sensibility of a
cultivated nature ; consoling his friends under afflic-
tion, or congratulating them on their good fortune,
as on occasion of a marriage, or of the birth or the
baptism of a child, when he was punctilious in his
visits, bringing presents of costly dresses and orna-
ments, or the more simple offering of flowers, equally
indicative of his sympathy. The visits, at these
times, though regulated with all the precision of
Oriental courtesy, were accompanied by expressions
of the most cordial and affectionate regard. ^^
The discipline of children, especially at the public
schools, as stated in a previous chapter, was exceed -
35 Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva scends to particulars, which his
Espafia, lib. 6, cap. 23-37. — Ca- Mexican editor, Bustamante, has
margo, Hist, de Tlascala, MS. excluded, as somewhat too unre-
These complimentary attentions served for the public eye. If they
were paid at stated seasons, even were more so than some of the
during pregnancy. The details are editor's own notes, they must have
given with abundant gravity and been very communicative indeed,
minuteness by Sahagun, who de-
ch. v.] domestic manners. 151
ingly severe.^*^ But after she had come to a mature
age, the Aztec maiden was treated by her parents
with a tenderness, from which all reserve seemed
banished. In the counsels to a daughter about tc
enter into life, they conjured her to preserve sim-
plicity in her manners and conversation, uniform
neatness in her attire, witli strict attention to per-
sonal cleanliness. They inculcated modesty, as the
great ornament of a woman, and implicit reverence
for her husband ; softening their admonitions by-
such endearing epithets, as showed the fulness of a
parent's love.^^
Polygamy was permitted among the Mexicans,
though chiefly confined, probably, to the wealthiest
classes.^^ And the obligations of the marriage vow,
^ Zurita, Rapport, pp. 112-134. ni se oyen, las quales han proce-
The Third Part of the Col. de dido de las entraiias y corazon en
Mendoza (Antiq. of Mexico, vol. que estaban atesoradas ; y tu muy
I.) exhibits the various ingenious amado padre bien sabe que ere.s
punishments devised for the refrac- su hija, engendrada de el, eres su
tory child. The flowery path of sangre y su carne, y sabe Dios
knowledge was well strewed with nuestro seilor que es asi ; aunque
thorns for the Mexican tyro. eres muger, e imagen de tu padre
37 Zurita, Rapport, pp. 151- j que mas te puedo deeir, hija mia,
160. de lo que ya esta dicho ? " (Hist.
Sahagun has given us the admo- de Nueva Espafia, lib. 6, cap. 19.)
nitions of both father and mother The reader will find this interest-
to the Aztec maiden, on her coming ing document, which enjoins so
to years of discretion. What can much of what is deemed most es-
be more tender than the beginning sential among civilized nations,
of the mother's exhortation? "Hi- translated entire in the Appendix,
ja mia muy amada, muy querida Part 2, No. 1.
palomita : ya has oido y notado 38 Yet we find the remarkable
las palabras que tu seuor padre te declaration, in the counsels of a
ha dicho ; ellas son palabras pre- father to his son, that, for the mul-
ciosas, y que raramente se dicen tiplication of the species, God or-
152 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book 1
which was made with all the formality of a religious
ceremony, were fully recognised, and impressed on
both parties. The women are described by the
Spaniards as pretty, unlike their unfortunate de-
scendants, of the present day, though with the same
serious and rather melancholy cast of countenance.
Their long black hair, covered, in some parts of the
country, by a veil made of the fine web of the pita,
might generally be seen wreathed with flowers, or,
among the richer people, with strings of precious
stones, and pearls from the Gulf of California. They
appear to have been treated with much consideration
by their husbands ; and passed their time in indolent
tranquillity, or in such feminine occupations as spin-
ning, embroidery, and the like ; while their maidens
beguiled the hours by the rehearsal of traditionary
tales and ballads.^^
The women partook equally with the men of so-
cial festivities and entertainments. These were often
conducted on a large scale, both as regards the num-
ber of guests and the costliness of the preparations.
Numerous attendants, of both sexes, waited at the
banquet. The halls were scented with perfumes,
and the courts strewed with odoriferous herbs and
flowers, which were distributed in profusion among
dained one man only for one wo- ron de una muger." Ibid. lib. 6,
man. " Nota, hijo mio, lo que te cap. 21.
digo, mira que el mundo ya tiene ^ Ibid., lib. 6, cap. 21 -23 ; lib
este estilo de engendiar y multipli- 8, cap. 23. — Rel. d' un gent., ap
car, y para esta gencracion y mul- Ramusio, torn. III. fol. 305. — Car
tiplicacion, ordeno Dios que una ta del Lie. Zuazo, MS.
jnuger usase de un varon, v un va-
Ch. v.]
DOMESTIC MANNERS.
163
the guests, as they arrived. Cotton napkins and
ewers of water were placed before them, as they
took, their seats at the board ; for the venerable
ceremony of ablution,^" before and after eating,
was punctiliously observed by the Aztecs.^^ To-
bacco was then offered to the company, in pipes,
mixed up with aromatic substances, or in the form
of cigars, inserted in tubes of tortoise-shell or sil-
ver. They compressed the nostrils with the fingers,
while they inhaled the smoke, which they frequently-
swallowed. Whether the women, who sat apart
from the men at table, were allowed the indulgence
of the fragrant weed, as in the most polished circles
^ As old as the heroic age of
Greece, at least. We may fancy
ourselves at the table of Penelope,
where water in golden ewers was
poured into silver basins for the
accommodation of her guests, be-
fore beginning the repast.
" X£jv//Jfl! y afiip'i'TteXos r^op^iu i^i-^ivi
J^'i^ar^xi ' ta^a S» %iirTJiy Irdtiurfft
OATi;i:. A.
The feast affords many other points
of analogy to the Aztec, inferring
a similar stage of civilization in
the two nations. One may be sur-
prised, however, to find a greater
profusion of the precious metals in
the barren isle of Ithaca, than in
Mexico. But the poet's fancy was
a richer mine than either.
41 Sahagun, Hist, de NuevaEs-
paiia, lib. 6, cap. 22.
VOL. I. 20
Amidst some excellent advice of
a parent to his son, on his gener-
al deportment, we find the latter
punctiliously enjoined not to take
his seat at the board till he has
washed his face and hands, and
not to leave it till he has repeated
the same thing, and cleansed his
teeth. The directions are given
with a precision worthy of an Asi-
atic. " Al principio de la comida
labarte has las manos y la boca, y
donde te juntares con otros a co-
mer, no te sientes luego ; mas an-
tes tomaras el agua y la jicara pa-
ra que se labeii los otros, y echarles
has agua a los manos, y dei;pues de
esto, cojeras lo que se ha caido
por el suelo y barreras el lugar de
la comida, y tambien despues de
comer lavaras te las manos y la bo-
ca, y limpiaras los dientes." Tbid.,
loc. cit.
154
AZTEC CIVILIZATION.
[Book I.
of modern Mexico, is not told us. It is a curious
fact, that the Aztecs also took the dried leaf in the
pulverized form of snuff.^-
The table was well provided with substantial
meats, especially game ; among which the most con-
spicuous was the turkey, erroneously supposed, as
its name imports, to have come originally from the
East."*^ These more solid dishes were flanked by
42 Rel. d' un gent., ap. Ramu-
sio, torn. III. fol. 306. — Sahagun,
Hist, de Nueva Espaua, lib. 4, cap.
37. — Torquemada, Monarch. Ind.,
lib. 13, cap. 33. — Clavigero, Stor.
del Messico, torn. II. p. 227.
The Aztecs used to smoke after
dinner, to prepare for the siesta, in
which they indulged themselves as
regularly as an old Castilian. —
Tobacco, in Mexican r/etl, is deriv-
ed from a Haytian word, tabaco.
The natives of llispaniola, being
the first with whom the Spaniards
had much intercourse, have sup-
plied Europe with the names of
several important plants. — Tobac-
co, in some form or other, was
used by almost all the tribes of
the American continent, from the
North-west Coast to Patagonia.
(See McCulloh, Researches, pp.
91-94.) Its manifold virtues, both
social and medicinal, are profusely
panegyrized by Hernandez, in his
Hist. Plantarum, lib. 2, cap. 109.
^^ This noble bird was introduced
into Europe from Mexico. The
Spaniards called it gaUopavo, from
its resemblance to the peacock.
SeeRel. d'ungent., ap. Ramusio,
(tom. III. fol. 306) ; also Oviedo,
(Rel. Sumaria, cap. 38,) the ear-
liest naturalist who gives an ac-
count of the bird, which he saw
soon after the Conquest, in the
West Indies, whither it had been
brought, as he says, from New
Spain. The Europeans, however,
soon lost sight of its origin, and the
name " turkey " intimated the pop-
ular belief of its Eastern origin.
Several entiinent writers have main-
tained its Asiatic or African de-
scent ; but they could not impose
on the sagacious and better in-
structed Buffon. (See Histoire Na-
turelle, Art. Dindon.) The Span-
iards saw immense numbers of tur-
keys in the domesticated state, on
their arrival in Mexico, where they
were more common than any other
poultry. They were found wild, not
only in New Spain, but all along
the continent, in the less frequent-
ed places, from the North-west-
ern territory of the United States
to Panama. The wild turkey is
larger, more beautiful, and every
way an incomparably finer bird,
than the tame. Franklin, with
some point, as well as pleasantry,
:h, v.] domestic manners. 155
others of vegetables and fruits, of every delicious
variety found on the North American continent.
The different viands were prepared in various ways,
with delicate sauces and seasoning, of which the
Mexicans were very fond. Their palate was still
further regaled by confections and pastry, for which
their maize-flour and sugar supplied ample materials.
One other dish, of a disgusting nature, was some-
times added to the feast, especially when the cele-
bration partook of a religious character. On such
occasions a slave was sacrificed, and his flesh, elab-
orately dressed, formed one of the chief ornaments
of the banquet. Cannibalism, in the guise of an
Epicurean science, becomes even the more revolt-
ing.^*
The meats were kept warm by chafing-dishes.
The table was ornamented with vases of silver, and
sometimes gold, of delicate workmanship. The
drinking cups and spoons were of the same costly
materials, and likewise of tortoise shell. The fa-
vorite beverage was the chocolatl, flavojed with va-
insists on its preference to the bald 13 ; lib. 9, cap. 10-14. — Torque-
eagle, as the national emblem. (See raada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 13, cap.
hisWorks,vol.X.p.63,inSparks's 23. — Rol. d' ungent., ap. Ramu-
excellent edition.) Interesting no- sio, tom. III. fol. 306.
tices of the history and habits of Father Sahagun has gone into
the wild turkey may be found in many particulars of the Aztec cm-
the Ornithology both of Buona- sine, and the mode of preparing
parte and of that enthusiastic lover sundry savory messes, making,
of nature, Audubon, vox Melea- all together, no despicable contri-
gris, Gallopavo. bution to the noble science of gas-
44 Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Es- ironomy.
pana, lib. 4, cap. 37 ; lib. 8, cap.
156
AZTEC CIVILIZATION.
[Boor I
nilla and different spices. Tliej had a way of pre-
paring the froth of it, so as to make it almost solid
enough to be eaten, and took it cold.^' The fer-
mented juice of the maguey, with a mixture of
sweets and acids, supplied, also, various agreeable
drinks, of different degrees of strength, and formed
the chief beverage of the elder part of the com-
pany.^*^
As soon as they had finished their repast, the
young people rose from the table, to close the festiv-
ities of the day with dancing. They danced grace-
fiilly, to the sound of various instruments, accom-
panying their movements with chants, of a pleasing,
though somewhat plaintive character.^'^ The older
^ The froth, delicately flavored
with spices and some other ingre-
dients, was taken cold by itself. It
had the consistency almost of a
solid ; and the " Anonymous Con-
queror " is very careful to incul-
cate the importance of " opening
the mouth wide, in order to facili-
tate deglutition, that the foam may
dissolve gradually, and descend im-
perceptibly, as it were, into the
stomach . " It was so nutritious that
a single cup of it was enough to
sustain a man through the longest
day's march. (Fol. 306.) The old
soldier discusses the beverage con
amore.
^ Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Es-
pana, lib. 4, cap. 37 ; lib. 8, cap.
13. — Torquemada, Monarch. Ind.,
lib. 13, cap. 23. — Rel. d' ungent.,
ap. Ramusio, torn. III. fol. 306.
'*'' Herrera, Hist. General, dec.
2, lib. 7, cap. 8. — Torquemada.
Monarch. Ind., lib. 14, cap. 11.
The Mexican nobles entertained
minstrels in their houses, who com-
posed ballads suited to the times,
or the achievements of their lord,
which they chanted, to the ac-
companiment of instruments, at the
festivals and dances. Indeed, there
was more or less dancing at most
of the festivals, and it was per-
formed in the court-yards of the
houses, or in the open squares of
the city. (Ibid., ubi supra.) The
principal men had, also, buffoons
and jugglers in their service, who
amused them, and astonished the
Spaniards by their feats of dexteri-
ty and strength ; (Acosta, lib. 6,
cap. 28 ;) also Clavigero, (Stor.
del Messico,tom.II. pp. 179-186,)
Ca. V.J DOMESTIC MANNERS. 157
guests continued at table, sipping pulque, and gos-
siping about other times, till the virtues of the exhil-
arating beverage put them in good-humor with their
own. Intoxication was not rare in this part of the
company, and, what is singular, was excused in
them, though severely punished in the younger.
The entertainment was concluded by a liberal distri-
bution of rich dresses and ornaments among the
guests, when they withdrew, after midnight, " some
commending the feast, and others condemning the
bad taste or extravagance of their host ; in the
same manner," says an old Spanish writer, " as with
us." ^ Human nature is, indeed, much the same
all the world over.
In this remarkable picture of manners, which 1
have copied faithfully from the records of earliest
date after the Conquest, we find no resemblance to
the other races of North American Indians. Some
resemblance we may trace to the general style of
Asiatic pomp and luxury. But, in Asia, woman, far
from being admitted to unreserved intercourse with
the other sex, is too often jealously immured with-
who has designed several repre- ^ " Y de esta manera pasaban
sentations of their exploits, truly gran rato de la noche, y se despe-
surprising. It is natural that a dian, e iban a sus casas, unos ala-
people of limited refinement should bando la fiesta, y otros murmuran-
find their enjoyment in material, do de las demasias, y excesos ;
rather than intellectual pleasures, cosa mui ordinaria en los que u
and, consequently, should excel in semejantes actos se juntan." Tor>
them. The Asiatic nations, as the quemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 13
Hindoos and Chinese, for example, cap. 23. — Sahagun, Hist, de Nue •
surpass the more polished Euro- va Espana, lib. 9, cap. 10-14
peans in displays of agility and
legerdemain.
158 BOTURINI. [Book I
111 the walls of the harem. European civilization,
which accords to this loveliest portion of creation her
proper rank in the social scale, is still more removed
from some of the brutish usages of the Aztecs.
That such usages should have existed with the de-
gree of refinement they showed in other things is
almost inconceivable. It can only be explained as
the result of religious superstition ; superstition
which clouds the moral perception, and perverts even
the natural senses, till man, civilized man, is recon-
ciled to the very things which are most revolting to
humanity. Habits and opinions founded on religion
must not be taken as conclusive evidence of the ac-
tual refinement of a people.
The Aztec character was perfectly original and
unique. It was made up of incongruities apparently
irreconcilable. It blended into one the marked pe
culiarities of different nations, not only of the same
phase of civilization, but as far removed from each
other as the extremes of barbarism and refine-
ment. It may find a fitting parallel in their own
wonderful climate, capable of producing, on a few
square leagues of surface, the boundless variety of
vegetable forms, which belong to the frozen regions
of the North, the temperate zone of Europe, and
the burning skies of Arabia and Hindostan !
One of the works repeatedly consulted and referred to in this Intro-
duction is Boturini's Idea de una nueva Historia General de la Ameri-
ca Septentrional. The singular persecutions sustained by its authoi,
even more than the merits of his book, have associated his name
Ch. v.] BOTURINI. '[h\^
inseparably with the literary history of Mexico. The Chevalier Lo-
renzo Boturini Benaduci was a Milanese by birth, of an ancient family,
and possessed of much learning. From Madrid, where he was residing,
he passed over to New Spain, in 1735, on some business of the count-
ess of Santibanez, a lineal descendant of Montezuma. While employed
on this, he visited the celebrated shrine of Our Lady of Guadaloupe,
and, being a person of devout and enthusiastic temper, Avas filled with
the desire of collecting testimony to establish the marvellous fact of
her apparition. In the course of his excursions, made with this view,
he fell in with many relics of Aztec antiquity, and conceived — what
to a Protestant, at least, would seem much more rational — the idea
of gathering together all the memorials he could meet with of the
primitive civilization of the land.
In pursuit of this double object, he penetrated into the remotest parts
of the country, living much with the natives, passing his nights some-
times in their huts, sometimes in caves, and the depths of the lonely
forests. Frequently months would elapse, without his being able to
add any thing to his collection ; for the Indians had suffered too much,
not to be very shy of Europeans. His long intercourse with them,
however, gave him ample opportunity to learn their language and
popular traditions, and, in the end, to amass a large stock of materials,
consisting of hieroglyphical charts on cotton, skins, and the fibre of the
maguey ; besides a considerable body of Indian manuscripts, written
after the Conquest. To all these must be added the precious docu-
ments for placing beyond controversy the miraculous apparition of the
Virgin. With this treasure he returned, after a pilgrimage of eight
years, to the capital.
His zeal, in the mean while, had induced him to procure from Rome
a bull authorizing the coronation of the sacred image at Guadaloupe.
The bull, however, though sanctioned by the Audience of New Spain,
had never been approved by the Council of the Indies. In consequence
of this informality, Boturini was arrested in the midst of his proceed-
ings, his papers were taken from him, and, as he declined to give an
inventory of them, he was thrown into prison, and confined in the same
apartment with two criminals ! Not long afterward he was sent to Spain.
He there presented a memorial to the Council of the Indies, setting
forth his manifold grievances, and soliciting redress. At the same
time, he drew up his " Idea," above noticed, in which he displayed the
catalogue of his museum in New Spain, declaring, with affecting earn-
estness, that " he would not exchange these treasures for all the gold
and silver, diamonds and pearls, in the New World."
After some delay, the Council gave an award in his favor ; acquitting
him of any intentional violation of the law, and pronouncing a high
160 BOTURINI. [Book I.
oucomium on his deserts. His papers, however, were not restored.
But his Majesty was graciously pleased to appoint him Historiographer
General of the Indies, with a salary of one thousand dollars per annum
The stipend was too small to allow him to return to Mexico. He re-
mained in Madrid, and completed there the first volume of a " General
History of North America," in 1749. Not long after this event, and
before the publication of the work, he died. The same injustice was
continued to his heirs ; and, notwithstanding repeated applications in
their behalf, they were neither put in possession of their unfortunate
kinsman's collection, nor received a remuneration for it. What was
worse, — as far as the public was concerned, — the collection itself
was deposited in apartments of the Vice-regal palace at Mexico, so
damp, that they gradually fell to pieces, and the few remaining were
stiil further diminished by the pilfering of the curious. When Baron
Humboldt visited Mexico, not one eighth of this inestimable treasure
was in existence !
I have been thus particular in the account of the unfortunate Boturini,
as affording, on the whole, the most remarkable example of the serious
obstacles and persecutions, which literary enterprise, directed in the
path of the national antiquities, has, from some cause or other, been ex-
posed to in New Spain.
Boturini's manuscript volume was never printed, and probably nevei
will be, if, indeed, it is in existence. This will scarcely prove a great
detriment to science, or to his own reputation. He was a man of a
zealous temper, strongly inclined to the marvellous, with little of that
acuteness requisite for penetrating the tangled mazes of antiquity, or of
the philosophic spirit fitted for calmly weighing its doubts and difficul-
ties. His " Idea " affords a sample of his peculiar mind. With abundant
learning, ill-assorted and ill-digested, it is a jumble of fact and puerile
fiction, interesting details, crazy dreams, and fantastic theories. But it
is hardly fair to judge by the strict rules of criticism a work, which,
put together hastily, as a catalogue of literary treasures, was de-
signed by the author rather to show what might be done, than that he
could do it himself. — It is rare that talents for action and contemplation
are united in the same individual. Boturini was eminently qualified, by
his enthusiasm and perseverance, for collecting the materials necessary
to illustrate the antiquities of the country. It requires a more highly
gifted mind to avail itself of them.
CHAPTER VI.
Tezctjcans. — Their Golden Age. — Accomplished Princes. —
Decline of their Monarchy.
The reader would gather but an imperfect notion
of the civilization of Anahuac, without some account
of the Acolhuans, or Tezcucans, as they are usually
called ; a nation of the same great family with the
Aztecs, whom they rivalled in power, and surpassed
in intellectual culture and the arts of social refine-
ment. Fortunately, we have ample materials for this
in the records left by Ixtlilxochitl, a lineal descend-
ant of the royal line of Tezcuco, who flourished
in the century of the Conquest. With every op-
portunity for information he combined much industry
and talent, and, if his narrative bears the high
coloring of one who would revive the faded glories
of an ancient, but dilapidated house, he has been
uniformly commended for his fairness and integrity,
and has been followed without misgiving by such
Spanish writers as could have access to his manu-
scripts.' I shall confine myself to the prominent
features of the two reigns which may be said to
embrace the golden age of Tezcuco ; without at-
tempting to weigh the probability of the details,
1 For a criticism on this writer, see the Postscript to this Chapter.
VOL. I. 21
162 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book 1.
which I will leave to be settled by the reader, ac-
cording to the measure of his faith.
The Acolhuans came into the Valley, as we have
seen, about the close of the twelfth century, and
Imilt their capital of Tezcuco on the eastern borders
of the lake, opposite to Mexico. From this point
they gradually spread themselves over the northern
portion of Anahuac, when their career was checked
by an invasion of a kindred race, the Tepanecs,
who, after a desperate struggle, succeeded in taking
their city, slaying their monarch, and entirely sub-
jugating his kingdom.^ This event took place about
1418; and the young prince, Nezahualcoyotl, the
heir to the crown, then fifteen years old, saw his
father butchered before his eyes, while he himself
lay concealed among the friendly branches of a tree,
which overshadowed the spot.^ His subsequent
history is as full of romantic daring, and perilous
escapes, as that of the renowned Scanderbeg, or of
the "young Chevalier."*
Not long after his flight from the field of his
father's blood, the Tezcucan prince fell into the
hands of his enemy, was borne off" in triumph to his
city, and was thrown into a dungeon. He effected
2 See Chapter First of this In- iennes, chap. 79). It is hardly
troduction, p. 15. necessary, for the latter, to refer
•' Ixtlilxochitl,Relaciones, MS., the English reader to Chambers's
No.9.— Idem, Hist. Chich., MS., "History of tlie Rebellion of
cap. 19. 1745 " ; a work which proves how
4 The adventures of the former thin is the partition in human life,
hero are told with his usual spirit which divides romance from real-
by Sismondi (R^publiques Ital- ily.
Cn. VI.] GOLDEN AGE OF TEZCUCO. 163
his escape, however, through the connivance of tiie
governor of the fortr^^^s, an old servant of his family,
who took the place of the roj^al fugitive, and paid
for his loyalty with his life. He was at length per-
mitted, through the intercession of the reigning family
in Mexico, which was allied to him, to retire to that
capital, and subsequently to his own, where he found
a shelter in his ancestral palace. Here he remained
unmolested for eight jears, pursuing his studies
under an old preceptor, who had had the care of his
early youth, and who instructed him in the various
duties befitting his princely station."'
At the end of this period the Tepanec usurper
died, bequeathing his empire to his son, Maxtla, a
man of fierce and suspicious temper. Nezahual-
coyotl hastened to pay his obeisance to him, on his
accession. But the tyrant refused to receive the
little present of flowers which he laid at his feet,
and turned his back on him in presence of his chief-
tains. One of his attendants, friendly to the young
prince, admonished him to provide for his own safety,
by withdrawing, as speedily as possible, from the pal-
ace, where his life was in danger. He lost no time,
consequently, in retreating from the inhospitable
court, and returned to Tezcuco. Maxtla, however,
was bent on his destruction. He saw with jealous
eye the opening talents and popular manners of his
rival, and the favor he was daily winning from his
ancient subjects.^
5 Ixllilxochitl, Relaciones, MS., 10. — Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 20-
No. 10. 24.
c Idem, Relaciones, MS., No.
164 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I
He accordingly laid a plan for making way with
him at an evening entertainment. It was defeated
by the vigilance of the prince's tutor, who contrived
to mislead the assassins, and to substitute another
victim in the place of his pupilJ The baffled ty-
rant now threw off all disguise, and sent a strong
party of soldiers to Tezcuco, with orders to enter
the palace, seize the person of Nezahualcoyotl, and
slay him on the spot. The prince, who became
acquainted with the plot through the watchfulness
of his preceptor, instead of flying, as he was coun-
selled, resolved to await his enemy. They found
him playing at ball, when they arrived, in the court
of his palace. He received them courteously, and in-
vited them in, to take some refreshments after their
journey. While they were occupied in this way, he
passed into an adjoining saloon, which excited no
suspicion, as he was still visible through the open
doors by which the apartments communicated with
each other. A burning censer stood in the passage,
and, as it was fed by the attendants, threw up
such clouds of incense as obscured his movements
from the soldiers. Under this friendly veil he suc-
ceeded in making his escape by a secret passage,
Avhich communicated with a large earthen pipe for-
merly used to bring water to the palace.^ Here he
7 Idem, Hist. Chich., MS.,ciip. knows, — though rarely of tragic
25. The contrivance was effect- interest.
ed by means of an extraordinary ^ It was customary, on entering
personal resemblance of the par- the presence of a great lord, to
ties ; a fruitful source of com- throw aromatics into the censer,
ic, — as every reader of the drama " Ilccho en cl brascro incienso, y
Ch. VI.] GOLDEN AGE OF TEZCUCO. 165
remained till night-fall, when, taking advantage of
the obscurity, he found his way into the suburbs,
and sought a shelter in the cottage of one of his
father's vassals.
The Tepanec monarch, enraged at this repeated
disappointment, ordered instant pursuit. A price
was set on the head of the royal fugitive. Whoever
should take him, dead or alive, was promised, how-
ever humble his degree, the hand of a noble lady,
and an ample domain along with it. Troops of
armed men were ordered to scour the country in
every direction. In the course of the search, the
cottage, in which the prince had taken refuge, was
entered. But he fortunately escaped detection by
being hid under a heap of maguey fibres used
for manufacturing cloth. As this was no longer a
proper place of concealment, he sought a retreat in
the mountainous and ^^oody district lying between
the borders of his own state and Tlascala.^
Here he led a wretched, wandering life, exposed
to all the inclemencies of the weather, hiding him-
self in deep thickets and caverns, and stealing out,
at night, to satisfy the cravings of a ^.petite ; while
he was kept in constant alarm by the activity of
his pursuers, always hovering on his track. On
one occasion he sought refuge from them among a
small party of soldiers, who proved friendly to him,
copal, que era uso y costumbre cia algo la sala." Ixtlilxochitl,
donde estaban los Reyes y Senores, Relaciones, MS., No. 11.
cada vez que los criados entraban ^ Idem, Hist. Chich., MS., cap.
con mucha reverencia y acamiento 26. — Relaciones, MS., No. 11. —
echaban sahumerio en el brasero ; Veytia, Hist. Antig., lib.2,cap. 47
y asi con este perfume se obscure-
166 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I.
and concealed him in a large drum around which
they were dancing. At another time, he was just
able to turn the crest of a hill, as his enemies were
climbing it on the other side, when he fell in with a
girl who was reaping chian, — a Mexican plant, the
seed of which was much used in the drinks of the
country. He persuaded her to cover him up with
the stalks she had been cutting. When his pursuers
came up, and inquired if she had seen the fugitive,
the girl coolly answered that she had, and pointed
out a path as the one he had taken. Notwithstand-
ing the high rewards offered, Nezahualcoyotl seems
to have incurred no danger from treachery, such was
the general attachment felt to himself and his house.
'- Would you not deliver up the prince, if he came
in your way ? " he inquired of a young peasant
who was unacquainted with his person. " Not I,"
replied the other. " What, not for a fair lady's hand,
and a rich dowry beside ? " rejoined the prince. At
which the other only shook his head and laughed."'
On more than one occasion, his faithful people sub-
niitted to torture, and even to lose their lives, rather
than disclose the place of his retreat."
However gratifying such proofs of loyalty might
be to his feelings, the situation of the prince in
10 " Nezahualcoiotzin le dixo, mancebo se ri6 de todo, no hacien-
que si viese a quien buscaban, si do caso ni de louno, ni de lo otro."
lo iria a denunciar ■? respondio, que Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS,
r.o ; toriiandole a replicar dicien- cap. 27.
dole, que haria mui mal en perder ^i Ibid., MS., cap. 26, 27. — Re
una muj^er hermosa, y lo demas, laciones, MS., No. 11. — Veytia,
que el rev Maxtla prometia, el Hist. Antig., lib. 2, cap. 47, 48.
Ch. VI.] GOLDEN AGE OF TEZCUCO. 167
these mountain solitudes became every day more
distressing. It gave a still keener edge to his own
sufferings to witness those of the faithful followers
who chose to accompany him in his wanderings.
'• Leave me," he would say to them, " to my fate !
Why should you throw away your own lives for
one whom fortune is never weary of persecuting ? "
Most of the great Tezcucan chiefs had consulted
their interests by a timely adhesion to the usurper.
But some still clung to their prince, preferring pro-
scription, and death itself, rather than desert him in
his extremity.^^
In the mean time, his friends at a distance were
active in measures for his relief. The oppressions
of Maxtla, and his growing empire, had caused gen-
eral alarm in the surrounding states, who recalled
the mild rule of the Tezcucan princes. A coalition
was formed, a plan of operations concerted, and, on
the day appointed for a general rising, Nezahualcoyotl
found himself at the head of a force sufficiently strong
to face his Tepanec adversaries. An engagement
came on, in which the latter were totally discom-
fited; and the victorious prince, receiving everywhere
on his route the homage of his joyful subjects, en-
tered his capital, not like a proscribed outcast, but
as the rightful heir, and saw himself once more
enthroned in the halls of his fathers.
Soon after, he united his forces with the Mexi-
cans, long disgusted with the arbitrary conduct of
12 IxtlilxochitljMSS., ubi supra. — Veytia, ubi supra.
168 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I.
Maxtla. The allied powers, after a series of bloody
engagements with the usurper, routed him under the
walls of his own capital. He fled to the baths,
whence he was dragged out, and sacrificed with the
usual cruel ceremonies of the Aztecs ; the royal city
of Azcapozalco was razed to the ground, and the
wasted territory was henceforth reserved as the great
slave-market for the nations of Anahuac.^^
These events were succeeded by the remarkable
league among the three powers of Tezcuco, Mexi-
co, and Tlacopan, of which some account has been
given in a previous chapter.'^ Historians are not
agreed as to the precise terms of it ; the writers of
the two former nations, each, insisting on the para-
mount authority of his own in the coalition. All
agree in the subordinate position of Tlacopan, a state,
like the others, bordering on the lake. It is certain,
that in their subsequent operations, whether of peace
or war, the three states shared in each other's coun-
cils, embarked in each other's enterprises, and moved
in perfect concert together, till just before the coming
of the Spaniards.
The first measure of Nezahualcoyotl, on returning
to his dominions, was a general amnesty. It was
his maxim, " that a monarch might punish, but re-
venge was unworthy of him." '^ In the present in-
13 Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., ^^ << Que venganza no es juste
MS., cap. 28-31. — Relaciones, la procuren los Reyes, sine casti-
MS., No. 11. — Veytia, Hist. An- q.^r al que lo mereciere." MS.
U<!., lib. 2, cap. .51-54. de Ixtlilxochitl.
''' Sep page 18 of this volume.
Ch. vi] golden age of tezcuco. 169
stance, he was averse even to punish, and not only
freely pardoned his rebel nobles, but conferred on
some, who had most deeply offended, posts of honor
and confidence. Such conduct was doubtless politic,
especially as their alienation was owing, probably,
much more to fear of the usurper, than to any dis-
all'ection towards himself. But there are some acts
of policy which a magnanimous spirit only can
execute.
The restored monarch next set about repairing
the damages sustained under the late misrule, and
reviving, or rather remodelling, the various depart-
ments of government. He framed a concise, but
comprehensive, code of laws, so well suited, it was
thought, to the exigencies of the times, that it was
adopted as their own by the two other members of
the triple alliance. It was written in blood, and
entitled the author to be called the Draco, rather
than " the Solon of Anahuac," as he is fondly stj'led
by his admirers.'*^ Humanity is one of the best
fruits of refinement. It is only with increasing
civilization, that the legislator studies to economize
human suffering, even for the guilty ; to devise pen-
alties, not so much by way of punishment for the
past, as of reformation for the future.*^
^6 See Clavigero, Stor. del tlilxochitl enumerates several of
Messico, torn. I. p. 247. them. Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 38,
Nezahualcoyotl's code consisted and Relaciones, MS., Ordenanzas
of eighty laws, of which thirty- 17 Nowhere are these principles
four only have come down to us, kept more steadily in view than in
according to Veytia. (Hist. An- the various writings of our adopted
ti?., torn. in. p. 224, nota.) Ix- countryman, Dr. Lieber, havinj;
VOL. I. 22
)70 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book 1.
He divided the burden of government among a
number of departments, as the council of war, the
council of finance, the council of justice. Thhs
last was a court of supreme authority, both in civil
and criminal matters, receiving appeals from the
lower tribunals of the provinces, which were obliged
to make a full report, every four months, or eighty
days, of their own proceedings to this higher judica-
ture. In all these bodies, a certain number of citi-
zens were allowed to have seats with the nobles and
professional dignitaries. There was, however, an-
other body, a council of state, for aiding the king
in the despatch of business, and advising him in
matters of importance, which was drawn altogether
from the highest order of chiefs. It consisted of
fourteen members ; and they had seats provided for
them at the royal table. ^^
Lastly, there was an extraordinary tribunal, called
the council of nmsic, but which, differing from the
import of its name, was devoted to the encour-
agement of science and art. Works on astrono-
my, chronology, history, or any other science, were
required to be submitted to its judgment, before
they could be made public. This censorial power
was of some moment, at least with regard to the
more or less to do with the theory According to Zurita, the princi-
of legislation. Such works could pal judges, at their general meet
not have been produced before the ings every four months, constilut-
nineteenth century. ed also a sort of parliament oi
18 Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., c6rtes, for advising the king on
MS., cap. 36. — Veytia, Hist. An- matters of state. See his Rapport
li?., lib. 3, cap. 7. p. 106 ; also Ante, p. 30.
Ch VI.] GOLDEN AGE OF TEZCUCO. 171
historical department, where the wilful perversion of
truth was made a capital offence bj the bloody code
of Nezahualcoyotl. Yet a Tezcucan author must
have been a bungler, who could not elude a convic-
tion under the cloudy veil of hieroglyphics. This
body, which was drawn from the best instructed
persons in the kingdom, with little regard to rank,
had supervision of all the productions of art, and of
the nicer fabrics. It decided on the qualifications
of the professors in the various branches of science,
on the fidelity of their instructions to their pupils,
the deficiency of which was severely punished, and
it instituted examinations of these latter. In short,
it was a general board of education for the country.
On stated days, historical compositions, and poems
treating of moral or traditional topics, were recited
before it by then- authors. Seats were provided for
the three crowned heads of the empire, who delib-
erated with the other members on the respective
merits of the pieces, and distributed prizes of value
to the successful competitors. •^
19 Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., lo. Delante de las sillas de los
MS., cap. 36. — Clavigero, Stor. reyes habia una gran mesa cargada
del Messico, torn. II. p. 137. — de ioyas de oro y plata, pedreria,
Veytia, Hist. Antig.,lib. 3, cap. 7. plumas, y otras cosas estimables,
" Concurrian a este consejo las y en los rincones de la sala muchas
tres cabezas del imperio, en ciertos de mantas de todas calidades, para
dias, a oir cantar las poesias histo- premios de las habilidades y esti-
ricas antiguas y modernas, para mulo de los |)rofesores, las cuales
mstruirse de toda su historia, y alhajas repartian los reyes, en los
(ambien cuando habia algun nuevo dias que concurrian, a los que se
hiventoen cualquierafacullad,para aventajaban en el ejercicio de sua
ftxaminarlo, aprobarlo, 6 reprobar- facultades." Ibid.
172 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book 1
Such are the marvellous accounts transmitted to
s of this institution ; an institution certainly not
to have been expected among the Aborigines of
America. It is calculated to give us a higher idea
of the refinement of the people, than even the noble
architectural remains, which still cover some parts
of the continent. Architecture is, to a certain ex-
tent, a sensual gratification. It addresses itself to
the eye, and affords the best scope for the parade
of barbaric pomp and splendor. It is the form in
which the revenues of a semi-civilized people are
most likely to be lavished. The most gaudy and
ostentatious specimens of it, and sometimes the most
stupendous, have been reared by such hands. It is
one of the first steps in the great march of civiliza-
tion. But the institution in question was evidence
of still higher refinement. It was a literary luxury ;
and argued the existence of a taste in the nation,
which relied for its gratification on pleasures of a
purely intellectual character.
The influence of this academy must hav§ been
most propitious to the capital, which became the
nursery, not only of such sciences as could be com-
passed by the scholarship of the period, but of
various useful and ornamental arts. Its historians,
orators, and poets were celebrated throughout the
country.^ Its archives, for which accommodations
20 Veytia. Hist. Antig., lib. 3, pute, of the royal house of Tez-
cap. 7. — Clavigero, Stor. del Mes- 'juco, descendants of the great
sico, torn. I. p. 247. Nezahualcoyotl. See his Account
The latter author enumerates of Writers, torn. I. pp. 6 -21
foul historians, some of much re-
Ch. VI.] GOLDEN AGE OF TEZCUCO. 173
were provided in the rojal palace, were stored with
the records of primitive ages,-' Its idiom, more pol-
ished than the Mexican, was, indeed, the purest of
all the Nahuatlac dialects ; and continued, long after
the Conquest, to be that in which the best produc-
tions of the native races were composed. Tezcuco
claimed the glory of being the Athens of the West-
ern World.^^
Among the most illustrious of her bards was the
emperor himself, — for the Tezcucan writers claim
this title for their chief, as head of the imperial alh-
ance. He, doubtless, appeared as a competitor
before that very academy where he so often sat as
a critic. Many of his odes descended to a late gen-
eration, and are still preserved, perhaps, in some of
the dusty repositories of Mexico or Spain.-" The
historian, Ixtlilxochitl, has left a translation, in Cas-
tilian, of one of the poems of his royal ancestor. It
^1 "En la ciudad de Tezcuco da." (Camargo, Hist, de Tlascala,
estaban los Archives Reales de MS.) "Tezcuco," says Boturini,
todas las cosas referidas, por haver " donde los Senores de la Tierra
sido la Metropoli de todas las cien- embiaban a sus hijos para ^pre-
cias, uses, y buenas costumbres, hender lo mas pulido de la Lengua
porque los Reyes que fueron de Ndhuatl, la Poesia, Filosofia Mo-
ella se preciaron de esto." (Ix- ral, la Theologia Gentilica, la As-
tlilxochitl, Hist. Chich.,MS.,Pr6- tronomia, Medicina, y la Histo-
logo.) It was from the poor ria." Idea, p. 142.
wreck of these documents, once 23 " Compuso LX. cantares,"
so carefully preserved by his an- says the author last quoted, " que
cestors, that the historian gleaned quizas tambien havran perecido en
the materials, as he informs us, for las manos incendiarias de los igno
his own works. rantes." (Idea, p. 79.) Boturini
22 " Aunque es tenida la lengua had translations of two of these in
Mejicana por materna, y la Tez- his museum, (Catalogo, p. 8,) and
cucana por mas cortesana y puli- another has since come to light.
174 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I.
is not easy to render his version into corresponding
English rhyme, without the perfume of the original
escaping in this double filtration.^ They remind
one of the rich breathings of Spanish- Arab poetry,
in which an ardent imagination is tempered by a
not unpleasing and moral melancholy.^ But, though
sufficiently florid in diction, they are generally free
from the meretricious ornaments and hyperbole with
which the minstrelsy of the East is usually tainted.
They turn on the vanities and mutability of human
life ; a topic very natural for a monarch who had
himself experienced the strangest mutations of for-
tune. There is mingled in the lament of the Tezcu-
can bard, however, an Epicurean philosophy, which
seeks relief from the fears of the future in the joj^s
of the present. " Banish care," he says ; " if there
are bounds to pleasure, the saddest life must also
have an end. Then weave the chaplet of flowers,
and sing thy songs in praise of the all-powerful God ;
for the glory of this world soon fadeth away. Re-
joice in the green freshness of thy spring ; for the
day will come when thou shalt sigh for these joys in
vain ; when the sceptre shall pass from thy hands,
^ Difficult as the task may be, 25 Numerous specimens of this
it has been executed by the hand may be found in Conde's "Domi-
of a fair friend, who, while she nacion de los Arabes en Espana."'
has adhered to the Castilian with None of them are superior to the
singular fidelity, has shown a grace plaintive strains of the royal Ab-
and flexibility in her poetical move- derahman on the solitary palm-
ments, which the Castilian version, tree, which reminded him of the
and probably the Mexican original, pleasant land of his birth. See
cannot boast. See both transla- Parte 2, cap. 9.
lions in Appendir, Part 2, No. 2.
Ch. VI.] GOLDEN AGE OF TEZCUCO. 175
thj servants shall wander desolate in thy courts, thy
sons, and the sons of thy nobles, shall drink the
dregs of distress, and all the pomp of thy victories
and triumphs shall live only in their recollection.
Yet the remembrance of the just shall not pass away
from the nations, and the good thou hast done shall
ever be held in honor. The goods of this life, its
glories and its riches, are but lent to us, its substance
is but an illusory shadow, and the things of to-day
shall change on the coming of the morrow. Then
gather the fairest flowers from thy gardens, to bind
round thy brow, and seize the joys of the present,
ere they perish." ^°
But the hours of the Tezcucan monarch were not
all passed in idle dalliance with the Muse, nor in the
sober contemplations of philosophy, as at a later
period. In the freshness of youth and early man-
hood he led the allied armies in their annual expedi
26 " lo tocar6 canlando " Rions, chantons, dit celte troupe impie;
El miisico instrumento sonoroso, De fleura en fleurs, de plaisirs en plaisirs,
Tu de flores gozando Promenons nos desirs.
Danza, y festeja ^ Dios que ea po- Sur I'avenir insense qui se fie.
deroso; De nos ans passagers le nombre est in-
O gozemos de esta gloria, certain.
Porque la humana vida es transi- HSltons-nous aujourd'hui de jouirdela vie;
toria." Qui sail si nous serons demain ? "
MS. DE IxTLiLxocHiTL. Athalie, Acte 2.
The sentiment, which is com- l^ jg interesting to see under
mon enough, is expressed with what different forms the same sen-
uncommon beauty by the Enghsh ^-^^^^ -^ developed by different
poet, Herrick ; races, and in different languages.
'■ Gather the rosebud while you may, j^ jg ^^ Epicurean sentiment, in-
Old Time is still a flying; , 1 1 • •
The fairest flower that blooms today, deed, but Its universality proves Its
To-morrow may be dying." truth tO nature.
And with still greater beauty, per-
haps, by Racine ;
176
AZTEC CIVILIZATION.
[Book I.
tions, which were certain to result in a wider extent
of territory to the empire. ^^ In the intervals of peace
he fostered those productive arts which are the surest
sources of public prosperity. He encouraged agri-
culture above all ; and there was scarcely a spot so
rude, or a steep so inaccessible, as not to confess the
power of cultivation. The land was covered with a
busy population, and towns and cities sprung up in
places since deserted, or dwindled into miserable
villages.^^
From resources thus enlarged by conquest and
domestic industry, the monarch drew the means for
the large consumption of his own numerous house-
hold,^^ and for the costly works which he executed
2^ Some of the provinces and
places thus conquered were held
hy the allied powers in common ;
Tlacopan, however, only receiving
one fifth of the tribute. It was
more usual to annex the vanquished
territory to that one of the two
great states, to which it lay near-
est. See Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich.,
MS., cap. 38. — Zurita, Rapport,
p. 11.
28 Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich.,
MS., cap. 41. The same writer, in
another work, calls the population
of Tezcuco, at this period, double
of what it was at the Conquest ;
founding his estimate on the royal
registers, and on the numerous re-
mains of edifices still visible in his
day, in places now depopulated.
" Parece en las historias que en
este tiempo, antes que se destruye-
sen, havia doblado mas gente de
la que hallo al tiempo que vino
Cortes, y los demas Espailoles ;
porque yo hallo en los padrones
reales, que el menor pueblo tenia
1100 vecinos, y de alii para arriba,
y ahora no tienen 200 vecinos, y
aun en algunas partes de todo pun-
to se han acabado Como
se hecha de ver en las ruinas,
hasta los mas altos montes y sier-
ras tenian sus sementeras, y casas
principales para vivir y morar "
Rclaciones, MS., No. 9.
^ Torquemada has extracted
the particulars of the yearly ex-
penditure of the palace from the
royal account-book, which came
into the historian's possession.
The following are some of the
items, namely ; 4,900,300 fanegas
of maize ; (the fanega is equal
ch. vi.j golden age of tezcuco. 177
for the convenience and embellishment of the capi-
tal. He filled it with stately edifices for his nobles,
whose constant attendance he was anxious to se-
cure at his court. ^° He erected a magnificent pile
of buildings which might serve both for a royal
residence and for the public offices. It extend-
ed, from east to west, twelve hundred and thirty-
four yards, and from north to south, nine hundred
and seventy-eight. It was encompassed by a wall
of unburnt bricks and cement, six feet wide and
nine high, for one half of the circumference, and
fifteen feet high for the other half. Within this in-
closure were two courts. The outer one was used
as the great market-place of the city ; and continued
to be so until long after the Conquest, — if, indeed,
it is not now. The interior court was surrounded
by the council-chambers and halls of justice. There
were also accommodations there for the foreign am-
bassadors ; and a spacious saloon, with apartments
opening into it, for men of science and poets, who
pursued their studies in this retreat, or met together
to hold converse under its marble porticos. In this
quarter, also, were kept the public archives ; which
to about one hundred pounds;) " Asi mismo hizo edificar muchas
2,744,000 fanegas of cacao; 8000 casas y palacios para los senores
turkeys ; 1300 baskets of salt ; y cavalleros, que asistian en su
besides an incredible quantity of corte, cada uno conforme a la cali-
game of every kind, vegetables, dad y m6ritos de su persona, las
condiments, &c. (Monarch. Ind., quales llegaron a ser rnaa de qua-
lib. 2, cap. 53.) See, also, Ixtlilx- trocientas casas de sei'iores y ca-
ochitl. Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 35. valleros de solar conocido." Ibid.
30 There were more than four cap. 38.
hundred of these lordly residences.
VOL. 1. 23
178 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I
fared better under the Indian dynasty, than they
have since under their European successors.^^
Adjoining this court were the apartments of the
king, inchiding those for the royal harem, as liber-
ally supplied with beauties as that of an Eastern
sultan. Their walls were incrusted Avith alabasters,
and richly tinted stucco, or hung with gorgeous
tapestries of variegated feather-work. They led
through long arcades, and through intricate laby-
rinths of shrubbery, into gardens, where baths and
sparkling fountains were overshadowed by tall groves
of cedar and cypress. The basins of water were
well stocked with fish of various kinds, and the
aviaries with birds glowing in all the gaudy plu-
mage of the tropics. Many birds and animals,
which could not be obtained alive, were represent-
ed in gold and silver so skilfully, as to have fur-
nished the great naturalist, Hernandez, with mod-
els for his work.^
31 Ibid., cap. 36. " Esta plaza ivs various natural productions,
cercada de portales, y tenia asi with drawings illustrating them,
mismo per la parte del poniente Although the government is said
otra sala grande, y muchos quar- to have 'expended sixty thousand
tos a la redonda, que era la univer- ducats in elfecting this great ob-
sidad, en donde asistian todos los ject, the volumes were not pub-
poetas, historicos, y phildsophos lished till long after the author's
del reyno, divididos en sus claves, death. In 1C5I a mutilated edi-
y acadcmias, conforme era la fa- tion of the part of the work re-
cultad de rada uno, y asi mismo lating to medical botany appeared
estaban aqui los archives reales." at Rome. The original MSS.
32_ This celebrated naturalist was were supposed to have beer de-
sent by Philip II. to New Spain, stroyed by the great fire in theEs-
and he employed several years in curial, not many years after. For-
compiling a voluminous work on tunately, another copy, in the a\i-
Ch. VI.] GOLDEN AGE OF TEZCUCO. 179
Accommodations on a princely scale were pro-
vided for the sovereigns of Mexico and Tlacopan,
when they visited the court. The whole of this
lordly pile contained three hundred apartments,
some of them fifty yards square. ^^ The height of
the building is not mentioned. It was probably
not great; but supplied the requisite room by the
immense extent of ground which it covered. The
interior was doubtless constructed of light mate-
rials, especially of the rich woods, which, in that
country, are remarkable, when polished, for the bril-
liancy and variety of their colors. That the more
solid materials of stone and stucco were also liber-
ally employed is proved by the remains at the
present day ; remains, which have furnished an in-
exhaustible quarry for the churches and other edi-
fices since erected by the Spaniards on the site of
the ancient city.^
ihor's own hand, was detected by light from the labors of later nat-
the indefatigable Munoz, in the uralists, it still holds its place as a
library of the Jesuits' College at book of the highest authority, for
Madrid, in the latter part of the the perspicuity, fidelity, and thor-
last century ; and a beautiful edi- oughness, with which the multifa-
tion, from the famous press of Ibar- rious topics in it are discussed,
ra, was published in that capital, ^" IxtliJxochitl, Hist. Chich.,
under the patronage of govern- MS., cap. 36.
ment, in 1790. (Hist. Plantarum, ^'* '' Some of the terraces on
Praefatio. — Nic. Antonio, Biblio- which it stood," says Mr. Bullock,
theca Hispana Nova, (Matriti, speaking of this palace, " are still
1790,) tom. n. p. 432.) entire, and covered with cement,
The work of Hernandez is a very hard, and equal in beauty to
monument of industry and erudi- that found in ancient Roman build-
tion, the more remarkable, as be- ings The great church, which
ing the first on this difficult sub- stands close by, is almost entirely
ject. And after all the additional built of the materials taken from
180 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I.
We are not informed of the time occupied in
building this palace. But two hundred thousand
workmen, it is said, were employed on it ! ^'' How-
ever this mav be, it is certain that the Tezcucan
monarchs, like those of Asia, and ancient Egypt, had
the control of immense masses of men, and would
sometimes turn the whole population of a conquered
city, including the women, into the public works.^'' —
The most gigantic monuments of architecture which
the world has witnessed would never have been
reared by the hands of freemen.
Adjoining the palace were buildings for the king's
children, who, by his various wives, amounted to no
less than sixty sons and fifty daughters.^^ Here they
were instructed in all the exercises and accomplish-
ments suited to their station ; comprehending, what
would scarcely find a place in a royal education on
the other side of the Atlantic, the arts of working
in metals, jewelry, and feather-mosaic. Once in
the palace, many of the sculptured lation were compelled, women as
stones from which may be seen in well as men, says the chronicler so
the walls, though most of the or- often quoted, to labor on the royal
naments are turned inwards. In- edifices, for four years together ;
deed, our guide informed us, that and large granaries were provided
whoever built a house at Tezcuco with stores for their maintenance,
made the ruins of the palace serve in the mean time. Idem, Hist,
as his quarry." (Six Months in Chich., MS., cap. 46.
Mexico, chap. 2G.) Torquemada "^^ If the people in general were
notices the appropriation of the not much addicted to polygamy,
materials to the same purpose, the sovereign, it must be confess-
Monarch. Ind., lib. 2, cap. 45. cd, — and it was the same, we
35 Ixtlilxochitl, MS., ubi supra, shall see, in Mexico, — made ample
38 Thus, to punish the Chalcas amends for any self-denial on the
for theirrebellion, the whole popu- part of his subjects.
ch. vi] golden age of tezcuco. 181
every four months, the whole household, not except-
ing the youngest, and including all the officers and
attendants on the king's person, assembled in a
grand saloon of the palace, to listen to a discourse
from an orator, probably one of the priesthood.
The princes, on this occasion, were all dressed in
nequen, the coarsest manufacture of the country.
The preacher began by enlarging on the obligations
of morality, and of respect for the gods, especially
important in persons whose rank gave such addi-
tional weight to example. He occasionally seasoned
his homily with a pertinent application to his audi-
ence, if any member of it had been guilty of a no-
torious delinquency. From this wholesome admoni-
tion the monarch himself was not exempted, and
the orator boldly reminded him of his paramount
duty to show respect for his own laws. The king,
so far from taking umbrage, received the lesson with
humility ; and the audience, we are assured, were
often melted into tears by the eloquence of the
preacher.^^ This curious scene may remind one of
similar usages in the Asiatic and Egyptian despot-
isms, where the sovereign occasionally condescended
to stoop from his pride of place, and allow his mem-
ory to be refreshed with the conviction of his own
mortality.^^ It soothed the feelings of the subject,
38 Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., of kingly virtues might descend on
MS., cap. 37. the prince, they threw the blame
39 The Egyptian priests managed of actual delinquencies on his min-
the affair in a more courtly style, isters; thus, "not by the bitterness
and, while they prayed that all sorts of reproof," says Diodorus, "but
182 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I.
to find himself thus placed, though but for a mo-
ment, on a level with his king ; while it cost little to
the latter, who was removed too far from his people,
to suffer any thing by this short-lived familiarity. It
is probable that such an act of public humiliation
would have found less favor with a prince less ab-
solute.
Nezahualcoyotl's fondness for magnificence was
shown in his numerous villas, which were embellish-
ed with all that could make a rural retreat delightful.
His favorite residence was at Tezcotzinco ; a conical
hill about two leagues from the capital.^" It was
laid out in terraces, or hanging gardens, having a
flight of steps five hundred and twenty in number,
many of them hewn in the natural porphyry .^^ In
the garden on the summit was a reservoir of water,
fed by an aqueduct that was carried over hill and
valley, for several miles, on huge buttresses of ma-
sonry. A large rock stood in the midst of this basin,
sculptured with the hieroglyphics representing the
years of Nezahualcoyotl's reign and his principal
achievements in each.^ On a lower level were
by the allurements of praise, en- This writer, who lived in the
ticing him to an honest way of sixteenth century, counted the
life." Lib. 1, cap. 70. steps himself. Those which were
*> Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., not cut in the rock were crumbling
MS., cap. 42. — See Appendix, into ruins, as, indeed, every pari
Part 2, No. 3, for the original de- of the establishment was even then
scription of this royal residence. far gone to decay.
41 " Quinientos y veynte esca- ^ On the summit of the mount,
lones." Davilla Padilla, Historia according to Padilla, stood an im-
de la Provincia de Santiago, (Ma- age of a coyotl, — an animal re-
drid, 1596,) lib. 2, cap. 81. sembling a fox, — which, according
Ch. VI.] GOLDEN AGE OF TEZCUCO. 183
three other reservoirs, in each of which stood a
marble statue of a woman, emblematic of the three
states of the empire. Another tank contained a
winged lion, (?) cut out of the solid rock, bearing in
his mouth the portrait of the emperor.''^ His likeness
had been executed in gold, wood, feather-work, and
stone, but this was the only one which pleased him.
From these copious basins the water was distrib-
uted in numerous channels through the gardens, or
was made to tumble over the rocks in cascades,
shedding refreshing dews on the flowers and odor-
iferous shrubs below. In the depths of this fra-
grant wilderness, marble porticos and pavilions were
erected, and baths excavated in the solid porphyry,
which are still shown by the ignorant natives, as the
" Baths of Montezuma "!^^ The visiter descended by
to tradition, represented an Indian tiful basin, twelve feet long by
famous for his fasts. It was de- eight wide, having a well five feet
stroyed by that stanch iconoclast, by four, deep in the centre," &c..
Bishop Zumarraga, as a relic of &c. Whether truth lies in the
idolatry. (Hist, de Santiago, lib. bottom of this well is not so clear.
2, cap. 81.) This figure was, no Latrobe describes the baths as
doubt, the emblem of Nezahual- " two singular basins, perhaps two
coyotl himself, whose name, as feet and a half in diameter, not
elsewhere noticed, signified " hun- large enough for any monarch big-
gryfox." ger than Oberon to take a duck
•13 " Hecho de una peila un leon in." (Comp. Six Months in Mex-
de mas de dos brazas de largo con ico, chap. 26 ; and Rambler in
sus alas y plumas : estaba hechado Mexico, let. 7.) Ward speaks
y mirando a la parte del oriente, much to the same purpose, (Mex-
en cuia boca asomaba un rostro, ico in 1827, (London, 1828,) vol.
que erael mismo retratodel Rey." II. p. 296,) which agrees with
Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., verbal accounts I have received of
cap. 42. the same spot.
" Bullock speaks of a "beau-
184 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I.
Steps cut in the living stone, and polished so bright
as to reflect like mirrors."*^ Towards the base of the
hill, in the midst of cedar groves, whose gigantic
branches threw a refreshing coolness over the verdure
in the sultriest seasons of the year,"*^ rose the royal
villa, with its light arcades and airy halls, drinking
in the sweet perfumes of the gardens. Here the
monarch often retired, to throw off the burden of
state, and refresh his wearied spirits in the society
of his favorite wives, reposing during the noontide
heats in the embowering shades of his paradise, or
mingling, in the cool of the evening, in their festive
sports and dances. Here he entertained his im-
perial brothers of Mexico and Tlacopan, and fol-
lowed the hardier pleasures of the chase in the noble
woods that stretched for miles around his villa, flour-
ishing in all their primeval majesty. Here, too, he
often repaired in the latter days of his life, when
age had tempered ambition and cooled the ardor
of his blood, to pursue in solitude the studies of
philosophy and gather wisdom from meditation.
•*^ " Gradas hechas de la misma 81.) Peter Martyr notices an enor-
pena tan bien gravadas y lizas que mous wooden beam, used in the
parecian cspejos." (Ixtlilxochitl, construction of the palaces of Tez-
MS., ubi supra.) The travellers cuco, which was one hundred and
just cited notice the beautiful polish twenty feet long- by eight feet in
still visible in the porphyry. diameter ! The accounts of this
46 Padilla saw entire pieces of and similar huge pieces of timber
cedar among the ruins, ninety feet were so astonishing, he adds, that
long, and four in diameter. Some he could not have received them
of the massive portals, he observ- except on the most unexceptiona-
ed, were made of a single stone, ble testimony. De Orbe Novo,
(Hist, de Santiago, lib. 11, cap. dec. 5, cap. 10.
Ch. VI.] ACCOMPLISHED PRINCES. ] 85
The extraordinary accounts of the Tezcucan ar-
chitecture are confirmed, in the main, by the rehcs
which still cover the hill of Tezcotzinco, or are half
buried beneath its surface. They attract little atten-
tion, indeed, in the country, where their true history
has long since passed into oblivion ;*~ while the trav-
eller, whose curiosity leads him to the spot, specu-
lates on their probable origin, and, as he stumbles
over the huge fragments of sculptured porphyry and
granite, refers them to the primitive races who spread
their colossal architecture over the country, long be-
fore the coming of the Acolhuans and the Aztecs.'*^
The Tezcucan princes were used to entertain a
great number of concubines. They had but one
lawful wife, to whose issue the crown descended.^^
Nezahualcoyotl remained unmarried to a late period.
47 It is much to be regretted that (Rambler in Mexico, let. 7.) "I
the Mexican government should am of opinion," says Mr. Bullock,
not take a deeper interest in the " that these were antiquities prior
Indian antiquities. What might to the discovery of America, and
not be effected by a few hands erected by a people whose history
drawn from the idle garrisons of was lost even before the building
some of the neighbouring towns, of the city of Mexico. — Who can
and employed in excavating this solve this difficulty ? " (Six Months
ground, " the Mount Palatine "of in Mexico, ubi supra.) The read-
Mexico ! But, unhappily, the age er who takes Ixtlilxochitl for his
of violence has been succeeded by guide will have no great trouble
one of apathj'. in solving it. He will find here,
48 " They are, doubtless," says as he might, probably, in some
Mr. Latrobe, speaking of what he other instances, that one need go
calls, "these inexplicable ruins," little higher than the Conquest,
— "rather of Toltec than Aztec for the origin of antiquities, which
origin, and, perhaps, with still claim to be coeval with Phcenicia
more probability, attributable to a and Ancient Egypt.
peopleof an age yet more remote." 49 Zurita, Rapport, p. 12.
VOL. I. 24
1B6 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. -^Bcck 1
He was disappointed in an early attachment, as the
princess, who had been educated in privacy to be the
partner of his throne, gave her hand to another.
The injured monarch submitted the affair to the
proper tribunal. The parties, however, were proved
to have been ignorant of the destination of the lady,
and the court, with an independence which reflects
equal honor on the judges who could give, and the
monarch who could receive the sentence, acquitted
the young couple. This story is sadly contrasted
by the following.^°
The king devoured his chagrin in the solitude of
his beautiful villa of Tezcotzinco, or sought to divert
it by travelling. On one of his journeys he* was
hospitably entertained by a potent vassal, the old
lord of Tepechpan, who, to do his sovereign more
honor, caused him to be attended at the banquet by
a noble maiden, betrothed to himself, and who, after
the fashion of the country, had been educated under
his own roof. She was of the blood royal of Mex-
ico, and nearly related, moreover, to the Tezcucan
monarch. The latter, who had all the amorous
temperament of the South, was captivated by the
grace and personal charms of the youthful Hebe,
and conceived a violent passion for her. He did not
disclose it to any one, however, but, on his return
home, resolved to gratify it, though at the expense
of his own honor, by sweeping away the only obsta-
cle which stood in his path.
50 IxUilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 43.
Ch. VI.] ACCOMPLISHED PRINCES. 187
He accordingly sent an order to the chief of Te-
pechpan to take command of an expedition set on
foot against the Tlascalans. At the same time he
instructed two Tezcucan chiefs to keep near the
person of the old lord, and bring him into the thick-
est of the hght, where he might lose his life. He
assured them, this had been forfeited by a great
crime, but that, from regard for his vassal's past
services, he was willing to cover up his disgrace by
an honorable death.
The veteran, who had long lived in retirement on
his estates, saw himself, with astonishment, called so
suddenly and needlessly into action, for which so
many younger men were better fitted. He suspect-
ed the cause, and, in the farewell entertainment to
his friends, uttered a presentiment of his sad destiny.
His predictions were too soon verified ; and a few
weeks placed the hand of his virgin bride at her
own disposal.
Nezahualcoyotl did not think it prudent to break
his passion pubUcly to the princess, so soon after the
death of his victim. He opened a correspondence
with her through a female relative, and expressed
his deep sympathy for her loss. At the same time,
he tendered the best consolati m in his power, by an
offer of his heart, and hand. Her former lover had
been too well stricken in years for the maiden to re-
main long inconsolable. She was not aware of the
perfidious plot against his life ; and, after a decent
time, she was ready to comply with her duty, by
placing herself at the disposal of her royal kinsman.
188 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I.
It was arranged by the king, in order to give a
more natural aspect to the affair, and prevent all
suspicion of the unworthy part he had acted, that
the princess should present herself in his grounds at
Tezcotzinco, to Avitness some public ceremony there.
Nezahualcoyotl was standing in a balcony of the
palace, when she appeared, and inquired, as if struck
with her beauty for the first time, " who the lovely
young creature was, in his gardens." When his
courtiers had acquainted him with her name and
rank, he ordered her to be conducted to the palace,
that she might receive the attentions due to her sta-
tion. The interview was soon followed by a public
declaration of his passion ; and the marriage was
celebrated not long after, with great pomp, in the
presence of his court, and of his brother monarchs of
Mexico and Tlacopan.^^
This story, which furnishes so obvious a counter-
part to that of David and Uriah, is told with great
circumstantiality, both by the king's son and grand-
son, from whose narratives Ixtlilxochitl derived it.^^
They stigmatize the action as the basest in their
great ancestor's life. It is indeed too base not to
leave an indelible stain on any character, however
pure in other respects, and exalted.
The king was strict in the execution of his laws,
though his natural disposition led him to temper jus-
tice with mercy. Many anecdotes are told of the
benevolent interest he took in the concerns of his
51 Idem, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 43. ^~ Idem, ubi supra
Ch. vi] accomplished princes. 189
subjects, and of his anxiety to detect and reward
merit, even in the most humble. It was common for
him to ramble among them in disguise, like the cele-
brated caliph in the "Arabian Nights," mingling
freely in conversation, and ascertaining their actual
condition with his own eyes.^^
On one such occasion, when attended only by a
single lord, he met with a boy who was gathering
sticks in a field for fuel. He inquired of him " why
he did not go into the neighbouring forest, where he
would find a plenty of them." To which the lad
answered, " It was the king's wood, and he would
punish him with death, if he trespassed there."
The royal forests were very extensive in Tezcuco,
and were guarded by laws full as severe as those of
the Norman tyrants in England. "What kind of
man is your king ? " asked the monarch, willing to
Jearn the effect of these prohibitions on his own
popularity. '^ A very hard man," answered the
boy, " who denies his people what God has given
them."^ Nezahualcoyotl urged him not to mind
such arbitrary laws, but to glean his sticks in the
forest, as there was no one present who would be-
tray him. But the boy sturdily refused, bluntly ac-
cusing the disguised king, at the same time, of being
a traitor, and of wishing to bring him into trouble.
53 " En traje de cazador, (que mediarlas." Idem, Hist. Chich.,
lo acostumbraba a hacer muy de MS., cap. 46.
ordinario,) saliendo a solas, y dis- ^ Un hombresillo miserable,
frazadoparaque no fueseconocido, pues quita a los horabres lo que
a reconocer las faltas y necesidad Dios a manosUenasles da." Ibid.,
que havia en la republica para re- loc. cit.
190 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I.
Nezahualcoyotl, on returning to the palace, order
ed the child and his parents to be summoned before
him. They received the orders with astonishment,
but, on entering the presence, the boy at once recog-
nised the person with whom he had discoursed so
unceremoniously, and he was filled with consterna-
tion. The good-natured monarch, however, relieved
his apprehensions, by thanking him. for the lesson he
had given him, and, at the same time, commended
his respect for* the laws, and praised his parents for
the manner in which they had trained their son. He
then dismissed the parties with a liberal largess ;
and afterwards mitigated the severity of the forest
laws, so as to allow persons to gather any wood
they might find on the ground, if they did not med-
dle with the standing timber.^^
Another adventure is told of him, with a poor
woodman and his wife, who had brought their little
load of billets for sale to the market-place of Tez-
cuco. The man was bitterly lamenting his hard lot,
and the difficulty with which he earned a wretched
subsistence, while the master of the palace before
which they were standing lived an idle life, with-
out toil, and with all the luxuries in the world at his
command.
He was going on in his complaints, when the
good woman stopped him, by reminding him he
might be overheard. He was so, by Nezahualcoyotl
himself, who, standing, screened from observation,
55 Ibid., cap. 46.
Ch. VI.] ACCOMPLISHED PRINCES. 191
at a latticed window, which overlooked the market,
was amusing himself, as he was wont, with observ-
ing the common people chaffering in the square.
He immediately ordered the querulous couple into
his presence. They appeared trembling and con-
science-struck before him. The king gravely in-
quired what they had said. As they answered him
truly, he told them they should reflect, that, if he had
great treasures at his command, he had still greater
calls for them ; that, far from leading an easy life, he
was oppressed with the whole burden of government ;
and concluded by admonishing them "to be more
cautious in future, as walls had ears."^^ He then
ordered his officers to bring a quantity of cloth, and
a generous supply of cacao, (the coin of the coun-
try,) and dismissed them. "Go," said he; "with the
little you now have, you will be rich ; while, with all
my riches, I shall still be poor."^'^
It was not his passion to hoard. He dispensed his
revenues munificently, seeking out poor, but merito-
rious objects, on whom to bestow them. He was
particularly mindful of disabled soldiers, and those
who had in any way sustained loss in the pub-
lic service ; and, in case of their death, extended
assistance to their surviving famihes. Open men-
56 " Porque las paredes oian." poco le bastaba, y viviria bien
(Ibid.) A European proverb among aventurado ; y el, con toda la ma-
the American Aborigines looks too quina que le parecia que tenia arto,
strange, not to make one suspect no tenia nada ; y asi lo de&pidid."
the hand of the chronicler. Ibid.
57 " Le dijo, que con aquello
192 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I
dicity was a thing he would never tolerate, but chas-
tised it with exemplary rigor.''^
It would be incredible, that a man of the enlarged
mind and endowments of Nezahualcoyotl should ac-
quiesce in the sordid superstitions of his countrymen,
and still more in the sanguinary rites borrowed by
them from the Aztecs. In truth, his humane temper
shrunk from these cruel ceremonies, and he strenu-
ously endeavoured to recall his people to the more
pure and simple worship of the ancient Toltecs. A
circumstance produced a temporary change in his
conduct.
He had been married some years to the wife he
had so unrighteously obtained, but was not blessed
with issue. The priests represented that it was
owing to his neglect of the gods of his country, and
that his only remedy was, to propitiate them by hu-
man sacrifice. The king reluctantly consented, and
the altars once more smoked with the blood of
slaughtered captives. But it was all in vain ; and
he indignantly exclaimed, " These idols of wood and
stone can neither hear nor feel ; much less could
they make the heavens, and the earth, and man,
the lord of it. These must be th(; work of the all-
powerful, unknown God, Creator of the universe,
on whom alone I must rely for consolation and
support." °^
58 Ibid. no pudidron hacer ni formar la her-
59 " Verdaderamente los Dieses inosura del cicio, el sol, luna, y
que io adore, que son idolos de eslrellas que lo hermosean, y dan
piedra que no hablan, ni sienten, luz a la tierra, rios, aguas, y fuen
UH. VI.] ACCOMPLISHED PRINCES. 193
He then withdrew to his rural palace oi Tezcot-
zinco, where he remained forty days, fasting and
praying at stated hours, and offering up no other sac-
rifice, than the sweet incense of copal, and aromatic
herbs and gums. At the expiration of this time, he
is said to have been comforted by a vision assuring
him of the success of his petition. At all events,
such proved to be the fact ; and this was followed
by the cheering intelligence of the triumph of his
arms in a quarter where he had lately experienced
some humiliating reverses.^®
Greatly strengthened in his former religious con-
victions, he now openly professed his faith, and was
more earnest to wean his subjects from their degrad-
ing superstitions, and to substitute nobler and more
spiritual conceptions of the Deity. He built a tem-
ple in the usual pyramidal form, and on the summit a
tower nine stories high, to represent the nine heavens ;
a tenth was surmounted by a roof painted black, and
profusely gilded with stars, on the outside, and in-
crusted with metals and precious stones v/ithin.
He dedicated this to " the unknown God, the Cause
of causes.^^'^^ It seems probable, from the emblem
tes, arboles, y plantas que la her- The manuscript here quoted is
raosean, las gentes que la poseen, one of the many left by the author
y todo lo criado ; algun Dios may on the antiquities of his country,
poderoso, oculto, y no conocido es and forms part of a voluminous
el Criador de todo el universo. compilation made in Mexico by
El solo es el que puede consolarme father Vega, in 1792, by order of
en mi afliccion, y socorrerme en the Spanish government. SeeAp-
tan grande angustia como mi cora- pendix, Part 2, No. 2.
zon siente." MS. de Ixtlilxochitl. ^i '< Al Dios no conocido, causa
60 MS. de Ixtlilxochitl. de las causas." MS.de Ixtlilxochitl
VOL. I. 25
194 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I.
on the tower, as well as from the complexion of his
verses, as we shall see, that he mingled with his
reverence for the Supreme the astral worship which
existed among the Toltecs.^^ Various musical in-
struments were placed on the top of the tower, and
th'e sound of them, accompanied by the ringing of a
sonorous metal struck by a mallet, summoned the
worshippers to prayers, at regular seasons. ^^ No
image was allowed in the edifice, as un suited to the
" invisible God " ; and the people were expressly
prohibited from profaning the altars with blood, or
any other sacrifices than that of the perfume of
flowers and sweet-scented gums.
The remainder of his days was chiefly spent in
his delicious solitudes of Tezcotzinco, where he de
voted himself to astronomical and, probably, astro-
logical studies, and to meditation on his immortal
destiny, — giving utterance to his feelings in songs,
or rather hymns, of much solemnity and pathos.
An extract from one of these will convey some idea
of his religious speculations. The pensive tender-
ness of the verses quoted in a preceding page is
62 Their earliest temples were 63 MS. de Ixtlilxochitl.
dedicated to the Sun. The Moon " This was evidently a gong,^'
they worshipped as his wife, and says Mr. Ranking, who treads
the Stars as his sisters. (Veytia, with enviable confidence over the
Hist. Antig., torn. 1, cap. 25.) "suppositos cineres," in the path
The ruins still existing at Teoti- of the antiquary. See his His-
huacan, about seven leagues from torical Researches on the Conquest
Mexico, are supposed to have been of Peru, Mexico, &c., by the Mon
temples, raised by this ancient peo- gols, (London, 1827,) p. 310.
pie, in honor of the two great de-
ities. Boturini, Idea, p. 42.
Ch. VI.] ACCOMPLISHED PRINCES. 195
deepened here into a mournful, and even gloomy
coloring ; while the wounded spirit, instead of seek-
ing relief in the convivial sallies of a young and
buoyant temperament, turns for consolation to the
world beyond the grave.
"All things on earth have their term, and, in the
most joyous career of their vanity and splendor, their
strength fails, and they sink into the dust. All the
-ound world is but a sepulchre ; and there is nothing,
which lives on its surface, that shall not be hidden
and entombed beneath it. Rivers, torrents, and
streams move onward to their destination. Not
one flows back to its pleasant source. They rush
onward, hastening to bury themselves in the deep
bosom of the ocean. The things of yesterday are
no more to-day ; and the things of to-day shall cease,
perhaps, on the morrow.^^ The cemetery is fiill of
the loathsome dust of bodies once quickened by
living souls, who occupied thrones, presided over
assemblies, marshalled armies, subdued provinces,
arrogated to themselves worship, were puffed up
with vainglorious pomp, and power, and empire.
" But these glories have all passed away, like the
fearful smoke that issues from the throat of Popo
^ " Toda la redondez de la tierra de Tluloca [Neptuno], y cuanto
ea im sepulcro : no hay cosa que mas se arriman a sus dilatadas
sustente que con titulo de piedad margenes, tanto mas van labrando
no laesconday entierre. Correnlos las melancolicas urnas para sepul-
rios. los arroyos, las fuentes, y las tarse. Lo que fue ayer no es hoy,
aguas, y ningunas retroceden para ni lo de hoy se afianza que sera
sus alegres nacimientos : aceleranse manana."
con ansia para los vastos dominios
196 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I.
catepetl, with no other memorial of their existence
than the record on the page of the chronicler.
" The great, the wise, the valiant, the beautiful,
— alas ! where arc they now ? They are all mingled
with the clod ; and that which has befallen them
shall happen to us, and to those that come after us.
Yet let us take courage, illustrious nobles and chief-
tains, true friends and loyal subjects, — let us aspire
to that heaven^ where all is eternal, and corruption
cannot come.^" The horrors of the tomb are but the
cradle of the Sun, and the dark shadows of death
are brilliant lights for the stars." '^'^ The mystic im-
port of the last sentence seems to point to that
superstition respecting the mansions of the Sun,
which forms so beautiful a contrast to the dark fea-
tures of the Aztec mythology.
65 " Aspiremos al cielo, que alii mante, who has, also, published
todoeseternoy nadasecorrompe." the Spanish version in his Galeria
66 "El horror del sepulcro es de Antiguos Principes Mejicanos,
lisongera cuna para el, y lasfunes- (Puebla, 1821, (pp. 16, 17),)
tas sombras, brillantes luces para calls it the " Ode of the Flow-
los astros." er," which was recited at a ban-
The original text and a Spanish quetof the great Tezcucan nobles,
translation of this poem first ap- If this last, however, be the same
peared, I believe, in a work of mentioned by Torqnemada, (Mon-
Granados y Galvez. (Tardes Ame- arch. Ind., lib. 2, cap. 45,) it must
ricanas, (Mexico, 1778,) p. 90 et have been written in the Tezcucan
seq.) The original is in the Otomio tongue ; and, indeed, it is not prob-
tongue, and both, together with a able that the Otomie, an Indian dia-
French version, have been inserted lect, so distinct from the languages
by M.Ternaux-Compansin the Ap- of Anahuac, however well under-
pendix to his translation of Ixtlil- stood by the royal poet, could have
xochitl's Hist, des Chichimeques been comprehended by a miscella-
(tom. I. pp. 359-367.) Busta- neous audience of his countrymen
Ch. vi.] accomplished princes. 197
At length, about the year 1470,*"^ Nezahualcoyotl,
full of years and honors, felt himself drawing near
his end. Almost half a century had elapsed since
he mounted the throne of Tezcuco. He had found
his kingdom dismembered by faction, and bowed to
the dust beneath the yoke of a foreign tyrant. He
had broken that yoke ; had breathed new life into
the nation, renewed its ancient institutions, extended
wide its domain ; had seen it flourishing in all the
activity of trade and agriculture, gathering strength
from its enlarged resources, and daily advancing
higher and higher in the great march of civilization.
All this he had seen, and might fairly attribute no
small portion of it to his own wise and beneficent
rule. His long and glorious day was now drawing
to its close ; and he contemplated the event with
the same serenity, which he had shown under the
clouds of its morning and in its meridian splendor.
A short time before his death, he gathered around
him those of his children in whom he most confided,
his chief counsellors, the ambassadors of Mexico,
and Tlacopan, and his little son, the heir to the
crown, his only offspring by the queen. He was
then not eight years old ; but had already given, as
far as so tender a blossom might, the rich promise
of future excellence. ^^
67 An approximation to a date ther was slain in 1418, he says he
is the most one can hope to arrive died at the age of seventy-one, in
atwith Ixtlilxochitl, who has en- 1462. Jns^arommMm. Comp. Hist,
tangled his chronology in a manner Chich., MS., cap. 18, 19, 49.
beyond my skill to unravel. Thus, 68 MS. de Ixtlilxochitl, — also,
after telling us that Nezahualcoyotl Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 49.
w as fifteen years old when his fa-
198 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I
After tenderly embracing the child, the dying
monarch threw over him the robes of sovereignty.
He then gave audience to the ambassadors, and,
when they had retired, made the boy repeat the
substance of the conversation. He followed this by
such counsels as were suited to his comprehension,
and which, when remembered through the long vista
of after years, would serve as lights to guide him in
his government of the kingdom. He besought him
not to neglect the worship of " the unknown God,"
regretting that he himself had been unworthy to
know him, and intimating his conviction that the
time would come when he should be known and
worshipped throughout the land.^^
He next addressed himself to that one of his sons,
in whom he placed the greatest trust, and whom he
had selected as the guardian of the realm. " From
this hour," said he to him, " you will fill the place
that I have filled, of father to this child ; you will
teach him to live as he ought ; and by your counsels
he will rule over the empire. Stand in his place,
and be his guide, till he shall be of age to govern for
himself." Then, turning to his other children, he
admonished them to live united with one another,
and to show all loyalty to their prince, who, though
a child, already manifested a discretion far above his
69 " No consentiendo que haya de conocer tan gran Dies, el qual
sacrificios de gente humana, que tengo por cierto que ya que los
Dios se enoja de ello, castigando presentes no lo conozcan, ha deve-
con rigor a los que lo hicieren ; que nir tiernpo en que sea conocido y
el dolor que Uevo cs no tener luz, adorado en esta tierra.^' MS. de
(li conocimiento, ni ser merecedor Ixtlilxochitl.
Ch. VI.l ACCOMPLISHED PRINCES. 199
years. " Be true to him," he added, " and he will
maintain you in your rights and dignities." ^°
Feeling his end approaching, he exclaimed, " Do
not bewail me with idle lamentations. But sing the
song of gladness, and show a courageous spirit, that
the nations I have subdued may not believe you
disheartened, but may feel that each one of you is
strong enough to keep them in obedience ! " The
undaunted spirit of the monarch shone forth even
in the agonies of death. That stout heart, howev-
er, melted, as he took leave of his children and
friends, weeping tenderly over them, while he bade
each a last adieu. When they had withdrawn, he
ordered the officers of the palace to allow no one to
enter it again. Soon after, he expired, in the seven-
ty-second year of his age, and the forty-third of his
reign. "^
Thus died the greatest monarch, and, if one foul
blot could be effaced, perhaps the best, who ever sat
upon an Indian throne. His character is delineated
with tolerable impartiality by his kinsman, the Tez-
cucan chronicler. " He was wise, valiant, liberal ;
and, when we consider the magnanimity of his
soul, the grandeur and success of his enterprises, his
deep policy, as well as daring, we must admit him
to have far surpassed every other prince and captain
of this New World. He had few failings himself,
and rigorously punished those of others. He pre
™ Idem, ubi supra; also Hist. "'l Hist. Chich., cap. 49
Hhich., cap. 49.
!200 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I
ferred the public to his private interest ; was most
charitable in his nature, often bujing articles, at
double their worth, of poor and honest persons, and
giving them away again to the sick and infirm. In
seasons of scarcity he was particularly bountiful,
remitting the taxes of his vassals, and supplying
their wants from the royal granaries. He put no
faith in the idolatrous worship of the country. He
was well instructed in moral science, a-nd sought,
above all things, to obtain light for knowing the true
God. He believed in one God only, the Creator of
heaven and earth, by whom we have our being, who
never revealed himself to us in human form, nor in
any other ; with whom the souls of the virtuous are
to dwell after death, while the wicked will suffer
pains unspeakable. He invoked the Most High, as
' He by whom we live,' and ' AVho has all things in
himself.' He recognised the Sun for his father, and
the Earth for his mother. He taught his children
not to confide in idols, and only to conform to the
outward worship of them from deference to public
opinion.^^ If he could not entirely abolish human
sacrifices, derived from the Aztecs, he, at least, re-
stricted them to slaves and captives." "
I have occupied so much space with this illustrious
prince, that but little remains for his son and succes-
sor, Nezahualpilli. I have thought it better, in our
narrow limits, to present a complete view of a single
"^ " Solia amonestar a sus hi- aquello que hiciesen en publico fu-
jos en secrete quo no ad erase n & esc solo por cumplimiento.^' Ibid
aquellas fignras de idolos, y que ^3 Idem, ubi supra.
Ch. VI.] ACCOMPLISHED PRINCES. 201
epoch, the most interesting in the Tezcucan annals,
than to spread the inquiries over a broader, but com-
paratively barren jfield. Yet Nezahualpilli, the heir
to the crown, was a remarkable person, and his
reign contains many incidents, which I regret to be
obliged to pass over in silence/^
He had, in many respects, a taste similar to his
father's, and, like him, displayed a profuse mag-
nificence in his way of living and in his public
edifices. He was more severe in his morals ; and,
in the execution of justice, stern even to the sacrifice
of natural affection. Several remarkable instances
of this are told ; one, among others, in relation to his
eldest son, the heir to the crown, a prince of great
promise. The young man entered into a poetical
correspondence with one of his father's concubines,
the lady of Tula, as she was called, a woman of ^
humble origin, but of uncommon endowments. She
wrote verses with ease, and could discuss graver
matters with the king and his ministers. She main-
tained a separate establishment, where she lived in
state, and acquired, by her beauty and accomplish-
ments, great ascendency over her royal lover.''^ With
''"* The name Nezahualpilli sig- that
nifies " the prince for whom one ^„ , "Cs^^'ror Epaminonda.
'^ . Could ne'er without names have been known
has fasted," — in allusion, no to us,"
doubt, to the long fast of his fa- it is no less certain that such names
iher previous to his birth. (See as those of the two Tezcucan
Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., princes, so difficult to be pronounced
cap. 45.) I have explained the or remembered by a European,
meaning of the equally euphonious are most unfavorable to immor-
name of his parent, Nezahualcoy- tality.
otl. (Ante, ch. 4.) Ifitbetrue, '5 " Dg las concubinas la que
VOL. I. 26
:202 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [Book I.
this favorite the prince carried on a correspondence
in verse, — whether of an amorous nature does not
appear. At all events, the offence was capital. It
was submitted to the regular tribunal, who pro-
nounced sentence of death on the unfortunate youth ;
and the king, steeling his heart against all entreaties
and the voice of nature, suffered the cruel judgment
to be carried into execution. We might, in this
case, suspect the influence of baser passions on his
mind,i but it was not a solitary instance of his inex-
orable justice towards those most near to him. He
had the stern virtue of an ancient Roman, destitute
of the softer graces which make virtue attractive.
When the sentence w^as carried into effect, he shut
himself up in his palace for many weeks, and com-
manded the doors and windows of his son's residence
to be walled up, that it might never again be oc-
cupied.'^^
Nezahualpilli resembled his father in his passion
mas privo con el rey, fue la que "^^ Ibid., cap. 67.
llamaban la Senora de Tula, no por The Tezcucan historian records
linage, sino porque era hija de un several appalling examples of this
mercader, y era tan sabia que com- severity ; — one in particular, in
petia con el rey y con los mas sa- relation to his guilty wife. The
bios de sureyno,yera en la poesia story, reminding one of the tales
muy avenlajada, que con estas of an Oriental harem, has been
gracias y dones naturales tenia al translated for the Appendia:, Part
rey muy sugeto a su voluntad de 2, No. 4. See also Torquemada,
tal manera que lo que queria alcan- (Monarch. Ind., lib. 2, cap. 66,)
zaba de el, y asi vivia sola por si and Zurita (Rapport, pp. 108,
con grande aparato y magestad en 100). He was the terror, in par-
unos palacios que el rey le man- ticular, of all unjust magistrates.
do edificar." Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. They had little favor to expect
Chich., MS., cap. 57. from the man who could stifle the
Ch. VI.] DECLINE OF THE MONARCHY. 203
for astronomical studies, and is said to have had an
observatory on one of his palaces." He was devoted
to war in his youth, but, as he advanced in years,
resigned himself to a more indolent way of life, and
sought his chief amusement in the pursuit of his
favorite science, or in the soft pleasures of the se-
questered gardens of Tezcotzinco. This quiet life
was ill suited to the turbulent temper of the times,
and of his Mexican rival, Montezuma. The distant
provinces fell off from their allegiance ; the army
relaxed its discipline ; disaffection crept into its
ranks ; and the wily Montezuma, partly by violence,
and partly by stratagems unworthy of a king, suc-
ceeded in plundering his brother monarch of some
of his most valuable domains. Then it was, that he
arrogated to himself the title and supremacy of em-
peror, hitherto borne by the Tezcucan princes, as
head of the alliance. Such is the account given by
the historians of that nation, who, in this way, ex-
plain the acknowledged superiority of the Aztec
sovereign, both in territory and consideration, on
the landing of the Spaniards.'^^
voice of nature in his own bosom, "^^ Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich.,
in obedience to the laws. As MS., cap. 73, 74.
Suetonius said of a prince who This sudden transfer of empire
had not his virtue, " Vehemens from the Tezcucans, at the close
et in coercendis quidem delictis of the reigns of two of their ablest
immodicus." Vita Galbae, sec. monarchs, is so improbable, that
9. one cannot but doubt if they ever
"^ Torquemada saw the remains possessed it, — at least, to the ex-
oT this, or lohat passed for such, tent claimed by the patriotic histo-
in his day. Monarch. Ind., lib. 2, rian See Ante, Chap. 1, note 25,
cap. 64. and the corresponding text.
204 AZTEC CIVILIZAIION. [Book I.
These misfortunes pressed heavily on the spirits
of Nezahualpilli. Their effect was increased by
certain gloomy prognostics of a near calamity which
was to overwhelm the country/^ He withdrew to
his retreat, to brood in secret over his sorrows. His
health rapidly declined; and in the year 1515, at the
age of fifty-two, he sunk into the grave ; ^^ happ}', at
least, that, by this timely death, he escaped witness-
ing the fulfilment of his own predictions, in the min
of his country, and the extinction of the Indian
dynasties, for ever.^'
In reviewing the brief sketch here presented of
the Tezcucan monarchy, we are strongly impressed
with the conviction of its superiority, in all the
great features of civilization, over the rest of Ana-
huac. The Mexicans showed a similar proficiency,
no doubt, in the mechanic arts, and even in math-
ematical science. But in the science of government,
in legislation, in speculative doctrines of a religious
nature, in the more elegant pursuits of poetry, elo-
"''9 Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., ^'^ His obsequies were celebrated
MS., cap. 72. with sanguinary pomp. Two hun-
The reader will find a particular dred male and one hundred female
account of these prodigies, better slaves were sacrificed at his tomb,
authenticated than most miracles, His body was consumed, amidst a
in a future page of this History. heap of jewels, precious stuffs,
^ Ibid., cap. 75. — Or, rather, at and incense, on a funeral pile ; and
the age of fifty, if the historian is the ashes, deposited in a golden
right, in placing his birth, as he urn, were placed in the great tem-
does, in a preceding chapter, in pie of Huitzilopotchli, for whose
1465. (See cap. 46.) It is not worship the king, notwithstanding
easy to decide what is true, when the lessons of his father, had some
the writer does not take the trouble partiality. Ibid,
to be true to himself.
Ch. VI.] DECLINE OF THE MONARCHY. 2D5
quence, and whatever depended on refinement of
taste and a polished idiom, they confessed them-
selves inferior, by resorting to their rivals for instruc-
tion, and citing their works as the masterpieces of
their tongue. The best histories, the best poems,
the best code of laws, the purest dialect, were all
allowed to be Tezcucan. The Aztecs rivalled their
neighbours in splendor of living, and even in the
magnificence of their structures. They displayed
a pomp and ostentatious pageantry, truly Asiatic.
But this was the development of the material,
rather than the intellectual principle. They wanted
the refinement of manners essential to a continued
advance in civilization. An insurmountable limit
was put to theirs, by that bloody mythology, which
threw its withering taint over the very air that they
breathed.
The superiority of the Tezcucans was owing,
doubtless, in a great measure, to that of the two
sovereigns whose reigns we have been depicting.
There is no position, which affords such scope for
ameliorating the condition of man, as that occupied
by an absolute ruler over a nation imperfectly civil-
ized. From his elevated place, commanding all the
resources of his age, it is in his power to diffuse
them far and wide among his people. He may be
the copious reservoir on the mountain top, drinking
in the dews of heaven, to send them in fertilizing
streams along the lower slopes and valleys, clothing
even the wilderness in beauty. Such were Neza-
hualcoyotl, and his illustrious successor, whose en-
206 IXTLILXOCHITL. [Book I.
lightened policy, extending through nearly a century,
wrought a most salutary revolution in the condition
of their country. It is remarkable that we, the
inhabitants of the same continent, should be more
familiar with the history of many a barbarian chief,
both in the Old and New World, than with that
of these truly great men, whose names are iden-
tified with the most glorious period in the annals of
the Indian races.
What was the actual amount of the Tezcucan
civilization, it is not easy to determine, with the
imperfect light afforded us. It was certainly far
below any thing, which the word conveys, measured
by a European standard. In some of the arts,
and in any walk of science, they could only have
made, as it were, a beginning. But they had begun
in the right way, and already showed a refinement
in sentiment and manners, a capacity for receiving
instruction, which, under good auspices, might have
led them on to indefinite improvement. Unhappily,
they were fast falling under the dominion of the
warlike Aztecs. And that people repaid the bene-
fits received from their more polished neighbours
by imparting to them their own ferocious super-
stition, which, falling like a mildew on the land,
would soon have blighted its rich blossoms of prom-
ise, and turned even its fruits to dust and ashes.
Fernando de Alva Ixtlilxochitl, who flourished in the beginning of
the sixteenth century, was a native of Tezcuco, and descended in a
Ch. VI.] IXTLILXOCHITL. 207
direct line from the sovereigns of that kingdom. The royal posterity
became so numerous in a few generations, that it was common to see
them reduced to great poverty, and earning a painful subsistence by
the most humble occupations. Ixtlilxochitl, who was descended from
the principal wife or queen of Xezahualpilli, maintained a very re-
spectable position. He filled the ofBce of interpreter to the Auceroy,
to which he was. recommended by his acquaintance with the ancient
hieroglyphics, and his knowledge of the Mexican and Spanish lan-
guages. His birth gave him access to persons of the highest rank
in his own nation, some of whom occupied important civil posts under
the new government, and were thus enabled to make large collections
of Indian manuscripts, which were liberally opened to him. He had an
extensive library of his own, also, and with these means diligently
pursued the study of the Tezcucan antiquities. He deciphered the
hieroglyphics, made himself master of the songs and traditions, and
fortified his narrative by the oral testimony of some very aged persons,
who had themselves been acquainted with the Conquerors. From such
authentic sources he composed various works in the Castihan, on the
primitive history of the Toltec and the Tezcucan races, continuing it
down to the subversion of ^e empire by Cortes. These various ac-
counts, compiled under the title of Relaciones, are, more or less, repe-
titions and abridgments of each other , nor is it easy to understand why
they were thus composed. The Historia Chichemeca is the best di-
gested and most complete of the whole series ; and as such has been
the most frequently consulted, for the preceding pages.
Ixtlilxochitl' s writings have many of the defects belonging to his
age. He often crowds the page with incidents of a trivial, and some-
times improbable character. The improbability increases with the dis-
tance of the period ; for distance, which diminishes objects to the nat-
ural eye, exaggerates them to the mental. His chronology, as I have
more than once noticed, is inextricably entangled. He has often lent
a too willing ear to traditions and reports which would startle the more
skeptical criticism of the present time. Yet there is an appearance of
good faith and simplicity in his writings, which may convince the reader,
that, when he errs, it is from no worse cause than national partiality.
And surely such partiality is excusable in the descendant of a proud
line, shorn of its ancient splendors, which it was soothing to his own
feelings to revive again, — though with something more than their
legitimate lustre, — on the canvass of history. It should also be consid-
ered, that, if his narrative is sometimes startling, his researches pene-
trate into the mysterious depths of antiquity, where light and darkness
meet and melt into each other ; and when everything is still further
liable to distortion, as seen through the misty medium of hieroglyphics.
208 IXTLILXOCHITL. fBooK I.
With these allowances, it will be found that the Tezcucan historian
has just claims to our admiration for the compass of his inquiries, and
the sagacity with which they have been conducted. He has intro-
duced us to the knowledge of the most polished people of Anahuac,
whose records, if preserved, could not, at a much later period, have
been comprehended ; and he has thus afforded a standard of compari-
son, which much raises our ideas of American civilization. His lan-
guage is simple, and, occasionally, eloquent and touching. His de-
scriptions are highly picturesque. He abounds in familiar anecdote ;
and the natural graces of his manner, in detailing the more striking
events of history, and the personal adventures of his heroes, entitle
him to the name of the Livy of Anahuac.
I shall be obliged to enter hereafter into his literary merits, in con-
nexion with the narrative of the Conquest ; for which he is a prominent
authority. His earlier annals — though no one of his manuscripts has
been printed — have been diligently studied by the Spanish writers in
Mexico, and liberally transferred to their pages ; and his reputation,
like Sahagun's, has doubtless suffered by the process. His Historia
Chichemeca is now turned into French by M. Ternaux-Compans, form-
ing part of that inestimable series of translations from unpublished
documents, which have so much enlarged our acquaintance with the
early American history. I have had ample opportunity of proving the
merits of liis version of Ixtlilxochitl ; and am happy to bear my testi-
mony to the fidelity and elegance with which it is executed.
Note. It was my intention to conclude this Introductory portion of
the work with an inquiry into the Origin of the Mexican Civilization.
" But the general question of the origin of the inhabitants of a conti-
nent," says Humboldt, "is beyond the limits prescribed to history;
perhaps it is not even a philosophic question." "For the majority of
readers," says Livy, "the origin and remote antiquities of a nation
can have comparatively little interest." The criticism of these great
writers is just and pertinent; and, on further consideration, I have
thrown the observations on this topic, prepared with some care, into
the Appendix {Part 1) ; to which those, who feel sufficient curiosity
in the discussion, can turn before entering on the narrative of the
Conquest.
BOOK SECOND
DISCOVERY OF MEXICO
VOL. I. 27
BOOK II.
DISCOVERY OF MEXICO.
CHAPTER I.
Spain under Charles V. — Progress of Discovery. — Colonial
Policy. — Conquest of Cuba. — Expeditions to Yucatan.
1516—1518.
In the beginning of the sixteenth century, Spain
occupied perhaps the most prominent position on
the theatre of Europe. The numerous states, into
which she had been so long divided, were consol-
idated into one monarchy. The Moslem crescent,
after reigning there for eight centuries, was no long-
er seen on her borders. The authority of the crown
did not, as in later times, overshadow the inferior
orders of the state. The people enjoyed the inesti-
mable privilege of political representation, and exer-
cised it with manly independence. The nation at
large could boast as great a degree of constitutional
freedom, as any other, at that time, in Christendom.
Under a system of salutary laws and an equitable
administration, domestic tranquillity was secured,
212 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II.
public credit established, trade, manufactures, and
even the more elegant arts, began to flourish ; while
a higher education called forth the first blossoms
of that literature, which was to ripen into so rich
a harvest, before the close of the century. Arms
abroad kept pace with arts at home. Spain found
her empire suddenly enlarged by important acquisi-
tions both in Europe and Africa, while a New World
beyond the waters poured into her lap treasures of
countless wealth, and opened an unbounded field for
honorable enterprise.
Such was the condition of the kingdom at the
close of the long and glorious reign of Ferdinand
a.^d Isabella, when, on the 23d of January, 1516,
the sceptre passed into the hands of their daughter
Joanna, or rather their grandson, Charles the Fifth,
who alone ruled the monarchy during the long and
imbecile existence of his unfortunate mother. Dur-
ing the two years following Ferdinand's death, the
regency, in the absence of Charles, was held by
Cardinal Ximenes, a man whose intrepidity, extra-
ordinary talents, and capacity for great enterprises
were accompanied by a haughty spirit, which made
him too indifferent as to the means of their execu-
tion. His administration, therefore, notwithstanding
the uprightness of his intentions, was, from his total
disregard of forms, unfavorable to constitutional lib-
el ty ; for respect for forms is an essential element of
freedom. With all his faults, however, Ximenes was
a Spaniard ; and the object he had at heart was the
good of his country.
Ch. I] SPAIN UNDER CHARLES V. 213
It was Otherwise on the arrival of Charles, who,
after a long absence, came as a foreigner into the
land of his fathers. (November, 1517.) His man-
ners, sympathies, even his language, were foreign,
for he spoke the Castilian with difficulty. He
knew little of his native country, of the character of
the people or their institutions. He seemed to care
still less for them ; while his natural reserve preclu-
ded that freedom of communication, which might
have counteracted, to some extent, at least, the er-
rors of education. In everything, in short, he was a
foreigner , and resigned himself to the direction of
his Flemish counsellors with a docility that gave
little augury of his future greatness.
On his entrance into Castile, the young monarch
was accompanied by a swarm of courtly sycophants,
who settled, like locusts, on every place of profit
and honor throughout the kingdom. A Fleming was
made grand chancellor of Castile ; another Fleming
was placed in the archie piscopal see of Toledo.
They even ventured to profane the sanctity of the
cortes, by intruding themselves on its deliberations.
Yet that body did not tamely submit to these usurpa-
tions, but gave vent to its indignation in tones be-
coming the representatives of a free people.'
1 The following passage — one one who, though resident in Spain,
among many — from that faithful was not a Spaniard. " Crumenaa
mirror of the times, Peter Mar- auro fulcire inhiant ; huic uni stu-
tyr's correspondence, does ample dio invigilant. Nee detrectat ju-
justice to the intemperance, ava- venis Rex. Farcit quacunque posse
rice, and intolerable arrogance of datur ; non satiat tamen. Quae
the Flemings. The testimony is qualisve sit gens hsec, depingere
worth the more, as coming from adhuc nescio. Insufflat vulgus hic
214 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II.
The deportment of Charles, so different from that
to which the Spaniards had been accustomed under
the benign administration of Ferdinand and Isabella,
closed all hearts against him ; and, as his character
came to be understood, instead of the spontaneous
outpourings of loyalty, which usually greet the ac-
cession of a new and youthful sovereign, he was
everywhere encountered by opposition and disgust.
In Castile, and afterwards in Aragon, Catalonia,
and Valencia, the commons hesitated to confer on
him the title of King during the lifetime of his moth-
er ; and, though they eventually yielded this point,
and associated his name with hers in the sovereign-
ty, yet they reluctantly granted the supplies he de-
manded, and, when they did so, watched over their
appropriation with a vigilance which left little to
gratify the cupidity of the Flemings. The language
of the legislature on these occasions, though temper-
ate and respectful, breathes a spirit of resolute inde-
pendence not to be found, probably, on the parlia-
mentary records of any other nation at that period.
No wonder that Charles should have early imbibed
a disgust for these popular assemblies, — the only
bodies whence truths so unpalatable could find their
way to the ears of the sovereign ! ^ Unfortunately,
in omne genus hominum non arc- cus (sub rege temperato) Bacchus
toum. Minores faciunt Hispanos, est cum Citherea." Opus Episto-
quam si nati essent inter eorum clo- larum, (Amstelodami, 1610,) ep.
acas. Rugiunt jam Hispani, labra 608.
mordent, submurmurant taciti,fato- ^ Yet the nobles were not all
rum vices tales esse couqueruntur, backward in manifesting their dis-
quod ipsi domitores regnorum ita gust. When Charles would have
floocifiant ab his, quorum Deus uni- conferred the famous Burgundian
Ch I.] SPAIN UNDER CHARLES V. 215
they had no influence on his conduct ; till the dis-
content, long allowed to fester in secret, broke out
into that sad war of the comunidades, which shook
the state to its foundations, and ended in the sub-
version of its liberties.
The same pestilent foreign influence was felt,
though much less sensibly, in the Colonial admin-
istration. This had been placed, in the preceding
reign, under the immediate charge of the two great
tribunals, the Council of the Indies, and the Casa
de Contratacion, or India House, at Sevifle. It was
their business to further the progress of discovery,
watch over the infant settlements, and adjust the dis-
putes which grew up in them. But the licenses
granted to private adventurers did more for the cause
of discovery, than the patronage of the crown or its
officers. The long peace, enjoyed with slight inter-
ruption by Spain in the early part of the sixteenth
century, was most auspicious for this ; and the rest-
less cavalier, who could no longer win laurels on the
fields of Africa or Europe, turned with eagerness to
the brilliant career opened to him beyond the ocean.
It is difficult for those of our time, as familiar
from childhood with the most remote places on the
globe as with those in their own neighbourhood, to
picture to themselves the feelings of the men who
order of the Golden Fleece on the indeed, better than those of any
Count of Benavente, that lord re- other." Sandoval, Historia de la
fused it, proudly telling him, "I Vida y Hechos del Emperadoi
am a Castilian. I desire no honors Carlos V., (Amberes, 1681,) torn,
but those of my own country, in I. p. 103.
my opinion, quite as ^ood as —
216 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II
lived in the sixteenth century. The dread mystery,
which had so long hung over the great deep, had,
indeed, been removed. It vras no longer beset with
the same undefined horrors as when Columbus
launched his bold bark on its dark and unknown
waters. A new and glorious world had been thrown
open. But as to the precise spot where that world
lay, its extent, its history, whether it were island or
continent, — of all this, they had very vague and
confused conceptions. Many, in their ignorance,
blindly adopted the erroneous conclusion into which
the great Admiral had been led by his superior sci-
ence,— that the new countries were a part of Asia ;
and, as the mariner wandered among the Bahamas,
or steered his caravel across the Caribbean seas, he
fancied he was inhaling the rich odors of the spice-
islands in the Indian Ocean. Thus every fresh dis-
covery, interpreted by this previous delusion, served
to confirm him in his error, or, at least, to fill his
mind with new perplexities.
The career thus thrown open had all the fascina-
tions of a desperate hazard, on which the adventurer
staked all his hopes of fortune, fame, and life itself.
It was not often, indeed, that he won the rich prize
which he most coveted ; but then he was sure to
win the meed of glory, scarcely less dear to his chiv-
alrous spirit; and, if he survived to return to his
home, he had wonderful stories to recount, of peri-
lous chances among the strange people he had visited,
and the burning climes, whose rank fertility and
magnificence of vegetation so far surpassed any thing
Ch. 1.] PROGRESS OF DISCOVERY. 217
he had witnessed in his own. These reports added
fresh fuel to imaginations already warmed by the
study of those tales of chivalry which formed the
favorite reading of the Spaniards, at that period.
Thus romance and reality acted on each other, and
the soul of the Spaniard was exalted to that pitch of
enthusiasm, which enabled him to encounter the ter-
rible trials that lay in the path of the discoverer.
Indeed, the life of the cavalier of that day was ro-
mance put into action. The story of his adventures
in the New World forms one of the most remarkable
pages in the history of man.
Under this chivalrous spirit of enterprise, the pro-
gress of discovery had extended, by the beginning
of Charles the Fifth's reign, from the Bay of Hondu-
ras, along the winding shores of Darien, and the
South American continent, to the Rio de la Plata.
The mighty barrier of the Isthmus had been climbed,
and the Pacific descried, by Nunez de Balboa, second
only to Columbus in this valiant band of " ocean
chivalry." The Bahamas and Caribbee Islands had
been explored, as well as the Peninsula of Florida
on the northern continent. To this latter point
Sebastian Cabot had arrived in his descent along
the coast from Labrador, in 1497. So that before
1518, the period when our narrative begins, the
eastern borders of both the great continents had
been surveyed through nearly their whole extent.
The shores of the great Mexican Gulf, however,
sweeping with a wide circuit far into the interior,
remained still concealed, with the rich realms that
VOL. I. 28
218 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II.
lay beyond, from the eye of the navigator. The
time had now come for their discovery.
The business of colonization had kept pace with
that of discovery. In several of the islands, and in
various parts of Terra I'irma, and in Darien, settle-
ments had been established, under the control of
governors who affected the state and authority of
viceroys. Grants of land were assigned to the
colonists, on which they raised the natural products
of the soil, but gave still more attention to the sugar-
cane, imported from the Canaries. Sugar, indeed,
together with the beautiful dye-woods of the country
and the precious metals, formed almost the only arti-
cles of export in the infancy of the colonies, which
had not yet introduced those other staples of the
West Indian commerce, which, in our day, constitute
its principal wealth. Yet the precious metals, pain-
fully gleaned from a few scanty sources, would have
made poor returns, but for the gratuitous labor of the
Indians.
The cruel system of repartimientos, or distribution
of the Indians as slaves among the conquerors, had
been suppressed by Isabella. Although subsequently
countenanced by the government, it was under the
most careful limitations. But it is impossible to li-
cense crime by halves, — to authorize injustice at all,
and hope to regulate the measure of it. The eloquent
remonstrances of the Dominicans, — who devoted
themselves to the good work of conversion in the
New World with the same zeal that they showed
for persecution in the Old, — but, above all, those of
Ch. I.] COLONIAL POLICY. 219
Las Casas, induced the regent, Ximenes, to send
out a commission with full powers to inquire into
the alleged grievances, and to redress them. It had
authority, moreover, to investigate the conduct of
the civil officers, and to reform any abuses in their
administration. This extraordinary commission con-
sisted of three Hieronymite friars and an eminent
jurist, all men of learning and unblemished piety.
They conducted the inquiry in a very dispassion-
ate manner ; but, after long deliberation, came to
a conclusion most unfavorable to the demands of
Las Casas, who insisted on the entire freedom of
the natives. This conclusion they justified on the
grounds, that the Indians would not labor with-
out compulsion, and that, unless they labored, they
could not be brought into communication with the
whites, nor be converted to Christianity. Whatev-
er we may think of this argument, it was doubtless
urged with sincerity by its advocates, whose conduct
through their whole administration places their mo-
tives above suspicion. They accompanied it with
many careful provisions for the protection of the
natives. But in vain. The simple people, accus-
tomed all their days- to a life of indolence and ease,
sunk under the oppressions of their masters, and the
population wasted away with even more frightful
rapidity than did the Aborigines in our own country,
under the operation of other causes. It is not ne-
cessary to pursue these details further, into which I
have been led by the desire to put the reader in
possession of the general policy and state of affairs
220 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO Book II.
in the New World, at the period when the present
narrative begins."
Of the islands, Cuba was the second discovered ;
but no attempt had been made to plant a colony
there during the lifetime of Columbus; who, indeed,
after skirting the whole extent of its southern coast,
died in the conviction that it was part of the con-
tinent.^ At length, in 1511, Diego, the son and
successor of the " Admiral," who still maintained
the seat of government in Hispaniola, finding the
mines much exhausted there, proposed to occupy
the neighbouring island of Cuba, or Fernandina, as
it was called, in compliment to the Spanish mon-
arch.^ He prepared a small force for the conquest,
which he placed under the command of Don Diego
Velasquez ; a man described by a contemporary, as
" possessed of considerable experience in military
ajQfairs, having served seventeen years in the Euro-
pean wars ; as honest, illustrious by his lineage and
reputation, covetous of glory, and somewhat more
3 I will take the liberty to refer tion de los Viages y de Descubri-
the reader, who is desirous of being mitntos, (Madrid, 1825,) torn. II.
more minutely acquainted with the Col. liip., No. 76.
S panish colonial administration and ^ The inland was originally called
the state of discovery previous to by Columbts, Juana, in honor of
Charles V., to the "History of prince John, h°ir to the Castilian
the Reign of Ferdinand and Isa- crown. After his. death it received
hella," (Part 2, ch. 9, 26,) where the name of Fernandina, at the
the subject is treated in extenso. king's desire. The Indian name
^ See the curious document at- has survived both. Herrera, Hist
testing this, and drawn up by order General, Descrip., cap. 6.
of Columbus, ap. Navarrete, Colec-
Ch. I.] CONQUEST OF CUBA. 221
covetous of wealth."^ The portrait was sketched
by no unfriendly hand.
Velasquez, or rather, his lieutenant, Narvaez,
who took the office on himself of scouring the coun-
try, met with no serious opposition from the inhabit-
ants, who were of the same family with the effemi-
nate natives of Hispaniola. The conquest, through
the merciful interposition of Las Casas, " the pro-
tector of the Indians," who accompanied the army
in its march, was effected without much bloodshed.
One chief, indeed, named Hatuey, having fled origi-
nally from St. Domingo to escape the oppression of
its invaders, made a desperate resistance, for which
he was condemned by Velasquez to be burned alive.
It was he, who made that memorable reply, more
eloquent than a volume of invective. When urged
at the stake to embrace Christianity, that his soul
might find admission into heaven, he inquired if the
white men would go there. On being answered
in the affirmative, he exclaimed, " Then I will not
be a Christian ; for I would not go again to a place
where I must find men so cruel ! " '^
After the conquest, Velasquez, now appointed
governor, diligently occupied himself with measures
6 " Erat Didacus, ut hoc in loco "^ The story is told by Las Casas
de eo semel tantum dicamus, vete- in his appalling record of the cru-
ranus miles, rei militaris gnarus, elties of his countrymen in the
quippe qui septem et decem annos New World, which charity — and
in Hispania militiam exercitus fue- common sense — may excuse us
rat, homo probus, opibus, genere et for believing the good father has
fama clarus, honoris cupidus, pecu- greatly overcharged. Brevissima
niae aliquanto cupidior." De Rebus Relacion de la Destruycion de las
Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii, MS. Indias, (Venetia, 1643,) p. 28
DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II.
for promoting the prosperity of the Island. He
formed a number of settlements, bearing the same
names with the modern towns, and made St. Jago,
on the south-east corner, the seat of government.^
He invited settlers by liberal grants of land and
slaves. He encouraged them to cultivate the soil,
and gave particular attention to the sugar-cane, so
profitable an article of commerce in later times. He
was, above all, intent on working the gold mines,
which promised better returns than those in Hispan-
iola. The affairs of his government did not prevent
him, meanwhile, from casting many a wistful glance
at the discoveries going forward on the continent,
and he longed for an opportunity to embark in these
golden adventures himself. Fortune gave him the
occasion he desired.
An hidalgo of Cuba, named Hernandez de Cordo-
va, sailed with three vessels on an expedition to one
of the neighbouring Bahama Islands, in quest of
Indian slaves. (February 8, 1517.) He encoun-
tered a succession of heavy gales which drove him
far out of his course, and at the end of three weeks
he found himself on a strange and unknown coast.
On landing and asking the name of the country, he
was answered by the natives, " Tectetan,^^ meaning
" I do not understand you," — but which the Span-
iards, misinterpreting into the name of the place.
8 Among the most ancient of or the Slaughter, so called from
these establishments we find the a massacre of the Spaniards there
Havana, Puerto del Principe, Trin- by the Indians. Bernal Diaz,
idad, St. Salvador, and Malanzas, Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 8.
Ch. I.] EXPEDITIONS TO YUCATAN. 22.*^
easily corrupted into Yucatan. Some writers give a
different etymology.^ Sucli mistakes, however, were
not uncommon with the early discoverers, and have
been the origin of many a name on the American
continent.'"
Cordova had landed on the north-eastern end of
the peninsula, at Cape Catoche. He was astonished
at the size and solid materials of the buildings con
structed of stone and lime, so different from the
frail tenements of reeds and rushes which formed
the habitations of the islanders. He was struck,
also, with the higher cultivation of the soil, and with
the delicate texture of the cotton garments and gold
ornaments of the natives. Every thing indicated a
civilization far superior to any thing he had before
witnessed in the New World. He saw the evidence
of a different race, moreover, in the warlike spirit of
the people. Rumors of the Spaniards had, perhaps,
preceded them, as they were repeatedly asked if they
came from the east; and, wherever they landed, they
were met with the most deadly hostility. Cordova
himself, in one of his skirmishes with the Indians,
9 Gomara, Historia de las In- l° Two navigators, Soils and
dias, cap. 52, ap. Barcia, torn. 11. Pinzon; had descried the coast as
Bernal Diaz says the word came far back as 1506, according to Her-
fjrom the vegetable yiLca, and tale rera, though they had not taken
the name for a hillock in which it possession of it. (Hist. General,
is planted. (Hist, de la Conquis- dec. 1, lib. 6, cap. 17.) It is,
ta, cap. 6.) M. Waldeck finds a indeed, remarkable it should so
much more plausible derivation in long have eluded discovery, con
the Indian word Ouyouckatan, "lis- sidering that it is but two degrees
ten to what they say." Voyage distant from Cuba.
Pittoresque, p. 25.
224 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II
received more than a dozen wounds, and one only
of his party escaped unhurt. At length, when he had
coasted the peninsula as far as Campeachy, he re-
turned to Cuba, which he reached after an absence
of several months, having suffered all the extremities
of ill, which these pioneers of the ocean were some-
times called to endure, and which none but the most
courageous spirit could have survived. As it was,
half the original number, consisting of one hundred
and ten men, perished, including their brave com-
mander, who died soon after his return. The reports
he had brought back of the country, and, still more,
the specimens of curiously wrought gold, convinced
Velasquez of the importance of this discovery, and
he prepared with all despatch to avail himself of it.^^
He accordingly fitted out a little squadron of four
vessels for the newly discovered lands, and placed
It under the command of his nephew, Juan de Gri-
jalva, a man on whose probity, prudence, and at-
tachment to himself he knew he could rely. The
fleet left the port of St. Jago de Cuba, May 1,
1518.^- It took the course pursued by Cordova, but
was driven somewhat to the south, the first land
^1 Oviedo, General y Natural cap. 2.) But he is contradicted in
Historia de las Indias, MS., lib. this by the other contemporary re-
33, cap. 1. — De Rebus Gestis, cords above cited.
MS. — Carta del Cabildo de Vera ^^ Itinerario de la isola de lucha
Cruz, (July 10, 1519,) MS. than, novamente ritrovata per 11
Bemal Diaz denies that the signor Joan de Grijalva, per il suo
original object of the expedition, capellano, MS.
in which he took part, was to pro- The chaplain's word may be
cure slaves, though Valasquez had taken for the date, which is usual-
proposed it. (Hist.de la Conquista, ly put at the eighth of April.
Lh. l.J EXPEDITIONS TO YUCATAN. 225
that it made being the island of Cozumel. From
this quarter Grijaha soon passed over to the conti-
nent and coasted the peninsula, touching at the
same places as his predecessor. Everywhere he
was struck, like him, with the evidences of a higher
civilization, especially in the architecture ; as he well
might be, since this was the region of those extra-
ordinary remains which have become recently the
subject of so much speculation. He was astonished,
also, at the sight of large stone crosses, evidently
objects of worship, which he met with in various
places. Reminded by these circumstances of his
own country, he gave the peninsula the name of
" New Spain," a name since appropriated to a much
wider extent of territory. ^'^
Wherever Grijalva landed, he experienced the
same unfriendly reception as Cordova, though he
suffered less, being better prepared to meet it. In
the Rio de Tabasco, or Grijalva, as it is often called,
after him, he held an amicable conference with a
chief who gave him a number of gold plates fash-
ioned into a sort of armor. As he wound round
the Mexican coast, one of his captains, Pedro de
Alvarado, afterwards famous in the Conquest, en-
tered a river, to which he, also, left his own name.
In a neighbouring stream, called the Rio de Vande-
ras, or " River of Banners," from the ensigns dis-
played by the natives on its borders, Grijalva had the
first communication with the Mexicans themselves
13 De Rebus Gestis, MS. — Itinerario del Capellano, MS.
VOL. I 29
226 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II
The cacique who ruled over this province had
received notice of the approach of the Europeans,
and of their extraordinary appearance. He was
anxious to collect all the information he could re-
specting them and the motives of their visit, that
he might transmit them to his master, the Aztec
emperor. •^ A friendly conference took place between
the parties on shore, where Grijalva landed with all
his force, so as to make a suitable impression on the
mind of the barbaric chief. The interview lasted
some hours, though, as there was no one on either
side to interpret the language of the other, they
could communicate only by signs. They, however,
interchanged presents, and the Spaniards had the
satisfaction of receiving, for a few worthless toys find
trinkets, a rich treasure of jewels, gold ornaments
and vessels, of the most fantastic forms and work-
manship.^^
^ Grijalva now thought tliat in this successful traffic
— successful beyond his most sanguine expectations
— he had accomplished the chief object of his mission.
He steadily refused the solicitations of his followers
to plant a colony on the spot, — a work of no little
'■^ According: to the Spanish au- ^^ Gomara has given the per and
thorities, the cacique was sent with contra of this negotiation, in which
these presents from the Mexican gold and jewels, of the value of
sovereign, who had received pre- fifteen or twenty thousand pesos
vious tidings of the approach of de oro, were exchanged for glass
the Spaniards. I have followed beads, pins, scissors, and other
Sahagun, who obtained his intelli- trinkets common in an assorted
gence directly from the natives, cargo for savages. Cronica, cap. 6.
Historia de la Conquista, MS.,
cap. 2.
Ch. I] EXPEDITIONS TO YUCATAN. 227
difficulty in so populous and powerfiil a country a?
this appeared to be. To this, indeed, he was in-
clined, but deemed it contrary to his instructions,
which limited him to barter with the natives. He
therefore despatched Alvarado in one of the caravels
back to Cuba, with the treasure and such intelligence
as he had gleaned of the great empire in the interi-
or, and then pursued his voyage along the coast.
He touched at San Juan de Ulua, and at the Isla
de los Sacrijicios, so called by him from the bloody
remains of human \ictims found in one of the tem-
ples. He then held on his course as far as the prov-
mce of Panuco, where finding some difficulty in
doubling a boisterous headland, he returned on his
track, and, after an absence of nearly six months,
reached Cuba in safety. Grijalva has the glory of
being the first navigator who set foot on the Mexican
soil, and opened an intercourse with the Aztecs.^^
On reachino; the island, he was surprised to learn,
that another and more formidable armament had
been fitted out to follow up his own discoveries,
and to find orders, at the same time, from the gov-
ernor, couched in no very courteous language, to re-
pair at once to St. Jago. He was received by that
personage, not merely with coldness, but with re-
proaches for having neglected so fair an opportunity
of establishing a colony in the country he had vis-
ited. Velasquez was one of those captious spirits,
who, when things do not go exactly to their minds.
16 Itinerario del Capellano, MS. — Carta de Vera Cruz, MS.
228 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book 11
are sure to shift the responsibility of the failure from
their own shoulders, where it should lie, to those of
others. He had an ungenerous nature, says an old
writer, credulous, and easily moved to suspicion,'^
In the present instance it was most unmerited.
Grijalva, naturally a modest, unassuming person, had
acted in obedience to the instructions of his com-
mander, given before sailing ; and had done this in
opposition to his own judgment and the importuni-
ties of his followers. His conduct merited any thing
but censure from his employer. ^^
When Alvarado had returned to Cuba with his
golden freight, and the accounts of the rich empire
of Mexico which he had gathered from the natives,
the heart of the governor swelled with rapture as
he saw his dreams of avarice and ambition so likely
to be realized. Impatient of the long absence of
Grijalva, he despatched a vessel in search of him
under the command of Olid, a cavalier who took an
important part afterwards in the Conquest, Finally
he resolved to fit out another armament on a suffi-
cient scale to insure the subjugation of the country.
He previously solicited authority for this from the
Hieronymite commission in St. Domingo. He then
despatched his chaplain to Spain with the royal share
^"Hombre de terrible condi- 18 At least, such is the testimo-
cioD," says Herrera, citing the good ny of Las Casas, who knew both
Bishop of Chiapa, " para los que the parties well, and had often
le Servian, i aiudaban, i que facil- conversed with Grijalva upon his
mente se indignaba contra aquel- voyage. Historia General de las
los." Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. Indias, MS., lib. 3, cap. 113
3, cap. 10.
Ch. I.] EXPEDITIONS TO YUCATAN. 22*^
of the gold brought from Mexico, and a full account
of the intelhgence gleaned there. He set forth his
own manifold services, and solicited from the court
full powers to go on with the conquest and coloniza-
tion of the newly discovered regions.'^ Before re-
ceiving an answer, he began his preparations for the
armament, and, first of all, endeavoured to find a
suitable person to share the expense of it, and to
take the command. Such a person he found, after
some difficulty and delay, in Hernando Cortes ; the
man of all others best calculated to achieve this
great enterprise, — the last man, to whom Velasquez,
could he have foreseen the results, would have con-
fided it.
19 Itinerario del Capellano, MS. to Ferdinand Columbus, is still
— Las Casas, Hist, de las Indias, extant in the library of the great
MS., lib. 3, cap. 113. church of Seville. The book had
The most circumstantial account become so exceedingly rare, hovv-
of Grijalva's expedition is to be ever, that the historiographer, Mu-
found in the Itinerary of his chap- noz, made a transcript of it with
lain above quoted. The original his own hand, and from his manu-
is lost, but an indifferent Italian script that in my possession waa
version was published at Venice, taken.
in 1522. A copy, which belonged
CHAPTER 11.
Hernando Cortes. — His Early Life. — Visits the New World.
— His Residence in Cuba. — Difficulties with Velasquez. —
Armada intrusted to Cortes.
1518.
Hernando Cortes was bom at Medellin, a town
in the south-east comer of Estremadura, in 1485.'
He came of an ancient and respectable family ; and
historians have gratified the national vanity by tra-
cing it up to the Lombard kings, whose descend-
ants crossed the Pyrenees, and established them-
selves in Aragon under the Gothic monarchy.- This
royal genealogy was not found out till Cortes had
acquired a name which would confer distinction on
^ Gomara, Cronica, cap. 1. —
Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Conquis-
ta, cap. 203. I find no more pre-
cise notice of the date of his birth ;
except, indeed, by Pizarro y Ore-
liana, who tells us " that Cortes
came into the world the same day
that that infernal beast, the false
heretic Luther, entered it, — by
way of compensation, no doubt,
since the labors of the one to pull
down the true faith were counter-
balanced by those of the other to
maintain and extend it"! (Va-
rones Tiustrcs del Nuevo Mundo,
(■Madrid, 1639,) p. 66.) But this
statement of the good cavalier,
which places the birth of our hero
in 1483, looks rather more like a
zeal for " the true faith," than for
historic.
2 Argensola, in particular, has
bestowed great pains on the pros-
apia of the house of Cortes ; which
he traces up, nothing doubting, to
Names Cortes, king of Lombardy
and Tuscany. Anales de Ara-
gon, (Zaragoza, 1630,) pp. 621-
625. — Also, Caro de Torres, His-
toria de las Ordenes Militates,
(Madrid, 1629,) fol. 103.
Ch. II.] HERNANDO CQRTES. 231
anj descent, however noble. His father, Manin
Cortes de Monroy, was a captain of infantry, in
moderate circumstances, but a man of unblemished
honor ; and both he and his wife. Dona Catalina
Pizarro Altamirano, appear to have been much re-
garded for their excellent qualities.^
In his infancy Cortes is said to have had a feeble
constitution, which strengthened as he grew older.
At fourteen, he was sent to Salamanca, as his father,
who conceived great hopes from his quick and showy
parts, proposed to educate him for the law, a profes-
sion which held out better inducements to the young
aspirant than any other. The son, however, did
not conform to these views. He showed little fond-
ness for books, and, after loitering away two years
at college, returned home, to the great chagrin
of his parents. Yet his time had not been wholly
misspent, since he had laid up a little store of Latin,
and learned to write good prose, and even verses
" of some estimation, considering " — as an old wri-
ter quaintly remarks — " Cortes as the author." *
He now passed his days in the idle, unprofitable
manner of one who, too wilful to be guided by
^ De Rebus Gestis, MS. Las Casas and Bernal Diaz both
Las Casas, who knew the father, State that he was Bachelor of Laws
bears stronger testimony to his at Salamanca. (Hist, de las In-
pnverty than to his noble birth, dias, MS., ubi supra. — Hist, de la
" Un escudero," he says of him, Conquista, cap. 203.) The do-
" que yo conoci harto pobre y hu- gree was given probably in later
milde, aunque Christiano, viejo y life, when the University might
dizen que hidalgo.'''' Hist, de las feel a pride in claiming him among
Indias, MS., lib. 3, cap. 27. her sons.
4 Argensola, Anales, p. 220.
232 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II
Others, proposes no object to himself. His buoyant
spirits were continually breaking out in troublesome
frolics and capricious humors, quite at variance with
the orderly habits of his father's household. He
showed a particular inclination for the military pro-
fession, or rather for the life of adventure to which
in those days it was sure to lead. And when, at the
a,ge of seventeen, he proposed to enrol himself under
the banners of the Great Captain, his parents, prob-
ably thinking a life of hardship and hazard abroad
preferable to one of idleness at home, made no ob-
jection.
The youthful cavalier, however, hesitated whether
to seek his fortunes under that victorious chief, or in
the New World, where gold as well as glory was to be
won, and where the very dangers had a mystery and
romance in them inexpressibly fascinating to a youth-
ful fancy. It was in this direction, accordingly, that
the hot spirits of that day found a vent, especially
from that part of the country where Cortes lived,
the neighbourhood of Seville and Cadiz, the focus
of nautical enterprise. He decided on this latter
' ourse, and an opportunity offered in the splendid
armament fitted out under Don Nicolas de Ovando,
successor to Columbus. An unlucky accident de-
feated the purpose of Cortes.*^
As he was scaling a high wall, one night, which
gave him access to the apartmc^nt of a lady with
whom he was engaged in an intrigue, the stones
gave way, and he was thrown down with much vio-
■'• De Rebus Gestis, MS. — Gomara, Cronica, cap. 1
CH. II.] VISITS THE NEW WORLD. 233
lence and buried under the ruins. A severe contu-
sion, though attended with no other serious conse-
quences, confined him to his bed till after the de-
parture of the fleet.^
Two years longer he remained at home, profiting
little, as it would seem, from the lesson he had re-
ceived. At length he availed himself of another
opportunity presented by the departure of a small
squadron of vessels bound to the Indian islands.
He was nineteen years of age, when he bade adieu
to his native shores in 1504, — the same y^ar in
which Spain lost the best and greatest in \v.)( long
line of princes, Isabella the Catholic.
The vessel in which Cortes sailed was com-
manded by one Alonso Quintero. The fleet touched
at the Canaries, as was common in the outward pas-
sage. While the other vessels were detained there
taking in supplies, Quintero secretly stole out by
night from the island, with the design of reaching
Hispaniola, and securing the market, before the ar-
rival of his companions. A furious storm, which he
encountered, however, dismasted his ship, and he
was obliged to return to port and refit. The convoy
consented to wait for their unworthy partner, and
after a short detention they all sailed in company
again. But the faithless Quintero, as they drew
near the Islands, availed himself once more of the
6 De Rebus Gestis, MS. — Go- " Suspendio el v\a,je, por enamora-
mara, Ibid. do y for quartanano.''^ Anales,
Argensola slates the cause of p. 621.
his detention concisely enough ;
VOL. I. 30
234 DISCOVERY OF MEXKO. [Book II.
darkness of the night, to leave the squadron with
the same purpose as before. Unluckily for him, he
met vv^ith a succession of heavy gales and head winds,
which drove him from his course, and he wholly lost
his reckoning. For many days the vessel was tossed
about, and all on board were filled with apprehensions,
and no little indignation against the author of their
calamities. At length they were cheered one morn-
ing with the sight of a white dove, which, wearied
by its flight, lighted on the topmast. The biogra-
{)hers of Cortes speak of it as a miracle." Fortu-
nately it was no miracle, but a very natural occur-
rence, showing incontestably that they were near
land. In a short time, by taking the direction of
the bird's flight, they reached the island of Hispan-
iola ; and, on coming into port, the worthy master
had the satisfaction to find his companions arrived
before him, and their cargoes already sold.^
Immediately on landing, Cortes repaired to the
house of the governor, to whom he had been person-
ally known in Spain. Ovando was absent on an
expedition into the interior, but the young man was
kindly received by the secretary, who assured him
there would be no doubt of his obtaining a liberal
grant of land to settle on. "But I came to get gold,"
replied Cortes, " not to till the soil, like a peasant."
"^ Some thoupht it was the Holy reasonable to Pizarro y Orellana,
Ghost in the form of this dove; since the expedition was to " re-
" Sanctum esse Spiritum, qui, in dound so much to the spread of the
illius alitis specie, ut mcestos et Catholic faith, and the Castilian
afflictos solaretur, venire erat dig- monarchy " ! Varones Ihistres
natus" ; (Dc Rebus Gestis, MS. ;) p. 70.
a conjecture which seems very ^ Gomara, Cronica, cap. 2.
Ch. II.] RESIDENCE IN CUBA. 235
On the governor's return, Cortes consented to
give up his roving thoughts, at least for a time, as
the other labored to convince him that he would be
more likely to realize his wishes from the slow, in-
deed, but sure, returns of husbandry, where the soil
and the laborers were a free gift to the planter, than
by taking his chance in the lottery of adventure,
in which there were so many blanks to a prize. He
accordingly received a grant of land, with a reparti-
miento of Indians, and was appointed notary of the
town or settlement of A^ua. His graver pursuits,
however, did not prevent his indulgence of the amo-
rous propensities which belong to the sunny clime
where he was born ; and this frequently involved
him in affairs of honor, from which, though an expert
swordsman, he carried away scars that accompanied
him to his grave. ^ He occasionally, moreover, found
the means of breaking up the monotony of his way of
life by engaging in the military expeditions, which,
under the command of Ovando's lieutenant, Diego
Velasquez, were employed to suppress the insurrec-
tions of the natives. In this school the young ad-
venturer first studied the wild tactics of Indian war-
fare ; he became familiar with toil and danger, and
with those deeds of cruelty v/hicli have too often,
alas ! stained the bright scutcheons of the Castilian
chivalry in the New World. He was only prevented
by illness — a most fortunate one, on this occasion
— from embarking in Nicuessa's expedition, which
furnished a tale of woe, not often matched in the
9 Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 203.
236 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II.
annals of Spanish discovery. Providence reserved
him for higher ends.
At length, in 1511, when Velasquez undertook
the conquest of Cuba, Cortes willingly abandoned
his quiet life for the stirring scenes there opened,
and took part in the expedition. He displayed,
throughout the invasion, an activity and courage that
won him the approbation of the commander ; while
his free and cordial manners, his good-humor, and
lively sallies of wit made him the favorite of the
soldiers. " He gave little evidence," says a contem-
porary, " of the great qualities which he afterwards
showed." It is probable these qualities were not
known to himself; while to a common observer his
careless manners and Jocund repartees might well
seem incompatible with any thing serious or pro-
found ; as the real depth of the current is not sus-
pected under the light play and sunny sparkling of
the surface. ^°
After the reduction of the island, Cortes seems to
have been held in great favor by Velasquez, now
appointed its governor. According to Las Casas,
he was made one of his secretaries.'' He still re-
tained the same fondness for gallantry, for which his
handsome person afforded obvious advantages, but
which had more than once brought him into trouble
^^ De Rebus Gestis, MS. — Go- " Res omnes arduas difficilesqne
mara, Cronica, cap. 3,4. — Las per Cortesium, quern in dies ma-
Casas, Hist, de las Indias, MS., gis magisque amplectebatur, Ve-
lib. 3, cap. 27. lasquius agit. Ex eo ducis favore
11 Hist, de las Indias, MS., loc. et gratia magna Cortesio invidia
cit. est orta." De Rebus Gestis, MS.
Ch. II.] DIFFICULTIES WITH VELASQUEZ 237
in earlier life. Among the families who had taken
up their residenee in Cuba was one of the name of
Xuarez, from Granada in Old Spain. It consisted
of a brother, and four sisters remarkable for their
beauty. With one of them, named Catalina, the
susceptible heart of the young soldier became en-
amoured.'^' How far the intimacy was carried is not
(juite certain. But it appears he gave his promise
to marry her, — a promise, which, when the time
came, and reason, it may be, had got the better of
passion, he showed no alacrity in keeping. He
resisted, indeed, all remonstrances to this effect, from
the lady's family, backed by the governor, and some-
what sharpened, no doubt, in the latter by the par-
ticular interest he took in one of the fair sisters, whf»
is said not to have repaid it with ingratitude.
Whether the rebuke of Velasquez, or some other
cause of disgust, rankled in the breast of Cortes, he
now became cold toward his patron, and connected
himself with a disaffected party tolerably numerous
in the island. They were in the habit of meeting
at his house and brooding over their causes of dis-
content, chiefly founded, it would appear, on what
they conceived an ill requital of their services in the
distribution of lands and offices. It may well be
imagined, that it could have been no easy task for
'2 Soils has found a patent of treats her with less ceremony,
nobility for this lady also, — "don- " Una hermanadeiwi Juan Xuarez,
cella noble yrecatada." (Historia gente pobre." Hist, de las Indias,
de la Conquista de Mejico, (Paris, MS., lib. 3, cap. 17.
1838,) lib. 1, cap. 9.) Las Casas
238 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II.
the ruler of one of these colonies, however discreet
and well intentioned, to satisfy the indefinite crav-
ings of speculators and adventurers, who swarmed,
like so many famished harpies, in the track of dis-
covery in the New World. '^
The malecontents determined to lay their griev-
ances before the higher authorities in Hispaniola,
from whom Velasquez had received his commission.
The voyage was one of some hazard, as it was to
be made in an open boat, across an arm of the sea
eighteen leagues wide ; and they fixed on Cortes,
with whose fearless spirit they were well acquainted,
as the fittest man to undertake it. The conspiracy
got wind, and came to the governor's ears before
the departure of the envoy, ^^hom he instantly caused
to be seized, loaded with fetters, and placed in strict
confinement. It is even said, he would have hung
him, but for the interposition of his friends. ^^ The
fact is not incredible. The governors of these little
territories, having entire control over the fortunes of
their subjects, enjoyed an authority far more despotic
than that of the sovereign himself. They were
generally men of rank and personal consideration ;
their distance from the mother country withdrew
their conduct from searching scrutiny, and, when that
did occur, they usually had interest and means of
corruption at command, sufficient to shield them from
13 Gomara, Cronica, cap. 4. — Martinez, capelhindeD. Velasquez,
Las Casas, Hist, de las Indias, contra H. Cortes, MS.
MS., ubi supra. — De Rebus Ges- i"* Las Casas, Hist, de las Indias.
lis, MS. — Memorial de Benito MS., ubi supra.
Ch II] difficulties with VELASQUEZ. 239
punishment. The Spanish colonial history, in its
earher stages, affords striking instances of the extra-
ordinary assumption and abuse of powers by these
petty potentates ; and the sad fate of Vasquez Nunez
de Balboa, the illustrious discoverer of the Pacific,
though the most signal, is by no means a solitar}^
example, that the greatest services could be requited
by persecution and an ignominious death.
The governor of Cuba, however, although irasci-
ble and suspicious in his nature, does not seem to
have been vindictive, nor particularly cruel. In the
present instance, indeed, it may well be doubted
whether the blame would not be more reasonably
charged on the unfounded expectations of his fol
lowers than on himself.
Cortes did not long remain in durance. He con
trived to throw back one of the bolts of his fetters ;
and, after extricating his limbs, succeeded in forcing
open a window with the irons so as to admit of
his escape. He was lodged on the second floor of
the building, and was able to let himself down to
the pavement without injury, and unobserved. He
then made the best of his way to a neighbouring
church, where he claimed the privilege of sanctuary.
Velasquez, though incensed at his escape, was
afraid to violate the sanctity of the place by employ-
ing force. But he stationed a guard in the neigh-
bourhood, with orders to seize the fugitive, if he
should forget himself so far as to leave the sanc-
tuary. In a few days this happened. As Cortes
was carelesslv standing without the walls in front of
240 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II
the building, an alguacil suddenly sprung on him
from behind and pinioned his arms, while others
rushed in and secured him. This man, whose name
Wcis Juan Escudero, was afterwards hung by Cortes
for some offence in New Spain. '^
The unlucky prisoner was again put in irons, and
carried on board a vessel to sail the next morninir for
Hispaniola, there to undergo his trial. Fortune fa-
vored him once more. He succeeded, after much
difficulty and no little pain, in passing his feet
through the rings which shackled them. He then
came cautiously on deck, and, covered by the dark-
ness of the night, stole quietly down the side of the
ship into a boat that lay floating below. He pushed
off from the vessel with as little noise as possible.
As he drew near the shore, the stream became rapid
and turbulent. He hesitated to trust his boat to it ;
and as he was an excellent swimmer prepared to
breast it himself, and boldly plunged into the water.
The current was strong, but the arm of a man
struggling for life was stronger; and after buffet-
ing the waves till he was nectrly exhausted, he
succeeded in gaining a landing ; when he sought
refuge in the same sanctuary which had protected
him before. The facility with which Cortes a sec-
ond time effected his escape may lead one to doubt
the fidelity of his guards ; who perhaps looked on
him as the victim of persecution, and felt the influ-
ence of those popular manners which seem to have
'5 Las Casas, Hist, de las Indias, MS., loc. cit. — Memorial de
Martinez, MS.
Ch. 11] DIFFICULTIES WITH VELASQUEZ. 241
gained him friends in every society into which he
was thrown.^^
For some reason not explained, — perhaps from
policy, — he now relinquished his objections to the
marriage with Catalina Xuarez. He thus secured
the good offices of her family. Soon afterwards the
governor himself relented, and became reconciled to
his unfortunate enemy. A strange story is told in
connexion with this event. It is said, his proud
spirit refused to accept the proffers of reconciliation
made him by Velasquez ; and that one evening,
leaving the sanctuary, he presented himself unex-
pectedly before the latter in his own quarters, when
on a military excursion at some distance from the
capital. The governor, startled by the sudden ap-
parition of his enemy completely armed before him,
with some dismay inquired the meaning of it. Cor-
tes answered by insisting on a full explanation of
his previous conduct. After some hot discussion the
interview terminated amicably ; the parties embraced,
and, when a messenger arrived to announce the es-
cape of Cortes, he found him in the apartments
of his Excellency, where, having retired to rest,
both were actually sleeping in the same bed ! The
anecdote is repeated without distrust by more than
one biographer of Cortes.^'' It is not very probable,
16 Gomara, Cronica, cap. 4. tide. Hist. General, dec. 1, lib.
Herrera tells a silly story of his 9, cap. 8.
beiiig unable to swim, and throw- ^"^ Gomara, Cr6nica, cap. 4.
ing himself on a plank, which, " Coenat cubatque Cortesius
after being carried out to sea, was cum Velasquio eodem in lecto.
washed ashore with him at flood Qui postero die fugae Cortesii
VOL. I. 31
242 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book IJ.
liowever, that a haughty, irascible man like Velas-
quez should have given such uncommon proofs of
condescension and familiarity to one, so far beneath
him in station, with whom he had been so recently
in deadly feud ; nor, on the other hand, that Cortes
should have had the silly temerity to brave the lion
in his den, where a single nod would have sent him
to the gibbet, — and that, too, with as little com-
punction or fear of consequences, as would have at-
tended the execution of an Indian slave. ^^
The reconciliation with the governor, however
brought about, was permanent. Cortes, though not
reestablished in the office of secretary, received a
liberal repartimiento of Indians, and an ample terri-
tory in the neighbourhood of St. Jago, of which he
was soon after made alcalde. He now lived almost
wholly on his estate, devoting himself to agriculture
with more zeal than formerly. He stocked his
plantation with different kinds of cattle, some of
which were first introduced by him into Cuba.^^ He
wrought, also, the gold mines which fell to his share,
and which in this island promised better returns
nuntius venerat, Velasquium et lasquez] sintiera de Cortes una
Cortesium juxta accubantes intui- puncta de alfiler de cerviguillo 6
tus, miratur." De Rebus Gestis, presuncion, 6 lo ahorcara 6 a lo
MS. menos lo echara de la tierra y lo
18 Las Casas, who remembered sumiera en ella sin que alzara ca-
Cortes at this time " so poor and beza en su vida." Hist, de las In-
lowly that he would have gladly dias, MS., lib. 3, cap. 27.
received any favor from the least ^^ ' ' Pecuariam primus quoque
of Velasquez' attendants," treats habuit, in insulamque induxit, om-
the story of the bravado with con- ni pecorum genere ex Hispania pe-
tempt. " Por lo qual si el [Ve- tito." De Rebus Gestis, MS.
Ch. II.] ARMADA INTRUSTED TO CORTES. 243
than those in Hispaniola. By this course of indus-
try he found himself, in a few years, master of some
two or three thousand castellanos, a large sum for
one in his situation. " God, who alone knows at
what cost of Indian lives it was obtained," exclaims
Las Casas, "will take account of it!"^° His days
glided smoothly away in these tranquil pursuits, and
in the society of his beautiful wife, who, however
ineligible as a connexion, from the inferiority of her
condition, appears to have fulfilled all the relations
of a faithful and affectionate partner. Indeed, he
was often heard to say at this time, as the good
bishop above quoted remarks, " that he lived as
happily with her as if she had been the daughter of
a duchess." Fortune gave him the means in after
life of verifying the truth of his assertion.^^
Such was the state of things, when Alvarado re-
turned with the tidings of Grijalva's discoveries, and
the rich fruits of his traffic with the natives. The
news spread like wildfire throughout the island ; for
all saw in it the promise of more important results
than any hitherto obtained. The governor, as al-
ready noticed, resolved to follow up the track of
discovery with a more considerable armament ; and
he looked around for a proper person to share the
expense of it, and to take the command.
20 "Los que por sacarle el oro 21 " Egtando conmigo, me lo dixo
murieron Dios abra tenido mejor que estava tan contento con ella
cuenta que yo." Hist, de las In- como si fuera hija de una Duques-
dias, MS., lib. 3, cap. y?. The sa." Hist, de las Indias, MS., ubi
text is a free translation. supra. — Gomara, Crdnica, cap. 4.
S44 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II.
Several hidalgos presented themselves, whom, from
want of proper qualifications, or from his distrust of
their assuming an independence of theh employer,
he, one after another, rejected. There were two per-
sons in St. Jago in whom he placed great confidence,
— Amador de Lares, the contador, or royal treasur-
er,^'^ and his own secretary, Andres de Duero. Cor-
tes was also in close intimacy with both these per-
sons ; and he availed himself of it to prevail on them
to recommend him as a suitable person to be intrust-
ed with the expedition. It is said, he reinforced the
proposal, by promising a liberal share of the proceeds
of it. However this may be, the parties urged his
selection by the governor with all the eloquence of
which they were capable. That officer had had
ample experience of the capacity and courage of the
candidate. He knew, too, that he had acquired a
fortune which would enable him to cooperate mate-
rially in fitting out the armament. His popularity
in the island would speedily attract followers to his
standard.^^ All past animosities had long since been
buried in oblivion, and the confidence he was now
to repose in him would insure his fidelity and grati-
tude. He lent a willing ear, therefore, to the rec-
22 The treasurer used to boast years in Italy." Hist, de las In-
he had passed some two and twen- dias, MS., lib. 3, cap. 113.
ty years in the wars of Italy. He 23 " gj ^\ no fuera por Capitan,
was a shrewd personage, and Las que no fuera la tercera parte de la
Casas, thinking that country a slip- gente que con el fue." Declara-
pery school for morals, warned the cion de Puertocarrero, MS. (Co-
governor, he says, more than once runa, 30 de Abril, 1520.)
'' to beware of the twenty- two
CH. 11] ARMADA INTRUSTED TO CORTES. 245
ommendation of his counsellors, and, sending for
Cortes, announced his purpose of making him Cap-
tain-General of the Armada.^
Cortes had now attained the object of his wishes,
— the object for which his soul had panted, ever
since he had set foot in the New World. He was
no longer to be condemned to a life of mercenary
drudgery ; nor to be cooped up within the precincts
of a petty island. But he was to be placed on a
new and independent theatre of action, and a bound-
less perspective was opened to his view, which might
satisfy not merely the wildest cravings of avarice, but,
to a bold, aspiring spirit like his, the far more impor-
tunate cravings of ambition. He fully appreciated
the importance of the late discoveries, and read in
them the existence of the great empire in the far
West, dark hints of which had floated, from time to
time, to the Islands, and of which more certain
glimpses had been caught by those who had reached
the continent. This was the country intimated to
the " Great Admiral " in his visit to Honduras in
1502, and which he might have reached, had he held
on a northern course, instead of striking to the south
in quest of an imaginary strait. As it was, " he had
but opened the gate," to use his own bitter expres-
sion, " for others to enter." The time had at length
come, when they were to enter it ; and the young
adventurer, whose magic lance was to dissolve the
24 Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con- 7. — Las Casas, Hist. General de
quista, cap. 19. — De Rebus Ges- las Indias, MS., lib. 3, cap. 113,
tis, MS. — Gomara, Cronica, cap.
24>6 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II.
speJl which had so long hung over these mysterious
regions, now stood ready to assume the enterprise.
From this hour the deportment of Cortes seemed
to undergo a change. His thoughts, instead of evap-
orating in empty levities or idle flashes of merriment,
were wholly concentrated on the great object to
which he was devoted. His elastic spirits were
shown in cheering and stimulating the companions
of his toilsome duties, and he was roused to a gener-
ous enthusiasm, of which even those who knew him
best had not conceived him capable. He applied at
once all the money in his possession to fitting out
the armament. He raised more by the mortgage of
his estates, and by giving his obligations to some
wealthy merchants of the place, who relied for their
reimbursement on the success of the expedition ;
and, when his own credit was exhausted, he availed
himself of that of his friends.
The funds thus acquired he expended in the pur-
chase of vessels, provisions, and military stores, while
he invited recruits by offers of assistance to such as
were too poor to provide for themselves, and by the
additional promise of a liberal share of the anticipated
profits.^^
All was now bustle and excitement in the little
town of St. Jago. Some were busy in refitting the
vessels and getting them ready for the voyage ; some
in providing naval stores ; others in converting their
own estates into money in order to equip themselves ;
25 Declaracion de Puertocarrero, — Probanza en la Villa Segura,
MS.— Carta de Vera Cruz, MS. MS. (4 de Oct., 1520.)
Ch. II.] ARMADA INTRUSTED TO CORTES. 247
every one seemed anxious to contribute in some way
or other to the success of the expedition. Six ships,
some of them of a large size, had aheady been pro-
cured ; and three hundred recruits enrolled them-
selves in the course of a few days, eager to seek
their fortunes under the banner of this daring and
popular chieftain.
How far the governor contributed towards the ex-
penses of the outfit is not very clear. If the friends
of Cortes are to be believed, nearly the whole bur-
den fell on him ; since, while he supplied the squad-
ron without remuneration, the governor sold many
of his own stores at an exorbitant profit.^'' Yet ii
does not seem probable that Velasquez, with such
ample means at his command, should have thrown
on his deputy the burden of the expedition, nor that
the latter — had he done so — could have been in a
condition to meet these expenses, amounting, as we
are told, to more than twenty thousand gold ducats.
* The letter from the Munici- ales Altezas ha hecho Diego Ve-
pality of Vera Cruz, after stating lasquez su rescate y granosea de
that Velasquez bore only one third sua dineros cobrandolos muy bien."
of the original expense, adds, " Y (Carta de Vera Cruz, MS.) Pu-
sepan Vras. Magestades que la ertocarrero and Montejo, also, in
mayor parte de la dicha tercia par- their depositions taken in Spain ,
te que el dicho Diego Velasquez both speak of Cortes' having fur-
gasto en hacer la dicha armada nished two thirds of the cost of the
fue, emplear sus dineros en vinos flotilla. (Declaracion de Puertocar-
y en ropas, y en otras cosas de rero, MS. — Declaracion de Mon-
poco valor para nos lo vender aca tejo, MS. (29 de Abril, 1520.).)
en mucha mas cantidad de lo que The letter from Vera Cruz, how-
a el le costo, por manera que po- ever, was prepared under the eye
demos decir que entre nosotros los of Cortes ; and the two last were
Espaiioles vasallos de Vras. Re- his confidential officers.
248 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II.
Still it cannot be denied that an ambitious man like
Cortes, who was to reap all the glory of the enter-
prise, would very naturally be less solicitous to count
the gains of it, than his employer, who, inactive at
home, and having no laurels to win, must look on
the pecuniary profits as his only recompense. The
question gave rise, some years later, to a furious liti-
gation between the parties, with which it is not
necessary at present to embarrass the reader.
It is due to Velasquez to state that the instructions
delivered by him for the conduct of the expedition
cannot be charged with a narrow or mercenary spirit.
The first object of the voyage was to fiiid Grijalva,
after which the two commanders were to proceed in
company together. Reports had been brought back
by Cordova, on his return from the first visit to Yu-
catan, that six Christians were said to be lingering in
captivity in the interior of the country. It was sup-
posed they might belong to the party of the unfortu-
nate Nicuessa, and orders were given to find them
out, if possible, and restore them to liberty. But
the great object of the expedition was barter with
the natives. In pursuing this, special care was to
be taken that they should receive no wrong, but be
treated with kindness and humanity. Cortes was
to bear in mind, above all things, that the object
which the Spanish monarch had most at heart was
the conversion of the Indians. He was to impress
on them the grandeur and goodness of his royal
master, to invite them " to give in their allegiance to
him, and to manifest it by regaling him with such
Ch. II.] ARMADA INTRUSTED TO CORTES. 249
comfortable presents of gold, pearls, and precious
stones as, by showing their own good-will, would
secure his favor and protection." He was to make
an accurate survey of the coast, sounding its bays
and inlets for the benefit of future navigators. He
was to acquaint himself with the natural products of
the country, with the character of its different races,
their institutions and progress in civilization ; and
he was to send home minute accounts of all these,
together with such articles as he should obtain in his
intercourse with them. Finally, he was to take the
most careful care to omit nothing that might redound
to the service of God or his sovereign .^'^
Such was the general tenor of the instructions
given to Cortes, and they must be admitted to pro-
vide for the interests of science and humanity, as
well as for those which had reference only to a com-
mercial speculation. It may seem strange, consider-
ing the discontent shown by Velasquez with his
former captain, Grijalva, for not colonizing, that no
directions should have been given to that effect here.
But he had not yet received from Spain the warrant
for investing his agents with such powers ; and that
which had been obtained from the Hieronymite fa-
thers in Hispaniola conceded only the right to traffic
with the natives. The commission at the same
27 The instrument, in the origi- Cortes and Velasquez. It is, in
nal Castilian, will be found in Af- fact, only the instructions given by
pendix, Part 2, No. 5. It is often this latter to his officer, who was
referred to by writers who never no party to it.
saw it, as the Agreement between
VOL. I. 32
250
DISCOVERY OF MEXICO.
[Book II
time recognised the authority of Cortes as Captain-
General of the expedition."^
28 Declaracion de Puertocarrero,
MS. — Gomara, Cronica, cap. 7.
Velasquez soon after obtained
from the crown authority to colo-
nize the new countries, with the
title of adelantado o\ei them. The
instrument was dated at Barcelona,
Nov. 13th, 1518. (Herrera, Hist.
General, dec. 2, lib. 3, cap. 8.)
Empty privileges ! Las Casas gives
a caustic etymology of the title of
adelantado, so often granted to the
Spanish discoverers. " Adelanta-
dos porque se adelantaran en hazer
males y danos tan gravisimos a
gentes pacificas." Hist, de las
Indias, MS., lib. 3, cap. 117.
CHAPTER III.
Jealousy of Velasquez. — Cortes embarks. — Equipment of his
Fleet. — His Person and Character. — Rendezvous at Ha-
vana.— Strength of his Armament.
1519.
The importance given to Cortes by his new posi-
tion, and, perhaps, a somewhat more lofty bearing,
gradually gave uneasiness to the naturally suspicious
temper of Velasquez, who became apprehensive that
his officer, when away where he would have the
power, might also have the inclination, to throw off
his dependence on him altogether. An accidental
circumstance at this time heightened these suspi-
cions. A mad fellow, his jester, one of those crack-
brained wits, — half wit, half fool, — who formed in
those days a common appendage to every great
man's establishment, called out to the governor, as
he was taking his usual walk one morning with
Cortes towards the port, " Have a care, master
Velasquez, or we shall have to go a hunting, some
day or other, after this same captain of ours ! "
" Do you hear what the rogue says ? " exclaimed
the governor to his companion. " Do not heed him,"
said Cortes, " he is a saucy knave, and deserves a
good whipping." The words sunk deep, however,
in the mind of Velasquez, — as, indeed, true jests
are apt to stick.
232 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II.
There were not wanting persons about his Excel-
lency, who fanned the latent embers of jealousy
into a blaze. These worthy gentlemen, some of
them kinsmen of Velasquez, who probably felt their
own deserts somewhat thrown into the shade by
the rising fortunes of Cortes, reminded the gover-
nor of his ancient quarrel with that officer, and of
the little probability that affronts so keenly felt at
the time could ever be forgotten. By these and
similar suggestions, and by misconstructions of the
present conduct of Cortes, they wrought on the pas-
sions of Velasquez to such a degree, that he re-
solved to intrust the expedition to other hands.'
He communicated his design to his confidential
advisers. Lares and Duero, and these trusty person-
ages reported it without delay to Cortes, although,
"to a man of half his penetration," says Las Casas,
" the thing would have been readily divined from
the governor's altered demeanour."^ The two func-
tionaries advised their friend to expedite matters as
much as possible, and to lose no time in getting his
fleet ready for sea, if he would retain the command
of it. Cortes showed the same prompt decision
^ "Deterrebat," says the anony- de la Conquista, cap. 19. — Las
mous biographer, "eum Cortesii Casas, Hist, de las Indias, MS.,
natura imperii avida, fiducia sui cap. 114.
ingens, et nimius sumptus in classe 2 «« Cortes no avia menester mas
paranda. Timere itaque Velas- para entendello de mirar el gesto
quins coepit, si Cortesius cum ea k Diego Velasquez scgun su astuta
classe iret, nihil ad se vel honoris vivezaymundanasabiduria." Hist
vel lucri rcdilurum." De Rebus de las Indias, MS., cap. 114.
Gestis, MS. — Bernal Diaz, Hist.
Ch. III.] CORTES EMBARKS. 253
on this occasion, which more than once afterwards
in a similar crisis gave the direction to his destiny.
He had not jet got his complement of men, nor
of vessels ; and was very inadequately provided with
supplies of any kind. But he resolved to weigh
anchor that very night. He waited on his officers,
informed them of his purpose, and probably of the
cause of it ; and at midnight, when the town was
hushed in sleep, they all went quietly on board, and
the little squadron dropped down the bay. First,
however, Cortes had visited the person whose busi-
ness it was to supply the place with meat, and re-
lieved him of all his stock on hand, notwithstanding
his complaint that the city must suffer for it on the
morrow, leaving him, at the same time, in payment,
a massive gold chain of much value, which he wore
round his neck.'*
Great was the amazement of the good citizens
of St. Jago, when, at dawn, they saw that the fleet,
which they knew was so ill prepared for the voyage,
had left its moorings and was busily getting: under
way. The tidings soon came to the ears of his
Excellency, who, springing from his bed, hastily
dressed himself, mounted his horse, and, followed by
his retinue, galloped down to the quay. Cortes, as
soon as he descried their approach, entered an armed
boat, and came within speaking distance of the
shore. " And is it thus you part from me ! " ex-
3 Las Casas had the story from Cr6nica, cap. 7 — De Rebus Gfes-
Cortes' own mouth. Hist, de las tis, MS.
Indias, MS., cap. 114. — Gomara,
254 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. fBooK II.
claimed Velasquez; "a courteous way of taking
leave, truly ! " " Pardon me," answered Cortes,
" time presses, and there are some things that should
be done before they are even thought of. Has your
Excellency any commands ? " But the mortified
governor had no commands to give ; and Cortes,
politely waving his hand, returned to his vessel, and
the little fleet instantly made sail for the port of Ma-
caca, about fifteen leagues distant. (November 18,
1518.) Velasquez rode back to his house to digest
his chagrin as he best might ; satisfied, probably,
that he had made at least two blunders ; one in
appointing Cortes to the command, — the other in
attempting to deprive him of it. For, if it be true,
that, by giving our confidence by halves, we can
scarcely hope to make a friend, it is equally true,
that, by withdrawing it when given, we shall make
an enemy .^
This clandestine departure of Cortes has been
severely criticized by some writers, especially by Las
Casas.^ Yet much may be urged in vindication of
^ Las Casas, Hist, de las Indias, that Cortes intended a rupture with
MS., cap. 114. — Herrera, Hist, his employer by this clandestine
General, dec. 2, lib. 3, cap. 12. movement; but only to secure him-
Soils, who follows Bernal Diaz self in the command. At all events,
in saying that Cortes parted open- the text conforms in every partic-
ly and amicably from Velasquez, ular to the statement of Las Casas,
seems to consider it a great slander who, as he knew both the parties
on the character of the former to well, and resided on the island at
suppose that he wanted to break the time, had ample means of in-
with the governor so soon, when formation.
he had received so little provoca- ^ Hist, de las Indias, MS., cap.
tion. (Conquista, lib. 1, cap. 10.) 114.
But it is not necessary to suppose
Ch. Ill] EQUIPMENT OF HIS FLEET. 265
his conduct. He had been appointed to the com-
mand by the voluntary act of the governor, and this
had been fully ratified by the authorities of Hispani-
ola. He had at once devoted all his resources to
the undertaking, incurring, indeed, a heavy debt in
addition. He was now to be deprived of his com-
mission, without any misconduct having been al-
leged or at least proved against him. Such an event
must overwhelm him in irretrievable ruin, to say
nothing of the friends from whom he had so largely
borrowed, and the followers who had embarked
their fortunes in the expedition on the faith of his
commanding it. There are few persons, probably,
who, under these circumstances, would have felt
called tamely to acquiesce in the sacrifice of their
hopes to a groundless and arbitrary whim. The
most to have been expected from Cortes was, that
he should feel obliged to provide faithfully for the
interests of his employer in the conduct of the en-
terprise. How far he felt the force of this obligation
will appear in the sequel.
From Macaca, where Cortes laid in such stores as
he could obtain from the royal farms, and which, he
said, he considered as " a loan from the king," he
proceeded to Trinidad; a more considerable town,
on the southern coast of Cuba. Here he landed,
and, erecting his standard in front of his quarters,
made proclamation, with liberal offers to all who
would join the expedition. Volunteers came in daily,
and among them more than a hundred of Grijalva's
men, just returned from their voyage, and willing
256 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II.
to follow up the discovery under an enterprising lead-
er. The fame of Cortes attracted, also, a number of
cavaliers of faffiily and distinction, some of whom,
having accompanied Grijalva, brought much infor-
mation valuable for the present expedition. Among
these hidalgos may be mentioned Pedro de Alvarado
and his brothers, Cristoval de Olid, Alonso de Avila,
Juan Velasquez de Leon, a near relation of the
governor, Alonso Hernandez de Puertocarrero, and
Gonzalo de Sandoval, — all of them men who took a
most important part in the Conquest. Their pres-
ence was of great moment, as giving consideration
to the enterprise ; and, when they entered the little
camp of the adventurers, the latter turned out to
welcome them amidst lively strains of music and
Joyous salvos of artillery.
Cortes meanwhile was active in purchasing mili-
tary stores and provisions. Learning that a trading
vessel laden with grain and other commodities for
the mines was off the coast, he ordered out one of
his caravels to seize her and bring her into port-
He paid the master in bills for both cargo and ship,
and even persuaded this man, named Sedeno, who
was wealthy, to Join his fortunes to the expedition.
He also despatched one of his officers, Diego de
Ordaz, in quest of another ship, of which he had
tidings, with instmctions to sei25e it in like manner,
and to meet him with it off Cape St. Antonio, the
westerly point of the island.^' By this he effected
*5 Las Casas had this, also, from do esto me dixo el mismo Cortes,
the lips of Cort6s in later life. " To- con otras cosas gerca dello des-
.H. Ill] EQUIPMENT OF HIS FLEET. 257
another object, that of getting rid of Ordaz, who
was one of the governor's household, and an in-
convenient spy on his own actions.
While thus occupied, letters from Velasquez were
received by the commander of Trinidad, requiring
him to seize the person of Cortes and to detain him,
as he had been deposed from the command of the
fleet, which, was given to another. This functiona-
ry communicated his instructions to the principal
officers in the expedition, who counselled him not
to make the attempt, as it would undoubtedly lead
to a commotion among the soldiers, that might end
in laying the town in ashes. Verdugo thought it
prudent to conform to this advice.^
As Cortes was willing to strengthen himself by
still further reinforcements, he ordered Alvarado with
a small body of men to march across the country to
the Havana, while he himself would sail round the
westerly point of the island, and meet him there
with the squadron. In this port he again displayed
his standard, making the usual proclamation. He
caused all the large guns to be brought on shore,
and, with the small arms and crossbows, to be put in
order. As there was abundance of cotton raised in
this neighbourhood, he had the jackets of the sol-
diers thickly quilted with it, for a defence against
pues de Marques ; reindo y ' De Rebus Gestis, MS. — Gro-
mofando e con estas formales pala- mara, Crdnica, cap. 8. — Las Ca-
bras, A la mi fie andvie por alii co- sas, Hist, de las ladias, MS,, cap.
mo tm gentil cosario.^^ Hist, de 114, 115.
las Indias, MS., cap. 115.
VOL. I. 33
258 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. TBook II.
the Indian arrows, from which the troops in the
former expeditions had grievously suffered. He dis-
tributed his men into eleven companies, each under
the command of an experienced officer ; and it was
observed, that, although several of the cavaliers in
the service were the personal friends and even kins-
men of Velasquez, he appeared to treat them all
with perfect confidence.
His principal standard was of black velvet em-
broidered with gold, and emblazoned with a red
cross amidst flames of blue and white, with this
motto in Latin beneath ; " Friends, let us follow the
Cross ; and under this sign, if we have faith, we shall
conquer." He now assumed more state in his own
person and way of living, introducing a greater num-
ber of domestics and officers into his household, and
})lacing it on a footing becoming a man of high sta-
tion. This state he maintained through the rest of
his life.^
Cortes at this time was thirty-three, or perhaps
thirty-four years of age. In stature he was rather
above the middle size. His complexion was pale ;
and his large dark eye gave an expression of gravity
to his countenance, not to have been expected in
one of his cheerful temperament. His figure was
slender, at least until later life ; but his chest was
** Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con- The legend on the standard
quista, cap. 24. — De Rebus Ges- was, doubtless, suggested by that
tis, MS. — Gomara, Cr6nica, cap. on the labarum, — the sacred ban-
8. — Las Casas, Hist, de las Tn- ner of Constantine.
dias, MS., cap. 115.
Ch. III.] HIS PERSON AND CHARACTER. 259
deep, his shoulders broad, his frame muscular and
well proportioned. It presented the union of agility
and vigor which qualified him to excel in fencing,
horsemanship, and the other generous exercises of
chivalry. In his diet he was temperate, careless
of what he ate, and drinking little ; while to toil
and privation he seemed perfectly indifferent. His
dress, for he did not disdain the impression produced
by such adventitious aids, was such as to set off his
handsome person to advantage ; neither gaudy nor
striking, but rich. He wore few ornaments, and
usually the same ; but those were of great price.
His manners, frank and soldierlike, concealed a most
cool and calculating spirit. With his gayest humor
there mingled a settled air of resolution, which made
those who approached him feel they must obey; and
which infused something like awe into the attach-
ment of his most devoted followers. Such a combi-
nation, in which love was tempered by authority,
was the one probably best calculated to inspire de-
votion in the rough and turbulent spirits among
whom his lot was to be cast.
The character of Cortes seems to have undergone
some change with change of circumstances ; or, to
speak more correctly, the new scenes in which he
was placed called forth qualities which before lay
dormant in his bosom. There are some hardy na-
tures that require the heats of excited action to un-
fold their energies ; like the plants, which, closed
to the mild influence of a temperate latitude, come
to their full growth, and give forth their fruits
260 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II
only in the burning atmosphere of the tropics. —
Such is the portrait left to us by his contemporaries
of this remarkable man ; the instrument selected by
Providence to scatter terror among the barbarian
monarchs of the Western World, and lay their em-
pires in the dust.^
Before the preparations w^ere fully completed at
the Havana, the commander of the place, Don
Pedro Barba, received despatches from Velasquez
ordering him to apprehend Cortes, and to prevent
the departure of his vessels ; vs^hile another epistle
from the same som'ce w^as delivered to Cortes him-
self, requesting him to postpone his voyage till the
governor could communicate with him, as he pro
posed, in person. "Never," exclaims Las Casas,
" did I see so little know^ledge of affairs shovi^n, as
in this letter of Diego Velasquez, — that he should
have imagined, that a man, who had so recently put
such an affiont on him, would defer his departure
at his bidding ! " '° It was, indeed, hoping to stay
the flight of the arrow by a word, after it had left
the bow.
The Captain-General, however, during his short
stay, had entirely conciliated the good-will of Barba.
And, if that officer had had the inclination, he knew
he had not the power, to enforce his principal's or-
^ The most minute notices of ral's chaplain. See in particular
the person and habits of Cortes the last chapter of Gomara's Cro-
are to be gathered from the narra- nica, and cap. 203 of the Hist, de
tive of the old cavalier Bernal la Conquista.
Diaz, who served so long under '" Las Casas, Hist, de laa Id-
him, and from Gomara, the gene- dias, MS., cap. 115.
Ch. Ill] STRENGTH OF HIS ARMAMENT. 261
ders, in the face of a resolute soldiery, incensed at
this ungenerous persecution of their commander, and
"all of whom," in the words of the honest chroni-
cler who bore part in the expedition, " officers and
privates, would have cheerfully laid down their lives
for him." '^ Barba contented himself, therefore, with
explaining to Velasquez the impracticability of the
attempt, and at the same time endeavoured to tran-
quillize his apprehensions by asserting his own con-
fidence in the fidelity of Cortes. To this the latter
added a communication of his own, couched " in
the soft terms he knew so well how to use," '^ in
which he implored his Excellency to rely on his de-
votion to his interests, and concluded with the com-
fortable assurance that he and the whole fleet, God
willing, would sail on the following morning.
Accordingly on the 10th of February, 1519, the
little squadron got under way, and directed its
course towards Cape St. Antonio, the appointed
place of rendezvous. When all were brought to-
gether, the vessels were found to be eleven in num-
ber ; one of them, in which Cortes himself went,
was of a hundred tons, burden, three others were
from seventy to eighty tons; the remainder were
caravels and open brigantines. The whole was put
under the direction of Antonio de Alaminos, as chief
pilot; a veteran navigator, who had acted as pilot
to Columbus in his last voyage, and to Cordova and
Grijalva in the former expeditions to Yucatan.
n Bemal Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 24. ^ Ibid., loc. cit.
262 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book Ii
Landing on the Cape and mustering his forces,
Cortes found thej amounted to one hundred and ten
mariners, five hundred and fifty-three soldiers, in-
cluding thirty-two crossbowmen, and thirteen arque-
busiers, besides tvi^o hundred Indians of the island,
and a few Indian women for menial offices. He
was provided with ten heavy guns, four lighter pieces
called falconets, and with a good supply of ammuni-
tion.^^ He had besides sixteen horses. They were
not easily procured ; for the difficulty of transporting
them across the ocean in the ffimsy craft of that day
made them rare and incredibly dear in the Islands.'^
But Cortes rightfully estimated the importance of
cavalry, however small in number, both for their
actual service in the field, and for striking terror into
13 Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con- the depositions at Villa Segura, ii
quista, cap. 26. appears that the cost of the horses
There is some discrepancy among for the expedition was from four to
authorities, in regard to the num- five hundredpesosrfeoro each! "Si
bers of the army. The Letter from saben que de caballos que el dicho
Vera Cruz, which should have been Seiior Capitan General Hernando
exact, speaks in round terms of Cortes ha comprado para servir en
only four hundred soldiers. (Car- la dicha Conquista, que son diez e
ta de Vera Cruz, MS.) Velas- ocho, que le han costado a quatro-
quez himself, in a communication cientos cinquenta e a quinientos
to the Chief Judge of Hispaniola, pesos ha pagado, e que deve mas
states the number at six hundred, de ocho mil pesos de oro dellos."
(Carta de Diego Velasquez al Lie. (Probanza en Villa Segura, MS.)
Figueroa, MS.) I have adopted The estimation of these horses ia
the estimates of Bernal Diaz, who, sufficiently shown by the minute in-
in his long service, seems to have formation Bernal Diaz has thought
become intimately acquainted with proper to give of every one of
every one of his comrades, their them ; minute enough for the pages
persons, and private history. of a sporting calendar. See His*
1'* Incredibly dear indeed, since, de la Conquista, cap. 23.
from the statements contained in
Ch. III.] STRENGTH OF HIS ARMAMENT. 263
the savages. With so paltry a force did he enter on
a Conquest which even his stout heart must have
shrunk from attempting with such means, had he
but foreseen half its real difficulties !
Before embarking, Cortes addressed his soldiers
in a short but animated harangue. He told them
they were about to enter on a noble enterprise, one
that would make their name famous to after ages.
He was leading them to countries more vast and
opulent than any yet visited by Europeans. " I hold
out to you a glorious prize," continued the orator,
" but it is to be won by incessant toil. Great things
are achieved only by great exertions, and glory was
never the reward of sloth. '^ If I have labored hard
and staked my all on this undertaking, it is for the
love of that renown, which is the noblest recompense
of man. But, if any among you covet riches more,
be but true to me, as I will be true to you and to
the occasion, and I will make you masters of such as
our countrymen have never dreamed of! You are few
in number, but strong in resolution ; and, if this does
not falter, doubt not but that the Almighty, who has
never deserted the Spaniard in his contest with the
infidel, will shield you, though encompassed by a
cloud of enemies ; for your cause is a just cause, and
you are to fight under the banner of the Cross. Go
forward, then," he concluded, "with alacrity and
15 <« lo vos propongo grandes 9.) It is the thought so finely ex-
prernios, mas embueltos en grandes pressed by Thomson ;
trabajos; pero la virtudno quiere ..porslugsard's brow the laurel never grows;
ociosidad." (Gomara, Cronica, cap. Renown is not the child of indolent repose."
264 DISCOVLRY OF MEXICO. [Book II
confidence, and carry to a glorious issue the work
so auspiciously begun." '^
The rough eloquence of the general, touching the
various chords of ambition, avarice, and religious
zeal, sent a thrill through the bosoms of his martial
audience ; and receiving it with acclamations, they
seemed eager to press forward under a chief who
was to lead them not so much to battle, as to tri-
umph.
Cortes was well satisfied to find his own enthu-
siasm so largely shared by his followers. Mass was
then celebrated with the solemnities usual with the
Spanish navigators, when entering on their voyages
of discovery. The fleet was placed under the im-
mediate protection of St. Peter, the patron saint of
Cortes ; and weighing anchor, took its departure on
the eighteenth day of February, 1519, for the coast
of Yucatan. '''
^6 The text is a very condensed to have been part of a great corn-
abridgment of the original speech pilation " DeOrbe Novo," written,
of Cortes, — or of his chaplain, as probably, on the plan of a series of
the case may be. See it, in Goma- biographical sketches, as the in-
ra, Cronica, cap. 9. troduction speaks of a life of Co-
'^'^ Las Casas, Hist, de las Indias, lumbus preceding this of Cortes.
MS., cap. 1 15. — Gomara, Cronica, It was composed, as it states, while
cap. 10. — De Rebus Gestis, MS. many of the old Conquerors were
" Tantus fuit armorum appara- still surviving, and is addressed to
tus," exclaims the author of the the son of Cortes. The historian,
last work, " quo alterum terrarum therefore, had ample means of ver-
omem bellis Cortesius concutit ; ifying the truth of his own state-
ex tam parvis opibus tantum im- ments, although they too often be-
perium Carolo facit ; aperitque tray, in his partiality for his hero,
omnium primus Hispanas genti the influence of the patronage un
Hispaniam novam ! " The author der which the work was produced,
iif this work is unknown. It seems It runs into a prolixity of deiail
Cu. III.]
ESTRELLA'S MANUSCRIPT.
265
which, however tedious, has its
uses in a contemporary document.
Unluckily, only the first book was
finished, or, at least, has survived ;
terminating with the events of this
Chapter. It is written in Latin, in
a pure and perspicuous style ; and
is conjectured with some plausibil-
ity to be the work of Calvet de
Estrella, Chronicler of the Indies.
The original exists in the Archives
of Simancas, where it was discov-
ered and transcribed by Munoz,
from whose copy that in my library
was taken.
VOL. I.
34
CHAPTER IV.
Voyage to Cozumel. — Conversion of the Natives. — JERdNiMO
DE Aguilar. — Army arrives at Tabasco. — Great Battle with
THE Indians. — Christianity introduced.
1519.
Orders were given for the vessels to keep as near
together as possible, and to take the direction of the
capitama, or admiral's ship, which carried a beacon
light in the stern during the night. But the weather,
which had been favorable, changed soon after their
departure, and one of those tempests set in, which
at this season are often found in the latitudes of the
West Indies. It fell with terrible force on the little
navy, scattering it far asunder, dismantling some of
the ships, and driving them all considerably south of
their proposed destination.
Cortes, who had lingered behind to convoy a disa-
bled vessel, reached the island of Cozumel last. On
landing, he learned that one of his captains, Pedro de
Alvarado, had availed himself of the short time he
had been there, to enter the temples, rifle them of
their few ornaments, and, by his violent conduct, so
far to terrify the simple natives, that they had fled
for refuge into the interior of the island. Cortes,
highly incensed at these rash proceedings, so contrary
Ch. IV.] VOYAGE TO COZUMEL. 267
to the policy he had proposed, could not refrain from
severely reprimanding his officer in the presence of
the army. He commanded two Indian captives,
taken by Alvarado, to be brought before him, and
explained to them the pacific purpose of his visit.
This he did through the assistance of his interpreter,
Melchorejo, a native of Yucatan, who had been
brought back by Grijalva, and who, during his resi-
dence in Cuba, had picked up some acquaintance
with the Castilian. He then dismissed them loaded
with presents, and with an invitation to their coun-
trymen to return to their homes without fear of fur-
ther annoyance. This humane policy succeeded.
The fugitives, reassured, were not slow in coming
back ; and an amicable intercourse was established,
in which Spanish cutlery and trinkets were exchang-
ed for the gold ornaments of the natives ; a traffic
in which each party congratulated itself — a philoso-
pher might think with equal reason — on outwitting
the other.
The first object of Cortes was, to gather tidings of
the unfortunate Christians who were reported to be
still lingering in captivity on the neighbouring con-
tinent. From some traders in the island, he obtain-
ed such a confirmation of the report, that he sent
Diego de Ordaz with two brigantines to the oppo-
site coast of Yucatan, with instructions to remain
there eight days. Some Indians went as messen-
gers in the vessels, who consented to bear a letter
to the captives informing them of the arrival of their
countrymen in Cozumel, with a liberal ransom foi
268 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II.
their release. Meanwhile the general proposed to
make an excursion to the different parts of the island,
that he might give employment to the restless spirits
of the soldiers, and ascertain the resources of the
country.
It was poor and thinly peopled. But everywhere
he recognised the vestiges of a higher civilization
than what he had before witnessed in the Indian
islands. The houses were some of them large, and
often built of stone and lime. He was particularly
struck with the temples, in which were towers con-
structed of the same solid materials, and rising seve-
ral stories in height. In the court of one of these he
was amazed by the sight of a cross, of stone and
lime, about ten palms high. It was the emblem of
the God of rain. Its appearance suggested the wild-
est conjectures, not merely to the unlettered soldiers,
but subsequently to the European scholar, who spec-
ulated on the character of the races that had intro-
duced there the sacred symbol of Christianity. But
no such inference, as we shall see hereafter, could
be warranted.' Yet it must be regarded as a curi-
ous fact, that the Cross should have been venerated
as the object of religious worship both in the New
World, and in regions of the Old, where the light
of Christianity had never risen. "^
1 See Appendix, Part 1, Note Hist, de las Indias, MS., lib. 3,
27. cap. 115. — Herrera, Hist. Gene-
2 Carta de Vera Cruz, MS. — ral, dec. 2, lib. 4, cap. 6. — Martyr,
Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista, de Insulis nuper inventis, (Colo-
cap. 25, et seq. — Gomara, Cro- iiias, 1574,) p. 344.
nica, cap. 10, 15. — Las Casas, While these pages were passirijj
Ch. IV.] CONVERSION OF THE NATIVES. 269
The first object of Cortes was to reclaim the na-
tives from their gross idolatry and to substitute a
purer form of worship. In accomplishing this he was
prepared to use force, if milder measures should be
ineffectual. There was nothing which the Spanish
government had more earnestly at heart, than the
conversion of the Indians. It forms the constant
burden of their instructions, and gave to the military
expeditions in this western hemisphere somewhat of
the air of a crusade. The cavalier who embarked
in them entered fully into these chivalrous and de-
votional feelings. No doubt was entertained of the
efficacy of conversion, however sudden might be the
change, or however violent the means. The sword
was a good argument, when the tongue failed ; and
the spread of Mahometanism had shown that seeds
sown by the hand of violence, far from perishing in
the ground, would spring up and bear fruit to after
time. If this were so in a bad cause, how much more
would it be true in a good one. The Spanish cavalier
through the press, but not till two and Cortes, and which suggest to
years after they were written, Mr. him some important inferences.
Stephens' important and interest- He is led into further reflections
ing volumes appeared, containing on the existence of the cross as a
the account of his second expe- s)nnbol of worship among the is-
dition to Yucatan. In the latter landers. (Incidents of Travel in
part of the work, he describes his Yucatan, (New York, 1843,) vol.
visit to Cozumel, now an unin- II. chap. 20.) As the discussion
habited island covered with impen- of these matters would lead me
etrable forests. Near the shore too far from the track of our nar-
he saw the remains of ancient In- rative, I shall take occasion to re-
dian structures, which he con- turn to them hereafter, when I
ceives may possibly have been the treat of the architectural remains
same that met the eyes of Grijalva of the country.
270 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II.
felt he had a high mission to accomplish as a soldier
of the Cross. However unauthorized or unrighteous
the war into which he had entered may seem to us,
to him it was a holy war. He was in arms against
the infidel. Not to care for the soul of his benighted
enemy was to put his own in jeopardy. The con-
version of a single soul might cover a multitude of
sins. It was not for morals that he was concerned,
but for the faith. This, though understood in its
most literal and limited sense, comprehended the
whole scheme of Christian morality. Whoever died
in the faith, however immoral had been his life,
might be said to die in the Lord. Such was the
creed of the Castilian knight of that day, as imbibed
from the preachings of the pulpit, from cloisters
and colleges at home, from monks and missionaries
abroad, — from all save one, whose devotion, kindled
at a purer source, was not, alas ! permitted to send
forth its radiance far into the thick gloom by which
he was encompassed.^
No one partook more fully of the feelings above
described than Hernan Cortes. He was, in truth,
the very mirror of the times in which he lived, re-
flecting its motley characteristics, its speculative de-
votion and practical license, — but with an intensity
all his own. He was greatly scandalized at the
exhibition of the idolatrous practices of the people
of Cozumel, though untainted, as it would seem,
3 See the biographical sketch of Postscript at the close of the pres-
the good bishop Las Casas, the ent Book.
" Protector of the Indians," in the
Ch. IV.] CONVERSION OF THE NATIVES. 271
with human sacrifices. He endeavoured to persuade
them to embrace a better faith, through the agency
of two ecclesiastics who attended the expedition, —
the licentiate Juan Diaz and father Bartolome de
Olmedo. The latter of these godlj men afforded the
rare example — rare in any age — of the union of
fervent zeal with charity, while he beautifully illus-
trated in his own conduct the precepts which he
taught. He remained \vith the army through the
whole expedition, and by his wise and benevolent
counsels was often enabled to mitigate the cruelties
of the Conquerors, and to turn aside the edge of the
sword from the unfortunate natives.
These two missionaries vainly labored to persuade
the people of Cozumel to renounce their abomina-
tions, and to allow the Indian idols, in which the
Christians recognised the true lineaments of Satan,^
to be thrown down and demolished. The simple
natives, filled with horror at the proposed profana-
tion, exclaimed that these were the gods who sent
them the sunshine and the storm, and, should any
violence be offered, they would be sure to avenge it
by sending their lightnings on the heads of its per-
petrators.
Cortes was probably not much of a polemic. At
all events, he preferred on the present occasion ac-
tion to argument ; and thought that the best way to
convince the Indians of their error was to prove the
* " Fuese que el Demonio se les que seria primorosa imitacion del
aparecia como es, y dejaba en su artifice la fealdad del simulacro
imaginacion aquellas especies ; con Solis, Conquista, p. 39.
272 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II.
falsehood of the prediction. He accordingly, with-
out further ceremony, caused the venerated images
to be rolled down the stairs of the great temple,
amidst the groans and lamentations of the natives.
An altar was hastily constructed, an image of the
Virgin and Child placed over it, and mass was per-
formed by father Olmedo and his reverend compan-
ion for the first time within the walls of a temple
in New Spain. The patient ministers tried once
more to pour the light of the gospel into the benighted
understandings of the islanders, and to expound the
mysteries of the Catholic faith. The Indian inter-
preter must have afforded rather a dubious channel
for the transmission of such abstruse doctrines. But
they at length found favor with their auditors, who,
whether overawed by the bold bearing of the in-
vaders, or convincea of the impotence of deities that
could not shield their own shrines from violation,
now consented to embrace Christianity.^
5 Carta de Vera Cruz, MS. — the heathen shall gather some ideas
Gomara, Cronica, cap. 13. — Her- of the true nature of the Deity
rera, Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. and of the doctrines they are to
4, cap. 7. — Ixtlilxochitl, Hist, embrace. Above all, the lives of
Chich., MS., cap. 78. the Christians should be such as to
Las Casas, whose enlightened exemplify the truth of these doc-
views in religion would have done trines, that, seeing this, the poor
honor to the present age, insists Indian may glorify the Father, anr!
on the futility of these forced con- acknowledge him, who has sucli
versions, by which it is proposed worshippers, for the true and only
in a few days to wean men from God.'" See the original remarks,
the idolatry which they had been which I quote m ej^^enso, as a good
taught to reverence from the era- specimen of the Bishop's style,
die. " The only way of doing when kindled by his subject into
this, " hesays, " is, by long,assid- eloquence, in Appendix, Part 2,
uous, and faithful preaching, until No. 0.
Ch. IV.] JERONIMO DE AGUILAR. 273
While Cortes was thus occupied with the triumphs
of the Cross, he received inteUigence that Ordaz had
returned from Yucatan without tidings of the Span-
ish captives. Though much chagrined, the general
did not choose to postpone longer his departure from
Cozumel. The fleet had been well stored with pro-
visions by the friendly inhabitants, and, embarking
his troops, Cortes, in the beginning of March, took
leave of its hospitable shores. The squadron had
not proceeded far, however, before a leak in one of
the vessels compelled them to return to the same
port. The detention was attended with important
consequences ; so much so, indeed, that a writer of
the time discerns in it "a great mystery and a mir-
acle." ^
Soon after landing, a canoe with several Indians
was seen making its way from the neighbouring
shores of Yucatan. On reaching the island, one of
the men inquired, in broken Castilian, " if he were
among Christians " ; and, being answered in the af-
firmative, threw himself on his knees and returned
thanks to Heaven for his delivery. He was one of
the unfortunate captives for whose fate so much in-
terest had been felt. His name was Jerdnimo dc
Aguilar, a native of Ecija, in Old Spain, where he
had been regularly educated for the church. He
had been established with the colony at Darien, and
on a voyage from that place to Hispaniola, eight
years previous, was wrecked near the eoast of Yuca-
6 " Muy gran misterio y milagro de Dios." Carta de Vera Cruz, MS.
VOL. I. 36
274 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II
tan. He escaped with several of his companions in
the ship's boat, where some perished from hunger and
exposure, while others were sacrificed, on their reach-
ing land, by the cannibal natives of the peninsula.
Aguilar was preserved from the same dismal fate by
c;scaping into the interior, where he fell into the
hands of a powerful cacique, who, though he spared
his life, treated him at first with great rigor. The
patience of the captive, however, and his singular
humility, touched the better feelings of the chieftain,
who would have persuaded Aguilar to take a wife
among his people, but the ecclesiastic steadily re-
fused, in obedience to his vows. This admirable
constancy excited the distrust of the cacique, who
put his virtue to a severe test by various temptations,
and much of the same sort as those with which the
Devil is said to have assailed St. Anthony.^ From
all these fiery trials, however, like his ghostly prede-
cessor, he came out unscorched. Continence is too
rare and difficult a virtue with barbarians, not to
challenge their veneration, and the practice of it has
made the reputation of more than one saint in the
Old as well as the New World. Aguilar was no^\^
intrusted with the care of his master's household
and his numerous wives. He was a man of discre-
tion, as well as virtue ; and his counsels were found
^ They are enumerated by Her- 2, lib. 4, cap. 6-8.) The story
rera witli a minuteness which may is prettily told by Washintfton Ir-
claim, at least, the merit of giving ving. Voyages and Discoveries'
a much higher notion of Aguilar's of the Companions of Columbus,
virtue than the barren generalities (London, 1833,) p. 263, et seq.
of the text. (Hist. General, dec.
Ch. IV.] JERONIMO DE AGUILAR. 275
SO salutary, that he was consulted on all important
matters. In short, Aguilar became a great man
among the Indians.
It was with much regret, therefore, that his mas-
ter received the proposals for his return to his coun-
trymen, to which nothing but the rich treasure of
glass beads, hawk-bells, and other jewels of like
value, sent for his ransom, would have induced him
to consent. When Aguilar reached the coast, there
had been so much delay, that the brigantines had
sailed, and it was owing to the fortunate return of
the fleet to Cozumel, that he was enabled to join it.
On appearing before Cortes, the poor man saluted
him in the Indian style, by touching the earth ^vith
his hand, and carrying it to his head. The com-
mander, raising him up, affectionately embraced him,
covering him at the same time with his own cloak,
as Aguilar was simply clad in the habiliments of the
country, somewhat too scanty for a European eye.
It was long, indeed, before the tastes which he had
acquired in the freedom of the forest could be recon-
ciled to the constraints either of dress or manners im-
posed by the artificial forms of civilization. Aguilar's
long residence in the country had familiarized him
with the Mayan dialects of Yucatan, and, as he grad-
ually revived his Castilian, he became of essential im-
portance as an interpreter. Cortes saw the advan-
tage of this from the first, but he could not fully esti-
mate all the consequences that were to flow from it."
8 Camargo, Historia de Tlasca- Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 1. — Mar-
ia, MS. — Oviedo, Hist, de las tyr, De Insulis, p. 347. — BemaJ-
276 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Bojk U.
The repairs of the vessels being at length com-
pleted, the Spanish commander once more took leave
of the friendly natives of Cozumel, and set sail on
the 4th of March. Keeping as near as possible to
the coast of Yucatan, he doubled Cape Catoche,
and with flowing sheets swept down the broad bay
of Campeachy, fringed with the rich dye-woods
which have since furnished so important an article
of commerce to Europe. He passed Potonchan,
where Cordova had experienced a rough reception
from the natives ; and soon after reached the mouth
of the Rio de Tabasco^ or Grijalva, in which that
navigator had carried on so lucrative a traffic. Though
mindful of the great object of his voyage, — the visit
to the Aztec territories, — he was desirous of ac-
quainting himself with the resources of this country,
and determined to ascend the river and visit the
great town on its borders.
The water was so shallow, from the accumulation
of sand at the mouth of the stream, that the general
was obliged to leave the ships at anchor, and to
embark in the boats with a part only of his forces.
The banks were thickly studded with mangrove
trees, that, with their roots shooting up and interla-
cing one another, formed a kind of impervious screen
or net-work, behind which the dark forms of the na-
tives were seen glancing to and fro with the most
menacing looks and gestures. Cortes, much sur-
prised at these unfriendly demonstrations, so unlike
Diaz, His*, de la Conquista, cap. — Las Casas, Hist, de las Indias,
29. — Carta de Vera Cruz, MS. MS., lib. 3, cap. 115, 116.
Ch. IV.] ARMY ARRIVES AT TABASCO. 277
what he had had reason to expect, moved cautiously
up the stream. When he had reached an open
place, where a large number of Indians were assem-
bled, he asked, through his interpreter, leave to land,
explaining at the same time his amicable intentions.
But the Indians, brandishing their weapons, answer-
ed only with gestures of angry defiance. Though
much chagrined, Cortes thought it best not to urge
the matter further that evening, but withdrew to
a neighbouring island, where he disembarked his
troops, resolved to effect a landing on the following
morning.
When day broke, the Spaniards saw the opposite
banks lined with a much more numerous array than
on the preceding evening, while the canoes along
the shore were filled with bands of armed warriors.
Cortes now made his preparations for the attack.
He first landed a detachment of a hundred men un-
der Alonso de Avila, at a point somewhat lower
down the stream, sheltered by a thick grove of palms,
from which a road, as he knew, led to the town of
Tabasco, giving orders to his officer to march at
once on the place, while he himself advanced to as-
sault it in front.^
Then embarking the remainder of his troops,
Cortes crossed the river in face of the enemy ; but,
9 Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con- There are some discrepancies be-
quista, cap. 31. — Carta de Vera tvveen the statements of Bernal Di-
Cruz, MS. — Gomara, Cronica, az, and the Letter from Vera Cruz ;
cap. 18. — Las Casas, Hist, de las both by parties who were pres-
Indias, MS., lib. 3, cap. 118. — ent.
Martyr, De Insulis, p. 348.
278 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II.
before commencing hostilities, that he might " act
with entire regard to justice, and in obedience to
the instructions of the Royal Council," '° he first
caused proclamation to be made through the inter-
preter, that he desired only a free passage for his
men ; and that he proposed to revive the friendly
relations which had formerly subsisted between his
countrymen and the natives. He assured them that
if blood were spilt, the sin would lie on their heads,
and that resistance would be useless, since he was
resolved at all hazards to take up his quarters that
night in the town of Tabasco. This proclamation,
delivered in lofty tone, and duly recorded by the
notary, was answered by the Indians — who might
possibly have comprehended one word in ten of it
— with shouts of defiance and a shower of arrows."
Cortes, having now complied with all the requisi-
10 Carta de Vera Cruz, MS. — hensible to the barbarians. (Ibid.,
Bemal Diaz, Hist, de laConquista, lib. 3, cap. 57.) The famous for-
cap. 31. mula, used by the Spanish con-
11 " See, " exclaims the Bishop querors on this occasion, was drawn
of Chiapa, in his caustic vein, "the up by Dr. Palacios Reubios, a man
reasonableness of this ' requisition,' of letters, and a member of the
or, to speak more correctly, the fol- King's council. " But I laugh at
ly and insensibility of the Royal him and his letters," exclaims Ovi-
Council, who could find, in the edo, " if he thought a word of it
refusal of the Indians to receive it, could be comprehended by the un-
a good pretext for war." (Hist, tutored Indians!" (Hist, de las
de las Indias, MS., lib. 3, cap. Ind., MS., lib. 29, cap. 7.) The
118.) In another place, he pro- regular Manifesto, requirimiento ,
nounces an animated invective may be found translated in the con-
against the iniquity of those who eluding pages of Ir\'ing's " Voy-
covered up hostilities under this ages of the Companions of Colum-
empty form of words, the import bus."
of which was utterly incompre-
Ch. IV.] ARMY ARRIVES AT TABASCO. 279
tions of a loyal cavalier, and shifted the responsibilii v
from his own shoulders to those of the Royal Council,
brought his boats alongside of the Indian canoes.
They grappled fiercely together, and both parties
were soon in the water, which rose above the gir-
dle. The struggle was not long, though desperate.
The superior strength of the Europeans prevailed,
and they forced the enemy back to land. Here,
however, they were supported by their countrymen,
who showered down darts, arrows, and blazing bil-
lets of wood on tlie heads of the invaders. The
banks were soft and slippery, and it was with diffi-
culty the soldiers made good their footing. Cortes
lost a sandal in the mud, but continued to fight
barefoot, with great exposure of his person, as the
Indians, who soon singled out the leader, called to
one another, " Strike at the chief! "
At length the Spaniards gained the bank, and
were able to come into something like order, '.; hen
they opened a brisk fire from their arquebuses and
crossbows. The enemy, astounded by the roar and
flash of the fire-arms, of which they had had no
ex})erience, fell back, and retreated behind a breast-
work of timber thrown across the way. The Span-
iards, hot in the pursuit, soon carried these rude
defences, and drove the Tabascans before them to-
wards the town, where they again took shelter be-
hind their palisades.
Meanwhile Avila had arrived from the opposite
quarter, and the natives taken by surprise made no
further attempt at resistance, but abandoned the
280 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II.
place to the Christians. They had previously re-
moved their families and effects. Some provisions
fell into the hands of the victors, but little gold, " a
circumstance," says Las Casas, "which gave them
no particular satisfaction." '^ It was a very populous
place. The houses were mostly of mud ; the better
sort of stone and lime ; affording proofs in the inhab-
itants of a superior refinement to that found in the
Islands, as their stout resistance had given evidence
of superior valor. ^^ ,
Cortes, having thus made himself master of the
town, took formal possession of it for the crown of
Castile. He gave three cuts with his sword on a
large ceiha tree, which grew in the place, and pro-
claimed aloud, that he took possession of the city in
the name and behalf of the Catholic sovereigns, and
would maintain and defend the same with sword
and buckler against all who should gainsay it. The
same vaunting declaration was also made by the
12*' Hallaronlas llenas de maize lapidibTis et calce fabrefactcB, maxi-
gallinas y otros vaslimentos, oro ma industrid et architectorum ar-
ninguno, de lo que ellos no resci- te." (Delnsulis,p. 349.) With his
vi^ron mucho plazer." Hist, de las usual inquisitive spirit, he glean-
Ind., MS., ubi supra. ed all the particulars from the old
'•^ Peter Martyr gives a glow- pilot Alaminos, and from two of
lug picture of this Indian capital, the officers of Cortes wlio revisit-
" Ad fluminis ripam protentum di- ed Spain in the course of that
cunt esse oppidum, quantum non year. Tabasco was in the neigh-
ausim dicere : mille quingentorum bourhood of those ruined cities of
passuum, ait Alaminus nauclerus, Yucatan, which have lately been
et domorum quinque ac viginti mil- the theme of so much speculation.
Hum : stringunt alij, in?ens tamen The encomiums of Martyr are not
fatentur et celebre. llortis inter- so remarkable as the apathy of
secantur domus, quae sunt egregii other contemporary chroniclers.
LH. IV] ARMY ARRIVES AT TABASCO. 281
soldiers, and the whole was duly recorded and at-
tested by the notary. This was the usual simple,
but chivalric form, with which the Spanish cavaliers
asserted the royal title to the conquered territories
in the New World. It was a good title, doubtless,
against the claims of any other European potentate.
The general took up his quarters that night in the
court-yard of the principal temple. He posted his
sentinels, and took all the precautions practised in
wars with a civilized foe. Indeed, there was rea-
son for them. A suspicious silence seemed to reign
through the place and its neighbourhood ; and ti-
dings were brought that the interpreter, Melchorejo,
had fled, leaving his Spanish dress hanging on a tree.
Cortes was disquieted by the desertion of this man,
who would not only inform his countrymen of the
small number of the Spaniards, but dissipate any
illusions that might be entertained of their superior
natures.
On the following morning, as no traces of the
enemy were visible, Cortes ordered out a detach-
ment under Alvarado, and another under Francisco
de Lujo, to reconnoitre. The latter officer had not
advanced a league, before he learned the position
of the Indians, by their attacking him in such force,
that he was fain to take shelter in a large stone
building, where he was closely besieged. Fortunate-
ly the loud yells of the assailants, like most barbar-
ous nations seeking to strike terror by their ferocious
cries, reached the ears of Alvarado and his men,
who, speedily advancing to the relief of their com-
VOL. I. 36
282 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II.
rades, enabled them to force a passage through the
enemy. Both parties retreated, closely pm'sued, on
the town, when Cortes, marching out to their sup-
[)ort, compelled the Tabascans to retire.
A few prisoners were taken in this skirmish. By
them Cortes found his worst apprehensions verified.
The country was everywhere in arms. A force con-
sisting of many thousands had assembled from the
neighbouring provinces, and a general assault w^as
resolved on for the next day. To the general's in-
quiries why he had been received in so different a
manner from his predecessor, Grijaiva, they answer-
ed, that " the conduct of the Tabascans then had
given great offence to the other Indian tribes, who
taxed them with treachery and cowardice ; so that
they had promised, on any return of the white men,
to resist them in the same manner that their neigh-
bours had done." '^
Cortes might now well regret that he had allowed
himself to deviate from the direct object of his en-
terprise, and to become entangled in a doubtful war
which could lead to no profitable result. But it was
too late to repent. He had taken the step, and had
no alternative but to go forward. To retreat would
dishearten his own men at the outset, impair their
confidence in him as their leader, and confirm the
arrogance of his foes, the tidings of whose success
might precede him on his voyage, and prepare the
14 Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con- de las Indias, MS.,lib. 3, cap. 118,
quista,cap.31, 32. — Gomara,Cr6- 119. — Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich.,
nica, cap. 18. — Las Casas, Hist. MS , cap. 78, 79.
Ch IV.] GREAT BATTLE WITH THE INDIANS. 283
way for greater laortiiications and defeats. He did
not hesitate as to the course he was to pursue; but,
calling his officers together, announced his intention
to give battle the following morning.''
He sent back to the vessels such as were disabled
by their wounds, and ordered the remainder of the
forces to join the camp. Six of the heavy guns
were also taken from the ships, together with all
the horses. The animals were stiff and torpid from
long confinement on board ; but a few hours' exer-
cise restored them to their strength and usual spirit.
He gave the command of the artillery — if it may
be dignified with the name — to a soldier named
Mesa, who had acquired some experience as an en-
gineer in the Italian wars. The infantry he put
under the orders of Diego de Ordaz, and took charge
of the cavalry himself. It consisted of some of the
most valiant gentlemen of his little band, among
whom may be mentioned Alvarado, Velasquez de
Leon, Avila, Puertocarrero, Olid, Montejo. Having
thus made all the necessary arrangements, and set-
tled his plan of battle, he retired to rest, — but not
to slumber. His feverish mind, as may well be
imagined, was filled with anxiety for the morrow,
which might decide the fate of his expedition ; and,
as was his wont on such occasions, he was frequently
observed, during the night, going the rounds, and
^5 According to Soils, who quotes course he should pursue. (Gon-
the address of Cortes on the occa- quista, cap. 19.) It is possible;
sion, he summoned a council of but I find no warrant for it any-
his captains to advise him as to the where.
284 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II.
visiting the sentinels, to see that no one slept upon
his post.
At the first glimmering of light he mustered his
army, and declared his purpose not to abide, cooped
up in the town, the assault of the enemy, but to
march at once against him. For he well knew that
the spirits rise with action, and that the attacking
party gathers a confidence from the very movement,
which is not felt by the one who is passively, per-
haps anxiously, awaiting the assault. The Indians
were understood to be encamped on a level ground
a few miles distant from the city, called the plain of
Ceutla. The general commanded that Ordaz should
march with the foot, including the artillery, directly
across the country, and attack them in front, while
he himself would fetch a circuit with the horse, and
turn their flank when thus engaged, or fall upon
their rear.
These dispositions being completed, the little ar-
my heard mass and then sallied forth from the
wooden walls of Tabasco. It was Lady-day, the
twenty-fifth of March, — long memorable in the an-
nals of New Spain. The district around the town was
chequered with patches of maize, and, on the lower
level, with plantations of cacao, — supplying the
beverage, and perhaps the coin of tlu; country, as
in Mexico. These plantations, requiring constant
irrigation, were fed by numerous canals and reser-
voirs of water, so that the country could not be tra-
versed without great toil and difficulty. It was.
C'H. IV.J GREAT BATTLE WITH THE INDIANS. 285
however, intersected by a narrow path or causeway,
over which the cannon could be dragged.
The troops advanced more than a league on their
laborious march, without descrying the enemy. The
^veather was sultry, but few of them were embarrassed
by the heavy mail Avorn by the European cavaliers
at that period. Their cotton jackets, thickly quilted,
afforded a tolerable protection against the arrows of
the Indian, and allowed room for the freedom and
activity of movement essential to a life of rambling
adventure in the wilderness.
At length they came in sight of the broad plains
of Ceutla, and beheld the dusky lines of the enemy
stretching, as far as the eye could reach, along the
edge of the horizon. The Indians had shown some
sagacity in the choice of their position ; and, as the
weary Spaniards came slowly on, floundering through
the morass, the Tabascans set up their hideous bat-
tle-cries, and discharged volleys of arrows, stones,
and other missiles, which rattled like hail on the
shields and helmets of the assailants. Many Avere
severely wounded, before they could gain the firm
ground, where they soon cleared a space for them-
selves, and opened a heavy fire of artillery and mus
ketry on the dense columns of the enemy, which
presented a fatal mark for the balls. Numbers were
swept down at every discharge ; but the bold barba-
rians, far from being dismayed, threw up dust and
leaves to hide their losses, and, sounding tlieir war
instruments, shot off fresh flights of arrows in re-
turn.
286 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II.
They even pressed closer on the Spaniards, and,
when driven ofT by a vigorous charge, soon turned
again, and, rolling back like the waves of the ocean,
seemed ready to overwhelm the little band by weight
of numbers. Thus cramped, the latter had scarcely
room to perform their necessary evolutions, or even
to work their guns with effect. ^^
The engagement had now lasted more than an
hour, and the Spaniards, sorely pressed, looked with
great anxiety for the arrival of the horse, — which
some unaccountable impediments must have detained,
— to relieve them from their perilous position. At
this crisis, the furthest columns of the Indian army
were seen to be agitated and thrown into a disorder
that rapidly spread through the wiiole mass. It was
not long before the ears of the Christians Were
saluted with the cheering war-cry of " San Jago and
San Pedro! "and they beheld the bright helmets and
swords of the Castilian chivalry flashing back the
rays of the morning sun, as they dashed through the
ranks of the enemy, striking to the right and left,
and scattering dismay around them. The eye of
faith, indeed, could discern the patron Saint of Spain,
himself, mounted on his grey war-horse, heading the
rescue and trampling over the bodies of the fallen
infidels ! "^
•6 Las Casas, Hist, de las Indias, cap. 79. — Bernal Diaz, Hist, de
MS., lib. 3, cap. 119. — Gomara, la Conquista, cap. 33, 36. — Carta
Cr6nica, cap. 19, 20. — Herrera, dc Vera Cruz, MS.
Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. 4, cap. ^"^ Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich.,
11.— Martyr, De Insulis, p. 350. MS., cap. 79.
— Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., "Cortes supposed it was his
Ch. IV.] GREAT BATTLE WITH THE INDIANS. 287
The approach of Cortes had been greatly retarded
by the broken nature of the ground. When he
came up, the Indians were sj hotly engaged, that
he was upon them before they observed his approach.
He ordered his men to direct their lances at the faces
of their opponents,'^ who, terrified at the monstrous
apparition, — for they supposed the rider and the
horse, which they had never before seen, to be one
and the same,'^ — were seized with a panic. Ordaz
availed himself of it to command a general charge
along the line, and the Indians, many of them throw-
ing away their arms, fled without attempting further
resistance.
Cortes was too content with the victory, to care
to follow it up by dipping his sword in the blood of
the fugitives. He drew off his men to a copse of
palms which skirted the place, and under their broad
canopy the soldiers offered up thanksgivings to the
Almighty for the victory vouchsafed them. The
field of battle was made the site of a town, called,
in honor of the day on which the action took place,
own tutelar saint, St. Peter," says '^ Jt was the order — as the
Pizarro y Orellana; " but the com- reader may remember — given by
mon and indubitable opinion is, Caesar to his followers in his battle
that it was our glorious apostle St. with Pompey ;
James, the bulwark and safeguard " Adversosque jubet ferro confundere
of our nation." (Varones Ilustres, vulius."
.i-o \ ii o- ^1, X T !5 LucAN, Pharsalia, lib. 7, V. 575.
p. 73.) omner that I am," ex-
claims honest Bernal Diaz, in a ^^ "Equites," says Paolo Gio-
more skeptical vein, " it was not vio, " unum integrum Centaurorum
permitted to me to see either the specie animal esse existimarent."
one or the other of the Apostles on Elogia Virorum Illustrium, (Basil
this occasion." Hist, de la Con- 1696,) lib. 6, p. 229.
quista, cap. 34.
288 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II.
Santa Maria de la Vitoria, long afterwards the capi-
tal of the Province. -^ The number of those who
fought or fell in the eijgagement is altogether doubt-
ful. Nothing, indeed, is more uncertain than numer-
ical estimates of barbarians. And they gain nothing
in probability, when they come, as in the present in-
stance, from the reports of their enemies. Most ac-
counts, however, agree that the Indian force con-
sisted of five squadrons of eight thousand men each.
There is more discrepancy as to the number of slain,
varying from one to thirty thousand ! In this mon-
strous discordance, the common disposition to exag-
gerate may lead us to look for truth in the neigh-
bourhood of the smallest number. The loss of the
Christians was inconsiderable; not exceeding — if
we receive their own reports, probably, from the
same causes, much diminishing the truth — two killed
and less than a hundred wounded ! We may readily
comprehend the feelings of the Conquerors, when
they declared, that " Heaven must have fought on
their side, since their own strength could never have
prevailed against such a multitude of enemies ! " '■^^
'^ Clavigero, Stor. del Messico, Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 35.)
torn. III. p. II. It is Las Casas, who, regulating
2' " Crean Vras. Reales Altezas his mathematics, as usual, by his
por cierlo, que esta batalla fue feelings, rates tlie Indian loss at
vencida mas por voluntad de Dios the exorbitant amount ciled in the
que por nras. fuerzas, porque para text. "This," he concludes dryly,
con quarenta mil hombres de guer- "was the first preaching of the
ra, poca defensa fuera quatrozien- Gospel by Cortes in New Spain ! "
tos que nosotros eramos." (Carta Hist, de las Indias, MS., lib. 3,
de Vera Cruz, MS. — Gomara, cap. 119.
Cr6nica, cap. 20. — Bernal Diaz,
Ch IV.] GREAT BATTLE WITH THE INDIANS. 289
Several prisoners were taken in the battle, amono-
them two chiefs. Cortes gave them their liberty,
and sent a message by them to their countrymen,
" that he would overlook the past, if they would
come in at once, and tender their submission. Oth-
erwise he would ride over the land, and put every
living thing in it, man, woman, and child, to the
sword ! " With this formidable menace ringing in
their cars, the envoys departed.
But the Tabascans had no relish for further hostil-
ities. A body of inferior chiefs appeared the next
day, clad in dark dresses of cotton, intimating their
abject condition, and implored leave to bury their
dead. It was granted by the general, with many
assurances of his friendly disposition ; but at the same
time he told them, he expected their principal ca-
ciques, as he would treat with none other. These
soon presented themselves, attended by a numerous
train of vassals, who followed with timid curiosity to
the Christian camp. Among their propitiatory gifts
were twenty female slaves, which, from the character
of one of them, proved of infinitely more consequence
than was anticipated by either Spaniards or Tabas-
cans. Confidence was soon restored ; and was suc-
ceeded by a friendly intercourse, and the interchange
of Spanish toys for the rude commodities of the
country, articles of food, cotton, and a few gold orna-
ments of little value. When asked where the previous
metal was procured, they pointed to the west, and
answered " Culhua," " Mexico." The Spaniards
saw this was no place for them to traffic, or to tarry
VOL. I. 37
290 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II.
in. — Yet here, they were not many leagues distant
Iroin a potent and opulent city, or what once had
been so, the ancient Palenque. But its glory may
have even then passed away, and its name have
been forgotten by the surrounding nations.
Before his departure the Spanish commander did
not omit to provide for one great object of his expe-
dition, the conversion of the Indians. He firs* rep-
resented to the caciques, that he had been sent thith
er by a powerful monarch on the other side of the
water, to whom he had now a right to claim their
allegiance. He then caused the reverend fathers
Olmedo and Diaz to enlighten their minds, as far as
possible, in regard to the great truths of revelation,
urging them to receive these in place of their own
heathenish abominations. The Tabascans, whose
j)erceptions were no doubt materially quickened by
the discipline they had undergone, made but a faint
resistance to either proposal. The next day was
Palm Sunday, and the general resolved to celebrate
their conversion by one of those pompous ceremoni-
als of the Church, which should make a lasting im-
pression on their minds.
A solemn procession was formed of the whole
army with the ecclesiastics at their head, each sol-
dier bearing a palm-branch in his hand. The con-
course was swelled by thousands of Indians of both
sexes, who followed in curious astonishment at the
spectacle. The long files bent their way through
the flowery savannas that bordered the settlement,
to the princ'oal temple, where an i^ltar was raised,
Ch. IV] CHRISTIANITY IXTRODUCED. 291
and the image of the presidins: deitv was deposed
to make room for that of the Virgin with the infant
Saviour. Mass was celebrated by father Ohiiedo,
and the soldiers who were capable joined in the
solemn chant. The natives listened in profound
silence, and, if we may believe the chronicler of the
event who A\-itnessed it, were melted into tears ,
while their hearts were penetrated with reverential
awe for the God of those terrible beings who seem-
ed to wield in their own hands the thunder and the
lightning.^-
The Roman Catholic communion has, it must be
admitted, some decided ad\iintages over the Protest-
ant, for the purposes of proselytism. The dazzling
pomp of its service and its touchins; appeal to the
sensibilities affect the imagination of the rude child
of nature much more powerfully than the cold ab-
stractions of Protestantism, which, addressed to the
reason, demand a degree of refinement and mental
culture in the audience to comprehend them. The
respect, moreover, shown by the Catholic for the ma-
terial representations of Divinity, greatly facilitates
the same object. It is true, such representations are
used by him only as incentives, not as the objects of
worship. But this distinction is lost on the savage,
who finds such forms of adoration too analogous to
his own to impose any great violence on his feelings.
It is only required of him to transfer his homage
22 Gomara, Cronica, cap. 01, Casas, Hist, de las Indias. MS..
2'J. — Carta de Vera Cruz, MS. — ubi supra.
Martyr, De Insulis, p. 351. — Las
292 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II
from the image of Quetzalcoatl, the benevolent deity
who walked among men, to 'that of the Virgin or
the Redeemer ; from the Cross, which he has wor-
shipped as the emblem of the God of rain, to the
same Cross, the symbol of salvation.
These solemnities concluded, Cortes prepared to
return to his ships, well satisfied with the impression
made on the new converts, and with the conquests
he had thus achieved for Castile and Christianity.
The soldiers, taking leave of their Indian friends,
entered the boats with the palm-branches in their
hands, and descending the river reembarked on
board their vessels, which rode at anchor at its
mouth. A favorable breeze was blowing, and the
little navy, opening its sails to receive it, was soon
on its way again to the golden shores of Mexico.
CHAPTER V.
Voyage along the Coast. — Dona Marina. — Spaniards land im
Mexico. — Interview with the Aztecs.
1519.
The fleet held its course so near the shore, that
the inhabitants could be seen on it ; and, as it swept
along the winding borders of the Gulf, the soldiers,
who had been on the former expedition with Gri-
jalva, pointed out to their companions the memorable
places on the coast. Here was the Rio de Alvarado,
named after the gallant adventurer, who was present,
also, in this expedition ; there the Rio de Vanderas,
in which Grijalva had carried on so lucrative a com-
merce with the Mexicans ; and there the Ma de las
Sacrijicios, where the Spaniards first saw the ves
tiges of human sacrifice on the coast. Puertocarrero,
as he listened to these reminiscences of the sailors,
repeated the words of the old ballad of Montesinos,
" Here is France, there is Paris, and there the wa-
ters of the Duero,"^ &c. "But I advise you," he
1 " Caia Francia, Montesinos, old ballad, first published, I believe,
Cata Paris la ciudad, in the Romancero de A mberes, and
Cata las aguas de Duero ij^^elv by Duran, Romances Ca-
Do van k (iar en la mar." , ,i , tt- > ■ r> i
ballerescos c Historicos, rarte I.
Tliej are the words of the popular p. 82.
294 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II
added, turning to Cortes, " to look out only for the
rich lands, and the best way to govern them."
"Fear not," replied his commander, "if Fortune but
favors me as she did Orlando, and I have such gallant
gentlemen as you for my companions, I shall under-
stand myself very well."'
The fleet had now arrived off San Juan de Ulua,
the island so named by Grijalva. The weather was
temperate and serene, and crowds of natives were
gathered on the shore of the main land, gazing at
tlie strange phenomenon, as the vessels glided along
under easy sail on the smooth bosom of the waters.
It was the evening of Thursday in Passion Week.
The air came pleasantly off the shore, and Cortes,
liking the spot, thought he might safely anchor under
the lee of the island, which would shelter him from
the nortes that sweep over these seas with fatal
violence in the winter, sometimes even late in the
spring.
The ships had not been long at anchor, when a
Hght pirogue, filled with natives, shot off from the
neighbouring continent, and steered for the general's
vessel, distinguished by the royal ensign of Castile
floating from the mast. The Indians came on board
with a frank confidence, inspired by the accounts of
the Spaniards spread by their countrymen who had
traded with Grijalva. They brought presents of
fi uits and flowers and little ornaments of gold, which
they gladly exchanged for the usual trinkets. Cortes
2 Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 37.
Ch. V.J DONA MARINA. 295
was baffled in his attempts to hold a conversation
with his visiters by means of the interpreter, Agnilar,
who was ignorant of the language ; the Mayan dia-
lects, with which he was conversant, bearing too
little resemblance to the Aztec. The natives sup-
plied the deficiency, as far as possible, by the un-
common vivacity and significance of their gestures,
— the hieroglyphics of speech, — - but the Spanish
commander saw with chagrin the embarrassments
he must encounter in future for want of a more
perfect medium of communication.^ In this dilem-
ma, he was informed that one of the female slaves
given to him by the Tabascan chiefs was a native
Mexican, and understood the language. Her name
— that given to her by the Spaniards — was Marina;
and, as she was to exercise a most important influ-
ence on their fortunes, it is necessary to acquaint
the reader with something of her character and his-
tory.
She was born at Painalla, in the province of
Coatzacualco, on the south-eastern borders of the
Mexican empire. Her father, a rich and powerful
cacique, died when she was very young. Her
mother married again, and, having a son, she con-
ceived the infamous idea of securing to this offspring
of her second union Marina's rightful inheritance.
3 Las Casas notices the signili- entender, por tener muy bivos los
cance of the Indian gestures as sentidos exteriores y tarabien los
implying a most active imagina- interiores, mayormcnte ques ad-
tion. " Seiias e meneos con que mirable su imaginacion." Hist, de
los Yndios mucho mas que otras las Indias, MS., lib. 3, cap. 120
generaciones entienden y se dan a
296 DISCOVERY OF iMEXICO. [Book II
She accordingly feigned that the latter was dead, but
secretly delivered her into the hands of some itiner-
ant traders of Xicallanco. She availed herself, at
the same time, of the death of a child of one of her
slaves, to substitute the corpse for that of her own
daughter, and celebrated the obsequies with mock
solemnity. These particulars are related by the
honest old soldier, Bernal Diaz, who knew the
mother, and witnessed the generous treatment of
her afterwards by Marina. By the merchants the
Indian maiden was again sold to the cacique of
Tabasco, who delivered her, as we have seen, to the
Spaniards.
From the place of her birth she was well ac-
(juainted with the Mexican tongue, which, indeed,
she is said to have spoken with great elegance.
Her residence in Tabasco familiarized her with the
dialects of that country, so that she could carry on
a conversation with Aguilar, which he in turn ren-
dered into the Castilian. Thus a certain, though
somewhat circuitous channel was opened to Cortes
for communicating with the Aztecs ; a circumstance
of the last importance to the success of his enter-
prise. It was not very long, however, before Marina,
who had a lively genius, made herself so far mistress
of the Castilian as to supersede the necessity of any
other linguist. She learned it the more readily, as
it was to her the language of love.
Cortes, who a})preciated the value of her services
Irom the first, made her his interpreter, then his
secretary, and, won by her charms, his mistress. She
Ch. v.]
DONA MARINA.
297
had a son by him, Don Martin Cortes, comendador
of the Military Order of St. James, less distinguished
by his birth than his unmerited persecutions.
Marina was at this time in the morning of life.
She is said to have possessed uncommon personal
attractions,^ and her open, expressive features indi-
cated her generous temper. She always remained
faithful to the countrymen of her adoption ; and her
knowledge of the language and customs of the Mex-
icans, and often of their designs, enabled her to
extricate the Spaniards, more than once, from the
most embarrassing and perilous situations. She had
her errors, as we have seen. But they should be
rather charged to the defects of early education, and
to the evil influence of him to whom in the darkness
of her spirit she looked with simple confidence for
the light to guide her. All agree that she was full
of excellent qualities, and the important services
which she rendered the Spaniards have made her
memory deservedly dear to them ; while the name
of Malinche — the name by which she is still
known in Mexico — was pronounced with kindness
"* " Hermosa como Diosa.,^^ beau-
tiful as a goddess, says Camargo
of her. (Hist, de Tlascala, MS.)
A modern poet pays her charms
the following not inelegant trib-
ute ;
" Admira taa lucida cabalgada
Y especlaculo tal Dona Marina,
India noble al caudillo presenlada,
De fortuna y belleza peregrina.
Con despejado espiritu y viveza
Gira ia vista en el concurso mudo ;
Rico manto de extrema sutileza
Con chapas de oro autorizarla pudo,
Prendido con bizarra eentileza
Sobre los pechos en ayroso nudo ;
Reyna parece de la Indiana Zona,
Varonil y hermosisima Amazona."
MoRATiN, Laa Naves de Cort4»
Destruidaji.
VOL. I.
38
298 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II.
by the conquered races, with whose misfortunes she
showed an invariable sympathy.'
With the aid of his two intelligent interpreters,
Cortes entered into conversation with his Indian
visiters. He learned that they were Mexicans, or
rather subjects of the great Mexican empire, of
which their own province formed one of the compar-
atively recent conquests. The country was ruled
by a powerful monarch, called Moctheuzoma, or by
Europeans more commonly Montezuma,'^ who dwelt
on the mountain plains of the interior, nearly sev-
enty leagues from the coast ; their own province
was governed by one of his nobles, named Teuhtlile,
whose residence was eight leagues distant. Cortes
acquainted them in turn with his own friendly views
in visiting their country, and with his desire of an
interview with the Aztec governor. He then dis-
missed them loaded with presents, having first ascer-
5 Las Casas, Hist, de las Indias, no difference in the estimate of her
MS., lib. 3, cap. 120. — Gomara, singular merits and services.
Cronica, cap. 25, 26. — Clavigero, 6 The name of the Aztec mon-
Stor. del Messico, torn. III. pp. arch, like those of most persons
12 - 14. — Oviedo, Hist, de las and places in New Spain, has been
lud., MS., lib. 33, cap. 1. — Ix- twisted into all possible varieties of
tlilxochitl. Hist. Chich., MS., cap. orthography. Modern Spanish his-
79. — Camargo, Hist, do Tlascala, torians usually call him Motezuma.
MS. — Bernal Diuz, Hist, de la But as there is no reason to sup-
Conquisla, cap. 37, 38. pose that this is correct, I have pre-
There is some discordance in the ferred to conform to the name by
notices of the early life of Marina, which he is usually known to Eng-
I have followed Bernal Diaz, — lish readers. It is the one adopted
from his means of obsen'ation, the by Bernal Diaz, and by no other
best authority. There is happily contemporary, as far as 1 know.
Ch. v.] SPANIARDS LAND IN MEXICO. 299
tained that there was abundance of gold in the in-
terior, like the specimens they had brought.
Cortes, pleased with the manners of the people,
and the goodly reports of the land, resolved to take
up his quarters here for the present. The next
morning, April 21, being Good Friday, he landed,
with all his force, on the very spot where now stands
the modern city of Vera Cruz. Little did the Con-
queror imagine that the desolate beach, on which he
first planted his foot, was one day to be covered by
a flourishing city, the great mart of European and
Oriental trade, the commercial capital of New Spain.''
It was a wide and level plain, except where the
sand had been drifted into hillocks by the perpetu-
al blowing of the norte. On these sand-hills he
mounted his little battery of guns, so as to give him
the command of the country. He then employed
the troops in cutting down small trees and bushes
which grew near, in order to provide a shelter from
tJie weather. In this he was aided by the people of
the country, sent, as it appeared, by the governor of
the district to assist the Spaniards. With their help
stakes were firmly set in the earth, and covered with
boughs, and with mats and cotton carpets, which
the friendly natives brought vv \th them. In this way
■^ Ixtlilxochitl,Hist. Chich.,MS., founded till the close of the six-
cap. 79. — Clavigero, Stor. del teenth century, by the Conde do
Messico, torn. III. p. 16. Monterey, viceroy of Mexico. It
New Vera Cruz, as the present received its privileges as a city
town is called, is distinct, as we from Philip III. in 1G15. Ibid
shall see hereafter, from that es- tom. III. p. 30^ nota.
tablished by Cortes, and was not
300 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II.
they secured, in a couple of days, a good defence
against the scorching rays of the sun, which beat
with intolerable fierceness on the sands. The place
was surrounded by stagnant marshes, the exhalations
from which, quickened by the heat into the pestilent
malaria, have occasioned in later times wider mortali-
ty to Europeans than all the hurricanes on the coast.
The bilious disorders, now the terrible scourge of the
tieira calientc, were little known before the Con-
quest. The seeds of the poison seem to have been
scattered by the hand of civilization ; for it is only
necessary to settle a town, and draw together a busy
European population, in order to call out the malig-
nity of the venom which had before lurked innoxious
in the atmosphere.^
While these arrangements were in progress, the
natives flocked in from the adjacent district, which
was tolerably populous in the interior, drawn by a
natural curiosity to see the wonderful strangers.
They brought with them fruits, vegetables, flowers
in abundance, game, and many dishes cooked after
8 The epidemic of the matlaza- suits, carries the disease back to a
huatl, so fatal to the Aztecs, is much higher antiquity, of which
shown by M. de Humboldt to be he discerns some traditional and
essentially different from the to- historic vestiges. " II ne faut pas
mito, or bilious fever of our day. confondre Tepoque," he remarks
Indeed, this disease is not noticed with his usual penetration, " a la-
by the early conquerors and colo- quelle une maladie a ete decrite
nists ; and, Clavigero asserts, was pour la premiere fois, parce qu'elle
not known in Mexico, till 1725. a fait de grands ravages dans un
(Stor. del Messico, torn. I. p. 117, court espace de temps, avec I'e-
nota.) Humboldt, however, argu- poque de sa premiere apparition."
ing that the same physical causes Essai Politique, torn. IV. p. 161 et
must have produced similar re-' seq., and 179.
Ch. v.] interview with the AZTECS. 301
the fashion of the country, with little articles of gold
and other ornaments. They gave away some as
presents, and bartered others for the wares of the
Spaniards; so that the camp, crowded with a motley
throng of every age and sex, wore the appearance
of a fair. From some of the visiters Cortes learned
the intention of the governor to wait on him the
following day.
This was Easter. Teuhtlile arrived, as he had
announced, before noon. He was attended by a
numerous train, and was met by Cortes, who con-
ducted him with much ceremony to his tent, where
his principal officers were assembled. The Aztec
chief returned their salutations with polite, though
formal courtesy. Mass was first said by father Olme-
do, and the service was listened to by Teuhtlile and
his attendants with decent reverence. A collation
was afterwards served, at which the general enter-
tained his guest with Spanish wines and confections.
The interpreters were then introduced, and a con-
versation commenced between the parties.
The first inquiries of Teuhtlile were respecting
the country of the strangers, and the purport of their
visit. Cortes told him, that " he was the subject of
a potent monarch beyond the seas, who ruled over
an immense empire, and had kings and princes for
his vassals ; that, acquainted with the greatness of
the Mexican emperor, his master had desired to en-
ter into a communication with him, and had sent
him as his envoy to wait on Montezuma with a
present in token of his good-will, and a message
302 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II.
which he must dehver in person." He concluded
bj inquiring of Teuhtlile when he could be admitted
to his sovereign's presence.
To this the Aztec noble somewhat haughtil}- re-
plied, " How is it, that you have been here only two
days, and demand to see the emperor ? " He then
added, with more courtesy, that " he was surprised
to learn there was another monarch as powerful as
Montezuma ; but that, if it were so, he had no doubt
his master would be happy to communicate with
him. He would send his couriers with the royal
gift brought by the Spanish commander, and, so soon
as he had learned Montezuma's will, \^ould commu-
nicate it."
Teuhtlile then commanded his slaves to brine: for-
ward the present intended for the Spanish general.
It consisted of ten loads of fine cottons, several
mantles of that curious feather-work whose rich and
delicate dyes might vie with the most beautiful paint-
ing, and a wicker basket filled with ornaments of
wrought gold, all calculated to inspire the Spaniards
with high ideas of the wealth and mechanical inge-
nuity of the Mexicans.
Cortes received these presents with suitable ac-
knowledgments, and ordered his own attendants to
lay before the chief the articles designed for Monte-
zuma. These were an arm-chair richly carved and
painted, a crimson cap of cloth, having a gold medal
emblazoned with St. George and the dragon, and a
quantity of collars, bracelets, and other ornaments
of cut glass, which, in a country where glass was
Ch. v.] interview with the AZTECS. 303
not to be had, might claim to have the value of real
gems, and no doubt passed for such with the inex-
perienced Mexican. Teuhtlile observed a soldier in
the camp with a shining gilt helmet on his head,
which he said reminded him of one worn by the
god Quetzalcoatl in Mexico ; and he showed a desire
that Montezuma should see it. The coming of the
Spaniards, as the reader will soon see, was associated
with some traditions of this same deity. Cortes ex-
pressed his willingness that the casque should be
sent to the emperor, intimating a hope that it would
be returned filled with the gold dust of the country,
that he might be able to compare its quality with
that in his own ! He further told the governor, as
we are informed by his chaplain, " that the Spaniards
were troubled with a disease of the heart, for which
gold was a specific remedy"!'' "In short," says
Las Casas, " he contrived to make his want of gold
very clear to the governor. " '°
While these things were passing, Cortes observed
one of Teuhtlile's attendants busy with a pencil, ap-
parently delineating some object. On looking at his
work, he found that it was a sketch on canvass of
the Spaniards, their costumes, arms, and, in short,
different objects of interest, giving to each its ap-
propriate form and color. This was the celebrated
picture-writing of the Aztecs, and, as Teuhtlile in-
formed him, this man was employed in portraying
the various objects for the eye of Montezuma, who
9 Gomara, Cronica, cap. 26.
10 Las Casas, Hist, de las Indias, MS., lib. 3, cap. 119.
304 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II
would thus gather a more vivid notion of their ap-
pearance than from any description by \v'ords. Cor-
tes was pleased with the idea ; and, as he knew how
much the effect would be heightened by converting
still life into action, he ordered out the cavalry on
the beach, the wet sands of which afforded a firm
footing for the horses. The bold and rapid move-
ments of the troops, as they went through their mil-
itary exercises ; the apparent ease with which they
managed the fiery animals on which they were
mounted ; the glancing of their weapons, and the
shrill cry of the trumpet, all filled the spectators with
astonishment ; but when they heard the thunders of
the cannon, which Cortes ordered to be fired at the
same time, and witnessed the volumes of smoke and
flame issuing from these terrible engines, and the
rushing sound of the balls, as they dashed through
the trees of the neighbouring forest, shivering their
branches into fragments, they were filled with con-
sternation, from which the Aztec chief himself was
not wholly free.
Nothing of all this was lost on the painters, who
faithfully recorded, after their fashion, every particu-
lar; not omitting the ships, "the water-houses," —
as they called them, — of the strangers, which, with
their dark hulls and snow-white sails reflected from
the water, were swinging lazily at anchor on the
calm bosom of the bay. All was depicted with a
fidelity, that excited in their turn the admiration of
the Spaniards, who, doubtless unprepared for this
('\hil)iti()ii of skill, greatly ov(!restiniated the merits
of the execution.
Ch. v.]
INTERVIEW WIT-H THE AZTECS
30;
These various matters completed, Teuhtlile with
his attendants withdrew from the Spanish. quarters,
with the same ceremony with which he had entered
them ; leaving orders that hi^ people should supply
the troops with provisions and other articles requisite
for their accommodation, till further instructions from
the capital.'^
^1 Txtlilxbchitl , .Rel aeiones, MS. ,
No. 13. —Idem, Hist. Chich.,
MS., cap. 79. — Gomara, CroHica,
cap. 26, 26. — Bernal Piaz, Hist,
de la Conquista, cap. . 38. ^.Her-
rera, Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. 5,
cap. 4. — Carta dg Vera Cruz, MS.
■ — Torquemada, Monarch. Ind.,
lib. 4, cap. 13 - 15. — -.Tezozomoc,^
Crda. Mexic^na, MS, , cap ^ 1 07 .
VOL. I.
39
CHAPTER VI.
Account of Montezuma. — State of his Empire. — Strange Prog-
nostics. ^Embassy and Presfnts. — Spanish Encampment.
1519.
We must now take leave of the Spanish camp m
the tierra caliente^ and transport ourselves to the
distant capital of Mexico, where no little sensation
was excited by the arrival of the wonderful strangers
on the coast. The Aztec throne was filled at that
time by Montezuma the Second, nephew of the last,
and grandson of a preceding monarch. He had
l)een elected to the regal dignity in 1502, in prefer-
ence to his brothers, for his superior qualifications,
both as a soldier and a priest, — a combination of
offices sometimes found in the Mexican candidates,
as it was, more frequently, in the Egyptian. In early
youth, he had taken an active part in the wars of the
(jmpire, though of late he had devoted himself more
exclusively to the services of the temple ; and he was
scrupulous in his attentions to all the burdensome
ceremonial of the Aztec worship. He maintained
a grave arid reserved demeanour, speaking little and
with prudent deliberation. His deportment was
well calculated to inspire ideas of superior sanctity.'
1 His name suited his nature ; Montezuma, according to Las Ca-
Ch. VI.] ACCOUNT OF MONTEZUMA 307
When his election was announced to him, he was
found sweeping down the stairs in the great temple
of the national war-god. He received the messen-
gers with a becoming humility, professing his unfit-
ness for so responsible a station. The address deliv-
ered as usual on the occasion was made by his rel-
ative Nezahualpilli, the wise king of Tezcuco.^ It
has fortunately been preserved, and presents a favor-
able specimen of Indian eloquence. Towards the
conclusion, the orator exclaims, " Who can doubt
that the Aztec empire has reached the zenith of its
greatness, since the Almighty has placed over it one .
whose very presence fills every beholder with rever-
ence ? Rejoice, happy people, that you have now a
sovereign who will be to you a steady column, of
support ; a father in distress, a more than brother in
tenderness and sympathy ; one whose aspiring soul
will disdain all the profligate pleasures of the senses,
and the wasting indulgence of sloth. And thou,
illustrious youth, doubt not that the Creator, who
has laid on thee so weighty a charge, will also give
strength to sustain it ; that He, who has been so
liberal in times past, will shower yet more abun-
dant blessings on thy head, and keep thee firm
in thy royal seat through many long and glorious
years." — These golden prognostics, which melted
sas, signifying, in the Mexican, Col. de Mendoza, pp. 13-16; Co
" sad or severe man." Hist, de las dex Tel. -Rem., p. 143, ap. Antiq
Indias,MS.,lib. 3,cap. 120. — Ix- of Mexico, vol. VI.
tlilxochitl, Hist. Chich.,MS.,cap. 2 For a full account of thi»
70. — Acosta, lib. 7, cap. 20. — prince, see Book I., chap. 6.
308 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II.
the royal auditor into tears, were not desirned to
be realized.'^
Montezuma displayed all the energy and entei-
prise in the commencement of his reign, which had
been anticipated from him. His first expedition
against a rebel pro^dnce in the neighbourhood was
crowned with success, and he led back in triumph a
throng of captives for the bloody sacrifice that was
to grace his coronation. This was celebrated with
uncommon pomp. Games and religious ceremonies
continued for several days, and among the spectators
who flocked from distant quarters were some noble
Tlascalans, the hereditary enemies of Mexico. They
were in disguise, ' hoping thus to elude detection.
They were recognised, however, and reported to the
monarch. But he only availed himself of the infor-
mation to provide them with honorable entertain-
ment, and a good place for witnessing the games.
This was a magnanimous act, considering the long
cherished hostility between the nations.
In his first years, Montezuma was constantly en-
gaged in war, and frequently led his armies in per-
son. The Aztec banners were seen in the furthest
provinces on the Gulf of Mexico, and, the distant
regions of Nicaragua and Honduras. The expedi-
tions were generally successful ; and the limits of
3 The address is' fully reported tury after its delivery. It has been
by Torquemada, (Monarch. Ind., recently republiahed by Bustaman-
lib. 3, cap. 08,) who came into the te. Tczcuco en los Ultimos Tiem-
country little more than half a cen- pes, (Mexico, 1826,) pp.256 - 2.58.
Ch! VI. J account OF: MONTEZUMA. 309
the empire were more widely extended than at any
preceding period.
Meanwhile the monarch was not inattentive to
the interior concerns of the king;dom. He made
^ome important changes in the com'ts of justice ;
•and carefully watched over the execution of the
laws, which he enforced with stern severity. He
was in thie habit of patrolling the streets of his cap-
ital in disguis6, to make himself personally acquaint-
ed with the abuses in it. And with more question-
able policy, it. is said, he would sometimes try the
integrity of his judges by tempting them with large
bribes to swerve from their duty, and then call the
delinquent to strict ac'count for yielding to the temp
tation. . ■ ■
He liberally recompensed aH who served him. He
showfed a similar munificent spirit in his public
works, ' constrOcting and embellishing the temples,
bringing water into the capital by a new channel,
and establishing a hospital, or retreat for invalid sol-
diers, in the city of Colhuacan.^
These acts, so worthy of a great pince, were
counterbalanced by others of an opposite complex-
ion. The humility, displayed so ostentatiously before
his elevation, gave way to an intolerable arrogance.
In his pleasure-houses, domestic establishment, and
way of living, he assumed a pomp unknown to his
4 Acosta, lib. 7, .cap. 22.^- cap. 73, 74, 81.- — Col. de Mendo-
Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Espana, za, pp. 14, 85, ap. Antiq. of Mex-
lib. 8, PrologO;, et cap. l.-^Tor- ico, vol. VI.
quemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 3,
310 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II.
predecessors. He secluded himself from public ob-
servation, or, when he went abroad, exacted the
most slavish homage ; while in the palace he would
be served only, even in the most menial offices,
by persons of rank. He, further, dismissed several
plebeians, chiefly poor soldiers of merit, from the
places they had occupied near the person of his pre
decessor, considering their attendance a dishonor to
royalty. It was in vain that his oldest and sagest
counsellors remonstrated on a conduct so impolitic.
While he thus disgusted his subjects by his haugh-
ty deportment, he alienated their affections by the
imposition of grievous taxes. These were demanded
by the lavish expenditure of his court. They fell
with peculiar heaviness on the conquered cities.
This oppression led to frequent insurrection and re-
sistance ; and the latter years of his reign present a
scene of unintermitting hostility, in which the forces
of one half of the empire were employed in sup-
pressing the commotions of the other. Unfortunately
there was no principle of amalgamation by which
the new acquisitions could be incorporated into the
ancient monarchy, as parts of one whole. Their
interests, as well as sympathies, were different.
Thus the more widely the Aztec empire was ex-
tended, the weaker it became ; resembling some
vast and ill-proportioned edifice, whose disjointed
materials, having no principle of cohesion, and totter-
ing under their own weight, seem ready to fall before
the first blast of the tempest.
In 1516, died the Tezcucan- king, Nezahualpilli :
Ch. \i.j state of his empire. 311
in whom Montezuma lost his most sagacious coun-
sellor. The succession was contested by his two
sons, Cacama and Ixtlilxochitl. The former was
supported by Montezuma. The latter, the younger
of the princes, a bold, aspiring youth, appeahng to
the patriotic sentiment of his nation, would have
persuaded them that his brother was too much in
the Mexican interests to be true to his own country.
A civil war ensued, and ended by a compromise, by
which one half of the kingdom, with the capital,
remained to Cacama, and the northern portion to
his ambitious rival. Ixtlilxochitl became from that
time the mortal foe of Montezuma.^
A more formidable enemy still was the little re-
public of Tlascala, lying midway between the Mex-
ican Valley and the coast. It had maintained its
independence for more than two centuries against
the allied forces of the empire. Its resources were
unimpaired, its civilization scarcely below that of
its great rival states, and for courage and military
prowess it had established a name inferior to none
other of the nations of Anahuac.
Such was the condition of the Aztec monarchy,
on the arrival of Cortes ; — ■ the people disgusted
with the arrogance of the sovereign ; the provinces
and distant cities outraged by fiscal exactions ; while
potent enemies in the neighbourhood lay watch
ing the hour when they might assail their formida
5 Clavigero, Sfor. del Messico, tlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS.,cap.
torn. I. pp. 267, 274, 275. — Ix- 70-76. — Acosta, lib. 7, cap. 21
312" DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [BookIL
ble rival with advantage. Still the kingdom was
strong in its internal resources, in the will of its
monarch, in the long habitual deference to his au-
thority,—in short, in the terror of his name, and in
the valor and discipline of his armies, grown grey
in. active service, and well drilled in all the tactics
of Indian warfare. The time had now come, when
these imperfect tactics and rude weapons of the
barbaiian were to be brought into collision with
the science dind enginery of the most civilized na-
tions of the globe.
During the latter years of his reign, Montezuma
had rarely taken part in his military expeditions,
which he left to. his captains, occupying himself
(hiefly with his sacerdotal functions. Under no
jjrince had (he priesthood enjoyed greater considera-
tion and immunities. The religious festivals and
rites were celebrated with ' unprecedented pomp.
The oracles were* consulted on the most trivial occa-
sions ; dnd the sanguinary deities were propitiated
by hecatombs of victims dragged in triumph to the
capital from the conquered, or rebellious provinces.
The religion, or, to speak correctly, the superstition
of Montezuma proved a principal cause of his ca-
lamities.
In a preceding chapter I have noticed the popular
traditions respecting Quetzalcoatl, that deity with a
fair, complexion and flowing beard, so unlike th(;
Indian physiognomy, who, after fulfilling his mission
of benevolence among the Aztecs, embarked on the
Ch. VI.] STRANGE PROGNOSTICS. ^13
Atlantic Sea for- the mysterious shores of Tlapallan.^
He promised, on his departure^ to. return at some
future day with his posterity, and resume tiie pos-
session of Ms empire. That day was looked for-
ward to with hope or with apprehension, according
to the interest of the believer, but with general con-
fidence throughout the wide borders of Anahuac.
Even after the Conquest, it still lingered airiong . the
Indian races, by whom it was as fondly cherished,
as the advent of their king .Sebastian coij tinned to
be by the Portuguese, or that of the Messiah by the
Jews/
A general feeling seems to have prevailed in the
time of Montezuma, that the period for the retuni
of the deity, and the full accomplishment of his
promise, was near at hand. This conviction is
said to have. gained ground from various preternatural
occurrences} reported with more or less detail by all
the m<3st ancient historians.^ In 1510, the great
lake of Tezcuco, without the occurrence of a tem-
pest, or earthquake, or any other visible cause, be-
came violently agitated, overflowed its banks, and.
6 Ante, Book I., dhslp. '3, pp. s <« Tenia por cierto," feays Las
59, 60, arid note 6. ' Casas of Montezuma, " segun sus
' Tezozomoc, Cron. MexicAna,. prophetas 6 agoreros le avian cer-
MS., cap. 107. — : Ixtlilxochitl, tificado, que- su estado e.rriquezas
Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 1. — Tor- y prosperidad avia d« perezer den-
quemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 4, tro de pocos anos por ciertas gen-
cap. 14 ; lib. 6, cap. 24. — Codex tes qile avian de venir en- sus dias,
Vaticanus, ap. Antiq. of Mexico, que de su felicidad lo derrocase, y
vol. VI. — Sahagun, Hist, de Nue- por esto vivia siempre con temor y
va Espaiia, lib. 8, cap. 7..^- Ibid-,, en triste§a y sobresaltado." Hist.
MS., lib. 13, cap. 3,4. de las Indias, MS., lib. S/cap. 120.
VOL. I. 40
314 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II.
pouring into the streets of Mexico, swept off many
of the buildings by the fury of the waters. In 1511,
one of the turrets of the great temple took fire,
equally without any apparent cause, and continued
to burn in defiance of all attempts to extinguish it.
In the following years, three comets w^ere seen ;
and not long before the coming of the Spaniards
a strange light broke forth in the east. It spread
broad at its base on the horizon, and rising in a
pyramidal form tapered off as it approached the ze-
nith. It resembled a vast sheet or flood of fire,
emitting sparkles, or, as an old writer expresses it,
i' seemed thickly powdered with stars." ^ At the
same time, low voices were heard in the air, and
doleful wailings, as if to announce some strange,
mysterious calamity ! The Aztec monarch, terrified
at the apparitions in the heavens, took counsel of
Nezahualpilli, who was a great proficient in the sub-
tle science of astrology. But the royal sage cast a
deeper cloud over his spirit, by reading in these
prodigies the speedy downfall of the empire. ^°
Such are the strange stories reported by the chron-
iclers, in which it is not impossible to detect the
glimmerings of truth." Nearly thirty years had
9 Camargo, Hist, de Tlascala, pana, MS., lib. 12, cap. 1. — Ca-
MS. —The Interpreter of the Co- margo. Hist, de Tlascala, MS. —
dex Tel. -Rem. intimates that this Acosta, lib. 7, cap. 23. — Herre-
scintillating phenomenon was prob- ra, Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. 5,
ably nothing more than an eruption cap. 5. — Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich..
of one of the great volcanoes of MS., cap. 74.
Mexico. Antiq. of Mexico, vol. ^ I omit the most extraordinary
VI. p. 144. miracle of all, — though legal at
i** Sahgigun,Hist. de Nueva Es- testations of its truth were fur
Ch. VI.] STRANGE PROGNOSTICS. 3|5
elapsed since the discovery of the Islands bj Colum
bus, and more than twenty since his visit to the
American continent. Rumors, more or less distinct,
of this wonderful appearance of the white men,
bearing in their hands the thunder and the lightning,
so like in many respects to the traditions of Quet-
zalcoatl, would naturally spread far and wide among
the Indian nations. Such rumors, doubtless, long
before the landing of the Spaniards in Mexico, found
their way up the grand plateau, filling the minds of
men with anticipations of the near coming of the
period when the great deity was to return and re-
ceive his own again.
In the excited state of their imaginations, prodigies
became a familiar occurrence. Or rather, events not
very uncommon in themselves, seen through the dis-
colored medium of fear, were easily magnified into
prodigies ; and the accidental swell of the lake, the
appearance of a comet, and the conflagration of a
building were all interpreted as the special annuncia-
tions of Heaven.'^ Thus it happens in those great
nished the Court of Rome, (see in the Roman capital in a similar
Clavio^ero, Stor. del Messico, torn, excitement. (Pharsalia, lib. 1, v.
I. p. 289,) — namely, the resur- 523, et seq.) Poor human na
rection of Montezuma's sister. Pa- iure is much the same everywhere,
pantzin, four days after her burial, Machiavelli has thought the sub-
to warn the monarch of the ap- ject worthy of a separate chapter
preaching ruin of his empire. It in his Discourses. The philoso-
finds credit with one writer, at pher intimates a belief even in the
least, in the nineteenth century I existence of beneficentintelligences
See the note of Sahagun's Mexi- who send these portents as a sort
can editor, Bustamante, Hist, de of premonitories, to warn mankind
Nueva Espafia, torn. II. p. 270. of the coming tempest. Discorsi
'2 Lucan gives a fine enumera- sopra Tito Livio, lib. 1, cap. 56
tion of such prodigies witnessed
316 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO; [Book !I.
jjolitical convulsions whicli shake the foundations of
society,— the mighty events that cast their shadows
before them in their coming. Then it is that the
atmosphere is agitated with tlie lov\^, prophetic niur-
murs, with which Nature, in the moral as in the phys-
ical world, announces the march of the hurricane ;
" When from the shores .
And forest-rustling mountains comes a voice,
That, solemn sounding, bids the worjd prepare ! ".
• When tidings were Iprbught to the capital, of the
landing of Grijalva on^ the coast, in the preceding
year, the heart of Montezuma was filled with dismay.
He felt as if the destinies which had so long brooded
over the royal line of Mexico were to be accom-
plished, and the sceptre was to pass aWay from his
house for ever. Though somewhat relieved by the
departure of the Spaniards, he caused sentinels to be
stationed on the heights ; and, when the Europeans
returned tinder Cortes, he doubtless received the
earliest notice of the unwelcome event. It was by
his orders, however, that the provincial governor had
prepared so hospitable a reception for them. The
hieroglyphic^l report of these strange visiters, now
forwarded, to the capital, revived ajl his apprehen-
sions. He called, without delay, a meeting of his
principal counsellors, including the kings of Tezcuco
and Tlacopan, and laid the matter before them.'^ ■
There seems to have been much division of opin-
es Las Casa.s, Hist, de las In- ISahaguh, Jlist. de Nueva Espaiia,
dias/MS., lib. 3, cap. 120. —Ix- MS,, lib. 12, cap. 3, 4. — Tezo-
tlilxochitl. Hist. Chich., MS., cap. zomoc, Crdn. Mexicana, MS., cap.
ftO. — Idem, Ilclaciones, MS. — 108.
Ch. VI.] EMBASSY AND PRESENTS. 3^17
ion ill that body. Some were for resisting the
strangers, at once, whether by fraud, or by open
force. Others contended, that, if they were super-
natural beings, fraud and force would be alike use-
less. If they were, as they pretended, ambassadors
from a foreign prince, such a policy would be cow-
ardly and unjust. That they, were not of the family
of Quetzalcoatl was argued from the fact, that they
had shown themselves hostile to his religion ; for
tidings of the proceedings of the Spaniards in Ta-
basco, it seems, had already reached the capital.
Among those in favor of giving them a friendly
and honorable reception was the Tezcucan king,
Cacama.
But Montezuma, taking counsel of his own ill-
defined apprehensions, preferred a half-way course,
— as usual, the. most impolitic. He resolved to send
an embassy, with such a magnificent present to the
strangers, as should impress them with high ideas
of his grandeur and resources ; while, at the same
time, he would forbid their approach to the capital.
This was to reveal, at once, both Jiis wealth and his
weakness.'^ ■
While the Aztec court was thus agitated by the.
arrival of the Spaniards, they were passing their
time in the tieTra caliente, not a little annoyed by
the excessive heats and suifocating atmosphere of
the sandy waste on which they were encamped.
They experienced every alleviation that could be
14. Tezozomoc,' Croii. Mexicana, de Tlasdala, MS. — IxtlilxOchiti,
MS., loc. cit. -^Camargo, Hist. Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 80.
ol8 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II.
derived* from the attentions of the friendly natives.
These, by the governor's command, had constructed
more than a thousand huts or booths of branches
and matting, which they occupied in the neigh-
bourhood of the camp. Here they prepared vari-
ous articles of food for the tables of Cortes and
his officers, without any recompense ; while the
common soldiers easily obtained a supply for them-
selves, in exchange for such trifles as they brought
with them for barter. Thus the camp was liberally
provided with meat and fish dressed in many savory
ways, with cakes of corn, bananas, pine-apples, and
divers luscious vegetables of the tropics, hitherto
unknown to the Spaniards. The soldiers contrived,
moreover, to obtain many little bits of gold, of no
great value, indeed, from the natives ; a traffic very
displeasing to the partisans of Velasquez, who con-
sidered it an invasion of his rights. Cortes, howev-
er, did not think it prudent, in this matter, to balk
the inclinations of his followers. ''^
At the expiration of seven, or eight days at most,
the Mexican embassy presented itself before the
camp. It may seem an incredibly short space of
time, considering the distance of the capital was
near seventy leagues. But it may be remembered
that tidings were carried there by means of posts,
as already noticed, in the brief space of four and
twenty hours ; "^ and four or five days would suffice
for the descent of the envoys to the coast, accustom-
•5 Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con- ca, cap. 27, ap. Barcia, torn, IT.
quista, cap. 39. — Gomara, Croni- ^^ Ante, Book 1, Chap. 2, p. 42.
Ch. VI.] EMBASSY AND PRESENTS. 319
ed as the Mexicans were to long and rapid travel-
ling. At all events, no w^riter states the period, oc-
cupied by the Indian emissaries on this occasion, as
longer than that mentioned.
The embassy, consisting of two Aztec nobles,
was accompanied by the governor, Teuhtlile, and by
a hundred slaves, bearing the princely gifts of Mon-
tezuma. One of the envoys had been selected on
account of the great resemblance which, as appeared
from the painting representing the camp, he bore to
the Spanish commander. And it is a proof of the
fidelity of the painting, that the soldiers recognised
the resemblance, and always distinguished the chief
by the name of the " Mexican Cortes."
On entering the general's pavilion, the ambas-
sadors saluted him and his officers with the usual
signs of reverence to persons of great consideration,
touching the ground with their hands and then carry-
ing them to their heads, while the air was filled with
clouds of incense, which rose up from the censers
borne by their attendants. Some delicately wrought
mats of the country (petates) were then unrolled,
aud on them the slaves displayed the various articles
they had brought. They were of the most miscel
laneous kind ; shields, helmets, cuirasses, embossed
with plates and ornaments of pure gold ; collars and
bracelets of the same metal, sandals, fans, panaches
and crests of variegated feathers, intermingled with
gold and silver thread, and sprinkled with pearls and
precious stones ; imitations of birds and animals in
wrought and cast gold and silver, of exquisite work-
320
DISCOVERY OF MEXICO.
[Book li
manship ; curtains, coverlets, and robes of cotton, fine
as silk, of rich and various dyes, interwoven with
feather-work that rivalled the delicacy of painting.'~
There were more than thirty loads of cotton cloth in
addition. Atnong the articles was the Spanish helm-
et sent to the capital, and now returned filled to the
brim with grains of gold. But the things which
excited the most adiniration were two circular plates
of gold and silver, "as large as carriage-wheels."
One, representing the sun, was richly carved witli
plants and animals, — no doubt, denoting the Aztec
century. It was thirty palms in circumference, and
was valued at twenty thousand pesos de oro. The
silver wheel, of the ^ame size, weighed fifty marks.**^
1''' From the chequered figure
of some of these colored cottons,
Peter Martyr infers, the Indians
were acquainted with chess ! He
notices a curious fabric made of the
hair of animals, feathers, and cot-
ton thread, interwoven together.
" Plumas illas ct conciunant inter
cuniculorum villos interque gos-
ampij stamina ordiuntur, et intex-
unt opevose adeo, ut quo pacto id
faciant non bene intellexerimus."
De Orbe Novo, (Parisiis, 1587,)
dec. 5, cap. 10.'
^8 Bernal'Diaz, Hist, de la Con-
quista,cap. 39. — Oviedo,Hist. de
las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 1.—
Las Casas, Hist, de las Indiais,'
MS., lib. 3, cap. 120. — Gomara,
Cr6nica, cap. 27, ap. Baccia, torn.
H. — 'Carta de Vera CJruz, MS. —
Herrera, Hist. General, dec, 2,
lib. 5, cap. 5.
Robertson cites Bemal- Diaz as
reckoning the value of the silver
plate at 20,000 peso's, or about
£ 5,000. (History of America,
Yol. H. note 75.) But Bernal
Diaz speaks only of the value of
the gold plate, which h". estimates
at 20,000 pesos de oro,, a different
affair from the pesos, dollars, or
ounces of silver, with which tlie
historian confounds them. ' As the
mention of the peso de oro will
often recur in these pages, it will
be well to make the reader ac-
quainted .with its probable value.
Nothing is more diflScult than to
ascertain the actual value of the
currency of a distant age ; so many
circumstances occur to embarrass
the calculation, besides the gen
eral depreciation of the precious
metals, such as the adulteration
of specific coins, and the like.
Ch. VI.]
EMBASSY AND PRESENTS.
321
The Spaniards could not conceal their rapture at
the exhibition of treasures which so far surpassed
all the dreams in which they had indulged. For,
rich as were the materials, they were exceeded —
according to the testimony of those who saw these
articles afterwards in Seville, where they could coolly
examine them — by the beauty and richness of the
workmanship.^^
Seiior Clemencin, the Secretary
of the Royal Academy of Histo-
ry, in the sixth volume of its Me-
morias, has computed with great
accuracy the value of the different
denominations of the Spanish cur-
rency at the close of the fifteenth
century, the period just preceding
that of the conquest of Mexico.
He makes no mention of the pe-
so de oro in his tables. But he
ascertains the precise value of
the gold ducat, which will answer
our purpose as well. (Memorias
de la Real Academia de Historia,
(Madrid, 1821,) torn. VI. Ilust.
20.) Oviedo, a contemporary of
the Conquerors, informs us that
the ^£50 de oro and the castellano
were of the same value, and that
was precisely one third greater
than the value of the ducat. (Hist,
del Ind., lib. 6, cap. 8, ap. Ramu-
sio, Navigationi et Viaggi, (Ven-
etia, 1565,) tom. HI.) Now the
ducat, as appears from Clemencin,
reduced to our own currency, would
be equal to eight dollars and sev-
enty-five cents. The peso de oro,
therefore, loas equal to eleven dol-
lars and sixty-seven cents, or two
VOL. I. 41
pounds, twelve shillings, and six-
pence sterling. Keeping this in
mind, it will be easy for the reader
to determine the actual value, in
pesos de oro, of any sum that may
be hereafter mentioned.
^3 ' ' Cierto cosas de ver ! " ex
claims Las Casas, who saw them
with the Emperor Charles V. in
Seville, in 1520. " Quedaron todos
los que vieron aquestas cosas tan
ricas y tan bien artifigiadas y er-
mosisimas como de cosas nunca
Aastas," &c. (Hist, de las Indias,
MS., lib. 3, cap. 120.) " Muy
hermosas" ; saysOviedo, who saw
them in Valladolid, and describes
the great wheels more minutely ;
" todo era mucho de ver ! " (Hist,
de las Indias, MS., loc. cit.) The
inquisitive Martyr, who examined
them carefully, remarks, yet more
emphatically, " Si quid unquam
honoris humana ingenia in huius-
cemodi artibus sunt adepta, princi-
patum iure merito ista consequen-
tur. Aurum, gemmasque non ad-
miror quidem, qua industria, quove
studi'O superet opus materiam, stu-
peo. Mille figuras et facies mille
prospexi quae scribere nequeo
DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II.
When Cortes and his officers had completed their
survey, the ambassadors courteously delivered the
message of Montezuma. " It gave their master great
pleasure," they said, " to hold this communication
with so powerful a monarch as the King of Spain,
for whom he felt the most profound respect. He
regretted much that he could not enjoy a personal
interview with the Spaniards, but the distance of
his capital was too great ; since the journey was
beset with difficulties, and with too many dangers
from formidable enemies, to make it possible. All
that could be done, therefore, was for the strangers
to return to their own land, with the proofs thus
afforded them of his friendly disposition."
Cortes, though much chagrined at this decided
refusal of Montezuma to admit his visit, concealed
his mortification as he best might, and politely ex-
pressed his sense of the emperor's munificence. "It
made him only the more desirous," he said, "to have
a personal interview with him. He should feel it,
indeed, impossible to present himself again before
his own sovereign, without having accomplished this
great object of his voyage ; and one, who had sailed
over two thousand leagues of ocean, held lightly the
perils and fatigues of so short a journey by land."
H(; once more requested them to become the bearers
of his message to their master, together with a slight
additional token of his respect.
Quid oculos hominuni sua pulchri- iudic-io vidi nunquam." De Orbe
ludine seque possil allicere meo Novo, dec. 4, cap. 9.
C.H. VI.] EMBASSY AND PRESENTS. ^28
This consisted of a few fine Holland shirts, a Flor-
entine goblet, gilt and somewhat curiously enam-
elled, with some toys of little value, — a sorry return
for the solid magnificence of the royal present. The
ambassadors may have thought as much. At least,
they showed no alacrity in charging themselves
either with the present or the message ; and, on quit-
ting the Castilian quarters, repeated their assurance
that the general's application would be unavailing.-^'
The splendid treasure, which now lay dazzling
the eyes of the Spaniards, raised in their bosoms
very different emotions, according to the difference
of their characters. Some it stimulated with the
ardent desire to strike at once into the interior, and
possess themselves of a country which teemed with
such boundless stores of wealth. Others looked on
it as the evidence of a power altogether too formi-
dable to be encountered with their present insignifi-
cant force. They thought, therefore, it would be
most piLident to return and report their proceedings
to the governor of Cuba, where preparations could
be made commensurate with so vast an undertaking.
There can be little doubt as to the impression made
on the bold spirit of Cortes, on which difficulties
ever operated as incentives, rather than discourage-
ments, to enterprise. But he prudently said noth-
ing, — at least in public, — preferring that so im-
portant a movement should flow from the deter
20 Las Casas, Hist, de las Indias, 39. — Ixtlilxocliitl, Hist. Chich.,
MS., lib. 3, cap. 121. — Bernal MS., cap. 80. — Gomara, Cronica,
Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista, cap. cap. 27, ap. Barcia, torn. H.
324 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II.
mination of his whole army, rather than from his
own individual impulse.
Mean^\ hilc the soldiers suffered greatly from the
inconveniences of their position amidst burning
sands and the pestilent effluvia of the neighbouring
marshes, while the venomous insects of these hot
regions left them no repose, day or night. Thirty
of their number had already sickened and died ; a
loss that could ill be afforded by the little band. To
add to their troubles, the coldness of the Mexican
chiefs had extended to their followers ; and the sup-
plies for the camp were not only much diminished,
but the prices set on them were exorbitant. The
position was equally unfavorable for the shipping,
which lay in an open roadstead, exposed to the fury
of the first norte which should sweep the Mexican
Gulf.
The general was induced by these circumstances
to despatch two vessels, under Francisco de Mon-
tejo, with the experienced Alaminos for his pilot,
to explore the coast in a northerly direction, and see
if a safer port and more commodious quarters for
the army could not be found there.
After the lapse of ten days the Mexican envoys
returned. They entered the Spanish quarters with
the same formality as on the former ^isit, bear-
ing with them an additional present of rich stuffs
and metallic ornaments, which, though inferior in
value to those before brought, were estimated at
three thousand ounces of gold. Besides these, there
were four ])recious stones, of a considerable size,
Ch. VI.] SPANISH ENCAMPMENT. 325
resembling emeralds, called by the natives chalchuitcs,
each of which, as they assured the Spaniards, was
worth more than a load of gold, and was designed
as a mark of particular respect for the Spanish mon
arch.-^ Unfortunately they were not worth as many
loads of earth in Europe.
Montezuma's answer was in substance the same
as before. It contained a positive prohibition for
the strangers to advance nearer to the capital ; and
expressed the confidence, that, now they had ob-
tained what they had most desired, they would re-
turn to their own country without unnecessary delay.
Cortes received this unpalatable response courteously,
though somewhat coldly, and, turning to his officers,
exclaimed, "This is a rich and powerful prince in-
deed ; yet it shall go hard, but we will one day pay
him a visit in his capital ! "
While they were conversing, the bell struck for
vespers. At the sound, the soldiers, throwing them-
selves on their knees, offered up their orisons before
the large wooden cross planted in the sands. As
the Aztec chiefs gazed with curious surprise, Cortes
thought it a favorable occasion to impress them with
what he conceived to be a principal object of his
visit to the country. Father Olmedo accordingly
21 Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con- parentes mezcladas de bianco,
quisla, cap. 40. usanlas mucho los principales, tra-
Father Sahagun thus describes yendolas k las munecas atadas en
these stones, so precious in Mexi- hilo, y aquello es seiial de que
CO that the nae of them was inter- es persona noble el que las trae
dieted to any but the nobles. "Las Hist, de Nueva Espaiia, lib. 11,
chalchuites son verdes y no trans- cap. 8.
326 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II.
expounded, as briefly and clearly as he could, the
great doctrines of Christianity, touching on the
atonement, the passion, and the resurrection, and
concluding with assuring his astonished audience,
that it was their intention to extirpate the idolatrous
practices of the nation, and to substitute the pure
worship of the true God. He then put into their
hands a little image of the Virgin with the infant
Redeemer, requesting them to place it in their tem-
ples instead of their sanguinary deities. How far
the Aztec lords comprehended the mysteries of the
faith, as conveyed through the double version of
Aguilar and Marina, or how well they perceived the
subtle distinctions between their own images and
those of the Roman Church, we are not informed.
There is reason to fear, however, that the seed fell
on barren ground ; for, when the homily of the good
father ended, they withdrew with an air of dubious
reserve very different from their friendly manners at
the first interview. The same night every hut was
deserted by the natives, and the Spaniards saw
themselves suddenly cut off from supplies in the
midst of a desolate wilderness. The movement
had so suspicious an appearance, that Cortes appre-
hended an attack would be made on his quarters,
and took precautions accordingly. But none was
meditated.
The army was at length cheered by the return of
Montejo from his exploring expedition, after an
absence of twelve days. He had run down the
Gulf as far as Panuco, where he experienced such
Ch. VI.] SPANISH ENCAMPMENT. 327
heavy gales, in attempting to double that headland,
that he was driven back, and had nearly foundered.
In the whole course of the voyage he had found only
one place tolerably sheltered from the north winds.
Fortunately, the adjacent country, well watered by
fresh, running streams, afforded a favorable position
for the camp ; and thither, after some deliberation, it
was determined to repair.^^
^ Camargo, Hist, de Tlascala, ta, cap. 40, 41. — Herrera, Hist.
MS. — Las Casas, Hist, de las General, dec. 2, lib. 5, cap. 6. —
Indias, MS., lib. 3, cap. 121. — Gomara, Cronica, cap. 29, ap.
Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Conquis- Barcia, torn. H.
CHAPTER VII.
Troubles in the Camp. — Plan of a Colony. — Management or
Cortes. — March to Cempoalla. — Proceedings with the Na-
tives.— Foundation of Vera Cruz.
1519
There is no situation which tries so severely the
patience and discipline of the soldier, as a life of
idleness in camp, where his thoughts, instead of be-
ing bent on enterprise and action, are fastened on
himself and the inevitable privations and dangers of
his condition. This was particularly the case in the
present instance, where, in addition to the evils of a
scanty subsistence, the troops suffered from excessive
heat, swarms of venomous insects, and the other an-
noyances of a sultry climate. They were, moreover,
far from possessing the character of regular forces,
trained to subordination under a commander whom
they had long been taught to reverence and obey.
They were soldiers of fortune, embarked with him
in an adventure in which all seemed to have an
equal stake, and they regarded their captain — the
captain of a day — as little more than an equal.
There was a growing discontent among the men
at their longer residence in this strange land. They
were still more dissatisfied on learning the general's
Ch. VII.] TROUBLES IN THE CAMP. 329
intention to remove to the neighbourhood of the port
discovered by Montejo. " It was time to return,"
they said, " and report what had been done to the
governor of Cuba, and not linger on these barren
shores until they had brought the whole Mexican
empire on their heads ! " Cortes evaded their im-
portunities as well as he could, assuring them there
was no cause for despondency. " Every thing so
far had gone on prosperously, and, when they had
taken up a more favorable j)osition, there was no
reason to doubt they might still continue the same
profitable intercourse with the natives."
While this was passing, five Indians made their
appearance in the camp one morning, and were
brought to the general's tent. Their dress and
whole appearance were different from those of the
Mexicans. They wore rings of gold, and gems of
a bright blue stone in their ears and nostrils, while a
gold leaf delicately wrought was attached to the un-
der lip. Marina was unable to comprehend their
language, but, on her addressing them in Aztec,
two of them, it was found, could converse in that
tongue. They said they were natives of Cempoalla,
the chief town of the Totonacs, a powerful nation
who had come upon the great plateau many centuries
back, and, descending its eastern slope, settled along
the sierras and broad plains which skirt the Mexican
Gulf towards the north. Their country was one of
the recent conquests of the Aztecs, and they experi-
enced such vexatious oppressions from their con-
querors as made them very impatient of the yoke.
VOL. I. 42
,S30 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO [Book II.
Thej informed Cortes of these and other particu-
lars. The fame of the Spaniards had reached their
master, who sent these messengers to request the
presence of the wonderful strangers in his capital.
This communication was eagerly listened to by
the general, who, it will be remembered, was pos-
sessed of none of those facts, laid before the reader,
respecting the internal condition of the kingdom,
which he had no reason to suppose other than strong
and united. An important truth now flashed on his
mind ; as his quick eye descried in this spirit of dis-
content a potent lever, by the aid of which he might
hope to overturn this barbaric empire. — He received
the mission of the Totonacs most graciously, and,
after informing himself, as far as possible, of their
dispositions and resources, dismissed them with pres-
ents, promising soon to pay a visit to their lord.^
Meanwhile, his personal friends, among whom
may be particularly mentioned Alonso Hernandez
Puertocarrero, Christoval de Olid, Alonso de Avila,
Pedro de Alvarado and his brothers, were very busy
in persuading the troops to take such measures as
should enable Cortes to go forward in those ambi-
tious plans, for which he had no warrant from the
powers of Velasquez. " To retmn now," they said,
"was to abandon the enterprise on the threshold,
which, under such a leader, must conduct to glory
and incalculable riches. To return to Cuba would
be to surrender to the greedy governor the little
1 Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con- delaslndias, MS., lib. 3, cap. 121
quista, cap. 41. — Las Casas, Hist. — Gomara, Cronica, cap. 28.
Ch. VII.] PLAN OF A COLONY. 33]
gains they had already got. The only way was to
persuade the general to establish a permanent colo-
ny in the country, the government of which would
take the conduct of matters into its own hands, and
provide for the interests of its members. It was true,
Cortes had no such authority from Velasquez. But
the interests of the Sovereigns, which were para-
mount to every other, imperatively demanded it."
These conferences could not be conducted so se-
cretly, though held by night, as not to reach the ears
of the friends of Velasquez.^ They remonstrated
against the proceedings, as insidious and disloyal.
They accused the general of instigating them ; and,
calling on him to take measures without delay for
the return of the troops to Cuba, announced their
own intention to depart, with such followers as still
remained true to the governor.
Cortes, instead of taking umbrage at this high-
handed proceeding, or even answering in the same
haughty tone, mildly replied, " that nothing was
further from his desire than to exceed his instruc-
tions. He, indeed, preferred to remain in the coun-
try, and continue his profitable intercourse with the
natives. But, since the army thought otherwise, he
should defer to their opinion, and give orders to re-
turn, as they desired." On the following morning,
proclamation was made for the troops to hold them-
2 The letter from the cabildo of az, who was privy to them is a
Vera Cruz says nothing of these sufficient authority. See His I".
midnight conferences. Bernal Di- la Conquista, cap. 42.
332 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [^ook II
selves in readiness to embark at once on board the
fleet, which vv^as to sail for Cuba.^
Great was the sensatipn caused by their general's
order. Even many of those before clamorous for it,
with the usual caprice of men whose wishes are too
easily gratified, now regretted it. The partisans of
Cortes were loud in their remonstrances. " They
were betrayed by the general," they cried, and,
thronging round his tent, called on him to counter-
mand his orders. " We came here," said they,
" expecting to form a settlement, if the state of the
country authorized it. Now it seems you have no
warrant from the governor to make one. But there
are interests, higher than those of Velasquez, which
demand it. These territories are not his property,
but were discovered for the Sovereigns ; ^ and it is
necessary to plant a colony to watch over their in-
^ Gomara, Crdnica, cap. 30. — tending queen Joanna, the crazy
Las Casas, Hist, de las Indias, mother of Charles V., as well as
MS., lib. 3, cap. 121. — Ixtlilxo- himself. Indeed, all public acts
chitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 80. and ordinances ran in the name of
— Bernal Diaz, Ibid., loc. cit. — both. The title of "Highness,"
Declaracion de Puertocarrero, MS. which, until the reign of Charles
The deposition of a respectable V., had usually — not uniformly,
person like Puertocarrero, taken as Robertson imagines (History of
in the course of the following year Charles V., vol. II. p. 59) — been
after his return to Spain, is a doc- applied to the sovereign, now grad-
ument of such authority, that I ually gave way to that of "Ma-
have transferred it entire, in the jesty," which Charles affected
original, to the Appendix, Pari 2, after his election to the imperial
No. 7. throne. The same title is occa-
4 Sometimes we find the Span- sionally found in the correspon-
ish writers referring to "the sov- dence of the Great Captain, and
ereigns," sometimes to " the em- other courtiers of the reign of
peror"; in the former case, in- Ferdinand and Isabella.
Ch. VII.] PLAN OF A COLONY. i}^^
terests, instead of wasting time in idle barter, or,
still worse, of returning, in the present state of
affairs, to Cuba. If jou refuse," they concluded,
" we shall protest against your conduct as disloyal
to their Highnesses."
Cortes received this remonstrance with the em-
barrassed air of one by whom it was altogether
unexpected. He modestly requested time for delib-
eration, and promised to give his answer on the fol-
lowing day. At the time appointed, he called the
troops together, and made them a brief address.
" There was no one," he said, " if he knew his own
heart, more deeply devoted than himself to the wel-
fare of his sovereigns, and the glory of the Spanish
name. He had not only expended his all, but in-
curred heavy debts, to meet the charges of this expe-
dition, and had hoped to reimburse himself by con-
tinuing his traffic with the Mexicans. But, if the
soldiers thought a different course advisable, he was
ready to postpone his own advantage to the good of
the state." ^ He concluded by declaring his willing-
ness to take measures for settling a colony in the
5 According to Robertson, Cor- tory of America, vol. II. pp. 241,
tes told his men that he had pro- 242.) The historian would have
posed to establish a colony on been saved this inconsistency, if he
the coast, before marching into had followed either of the authori-
the country ; but he abandoned his ties whom he cites, Bernal Diaz
design, at their entreaties to set out and Herrera, or the letter from
at once on the expedition. In the Vera Cruz, of which he had a
very next page, we find him or- copy. They all concur in thp
ganizing this same colony. (His- statement in the text.
334 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II.
name of the Spanish sovereigns^ and to nominate a
magistracy to preside over it.''
For the alcaldes he selected Puertocarrero and
Montejo, the former cavalier his fast friend, and the
latter the friend of Velasquez, and chosen for that
very reason ; a stroke of policy which perfectly suc-
ceeded. The regidores, alguacil, treasurer, and
other functionaries, were then appointed, all of them
his personal friends and adherents. They were
regularly sworn into office, and the new city received
the title of Villa Rica de Vera Cruz, "The Rich
Town of the True Cross " ; a name which was con-
sidered as happily intimating that union of spiritual
and temporal interests to which the arms of the
Spanish adventurers in the New World were to be
devoted." Thus, by a single stroke of the pen, as
it were, the camp was transformed into a civil com-
munity, and the whole frame-work and even title of
the city were arranged, before the site of it had been
settled.
The new municipality were not slow in coming
together ; when Cortes presented himself, cap in
hand, before that august body, and, laying the powers
6 Las Casas, Hist, de las Indias, to do what I have already made
MS., lib. 3, cap. 122. — Carta de up my mind to.' " Tumcio ruegas,
Vera Cruz, MS. — Declaracion de ^ i/o me lo quiero. Hist, de la Gon-
Montejo, MS. — Declaracion de quista, cap. 42.
Puertocarrero, MS. 7 According- to Bernal Diaz, the
" Our general, after some urg- title of " Vera Cruz " was intend-
ing, acquiesced," says the blunt ed to commemorate their landing
old soldier, Bernal Diaz; " for, as on Good Friday. Hist, de la Con-
the proverb says, ' You ask me quista, cap. 42.
Ch. VII.] MANAGEMENT OF CORTES. 335
of Velasquez on the table, respectfully tendered the
resignation of his office of Captain-General, " which,
indeed," he said, " had necessarily expired, since
- the authority of the governor was now superseded
by that of the magistracy of Villa Rica de Vera
Cruz." He then, with a profound obeisance, left
the apartment.^
The council, after a decent time spent in delibera-
tion, again requested his presence. " There was no
one," they said, " who, on mature reflection, ap-
peared to them so well qualified to take charge of
the interests of the community, both in peace and
in war, as himself; and they unanimously named
him, in behalf of their Catholic Highnesses, Captain
General and Chief Justice of the colony." He was
further empowered to draw, on his own account,
one fifth of the gold and silver which might here-
after be obtained by commerce or conquest from the
natives.^ Thus clothed with supreme civil and mili-
8 Solis, whose taste for speech- especially when the only voucher
making- might have satisfied even for a fact.
the Abbe Mably, (See his Treatise, 9 " Lo peor de todo que le otor-
" De la Maniere d'ecrire I'His- games," says Bernal Diaz, some-
toire,") has put a very flourishing what peevishly, was, " que le da-
harangue on this occasion into the riamos ei quinto del oro de lo que
mouth of his hero, of which there se huuiesse, despues de sacado el
is not a vestige in any contempo- Real quinto." (Hist, de la Con-
rary account. (Conquista, lib. 2, quista, cap. 42.) The letter from
cap. 7.) Dr. Robertson has trans- Vera Cruz says nothing of this
ferred it to his own eloquent pages, fifth. The reader, who would see
without citing his author, indeed, the whole account of this remark-
who, considering he came a cen- able transaction in the original,
tury and a half after the Conquest, may find it in Appendix, Part 2,
must be allowed to be not the best. No. 8.
336 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II
tarj jurisdiction, Cortes was not backward in exert
ing his authority. He found speedy occasion for it.
The transactions above described had succeeded
each other so rapidly, that the governor's party seem-
ed to be taken by surprise, and had formed no plan
of opposition. When the last measure was carried,
however, they broke forth into the most indignant
and opprobrious invectives, denouncing the whole as
a systematic conspiracy against Velasquez. These
accusations led to recrimination from the soldiers of
the other side, until from words they nearly pro-
ceeded to blows. Some of the principal cavaliers,
among them Velasquez de Leon, a kinsman of the
governor, Escobar, his page, and Diego de Ordaz,
were so active in instigating these turbulent move-
ments, that Cortes took the bold measure of putting
them all in irons, and sending them on board the
vessels. He then dispersed the common file by
detaching many of them with a strong party under
Alvarado to forage the neighbouring country, and
bring home provisions for the destitute camp.
During their absence, every argument that cupidity
or ambition could suggest was used to win the re-
iractory to his views. Promises, and even gold, it
is said, were liberally lavished; till, by degrees, their
understandings were opened to a clearer view of the
merits of the case. And when the foraging party
reappeared with abundance of poultry and vegeta-
bles, and the cravings of the stomach — that great
laboratory of disaffection, whether in camp or capital
— were appeased, good-humor returned with good
Ch. VII.] MANAGEMENT OF CORTES. 337
cheer, and the rival factions embraced one another
as companions in arms, pledged to a common cause.
Even the high-mettled hidalgos on board the vessels
did not long withstand the general tide of reconcilia-
tion, but one by one gave in their adhesion to the
new government. What is more remarkable is that
this forced conversion was not a hollow one, but
from this time forward several of these very cava-
liers became the most steady and devoted partisans
of Cortes. ^°
Such was the address of this extraordinary man,
and such the ascendency which in a few months he
had acquired over these wild and turbulent spirits !
By this ingenious transformation of a military into a
civil community, he had secured a new and effectual
basis for future operations. He might now go for-
ward without fear of check or control from a supe-
rior, — at least from any other superior than the
Crown, under which alone he held his commis-
1" Carta de Vera Cruz, MS. — sees nothing but good faith and
Gomara, Cronica, cap. 30, 31. — loyalty in the conduct of the gen-
Las Casas, Hist, de las Indias, eral, who acted from a sense of
MS., lib. 3, cap. 122. — Ixtlilx- duty! (Conquista, lib. 2, cap. 6,
ochitl, Hist. Chich.jMS., cap. 80. 7.) Solis is even a more steady
— Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con- apologist for his hero, than his
quista, cap. 42. — Declaraciones de own chaplain, Gomara, or the wor-
Montejo y Puertocarrero, MSS. thy magistrates of Vera Cruz. A
In the process of Narvaez against more impartial testimony than ei-
Cortes, the latter is accused of ther, probably, may be gathered
being possessed with the Devil, as from honest Bernal Diaz, so often
only Lucifer could have gained quoted. A hearty champion of the
him thus the afFections of the sol- cause, he was by no means blind
diery. (Demanda de Narvaez, to the defects nor the merits of his
MS.) Solis, on the other hand, leader.
VOL. I. 43
338 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II.
sion. In accomplishing this, instead of incurring
the charge of usurpation, or of transcending his
legitimate powers, he had transferred the responsi-
bility, in a great measure, to those who had imposed
on him the necessity of action. By this step, more-
over, he had linked the fortunes of his followers
indissolubly with his own. They had taken their
chance with him, and, whether for weal or for woe,
must abide the consequences. He was no longer
limited to the narrow concerns of a sordid traffic,
but, sure of their cooperation, might now boldly med-
itate, and gradually disclose, those lofty schemes
which he had formed in his own bosom for the con-
quest of an empire."
Harmony being thus restored, Cortes sent his
heavy guns on board the fleet, and ordered it to
coast along the shore to the north as far as Chia-
huitztla, the town near which the destined port of
the new city was situated ; proposing, himself, at
the head of his troops, to visit Cempoalla, on the
march. The road lay for some miles across the
dreary plains in the neighbourhood of the modern
Vera Cruz. In this sandy waste no signs of veg-
etation met their eyes, which, however, were occa-
1' This may appear rather in- the present, at least, with the
different logic to those who con- troops. For the future, he trust-
sider that Cortes appointed the ed to his good star, — in other
very body, who, in turn, appoint- words, to the success of his enter-
ed him to the command. But the prise, — to vindicate his conduct to
affectation of legal forms afforded the Emperor. He did not miscal-
him a thin varnish for his proceed- culate.
ings, which served his purpose, for
Ch. VII.] MARCH TO CEMPOALLA. 339
sionally refreshed by glimpses of the blue Atlan-
tic, and by the distant view of the magnificent
Orizaba, towering, with his spotless diadem of snow,
far above his colossal brethren of the Andes. '^ As
they advanced, the country gradually assumed a
greener and richer aspect. They crossed a river,
probably a tributary of the Rio de la Antigua, with
difficulty, on rafts, and on some broken canoes that
were lying on the banks. They now came in view
of very different scenery, — wide-rolling plains cov-
ered with a rich carpet of verdure, and overshadowed
by groves of cocoas and feathery palms, among
whose tall, slender stems were seen deer, and various
wild animals with which the Spaniards were unac-
quainted. Some of the horsemen gave chase to the
deer, and wounded, but did not succeed in killing
them. They saw, also, pheasants and other birds ;
among them the wild turkey, the pride of the Amer-
12 The name of the mountain is de ella, y est4 tan bianco, que lo
not given, and probably was not jusgamos por nieve." (Carta de
known, but the minute description Vera Cruz, MS.) This huge vol-
in the MS. of Vera Cruz leaves no cano was called Citlaltepetl, or
doubt that it was the one mentioned "Star-mountain," by the Mexi-
in the text. " Entre las quales cans, — perhaps from the fire which
;isi una que excede en mucha altu- once issued from its conical sum-
ra a todas las otras y de ella se vee mit, far above the clouds. It stands
y descubre gran parte de la mar in the intendancy of Vera Crux,
y de la tierra, y es tan alta, que si and rises, according to Humboldt's
el dia no es bien claro, no se pue- measurement, to the enormou?
de divisar ni ver lo alto de ella, height of 17,363 feet above the
porque de la mitad arriba esta toda ocean. (Essai Politique, torn. 1.
cubierta denubes; y algunos veces, p. 265.) It is the highest peak
cuando hace muy claro dia, se vee but one in the whole range of the
por cima de las dichas nubes lo alto Mexican Cordilleras.
340 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II.
ican forest, which the Spaniards described as a spe-
cies of peacock.'^
On their route they passed through some deserted
villages, in which were Indian temples, where they
found censers, and other sacred utensils, and manu-
scripts of the agave fibre, containing the picture-
writing, in which, probably, their religious ceremo-
nies were recorded. They now beheld, also, the
hideous spectacle, with which they became after-
wards familiar, of the mutilated corpses of victims
who had been sacrificed to the accursed deities of
the land. The Spaniards turned with loathing and
indignation from a display of butchery, which formed
so dismal a contrast to the fair scenes of nature by
which they were surrounded.
They held their course along the banks of the
river, towards its source, when they were met by
twelve Indians, sent by the cacique of Cempoalla to
show them the way to his residence. At night they
bivouacked in an open meadow, where they were well
supplied with provisions by their new friends. They
left the stream on the following morning, and, strik-
ing northerly across the country, came upon a wide
expanse of luxuriant plains and woodland, glowing in
all the splendor of tropical vegetation. The branches
of the stately trees were gayly festooned with clus-
tering vines of the dark-purple grape, variegated
convolvuli, and other flowering parasites of the mosi
13 Carta de Vera Cruz. MS.— Bemal Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista,
cap. 44
ch. vii] march to cempoalla. 341
brilliant djes. The undergrowth of prickly aloe,
matted with wild rose and honeysuckle, made in
many places an almost impervious thicket. Amid
this wilderness of sweet-smeHing buds and blossoms,
fluttered numerous birds of the parrot tribe, and
clouds of butterflies, whose gaudy colors, nowhere
so gorgeous as in the tierra caliente, rivalled those of
the vegetable creation ; while birds of exquisite song,
the scarlet cardinal, and the marvellous mocking-
bird, that comprehends in his own notes the whole
music of a forest, filled the air with delicious melody.
— The hearts of the stern Conquerors were not very
sensible to the beauties of nature. But the magical
charms of the scenery drew forth unbounded expres-
sions of delight, and as they wandered through this
" terrestrial paradise," as they called it, they fondly
compared it to the fairest regions of their own sunny
land.'^
14 Gomara, Crdnica, cap. 32, these sunny climes, than my own
ap. Barcia, torn. II. — Herrera, prose can. The verses, which have
Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. 5, cap. never been published, breathe the
8. — Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind., generous sentiment characteristic
MS., lib. 33, cap. 1. of their noble author.
" Mui hermosas vegas y riberas
. " Ye tropic forests of unfading green,
tales y tan hermosas que en toda w^ere the palm tapers and the orange
Espana no pueden ser mejores an- g'.owa,
si de apacibles a la vista como de ^"^ '*^^ ^'"^^ ^^'^^° '^^"^ ^" '■^''»-
'/• ,, //-^ 1 T7- /-, ery screen,
irucuferas." (Carta de Vera Cruz, ^nd her far shade the matchlesa ceiba
MS.) The following poetical throws!
apostrophe, by Lord Morpeth, to
the scenery of Cuba, equally ap-
plicable to that of the tierra cali- way
ente, will give the reader a more
animated picture of the glories of
Ye cloudless ethers of unchanging blue,
the scenery of Cuba, equally ap- Save where the rosy streaks of ere gWe
plicable to that of the tierra cali- way
ew/e, will give the reader a more To the clear sapphire ofyour midnight hue,
The burnished azure of your perfect day
342 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II.
As they approached the Indian city, they saw
abundant signs of cultivation, in the trim gardens
and orchards that lined both sides of the road.
They were now met by parties of the natives of
either sex, who increased in numbers with every step
of their progress. The women, as well as men,
mingled fearlessly among the soldiers, bearing bunch-
es and wreaths of flowers, with which they decorated
the neck of the general's charger, and hung a chap-
let of roses about his helmet. Flowers were the
delight of this people. They bestowed much care in
their cultivation, in which they were well seconded
by a climate of alternate heat and moisture, stimu-
lating the soil to the spontaneous production of every
form of vegetable life. The same refined taste, as
we shall see, prevailed among the warlike Aztecs,
and has survived the degradation of the nation in
their descendants of the present day.^^
Many of the women appeared, from their richer
dress and numerous attendants, to be persons of
rank. They were clad in robes of fine cotton,
curiously colored, which reached from the neck —
in the inferior orders, from the waist — to the an-
• Yet tell me not my native akies are bleak, es the natives noW, as in the times
That flushed with liquid wealth no cane „/• r. .x„ a j •».
fields wave; °^ ^'^^^^- ^"<^ »* presents a
For Virtue pines and Manhood dares not Strange anomaly," she adds, with
speak, her usual acuteness ; " this love of
^^ S\ZT ^^""'^ """'"*" '"""'' '""^ fl°^«^« h^^i"g existed along with
their sanguinary worship and bar-
15 " The same love of flowers," barous sacrifices." Madame Cal-
abserves one of the most delightful deron de la Barca, Life in Mexico,
of modern travellers, "distinguish- vol. I. let. 12.
Ch VII.] MARCH TO CEMPOALLA. 343
kles. The men wore a sort of mantle of the same
material, a la Morisca, in the Moorish fashion, over
their shoulders, and belts or sashes about the loins.
Both sexes had jewels and ornaments of gold round
their necks, whiie their ears and nostrils were perfo-
rated with rings of the same metal.
Just before reaching the town, some horsemen
who had rode in advance returned with the amazing
intelligence, " that they had been near enough to
look within the gates, and found the houses all plated
with burnished silver ! " On entering the place, the
silver was found to be nothing more than a brilliant
coating of stucco, with which the principal buildings
were covered; a circumstance which produced much
merriment among the soldiers at the expense of
their credulous comrades. Such ready credulity is
a proof of the exalted state of their imaginations,
which were prepared to see gold and silver in every
object around them.'*' The edifices of the better
kind were of stone and lime, or bricks dried in the
sun ; the poorer were of clay and earth. All were
thatched with palm-leaves, which, though a flimsy
roof, apparently, for such structures, were so nicely
interwoven as to form a very effectual protection
against the weather.
The city was said to contain from twenty to thirty
thousand inhabitants. This is the most moderate
computation, and not improbable. '' Slowly and
w "Con la imaginacion que reiucia," Gomara, Cr6nica, cap
Uevaban, i buenos deseos, todo se 32, ap. Barcia, torn. II.
Ips antojaba plata i oro lo que ^^ This is Las Casas' estimate.
344 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II
silently the little army paced the narrow and now
crowded streets of Cempoalla, inspiring the natives
with no greater wonder than they themselves expe-
rienced at the display of a policy and refinement so
far superior to any thing they had witnessed in the
New World. '^ The cacique came out in front of
his residence to receive them. He was a tall and
very corpulent man, and advanced leaning on two
of his attendants. He received Cortes and his fol-
lowers with great courtesy ; and, after a brief inter-
change of civilities, assigned the army its quarters in
a neighbouring temple, into the spacious court-yard
of which a number of apartments opened, affording
excellent accommodations for the soldiery.
Here the Spaniards were well supplied with pro-
visions, meat cooked after the fashion of the country,
and maize made into bread-cakes. The general
received, also, a present of considerable value from
the cacique, consisting of ornaments of gold and
fine cottons. Notwithstanding these friendly de-
monstrations, Cortes did not relax his habitual vigi-
lance, nor neglect any of the precautions of a good
soldier. On his route, indeed, he had always march-
(Hist. de las Ind.,MS.,lib. 3,cap. Its ruins were visible at the close
121.) Torqucmada hesitates be- of the last century. See Loren-
tween twenty, fifty, and one hun- zana, Hist, de Nueva Espana, p.
drcd and fifty thousand, each of 39, nota.
which he names at different times ! 18 " porque viven mas politica
(Clavigero,Stor. del Messico, tom. y rasonablementc que ninguna de
III. p. 26, nota.) The place was las gentes que hasta oy en esta«
gradually abandoned, after the Con- partes se ha visto." Carta de Vera
quest, for others, in a more favor- Cruz, MS.
able position, probably, for trade.
Ch. VII. PROCEEDINGS WITH THE NATIVES. 345
ed in order of battle, well prepared against surprise.
[n his present quarters, he stationed his sentinels
with like care, posted his small artillery so as to
command the entrance, and forbade any soldier to
leave the camp without orders, under pain of death.''
The following morning, Cortes, accompanied by
fifty of his men, paid a visit to the lord of Cempoalla
in his own residence. It was a building of stone
and lime, standing on a steep terrace of earth, and
was reached by a flight of stone steps. It may have
borne resemblance in its structure to some of the
ancient buildings found in Central America. Cortes,
leaving his soldiers in the court-yard, entered the
mansion with one of his officers, and his fair inter-
preter, Dona Marina.^'' A long conference ensued,
from which the Spanish general gathered much light
respecting the state of the country. He first an-
nounced to the chief, that he was the subject of a
great monarch who dwelt beyond the waters ; that
he had come to the Aztec shores, to abolish the
inhuman worship which prevailed there, and to
introduce the knowledge of the true God. The
cacique replied, that their gods, who sent them the
sunshine and the rain, were good enough for them ;
that he was the tributary of a powerful monarch
also, whose capital stood on a lake far off among
19 Las Casas, Hist, de las Indias, 20 The courteous title of dofia
MS., lib. 3, cap. 121. — Carta de is usually given by the Spanish
Vera Cruz, MS. — Gomara, Cr6- chroniclers to this accomplished
nica, cap. 33, ap. Barcia, torn. II. Indian.
— Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind., MS.,
lib. 33, cap. 1.
VOL. I. 44
346 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II
the mountains ; a stern prince, merciless in his ex-
actions, and, in case of resistance, or any offence,
s!ire to wreak his vengeance by carrying off their
young men and maidens to be sacrificed to his dei-
ties. Cortes assured him that he would never con-
sent to such enormities ; he had been sent by his
sovereign to redress abuses and to punish the op-
pressor ; ^' and, if the Totonacs would be true to
him, he would enable them to throw off the detested
yoke of the Aztecs.
The cacique added, that the Totonac territory
contained about thirty towns and villages, which
could muster a hundred thousand warriors, — a num-
ber much exaggerated.^^ There were other prov-
inces of the empire, he said, where the Aztec rule
was equally odious ; and between him and the cap-
ital lay the warlike republic of Tlascala, which had
always maintained its independence of Mexico.
The fame of the Spaniards had gone before them,
and he was well acquainted with their terrible vic-
tory at Tabasco. But still he looked with doubt
and alarm to a rupture with " the great Montezuma,"
as he always styled him ; whose armies, on the least
provocation, would pour down from the mountain
21 <'No venia, sine a deshacer 22 Ibid., cap. 36.
ag^ravios, i favorccer los presos, Cortes, in his Second Letter to
aiudar a los mezquinos, i quitar the emperor Charles V., estimates
tiranias." (Gomara, Cr6nica, cap. the number of fighting men at
33, ap. Barcia, lorn. II.) Are we 50,000. Relacion Segunda, ap.
reading the adventures — it is the Lorenzana, p. 40.
language — of Don Quixote, or
Amadis de Gaula 1
C«. VII.] PROCEEDINGS WITH THE NATIVES. 347
regions of the West, and, rushing over the plains like
a whirlwind, sweep off the wretched people to sla-
very and sacrifice !
Cortes endeavoured to reassure him, by declaring
that a single Spaniard was stronger than a host of
Aztecs. At the same time, it was desirable to know
what nations would cooperate with him, not so
much on his account, as theirs, that he might dis-
tinguish friend from foe, and know w^hom he was to
spare in this war of extermination. Having raised
the confidence of the admiring chief by this com-
fortable and politic vaunt, he took an affectionate
leave, with the assurance that he would shortly re-
turn and concert measures for their future operations,
when he had visited his ships in the adjoining port,
and secured a permanent settlement there. ~^
The intelligence gained by Cortes gave great
satisfaction to his mind. It confirmed his former
views, and showed, indeed, the interior of the mon-
archy to be in a state far more distracted than he
had supposed. If he had before scarcely shrunk
from attacking the Aztec empire in the true spirit
of a knight-errant, with his single arm, as it were,
what had he now to fear, when one half of the
nation could be thus marshalled against the other ?
In the excitement of the moment, his sanguine spirit
kindled with an enthusiasm which overleaped every
obstacle. He communicated his own feelings to the
23 Las Casas, Hist, de las Indias, — Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind., MS.,
MS., lib. 3, cap. 121. — Ixtlilxo- lib. 33, cap. 1.
chitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 81.
348 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II.
officers about him, and, before a blow was struck, they
already felt as if the banners of Spain were waving
in triumph from the towers of Montezuma ! But
many a bloody field was to be fought, many a peril
and privation to be encountered, before that consum-
mation could be attained.
Taking leave of the hospitable Indian, on the
following day, the Spaniards took the road to Chi-
ahuitztla,^^ about four leagues distant, near which
was the port discovered by Montejo, where their
ships were now riding at anchor. They were pro-
vided by the cacique with four hundred Indian
porters, tamanes, as they were called, to transport
the baggage. These men easily carried fifty pounds'
weight, five or six leagues in a day. They were in
use all over the Mexican empire, and the Spaniards
found them of great service, henceforth, in relieving
the troops from this part of their duty. They
]>assed through a country of the same rich, voluptu-
ous character as that which they had lately trav-
ersed ; and arrived early next morning at the Indian
town, perched like a fortress on a bold, rocky emi-
nence that commanded the Gulf. Most of the in-
habitants had fled, but fifteen of the principal men
remained, who received them in a friendly manner,
offering the usual compliments of flowers and in-
^ The historian, with the aid and Solis spell the name of this
of Clavigero, himself a Mexican, place Qiiiabislan. Blunders in
may rectify frequent blunders of such a barbarous nomenclature
former writers, in the orthography must be admitted to be very par-
of Aztec names. Both Robertson donable.
Ch. VII.] PROCEEDINGS WITH THE NATIVES. 349
cense. The people of the place, losing their fears,
gradually returned. While conversing with the chiefs,
the Spaniards were joined by the worthy cacique of
Cempoalla, borne by his men on a litter. He
eagerly took part in their deliberations. The intelli-
gence gained here by Cortes confirmed the accounts
already gathered of the feelings and resources of the
Totonac nation.
In the midst of their conference, they were inter-
rupted by a movement among the people, and soon
afterwards five men entered the great square or mar-
ket-place, where they were standing. By their lofty
port, their peculiar and much richer dress, they
seemed not to be of the same race as these In-
dians. Their dark, glossy hair was tied in a knot
on the top of the head. They had bunches of
flowers in their hands, and were followed by several
attendants, some bearing wands with cords, others
fans, with which they brushed away the flies and in-
sects from their lordly masters. As these persons
passed through the place, they cast a haughty look
on the Spaniards, scarcely deigning to return their
salutations. They were immediately joined, in great
confusion, by the Totonac chiefs, who seemed anx-
ious to conciliate them by every kind of attention.
The general, much astonished, inquired of Marina,
what it meant. She informed him, they were Az-
tec nobles, empowered to receive the tribute for
Montezuma. Soon after, the chiefs returned with
dismay painted on their faces. They confirmed
Marina's statement, adding, that the Aztecs greatlv
350 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II
resented the entertainment afforded the Spaniards
without the Emperor's permission ; and demanded in
expiation twenty young men and women for sacri-
fice to the gods. Cortes showed the strongest in-
dignation at this insolence. He required the To-
tonacs not only to refuse t^e demand, but to arrest
the persons of the collectors, and throw them into
prison. The chiefs hesitated, but he insisted on it
so peremptorily, that they at length complied, and
the Aztecs were seized, bound hand and foot, and
placed under a guard.
In the night, the Spanish general procured the es-
cape of two of them, and had them brought secretly
before him. He expressed his regret at the indigni-
ty they had experienced from the Totonacs ; told
them, he would provide means for their flight, and
to-morrow would endeavour to obtain the release of
their companions. He desired them to report this
to their master, with assurances of the great regard
the Spaniards entertained for him, notwithstanding
his ungenerous behaviour in leaving them to perish
from want on his barren shores. He then sent the
Mexican nobles down to the port, whence they were
carried to another part of the coast by water, for
fear of the violence of the Totonacs. These were
greatly incensed at the escape of the prisoners, and
would have sacrificed the remainder, at once, but for
the Spanish commander, who evinced the utmost
horror at the proposal, and ordered them to be sent
for safe custody on board the fleet. Soon after, they
were permitted to join their companions. — This
Ch. VII.l PROCEEDINGS WITH THE NATIVES. 351
artfiil proceeding, so characteristic of the policy of
Cortes, had, as we shall see, hereafter, all the effect
intended on Montezuma. It cannot be commend-
ed, certainly, as in the true spirit of chivalry. Yet
it has not wanted its panegyrist among the nation-
al historians ! ^^
By order of Cortes, messengers were despatched
to the Totonac towns, to report what had been
done, calling on them to refuse the payment of fur-
ther tribute to Montezuma. But there was no need
of messengers. The affi-ighted attendants of the
Aztec lords had fled in every direction, bearing the
tidings, which spread like wildfire through the coun-
try, of the daring insult offered to the majesty of
Mexico. The astonished Indians, cheered with the
sweet hope of regaining their ancient liberty, came
in numbers to Chiahuitztla, to see and confer with
the formidable strangers. The more timid, dismayed
at the thoughts of encountering the power of Mon-
tezuma, recommended an embassy to avert his dis-
pleasure by timely concessions. But the dexterous
management of Cortes had committed them too far
to allow any reasonable expectation of indulgence
from this quarter. After some hesitation, therefore,
it was determined to embrace the protection of the
Spaniards, and to make one bold effort for the recovery
of freedom. Oaths of allegiance were taken by the
chiefs to the Spanish sovereigns, and duly recorded
by Godoy, the royal notary. Cortes, satisfied with
25 " Grande artifice," exclaims capitan el que sabe caminar en al-
Solis, " de medir lo que disponia cance de las contingencias "! Con-
con lo que recelaba ; y prudente quista, lib. 2, cap. 9.
352 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II
the important acquisition of so many vassals to the
crown, set out soon after for the destined port, hav-
ing first promised to revisit Cempoalla, where his
business was but partially accomplished.^^
The spot selected for the new city was only half
a league distant, in a wide and fruitful plain, afford-
ing a tolerable haven for the shipping. Cortes was
not long in determining the circuit of the walls, and
the sites of the fort, granary, town-house, temple,
and other public buildings. The friendly Indians
eagerly assisted, by bringing materials, stone, lime,
wood, and bricks dried in the sun. Every man put
his hand to the work. The general labored with
the meanest of the soldiers, stimulating their exer-
tions by his example, as well as voice. In a few
weeks, the task was accomplished, and a town rose
up, which, if not quite worthy of the aspiring name
it bore, answered most of the purposes for which it
was intended. It served as a good point cfappui
for future operations ; a place of retreat for the dis-
abled, as well as for the army in case of reverses ;
a magazine for stores, and for such articles as might
be received from or sent to the mother country ; a
port for the shipping ; a position of sufficient strength
to ovv^rawe the adjacent country.^
*-» Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 27 Carta de Vera Cruz, MS. —
iViS., cap. 81. — Rel. Seg.de Cor- Bernal Diaz, Conquista, cap. 48.
t^s, ap. Lorenzana, p. 40. — Go- — Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind., MS.,
mara, Cr6nica, cap. 34-36, ap. lib. 33, cap. 1. — Declaracion de
Barcia, torn. H. — Bernal Diaz, Montejo, MS.
Conquista, cap. 46, 47. — Herre- Notwithstanding the advantages
ra, Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. 5, of its situation, La Villa Rica was
f^ap. 10, 11. abandoned in a few years for a
Ch. VII.] FOUNDATION OF VERA CRUZ. 353
It was the first colony — the fruitful parent of so
many others — in New Spain. It was hailed with
satisfaction by the simple natives, who hoped to re-
pose in safety under its protecting shadow. Alas !
they could not read the future, or they would have
found no cause to rejoice in this harbinger of a revo-
lution more tremendous than any predicted by their
bards and prophets. It was not the good Quetzal-
coatl, who had returned to claim his own again,
bringing peace, freedom, and civilization in his train.
Their fetters, indeed, would be broken ; and their
wrongs be amply avenged on the proud head of the
A.ztec. But it was to be by that strong arm, which
should bow down equally the oppressor and the op-
pressed. The light of civilization would be poured
on their land. But it would be the light of a con-
suming fii'e, before which their barbaric glory, their
institutions, their very existence and name as a
nation, would wither and become extinct ! Their
doom was sealed, when the white man had set his
foot on their soil.
neighbouring position to the south, as is pretended, it was on account
not far from tlie mouth of the An- of the vomito, the inhabitants, one
tigna. This second settlement would suppose, can have gained
was known by the name of Vera little by the exchange. (See Hum-
Cruz Vieja, "Old Vera Cruz." boldt, Essai Politique, torn. II. p.
Early in the 17th century this 210.) A want of attention to these
place, also, was abandoned for the changes has led to much confu-
present city, Nueva Vera Cruz, sion and inaccuracy in the ancient
or New Vera Cruz, as it is called, maps. Lorenzana has not escaped
(See Ante, chap. 5, note 7.) Of them in his chart and topographi-
the true cause of these successive cal account of the route of Cortes.
migrations we are ignorant. If,
VOT,. I. 45
CHAPTER VIII.
Another Aztec Embassy. — Destruction of the Idols. — Ds-
SPATCHES SENT TO SPAIN. — CONSPIRACY IN THE CaMP. — ThE
Fleet sunk.
1519.
While the Spaniards were occupied with their
new settlement, they were surprised by the presence
of an embassy from Mexico. The account of the
"imprisonment of the royal collectors had spread rap-
idly through the country. When it reached the
capital, all were filled with amazement at the un-
precedented daring of the strangers. In Montezu-
ma every other feeling, even that of fear, was
swallowed up in indignation ; and he showed his
wonted energy in the vigorous preparations which
lie instantly made, to punish his rebellious vassals,
and to avenge the insult offered to the majesty of
the empire. But when the Aztec officers liberated
by Cortes reached the capital, and reported the
courteous treatment they had received from the
Spanish commander, Montezuma's anger was miti-
gated, and his superstitious fears, getting the ascen-
dency again, induced him to resume his former timid
and conciliatory policy. He accordingly sent an
embassy, consisting of two youths, his nephews, and
Ch. VIII.J ANOTHER AZTEC EMBASSY. 355
four of the ancient nobles of his court, to the Span-
ish quarters. He provided them, in his usual munif-
icent spirit, with a princely donation of gold, rich
cotton stuffs, and beautiful mantles of the plumaje,
or feather embroidery. The envoys, on coming be-
fore Cortes, presented him with the articles, at the
same time offering the acknowledgments of their
master for the courtesy he had shown in liberating
his captive nobles. He was surprised and afflicted,
however, that the Spaniards should have counte-
nanced his faithless vassals in their rebellion. He
had no doubt they were the strangers whose arrival
had been so long announced by the oracles, and of
the same lineage with himself.^ From deference to
them he would spare the Totonacs, while they were
present. But the time for vengeance would come.
Cortes entertained the Indian chieftains with frank
hospitality. At the same time, he took care to make
such a display of his resources, as, while it amused
their minds, should leave a deep impression of his
power. He then, after a few trifling gifts, dismissed
them with a conciliatory message to their master,
and the assurance that he should soon pay his re-
spects to him in his capital, where all misunderstand-
ing between them would be readily adjusted.
The Totonac allies could scarcely credit theh
senses, when they gathered the nature of this intei-
1 " Teniendo respeto a que tiene deuemos de ser de sus linajes."
por cierto, que somos los que sus Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Conquis.-
antepassados les auian dicho, que ta, cap. 48.
auian de venir a sus tierras, e que
356 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II
view. Notwithstanding the presence of the Span-
iards, thej had looked with apprehension to the con-
sequences of their rash act ; and their feelings of
admiration were heightened into awe, for the stran-
gers who, at this distance, could exercise so myster-
ious an influence over the terrible Montezuma.^
Not long after, the Spaniards received an applica-
tion from the cacique of Cempoalla to aid him in a
dispute in which he was engaged with a neighbouring
city. Cortes marched with a part of his forces to
his support. On the route, one Morla, a common sol-
dier, robbed a native of a couple of fowls. Cortes,
indignant at this violation of his orders before his
face, and aware of the importance of maintaining a
reputation for good faith with his allies, commanded
the man to be hung up, at once, by the roadside, in
face of the whole army. Fortunately for the poor
wretch, Pedro de Alvarado, the future conqueror of
Quiche, was present, and ventured to cut down
the body, while there was yet life in it. He, proba-
ably, thought enough had been done for example,
and the loss of a single life, unnecessarily, was more
than the little band could aflbrd. The anecdote is
characteristic, as showing the strict discipline main-
tained by Cortes* over his men, and the freedom as-
sumed by his captains, who regarded him on terms
nearly of equality, — as a fellow-adventurer with
themselves. This feeling of companionship led to a
spirit of insubordination among them, which made
9 Gomara, Crdnica, cap. 37. — Ixtlilxocliitl, Hist. Chich., MS.,cap.82.
V H. VIII.J DESTRUCTION OF THE IDOLS. 357
his own post as commander the more delicate and
difficult.
On reaching the hostile city, but a few leagues
from the coast, they were received in an amicable
manner ; and Cortes, who was accompanied by his
allies, had the satisfaction of reconciling these difier-
ent branches of the Totonac family with each other,
without bloodshed. He then returned to Cempoalla,
where he was welcomed with joy by the people,
who were now impressed with as favorable an opin-
ion of his moderation and justice, as they had before
been of his valor. In token of his gratitude, the
Indian cacique delivered to the general eight Indian
maidens, richly dressed, wearing collars and orna-
ments of gold, with a number of female slaves to
wait on them. They were daughters of the princi-
pal chiefs, and the cacique requested that the Spanish
captains might take them as their wives. Cortes
received the damsels courteously, but told the ca
cique they must first be baptized, as the sons of the
Church could have no commerce with idolaters.^ He
then declared that it was a great object of his mis-
sion to wean the natives from their heathenish abom-
inations, and besought the Totonac lord to allow his
idols to be cast down, and the symbols of the true
faith to be erected in their place.
To this the other answered as before, that his
3 " De buena g-ana recibirian de la Iglesia de Dios, tener comer-
las Doncellas como fuesen Chris- cio con idolatras." Herrera, Hist
tianos ; porque de otra niancra, General, dec. 2, lib. 5, cap. 13.
no era permitido a hombres, hijos
obu DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [BookIL
gods \v ere good enough for liiin ; nor could all
the persuasion of the general, nor the preaching of
father Olmedo, induce him to acquiesce. Mingled
with his polytheism, he had conceptions of a Su-
preme and Infinite Being, Creator of the Universe,
and his darkened understanding could not compre-
hend how such a Being could condescend to take
the form of humanity, with its infirmities and ills,
and wander about on earth, the voluntary victim of
persecution from the hands of those whom his breath
had called into existence.^ He plainly told the
Spaniards that he would resist any violence offered
to his gods, who would, indeed, avenge the act
themselves, by the instant destruction of their ene-
mies.
But the zeal of the Christians had mounted too
high to be cooled by remonstrance or menace. Dur-
ing their residence in the land, they had witnessed
more than once the barbarous rites of the natives,
their cruel sacrifices of human victims, and their
disgusting cannibal repasts.'^ Their souls sickened
^ Ibid., dec. 2, lib. 5, cap. 13. mashan visto." Still more strong-
— Las Casas, Hist, de las Indias, ly speaks Bernal Diaz. (Hist, de
MS., lib. 3, cap. 122. la Conquista, cap. 51.) The Let-
Herrera has put a very edifying ter computes tliat there were fifty
harangue, on this occasion, into the or sixty persons thus butchered in
mouth of Cortes, wliich savors each of the teocallis every year,
much more of the priest than the giving an annual consumption, in
soldier. Does he not confound him the countries which the Spaniards
with father Olmedo? had then visited, of three or four
^ "Esto habemos visto," says thousand victims ! (Carta de Vera
the Letter of Vera Cruz, " alguiios Cruz, MS.) However loose this
de nosotros, y los que lo han visto aiitliinctic may be, the general fact
(iizcn que es la mas terrible y la i.s appalling,
mas espantosa cosa de vcr (jue ja-
Cii. VIII.] DESTRUCTION OF THE IDOLS. 359
at these abominations, and they agreed with one
voice to stand by their general, when he told them,
that " Heaven Avould never smile on their enterprise,
if they countenanced such atrocities, and that, for
his own part, he was resolved the Indian idols should
be demolished that very hour, if it cost him his
life." To postpone the work of conversion was a
sin. In the enthusiasm of the moment, the dictates
of policy and ordinary prudence were alike un-
heeded.
Scarcely waiting for his commands, the Spaniards
moved towards one of the principal teocallis, or
temples, which rose high on a pyramidal foundation,
with a steep ascent of stone steps in the middle.
The cacique, divining their purpose, instantly called
his men to arms. The Indian warriors gathered
from all quarters, with shrill cries and clashing of
weapons ; wdiile the priests, in their dark cotton
robes, with dishevelled tresses matted with blood,
flowing wildly over their shoulders, rushed frantic
among the natives, calling on them to protect their
gods from violation ! All was now confusion, tumult,
and warlike menace, where so lately had been peace
and the sweet brotherhood of nations.
Cortes took his usual prompt and decided meas-
ures. He caused the cacique and some of the
principal inhabitants and priests to be arrested by
his soldiers. He then commanded them to quiet
the people, for, if an arrow was sliot against a Span-
iard, it should cost every one of them his life. Ma-
rina, at the sasne lime, represented the madness
360 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II.
of resistance, and reminded the cacique, that, if he
now alienated the affections of the Spaniards, he
would be left without a protector against the terrible
vengeance of Montezuma. These temporal consid-
erations seem to have had more weight with the
Totonac chieftain, than those of a more spiritual
nature. He covered his face with his hands, ex-
claiming, that the gods would avenge their own
wrongs.
The Christians were not slow in availing them-
selves of his tacit acquiescence. Fifty soldiers, at
a signal from their general, sprang up the great
stairway of the temple, entered the building on the
summit, the walls of which were black with human
gore, tore the huge wooden idols from their founda-
tions, and dragged them to the edge of the terrace.
Their fantastic forms and features, conveying a sym-
bolic meaning, which was lost on the Spaniards,
seemed in their eyes only the hideous lineaments of
Satan. With great alacrity they rolled the colossal
monsters down the steps of the pyramid, amidst the
triumphant shouts of their own companions, and the
groans and lamentations of the natives. They then
consummated the whole by burning them in the
presence of the assembled multitude.
The same effect followed as in Cozumel. The
Totonacs, finding their deities incapable of pre-
venting or even punishing this profanation of their
shrines, conceived a mean opinion of their power,
compared with that of the mysterious and formidable
strangers. The floor and walls of the tcocalli were
Ch. VIII.] DESTRUCTION OF THE IDOLS. 361
then cleansed, by command of Cortes, from their
foul impurities ; a fresh coating of stucco was laid
on them by the Indian masons ; and an altar was
raised, surmounted by a lofty cross, and hung with
garlands of roses. A procession was next formed,
in which some of the principal Totonac priests,
exchanging their dark mantles for robes of white,
carried lighted candles in their hands ; while an
image of the Virgin, half smothered under the weight
of flowers, was borne aloft, and, as the procession
climbed the steps of the temple, was deposited
above the altar. Mass was performed by father
Olmedo, and the impressive character of the cere-
mony and the passionate eloquence of the good
priest touched the feelings of the motley audience,
until Indians as well as Spaniards, if we may trust
the chronicler, were melted into tears and audible
sobs. The Protestant missionary seeks to enlighten
the understanding of his convert by the pale light of
reason. But the bolder Catholic, kindhng the spirit
by the splendor of the spectacle and by the glow-
ing portrait of an agonized Redeemer, sweeps along
his hearers in a tempest of passion, that drowns
every thing like reflection. He has secured his con-
vert, however, by the hold on his affections, — an
easier and more powerful hold with the untutored
savage, than reason.
An old soldier named Juan de Torres, disabled by
bodily infirmity, consented to remain and watch over
the sanctuary, and instruct the natives in its ser-
vices. Cortes then, embracing his Totonac allies,
VOL. I. 46
362 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II
now brothers in religion as in arms, set out once
more for the Villa Rica, where he had some arrange-
ments to complete, previous to his departure for the
capital.*'
He was surprised to find that a Spanish vessel
had arrived there in his absence, having on board
twelve soldiers and two horses. It was under the
command of a captain named Saucedo, a cavalier of
the ocean, who had followed in the track of Cortes
in quest of adventure. Though a small, thej af-
forded a very seasonable body of recruits for the
little army. By these men, the Spaniards were
informed that Velasquez, the governor of Cuba, had
lately received a warrant from the Spanish govern-
ment to establish a colony in the newly discovered
countries.
Cortes now resolved to put a plan in execution
Avhich he had been some time meditating. He knew
that all the late acts of the colony, as well as his
own authority, would fall to the ground without the
royal sanction. He knew, too, that the interest of
Velasquez, which was great at court, would, so soon
as he was acquainted with his secession, be wholly
employed to circumvent and crush him. He resolved
to anticipate his movements, and to send a vessel to
Spain, with despatches addressed to the emperor
himself, announcing the nature and extent of his
*> Las Casas, Hist, de las Indias, 43. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec.
MS., lib. 3, cap. 122. — Bernal 2, lib. 5, cap. 13, 14. — Ixtlilxo-
Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista, cap. chitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 83.
T)l, 52. — Gouiara, Cronica, cap.
Ch. VIIl.J DESPATCHES SENT TO SPAIN. 363
discoveries, and to obtain, if possible, the confmnation
of his proceedings. In order to conciliate his mas-
ter's good-will, he further proposed to send him such
a present, as should suggest lofty ideas of the im-
portance of his own services to the crown. To
eifect this, the royal fifth he considered inadequate,
lie conferred with his officers, and persuaded them
to relinquish their share of the treasure. At his
instance, they maide a similar application to the sol-
diers ; representing that it was the earnest wish of
the general, who set the example by resigning his
own fifth, equal to the share of the crown. It was
but little that each man was asked to surrender, but
the whole would make a present worthy of the
monarch for whom it was intended. By this sacri-
fice, they might hope to secure his indulgence for
the past, and his favor for the future ; a temporary
sacrifice, that would be well repaid by the security
of the rich possessions which awaited them in Mex-
ico. A paper was then circulated among the sol-
diers, which, all who were disposed to relinquish
their shares, were requested to sign. Those who
declined should have their claims respected, and
receive the amount due to them. No one refused
to sign ; thus furnishing another example of the
extraordinary power obtained by Cortes over these
rapacious spirits, who, at his call, surrendered up the
very treasures which had been the great object of
their hazardous enterprise ! ^
" Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 53. — Ixtlilxochitl, Hist
364
DISCOVERY OF MEXICO.
[Book II
He accompanied this present with a letter to the
emperor, in which he gave a full account of all that
had befallen him since his departure from Cuba ; of
his various discoveries, battles, and traffic with the
natives ; their conversion to Christianity ; his strange
perils and sufferings; many particulars respecting
the lands he had visited, and such as he could collect
in regard to the great Mexican monarchy and its
Chich., MS., cap. 82. — Carta de
Vera Cruz, MS.
A complete inventory of the ar-
ticles received from Montezuma is
contained in the Carta de Vera
Cruz. — The following are a few
of the items.
Two collars made of gold and
precious stones.
A hundred ounces of gold ore,
that their Highnesses might see in
what state the gold came from
the mines.
Two birds made of green feath-
ers, with feet, beaks, and eyes of
gold, — and, in the same piece with
them, animals of gold, resembling
snails.
A large alligator's head of gold.
A bird of green feathers, with
feet, beak, and eyes of gold.
Two birds made of thread and
feather -work having the quills of
their wings and tails, their feet,
eyes, and the ends of their beaks,
of gold, — standing upon two reeds
covered with gold, which are rais-
ed on balls of feather-work and gold
embroidery, one white and the oth-
er yellow, with seven tassels of
feather-work hanging from each of
tliem.
A large wheel of silver weigh-
ing forty marks, and several small-
er ones of the same metal.
A box of feather-work embroi-
dered on leather, with a large plate
of gold, weighing seventy ounces,
in the midst.
Two pieces of cloth woven with
feathers ; another with variegated
colors ; and another worked with
black and white figures.
A large wheel of gold, with
figures of strange animals on it,
and worked with tufts of leaves ;
weighing three thousand, eight
hundred ounces.
A fan of variegated feather-
work, with thirty -seven rods plated
with gold.
Five fans of variegated feathers,
— four of which have ten, and the
other thirteen, rods embossed with
gold.
Sixteen shields of precious
stones, with feathers of various
colors hanging from their rims.
Two pieces of cotton very rich-
ly wrought with black and white
embroidery.
Six shields, each covered with a
plate of gold , with something resem-
bling a golden mitre in the centre.
Ch. VIII]
DESPATCHES SENT TO SPAIN.
365
sovereign. He stated his difficulties with the gov-
ernor of Cuba, the proceedings of the armj in ref-
erence to colonization, and besought the emperor to
confirm their acts, as well as his own authority, ex-
pressing his entire confidence that he should be able,
with the aid of his brave followers, to place the
Castilian crown in possession of this great Indian
empire.^
This was the celebrated First Letter, as it is
called, of Cortes, which has hitherto eluded every
search that has been made for it in the libraries of
Europe.^ Its existence is fully established by refer-
ences to it, both in his own subsequent letters, and
in the writings of contemporaries. ^'^ Its general
8 " Una muy larg-a Carta,"
says Gomara, in his loose analysis
of it. Cronica, cap. 40.
9 Dr. Robertson states that the
Imperial Library at Vienna was
examined for this document, at
his instance, but without success.
(History of America, vol. II. note
70.) I have not been more fortu-
nate in the researches made for me
in the British Museum, the Royal
Library of Paris, and that of the
Academy of History at Madrid.
The last is a great depository for
the colonial historical documents ;
but a very thorough inspection of
its papers makes it certain that
this is wanting to the collection.
As the emperor received it on the
eve of his embarkation for Ger-
many, and the Letter of Vera
Cruz, forwarded at the same time,
is in the library of Vienna, this
would seem, after all, to be the
most probable place of its retreat.
^0 "En una nao," says Cortes,
in the very first sentence of his
Second Letter to the emperor,
" que de esta Nueva Espaiia de
Vuestra Sacra Mag-estad despache
a 16 de Julio de el aiio 1519 embie
a Vuestra Alteza muy larga y
particular Relacion de las cusas
hasta aquella sazon despues que
yo a ella vine en ella sucedidas."
(Rel. Seg. de Cortes, ap. Loren-
zana, p. 38.) "Cortes escriuio,"
says Bernal Diaz, "segun el nos
dixo, con recta relacion, mas no
vimos su carta." (Hist, de la Con-
quista, cap. 53.) (Also, Oviedo,
Hist, de las Ind., MS., lib. 33,
cap. 1, and Gomara, ut supra.)
Were it not for these positive tes-
timonies, one might suppose that
the Carta de Vera Cruz had sug-
366 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II.
purport is given by his chaplain, Gomara. The
importance of the document has doubtless been
much overrated ; and, should it ever come to light,
it will probably be found to add little of interest to
the matter contained in the letter from Vera Cruz,
which has formed the basis of the preceding portion
of our narrative. He had no sources of information
beyond those open to the authors of the latter docu-
ment. He was even less full and frank in hil com-
munications, if it be true, that he suppressed all
notice of the discoveries of his two immediate pre-
decessors.'^
The magistrates of the Villa Rica, in their epistle,
went over the same ground with Cortes ; concluding
with an emphatic representation of the misconduct
of Velasquez, whose venality, extortion, and selfish
devotion to his personal interests, to the exclusion of
those of his sovereigns as well as of his own follow-
ers, they placed in a most clear and unenviable
light.'^ They implored the government not to sanc-
tion his interference with the new colony, which
would be fatal to its welfare, but to commit the un-
dertaking to Hernando Cortes, as the man most
gested an imagivary letter of Cor- as he admits he never saw the
t^s. Indeed, the copy of the for- letter himself. Ibid., cap. 54.
mer document, belonging to the ^~ " Fingiendo mill cautelas,"
Spanish Academy of History, — says Las Casas, politely, of this
and perhaps the original at Vienna, part of the letter, "y afirmando
— bears the erroneous title of otras muchas falsedades e menti-
"Primera Relacion dc Cortes." ras''I Hist, de las Indias, MS.
11 This is the imputation of lib. 3, cap. 122.
Bemal Diaz, reported on hearsay.
Ch. VIII] despatches sent to SPAIN. 367
capable, by his experience and conduct, of bringing
it to a glorious termination.^^
With this letter went also another in the name
of the citizen-soldiers of Villa Rica, tendering their
dutiful submission to the sovereigns, and requestin<i
the confirmation of their proceedings, above all, that
of Cortes as their general.
The selection of the agents for the mission was a
delicate matter, as on the result might depend the
future fortunes of the colony and its commander.
Cortes intrusted the affair to two cavaliers on whom
he could rely ; Francisco de Montejo, the ancient
partisan of Velasquez, and Alonso Hernandez de
Puertocarrero. The latter officer was a near kins-
man of the count of Medellin, and it was hoped his
high connexions might secure a favorable influence
at court.
13 This document is of the great- naturales de ella, y por esto no nos
est value and interest, coming as entremetemos a dar mas de aquello
it does from the best instructed que por muy cierto y verdadero
persons in the camp. It presents Vras. Reales Altezas podran man-
an elaborate record of all then dartener." The account given of
known of the countries they had Velasquez, however, must be con-
visited, and of the principal move- sidered as an ex parte testimony,
ments of the army, to the time of and, as such, admitted with great
the foundation of the Villa Rica, reserve. It was essential to their
The writers conciliate our confi- own vindication, to vindicate Cor-
dence by the circumspect tone of tes. The letter has never been
their narration. " Querer dar,'' printed. The original exists, as
they say, " a Vuestra Magestad to- above stated, in the Imperial Li-
das las particularidades de esta tier- brary at Vienna. The copy in my
ra y gente de ella, podria ser que possession, covering more than
en algo se errase la relacion, por- sixty pages folio, is taken from
que muchas de ellas no se han visto that of the Academy of History at
mas de por informaciones de los Madrid.
'368 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II.
Together with the treasure, which seemed to ver-
ify the assertion that " the land teemed with gold as
abundantly as that whence Solomon drew the same
precious metal for his temple,'"^ several Indian man-
uscripts were sent. Some were of cotton, others of
the Mexican agave. Their unintelligible characters,
says a chronicler, excited little interest in the Con-
querors. As evidence of intellectual culture, how-
ever, they formed higher objects of interest to a
philosophic mind, than those costly fabrics which at-
tested only the mechanical ingenuity of the nation. '°
lour Indian slaves were added as specimens of the
natives. They had been rescued from the cages in
which they were confined for sacrifice. One of the
best vessels of the fleet was selected for the voyage,
manned by fifteen seamen, and placed under the di-
rection of the pilot Alaminos. He was directed to
hold his course through the Bahama channel, north
of Cuba, or Fernandina, as it was then called, and
on no account to touch at that island, or any other
in the Indian ocean. With these instructions, the
good ship took its departure on the 26th of July,
freighted with the treasures and the good wishes of
the community of the Villa Rica de Vera Cruz.
14 "A nupstra parecer sc debe enlightened views he took of tJie
creer, que rii en esta ticrra tanto new discoveries, devotes half a
(juanto en a/iuella dc donde se dize chapter to the Indian manuscripts,
aver llevado Salomon el oro para in which he recognised the evi-
el templo." Carta de Vera Crirz, dence of a civilization analog-ous
MS. to the Egyptian. De Orbe Novo,
15 Peter Martyr, preeminent dec. 4, cap. 8.
above his contemporaries for the
Ch. VIII.] DESPATCHES SENT TO SPAIN. 369
After a quick run the emissaries made the island of
Cuba, and, in direct disregard of orders, anchored be-
fore Marien, on the northern side of the island. This
was done to accommodate Montejo, who wished to
visit a plantation owned by him in the neighbour-
hood. While off the port, a sailor got on shore, and,
crossing the island to St. Jago, the capital, spread
everywhere tidings of the expedition, until they
reached the ears of Velasquez. It was the first in-
telligence which had been received of the armament
since its departure ; and, as the governor listened to
the recital, it would not be easy to paint the mingled
emotions of curiosity, astonishment, and wrath which
agitated his bosom. In the first sally of passion, he
poured a storm of invective on the heads of his sec-
retary and treasurer, the friends of Cortes, who had
recommended him as the leader of the expedition.
After somewhat relieving himself in this way, he
despatched two fast-sailing vessels to Marien with
orders to seize the rebel ship, and, in case of her
departure, to follow and overtake her.
But before the ships could reach that port, the
bird had tiown, and was far on her way across the
broad Atlantic. Stung with mortification at this
fresh disappointment, Velasquez wrote letters of in-
dignant complaint to the government at home, and
to the fathers of St. Jerome, in Hispaniola, de-
manding redress. He obtained little satisfaction
from the last. He resolved, however, to take it into
his own hands, and set about making formidable
preparations for another squadron, which should be
VOL. I. 47
370 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO fBooK II
more than a match for that under his rebellious offi-
cer. He was indefatigable in his exertions, visiting
every part of the island, and straining all his re-
sources to effect his purpose. The preparations
were on a scale that necessarily consumed many
months.
Meanwhile the little vessel was speeding her pros-
perous way across the waters ; and, after touching
at one of the Azores, came safely into the harbour
of St. Lucar, in the month of October. However
long it may appear, in the more perfect nautical sci-
ence of our day, it was reckoned a fair voyage for
that. Of what befell the commissioners on their
arrival, their reception at court, and the sensation
caused by their intelligence, I defer the account to a
future chapter.'^
Shortly after the departure of the commissioners,
an affair occurred of a most unpleasant nature. A
number of persons, with the priest Juan Diaz at
their head, ill-affected, from some cause or other,
towards the administration of Cortes, or not relish
ing the hazardous expedition before them, laid a
plan to seize one of the vessels, make the best of
their way to Cuba, and report to the governor the
fate of the armament. It was conducted with so
much secrecy, that the party had got their provis-
16 Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con- chiefly derived from his conversa-
quista, cap. 54 - 57. — Gomara, tions with Alaminos and the two
Cr6nica, cap. 40. — Herrera, Hist, envoys, on their arrival at court.
General, dec. 2, lib. 5, cap. 14. — De Orbe Novo, dec. 4, cap. 6, et
Carta de A'^era Cruz, MS. alibi; also Idem, OpusEpistolarum,
Martyr's copious information was (Amstelodami, 1670,) ep. 650
Ch. VIII.] CONSPIRACY IN THE CAMP. 371
ions, water, and every thing necessary for the voyage,
on board, without detection ; when the conspiracy
was betrayed, on the very night they were to sail, by
one of their own number, who repented the part he
had taken in it. The general caused the persons
implicated to be instantly apprehended. An exam-
ination was instituted. The guilt of the parties was
placed beyond a doubt. Sentence of death was
passed on two of the ringleaders ; another, the pilot,
was condemned to lose his feet, and severai others to
be whipped. The priest, probably the most guilty
of the whole, claiming the usual benefit of clergy, was
permitted to escape. One of those condemned to the
gallows was named Escudero, the very alguacil who,
the reader may remember, so stealthily apprehended
Cortes before the sanctuary in Cuba.'^ The general,
on siffnins the death-warrants, was heard to exclaim,
"Would that J had never learned to write!" It
was not the first time, it was remarked, that the ex-
clamation had been uttered in similar circumstances.'^
The arrangements being now finally settled at
the Villa Rica, Cortes sent forward Alvarado, with a
laro-e part of the army, to Cempoalla, where he soon
after joined them with the remainder. The late affair
17 See Ante, p. 240. It was the exclamation of Nero,
18 Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con- as reported by Suetonius. "Et
^uista, cap. 57. — Oviedo, Hist, de cum de supplicio cujusdam capite
las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 2. — damnati ut ex more subscriberel,
Las Casas, Hist, de las Indias, admoneretur, ' Quam vellem,' in-
MS., lib. 3, cap. 122. — Demanda quit, ' nescire literas !' " Lib. 6.
de Narvaez, MS. — Rel. Seg. de cap. 10
Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p. 41
372 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book II.
of the conspiracy seems to have made a deep impres-
sion on his mind. It showed him, that there were
timid spirits in the camp on whom he could not rely,
and who, he feared, might spread the seeds of disaf-
fection among their companions. Even the more
resolute, on any occasion of disgust or disappoint-
ment hereafter, might falter in purpose, and, getting
possession of the vessels, abandon the enterprise.
This was already too vast, and the odds were too
formidable, to authorize expectation of success with
diminution of numbers. Experience showed that
this was always to be apprehended, while means of
escape were at hand.'^ The best chance for suc-
cess was to cut off these means. — He came to the
daring resolution to destroy the fleet, without the
knowledge of his army.
When arrived at CempoalU, he communicated his
design to a few of his devoted adherents, who en-
tered warmly into his views. Through them he
readily persuaded the pilots, by means of those golden
arguments Avhich weigh more than any other with
ordinary minds, to make such a report of the condi-
tion of the fleet as suited his purpose. The ships,
they said, were grievously racked by the heavy gales
they had encountered, and, what was worse, the
worms had eaten into their sides and bottoms until
'3 "Y porquc," says Cortes, "de- pocos Espafioles que eramos, esta-
inas de los que por ser criados y ban del mismo proposito ; creyen-
amigos de Diego Velasquez lenian do, que si alii los navios dejasse,
voluntad de salir de la Tierra, ha- se me alzarian con ellos, y yendose
bia olros, que por verla tan grande, todos los que de esta voluntad
y da tanta gente, y tal, y ver los estavan, yo quedaria casi solo "
ch. viii] the fleet sunk. 373
most of them were not sea-worthy, and some, in-
deed, could scarcely now be kept afloat.
Cortes received the communication with surprise ;
" for he could well dissemble, " observes Las Casas,
with his usual friendly comment, " when it suited
his interests." " If it be so, " he exclaimed, " wc
must make the best of it ! Heaven's will be done ! " ^
He then ordered five of the worst conditioned to be
dismantled, their cordage, sails, iron, and whatever
was movable, to be brought on shore, and the ships
to be sunk. A survey was made of the others, and,
on a similar report, four more were condemned in
the same manner. Only one small vessel remained !
When the intelligence reached the troops in Cem-
poalla, it caused the deepest consternation. They
saw themselves cut off by a single blow from friends,
family, country ! The stoutest hearts quailed before
the prospect of being thus abandoned on a hostile
shore, a handful of men arrayed against a formidable
empire. When the news arrived of the destruction
of the five vessels first condemned, they had acqui-
esced in it as a necessary measure, knowing the
mischievous activity of the insects in these tropical
seas. But, when this was followed by the loss of
the remaining four, suspicions of the truth flashed on
their minds. They felt they were betrayed. Mur-
20 »'Mostr6 quando se lo dixe- e que si no estavan para navegar
ron mucho sentimiento Cortes, por- que diesen gracias a Dios por ello,
que savia bien hager iingimientos pues no se podia hacer mas." Las
quando le era provechoso, y rres- Casas, Hist, de las Indias, MS.,
pondioles que mirasen vien en ello, lib. 3, cap. 122.
374 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [Book 11.
murs, at first deep, swelled louder and louder, menac-
ing open mutiny. " Their general," they said, " had
led them like cattle to be butchered in the sham-
bles ! " -' The affair wore a most alarming aspect.
In no situation was Cortes ever exposed to greater
danger from his soldiers.^"
His presence of mind did not desert him at this
crisis. He called his men together, and, employing
the tones of persuasion rather than authority, assured
them, that a survey of the ships showed they were
not fit for service. If he had ordered them to be de-
stroyed, they should consider, also, that his was the
greatest sacrifice, for they were his property, — all,
indeed, he possessed in the world. The troops, on
the other hand, would derive one great advantage
from it, by the addition of a hundred able-bodied
recruits, before required to man the vessels. But,
even if the fleet had been saved, it could have been
of little service in their present expedition ; since
they would not need it if they succeeded, while
they would be too far in the interior to profit by
it if they failed. He besought them to turn their
thoughts in another direction. To be thus cal-
culating chances and means of escape was unwor-
thy of brave souls. They had set their hands to
the work ; to look back, as they advanced, would be
21 "Decian, que los queria me- gros que pasaron per Cortes de
ter en el matadero." Gomara, muchos que para malallo de los
Crdnica, cap. 42. mismos Espanoles estuvo." Las
^ " Al cavo lo ovi6ron de sentir Casas, Hist, de las Indias, MS.,
la gente y ayna se le amotinaran lib. 3, cap. 122.
muchos, y esta fue uno de los peli-
ch viil] the fleet sunk. 375
their ruin. They had only to resume their former
confidence in themselves and their general, and suc-
cess was certain. " As for me," he concluded, " I
have chosen my part. I will remain here, while
there is one to bear me company. If there be any
so craven, as to shrink from sharing the dangers oi"
our glorious enterprise, let them go home, in God's
name. There is still one vessel left. Let them take
that and return to Cuba. They can tell there, how
they have deserted their commander and their com-
rades, and patiently wait till we return loaded with
the spoils of the Aztecs." ^^
The politic orator had touched the right chord m
the bosoms of the soldiers. As he spoke, their re-
sentment gradually died away. The faded visions
of future riches and glory, rekindled by his eloquence,
again floated before their imaginations. The first
shock over, they felt ashamed of their temporary
distrust. The enthusiasm for their leader revived,
for they felt that under his banner only they could
hope for victory ; and, as he concluded, they testified
the revulsion of their feelings by making the air ring
with their shouts, " To Mexico ! to Mexico ! "
The destruction of his fleet by Cortes is, perhaps,
the most remarkable passage in the life of this re-
23 " Que ninguno seria tan c6- dejar de hacer este se podia ir ben-
barde y tan pusilanime que queria dito de Digs a Cuba en el navio
estimar su vida mas que la suya, que habia dexado, de que antes de
ni de tan debil corazon que dudase mucho sc arrepentiria, y pelaria la3
de ir con ^1 a Mexico, donde tanto barbas, viendolabuena ventura que
bien le estaba aparejado, y que si esperaba le sucederia." Ixtlilx-
acaso se determinaba alguno de ocbitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 82.
376
DISCOVERY OF MEXICO.
[Book II
markable man. History, indeed, affords examples
of a similar expedient in emergencies somewhat sim-
ilar ; but none where the chances of success were
so precarious, and defeat would be so disastrous.^
Had he failed, it might well seem an act of madness.
Yet it was the fruit of deliberate calculation. He
had set fortune, fame, life itself, all upon the cast,
and must abide the issue. There was no alterna-
tive in his mind but to succeed or perish. The
measure he adopted greatly increased the chance of
success. But to carry it into execution, in the face
of an incensed and desperate soldiery, was an act
of resolution that has few parallels in history .^^
'^ Perhaps the most remarkable
of these examples is that of Ju-
lian, who, in his unfortunate Assy-
rian invasion, burnt the fleet which
had carried him up the Tigris.
The story is told by Gibbon, who
shows very satisfactorily that the
fleet would have proved a hinder-
ance rather than a help to the em-
peror in his further progress. See
History of the Decline and Fall,
(vol. IX. p. 177,) of Milman's ex-
cellent edition.
25 The account given in the text
of the destruction of the fleet is
not that of Bernal Diaz, who states
it to have been accomplished, not
only with the knowledge, but entire
approbation of the army, though
at the suggestion of Cortes. (Hist.
de la Conquista, cap. 58). This
version is sanctioned by Dr. Rob-
ertson (History of America, vol.
n. pp. 253, 254). One should be
very slow to depart from the hon-
est record of the old soldier, espe-
cially when confirmed by the dis-
criminating judgment of the His-
torian of America. But Cortes
expressly declares in his letter to
the emperor, that he ordeted the
vessels to be sunk, without the
knowledge of his men, from the
apprehension, that, if the means of
escape were open, the timid and
disaffected might, at some future
time, avail themselves of them.
(Rel. Seg. de Cortes, ap.Lorenza-
na, p. 41.) The cavaliers Monte-
jo y Puertocarrero, on their visit
to Spain, stated, in their deposi-
tions, that the general destroyed
the fleet on information received
from the pilots. (Declaraciones,
MSS.) Narvaez in his accusation
of Cortes, and Las Casas, speak
of the act in terms of unqualified
reprobation, charging him, moreo-
Ch. VIII.]
LAS CASAS.
377
ver, with bribing the pilots to bore
holes in the bottoms of the ships,
in order to disable them. (De-
manda de Narvaez, MS. — Hist, de
las Indias, MS., lib. 3, cap. 122.)
The same account of the transac-
tion, though with a very different
commentary as to its merits, is re-
peated by Oviedo, (Hist, de las
Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 2,) Go-
mara, (Cronica, cap. 42,) and Pe-
ter Martyr, (De Orbe Novo, dec.
5, cap. 1,) all of whom had access
to the best sources of information.
The affair, so remarkable as the
act of one individual, becomes ab-
solutely incredible, when consid-
ered as the result of so many inde-
pendent wills. It is not improba-
ble, that Bernal Diaz, from his
known devotion to the cause, may
have been one of the few to whom
Cortes confided his purpose. The
veteran, in writing his narrative,
many years after, may have mista-
ken a part for the whole, and in
his zeal to secure to the army a
full share of the glory of the ex-
pedition, too exclusively appropri-
ated by the general, (a great ob-
ject, as he tells us, of his history,)
may have distributed among his
comrades the credit of an exploit
which, in this instance, at least,
properly belonged to their com-
mander. — Whatever be the cause
of the discrepancy, his solitary tes-
timony can hardly be sustained
against the weight of contempora-
ry evidence from such competent
sources.
Fray Bartolome de las Casas, bishop of Chiapa, whose " History of
the Indies " forms an important authority for the preceding pages, was
one of the most remarkable men of the sixteenth century. He was
born at Seville in 1474. His father accompanied Columbus, as a com-
mon soldier, in his first voyage to the New World ; and he acquired
wealth enough by his vocation to place his son at the University of Sal-
amanca. During his residence there, he was attended by an Indian
page, whom his father had brought with him from Hispaniola. Thus
the uncompromising advocate for freedom began his career as the own-
er of a slave himself. But he did not long remain so, for his slave
was one of those subsequently liberated by the generous commands
of Isabella.
In 1498, he completed his studies in law and divinity, took his
degree of licentiate, and, in 1502, accompanied Oviedo, in the most
brilliant armada which had been equipped for the Western World.
Eight years after, he was admitted to priest's orders in St. Domingo,
an event somewhat memorable, since he was the first person consecra-
ted in that holy office in the colonies. On the occupation of Cuba by
the Spaniards, Las Casas passed over to that island, where he obtained
VOL. I. 48
378 LAS CASAS. [Book II
a curacy in a small settlement. He soon, however, made himself
known to the governor, Velasquez, by the fidelity with which he dis-
charged his duties, and especially by the influence which his mild and
benevolent teaching obtained for him over the Indians. Through his
intimacy with the governor, Las Casas had the means of ameliorating
the condition of the conquered race, and from this time he may be said
to have consecrated all his energies to this one great object. At this
period, the scheme o( repartimientos , iniioductid soon after the discove-
ries of Columbus, was in full operation, and the Aboriginal population
of the Islands was rapidly melting away under a system of oppression,
which has been seldom paralleled in the annals of mankind. Las Ca-
sas, outraged at the daily exhibition of crime and misery, returned to
Spain to obtain some redress from government. Ferdinand died soon
after his arrival. Charles was absent, but the reins were held by Car-
dinal Ximenes, who listened to the complaints of the benevolent mis-
sionary, and, with his characteristic vigor, instituted a commission of
three Hieronomite friars, with full authority, as already noticed in the
text, to reform abuses. Las Casas was honored, for his exertions, with
the title of " Protector General of the Indians."
The new commissioners behaved with great discretion. But their
office was one of consummate difficulty, as it required time to introduce
important changes in established institutions. The ardent and im-
petuous temper of Las Casas, disdaining every consideration of pru-
dence, overleaped all these obstacles, and chafed under what he con-
sidered the lukewarm and temporizing policy of the commissioners.
As he was at no pains to conceal his disgust, the parties soon came to
a misunderstanding with each other ; and Las Casas again returned to
the mother country, to stimulate the government, if possible, to more
cfFectual measures for the protection of the natives.
He found the country under the administration of the Flemings, who
discovered from the first a wholesome abhorrence of the abuses prac-
tised in the colonies, and who, in short, seemed inclined to tolerate no
peculation or extortion, but their own. They acquiesced, without
much difficulty, in the recommendations of Las Casas, who proposed to
relieve the natives by sending out Castilian laborers, and by importing
A'egro slavesinto the Islands. T'.is last proposition has brought heavy
obloquy on the head of its author, who has been freel)"^ accused of hav-
ing thus introduced Negro slavery into the New World. Otlicrs, with
equal groundlessness, have attempted to vindicate his memory from the
reproach of having recommended the measure at all. Unfortunately
for the latter assertion. Las Casas, in his History of the Indies, con-
fesses, with deep regret and humiliation, his advice on this occasion,
founded on the most erroneous views, as he frankly states ; since, to
Ch. VIII.] LAS CASAS. 379
use his own words, •' the same law applies equally to the Negro as to
the Indian." But so far from having introduced slavery by this meas-
ure into the Islands, the importation of blacks there dates from the
beginning of the century. It was recommended by some of the wisest
and most benevolent persons in the colony, as the means of diminishing
the amount of human suffering ; since the African was more fitted by
lii« constitution to endure the climate and the severe toil imposed on
the slave li.di: iue feeble and effeminate islander. It was a suggestion
of humanity, however mistaken, and, considering the circumstances un-
der w^hich it occurred, and the age, it may well be forgiven in Las Ca-
sas, especially taking into view, that, as he became more enlightened
himself, he was so ready to testify his regret at having unadvisedly
countenanced the measure.
The experiment recommended by Las Casas was made, but, througb
the apathy of Fonseca, president of the Indian Council, not heartily,—
and it failed. The good missionary now proposed another, and much
bolder scheme. He requested that a large tract of country in Tierra
Firme, in the neighbourhood of the famous pearl fisheries, might be
ceded to him for the purpose of planting a colony there, and of con-
verting the natives to Christianity. He required that none of the au-
thorities of the Islands, and no military force, especially, should be
allowed to interfere with his movements. He pledged himself by
peaceful means alone to accomplish all that had been done by violence
in other quarters. He asked only that a certain number of laborers
should attend him, invited by a bounty from government, and that he
might further be accompanied by fifty Dominicans, who were to be
distinguished like himself by a peculiar dress, that should lead the na-
tives to suppose them a different race of men from the Spaniards.
This proposition was denounced as chimerical and fantastic by some,
whose own opportunities of observation entitled their judgment to
respect. These men declared the Indian, from his nature, incapable of
civilization. The question was one of such moment, that Charles the
Fifth ordered the discussion to be conducted before him. The opponent
of Las Casas was first heard, when the good missionary, in answer,
warmed by the noble cause he was to maintain, and nothing daunted by
the august presence in which he stood, delivered himself with a fer-
vent eloquence that went directly to the hearts of his auditors. " The
Christian religion," he concluded, " is equal in its operation, and is
accommodated to every nation on the globe. It robs no one of his free-
dom, violates none of his inhrrent rights, on the ground that he is a
slave by nature, as pretended ; and it well becomes your Majesty to
banish so monstrous an oppression from your kingdoms in the beginning
of your reign, that the Almighty may make it long and glorious."
"380 LAS CASAS. [Book II.
In the end Las Casas prevailed. He was furnished with the men
and means for establishing his colony; and, in 1520, embarked for
America. But the result was a lamentable failure. The country as-
signed to him lay in the neighbourhood of a Spanish settlement, which
had already committed some acts of violence on the natives. To quell
the latter, now thrown into commotion, an armed force was sent by the
young " Admiral" from Hispaniola. The very people, among whom
Las Casas was to appear as the messenger of peace, were thus in-
volved in deadly strife with his countrymen. The enemy had been
before him in his own harvest. While waiting for the close of these
turbulent scenes, the laborers, whom he had taken out with him, dis-
persed, in despair of effecting their object. And after an attempt to
pursue, with his faithful Dominican brethren, the work of colonization
further, other untoward circumstances compelled them to abandon the
project altogether. Its unfortunate author, overwhelmed with chagrin,
took refuge in the Dominican monastery in the island of Hispaniola. —
The failure of the enterprise should, no doubt, be partly ascribed to
;ircumstances beyond the control of its projector. Yet it is impossible
.lot to recognise, in the whole scheme, and in the conduct of it, the hand
)f one much more familiar with books than men, who, in the seclu-
sion of the cloister, had meditated and matured his benevolent plans,
without fully estimating ihe obstacles that lay in their way, and who
counted too confidently on meeting the same generous enthusiasm in
others, which glowed in his own bosom.
He found, in his disgrace, the greatest consolation and sympathy from
the brethren of St. Dominic, who stood forth as the avowed champions
of the Indians on all occasions, and showed themselves as devoted to
the cause of freedom in the New World, as they had been hostile to it
in the Old. Las Casas soon became a member of their order, and, in
his monastic retirement, applied himself for many years to the per-
formance of his spiritual duties, and the composition of various works,
all directed, more or less, to vindicate the rights of the Indians. Here,
too, he commenced his great work, the " Historia General de las In-
dias," which he pursued, at intervals of leisure, from 1527 till a few
years before his death. His time, however, was not wholly absorbed
by these labors ; and he found means to engage in several laborious
missions. He preached the gospel among the natives of Nicaragua,
and Guatemala ; and succeeded in converting and reducing to obedi-
ence some wild tribes in the latter province, who had defied the arms of
his countrymen. In all these pious la' ors, he was sustained by his
Dominican brethren. At length, in 1539, he crossed the waters
again , to seek further assistance and recruits among the members of
his order.
Ch. VIII.] LAS UASAS. 38 J
A great change had taken place in the board that now presided
over the colonial department. The cold and narrow-minded Fonseca,
who, during his long administration, had, it may be truly said, shown
liimself the enemy of every great name and good measure connected
with the Indians, had died. His place, as president of the Indian
Council, was filled by Loaysa, Charles's confessor. This functionary,
general of the Dominicans, gave ready audience to Las Casas, and
showed a good-will to his proposed plans of reform. Charles, too,
now grown older, seemed to feel more deeply the responsibility of
his station, and the necessity of redressing the wrongs, too long toler-
ated, of his American subjects. The state of the colonies became a
common topic of discussion, not only in the council, but in the court ;
and the representations of Las Casas made an impression that mani-
fested itself in the change of sentiment more clearly every day. He
promoted this by the publication of some of his writings at this time,
and especially of his "Brevisima Relacion," or Short Account of the
Destruction of the Indies, in which he sets before the reader the
manifold atrocities committed by his countrymen in different parts of the
New World in the prosecution of their conquests. It is a tale of woe.
Every line of the work may be said to be written in blood. How-
ever good the motives of its author, we may regret that the book
was ever written. He would have been certainly right not to spare
his countrymen ; to exhibit their misdeeds in their true colors, and by
this appalling picture — for such it would have been — to have recalled
the nation, and those who governed it, to a proper sense of the iniqui-
tous career it was pursuing on the other side of the water. But, to
produce a more striking effect, he has lent a willing ear to every tale
of violence and rapine, and magnified the amount to a degree which
borders on the ridiculous. The wild extravagance of his numerical
estimates is of itself sufficient to shake confidence in the accuracy of
his statements generally. Yet the naked truth was too startling in
itself to demand the aid of exaggeration. The book found great favor
with foreigners ; was rapidly translated into various languages, and
ornamented with characteristic designs, which seemed to put into ac
tion all the recorded atrocities of the text. It excited somewhat dif-
ferent feelings in his own countrymen, particularly the people of the
colonies, who considered themselves the subjects of a gross, however
undesigned, misrepresentation ; and, in his future intercourse with them,
it contributed, no doubt, to diminish his influence and consequent use-
fulness, by the spirit of alienation, aud even resentment, which it en-
gendered.
Las Casas' honest intentions, his enlightened views and long experi-
ence, gained him deserved credit at home. This was visible in the
382 LAS CASAS. [Book IJ.
important regulations made at this time for the better government of
the colonies, and particularly in respect to the Aborigines. A code
of laws, Las Nucvas Leyes, was passed, having for their avowed object
the enfranchisement of this unfortunate race ; and, in the wisdom and
humanity of its provisions, it is easy to recognise the hand of the
Piotector of the Indians. The history of Spanish colonial legislation
is the history of the impotent struggles of the government in behalf
of the natives, against the avarice and cruelty of its subjects. It
proves that an empire powerful at home — and Spain then was so —
may be so widely extended, that its authority shall scarcely be felt in
its extremities.
The government testified their sense of the signal services of Las
Casas, by promoting him to the bishopric of Cuzco, one of the richest
sees in the colonies. But the disinterested soul of the missionary did
not covet riches or preferment. He rejected the proffered dignity
without hesitation. Yet he could not refuse the bishopric of Chiapa,
a country, which, from the poverty and ignorance of its inhabitants,
offered a good field for his spiritual labors. In 1544, though at the
advanced age of seventy, he took upon himself these new duties, and
embarked, for the fifth and last time, for the shores of America. His
fame had preceded him. The colonists looked on his coming with
apprehension, regarding him as the real author of the new code, which
struck at their ancient immunities, and which he would be likely to
enforce to the letter. Everywhere he was received with coldness.
In some places his person was menaced with violence. But the vener-
a.ble presence of the prelate, his earnest expostulations, which flowed
BO obviously from conviction, and his generous self-devotion, so regard-
less of personal considerations, preserved him from this outrage. Yet
he showed no disposition to conciliate his opponents by what he deemed
an unworthy concession ; and he even stretched the arm of authority
80 far as to refuse the sacraments to any, who still held an Indian in
bondage. This high-handed measure not only outraged the planters,
but incurred the disapprobation of his own brethren in the Church.
Three years were spent in disagreeable altercation without coming to
any decision. The Spaniards, to borrow their accustomed phraseology
on these occasions, "obeying the law, but not fulfilling it," applied to
the Court for further instructions ; and the bishop, no longer supported
by his own brethren, thwarted by the colonial magistrates, and out-
raged by the people, relinquished a post where his presence could be
no further useful, and returned to spend the remainder of his days in
tranquillity at home.
Yet, tliough withdrawn to his Dominican convent, he did not pass
his hours in slothful seclusion. He again appeared as the champion
Ch. VIII.] LAS CASAS. 383
of Indian freedom in the famoirs controversy with Sepulveda, one of
the most acute scholars of the time, and far surpassing Las Casas in
elegance and correctness of composition. But the Bishop of Chiapa
was his superior in argument, at least in this discussion, where he had
right and reason on his side. In his "Thirty Propositions," as they
are called, in which he sums up the several points of his case, he
maintains, that the circumstance of infidelity in religion cannot deprive
a nation of its political rights ; that the Holy See, in its grant of the
New World to the Catholic sovereigns, designed only to confer the
right of converting its inhabitants to Christianity, and of thus winning
a peaceful authority over them ; and that no authority could be valid,
which rested on other foundations. This was striking at the root of
the colonial empire, as assumed by Castile. But the disinterested
views of Las Casas, the respect entertained for his principles, and the
general conviction, it may be, of the force of his arguments, prevented
the Court from taking umbrage at their import, or from pressing them
to their legitimate conclusion. While the writings of his adversary
were interdicted from publication, he had the satisfaction to see his
own printed and circulated in every quarter.
From this period his time was distributed among his religious duties,
his studies, and the composition of his works, especially his History.
His constitution, naturally excellent, had been strengthened by a life
of temperance and toil ; and he retained his faculties unimpaired to the
last. He died after a short illness, July, 1566, at the great age of
ninety-two, in his monastery of Atocha, at Madrid.
The character of Las Casas may be inferred from his career. He
was one of those, to whose gifted minds are revealed those glorious
moral truths, which, like the lights of heaven, are fixed and the same
for ever ; but which, though now familiar, were hidden from all but a
few penetrating intellects by the general darkness of the time in which
he lived. He was a reformer, and had the virtues and errors of a re-
former. He was inspired by one great and glorious idea. This was
the key to all his thoughts, all that he said and wrote, to every act of
his long life. It was this which urged him to lift the voice of rebuke
in the presence of princes, to brave the menaces of an infuriated pop-
ulace, to cross seas, to traverse mountains and deserts, to incur the
alienation of friends, the hostility of enemies, to endure obloquy, insult,
and persecution. It was this, too, which made him reckless of obsta-
cles, led him to count too confidently on the cooperation of others,
animated his discussion, sharpened his invective, too often steeped his
pen in the gall of personal vituperation, led him into gross exaggera-
tion and over-coloring in his statements, and a blind credulity of evil that
rendered him unsafe as a counsellor, and unsuccessful in the practical
384 LAS CAS AS. [Book II.
concerns of life. His motives were pure and elevated. B\it his man-
ner of enforcing them was not always so commendable. This may be
gathered not only from the testimony of the colonists generally, who-, as
parties interested, may be supposed to have been prejudiced ; but from
that of the members of his own profession, persons high in office, and of
integrity beyond suspicion, not to add that of missionaries engaged in
the same good work with himself. These, in their letters and reported
conversations, charged the Bishop of Chiapa with an arrogant, un-
charitable temper, which deluded his judgment, and vented itself in
unwarrantable crimination against such as resisted his projects, or
differed from him in opinion. Las Casas, in short, was a man. But,
if he had the errors of humanity, he had virtues that rarely belong to
it. The best commentary on his character is tlie estimation which
he obtained in the court of his sovereign. A liberal pension was
settled on him after his last return from America, which he chiefly
expended on charitable objects. No measure of importance, relating
to the Indians, was taken without his advice. He lived to see the
fruits of his efforts in the positive amelioration of their condition, and
in the popular admission of those great truths which it had been the
object of his life to unfold. And who shall say how much of the
successful efforts and arguments since made in behalf of persecuted
humanity may be traced to the example and the writings of this illus-
trious philanthropist?
His compositions were numerous, most of them of no great length.
Some were printed in his time ; others have since appeared, especially
in the French translation of Llorente. His great work, which occu-
pied him at intervals for more than thirty years, the Hisioria General
de las Indias, still remains in manuscript. It is in three volumes, di-
vided into as many parts, and embraces the colonial history from the
discovery of the country by Columbus to the year 1520. The style of
the work, like that of all his writings, is awkward, disjointed, and ex-
cessively diffuse ; abounding in repetitions, irrelevant digressions, and
pedantic citations. But it is sprinkled over with passages of a differ-
ent kind ; and, when he is roused by the desire to exhibit some gross
wrong to the natives, his simple language kindles into eloquence, and
he expounds those great and immutable principles of natural justice,
which, in his own day, were so little understood. His defect as a
historian is, that he wrote history, like every thing else, under the in-
fluence of one dominant idea. He is always pleading the cause of
the persecuted native. This gives a coloring to events which passed
under his own eyes, and filled him with a too easy confidence in those
which he gathered from the reports of others. Much of the preced-
ing portion of our narrative which relates to affairs in Cuba must
Ch. VIII.] LAS CASAS. 385
have come under his personal observation. But he seems incapable of
shaking ofF his early deference to Velasquez, who, as we have noticed,
treated him, while a poor curate in the island, with peculiar confidence,
For Cortes, on the other hand, he appears to have felt a profound con-
tempt. He witnessed the commencement of his career, when he was
standing, cap in hand, as it were, at the proud governor's door, thank-
ful even for a smile of recognition. Las Casas remembered all this,
and, when he saw the Conqueror of Mexico rise into a glory and re-
nown, that threw his former patron into the shade, — and most unfairly,
as Las Casas deemed, at the expense of that patron, — the good bishop
could not withhold his indignation ; nor speak of him otherwise than
with a sneer, as a mere upstart adventurer.
It was the existence of defects like these, and the fear of the mis-
conception likely to be produced by them, that have so long prevented
the publication of his history. At his death, he left it to the convent
of San Gregorio, at Valladolid, with directions that it should not be
printed for forty years, nor be seen during that time by any layman or
member of the fraternity. Herrera, however, was permitted to con-
sult it, and he liberally transferred its contents to his own volumes,
which appeared in 1601. The Royal Academy of History revised the
first volume of Las Casas some years since, with a view to the publica-
tion of the whole work. But the indiscreet and imaginative style of
the composition, according to Navarrete, and the consideration that its
most important facts were already known through other channels, in-
duced that body to abandon the design. With deference to their
judgment, it seems to me a mistake. Las Casas, with every deduction,
is one of the great writers of the nation ; great from the important
truths which he discerned when none else could see them, and from
the courage with which he proclaimed them to the world. They are
scattered over his History as well as his other writings. They are not,
however, the passages transcribed by Herrera. In the statement of
fact, too, however partial and prejudiced, no one will impeach his
integrity ; and, as an enlightened contemporary, his evidence is of
undeniable value. It is due to the memory of Las Casas, that, if his
work be given to the public at all, it should not be through the garbled
extracts of one who was no fair interpreter of his opinions. Las Casas
does not speak for himself in the courtly pages of Herrera. Yet the
History should not be published without a suitable commentary to
enlighten the student, and guard him against any undue prejudices in
the writer. We may hope that the entire manuscript will one day be
given to the world under the auspices of that distinguished body, which
has already done so much in this way for the illustration of the national
annals.
VOL. I. 49
iJ86 LAS CAS AS. [Book II
The life of Las Casas has been several times written. The two
memoirs most worthy of notice are that by Llorente, late Secretary of
the Inquisition, prefixed to his French translation of the Bishop's con-
troversial waitings, and that by Quintana, in the third volume of his
" Espanoles Celebres," where it presents a truly noble specimen of
biographical composition, enriched by a literary criticism as acute as it
is candid. — I have gone to the greater length in this notice, from
the interesting character of the man, and the little that is known of
him to the English reader. I have also transferred a passage from his
work in the original to the Appendix, that the Spanish scholar may
form an idea of his style of composition. He ceases to be an author-
ity for us hereafter, as his account of the expedition of Cortes termi-
nates with the destruction of the navy.
BOOK THIRD
MARCH TO MEXICO.
f
BOOK III.
MARCH TO MEXICO.
CHAPTER I.
Proceedings at Cempoalla. — The Spaniards climb the Tabli
LAND. — Picturesque Scenery. — Transactions with the Ni
TiVES. — Embassy to Tlascala.
1519.
While at Cempoalla, Cortes received a message
from Escalante, his commander at Villa Rica, in-
forming him there were four strange ships hovering
off the coast, and that they took no notice of his re-
peated signals. This intelligence greatly alarmed the
general, who feared they might be a squadron sent
by the governor of Cuba, to interfere with his move-
ments. In much haste, he set out at the head of a
few horsemen, and, ordering a party of light infantry
to follow, posted back to Villa Rica. The rest of
the army he left in charge of Alvarado and of Gon-
zalo de Sandoval, a young officer, who had begun to
give evidence of the uncommon qualities which have
secured to him so distinguished a rank among the
conquerors of Mexico.
390 MARCH TO MEXICO. [Book III.
Escalante would have persuaded the general, on
his reaching the town, to take some rest, and allow
him to go in search of the strangers. But Cortes
replied with the homely proverb, "A wounded hare
takes no nap," ' and, without stopping to refresh
liimself or his men, pushed on three or four leagues
to the north, where he understood the ships were at
anchor. On the way, he fell in with three Span-
iards, just landed from them. To his eager inquiries
whence they came, they replied, that they belonged
to a squadron fitted out by Francisco de Garay, gov-
ernor of Jamaica. This person, the year previous,
had visited the Florida coast, and obtained from
Spain — where he had some interest at court —
authority over the countries he might discover in
that vicinity. The three men, consisting of a notary
and two witnesses, had been sent on shore to warn
their countrymen under Cortes to desist from what
was considered an encroachment on the territories
of Garay. Probably neither the governor of Jamai-
ca, nor his officers, had any very precise notion of
the geography and limits of these territories.
Cortes saw at once there was nothing to appre-
hend from this quarter. He would have been glad,
however, if he could, by any means, have induced the
crews of the ships to join his expedition. He found
no difficulty in persuading the notary and his com-
panions. But when he came in sight of the vessels,
tlie people on board, distrusting the good terms on
' " Cabra coxa no tenga siesta."
C'h. I.] PROCEEDINGS AT CEMPOALLA. 391
which their comrades appeared to be with the Span-
iards, refused to send their boat ashore. In this
dilemma, Cortes had recourse to a stratagem.
He ordered three of his own men to exchange
dresses with the new comers. He then drew off
his little band in sight of the vessels, affecting to
return to the city. In the night, however, he came
back to the same place, and lay in ambush, directing
the disguised Spaniards, when the morning broke,
and they could be discerned, to make signals to
those on board. The artifice succeeded. A boat
put off, filled with armed men, and three or four
leaped on shore. But they soon detected the deceit,
and Cortes, springing from his ambush, made them
prisoners. Their comrades in the boat, alarmed,
pushed off, at once, for the vessels, which soon got
under way, leaving those on shore to their fate.
Thus ended the affair. Cortes returned to Cempo-
alla, with the addition of half a dozen able-bodied
recruits, and, what was of more importance, relieved
in his own mind from the apprehension of inter-
ference with his operations.^
He now made arrangements for his speedy depar-
ture from the Totonac capital. The forces reserved
for the expedition amounted to about four hundred
foot and fifteen horse, with seven pieces of artillery.
He obtained, also, thirteen hundred Indian warriors,
and a thousand tamanes, or porters, from the cacique
2 Oviedo, Hist.de las Ind., MS., — Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con-
lib. 33, cap. 1. — Rel. Seg. de quista, cap. 59, 60.
Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, pp. 42-45.
392 MARCH TO MEXICO. [Book III.
of Cempoalla, to drag the guns, and transport the
baggage. He took forty more of their principal men
as hostages, as well as to guide him on the way, and
serve him by their counsels among the strange tribes
he was to visit. They were, in fact, of essential
service to him throughout the march.'^
The remainder of his Spanish force he left in
garrison at Villa Rica de Vera Cruz, the command
of which he had intrusted to the alguacil, Juan de
Escalante, an officer devoted to his interests. The
selection was judicious. It was important to place
there a man who would resist any hostile interfer-
ence from his European rivals, on the one hand, and
maintain the present friendly relations with the na-
tives, on the other. Cortes recommended the Toto-
nac chiefs to apply to this officer, in case of any
difficulty, assuring them, that, so long as they re-
mained faithful to their new sovereign and religion,
they should find a sure protection in the Spaniards.
Before marching, the general spoke a few words
ol encouragement to his own men. He told them,
they were now to embark, in earnest, on an enter-
prise which had been the great object of their de-
sires ; and that the blessed Saviour would carry
them victorious through every battle with their ene-
3 Gomara, Cronica, cap. 44. — Cortes or Diaz. But both these
Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., actors in the drama show too ob-
cap. 83. — Bernal Diaz, Hist, de vious a desire to magnify their own
la Conquista, cap. 61. prowess, by exaggerating the num-
The number of the Indian aux- bers of their foes, and diminishing
iliaries stated in the text is much their own, to be entitled to much
larger than that allowed by either confidence in their estimates
Ch. t.] PROCEEDINGS AT CEMPOALLA. 393
mies. " Indeed," he added, " this assurance must
be our stay, for every other refuge is now cut off,
but that afforded by the Providence of God, and
your own stout hearts."* He ended by comparing
their achievements to those of the ancient Romans,
"in phrases of honeyed eloquence far beyond any
thing I can repeat," says the brave and simple-heart-
ed chronicler who heard them. Cortes was, indeed,
master of that eloquence which went to the soldiers'
hearts. For their sympathies were his, and he
shared in that romantic spirit of adventure which
belonged to them. " We are ready to obey you,"
they cried as with one voice. " Our fortunes, for
better or worse, are cast with yours." ^ Taking
leave, therefore, of their hospitable Indian friends,
the little army, buoyant wdth high hopes and lofty
plans of conquest, set forward on the march to
Mexico.
It was the sixteenth of August, 1519. During
the first day, their road lay through the tierra cali-
ente, the beautiful land where they had been so long
lingering ; the land of the vanilla, cochineal, cacao,
(not till later days of the orange and the sugar-
cane,) products which, indigenous to Mexico, have
now become the luxuries of Europe ; the land where
Jie fruits and the flowers chase one another in un-
4 " No teniamos otro socorro, ni 5 " y todos a vna le respon-
ayuda sino el de Dios ; porque ya dimos, que hariaraos lo que orde-
no teniamos nauios para ir a Cuba, nasse, que echada estaua la suerte
salvo nuestro buen pelear, y cora- delabuena, 6 mala ventura." Loc
^ones fuertes." Bernal Diaz, Hist. cit.
de la Conquista, cap. 59.
VOL. I. 50
394 MARCH TO MEXICO. [Book III
broken circle through the year ; where the gales are
loaded with perfumes till the sense aches at their
sweetness ; and the groves are filled with many-
colored birds, and insects whose enamelled wings
glisten like diamonds in the bright sun of the tropics.
Such are the magical splendors of this paradise of the
senses. Yet Nature, who generally works in a spirit
of compensation, has pro\dded one here ; since the
same burning sun, which quickens into life these
glories of the vegetable and animal kingdoms, calls
forth the pestilent malaria, with its train of bilious
disorders, unknown to the cold skies of the North.
The season in which the Spaniards were there, the
rainy months of summer, was precisely that in
which the vomito rages with greatest fury ; when
the European stranger hardly ventures to set his
foot on shore, still less to linger there a day. We
find no mention made of it in the records of the
Conquerors, nor any notice, indeed, of an uncommon
mortality. The fact doubtless corroborates the the-
ory of those who postpone the appearance of the
yellow fever till long after the occupation of the
country by the whites. It proves, at least, that, if
existing before, it must have been in a very much
mitigated form.
After some leag-ues of travel over roads made
nearly impassable by the summer rains, the troops
began the gradual ascent — more gradual on the
eastern than the western declivities of the Cordil-
leras — which leads up to the table-land of Mexico.
At the close of the second day, they reached Xala-
Ch. I] THE SPANIARDS CLIMB THE TABLE-LAND. 395
pa, a place still retaining the same Aztec name, that
it has communicated to the drug raised in its envi-
rons, the medicinal virtues of which are now known
throughout the world. ^ This town stands midway
up the long ascent, at an elevation where the va-
pors from the ocean, touching in their westerly pro-
gress, maintain a rich verdure throughout the year.
Though somewhat infected with these marine fogs,
the air is usually bland and salubrious. The wealthy
resident of the lower regions retires here for safety
in the heats of summer, and the traveller hails its
groves of oak with delight, as announcing that he is
above the deadly influence of the vomitoJ From
this delicious spot, the Spaniards enjoyed one of the
grandest prospects in nature. Before them was the
steep ascent, — much steeper after this point, —
which they were to climb. On the right rose the
Sierra Madre, girt ^vith its dark belt of pines, and
its long lines of shadowy hills stretching away in the
distance. To the south, in brilliant contrast, stood
the mighty Orizaba, with his white robe of snow
descending far down his sides, towering in sohtary
grandeur, the giant spectre of the Andes. Behind
them, they beheld, unrolled at their feet, the magniii-
6 Jalap, Convolvulus jalapa:. The lidity, like others of the period
c and j are convertible consonants built under the same auspices, says
in the Castilian. ^n agreeable traveller, a mUitary
' The heights of Xalapa are as well as religious design. Tu-
crowned with a convent dedicated dor's Travels in North America,
to St. Francis, erected in later (London, 1834,) vol. II. p. 186.
days by Cortes, showing, in its so-
396 MARCH TO MEXICO. [Book III.
cent tierra caliente, with its gay confusion of mead-
ows, streams, and flowering forests, sprinkled over
with shining Indian villages , while a feint line of
light on the edge of the horizon told them that
there was the ocean, beyond which were the kin-
dred and country — they were many of them never
more to see. '
Still winding their way upward, amidst scenery as
different as was the temperature from that of the
regions below, the army passed through settlements
containing some hundreds of inhabitants each, and
on the fourth day reached a " strong town," as
Cortes terms it, standing on a rocky eminence,
supposed to be that now known by the Mexican
name of Naulinco. Here they were hospitably
entertained by the inhabitants, who were friends
of the Totonacs. Cortes endeavoured, through fa-
ther Olmedo, to impart to them some knowledge of
Christian truths, which were kindly received, and
the Spaniards were allowed to erect a cross in the
place, for the future adoration of the natives. In-
deed, the route of the army might be tracked by
these emblems of man's salvation, raised wherever a
willing population of Indians invited it, suggesting a
very different idea from what the same memorials
intimate to the traveller in these mountain solitude?
in our day.^
8 Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind., MS., tlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap
lib. 33, cap. 1.— Rel. Seg. de 83.
Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p. 40. — " Every hundred yards of our
Gomara, Cr6nica, cap. 44. — Ix- route," says the traveller last quot-
Ch. I.] PICTURESQUE SCENERY. 397
The troops now entered a rugged defile, the Bish-
op's Pass, ^ as it is called, capable of easy defence
against an army. Very soon they experienced a
most unwelcome change of climate. Cold winds
from the mountains, mingled with rain, and, as they
rose still higher, with driving sleet and hail, drenched
their garments, and seemed to penetrate to their
very bones. The Spaniards, indeed, partially cov-
ered by their armor and thick jackets of quilted cot-
ton, were better able to resist the weather, though
their long residence in the sultry regions of the
valley made them still keenly sensible to the annoy-
ance. But the poor Indians, natives of the tierra
caliente, with little protection in the way of cover-
ing, sunk under the rude assault of the elements,
and several of them perished on the road.
The aspect of the country was as wild and dreary
as the climate. Their route wound along the spur of
the huge Cofre de Perote, which borrows its name,
both in Mexican and Castilian, from the coffer-like
rock on its summit."' It is one of the great vol-
canoes of New Spain. It exhibits now, indeed.
ed, speaking of this very region, 10 The Aztec name is Nauhcam-
"was marked by the melancholy patepetl, from nauhcampa, "any
erection of a wooden cross, de- thing square," and ^epei/, " a moun-
noting, according to the custom of tain." — Humboldt, who waded
the country, the commission of through forests and snows to its
some horrible murder on the spot summit, ascertained its height to be
where it was planted." Travels 4,089 metres = 13,414 feet, above
in North America, vol. II. p. 188. the sea. See his Vues des Cordil-
9 El Paso del Obispo. Cortes leres, p. 234, and Essai Politique,
named it Puerto del Nombre de vol. I. p. 266.
Dios. Viaje, ap Lorenzana, p. ii.
398 MARCH TO MEXICO. [Book III.
110 vestige of a crater on its top, but abundant traces
of volcanic action at its base, where acres of lava,
blackened scoriae, and cinders, proclaim the convul-
sions of nature, while numerous shrubs and moulder-
ing trunks of enormous trees, among the crevices,
attest the antiquity of these events. Working their
toilsome way across this scene of desolation, the path
often led them along the borders of precipices, down
whose sheer depths of two or three thousand feet
the shrinking eye might behold another climate, and
see all the glowing vegetation of the tropics chok-
ing up the bottom of the ravines.
After three days of this fatiguing travel, the way-
worn army emerged through another defile, the Sier-
ra del Agtia.^^ They soon came upon an open reach
of country, with a genial climate, such as belongs to
the temperate latitudes of southern Europe. They
had reached the level of more than seven thousand
feet above the ocean, where the great sheet of table-
land spreads out for hundreds of miles along the
crests of the Cordilleras. The country showed signs
of careful cultivation, but the products were, for the
most part, not familiar to the eyes of the Spaniards.
Fields and hedges of the various tribes of the cac-
tus, the towering organum, and plantations of aloes
with rich yellow clusters of flowers on their tall
stems, affording drink and clothing to the Aztec,
were everywhere seen. The plants of the torrid
11 The same mentioned in Cortes' Letter as the Puerto de la Lerfa
Viaje, ap. Lorenzana, p. iii.
Ch. l.j PICTURESQUE SCENERY. 399
and temperate zones had disappeared, one after
another, with the ascent into these elevated regions.
The glossy and dark-leaved banana, the chief, as ii
is the cheapest, aliment of the countries below, had
long since faded from the landscape. The hardv
maize, however, still shone with its golden harvests
in all the pride of cultivation, the great staple of the
higher, equally with the lower terraces of the pla-
teau.
Suddenly the troops came upon what seemed the
environs of a populous city, which, as they entered
it, appeared to surpass even that of Cempoalla in
the size and solidity of its structures.'^ These were
of stone and lime, many of them spacious and toler-
ably high. There were thirteen teocallis in the
place ; and in the suburbs they had seen a recepta-
cle, in which, according to Bernal Diaz, were stored
a hundred thousand skulls of human victims, all piled
and ranged in order ! He reports the number as
one he had ascertained by counting them himself.'^
Whatever faith we may attach to the precise accura-
cy of his figures, the result is almost equally start-
ling. The Spaniards were destined to become fa-
12 Now known by the eupho- 13 Puestos tantos rimeros de cal-
nious Indian name of Tlatlauqni- aueras de muertos, que se podian
tepee. (Viaje, ap. Lorenzana, p. bien contar, segun el concierto con
iv. ) It is the Cocotlan of Bernal que estauan puestas, que rae pare-
Diaz. (Hist, de la Conquista, cequeeranmas decienmil, y digo
cap. 61.) The old Conquerors otra vez sobre cien mil." Ibid.,
made sorry work with the Aztec ubi supra,
names, both of places and persons,
for which they must be allowed to
have had ample apology.
400 MARCH TO MEXICO. [Book III.
miliar with this appalHng spectacle, as they ap-
proached nearer to the Aztec capital.
The lord of the town ruled over twenty thousand
vassals. He was tributary to Montezuma, and a
strong Mexican garrison was quartered in the place.
He had probably been advised of the approach of
the Spaniards, and doubted how far it would be
welcome to his sovereign. At all events, he gave
them a cold reception, the more unpalatable after the
extraordinary sufferings of the last few days. To
the inquiry of Cortes, whether he were subject to
Montezuma, he answered, with real or affected sur-
prise, " Who is there that is not a vassal to Monte-
zuma ? " '^ The general told him, with some em-
phasis, that he was not. He then explained whence
and why he came, assuring him that he served a
monarch who had princes for his vassals as powerful
as the Aztec monarch himself.
The cacique in turn fell nothing short of the
Spaniard, in the pompous display of the grandeur
and resources of the Indian emperor. He told his
guest that Montezuma could muster thirty great
vassals, each master of a hundred thousand men ! ^^
14 " El qual casi admirado de lo Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 1.) This
que le preguntaba, me respondio, marvellous tale is gravely repeated
diciendo ; ^que quien no era vasal- by more than one Spanish writer,
lo de Muctezuma? queriendo decir, in their accounts of the Aztec mon-
que alii era Sefior del Mundo." archy, not as the assertion of this
Rel. Seg. de Cortes, ap. Lorenza- chief, but as a veritable piece of sta-
na, p. 47. tistics. See, among others, Herre-
15 " Tiene mas de 30 Principcs ra. Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. 7,
a SI subjcctos, que cada uno dellos cap. 12, — Solis, Conquista, lib.
tiene cicnt mill hombrcs e mas de 3, cap. 16.
pelea." (Ovicdo, Hist, de las
Ch. I.J TRANSACTIONS WITH THE NATIVES. 401
His revenues vv^ere immense, as every subject, novv-
ever poor, paid something. They were all expended
on his magnificent state, and in support of his ar-
mies. These were continually in the field, while
garrisons were maintained in most of the large cities
of the empire. More than twenty thousand victims,
the fruit of his wars, were annually sacrificed on the
altars of his gods ! His capital, the cacique said,
stood in a lake, in the centre of a spacious valley.
The lake was commanded by the emperor's vessels,
and the approach to the city was by means of cause-
ways, several miles long, connected in parts by
wooden bridges, which, when raised, cut off all com-
munication with the country. Some other things he
added, in answer to queries of his guest, in which,
as the reader may imagine, the crafty, or credulous
cacique varnished over the truth with a lively color-
ing of romance. Whether romance, or reality, the
Spaniards could not determine. The particulars they
gleaned were not of a kind to tranquillize their
minds, and might well have made bolder hearts than
theirs pause, ere they advanced. But far from it.
" The words which we heard," says the stout old
cavalier, so often quoted, " however they may have
filled us with wonder, made us — such is the temper
of the Spaniard — only the more earnest to prove
the adventure, desperate as it might appear." '^
^6 Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con- narrative, which may provoke a
quista, cap. 61. smile, — not a sneer, for it is min-
There is a slight ground-swell gled with too much real courage,
of glorification in the Captain's and plicity of character
VOL. I. 51
402 MARCH TO MEXICO. [Book III.
In a further conversation Cortes inquired of the
chief, whether his country abounded in gold, and in-
timated a desire to take home some, as specimens to
his sovereign. But the Indian lord declined to give
him any, saying it might displease Montezuma.
" Should he command it," he added, " my gold, my
person, and all I possess, shall be at your dispos-
al." The general did not press the matter further.
The curiosity of the natives was naturally excited
by the strange dresses, weapons, horses, and dogs of
the Spaniards. Marina, in satisfying their inquiries,
took occasion to magnify the prowess of her adopted
countrymen, expatiating on their exploits and victo-
ries, and stating the extraordinary marks of respect
they had received from Montezuma. This intelli-
gence seems to have had its effect ; for soon after,
the cacique gave the general some curious trinkets
of gold, of no great value, indeed, but as a testimony
of his good-will. He sent him, also, some female
slaves to prepare bread for the troops, and supplied
the means of refreshment and repose, more impor-
tant to them, in the present juncture, than all the
gold of Mexico. ^'^
The Spanish general, as usual, did not neglect
the occasion to inculcate the great truths of revela-
tion on his host, and to display the atrocity of the
Indian superstitions. The cacique listened with
1'^ For the preceding pages, be- Chich., MS., cap. 83, — Gomara,
sides authorities cited in course, Cronica, cap. 44, — Torquemada,
see Peter Martyr, De Orbe Novo, Monarch. Ind., lih 4. cap. 26
dec 5, cap. 1,— Ixtlilxochill, Hist.
Ch. I.] TRANSACTIONS WITH THE NATIVES. 403
civil, but cold indifiference. Cortes, finding him un-
moved, turned briskly round to his soldiers, exclaim-
ing that now was the time to plant the Cross ! They
eagerly seconded his pious purpose, and the same
scenes might have been enacted as at Cempoalla,
with, perhaps, very different results, had not father
Olmedo, with better judgment, interposed. He rep-
resented that to introduce the Cross among: the na-
tives, in their present state of ignorance and incre-
dulity, would be to expose the sacred symbol to dese-
cration, so soon as the backs of the Spaniards were
turned. The only way was to wait patiently the sea-
son when more leisure should be afforded to instil
into their minds a knowledge of the truth. The so-
ber reasoning of the good father prevailed over the
passions of the martial enthusiasts.
It was fortunate for Cortes that Olmedo was not
one of those frantic friars, who would have fanned
his fiery temper on such occasions into a blaze. It
mig-ht have had a most disastrous influence on his
fortunes ; for he held all temporal consequences light
in comparison with the great work of conversion, to
effect which the unscrupulous mind of the soldier,
trained to the stern discipline of the camp, would
have employed force, whenever fair means were in-
effectual.^^ But Olmedo belonged to that class of
benevolent missionaries — of whom the Roman Cath-
olic church, to its credit, has furnished many exam-
is The general clearly belonged " Such as do build their faith upon
, , , -v. X ^- J The holy text of pike and gun ;
to the church militant, mentioned And prove their doctrines orthodox-
by Butler ; By apostolic blows and knocks."
404 MARCH TO MEXICO. [Book IH.
pies — who relj on spiritual weapons for the great
work, inculcating those doctrines of love and mercy
which can best touch the sensibilities and win the
affections of their rude audience. These, indeed,
are the true weapons of the Church, the weapons
employed in the primitive ages, by which it has
spread its peaceful banners over the farthest regions
of the globe. Such were not the means used by
the conquerors of America, who, rather adopting the
policy of the victorious Moslems in their early career,
carried with them the sword in one hand and the
Bible in the other. They imposed obedience in
matters of faith, no less than of government, on the
vanquished, little heeding whether the conversion
were genuine, so that it conformed to the outward
observances of the Church. Yet the seeds thus reck-
lessly scattered must have perished but for the mis-
sionaries of their own nation, who, in later times,
worked over the same ground, living among the In-
dians as brethren, and, by long and patient culture,
enabling the gferms of truth to take root and fructify
in their hearts.
The Spanish commander remained in the city four
or five days to recruit his fatigued and famished
forces ; and the modern Indians still point out, or
did, at the close of the last century, a venerable
cypress, under the branches of which was tied the
horse of tlie Conquistador, — the Conqueror, as
Cortes was styled, par exallence?'^ Their route
19 " Arbol grande, dicho ahue- of Linnaeus. See Humboldt, Es-
huete.^' (Viaje, ap. Lorcnzana, sai Politique, torn. II. p. 54, note,
p. iii.) The cwpressus disticlia
Ch. I] TRANSACTIONS WITH THE NATIVES. 405
now opened on a broad and verdant valley, watered
by a noble stream, — a circumstance of not too fre-
quent occurrence on the parched table-land of New
Spain. The soil was well protected by woods, a
thing still rarer at the present day; since the invaders,
soon after the Conquest, swept away the magnifi-
cent growth of timber, rivalling that of our Southern
and Western States in variety and beauty, which
covered the plateau under the Aztecs.^"
All along the river, on both sides of it, an un-
broken line of Indian dwellings, " so near as almost
to touch one another," extended for three or four
leagues ; arguing a population much denser than at
present.^' On a rough and rising ground stood a
town, that might contain five or six thousand inhab-
itants, commanded by a fortress, which, with its
walls and trenches, seemed to the Spaniards quite
" on a level with similar works in Europe." Here
the troops again halted, and met with friendly treat-
ment.^^
20 It is the same taste which has lors de la premiere arrivee des Es-
made the Castiles, the table-land pagnols, toute cette cote, depuis la
of the Peninsula, so naked of wood, riviere de Papaloapan (Alvarado)
Prudential reasons, as well as taste, jusqu'a Huaxtecapan, etait plus
however, seem to have operated in habitce et raieux cultivee qu'elle
New Spain. A friend of mine on ne Test aujourd'hui. Cependant a
a visit to a noble hacienda, but un- mesure que les conquerans mon-
commonly barren of trees, was in- terent au plateau, ils trouverent lea
formed by the proprietor that they villages plus rapproches les uns
were cut down to prevent the lazy des autres, les champs divis^s en
Indians on the plantation from portions plus pctites, le peuple
wasting their time by loitering in plus police." Humboldt, Essai
their shade ! Politique, torn. II. p. 202.
21 It confirms the observations 22 The correct Indian name of
of M. de Humboldt. "Sansdoute the town, Yxtacamaxtil'dn, Yztac-
406 MARCH TO MEXICO. [Book III.
Cortes now determined his future line of march.
At the last place he had been counselled by the
natives to take the route of the ancient city of
Cholula, the inhabitants of which, subjects of Mon-
tezuma, were a mild race, devoted to mechanical
and other peaceful arts, and would be likely to en-
tertain him kindly. Their Cempoallan allies, ho\\'-
ever, advised the Spaniards not to trust the Cliolu-
lans, " a false and perfidious people," but to take
the road to Tlascala, that valiant little republic,
which had so long maintained its independence
against the arms of Mexico. The people were
frank as they were fearless, and fair in their dealings.
They had always been on terms of amity with the
Totonacs, which afforded a strong guaranty for their
amicable disposition on the present occasion.
The arguments of his Indian allies prevailed vsdth
the Spanish commander, who resolved to propitiate
the good-will of the Tlascalans by an embassy. He
selected four of the principal Cempoallans for this,
and sent by them a martial gift, — a cap of crimson
cloth, together with a sword and a crossbow, weap-
ons which, it was observed, excited general admira-
tion among the natives. He added a letter, in
which he asked permission to pass through their
country. He expressed his admiration of the valor
rnasiitan of Cortes, will hardly be are still visible remains of carved
recognised in the Xaladngo of stones of large dimensions, attest-
Diaz. The town was removed, in ing the elegance of the ancient
1601, from the top of the hill to fortress or palace of the cacique
the plain. On the original site Viaje, ap. Lorenzana, p. v
tlH. I.J EMBASSY TO TLASCALA. 407
of the Tlascalans, and of their long resistance to
the Aztecs, whose proud empire he designed to
humble.^ It was not to be expected that this
epistle, indited in good Castilian, would be very
intelligible to the Tlascalans. But Cortes commu-
nicated its import to the ambassadors. Its myste-
rious characters might impress the natives with an
idea of superior intelligence, and the letter serve
instead of those hieroglyphical missives which formed
the usual credentials of an Indian ambassador.-^
The Spaniards remained three days in this hos-
pitable place, after the departure of the envoys,
when they resumed their progress. Although in a
friendly country, they marched always as if in a land
of enemies, the horse and light troops in the van,
with the heavy-armed and baggage in the rear, all
in battle array. They were never without their
armor, waking or sleeping, lying down with their
weapons by their sides. This unintermitting and
restless vigilance was, perhaps, more oppressive to
the spirits than even bodily fatigue. But they were
confident in their superiority in a fair field, and felt
that the most serious danger they had to fear from
Indian warfare was surprise. "We are few against
many, brave companions," Cortes would say to
them; "be prepared, then, not as if you were going
to battle, but as if actually in the midst of it ! " ^^
23 " Estas cosas y otras de gran 24 Yor an account of the diplo-
persuasion contenia la carta, pero matic usages of the people of An-
como no sabian leer no pudidron ahuac. see Ante, p. 44.
entender lo que contenia." Ca- 25 •' Mira, seiiores compafieros,
margo, Hist, de Tlascala, MS. ya veis que somos pocos, hemos
408 MARCH TO MEXICO. [Book III.
The road taken by the Spaniards was the same
which at present leads to Tlascala ; not that, how-
ever, usually followed in passing from Vera Cruz to
the capital, which makes a circuit considerably to
the south, towards Puebia, in the neighbourhood of
the ancient Cholula. They more than once forded
the stream that rolls through this beautiful plain,
lingering several days on the way, in hopes of re-
ceiving an answer from the Indian republic. The
unexpected delay of the messengers could not be
explained, and occasioned some uneasiness.
As they advanced into a country of rougher and
bolder features, their progress was suddenly arrested
by a remarkable fortification. It was a stone wall
nine feet in height, and twenty in thickness, with a
parapet, a foot and a half broad, raised on the sum-
mit for the protection of those who defended it. It
had only one opening, in the centre, made by two
semicircular lines of wall overlapping each other for
the space of forty paces, and affording a passage-way
between, ten paces wide, so contrived, therefore, as
to be perfectly commanded by the inner wall. This
fortification, which extended more than two leagues,
rested at either end on the bold natural buttresses
formed by the sierra. The work was built of im-
mense blocks of stones nicely laid together without
cement ; ^ and the remains still existing, among
de estar siempre tan apercebidos, hazer cuenta que estamos ya en la
y aparejados, como si aora viesse- batalla con ellos." Bernal Diaz,
mos venir los contrarios a pelear, Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 62.
Y no solamenle vellos venir, sine 26 According to the writer last
Ch. I] EMBASSY TO TLASCALA. 409
which are rocks of the whole breadth of the ram-
part, fully attest its solidity and size."'
This singular structure marked the limits of Tlas-
cala, and was intended, as the natives told the
Spaniards, as a barrier against the Mexican inva-
sions. The army paused, filled with amazement al
the contemplation of this Cyclopean monument,
which naturally suggested reflections on the strength
and resources of the people who had raised it. It
caused them, too, some painful solicitude as to the
probable result of their mission to Tlascala, and
their own consequent reception there. But they
were too sanguine to allow such uncomfortable sur-
mises long to dwell in their minds. Cortes put
himself at the head of his cavalry, and calling out,
" Forward, soldiers, the Holy Cross is our banner,
and under that we shall conquer," led his little army
through the undefended passage, and in a few
moments they trod the soil of the free republic of
Tlascala.^
cited, the stones were held by a have been very successful. It is
cement so hard that the men could a pity, that his map illustrating the
scarcely break it with their pikes, itinerary should be so worthless.
(Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 62.) 38 Camargo, Hist, de Tlascala,
But the contrary statement, in the MS. — Gomara, Cronica, cap. 44,
general's letter, is confirmed by 45. — Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich.,
the present appearance of the wall. MS., cap. 83. — Herrera, Hist.
Viaje, ap. Lorenzana, p. vii. General, dec. 2, lib. 6, cap. 3. —
27 Viaje, ap. Lorenzana, p. vii. Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind., MS.,
The attempts of the Archbishop lib. 33, cap. 2.— Peter Martyr,
to identify the route of Cortes De Orbe Novo, dec 5. cap. 1.
VOL. I. 52
CHAPTER II.
Republic of Tlascala. — Its Institutions. — Early History.—
Discussions in the Senate. — Desperate Battles.
1519.
Before advancing further with the Spaniards iniu
the territory of Tlascala, it will be well to notice
some traits in the character and institutions of the
nation, in many respects, the most remarkable in
Anahuac. The Tlascalans belonged to the same
great family with the Aztecs.' They came on the
grand plateau about the same time with the kin-
dred races, at the close of the twelfth century, and
planted themselves on the western borders of the
lake of Tezcuco. Here they remained many years
engaged in the usual pursuits of a bold and partially
civilized people. From some cause or other, perhaps
their turbulent temper, they incurred the enmity of
surrounding tribes. A coalition was formed against
1 The Indian chronicler, Camar- Nahuatlac tribes. (Stor. del Mes-
rro, considers his nation a branch sico, torn. I. p. 153, nota.) The
of the Chichemec. (Hist, de Tlas- fact is not of great moment, since
cala, MS.) So, also, Torqueraada. they were all cognate races, speak-
(Monarch. Ind., lib. 3. cap. 9.) ing the same tongue, and, proba-
Clavigero, who has carefully in- bly, migrated from their country
vestig:ited the antiquities of Ana- in the far North at nearly the same
liuac, calls it one of the seven time
Ch. II.] REPUBLIC OF TLASCALA. 411
them ; and a bloody batde was fought on the plains
of Pojauhtlan, in which the Tlascalans were com-
pletely victorious.
Disgusted, however, with their residence among
nations with whom they found so litde favor, the
conquering people resolved to migrate. They sepa-
rated into three divisions, the largest of which, taking
a southern course by the great volcan of Mexico,
wound round the ancient city of Cholula, and finally
settled in the district of country overshadowed by
the sierra of Tlascala. The warm and fruitful valleys,
locked up in the embraces of this rugged brother-
hood of mountains, afforded means of subsistence
for an agricultural people, while the bold eminences
of the sierra presented secure positions for their
towns.
After the lapse of years, the institutions of the
nation underwent an important change. The mon-
archy was divided first into two, afterwards into four
separate states, bound together by a sort of federal
compact, probably not very niccl}' defined. Each
state, however, had its lord or supreme chief, inde-
pendent in his own territories, and possessed of
coordinate authority with the others in all matters
concerning the whole republic . The affairs of gov-
ernment, especially all those relating to peace and
war, were settled in a senate or council, consisting
of the four lords with their inferior nobles.
The lower dignitaries held of the superior, each
in his own district, by a kind of feudal tenure, being
bound to supply his table, and enable him to main-
412
MARCH TO MEXICO.
[Book III.
tain his state in peace, as well as to serve him in
war.^ In return, he experienced the aid ami protec-
tion of his suzerain. The same mutual ohlii^ations
existed between him and the followers amonj^ whom
his own territories were distributed.'^ Thus a chain
of feudal dc^peudencies was established, whieh, if not
contrived with all the art and lej^al refinements of
analogous iustitutions in the Old World, displayed
their most prominent characteristics in its personal
Halations, the oblii:;ations of militarv service on the
one hand, and protection on the other. This form
of government, so different from that of the sur-
rounding nations, subsisted till the arrival of the
Spaniards. And it is certainly evidence of consid-
erable civilization, that so complex a polity should
- Till' dosonuliiiits of tliose pt'lly
nobles atlaoluHl as great v;iluo lo
their peiligrees, as any Biseayan
or Asturian in Old Spain. Lonjj
after the Conquest, they refused,
however needy, to dishonor their
birth by resortinp to meehanical
or other pK^beian occupations, ojic-
ios files y bajos. " Los descoiidi-
entes de estos son estiniados por
hoinbres califioados, quo aunque
scan probrisinios no usan ofieios
mecAnicos ni tratos bajos ni viU's,
ni jamas se pcrniiten cargar ni ea-
kar con coas y azadones, dicieudo
que son hijos Idalgos en que no
han de aplicarse a est;is cosas soe-
ces y bajas, sino servir en guorras
y fronter;u5, eouio Idalgos, y morir
conu) honibres peleando." Ciunar-
jjo, Ilisl. de Tlascala, MS.
3 " (^ualquier 'roeulitli que for-
niaba un Tecalii, que es casa de
Mayorazgo, todas aquellas tierras
que lo eaian en suerte de reparli-
miento, con montes, fuentes, rios,
6 lagunas tomasc para la casa
principal la mayor y mejor suerte
6 pages do tierra, y luego las de-
mas que quedaban se partian por
sus soKlados amigos y parienles,
iguahnente, y todos estos estan
obligados a reeonoeer la easa may-
or y acudir k ella, k alzarla y re-
p-ararla, y k ser continues en re
conocer k ella de aves, caza, (lores,
y ramos para el sustento de la ca-
sa del Mayorazgo, y el que lo
cs est& obligado a sustentarlos y 4
regalarlos oomo amigos de aquella
e;isa y parieutes de ella." Ibid.,
MS.
Ch. II.] ITS INSTITUTIONS. 4"13
have so long continued, undisturbed by violence or
faction in the confederate states, and should have
been found competent to protect the people in their
rights, and the country from foreign invasion.
The lowest order of the people, however, do not
seem to have enjoyed higher immunities than under
the monarchical governments ; and their rank was
carefully defined by an appropriate dress, and by
their exclusion from the insignia of the aristocratic
orders.^
The nation, agricultural in its habits, reserved its
highest honors, like most other rude — unhappily al-
so, civilized — nations, for military prowess. Public
games were instituted, and prizes decreed to those
who excelled in such manly and athletic exercises,
as might train them for the fatigues of war. Tri-
umphs were granted to the victorious general, who
entered the city, leading his spoils and captives in
long procession, while his achievements were com-
memorated in national songs, and his effigy, whether
in wood or stone, was erected in the temples. It
was truly in the martial spirit of republican Rome.^
An institution not unlike knighthood was intro-
duced, very similar to one existing also among the
Aztecs. The aspirant to the honors of this barbaric
* Camargo, Hist, de Tlascala, de triunfo,que los nietian en andas
MS. en su puebla, trayendo consigo i
5 " Los grandes recibimientos los vencidos ; y por eternizar sus
que hacian a los capitanes que ve- hazaiias se las cantaban publica-
nian y alcanzaban victoria en las mente,y ansi quedaban meinoradaa
guerras, las fiestas y solenidades y con estatuas que las ponian en
con que se solenizaban a manera los templos."' Ibid., MS.
414 MARCH TO MEXICO. [Book III.
chivalry watched his arms and fasted fifty or sixty
days in the temple, then listened to a grave discourse
on the duties of his new profession. Various whim-
sical ceremonies followed, when his arms were re-
stored to him ; he was led in solemn procession
through the public streets, and the inauguration was
concluded by banquets and public rejoicings. — The
new knight was distinguished henceforth by cer-
tain peculiar privileges, as well as by a badge inti-
mating his rank. It is worthy of remark, that this
honor was not reserved exclusively for military mer-
it ; but was the recompense, also, of public services
of other kinds, as wisdom in council, or sagacity
and success in trade. For trade was held in as high
estimation by the Tlascalans, as by the other people
of Anahuac.'^
The temperate climate of the table-land furnished
the ready means for distant traffic. The fruitfulness
of the soil was indicated by the name of the coun-
try, — Tlascala signifying the " land of bread.'* Its
wide plains, to the slopes of its rocky hills, waved
with yellow harvests of maize, and with the bounti-
fij maguey, a plant, which, as we have seen, sup-
plied the materials for some important fabrics. With
these, as well as the products of agricultural indus-
try, the merchant found his way down the sides of
the Cordilleras, wandered over the sunny regions at
* For the whole ceremony of merchant-knights, — see Appen-
inauguration, — thougli asitseems, dix, Part 2, No. 9, where the
having especial reference to the original is given from Camargo.
Ch. II.] ITS INSTITUTIONS. 415
their base, and brought back the luxuries which
nature had denied to his own/
The various arts of civilization kept pace with
increasing wealth and public prosperity; at least,
these arts were cultivated to the same limited extent,
apparently, as among the other people of Anahuac.
The Tlascalan tongue, says the national historian,
simple as beseemed that of a mountain region, was
rough compared with the polished Tezcucan, or the
popular Aztec dialect, and, therefore, not so well
fitted for composition. But they made like profi-
ciency with the kindred nations in the rudiments of
science. Their calendar was formed on the same
plan. Their religion, their architecture, many of
their laws and social usages were the same, arguing
a common origin for all. Their tutelary deity was
the same ferocious war-god as that of the Aztecs,
though with a different name ; their temples, in like
manner, were drenched with the blood of human
victims, and their boards groaned with the same
cannibal repasts.^
Though not ambitious of foreign conquest, the
prosperity of the Tlascalans, in time, excited the jeal-
ousy of their neighbours, and especially of the opulent
state of Cholula. Frequent hostilities arose between
1 "Ha bel paese," says the 8 A. full account of the manners,
Anonymous Conqueror, speaking customs, and domestic policy of
of Tlascala, atthetimeoftheinva- Tlascala is given by the national
sion, " di pianure et motagne, et e historian, throwing much light on
provincia popolosa et vi si racco- the other states of Anahuac, whose
gliemoltopane." Rel.d'un gent., social institutions seem to have
an. Ramusio, tom. III. p. 308. been all cast in the same mould.
416 MARCH TO MEXICO. [Book UI.
them, in which the advantage was almost always on
the side of the former. A still more formidable foe
appeared in later days in the Aztecs ; who could
ill brook the independence of Tlascala, when the
surrounding nations had acknowledged, one after
another, their influence, or their empire. Under the
ambitious Axayacatl, they demanded of the Tlasca-
lans the same tribute and obedience rendered by
other people of the country. If it were refused, the
Aztecs would raze their cities to their foundations,
and deliver the land to their enemies.
To this imperious summons, the little republic
proudly replied, " Neither they nor their ancestors
had ever paid tribute or homage to a foreign power,
and never would pay it. If their country was in-
vaded, they knew how to defend it, and would pour
out their blood as freely in defence of their freedom
now, as their fathers did of yore, when they routed
the Aztecs on the plains of Poyauhtlan ! " '^
This resolute answer brought on them the forces
of the monarchy. A pitched battle followed, and
the sturdy republicans were victorious. From this
period, hostilities between the two nations continued
with more or less activity, but with unsparing feroci-
ty. Every captive was mercilessly sacrificed. The
children were trained from the cradle to deadly ha-
tred against the Mexicans; and, even in the brief
intervals of war, none of those intermarriages took
place between the people of the respective countries,
9 Camargo, Hist, de Tlascala, MS. — Torquemada, Monarch. Ind
lib. 2, cap. 70.
Ch. II.] EARLY HISTORY. 4]7
which knit together in social bonds most of the other
kindred races of Anahuac.
In this struggle, the Tlascalans received an impor-
tint support in the accession of the Othomis, or Ot-
omies, — as usually spelt by Castilian writers, — a
wild and warlike race originally spread over the ta-
ble-land north of the Mexican Valley. A portion of
them obtained a settlement in the republic, and were
speedily incorporated in its armies. Their courage
and fidelity to the nation of their adoption showed
them worthy of trust, and the frontier places were
consigned to their keeping. The mountain barriers,
by which Tlascala is encompassed, afforded many
strong natural positions for defence against invasion.
The country was open towards the east, where a
valley, of some six miles in breadth, invited the ap-
proach of an enemy. But here it was, that the
jealous Tlascalans erected the formidable rampart
which had excited the admiration of the Spaniards,
and which they manned with a garrison of Oto-
mies.
Efforts for their subjugation were renewed on a
greater scale, after the accession of Montezuma.
His victorious arms had spread down the declivities
of the Andes to the distant provinces of Vera Paz
and Nicaragua, *° and his haughty spirit was chafed
by the opposition of a petty state, whose territorial
extent did not exceed ten leagues in breadth by fif-
1" Camargo (Hist, de Tlascala, tezuma's conquests, — a debatable
MS.) notices the extent of Mon- ground for the historian.
VOL. I. 53
418 MARCH TO MEXICO. [Book III.
teen in length." He sent an army against them
under the command of a favorite son. His troops
were beaten, and his son was slain. The enraged
and mortified monarch was roused to still greater
preparations. He enlisted the forces of the cities
bordering on his enemy, together with those of the
empire, and with this formidable army swept over the
devoted valleys of Tlascala. But the bold mountain-
eers withdrew into the recesses of their hills, and,
coolly awaiting their opportunity, rushed like a tor-
rent on the invaders, and drove them back, with
dreadful slaughter, from their territories.
Still, notwithstanding the advantages gained over
the enemy in the field, the Tlascalans were sorely
pressed by their long hostilities with a foe so far su«
perior to themselves in numbers and resources. The
Aztec armies lay between them and the coast, cut-
ting off all communication with that prolific region,
and thus limited their supplies to the products of
their own soil and manufacture. For more than half
a century they had neither cotton, nor cacao, nor
salt. Indeed, their taste had been so far affected by
long abstinence from these articles, that it required
the lapse of several generations after the Conquest,
to reconcile them to the use of salt at their meals. '^
During the short intervals of war, it is said, the
11 Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., Mejico, lib. 3, cap. 3.) It must
lib. 3, cap. 16. — Solis says, " The have made a curious figure in ge-
Tlascalan territory was fifty leagues ometry !,
in circumference, ten long, from ^2 Camargo, Hist, de Tlascala
east to west, and four broad, from MS.
north to south." (Conquista de
ch ii] early history. 419
Aztec nobles, in the true spirit of chivalry, sent sup-
plies of these commodities as presents, with many
courteous expressions of respect, to the Tlascalari
chiefs. This intercourse, we are assured by the In-
dian chronicler, was unsuspected by the people. Nor
did it lead to any further correspondence, he adds,
between the parties, prejudicial to the liberties of the
republic, "which maintained its customs and good
government inviolate, and the worship of its gods." ^"
Such was the condition of Tlascala, at the coming
of the Spaniards; holding, it might seem, a preca-
rious existence under the shadow of the formidable
power which seemed suspended like an avalanche
over her head, but still strong in her own resources,
stronger in the indomitable temper of her people ;
with a reputation established throughout the land,
for good faith and moderation in peace, for valor in
war, while her uncompromising spirit of indepen-
dence secured the respect even of her enemies.
With such qualities of character, and with an ani-
mosity sharpened by long, deadly hostility with
Mexico, her alliance was obviously of the last im-
portance to the Spaniards, in their present enter-
prise. It was not easy to secure it.''*
13 " Los Senores Mejicanos y diindose el decoro que se debian :
Tezcucanos en tiempo que ponian mas con todos estos trabajos i£»
♦reguas por algunas temporadas 6rden de su republica jamas se de-
embiaban a los Senores de Tlax- jaba de gobernar con la rectitud de
calla grandes presentes y dadivas sus costumbres guardando inviola
de oro, ropa, y cacao, y sal, y de blemente el culto de sus Dioses."
todas las cosas de que carecian, sin Ibid., MS.
que la gente plebeyalo entendiese, ^^ The Tlascalan chronicler dis-
V se saludaban secretamente, guar- cerns in this deep-rooted hatred of
420 MARCH TO MEXICO. [Book III
The Tlascalans had been made acquainted with
the advance and victorious career of the Christians,
the intelligence of which had spread far and wide
over the plateau. But they do not seem to have
anticipated the approach of the strangers to their
own borders. They were now much embarrassed
by the embassy demanding a passage through their
territories. The great council was convened, and a
considerable difference of opinion prevailed in its
members. Some, adopting the popular superstition,
supposed the Spaniards might be the white and
bearded men foretold by the oracles.'^ At all events,
they were the enemies of Mexico, and as such might
cooperate with them in their struggle with the em-
pire. Others argued that the strangers could have
nothing in common with them. Their march
throughout the land might be tracked by the broken
images of the Indian gods, and desecrated temples.
How did the Tlascalans even know that they were
foes to Montezuma ? They had received his em-
bassies, accepted his presents, and were now in the
company of his vassals on the way to his capital.
These last were the reflections of an aged chief,
one of the four who presided over the republic. His
name was Xicotencatl. He was nearly blind, hav-
Mexico the hand of Providence, mo han de venir gentes k la parte
who wrought out of it an impor- donde sale el sol, y que han de
tant means for subverting the Az- eraparentar con nosotros, y que
tec empire. Hist, de Tlascala, hemos de ser todos unos ; y que
MS. han de ser blancos y barbudos."
'5 " Si bien os acordais, como Ibid., MS.
tenemos de nuestra antiguedad co-
Ch. II.] DISCUSSIONS IN THE SENATE. 421
mg lived, as is said, far beyond the limits of a cen-
tury.^^ His son, an impetuous young man of the
same name with himself, commanded a powerful
army of Tlascalan and Otomie warriors, near the
eastern frontier. It would be best, the old man said,
to fall with this force at once on the Spaniards. If
victorious, the latter would then be in their power.
If defeated, the senate could disown the act as that
of the general, not of the republic. "^ The cunning
counsel of the chief found favor with his hearers,
though assuredly not in the spirit of chivalry, nor
of the good faith for which his countrymen were cel-
ebrated. But with an Indian, force and stratagem,
courage and deceit, were equally admissible in war,
as they were among the barbarians of ancient
Rome.^^ — The Cempoallan envoys were to be de-
tained under pretence of assisting at a religious
sacrifice.
Meanwhile, Cortes and his gallant band, as stated
in the preceding chapter, had arrived before the
rocky rampart on the eastern confines of Tlascala.
From some cause or other, it was not manned by its
Otomie garrison, and the Spaniards passed in, as we
16 To the ripe age of one hun- MS. — Hetiera, Hist. General,
dred and forty ! if we may credit dec. 2, lib. 6, cap. 3. — Torque-
Camargo. Solis, who confounds mada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 4, cap.
this veteran with his son, has put 27.
a flourishing harangue in the mouth There is sufficient contradiction,
of the latter, which would be a as well as obscurity, m the pro-
rare gem of Indian eloquence,— ceedings reported of the council,
were it not Castilian. Conquista, ^'hich it is not easy to reconcile
lib. 2 cap. 16. altogether with subsequent events.
\i ^ -a- .. ;i rr.i i 18" Dolus an virtus, quis ia host*
"Camargo, Hist.de Tlascala, requirat?"
422 MARCH TO MEXICO. fBooK III.
have seen, without resistance. Cortes rode at the
head of his body of horse, and, ordering the infantry
to come on at a quick pace, went forward to recon-
noitre. After advancing three or four leagues, he
descried a small party of Indians, armed with sword
and buckler, in the fashion of the country. They
fled at his approach. He made signs for them to
halt, but, seeing that they only fled the faster, he
and his companions put spurs to their horses, and
soon came up with them. The Indians, finding
escape impossible, faced round, and, instead of show-
ing the accustomed terror of the natives at the
strange and appalling aspect of a mounted trooper,
they commenced a furious assault on the cavaliers.
The latter, however, were too strong for them, and
would have cut their enemy to pieces without much
difficulty, when a body of several thousand Indians
appeared in sight, and coming briskly on to the sup-
port of their countrymen.
Cortes, seeing them, despatched one of his party,
in all haste, to accelerate the march of his infantry.
The Indians, after discharging their missiles, fell fu-
riously on the little band of Spaniards. They strove
to tear the lances from their grasp, and to drag the
riders from the horses. They brought one cavalier to
the ground, who afterwards died of his wounds, and
they killed two of the horses, cutting through their
necks with their stout broadswords — if we may be-
lieve the chronicler — at a blow! '^ In the narrative
*9 " T lea mat&ron dos Caballos, de dos cuchilladas, i segun algu-
Ch. II.] DESPERATE BATTLES. 423
of these campaigns, there is sometimes but one step
— and that a short one — from history to romance.
The loss of the horses, so important and so few in
immber, was seriously felt by Cortes, who could
have better spared the life of the best rider in the
troop.
The struggle was a hard one. But the odds were
as overwhelming as any recorded by the Spaniards
in their own romances, where a handful of knights
is arrayed against legions of enemies. The lances
of the Christians did terrible execution here also ;
but they had need of the magic lance of Astolpho,
that overturned myriads with a touch, to carry them
safe through so unequal a contest. It was with no
little satisfaction, therefore, that they beheld their
comrades rapidly advancing to their support.
No sooner had the main body reached the field
of battle, than, hastily forming, they poured such a
volley from their muskets and crossbows as stag-
gered the enemy. Astounded, rather than intimi-
dated, by the terrible report of the fire-arms, now
heard for the fii'st time in these regions, the Indians
made no further effort to continue the fight, but
drew off in good order, leaving the road open to the
Spaniards. The latter, too well satisfied to be rid
of the annoyance, to care to follow the retreating
foe, again held on their way.
Their route took them through a country sprinkled
nos, que lo vidron, cortaron a cer- con riendas, i todas." Gomara,
cen de un golpe cada pescuego, Cr<5nica, cap. 45.
424 MARCH TO MEXICO. [Book III.
over with Indian cottages, amidst flourishing fields
of maize and maguey, indicating an industrious and
thriving peasantry. They were met here by two
Tlascalan envoys, accompanied by two of the Cem-
poallans. The former, presenting themselves before
the general, disavowed the assault on his troops, as
an unauthorized act, and assured him of a friendly
reception at their capital. Cortes received the com-
munication in a courteous manner, affecting to place
more confidence in its good faith, than he probably
felt.
It was now growing late, and the Spaniards quick-
ened their march, anxious to reach a favorable ground
for encampment before nightfall. They found such
a spot on the borders of a stream that rolled slug-
gishly across the plain. A few deserted cottages
stood along the banks, and the fatigued and fam-
ished soldiers ransacked them in quest of food. All
they could find was some tame animals resembhng
dogs. These they killed and dressed without cere-
mony, and, garnishing their unsavory repast with
the fruit of the tuna, the Indian fig, which grew wild
in the neighbourhood, they contrived to satisfy the
cravings of appetite. A careful watch was main-
tained by Cortes, and companies of a hundred men
each relieved each other in mounting guard through
the night. But no attack was made. Hostilities
by night were contrary to the system of Indian
tactics.^"
'•^ Rel. SetT. de Cortes, ap. Lo- de Tlascala, MS. — Bernal Diaz,
renzana, p. 50. — Camargo, Hist. Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 62. —
Ch. II.] DESPERATE BATTLES. 425
By break of day on the following morning, it be-
ing the second of September, the troops were under
arms. Besides the Spaniards, the whole number
of Indian auxiliaries might now amount to three
thousand ; for Cortes had gathered recruits from
the friendly places on his route ; three hundred from
the last. After hearing mass, they resumed their
march. They moved in close array ; the general
had previously admonished the men not to lag be-
hind, or wander from the ranks a moment, as strag-
glers would be sure to be cut off by their stealthy
and vigilant enemy. The horsemen rode three
abreast, the better to give one another support ; and
Cortes instructed them, in the heat of fight to keep
together, and never to charge singly. He taught
them how to carry their lances, that they might not
be wrested from their hands by the Indians, who
constantly attempted it. For the same reason, they
should avoid giving thrusts, but aim their weapons
steadily at the faces of their foes.^^
They had not proceeded far, when they were met
by the two remaining Cempoallan envoys, who with
looks of terror informed the general that they had
been treacherously seized and confined, in order to
be sacrificed at an approaching festival of the Tlas-
Gomara, Cronica, cap. 45. — Ovie- por los esquadrones, que Ueuassen
do, Hist, de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, las lan5as por las caras, y no pa-
cap. 3, 41. — Sahagun, Hist, de rassen a dar lancadas, porquo no
Nueva Espaiia, MS., lib. 12, cap. les echassen mano dellas." Ber-
10. nal Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista.
21 "Que quando rompiessemos cap. 62.
VOL. I. 54
426 MARCH TO MEXICO. [Book III
calans, but in the night had succeeded in making
their escape. They gave the unwelcome tidings,
also, that a large force of the natives was already
assembled to oppose the progress of the Spaniards.
Soon after, they came in sight of a body of Indi-
ans, about a thousand, apparently, all armed and
brandishing their weapons, as the Christians ap-
proached, in token of defiance. Cortes, when he
had come within hearing, ordered the interpret-
ers to proclaim that he had no hostile intentions ;
but wished only to be allowed a passage through
their country, which he had entered as a friend.
This declaration he commanded the royal notary,
Godoy, to record on the spot, that, if blood were
shed, it might not be charged on the Spaniards.
This pacific proclamation was met, as usual on such
occasions, by a shower of darts, stones, and arrows,
which fell like rain on the Spaniards, rattling on
their stout harness, and in some instances penetrat-
ing to the skin. Galled by the smart of their
wounds, they called on the general to lead them on,
till he sounded the well known battle-cry, "St. Jago,
and at them!"^~
The Indians maintained their ground for a while
with spirit, when they retreated with precipitation,
but not in disorder.^^ The Spaniards, whose blood
was heated by the encounter, followed up their ad-
vantage with more zeal than prudence, suffering the
82 " Entonces dixo Cortes, ' San- Gomara of this skirmish. Crdnica,
tiago, y a ellos.' " Ibid., cap. 63. cap. 46.
23 " Una gentil conticnda,"says
Oh. II.] DESPERATE BATTLES. 427
wily enemy to draw them into a narrow glen or
defile, intersected by a little stream of water, where
the broken ground was impracticable for artillery, as
well as for the movements of cavalry. Pressing
forward with eagerness, to extricate themselves from
their perilous position, to their great dismay, on turn-
ing an abrupt angle of the pass, they came in presence
of a numerous army, choking up the gorge of the
valley, and stretching far over the plains beyond.
To the astonished eyes of Cortes, they appeared a
hundred thousand men, while no account estimates
them at less than thirty thousand.^
They presented a confused assemblage of helmets,
weapons, and many-colored plumes, glancing bright
in the morning sun, and mingled with banners, above
which proudly floated one that bore as a device the
heron on a rock. It was the well known ensign
of the house of Titcala, and, as well as the white
and yellow stripes on the bodies, and the like colors
on the feather-mail of the Indians, showed that they
were the warriors of Xicotencatl.^^
'•^ Rel. Seg. de Cortes, ap. Lo- the numbers of a confused throng
renzana, p. 51. According to Go- of barbarians. As this was only
mara, (Crdnica, cap. 46,) the en- one of several armies kept on foot
emy mustered 80,000. So, also, by the Tlascalans, the smallest
Ixtlilxochitl. (Hist. Chich., MS., amount is, probably, too large,
cap. 83.) Bernal Diaz says, more The whole population of the state,
than 40,000. (Hist, de la Con- according to Clavigero, who would
quista, cap. 63.) But Herrera not be likely to underrate it, did
(Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. 6, cap. not exceed half a million at the
5) and Torquemada (Monarch, time of the invasion. Stor. del
Tnd.,lib. 4, cap. 20) reduce them Messico, torn. I. p. 156.
to 30,000. One might as easily 25 "Ladivisa y armas de la casa
reckon the leaves in a forest, as y cabecera de Titcala es una garga
428 MARCH TO MEXICO. [Book III.
As the Spaniards came in sight, the Tlascalans
set up a hideous war-cry, or rather whistle, piercing
the ear with its shriUness, and which, with the beat
of their melancholy drums, that could be heard for
half a league or more,^*^ might well have filled the
stoutest heart with dismay. This formidable host
came rolling on towards the Christians, as if to
overwhelm them by their very numbers. But the
courageous band of warriors, closely serried together
and sheltered under their strong panoplies, received
the shock unshaken, while the broken masses of the
enemy, chafing and heaving tumultuously around
them, seemed to recede only to return with new and
accumulated force.
Cortes, as usual, in the front of danger, in vam
endeavoured, at the head of the horse, to open a pas-
sage for the infantry. Still his men, both cavalry
and foot, kept their array unbroken, offering no
assailable point to their foe. A body of the Tlasca-
ians, however, acting in concert, assaulted a soldier
named Moran, one of the best riders in the troop.
They succeeded in dragging him from his horse,
blanca sobre un penasco." (Ca- hueco por de dentro, que suena
margo, Hist, de Tlascala, MS.) algunas veces mas de media legaa
"El capitan general," says Bernal y con el atarabor hace estrana y
Diaz, " que se dezia Xicotenga, y suave consonancia." (Camargo,
con sus diuisas de bianco y colora- Hist, de Tlascala, MS.) Clavige-
do, porque aquella diuisa y librea ro, who gives a drawing of this
era de aquel Xicotenga." Hist, de same drum, says it is still used by
la Conquista, cap. 63. the Indians, and may be heard two
26 "Llaman Teponaztle ques de or three miles. Stor. del Messico,
un trozo de madero concavado y de torn. H. p. 179.
una pieza rollizo y, como deciraos,
Ch. II.l DESPERATE BATTLES. 429
which they despatched with a thousand blows. The
Spaniards, on foot, made a desperate effort to rescue
their comrade from the hands of the enemy, — and
from the horrible doom of tlie captive. A fierce
struggle now began over the body of the prostrate
horse. Ten of the Spaniards were wounded, when
they succeeded in retrieving the unfortunate cavalier
from his assailants, but in so disastrous a plight that
he died on the following day. The horse was borne
off in triumph by the Indians, and his mangled re-
mains were sent, a strange trophy, to the different
towns of Tlascala. The circumstance troubled the
Spanish commander, as it divested the animal of the
supernatural terrors with which the superstition of
the natives had usually surrounded it. To prevent
such a consequence, he had caused the two horses,
killed on the preceding day, to be secretly buried on
the spot.
The enemy now began to give ground gradually,
borne down by the riders, and trampled under the
hoofs of their horses. Through the whole of this
sharp encounter, the Indian allies were of great ser-
vice to the Spaniards. They rushed into the water,
and grappled their enemies, with the desperation of
men who felt that " their only safety was in the
despair of safety." "^ " I see nothing but death for
us," exclaimed a Cempoallan chief to Marina ; " we
shall never get through the pass alive." " The God
27 " Una illis fuit spes salatis, It is said with the classic energy
desperasse de saJute." (P. Mar- of Tacitus.
tyr,De Orbe Novo, dec. 1, cap. 1.)
430 MARCH TO MEXICO. [Book III.
of the Christians is with us," answered the intrepid
woman ; " and He will carry us safely through."^'
Amidst the din of battle, the voice of Cortes was
heard, cheering on his soldiers. " If we f^iil now,"
he cried, " the cross of Christ can never be planted
in the land. Forward, comrades ! When was it ever
known that a Castilian turned his back on a foe ?"^^
Animated by the words and heroic bearing of their
general, the soldiers, with desperate efforts, at length
succeeded in forcing a passage through the dark col-
umns of the enemy, and emerged from the defile on
the open plain beyond.
Here they quickly recovered their confidence with
their superiority. The horse soon opened a space
for the manoeuvres of the artillery. The close files
of their antagonists presented a sure mark ; and
the thunders of the ordnance vomiting forth tor-
rents of fire and sulphurous smoke, the wide des-
olation caused in their ranks, and the strangely
mangled carcasses of the slain, filled the barbarians
with consternation and horror. They had no weap-
ons to cope with these terrible engines, and their
clumsy missiles, discharged from uncertain hands,
seemed to fall inefiectual on the charmed heads Of
the Christians. What added to their embarrassment
was, the desire to carry off the dead and wounded
from the field, a general practice among the people
28 " Respondidle Marina, que no ria de peligro." Herrera, Hist,
tuviese miedo, porque el Dios de General, dec. 2, lib. 6, cap. 5.
los Christianos, que es muy pode- 29 Ibid., ubi supra.
roso, i los queria mucho, los saca-
Ch. II. J DESPERATE BATTLES. 431
of Anahuac, but which necessarily exposed them,
while thus employed, to still greater loss.
Eight of their principal chiefs had now fallen ;
and Xicotencatl, finding himself wholly unable to
make head against the Spaniards in the open field,
ordered a retreat. Far from the confusion of a
panic-struck mob, so common among barbarians, the
Tlascalan force moved off the ground with all the
order of a well disciplined army. Cortes, as on the
preceding day, was too well satisfied with his pres-
ent advantage to desire to follow it up. It was
within an hour of sunset, and he was anxious before
nightfall to secure a good position, where he might
refresh his wounded troops, and bivouac for the
night.'^
Gathering up his wounded, he held on his way,
without loss of time ; and before dusk reached a
rocky eminence, called Tzompachtepetl, or " the hill
of Tzompach." It was crowned by a sort of tower
or temple, the remains of which are still visible.^'
His first care was given to the wounded, both men
and horses. Fortunately, an abundance of provis-
ions was found in some neighbouring cottages ; and
the soldiers, at least all who were not disabled by
their injuries, celebrated the victory of the day with
feasting and rejoicing.
30 Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind., de la Conquista, cap. 63. — Go-
MS., lib. 33, cap. 3, 45. — Ixtlilx- mara, Cronica, cap. 40.
ochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 83. 3i Viaje de Cortes, ap. Loren-
— Rel. Seg-. de Cortes, ap. Loren- zana, p. ix.
zana, p. 51. — Bernal Diaz, Hist.
432 MARCH TO MEXICO. [Book III
As to the number of killed or wounded on either
side, it is matter of loosest conjecture. The Indians
must have suffered severely, but the practice of car-
rying off the dead from the field made it impossible
to know to what extent. The injury sustained by
the Spaniards appears to have been principally in
the number of their wounded. The great object of
the natives of Anahuac in their battles was, to make
prisoners, who might grace their triumphs, and sup-
ply victims for sacrifice. To this brutal superstition
the Christians were indebted, in no slight degree, for
their personal preservation. To take the reports of
the Conquerors, their own losses in action were
always inconsiderable. But whoever has had occa-
sion to consult the ancient chroniclers of Spain in re-
lation to its wars with the infidel, whether Arab or
American, will place little confidence in numbers.^
The events of the day had suggested many topics
for painful reflection to Cortes. He had nowhere
met with so determined a resistance within the bor
ders of Anahuac ; nowhere had he encountered na-
tive troops so formidable for their weapons, their
discipline, and their valor. Far from manifesting
32 According to Cortes not a bloody roll, only five and twenty
Spaniard fell, — though many were Christians! See the estimate in
wounded, — in this action so fatal Alfonso IX. 's veracious letter, ap.
to the infidel ! Diaz allows one. Mariana (Hist, de Espafia, lib. 2,
In the famous battle of Navas de cap. 24). The official returns of
Tolosa, between the Spaniards and the old Castilian crusaders, wheth-
Arabs, in 1212, equally matched er in the Old World or the New,
in military science at that time, are scarcely more trustworthy than
there were left 200,000 of the lat- a French imperial bulletin in our
ter on the field; and, to balance this day.
Ch. II.] DESPERATE BATTLES. 433
the superstitious terrors felt by the other Indians, at
the strange arms and aspect of the Spaniards, the
Tlascalans had boldly grappled with their enemy,
and only yielded to the inevitable superiority of his
military science. How important would the alliance
of such a nation be in a struggle with those of their
own race, — for example, with the Aztecs! But
how was he to secure this alliance ? Hitherto, all
overtures had been rejected with disdain ; and it
seemed probable, that every step of his progress in
this populous land was to be fiercely contested.
His army, especially the Indians, celebrated the
events of the day with feasting and dancing, songs
of merriment, and shouts of triumph. Cortes en-
couraged it, well knowing how important it was to
keep up the spirits of his soldiers. But the sounds
of revelry at length died away ; and in the still
watches of the night, many an anxious thought must
have crowded on the mind of the general, while his
little army lay buried in slumber in its encampment
around the Indian hill.
VOL 1 55
CHAPTER III.
Obcisive Victory. — Indian Council. — Night Attack. — Nego-
tiations WITH THE Enemy. — Tlasc.\lan Hero.
1519.
The Spaniards were allowed to repose undisturbed
the following day, and to recruit their strength after
the fatigue and hard fighting of the preceding. They
found sufficient employment, however, in repairing
and cleaning their weapons, replenishing their di-
minished stock of arrows, and getting every thing in
order for further hostilities, should the severe lesson
they had inflicted on the enemy prove insufficient to
discourage him. On the second day, as Cortes re-
ceived no overtures from the Tlascalans, he deter-
mined to send an embassy to their camp, proposing
a cessation of hostilities, and expressing his intention
to visit their capital as a friend. He selected two
of the principal chiefs taken in the late engagement,
as the bearers of the message.
Meanwhile, averse to leaving his men longer in a
dangerous state of inaction, which the enemy might
interpret as the result of timidity or exhaustion, he
put himself at the head of the cavalry and such light
troops as were most fit for service, and made a foray
Ch. Ill] DECISIVE VICTORY. 435
into the neighbouring country. It was a mountain-
ous region, formed by a ramification of the great
sierra of Tlascala, with verdant slopes and valley?
teeming with maize and plantations of maguey,
while the eminences were crowned with populous
towns and villages. In one of these, he tells us, he
found three thousand dwellings.' In some places
he met with a resolute resistance, and on these oc-
casions took ample vengeance by laying the country
waste with fire and sword. After a successful in-
road he returned laden with forage and provisions,
and driving before him several hundred Indian cap-
tives. He treated them kindly, however, when ar-
rived in camp, endeavouring to make them under-
stand that these acts of violence were not dictated
by his own wishes, but by the unfriendly policy of
their countrymen. In this way he hoped to impress
the nation with the conviction of his power on the
one hand, and of his amicable intentions, if met by
them in the like spirit, on the other.
On reaching his quarters, he found the two envoys
returned from the Tlascalan camp. They had fallen
in with Xicotencatl at about two leagues' distance,
where he lay encamped with a powerful force. The
cacique gave them audience at the head of his
1 Rel. Seg. de Cortes, ap. Lo- sign for a thousand, in Spanish no-
ronzana, p. 53. tation, bearing great resemblance
Oviedo, who made free use of to the figure 9. Martyr, who had
the manuscripts of Cortes, writes access, also, to the Conqueror's
thirty-nine houses. (Hist, de las manuscript, confirms the larger,
tnd., MS., lib. 33, cap. 3.) This and, a priori, less probable num-
may, perhaps, be explained by the ber.
436 MARCH TO MEXICO. [Book III
troops. He told them to return with the answer,
" That the Spaniards might pass on as soon as they
chose to TIascala ; and, when they reached it, their
flesh would be hewn from their bodies, for sacrifice
to the gods ! If they preferred to remain in their
own quarters, he would pay them a visit there the
next day."- The ambassadors added, that the
chief had an immense force with him, consisting of
five battalions of ten thousand men each. They
were the flower of the Tlascalan and Otomie war-
riors, assembled under the banners of their respec-
tive leaders, by command of the senate, who were
resolved to try the fortunes of the state in a pitched
battle, and strike one decisive blow for the extermi-
nation of the invaders.^
This bold defiance fell heavily on the ears of the
Spaniards, not prepared for so pertinacious a spirit
in their enemy. They had had ample proof of his
courage and formidable prowess. They were now,
in their crippled condition, to encounter him with
a still more terrible arraj of numbers. The war,
too, from the horrible fate with which it menaced
^ " Que fuessemos k su pueblo ions, at this time, to the famished
adonde estasu padre, q alia harian army of the Spaniards; to put
las pazes co hartarse de nuestras them in stomach, it may be, for
.jarnes, y honrar sus dioses con the fight. (Gomara, Cronica, cap.
miestros coracones, y sangre, 6 46. — Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich.,
que para otro dia de manana veria- MS., cap. 83.) This ultra-chiv-
mos su respuesta." Bernal Diaz, alrous display from the barbarian
Hist, de la Conquistaj cap. 64. is not very probable, and Cortes'
3 More than one writer repeats own account of his successful foray
a story of the Tlascalan general's may much better explain the abun-
sending a good supply of provis- dance which reigned in his camp.
Ch. III.] DECISIVE VICTORY. 437
the vanquished, wore a peculiarly gloomy aspect,
that pressed heavily on their spirits. "We feared
death," says the lion-hearted Diaz, with his usual
simplicity, " for we were men." There was scarce-
ly one in the army, that did not confess himself
that night to the reverend father Olmedo, who was
occupied nearly the whole of it with administ?'*-
ing absolution, and with the other solemn offices
of the Church. Armed with the blessed sacraments,
the Catholic soldier lay tranquilly down to rest, pre-
pared for any fate that might betide him under the
banner of the Cross.^
As a battle was now inevitable, Cortes resolved
to march out and meet the enemy in the field. This
would have a show of confidence, that might serve
the double purpose of intimidating the Tlascalans,
and inspiriting his own men, whose enthusiasm
might lose somewhat of its heat,- if compelled tp
await the assault of their antagonists, inactive in
their own intrenchments. The sun rose bright on
the following morning, the 5th of September, 1519,
an eventful day in the history of the Spanish Con-
quest. The general reviewed his army, and gave
them, preparatory to marching, a few words of en-
couragement and advice. The infantry he instructed
to rely on the point rather than the edge of their
swords, and to endeavour to thrust their opponents
4 Rel. Seg. de Cortes, ap. Loren- Hist, de las Ind., MS., lib. 33,
zana, p. 52. — Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. cap. 3. — Bernal Diaz, Hist de
ChiRh., MS., cap. 83. — Gomara, la Conquista, cap. 64.
Cronica, cap. 46, 47. — Oviedo,
438
MARCH TO MEXICO.
[Book III
through the body. The horsemen were to charge at
half speed, with their lances aimed at the eyes of
the Indians. The artillery, the arquebusiers, and
crossbow-men, were to support one another, some
loading while others discharged their pieces, that
there should be an unintermitted firing kept up
through the action. Above all, they were to main-
tain their ranks close and unbroken, as on this de-
pended their preservation.
They had not advanced a quarter of a league,
when they came in sight of the Tlascalan army.
Its dense array stretched far and wide over a vast
plain or meadow ground, about six miles square.
Its appearance justified the report which had been
given of its numbers.^ Nothing could be more pic-
turesque than the aspect of these Indian battalions,
with the naked bodies of the common soldiers gaud-
ily painted, the fantastic helmets of the chiefs glitter-
ing with gold and precious stones, and the glowing
panoplies of feather-work, which decorated their per-
sons.^ Innumerable spears and darts tipped with
5 Through the magnifying lens
of Cortes, they appeared to be
150,000 men ; (Rel. Seg., ap. Lo-
renzana, p. 53;) a number usu-
ally preferred by succeeding wri-
ters.
6 '■ Nol half so gorgeous, for their May-day
mirlh
All wreathed and ribanded, our youths
and maids,
Ab these elKrn Tlascalans in war attire !
Tha golden glitleranco, and the feather-
mail
More gay than glittering gold ; and round
the helm
A coronal of high upstanding plumes,
Green as the spring grass in a sunny
shower ;
Or scarlet bright, as in th^ wintry wood
The clustered holly ; or of purple tint;
Whereto shall that be likened? to what
gem
Indiademed, what flower, what insect's
wing J
With war songs and wild music they
came on ;
We, the while kneeling, raised with one
accord
The hymn of supplication."
Southey's Madoc, Part 1, canto 7.
Ch. III.] DECISIVE VICTORY. 439
points of txansparent itztli, or fiery copper, sparkled
bright in the morning sun, like the phosphoric gleams
playing on the surface of a troubled sea, while the
rear of the mighty host was dark with the shadows
of banners, on which were emblazoned the armorial
bearings of the great Tlascalan and Otomie chief-
tains/ Among these, the white heron on the rock,
the cognizance of the house of Xicotencatl, was
conspicuous, and, still more, the golden eagle with
outspread wings, in the fashion of a Roman signum,
richly ornamented with emeralds and silver-work,
the great standard of the republic of Tlascala.^
The common file wore no covering except a girdle
round the loins. Their bodies were painted with the
appropriate colors of the chieftain whose banner
they followed. The feather-mail of the higher class
' The standards of the Mexicans ^ Camargo, Hist, de Tlascala,
were carried in the centre, those MS. — Herrera, Hist. General,
of the Tlascalans in the rear of dec. 2, lib. 6, cap. 6. ^ Gomara,
the army. (Clavigero, Stor. del Cronica, cap. 46. — Bernal Diaz,
Messico, vol. H. p. 145.) Accord- Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 64. —
ing to the Anonymous Conqueror, Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind., MS.,
the banner staff was attached to lib. 33, cap. 45.
the back of the ensign, so that it The two last authors speak of
vas impossible to be torn away, the device of " a white bird like
" Ha ogni copagnia il suo Alfiere an ostrich," as that of the repub-
con la sua insegna inhastata, et in lie. They have evidently cen-
tal modo ligata sopra le spalle, che founded it with that of the Indian
non gli da alcuu disturbo di poter general. Camargo, who has given
combattere ne far cio che vuole, et the heraldic emblems of the four
la porta cosi ligata bene al corpo, great famiUes of Tlascala, ncitices
che se no fanno del suo corpo the white heron, as that of Xico-
pezzi, non se gli puo sligare, ne tencatl.
torgliela mai." Rel. d' un gent.,
ap. Ramusio, torn. HI. fol. 305.
440 MARCH TO MEXICO. [Book III.
of warriors exhibited, also, a similar selection of
colors for the like object, in the same manner as
the color of the tartan indicates the peculiar clan of
the Highlander.^ The caciques and principal war-
riors were clothed in a quilted cotton tunic, two
inches thick, which, fitting close to the body, pro-
tected, also, the thighs and the shoulders. Over
this the wealthier Indians wore cuirasses of thin
gold plate, or silver. Their legs were defended by
leathern boots or sandals, trimmed with gold. But
the most brilliant part of their costume was a rich
mantle of the plumaje or feather-work, embroidered
with curious art, and furnishing some resemblance
to the gorgeous surcoat worn by the European knight
over his armor in the Middle Ages. This graceful
and picturesque dress was surmounted by a fantastic
head-piece made of wood or leather, representing
the head of some wild animal, and frequently dis-
playing a formidable array of teeth. With this cov-
ering the warrior's head was enveloped, producing
a most grotesque and hideous effect. '° From the
* The accounts of the Tlascalan — Camargo, Hist, de Tlascala,
chronicler arc confirmed by the MS. — Rel. d' un gent., ap. Ra-
Anonymous Conqueror and by musio, torn. ITT. fol. 305.
Bemal Diaz, both eyewitnesses; ^^ " Portano in testa," says the
though the latter frankly declares. Anonymous Conqueror, " per di-
that, had he not seen them witii fcsa una cosa come teste di scrpeti,
his own eyes, he should never 6 di tigri, 6 di leoni, 6 di lupi, che
have credited the existence of or- ha le mascelle, et e la testa deli'
ders and badges among the barba- huomo mcssa nella testa di qsto an
rians, like those found among the imale come se lo volesse diuorare :
civilized nations of Europe. Hist, sono di legno, et sopra vi 6 la
-de la Conquista, cap. 64, et alibi, pena, etdi piastrad'oro et di pietre
Ch. III.] DECISIVE VICTORY 441
crown floated a splendid panache of the richly va-
riegated plumage of the tropics, indicating, by its
form and colors, the rank and family of the wearer.
To complete their defensive armor, they carried
shields or targets, made sometimes of wood covered
with leather, but more usually of a light frame of
reeds quilted with cotton, which were preferred, as
tougher and less liable to fracture than the former.
They had other bucklers, in which the cotton was
covered with an elastic substance, enabling them to
be shut up in a more compact form, like a fan or
umbrella. These shields were decorated with showy
ornaments, according to the taste or wealth of the
wearer, and fringed with a beautifiil pendant of
feather-work.
Their weapons were slings, bows and arrows,
javelins, and darts. They were accomplished arch-
ers, and would discharge two or even three arrows
at a time. But they most excelled in throwing the
javelin. One species of this, with a thong attached
to it, which remained in the slinger's hand, that he
might recall the weapon, was especially dreaded by
the Spaniards. These various weapons were pointed
with bone, or the mineral itztli, (obsidian,) the hard
vitreous substance, already noticed, as capable of
taking an edge like a razor, though easily blunted.
Their spears and arrows were also frequently head-
ed with copper. Instead of a sword, they bore a
preciose copte, che e cosa marauigliosa da vedere." Rel. d' un gent.,
ap. Ramusio, torn. III. fol. 305.
VOL. I. 66
442 MARCH TO MEXICO. [Book III.
two-handed staff, about three feet and a half long,
in which, at regular distances, were inserted, trans-
versely, sharp blades of itztli, — a formidable wea-
pon, which, an eyewitness assures us, he had seen
fell a horse at a blow.'^
Such was the costume of the Tlascalan warrior,
and, indeed, of that great family of nations gener-
ally, who occupied the plateau of Anahuac. Some
parts of it, as the targets and the cotton mail or
escaupil, as it was called in Castilian, were so ex-
cellent, that they were subsequently adopted by the
Spaniards, as equally effectual in the way of protec-
tion, and superior, on the score of lightness and
convenience, to their own. They were of sufficient
strength to turn an arrow, or the stroke of a javelin,
although impotent as a defence against fne-arms.
But what armor is not ? Yet it is probably no ex-
aggeration to say, that, in convenience, gracefulness,
and strength, the arms of the Indian warrior were
not very inferior to those of the polished nations of
antiquity.'^
1^ " lo viddi che cobattedosi un ^ Particular notices of the nrul-
di, diede un Indiano una cortellata itary dress and appointments of
a un cauallo sopra il qual era un the American tribes on the pla-
caualliero c6 chi cobatteua, nel pet- teau may be found in Camargo.
to,che glieloapersefin alle iteriora, Hist, de Tlascala, MS., — Clavi-
et cadde icolanete morto, et il me- gero, Stor. del Messico, torn. II.
desimo giorno viddi che un altro p. 101, et seq., — Acosta, lib. 6,
Indiano diede un altra cortellata a cap. 26, — Rel. d'un gent., ap.
un altro cauallo su il collo che se Ramusio, torn. III. fol. 305, et
lo getto morto a i piedi." Rel. auct. al.
d'un gent., ap. Ramusio, tom. III.
fol. 305.
Oh. III.] DECISIVE VICTORY. 445
As soon as the Castilians came in sight, the Tlas-
calans set up their jell of defiance, rising high above
the wild barbaric minstrelsy of shell, atabal, and
trumpet, with which they proclaimed their triumph-
ant anticipations of victory over the paltry forces of
the invaders. When the latter had come within
bowshot, the Indians hurled a tempest of missiles,
that darkened the sun for a moment as with a pass-
ing cloud, strewing the earth around with heaps of
stones and arrows. ^^ Slowly and steadily the little
band of Spaniards held on its way amidst this ar-
rowy shower, until it had reached what appeared
the proper distance for delivering its fire with full
effect. Cortes then halted, and, hastily forming his
troops, opened a general well-directed fire along the
whole line. Every shot bore its errand of death ;
and the ranks of the Indians were mowed down
faster than their comrades in the rear could carry
off their bodies, according to custom, from the field.
The balls in their passage through the crowded
files, bearing splinters of the broken harness, and
mangled limbs of the warriors, scattered havoc and
desolation in their path. The mob of barbarians
stood petrified with dismay, till, at length, galled to
desperation by their intolerable sufl'ering, they poured
forth simultaneously their hideous war-shriek, and
rushed impetuously on the Christians.
13 " Que granizo de piedra de qualquiera arma, y las entraiiaa
los honderos! Pues flechas todo adonde no ay defensa." Bernal
el suelo hecho parva de varas Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista, cap
todas de & dos gajos, que passan 65.
444 MARCH TO MEXICO. [Book III.
On they came like an avalanche, or mountain
torrent, shaking the solid earth, and sweeping away
every obstacle in its path. The little army of
Spaniards opposed a bold front to the overwhelming
mass. But no strength could withstand it. They
faltered, gave way, were borne along before it, and
their ranks were broken and thrown into disorder.
It was in vain the general called on them to close
again and rally. His voice was drowned by the din
of fight and the fierce cries of the assailants. For
a moment, it seemed that all was lost. The tide of
battle had turned against them, and the fate of the
Christians was sealed.
But every man had that within his bosom, which
spoke louder than the voice of the general. Despair
gave unnatural energy to his arm. The naked body
of the Indian afforded no resistance to the sharp
Toledo steel ; and with their good swords, the
Spanish infantry at length succeeded in staying the
human torrent. The heavy guns from a distance
thundered on the flank of the assailants, which,
shaken by the iron tempest, was thrown into disor-
der. Their very numbers increased the confusion,
cis they were precipitated on the masses in front.
The horse at the same moment, charging gallantly
under Cortes, followed up the advantage, and at
length compelled the tumultuous throng to fall back
with gr(iater precipitation and disorder than that
with which they had advanced.
More than once in the course of the action, a
similar assault was attempted by the Tlascalans, but
Ch- iii.j decisive victory. 445
each time with less spirit, and greater loss. The^r
were too deficient in military science to profit hy
their vast superiority in numbers. They were dis-
tributed into companies, it is true, each serving
under its own chieftain and banner. But they were
not arranged by rank and file, and moved in a con-
fused mass, promiscuously heaped together. They
knew not how to concentrate numbers on a given
point, or even how to sustain an assault, by employ-
ing successive detachments to support and relieve
one another. A very small part only of their array
could be brought into contact with an enemy inferior
to them in amount of forces. The remainder of the
army, inactive and worse than useless, in the rear,
served only to press tumultuously on the advance,
and embarrass its movements by mere weight of
numbers, while, on the least alarm, they were seized
with a panic and threw the whole body into inextri-
cable confusion. It was, in short, the combat of the
ancient Greeks and Persians over again.
Still, the great numerical superiority of the Indians
might have enabled them, at a severe cost of their
own lives, indeed, to wear out, in time, the con-
stancy of the Spaniards, disabled by wounds and
incessant fatigue. But, fortunately for the latter,
dissensions arose among their enemies. A Tlasca-
lan chieftain, commanding one of the great divisions,
had taken umbrage at the haughty demeanour of
Xicotencatl, who had charged him with misconduct
or cowardice in the late action. The injured ca-
cique challenged his rival to single combat. This
446 MARCH TO MEXICO. [Book III.
did not take place. But, burning with resentment,
he chose the present occasion to indulge it, by draw-
ing off his forces, amounting to ten thousand men,
from the field. He also persuaded another of the
commanders to follow his example.
Thus reduced to about half his original strength,
and that greatly crippled by the losses of the day,
Xicotencatl could no longer maintain his ground
against the Spaniards. After disputing the field
with admirable courage for four hours, he retreated
and resigned it to the enemy. The Spaniards were
too much jaded, and too many were disabled by
wounds, to allow them to pursue ; and Cortes, satis-
fied with the decisive victory he had gained, returned
in triumph to his position on the hill of Tzompach.
The number of killed in his own ranks had been
very small, notwithstanding the severe loss inflicted
on the enemy. These few he was careful to bury
where they could not be discovered, anxious to con-
ceal not only the amount of the slain, but the fact
that the whites were mortal."^ But very many of
the men were wounded, and all the horses. The
trouble of the Spaniards was much enhanced by the
want of many articles important to them in their
present exigency. They had neither oil, nor salt,
wliich, as before noticed, was not to be obtained in
Tlascala. Their clothing, accommodated to a softer
1* So says Bernal Diaz ; who, only one Christian fell in the fight.
It the same time, by the epithets, (Ilist. de la Conquista, cap. 65.)
ios murr/os, los cunyos, plainly Cort6s has not the grace to ac
contradicts his previous boast that knowledge that one.
Oh. III.] DECISIVE VICTORY. 447
climate, was ill adapted to the rude air of the moun-
tains ; and bows and arrows, as Bernal Diaz sar-
castically remarks, formed an indifferent protection
against the inclemency of the weather.'^
Still, they had much to cheer them in the events
of the day ; and they might draw from them a rea-
sonable ground for confidence in their own resources,
such as no other experience could have supplied.
Not that the results could authorize any thing like
contempt for their Indian foe. Singly and with the
same weapons, he might have stood his ground
against the Spaniard. ^^ But the success of the
day established the superiority of science and disci-
pline over mere physical courage and numbers. Jt
was fighting over again, as we have said, the old
battle of the European and the Asiatic. But the
handful of Greeks who routed the hosts of Xerxes
^5 Oviedo,Hist. delasInd.,MS., it may be pardoned in the hero of
lib. 33, cap. 3. — Rel. Seg. deCor- more than a hundred battles, and
tes, ap. Lorenzana, p. 52. — Her- almost as many wounds,
rera, Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. 6, ^^ The Anonymous Conqueror
cap. 6. — Ixtlilxochitl,Hist.Chich., bears emphatic testimony to the
MS., cap. 83. — Gomara, Cronica, valor of the Indians, specifying in-
cap. 46. — Torquemada, Monarch, stances in which he had seen a
Ind., lib. 4, cap. 32. — Bernal Di- .single warrior defend himself for a
az, Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 65, long time against two, three, and
66. even four Spaniards ! " Sono fra
The warm, chivalrous glow of loro di valetissimi huomini et che
•eeling, which colors the rude com- ossano morir ostinatissimamete.
position of the last chronicler,makes Et io ho veduto un d' essi difen-
him a better painter than his more dersi valetemente da duoi caualli
correct and classical rivals. And, leggieri, et un altro da tre, ct quat-
if there is somewhat too much of tro." Rel. d' un gent., ap. Ramu-
the self-complacent tone of the (/wo- sio, torn. HI. fol. 305.
rum pars magna fui in his writing,
448 MARCH TO MEXICO. [Book III.
and Darius, it must be remembered, had not so ob-
vious an advantage on the score of weapons, as was
enjoyed by the Spaniards in these wars. The use
of fire-arms gave an ascendency which cannot easily
l)e estimated ; one so great, that a contest between
nations equally ci^dlized, which should be similar in
all other respects to that between the Spaniards and
the Tlascalans, would probably be attended with a
similar issue. To all this must be added the effect
produced by the cavalry. The nations of Anahuac
had no large domesticated animals, and were unac-
quainted with any beast of burden. Their imagina-
tions were bewildered, when they beheld the strange
apparition of the horse and his rider moving in unison
and obedient to one impulse, as if possessed of a
common nature ; and as they saw the terrible animal,
with his " neck clothed in thunder," bearing down
their squadrons and trampling them in the dust, no
wonder they should have regarded him with the
mysterious terror felt for a supernatural being. A
very little reflection on the manifold grounds of su-
periority, both moral and physical, possessed by the
Spaniards in this contest, will surely explain the
issue, without any disparagement to the courage or
capacity of their opponents.''^
Cortes, thinking the occasion favorable, followed
up the important blow he had struck by a new mis
17 The appalling effect of the strange appearance of the elephants
cavalry on the natives reminds one in their first engagements with
of the confusion into which the Ro- Pyrrhus, as told by Plutarch in
man legions were thrown by the his life of that prince.
Ch. III.] INDIAN COUNCIL. 449
sion to the capital, bearing a message of similar im-
port with that recently sent to the camp. But the
senate was not yet sufficiently humbled. The late
defeat caused, indeed, general consternation. Max-
ixcatzin, one of the four great lords who [)resided
over the republic, reiterated with greater force the
arguments before urged by him for embracing the
proffered alhance of the strangers. The armies of
the state had been beaten too often to allow any
reiasonable hope of successful resistance ; and he
enlarged on the generosity shown by the politic
Conqueror to his prisoners, — so unusual in Anahu-
ac, — as an additional motive for an alliance with
men who knew how to be friends as well as foes.
But in these views he was overruled by the war-
party, whose animosity was sharpened, rather than
subdued, by the late discomfiture. Their hostih^
feelings were further exasperated by the younger
Xicotencatl, who burned for an opportunity to re-
trieve his disgrace, and to wipe away the stain
which had fallen for the first time on the arms of
the republic.
In their perplexity, they called in the assistance
of the priests, whose authority was frequently in-
voked in the deliberations of the American chiefs.
The latter inquired, with some simplicity, of these
interpreters of fate, whether the strangers were su-
pernatural beings, or men of flesh and blood like
themselves. The priests, after some consultation,
are said to have made the strange answer, that tlie
Spaniards, though not gods, were children of the
VOL. I. 57
ioO MARCH TO MEXICO. [Book III.
Sun ; that they derived their strength from that lu-
minary, and, when his beams were withdrawn, their
powers would also fail. They recommended a night
attack, therefore, as one which afforded the best
chance of success. This apparently childish re-
sponse may have had in it more of cunning than
credulity. It was not improbably suggested by Xi-
cotencatl himself, or by the caciques in his interest,
TO reconcile the people to a measure, which was
contrary to the military usages, — indeed, it may
be said, to the public law of Anahuac. Wheth-
er the fruit of artifice or superstition, it prevailed ;
and the Tlascalan general was empowered, at the
head of a detachment of ten thousand warriors, to
try the effect of an assault by night on the Christian
camp.
The affair was conducted with such secrecy, that
it did not reach the ears of the Spaniards. But
their general was not one who allowed himself,
sleeping or waking, to be surprised on his post.
Fortunately, the night appointed was illumined by
the full beams of an autumnal moon ; and one of
the videttes perceived by its light, at a considerable
distance, a large body of Indians moving towards
the Christian lines. He was not slow in giving the
alarm to the garrison.
The Spaniards slept, as has been said, with their
arms by their side ; while their horses, picketed near
them, stood ready saddled, with the bridle hanging
at the bow. In five minutes, the whole camp was
under arms ; Avhen they beheld the dusky columns
C"- i"] NIGHT ATTACK. 45J
of the Indians cautiously advancing over the plain,
their heads just peering above the tall maize with
which the land was partially covered. Cortes deter-
mined not to abide the assault in his intrenchments,
but to sally out and pounce on the enemy when hv
had reached the bottom of the hill.
Slowly and stealthily the Indians advanced, while
the Christian camp, hushed in profound silence, seem-
ed to them buried in slumber. But no sooner had
they reached the slope of the rising ground, than
they were astounded by the deep battle-cry of the
Spaniards, followed by the instantaneous apparition
of the whole army, as they sallied forth from the
works, and poured down the sides of the hill.
Brandishing aloft their weapons, they seemed to
the troubled fancies of the Tlascalans, like so many
spectres or demons hurrying to and fro in mid air,
while the uncertain light magnified their numbers,
and expanded the horse and his rider into gigantic
and unearthly dimensions.
Scarcely waiting the shock of their enemy, the
panic-struck barbarians let off a feeble volley of
arrows, and, offering no other resistance, fled rapidly
and tumultuously across the plain. The horse easily
overtook the fugitives, riding them down and cutting
them to pieces without mercy, until Cortes, weary
with slaughter, called off his men, leaving the field
loaded with the bloody trophies of victory.'^
18 Rel. Seg. de Cortes, ap. cap. 3. — P. Martyr, De Orbe
Lorenzana, pp. 53,54. — Oviedo, Novo, dec. 2, cap. 2. — Torque-
Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, mada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 4, cap.
452 MARCH TO MEXICO. [Book III,
The next day, the Spanish commander, with his
usual pohcy after a decisive blow had been struck,
sent a new embassy to the Tlascalan capital. The
envoys received their instructions through the inter-
preter, Marina. That remarkable woman had at-
tracted general admiration by the constancy and
cheerfulness with which she endured all the priva-
tions of the camp. Far from betraying the natural
weakness and timidity of her sex, she had shrunk
from no hardship herself, and had done much to
fortify the drooping spirits of the soldiers ; while
her sympathies, whenever occasion offered, had been
actively exerted in mitigating the calamities of her
Indian countrymen. ^^
Through his faithful interpreter, Cortes communi-
cated the terms of his message to the Tlascalan
envoys. He made the same professions of amity as
before, promising oblivion of all past injuries ; but,
if this proffer were rejected, he would . \isit their
capital as a conqueror, raze every house in it to the
ground, and put every inhabitant to the sword ! He
then dismissed the ambassadors with the symbolical
presents of a letter in one hand, and an arrow in
the other.
32. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. auernos visto cercados en his ba-
9, lib. 6, cap. 8. — Bernal Diaz, tallas passadas, y que aora todos
Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 66. estauamos heridos, y dolientes, ja-
19 " Digamos come Dona Mari- mas vimos flaqueza en ella, sine
i;a, con ser muger dc la tierra, que muy mayor esfuergo que de inu-
esfuerco tan varonil tenia, que con ger." Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la
oir cada dia que nos auian de ma- Conquista, cap. 66.
"ar, V corner nuestras carnes, v
Ch. Ill] NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE ENEMY. 453
The envoys obtained respectful audience from the
council of Tlascala, whom they found plunged in
deep dejection by their recent reverses. The failure
of the night attack had extinguished every spark of
hope in their bosoms. Their armies had been beat-
en again and again, in the open field and in secret
ambush. Stratagem and courage, all their resources,
had alike proved ineffectual against a foe whose
hand was never weary, and whose eye was never
closed. Nothing remained but to submit. They
selected four principal caciques, whom they intrusted
with a mission to the Christian camp. They were
to assure the strangers of a free passage through the
country, and a friendly reception in the capital.
The proffered friendship of the Spaniards was cor-
dially embraced, with many awkward excuses for
the past. The envoys were to touch at the Tlasca-
lan camp on their way, and inform Xicotencatl of
their proceedings. They were to require him, at
the same time, to abstain from all further hostilities,
and to furnish the white men with an ample supply
of provisions.
But the Tlascalan deputies, on arriving at the
quarters of that chief, did not find him in the humor
to comply with these instructions. His repeated
collisions with the Spaniards, or, it may be, his con-
stitutional courage, left him inaccessible to the vulgar
terrors of his countrymen. He regarded the stran-
gers not as supernatural beings, but as men like him-
self. The animosity of a warrior had rankled into a
deadly hatred from the mortifications he had endured
454 iMARCH TO MEXICO. l^ook III.
at their hands, and his head teemed with plans for
recovering his fallen honors, and for taking ven-
geance on the invaders of his country. He refused
to disband any of the force, still formidable, under
his command; or to send supplies to the enemy's
camp. He further induced the ambassadors to re-
main in his quarters, and relinquish their visit to the
Spaniards. The latter, in consequence, were kept
in ignorance of the movements in their favor, which
had taken place in the Tlascalan capital. -"^
The conduct of Xicotencatl is condemned by
Castihan writers, as that of a ferocious and san-
guinary barbarian. It is natural they should so re-
gard it. But those, who have no national prejudice
to warp their judgments, may come to a different
conclusion. They may find much to admire in that
high, unconquerable spirit, like some proud column,
standing alone in its majesty amidst the fragments
and ruins around it. They may see evidences of a
clear-sighted sagacity, which, piercing the thin veil
of insidious friendship proffered by the Spaniards,
and penetrating the future, discerned the coming
miseries of his country ; the noble patriotism of one
who would rescue that country at any cost, and,
amidst the gathering darkness, would infuse his own
intrepid spirit into the hearts of his nation, to ani-
mate them to a last struggle for independence.
^ Ibid., cap. 67. — Camargo, Hist, de Tlascala, MS. — Ixtlilxochitl,
Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 83.
CHAPTER IV.
DrSCONTENTS IN THE ArMY. — TlASCALAN SpIES. — PeaCK WITH THP
Republic. — Embassy from Montezuma.
1519.
Desirous to keep up the terror of the CastiUau
name, by leaving the enemy no respite, Cortes, on
the same day that he despatched the embassy to
Tlascala, put himself at the head of a small corps
of cavalry and light troops to scour the neighbouring
country. He was at that time so ill from fever,
aided by medical treatment,' that he could hardly
keep his seat in the saddle. It was a rough country,
and the sharp winds from the frosty summits of the
mountains pierced the scanty covering of the troops,
and chilled both men and horses. Four or five of
the animals gave out, and the general, alarmed for
their safety, sent them back to the camp. The
soldiers, discouraged by this i!I omen, would have
1 The effect of the medicine — Sandoval does. (Hist, de Carlos
though rather a severe dose, ac- Quinto, torn. I. p. 127.) Soli.s,
cording to the precise Diaz — was after a conscientious inquiry intu
suspended during the general's this ]>erplexing matter, decides —
active exertions. Gomara, how- strange as it may seem — against
ever, does not consider this a mir- the father! Conquista, lib. 2 cap.
acle. (Cronica, cap. 49.) Father 20.
456 MARCH TO MEXICO. [Boob Ih
persuaded him to return. But he made answer,
" We fight under the banner of the Cross ; God is
stronger than nature,"- and continued his march.
It led through the same kind of chequered scenery
of rugged hill and cultivated plain as that already de-
scribed, well covered with towns and villages, some
of them the frontier posts occupied by the Otomies.
Practising the Roman maxim of lenity to the submis-
sive foe, he took full vengeance on those who resist-
ed," and, as resistance too often occurred, marked his
path with fire and desolation. After a short absence,
he returned in safety, laden with the plunder of a
successful foray. It would have been more honorable
to him, had it been conducted with less rigor. The
excesses are imputed by Bernal Diaz to the Indian
allies, whom in the heat of victory it was found im-
possible to restrain.^ On whose head soever tliey
fallj they seem to have given little uneasiness to the
general, who declares in his letter to the Emperor
Charles the Fifth, ^' As we fought under the stand-
ard of the Cross,"* for the true Faith, and the service
of your Highness, Heaven crowned our arms with
such success, that, while multitudes of the infidel
were slain, little loss was suffered by tlie Castili
2 «' Dios es sobre natura.'' Rel. the Indian towns destroyed by him,
Scg. de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, in his forays. Viaje, ap. Loren-
p. 54. zana, pp. ix. -xi.
3 Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 64. "* The famous banner of the Cpn-
Not so Cortes, who says boldly, queror, with the Cross emblazoned
" Quem6 mas de diez pueblos." on it, has been preserved in Mexi-
(Ibid., p. 52.) His reverend com- co to our day.
mcntator specifies the localities of
Ln. IV.] DISCONTENTS IN THE ARMY. 457
ans."^ The Spanish Conquerors, to judge from their
writings, unconscious of any worldly motive lurking
in the bottom of their hearts, regarded themselves
as soldiers of the Church, fighting the great batde
of Christianity ; and in the same edifying and com-
fortable light are regarded by most of the national
historians of a later day.^
On his return to the camp, Cortes found a new
cause of disquietude in discontents which had bro-
ken out among the soldiery. Their patience was
exhausted by a life of fatigue and peril to which
there seemed to be no end. The battles they had
won against such tremendous odds had not advanced
them a jot. The idea of their reaching Mexico,
says the old soldier so often quoted, " was treated as
a jest by the whole army " ; "^ and the indefinite pros-
pect of hostilities with the ferocious people among
whom they were now cast, threw a deep gloom over
their spirits.
Among the malecontents were a number of noisy,
vaporing persons, such as are found in every camp,
who, like empty bubbles, are sure to rise to the
surface and make themselves seen in seasons of
5 " E como trayamos la Bande- claims Ilerrera, " Con quanta h li-
ra de la Cruz, y pufiabamos por mildad, i devocion, bolvian todos
nuestra Fe, y por servicio de Vu- alabando a Dios, que tan milagro-
pstra Sacra Magestad, en su muy sas victorias les daba ; dc donde se
Keal Ventura nos dio Dios tanta conocia claro, que los favorecia con
victoria, que les matamos mucha su Divina asistencia."
gente, sin que los nuestros recibi- ^ " Porque entrar on Mexico,
essen dano." Rel. Seg. de Cor- teniamosU) porcosade risa.acausa
les, ap. Lorenzana, p. 62. de sus grsndes fuercas." Bemal
6"Y fue cosa notable," ex- Diaz.Hist. delaCvnquisla.cap.ee
vol,. I. 58
468 MARCH TO MEXICO, [Book III
agitation. They were, for the most part, of the old
faction of Velasquez, and had estates in Cuba, to
which they turned many a wistful glance as they re-
ceded more and more from the coast. They now
waited on the general, not in a mutinous spirit of
resistance, (for they remembered the lesson in Villa
Rica,) but with the design of frank expostulation, as
with a brother adventurer in a common cause.^ The
tone of familiarity thus assumed was eminently char-
acteristic of the footing of equality on which the
parties in the expedition stood with one another.
Their sufferings, they told him, were too great to
be endured. All the men had received one, most of
them, two or three wounds. More than fifty had per-
ished, in one way or another, since leaving Vera Cruz.
There was no beast of burden but led a life prefer-
able to theirs. For, when the night came, the for-
mer could rest from his labors ; but they, fighting or
watching, had no rest, day nor night. As to con-
quering Mexico, the very thought of it was madness.
If they had encountered such opposition from the
petty republic of Tlascala, what might they not ex-
pect from the great Mexican empire ? There was
now a temporary suspension of hostilities. They
should avail themselves of it, to retrace their steps
8 Diaz indignantly disclaims the muy bien, y lealmete ; y no es
idea of mutiny, which Gomara at- mucho que en los exdrcitos algu-
tached to this proceeding. " Las nos buenos soldados aconsejen a
palabras que le dezian era por via su Capitan, y mas si se ven tan
de acosejarle, y porque les parecia trabajados como nosotros andaua-
que eran bien dichas, y no por otra mos." Ibid., cap. 71.
Tia, porque siempre le siguieron
Ch. iv] discontents in the army. 459
to Vera Cruz. It is true, the fleet there was de-
stroyed ; and by this act, unparalleled for rashness
even in Roman annals, the general had become
responsible for the fate of the whole army. Still
there was one vessel left. That might be despatched
to Cuba, for reinforcements and supplies ; and, when
these arrived, they would be enabled to resume op-
erations with some prospect of success.
Cortes listened to this suagular expostulation with
perfect composure. He knew his men, and, instead
of rebuke or harsher measures, replied in the same
frank and soldier-like vein which they had affected.
There was much truth, he allowed, in what they
said. The sufferings of the Spaniards had been
great ; greater than those recorded of any heroes in
Greek or Roman story. So much the greater would
be their glory. He had often been filled with admi-
ration as he had seen his little host encircled by
myriads of barbarians, and felt that no people but
Spaniards could have triumphed over such formid-
able odds. Nor could they, unless the arm of the
Almighty had been over them. And they might
reasonably look for his protection hereafter ; for was
it not in his cause they were fighting ? They had
encountered dangers and difficulties, it was true.
But they had not come here expecting a life of idle
dalliance and pleasure. Glory, as he had told them
at the outset, was to be won only by toil and dan-
ger. They would do him the Justice to acknow-
ledge, that he had never shrunk from his share of
both. — This was a truth, adds the honest chronicler
460 MARCH TO MEXICO. [Book III.
who heard and reports the dialogue, which no one
could deny. — But, if they had met with hardships,
he continued, they had been everywhere victorious.
Even now, they were enjoying the fruits of this, in
the plenty which reigned in the camp. And they
would soon see the Tlascalans, humbled by their
late reverses, suing for peace on any terms. To go
back now was impossible. The very stones would
rise up against them. The Tlascalans would hunt
them in triumph down to the water's edge. And
how would the Mexicans exult at this miserable is-
sue of their vainglorious vaunts! Their former friends
would become their enemies ; and the Totonacs, to
avert the vengeance of the Aztecs, from which the
Spaniards could no longer shield them, would join
in the general cry. There was no alternative, then,
but to go forward in their career. And he besought
them to silence their pusillanimous scruples, and,
instead of turning their eyes toward Cuba, to fix
them on Mexico, the great object of their enterprise.
While this singular conference was going on,
many other soldiers had gathered round the spot ;
and the discontented party, emboldened by the pres-
ence of their comrades, as well as by the general's
forbearance, replied, that they were far from being
convinced. Another such victory as the last would
be their ruin. They were going to Mexico only to
be slaughtered. Until, at length, the general's pa-
tience being exhausted, he cut the argument short,
by quoting a verse from an old song, implying that
it was better to die with honor, than to live dis-
Ch. IV.] TLASCALAN SPIES. 4t)|
graced ; a sentiment which was loudly echoed by
the greater part of his audience, who, notwithstand-
ing their occasional murmurs, had no design to
abandon the expedition, still less the commander, to
whom they were passionately devoted. The male-
contents, disconcerted by this rebuke, slunk back to
their own quarters, muttering half-smothered execra-
tions on the leader who had projected the enterprise,
the Indians who had guided him, and their own
countrymen who supported him in it.**
Such were the difficulties that lay in the path
of Cortes : a ^vily and ferocious enemy ; a climate
uncertain, often unhealthy ; illness in his own per-
son, much aggravated by anxiety as to the manner
in which his conduct would be received by his sov-
ereign ; last, not least, disaffection among his sol-
diers, on whose constancy and union he rested for
the basis of his operations, — the great lever by
which he was to overturn the empire of Montezuma.
On the morning following this event, the camp
was surprised by the appearance of a small body of
Tlascalans, decorated with badges, the white color
of which intimated peace. They brought a quanti-
ty of provisions, and some trifling ornaments, which,
9 This conference is reported, Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. 6, cap.
with some variety, indeed, by near- 9. — P. Martyr, De Orbe Novo,
ly every historian. (Rel. Seg. de dec. 5, cap. 2.) I have abridged
Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p. 55. — the account given by Bernal Diaz,
Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind., MS., one of the audience, though not
lib. 33, cap. 3. — Gomara, Cronica, one of the parties to the dialogue,
cap. 51, 52. — Ixtlilxochitl, Hist, —for that reason, the better au-
Chich., MS., cap. 80. — HCiTcra, thority.
462 MARCH TO MEXICO. [Book III
rhcy said, were sent by the Tlascalan general, who
was weary of the war, and desired an accommoda-
tion with the Spaniards. He would soon present
himself to arrange this in person. The intelligence
diffused general joy, and the emissaries received a
friendly welcome.
A day or two elapsed, and while a few of the party
left the Spanish quarters, the others, about fifty in
number, who remained, excited some distrust in the
bosom of Marina. She communicated her suspicions
to Cortes that they were spies. He caused several
of them, in consequence, to be arrested, examined
them separately, and ascertained that they were em-
ployed by Xicotencatl to inform him of the state of
the Christian camp, preparatory to a meditated as-
sault, for which he was mustering his forces. Cortes,
satisfied of the truth of this, determined to make such
an example of the delinquents, as should intimidate
his enemy from repeating the attempt. He ordered
their hands to be cut off, and in that condition sent
them back to their countrymen, with the message,
" that the Tlascalans might come by day or night ;
they would find the Spaniards ready for them."^°
The doleful spectacle of their comrades returning
in this mutilated state filled the Indian camp with
horror and consternation. The haughty crest of
1" Diaz says only seventeen lost cincuenta, y cortarles las manos, y
their hands, the rest their thumbs, los embie, que dixessen a su SeBor,
(Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 70.) que de noche, y de dia, y cada, y
Cortes does not flinch from con- quando el viniesse, verian quien
fessing^, the hands of the whole eramos." Rel. Seg. de Cortes, ap.
fifty. " Los mande tomar a todos Lorenzana, p. 53.
Ch. IV.] TLASCALAN SPIES. 463
their chief was humbled. From that moment, he
lost his wonted buoyancy and confidence. His sol-
diers, filled with superstitious fear, refused to serve
longer against a foe who could read their very
thoughts, and divine their plans before they were
ripe for execution. ^^
The punishment inflicted by Cortes may well
shock the reader by its brutality. But it should be
considered in mitigation, that the victims of it were
spies, and, as such, by the laws of war, whether
among civilized or savage nations, had incurred the
penalty of death. The amputation of the limbs
was a milder punishment, and reserved for inferior
offences. If we revolt at the barbarous nature of
the sentence, we should reflect that it was no un-
common one at that day ; not more uncommon, in-
deed, than whipping and branding with a hot iron
were in our own country, at the beginning of the
present century, or than cropping the ears was in
the preceding one. A higher civilization, indeed, re-
jects such punishments, as pernicious in themselves,
and degrading to humanity. But in the sixteenth
century, they were openly recognised by the laws
of the most polished nations in Europe. And it is
too much to ask of any man, still less one bred to
the iron trade of war, to be in advance of the refine-
ment of his age. We may be content, if, in circum-
stances so unfavorable to humanity, he does not fall
below it.
11 "De que los Tlascaltecas se Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS.,
admiraron, entendiendo que Cortes cap. 83.
les entendia sus pensamientos."
464 MARCH TO MEXICO. [Book 111.
All thoughts of further resistance being abandoned,
the four delegates of the Tlascalan republic were
now allowed to proceed on their mission. They
were speedily followed by Xicotencatl himself, at-
tended by a numerous train of military retainers.
As they drew near the Spanish lines, they were
v.dsily recognised by the white and yellow colors of
their uniforms, the livery of the house of Titcala.
The joy of the army was great at this sure intima-
tion of the close of hostilities : and it was with dif-
ficulty that Cortes was enabled to restore the men
to tranquillity, and the assumed indifference which
it was proper to maintain in presence of an enemy.
The Spaniards gazed with curious eye on the
valiant chief who had so long kept his enemies at
bay, and who now advanced with the firm and fear-
less step of one who was coming rather to bid de-
fiance than to sue for peace. He was rather above
the middle size, with broad shoulders, and a muscu
lar frame intimating great activity and strength.
His head was large, and his countenance marked
with the lines of hard service rather than of age, for
he was but thirty-five. When he entered the pres-
ence of Cortes, he made the usual salutation, by
touching the ground with his hand, and carrying it
to his head ; while the sweet incense of aromatic
gums rolled up in clouds from the censers carried by
his slaves.
Far from a pusillanimous attempt to throw the
blame on the senate, he assumed the whole responsi-
bility of the war. He had considered the white
Ch. IV.] PEACE WITH THE REPUBLIC. 46f.
men, he said, as enemies, for they came with the al-
lies and vassals of Montezuma. He loved his coun-
try, and wished to preserve the independence which
she had maintained through her long wars with the
Aztecs. He had been beaten. They might be the
strangers, who, it had been so long predicted, would
come from the east, to take possession of the country.
He hoped they would use their victory with modera-
tion, and not trample on the liberties of the republic.
He came now in the name of his nation, to tender
their obedience to the Spaniards, assuring them they
would find his countrymen as faithful in peace as
they had been firm in war.
Cortes, far from taking umbrage, was filled with
admiration at the lofty spirit which thus disdain-
ed to stoop beneath misfortunes. The brave man
knows how to respect bravery in another. He as-
sumed, however, a severe aspect, as he rebuked the
chief for having so long persisted in hostilities. Had
Xicotencatl believed the word of the Spaniards, and
accepted their proffered friendship sooner, he would
have spared his people much suffering, which they
well merited by their obstinacy. But it was impos-
sible, continued the general, to retrieve the past.
He was willing to bury it in oblivion, and to receive
the Tlascalans as vassals to the emperor, his master.
If they proved true, they should find him a sure col-
unm of support ; if false, he would take such ven-
gean'-e on them as he had intended to take on their
capital, had they not speedily given in their subinis-
VOL. I. 59
466 MARCH TO MEXICO. [Book III
sion. — It proved an ominous menace for the chief
to whom it was addressed.
The cacique then ordered his slaves to bring for-
ward some trifling ornaments of gold and feather-
embroidery, designed as presents. They were of little
value, he said, with a smile, for the Tlascalans were
poor. They had little gold, not even cotton, nor salt.
The Aztec emperor had left them nothing but their
freedom and their arms. He offered this gift only
as a token of his good-will. "As such I receive it,''
answered Cortes, "and, coming from the Tlascalans,
set more value on it, than 1 should from any other
source, though it were a house full of gold " ; — a
politic, as well as magnanimous reply, for it was by
the aid of this good-will, that he was to win the gold
of Mexico.^^
Thus ended the bloody war with the fierce repub-
lic of Tlascala, during the course of which, the for-
tunes of the Spaniards, more than once, had trem-
bled in the balance. Had it been persevered in but
a little longer, it must have ended in their confusion
and ruin, exhausted as they were by wounds, watch-
ing, and fatigues, with the seeds of disaffection
rankling among themselves. As it was, they came
out of the fearful contest with untarnished glory.
To the enemy, they seemed invulnerable, bearing
charmed lives, proof alike against the accidents of
12 Rel. Seg. de Cortes, ap. Lo- nal Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista,
renzana,pp. 56, 57. — Oviedo, Hist. cap. 71, et seq. — Sahagun, Hist,
de lasIiid.,MS., lib. 33, cap. 3. — de Nueva Espafia, MS., lib. 12,
Gomara, Crdnica, cap. 53. — Ber- cap. II.
Ch. IV.] EMBASSY FROM MONTEZUMA 467
fortune and the assaults of man. No wonder that
they indulged a similar conceit in their own bosoms,
and that the humblest Spaniard should have fancied
himself the subject of a special interposition of Prov-
idence, which shielded him in the hour of battle, and
reserved him for a higher destiny.
While the TlascaJans were still in the camp, an
embassy was announced from Montezuma. Tidings
of the exploits of the Spaniards had spread far and
wide over the plateau. The emperor, in particular,
had watched every step of their progress, as they
climbed the steeps of the Cordilleras, and advanced
over the broad table-land, on their summit. He had
seen them, with great satisfaction, take the road to
Tlascala, trusting, that, if they were mortal men, they
would find their graves there. Great was his dis-
may, when courier after courier brought him intelli-
gence of their successes, and that the most redoubt-
able warriors on the plateau had been scattered
like chaff, by the swords of this handful of strangers.
His superstitious fears returned in full force. He
saw in the Spaniards " the men of destiny," who
were to take possession of his sceptre. In his alarm
and uncertainty, he sent a new embassy to the
Christian camp. It consisted of five great nobles of
his court, attended by a train of two hundred slaves.
They brought with them a present, as usual, dictat-
ed partly by fear, and, in part, by the natural munifi-
cence of his disposition. It consisted of three thou-
sand ounces of gold, in grains, or in various nianu
factured articles, with several hundred mandes am
468 MARCH TO MEXICO. [Book III.
dresses of embroidered cotton, and the picturesque
feather-work. As they hiid these at the feet of Cor-
tes, they told him, they had come to offer the con-
gratulations of their master on the late victories of
the white men. The emperor only regretted that it
would not be in his power to receive them in his
capital, where the numerous population was so unru-
ly, that their safety would be placed in jeopardy.
The mere intimation of the Aztec emperor's wishes,
in the most distant way, would have sufficed with
the Indian nations. It had very little weight with
the Spaniards ; and the envoys, finding this puerile
expression of them ineffectual, resorted to another
argument, offering a tribute in their master's name
to the Castilian sovereign, provided the Spaniards
would relinquish their visit to his capital. This was
a greater error ; it was displaying the rich casket
with one hand, which he was unable to defend with
the other. Yet the author of this pusillanimous poli-
cy, the unhappy victim of superstition, M^as a mon-
arch renowned among the Indian nations for his in-
trepidity and enterprise, — the terror of Anahuac !
Cortes, while he urged his own sovereign's com
mands as a reason for disregarding the wishes of
Montezuma, uttered expressions of the most profound
respect for the Aztec prince, and declared that if
he had not the means of requiting his munificence,
as he could wish, at present, he trusted to repay him^
at some future day, with good works ! ^^
^^ " Cortes recibid con alegria ria al sefior Monteguma en buenaa
aquel presente, y dixo que se lo obras." Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la
tenia en merced, y que €\ lo paga- Coiiquista, cap. 73.
Ch. IV.] EMBASSY FROM MONTEZUMA. 469
The Mexican ambassadors were not inucli "rati-
fied with finding the war at an end, and a reconcilia-
tion established between their mortal enemies and
the Spaniards. The mutual disgust of the two par-
lies with each other was too strong to be repressed
even in the presence of the general, who saw \\ith
satisfaction the evidences of a jealousy, which, un-
dermining the strength of the Indian emperor, was
to prove the surest source of his own success.'^
Two of the Aztec mission returned to Mexico, lo
acquaint their sovereign with the state of affairs in
the Spanish camp. The others remained with the
army, Cortes being willing that they should be per-
sonal spectators of the deference shown him by the
Tlascalans. Still he did not hasten his departure
for their capital. Not that he placed reliance on the
injurious intimations of the Mexicans respecting
their good faith. Yet he was willing to put this to
some longer trial, and, at the same time, to reestab-
lish his own health more thoroughly, before his visit.
Meanwhile, messengers daily arrived from the city,
pressing his journey, and were finally followed by
some of the aged rulers of the republic, attended by
a numerous retinue, impatient of his long delay.
^4 He dwells on it in his letter Evangelica . ^ue dice : Omne Reg-
to the Emperor. " Vista la discor- num in seipsum divisum desolabitur:
dia y desconformidad de los unos y con los unos y con los otros ma-
y de losotros, no huve poco placer, neaba, y a cada uno en secrete le
porque me parecio hacer mucho k agradecia el aviso, que me daba, y
mi proposito, y que podria tener le daba credito de mas amistad que
manera de mas ayna sojuzgarlos, al otro." Rel. Seg. de Cortes, ap.
e aun acordeme de una autoridad Lorenzana, p. 61.
470 MARCH TO MEXICO. [Book III.
They brought with them a body of five hundred
tamanes, or men of burden, to drag his cannon, and
relieve his own forces from this fatiguing part of
their duty. It was impossible to defer his depart-
ure longer ; and after mass, and a solemn thanks-
giving to the great Being who had crowned their
arms with triumph, the Spaniards bade adieu to the
quarters which they had occupied for nearly three
weeks on the hill of Tzompach. The strong tower,
or teocalli, which commanded it, was called, in com-
memoration of their residence, " the tower of victo-
ry " ; and the few stones, which still survive of its
ruins, point out to the eye of the traveller a spot
ever memorable in history for the courage and con-
stancy of the early Conquerors.'^
15 Herrera, Hist. General, dec. tyr, De Orbe Novo, dec. 5, cap. 2.
8, lib. 6, cap. 10. — Oviedo, Hist. — Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con-
de lasInd.,MS., lib. 33, cap. 4. — quista, cap. 72-74. — Ixllilxochitl,
Gomara, Cronica, cap. 54. — Mar- Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 83.
CHAPTER V.
Spaniards enter Tlascala. — Description of the Capital.—
Attempted Conversion. — Aztec Embassy. —Invited to Cho-
LULA.
1519.
The city of Tlascala, the capital of the republic
of the same name, lay at the distance of about six
leagues from the Spanish camp. The road led into
a hilly region, exhibiting in every arable patch of
ground the evidence of laborious cultivation. Over
a deep barranca, or ravine, they crossed on a bridge
of stone, which, according to tradition, — a slippery
authority, — is the same still standing, and was con-
structed originally for the passage of the army.' They
passed some considerable towns on their route, where
they experienced a full measure of Indian hospital-
ity. As they advanced, the approach to a poj)ulous
city was intimated by the crowds who flocked out to
1 " A distancia de un quarto de xi.) If the antiquity of this arched
legua caminando a esta dicha ciu- stone bridge could be estabhshed,
dad se enciientra una barranca it would settle a point much moot-
honda, que tiene para pasar un Pu- ed in respect to Indian architecture.
snte de cal y canto de boveda, y es But the construction of so solid a
tradicion en el pueblo de San Sal- work in so short a time is a fact
vador, que se hizo en aquellos dias, requiring a better voucher than the
que estubo alH Cortes paraque pa- villagers of San Salvador.
Basse." (Viaje, ap. Lorenzana, p.
472 MARCH TO MEXICO. [Book III.
see and welcome the strangers ; men and women in
their picturesque dresses, with bunches and wreaths
of roses, which they gave to the Spaniards, or fast-
ened to the necks and caparisons of their horses, in
the same manner as at Cempoalla. Priests, with
their white robes, and long matted tresses floating
over them, mingled in the crowd, scattering volumes
of incense from their burning censers. In this
way, the multitudinous and motley procession defiled
through the gates of the ancient capital of Tlascala.
It was the twenty-third of September, 1519, the
anniversary of which is still celebrated by the inhab-
itants, as a day of jubilee.^
The press was now so great, that it was with dif-
ficulty the police of the city could clear a passage
for the army ; while the azoteas, or flat terraced roofs
of the buildings, were covered with spectators, eager
to catch a glimpse of the wonderful strangers. The
houses were hung with festoons of flowers, and
arches of verdant boughs, intertwined with roses and
honeysuckle, were thrown across the streets. Th(^
whole population abandoned itself to rejoicing ; and
the air was rent with songs and shouts of triumj)h
mingled with the wild music of the national instru-
ments, that might have excited apprehensions in the
breasts of the soldiery, had they not gathered their
2 Clavigero, Stor. del Messico, that " more than a hundred thou-
tom. III. p. 53. sand men flocked out to receive
" Recibimiento el mas solene y the Spaniards; a thing that ap
famoso que en cl mundo se ha vis- pears impossible," que parece cosrt
to," exclaims the enthusiastic his- imposille .' It does indeed. Cn-
torian of the republic. lie adds, margo, Hist, de Tlascala, MS.
ch. v.] description of tlascala. 473
peaceful import from the assurance of Marina, and
the joyous countenances of the natives.
With these accompaniments, the procession moved
along the principal streets to the mansion of Xico-
tencatl, the aged father of the TIascalan general, and
one of the four rulers of the republic. Cortes dis-
mounted from his horse, to receive the old chieftain's
embrace. He was nearly blind ; and satisfied, as
far as he could, a natural curiosity respecting the
person of the Spanish general, by passing his hand
over his features. He then led the way to a spa-
cious hall in his palace, where a banquet was served
to the army. In the evening, they were shown to
their quarters, in the buildings and open ground sur-
rounding one of the principal teocallis ; while the
Mexican ambassadors, at the desire of Cortes, had
apartments assigned them next to his own, that he
might the better watch over their safety, in this city
of their enemies.^
Tlascala was one of the most important and popu-
lous towns on the table-land. Cortes, in his letter
to the Emperor, compares it to Granada, affirming,
that it was larger, stronger, and more populous than
the Moorish capital, at the time of the conquest, and
quite as well built.^ But, notwithstanding we are
3 Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Es- ^ " Laqual ciudad estan grande,
pana, MS., lib. 12, cap. 11. — Rel. y de tanta admiracion, que aunquo
Seg. de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, mucho de lo, que de ella podriu
p. 59. — Camargo, Hist, de Tlasca- decir, dexe, lo poco que dire creo
la, MS.— Gomara, Cronica, cap. es casi increible, porque es muy
54. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. mayor que Granada, y muy mas
2 lib. 6, cap. 11. fuerte, y de tan buenos Edificios
VOL. I. 60
474 MARCH TO MEXICO. [Book III.
assured by a most respectable writer at the close of
the last century, that its remains Justify the assertion,^
we shall be slow to believe that its edifices could
have rivalled those monuments of Oriental magnifi-
cence, whose light, aerial forms still survive after the
lapse of ages, the admiration of every traveller of
sensibility and taste. The truth is, that Cortes, like
Columbus, saw objects through the warm medium
of his own fond imagination, giving them a higher
tone of coloring and larger dimensions than were
strictly warranted by the fact. It was natural that
the man who had made such rare discoveries should
unconsciously magnify their merits to his own eyes,
and to those of others.
The houses were built, for the most part, of mud
or earth ; the better sort of stone and lime, or bricks
dried in the sun. They were unprovided with doors
or windows, but in the apertures for the former
hung mats fringed with pieces of copper or some-
thing which, by its tinkling sound, would give notice
of any one's entrance. The streets were narrow
and dark. The population must have been consid-
erable, if, as Cortes asserts, thirty thousand souls
were often gathered in the market on a public day.
These meetings were a sort of fairs, held, as usual
n all the great towns, every fifth day, and attended
by the inhabitants of the adjacent country, who
y de muy mucha mas gente, que 5 '< En las Ruinas, que aun hoy
Granada tenia al tiempo que se se ven en Tlaxcala, se conoce, que
gano." Rel. Seg. de Cortes, ap. no es ponderacion." Ibid., p. 58
Lorenzana, pc 58 Nota del editor, Lorenzana.
Ch. v.] description of tlascala. 475
brought there for sale every description of domestic
produce and manufacture, with which they were ac-
quainted. They peculiarly excelled in pottery,,
which was considered as equal to the best in Eu-
rope.^ It is a further proof of civilized habits, that
the Spaniards found barbers' shops, and baths both
of vapor and hot water, familiarly used by the inhab-
itants. A still higher proof of refinement may be
discerned in a vigilant police which repressed every
thing like disorder among the people. '^
The city was divided into four quarters, which
might rather be called so many separate towns,
since they were built at different times, and separ-
ated from each other by high stone walls, defining
their respective limits. Over each of these districts
ruled one of the four great chiefs of the republic,
occupying his own spacious mansion, and surrounded
by his own immediate vassals. Strange arrange-
ment, — and more strange, that it should have been
compatible with social order and tranquillity ! The
ancient capital, through one quarter of which flowed
the rapid current of the Zahuad, stretched along the
summits and sides of hills, at whose base are now
gathered the miserable remains of its once flourishing
6 "Nullum est fictile vas apud — Ixtlilxochitl,Hist. Chich., MS.,
nos, quod arte superet ab illis vasa cap. 83.
formata." Martyr, De Orbe Novo, The last historian enumeratea
dec. 5, cap. 2. such a number of contemporary
"^ Camargo, Hist, de Tlascala, Indian authorities for his narrative,
MS. — Rel. Seg. de Cortes, ap. as of itself argues no inconsidera-
Lorenzana, p. 59. — Oviedo, Hist, ble degree of civilization in the
de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap 4. people.
476 MARCH TO MEXICO. [Book III.
population.^ Far bejoiid, to the south-east, extended
the bold sierra of Tlascala, and the huge Malinche,
crowned with the usual silver diadem of the highest
Andes, having its shaggy sides clothed with dark-
green forests of firs, gigantic sycamores, and oaks
whose towering stems rose to the height of forty or
fifty feet, unincumbered by a branch. The clouds,
which sailed over from the distant Atlantic, gathered
round the lofty peaks of the sierra, and, settling into
torrents, poured over the plains in the neighbourhood
of the city, converting them, at such seasons, into
swamps. Thunder storms, more frequent and terri
ble here, than in other parts of the table-land, swept
down the sides of the mountains, and shook the frail
tenements of the capital to their foundations. But,
although the bleak winds of the sierra gave an auster-
ity to the climate, unlike the sunny skies and genial
temperature of the lower regions, it was far more
favorable to the development of both the physical
and moral energies. A bold and hardy peasantry
was nurtured among the recesses of the hills, fit
equally to cultivate the land in peace, and to defend
it in war. Unlike the spoiled child of Nature, who
derives such facilities of subsistence from her too
prodigal hand, as supersede the necessity of exertion
on his own part, the Tlascalan earned his bread —
8 Herrera, Hist. General, dec. ning of the present century to
2, lib. 6, cap. 12. 3,400 inhabitants, of which less
The population of a place, which than a thousand were of the In-
Cortes could compare with Gra- dian stock. See Humboldt, Essai
nada, had dwindled by the begin- Politique, torn. H. p. 158.
ch. v.] description of tlascala. 477
from a soil not ungrateful, it is true — by the sweat
of his brow. He led a life of temperance and toil.
Cut off by his long wars with the Aztecs from com-
mercial intercourse, he was driven chielly to agricul-
tural labor, the occupation most propitious to pur-
ity of morals and sinewy strength of constitution.
His honest breast glowed with the patriotism, — or
local attachment to the soil, which is the fruit of its
diligent culture ; while he was elevated by a proud
consciousness of independence, the natural birth-
right of the child of the mountains. — Such was the
race with whom Cortes was now associated, for the
achievement of his great work.
Some days were given by the Spaniards to festiv-
ity, in which they were successively entertained at
the hospitable boards of the four great nobles, in
their several quarters of the city. Amidst these
friendly demonstrations, however, the general never
relaxed for a moment his habitual vigilance, or the
strict discipline of the camp ; and he was careful
to provide for the security of the citizens by prohib-
iting, under severe penalties, any soldier from leaving
his quarters without express permission. Indeed,
the severity of his discipline provoked the remon-
strance of more than one of his officers, as a super-
fluous caution ; and the Tlascalan chiefs took some
exception at it, as inferring an unreasonable distrust
of them. But, when Cortes explained it, as in obe-
dience to an established military system, they tes-
tified their admiration, and the ambitious young
478 MARCH TO MEXICO. [Book III.
general of the republic proposed to introduce it, if
possible, into his own ranks.^
The Spanish commander, having assured himself
of the loyalty of his new allies, next proposed to
accomplish one of the great objects of his mission,
their conversion to Christianity. By the advice of
father Olmedo, always opposed to precipitate meas-
ures, he had deferred this till a suitable opportunity
presented itself for opening the subject. Such a
one occurred when the chiefs of the state proposed
to strengthen the alliance with the Spaniards, by
the intermarriage of their daughters with Cortes and
his officers. He told them, this could not be, while
they continued in the darkness of infidelity. Then,
with the aid of the good friar, he expounded as well
as he could the doctrines of the Faith ; and, exhibit-
ing the image of the Virgin with the infant Re-
deemer, told them that there was the God, in whose
worship alone they would find salvation, while that
of their own false idols would sink them in eternal
perdition.
It is unnecessary to burden the reader with a re-
capitulation of his homily, which contained, proba-
bly, dogmas quite as incomprehensible to the untu-
tored Indian, as any to be found in his own rude
mythology. But, though it failed to convince his
audience, they listened with a deferential awe.
^ Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Es- — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 2,
pafia, MS., lib. 12, cap. 11. — lib. 6, cap. 13. — Bernal Diaz,
Camargo, Hist, de Tlascala, MS. Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 75.
— Gomara, Cronica, cap. 54, 55.
Ch. v.] attempted conversion. 479
When he had finished, they replied, they had no
doubt that the God of the Christians must be a
good and a great God, and as such they were willing
to give him a place among the divinities of Tlascala.
The polytheistic system of the Indians, like that of
the ancient Greeks, was of that accommodating
kind which could admit within its elastic folds the
deities of any other religion, without violence to
itself.^° But every nation, they continued, must
have its own appropriate and tutelary deities. Nor
could they, in their old age, abjure the service of
those who had watched over them from youth. It
would bring down the vengeance of their gods, and
of their own nation, who were as warmly attached
to their religion as their liberties, and would defend
both with the last drop of their blood !
It was clearly inexpedient to press the matter
further, at present. But the zeal of Cortes, as usual,
waxing warm by opposition, had now mounted too
hiffh for him to calculate obstacles : nor would he
have shrunk, probably, from the crown of martyrdom
in so good a cause. But, fortunately, at least for
the success of his temporal cause, this crown was
not reserved for him.
The good monk, his ghostly 'adviser, seeing the
10 Camargo notices this elastic que le rescibiesen admitiendole por
property in the religions of Ana- tal, porque otras gentes adveiiedi-
huac. " Este mode de hablar y zas trujeron muchos idolos que
decir que les querra dar otro Dios, tubieron por Dioses, y a este fin y
es saber que cuando estas gentes proposito decian, que Cortes lea
tenian noticia de algun Dios de traia otro Dios." Hist, de Tlas-
buenas propiedades y costumbres, cala, MS.
480 MARCH TO MEXICO [Book III.
course things were likely to take, with better judg-
ment interposed to prevent it. He had no desire,
he said, to see the same scenes acted over again as
at Cempoalla. He had no relish for forced conver-
sions. They could hardly be lasting. The growth
of an hour might well die with the hour. Of what
use was it to overturn the altar, if the idol remained
enthroned in the heart ? or to destroy the idol
itself, if it were only to make room for another r
Better to wait patiently the effect of time and teach-
ing to soften the heart and open the understanding,
without which there could be no assurance of a
sound and permanent conviction. These rational
views were enforced by the remonstrances of Alva-
rado, Velasquez de Leon, and those in whom Cortes
placed most confidence ; till, driven from his original
purpose, the military polemic consented to relinquish
the attempt at conversion, for the present, and to re-
frain from a repetition of the scenes, which, consid-
ering the different mettle of the population, might
have been attended with very different results from
those at Cozumel and Cempoalla. ^^
In the course of our narrative, we have had occa-
^1 Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., was himself a Christianized Indian,
MS., cap. 84. — Gomara, Cronica, who lived in the next generation
cap. 56. — Bernal Diaz, Hist, de after the Conquest ; and may very
la Conquista, cap. 76, 77. likely have felt as much desire to
This is, not the account of Ca- relieve his nation from the reproach
margo. According to him, Cortes of infidelity, as a modern Spaniard
gained his point ; the nobles led would to scour out the stain —
the way by embracing Christianity, mala raza y mancha — of Jewish
and the idols were broken. (Hist, or Moorish lineage, from his es-
de Tlascala, MS.) But Camargo cutcheon.
Ch. y.J ATTEMPTED CONVERSION. 481
sion to witness more than once the good effects of
the interposition of father Olmedo. Indeed, it is
scarcely too much to say, that his discretion in spir-
itual matters contributed as essentially to the success
of the expedition, as did the sagacity and courage
of Cortes in temporal. He was a true disciple in
the school of Las Casas. His heart was unscathed
by that fiery fanaticism which sears and hardens
whatever it touches. It melted with the warm glow
of Christian charity. He had come out to the New
World, as a missionary among the heathen, and he
shrunk from no sacrifice, but that of the welfare of
the poor benighted flock to whom he had conse-
crated his days. If he followed the banners of the
warrior, it was to mitigate the ferocity of war, and
to turn the triumphs of the Cross to a good account
for the natives themselves, by the spiritual labors of
conversion. He afforded the uncommon example —
not to have been looked for, certainly, in a Spanish
monk of the sixteenth century — of enthusiasm con-
trolled by reason, a quickening zeal tempered by the
mild spirit of toleration.
But, though Cortes abandoned the ground of con-
version for the present, he compelled the Tlascalans
to break the fetters of the unfortunate victims re-
served for sacrifice ; an act of humanity unhappily
only transient in its effects, since the prisons were
filled with fresh victims, on his departure.
He also obtained permission for the Spaniards
to perform the services of their own religion unmo-
lested. A large cross was erected in one of the
VOL. I. 61
482 MARCH TO MEXICO. [Book III.
great courts or squares. Mass was celebrated every
day in the presence of the army and of crowds of na-
tives, who, if they did not comprehend its full import,
were so far edified, that they learned to reverence
the religion of their conquerors. The direct inter-
position of Heaven, however, wrought more for their
conversion than the best homily of priest or soldier.
Scarcely had the Spaniards left the city, — the tale
is told on very respectable authority, — when a thin,
transparent cloud descended and settled like a col-
umn on the cross, and, wrapping it round in its
luminous folds, continued to emit a soft, celestial
radiance through the night, thus proclaiming the
sacred character of the symbol, on which was shed
the halo of divinity ! '~
The principle of toleration in religious matters
being established, the Spanish general consented to
receive the daughters of the caciques. Five or six
of the most beautiful of the Indian maidens were
assigned to as many of his principal officers, after
they had been cleansed from the stains of infidelity
by the waters of baptism. They received, as usual,
on this occasion, good Castilian names, in exchange
for the barbarous nomenclature of their own vernac-
ular.'^ Among them, Xicotencatl's daughter. Dona
'2 Tlie miracle is reported by to all the Indians baptized on the
llcrrera, (Hist. General, dec. 2, same day. Thus, one day was set
lib. 6, cap. 15,) and believed by apart for the Johns, another for
Solis. Conquista de Mejico, lib. the Peters, and so on ; an ingeni-
3, cap. 5. ous arrangement, much more for
13 To avoid the perplexity of the convenience of the clergy, than
selection, it was common for the of the converts. See Camargo,
missionary to give the same names Hist, de Tlascala, MS.
Ch. v.] AZTEC EMBASSY. 483
Luisa, as she was called after her baptism, was a
princess of the highest estimation and authority in
Tlascala. She was given by her father to Alvarado,
and their posterity intermarried with the noblest
families of Castile. The frank and joyous manners
of this cavalier made him a great favorite with the
Tlascalans ; and his bright, open countenance, fair
complexion, and golden locks, gave him the name
of Tonatiuh, the "Sun." The Indians often pleased
their fancies by fastening a sobriquet, or some char-
acteristic epithet on the Spaniards. As Cortes wa-;
always attended, on public occasions, by Dona Mari-
na, or Malinche, as she was called by the natives,
they distinguished him by the same name. By
these epithets, originally bestowed in Tlascala, the
two Spanish captains were popularly designated
among the Indian nations.
While these events were passing, another embassy
arrived from the court of Mexico. It was charged,
as usual, with a costly donative of embossed gold
plate, and rich embroidered stuffs of cotton and
feather-work. The terms of the message might
well argue a vacillating and timid temper in the
monarch, did they not mask a deeper policy. He
now invited the Spaniards to his capital, with the
14 Ibid., MS. — Bernal Diaz, led some of the chiefs to surrender
Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 74, 77. their own daughters, " con propds-
According to Caraargo, the ito de que si acaso algunas se ein-
Tlascalans gave the Spanish com- preaasen quedase entre ellos gen-
mander three hundred damsels to eracion de hombres tan valientes y
wait on Marina ; and the kind treat- temidos. ' '
mcnt and instruction they received
484 MARCH TO MEXICO. [Book III.
assurance of a cordial welcome. He besought them
to enter into no alliance with the base and barbarous
TIascalans ; and he invited them to take the route
of the friendly city of Cholula, where arrangements,
according to his orders, were made for their recep-
tion.'^
The TIascalans viewed with deep regret the gen-
eral's proposed visit to Mexico. Their reports fully
confirmed all he had before heard of the powei
and ambition of Montezuma. His armies, they
said, were spread over every part of the continent.
His capital was a place of great strength, and as,
from its insular position, all communication could be
easily cut off with the adjacent country, the Span-
iards, once entrapped there, would be at his mercy.
His policy, they represented, was as insidious, as his
ambition was boundless. " Trust not his fair words,"
they said, " his courtesies, and his gifts. His profes-
sions are hollow, and his friendships are false." When
Cortes remarked, that he hoped to bring about a bet-
ter understanding between the emperor and them,
they replied, it would be impossible ; however smooth
his words, he would hate them at heart.
'5 Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con- yond it, that it is not always easy
quista, cap. 80. — Rel. Seg. de' to decide between them. Diaz did
Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p. 60. — not compile his narrative till some
Martyr, De Orbe Novo, dec. 5, fifty years after the Conquest ; a
cap. 2. lapse of time, which may excuse
Cortes notices only one Aztec many errors, but must considerably
mission, while Diaz speaks of impair our confidence in the mi-
three. The former, from brevity, nute accuracy of his details. A
falls so much short of the whole more intimate acquaintance with
truth, and the latter, from forget- his chronicle does not strengthen
fulness perhaps, goes so much be- this confidence.
Ch. V.J AZTEC EMBASSY 485
The J warmly protested, also, against the general's
taking the route of Cholula. The inhabitants, not
brave in the open field, were more dangerous from
their perfidy and craft. They were Montezuma's
tools, and would do his bidding. The Tlascalans
seemed to combine with this distrust a superstitious
dread of the ancient city, the head -quarters of the
religion of Anahuac. It was here that the god
Quetzalcoatl held the pristine seat of his empire.
His temple was celebrated throughout the land, and
the priests were confidently believed to have the pow-
er, as they themselves boasted, of opening an inunda-
tion from the foundations of his shrine, which should
bury their enemies in the deluge. The Tlascalans
further reminded Cortes, that, while so many other
and distant places had sent to him at Tlascala, to
testify their good-will, and offer their allegiance to
his sovereigns, Cholula, only six leagues distant, had
done neither. — The last suggestion struck the gen-
eral more forcibly than any of the preceding. He
instantly despatched a summons to the city, requiring
a formal tender of its submission.
Among the embassies from different quarters which
had waited on the Spanish commander, while at
Tlascala, was one from Ixtlilxochitl, son of the
great Nezahualpilli, and an unsuccessfiil competi-
tor with his elder brother — as noticed in a former
part of our narrative — for the crown of Tezcuco.''^
Though defeated in his pretensions, he had obtained
16 Ante, p. 311.
486 MARCH TO MEXICO. [Book III.
a part of the kingdom, over which he ruled with a
deadly feeling of animosity towards his rival, and to
Montezuma, who had sustained him. He now of-
fered his services to Cortes, asking his aid, in re-
turn, to place him on the throne of his ancestors
The politic general returned such an answer to the
aspiring young prince, as might encourage his ex-
pectations, and attach him to his interests. It was
his aim to strengthen his cause, by attracting to him-
self every particle of disaffection that was floating
through the land.
It was not long before deputies arrived from Cho-
lula, profuse in their expressions of good-will, and in-
viting the presence of the Spaniards in their capital.
The messengers were of low degree, far beneath the
usual rank of ambassadors. This was pointed out by
the TIascalans ; and Cortes regarded it as a fresh ii
dignity. He sent in consequence a new summons,
declaring, if they did not instantly send him a deputa-
tion of their principal men, he would deal with then,
as rebels to his own sovereign, the rightful lord of
these realms ! '' The menace had the desired effect.
The Cholulans were not inclined to contest, at least,
for the present, his magnificent pretensions. An-
^' " Si no viniessen, iria sobrc term, fastened in like manner by
cllos, y los destruiria, y procedcria the countrymen of Cortes on the
contra ellos como contra personas Moors, for defending the posses
rebeldes ; diciendoles, como todas sions which they had held for eight
ostas Partes, y otras muy mayores centuries in the Peninsula. It jus-
Tierras, y Scnorios cran de Vues- tified very rigorous reprisals. —
tra Alteza." (Rel. Sog. do Cor- (See the History of Ferdinand and
tes, ap. Lorenzana, p. 63.) " Re- Isabella, Part T. Chap. 13, et alibi.)
be] linn " was a verv convenient
ch. v.] invited to cholula. 187
other embassy appeared in the camp, consisting ot
some of the highest nobles ; who repeated the invi-
tation for the Spaniards to visit their city, and ex-
cused their own tardy appearance by apprehensions
for their personal safety in the capital of their ene-
mies. The explanation was plausible, and was ad-
mitted by Cortes.
The Tlascalans were now more than ever opposed
to his projected visit. A strong Aztec force, tl)c\
had ascertained, lay in the neighbourhood of Chohi-
la, and the people were actively placing their city in
a posture of defence. They suspected some insidi-
ous scheme concerted by Montezuma to destroy the
Spaniards.
These suggestions disturbed the mind of Cortes,
but did not turn him from his purpose. He felt a
natural curiosity to see the venerable city so celebrat-
ed in the history of the Indian nations. He had,
besides, sone too far to recede, too far. at least, to do
so without a show of apprehension, inij)lying a dis-
trust in his own resources, which could not fail to
have a bad effect on his enemies, his allies, and his
own men. After a brief consultation with his offi-
cers, he decided on the route to Cholula.'"
It was now three weeks since tlie Spaniards had
taken up their residence within the hospitable walls
W Rel. Seg. de Cortes, ap. Lo- cap. 58. — Martyr, De Orbe Novo,
renzana, pp.° 62, 63 — Oviedo, dec. 5, cap. 2.— Hcrrcra, Hist.
Hist, de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. General, dec. 2, lib. C, cap. 18.—
4. — Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., Sahajrun, Hist, de Nueva Eapafia.
MS., cap. 84. — Gomara, Cronica, MS., lib. 12, cap. H.
4,88 MARCH TO MEXICO. [Book 111.
of TIascala ; and nearly six, since they entered her
territory. They had been met on the threshold as
an enemy, with the most determined hostility. They
were now to part mth the same people, as friends
and allies ; fast friends, who were to stand by them,
side by side, through the whole of their arduous
struggle. The result of their visit, therefore, was
of the last importance ; since on the cooperation of
these brave and warlike republicans, greatly depend-
ed the ultimate success of the expedition.
END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.
Jl
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