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• H

THE

HISTORY

GREAT BRITAIN,

VROM TBI

FIRST INVASION OF IT BY THE ROMANS
UNDER JULIUS CiESAR.

WRITTEN ON A NEW PLAN.

By ROBERT HENRY, D.D.

©NE OF THE MINISTERS OF EDINBURGH, MEMBER OF THE,
SOCIETY OF ANTICyjARIANS OF SCOTLAND, AND OF ,
THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF EDINBURGH.

THE THIRD EDITION.

VOLUME THE FOURTH.

LONDON:
printed ly A» Strahan^ Printers* Street $

FOR A* STRAHAN^^AND V. CADELL JtJN. AND W, DATIISf

' IN THE STRAND.

i8po.

CONTENTS

OP THE

FOURTH VOLUME.

BOOK II. Continued.

C H A P. IV.

Hiftory of Learning in Great Britain, from the
arrival of the Saxons, A. D. 449, to the
landing of William duke of Normandy,
A. D. 1066 • Pag^ I

CHAP. V.

Hiftory of the arts in Great Britain, during
the lame period - 93

C H A P. VI.

Hiftory of Commerce, Coin, and Shipping,
in Great Britain, during the fa^me period 191

CONTENTS.

CHAP. VII.

Hiftory of the Manners, Virtues, Vices, re-
markable Cudoms, Language, Drefs, Diet,
aiid Diverfions of the people of Great Bri>
tain during the fame period • Page 287

APPENDIX to BOOK IL

Number I. A map of Britain, according to the Saxon
Chrpniclc - ' - 405

Number II. The Saxon names of places in the precede
ing mapi in alphabetical order, with an explanation of
their meaning, aii4 their prefent Englifh names ibid*

Number III. A fpecimen of the moft anient Anglo-
Saxon lawsi tranflatcd from the original Saxon into
Englini ' - - ^ 415

Nu Mset iV. Catalogue, Latin and BngliAy of the works
of Venerable ficde - • 42 i

^u^&ER V. The Lord's prayer, m the A«glo-Saxon
and other kindred languages derived from the ancient
Gothic or Teutonic, viz, Franco-Theotifc, Clftibric,
Bclgic, Frific, High Dutch, Suevian, Swifs, Ice-
landic, Norwegian, Dani(b, Swed>ik • 432

THE

f H E

HISTORY

GREAT BRITAIN,

BOOK II.

CHAP* IV.

The hiftory of Learning in Great Britain, from the
arrival of the Saxons^ A. D. 449, to the landing
cf William duke of Normandy^ A. D. ic66.

THE hiftory of learning in unlearned ages Cent. v.
(like thofe we are liow delineating) is' ^^T^^^
natujrally a barren and unpleafant fubjed^ and this chap-
can hardly be rendered both entertaining and ^^^"
inftru£tive by any art. If the author contents
himfelf with general obfervations, his work will
not be inftru£tive or fatisfadlory to the inqui-
fitive; and if he enters deep into critical in-
veitigations, it. will become tedious to the bulk
of readers. In a general hiftory, where learn*
ing is only one of many fubje&s introduced, it
V01-. IV. B feeing

2 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Bookll.

^^JJ^^y* feems moft advifable to (leer a middle courfe,

and endeavour to give as much fatisfaftion to

the learned as poflible, without difguftmg others*

It will be neceflary alfo, to prevent confufion in

this period (which is long as well as dark), to

divide it into the feveral centuries of which it

confifted j giving a conclfe account, — of the ftate

of learning,— of the moft learned men, — and of

the chief feniinaries of learning,— in each of thefc

centuries, in their natural order.

State of After learning had flourifhed in provincial Bri-

from A.D. tain, from the end of the firft to the middle of

A^D^soQ. ^^^ fourth century, it then began to decline, and

by various means (mentioned in the conclufion

of the fourth chapter of the firft book of this

work) was reduced to a very ianguifliing ftate,

before the arrival of the Saxons \ A few of the

unhappy Britons, amidft all thq calamities of

their country, retained a love to learning, and

fendeavoured to cherifh the expiring light of

fcience; but their hiftory is fo blended with

fables, by the ignorant zeal of thofe dark ages^

in which nothing was thought great that was not

incredible, that it is impoffible to difcover the

real extent of their knowledge. How many

ftrange ftories, for example, are told of the birth,

prophecies, and magical feats of the famous

Merlin, which are not worth repeating, and pro- .

ceeded from nothing but his poffeffing a greater

degree of knowledge than his cotemporaries ^ ?

1 See vol. 2. p. 93» 94* * Leland de Script. Britan* 1. 1. p. 4*«.

The

Cli.4. L E A ft N t N G, &c. 3

The fame may be faicj of Melchin, Magaii> arid ^^'J^
feverd other BritijQi philofopheti ; who, having
received their education in the Romsln fchools.
Were admired as magicians by their countrymen '•
They loiew more indeed of mechanics, natural
pbilofophy, aftronomy, and fdme other partar of
learnings than tht age ui which they lived was
commonly ac^Uaiiited with; though it is very
ptobable^ that their knoWledgl^ was not extenfive*
Some few of the Chriftian clergy alfo amorig the
Britons, at this time, were a little thore learned^
or rather lefs ignorant, than their bi^ethren^
which hath procured them a place in the annals
of their country^ Among thefe, Illutus ia pre{by«
ter, and Dubricius a bifliop, both difciples of
St. Germanus, were mod diftingiiiihed. Thefe
two, by the direction of their matter, dftablifhed
fchools for the education of youth } in which
they preilded, with great honour to themfelves
and advantage to their country. Dubricius had
the chief care of two of thefe feminaries of learn-
ings fituated at Hentland and Mochrhos, on the .
river Wye, and fo well frequerited, that they
fometimes contained no fewer than a thoufand
ftudents* Illutus taught with equal fuccefs and
and reputation, at a place, from him, called Lant^'
wit^ near Boverton in Glamorganfliire* In thefe
fchools many of the greateft faints and moft
eminent prelates of thofe times received their
education ^

3 Leiand de Sciipt. Brltan. 1. 1. p. 41. 49.

4 Cartels Hift. v, i. p. i85i &c.

B i It

HISTORY dr BRITAIN. Book IL

It is in vain to feek for learnijig, or learned
T^^^s^ 'men, among the Saxons, at their arrival in Bii-
onscne- tain. For though they were not abfolute ftran-

niics to ° . ^

learning, gers to the ufe of letters j yet, like all the other
northern nations, they were fo much addifted to
plundering and piratical expeditions, that they
utterly defpifed the peaceful purfuits of fcience '.
Their arrival, therefore, in this ifland, was fo
far from being favourable to the caufe of learn-
ing, that the very laft fparks of it were almofl
quite extinguifhed in all thofe parts of it where
their arms prevailed ; in which the moft profound
darknefs reigned till after the introdudion of
Chriftianity.
State of England was a fcene of fo much confufion and

thciixth mifery in the fixth century, that learning could
among^hc ^^^ ^^ Cultivated in it with any fuccefs. For
Anglo- during the whole courfe of that century war raged
with little intermiffion, the fword 'was. hardly
ever fheathed, and the ancient inhabitants, after
a long and bloody ftruggle, were either extirpated,
enflaved, or expelled their country. A great
part of Britain had indeed been conquered by
the Romans j but thefe polite and beneficent
conquerors inflrufted and improved thofe whom
they had fubdued. The Saxons, being a fierce
illiterate people, afted a very different part, and
their deftruftive progrefs was marked with dark-
nefs and defolation. Thefe obfervations are fo
true, that there was not fo much as one perfon

s Jiickefii Thefaur, Praefat. ad L »•

poi&fied

C3i.4- L E-A R N I N G, 8cc. $

poffeffcd of any degree of literary fame who C^'nt. vi.

flouriihed in England in the fixth century. In

this difmal period, therefore, we muft look for

any little glimmerings of fcience that were ftill

left in Britain, among the mountains of Wales

and Caledonia.

Great numbers of Britifli young men received Among
a learned education in the fchools eftablifhed by BHtuhnl-
Dubricius and lilutus ; but, defpairing of en- ^io"s.
couragement, or even fafety, at home, the
the greateft part of them abandoned their native
country, and fettled in different places of the
continent, but chiefly in Britanny ; where fome
of them were advanced to the highefl ftations in
the church. One of the moft illuftrious of thefe
was Samfon who became, archbifhop of Dole, and
is faid to have been one of the moft learned, as
well as pious prelates, of the age in which he
lived *. Thofe fcholars of Dubricius and lUutus
who remained in Britain, prevented the total ex-
tinftion of literature in this ifland, and are on-
that account entitled to a place in hiftory ; though
we have no reafon to fuppofe that their erudition
was very great. Gildas the hiftorian was one of
thefe, and is the only Britifli author of the fixth
century whofe works are publifhed ^. He was fo
much admired in. the dark age in which he flou-
riflied, that be obtained the appellation of Gildas
the Wi/ey though his works do not feem to entitle

* Lchnd de Script. Britan. t. t, p. 69.

7 Hiftor. Britan. Script, a Gale edit. t. i. p. j.

. ^ B 3 him

HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book II.

g;;^^ him to that diftinaiom His hiftory of Britain is
a very fhort jejune performance, only valuable
for its antiquity^ and from our total want of
better information. His fatirical epiftle concern*
ing the Britifli princes and clergy of his own
times, difcoyers him to have been a man of a j
' gloomy querulous difpofition ; for it is hardly
pofSble to believe that they were all fuch odious
mifcreants as he reprefents them. The ftyle of
both thefe works is very involved and tumid,
and mud give us a very unfavourable idea of the
tafte of that age in which fuch a writer was ad-
mired, St, Theleaus j St. David, the firft bifhop
of Menevia, from him called St. David* s ; Su
Afaph^ the firft bifliop of the fee of that name ;
' Daniel, the firft biftiop of Bangor, and feveral
other faints and bifhops who flourilhed in Wales ^
in this century, are faid to have been eminent
for their learning as well as piety; and they
probably were fo, according to the meafure and

Amonjs ^^^^ ^^ ^^® times in which they lived.

tbc Scots. It hath been keenly difputed by the Scotch
and Irifii antiquaries, whether Columbanus, a
learned monk and writer of the fixth century,
was born in Scotland or Ireland ^ The truth
feems to be, that there were two of that name,
the one an Irifhman, and bifhop of Laghlinj
the other a Scotchman, founder of the al^bey of
Luxevill in France, and of that of Bobio ia

• Vide Lcland, Bale, Pits de Script. Britan. Ware dc Script.
Hil)cr. 1. 1, Mapkcpjic'jp Scotch VTritcrs, p. 17,

. ttaly.

Ch.4- LEARNING, kc.

Italy« This lail was educated in the famous
xnonaflery of lona; from whence he went into
France, A. D. 589, accompanied by twelve other
monks, and there founded the abbey of Luxevill,
near Befan9on, which he governed about twenty
years with great reputation. When he was in
this ftation, he was attacked by the Pope, Gre-
gory the Great, for obferving Eafter at a different
time from the church of Rome, and wrote fevcral
letters and tracts in defence of his own practice,
and that of his: country. He compofed, for the
government of his own monks, a fyftem of laws,
which were fo fevere, that if any of them fmiled
in the time of divine fervice, he was to receive
fifty laflies with a whip. By another of thefe
laws, his monks were obliged to meet three times
every night in the church, and at each time to
fing thirty-iix pfalms and twelve anthems. If
they regularly obferved this rule, they would not
be much difpofed to fmile. Theoderic king of
France was for fome time a great admirer of
Columbanus; but- that auflere abbot at length
offended him fo much by the feverity of his re-^
proofs, that the prince obliged him to quit the
kingdom. After fpending a few years in Switzer*
land, in labouring, with fom& fuccefs^ to con-
Tert the people to Chriftianity, he . retired in his
old age into Lombardy; where he founded the
abbey of Bobib, in which he died A. D. 615'.
It feems to be quite unneceiTary to fwell this part

> Mackenzie's Scotch Wflters, p. 1 7. Murat- Antiq- 1. 3. p.^ Zi6.

B4 of

•I

HISTORY OF BRITAIN. BookU,

of our work with a more particular account of the
literati of this moft unhappy and benighted age.
For though fome of them might be men of real
genius J yet the wretched tafte of the times ii|
which they lived, the great difficulty of procuring
good books and good mafters, with many otjier
difadvantages under which they laboured, pre-
vented their arriving at much excellence in any
of the fciences. The truth is, ^hat the only partsi
of learning that were niuch cultivated by the Bri-
tifli and Scotch clergy of this century were, — the
Latin language, — polemical divinity,-r-and e^cler
fiaftical law ; and a very fmall portion of thefe
was fufficient to procure any one the charadcr of
a very learned man.
state of 'J^he converfion of the Anglo-Saxons to ChriCr

thcfievcnth tianlty, in the courfe of the feventh century,
pfonjIThe contributed not a little to enlighten their minds,
Anglo- and promote the interefts of learning, as well as
■ of religion, in England. Before that eveht, there
was no fuch thing as' learning, or any means of
obtaining it, in that part ^ of Britain which they
inhabited, which was involved in the moil pro-
found darknefs. Their ancient religion was
grofs and irrational in its principles, cruel and
fanguinary in its ceremonies, and had a tendency
to infpire them with nothing but a brutal con*
tempt of death, and a favage delight in war.
As long, therefore, as they continued in the be-
lief and practice of that wretched fuperllition,
they feem to have been incapable either of f^i.
cnce or ciyility j but by thejr converfipn to Chrif-

. tJanity,

CK. 4- L E A' R N I N G, &c. 9

danity, they became accefSble to both. It muft C^"* Vii.
indeed be confeffed, that the fyftem of ChriC
tlanity in which the Anglo-Saxons were in*
ftrufted at their converfion was far from being
pure and genuine j but ftill it contained many
valuable difcoveries, concerning — the perfections
and providence of the one living and true God,^ —
the nature of religious worfhip, — and the rules
of moral conduft, to which they had been ab-
folute ftrangers. By their embracing Chriftia*
nity, they were naturally led to inquiries and
/peculations on thefe and various other fubjefts,
which could not fail both to enlighten and en-
large their minds, and render them capable both
of literary and religious improvements. Before
their converfion to Chriftianity, the Anglo-
Saxons feem to. have had little or no intercourfe,
except in the way of hoftility, with any other
nations who could inftruft or civilize them ; but
by 'that event a friendly communication was
opened between them and Rome, which was
then the chief feat of learning in Europe '^
Befides all this, fuch of the firft Anglo-Saxon
converts as defigned to embrace the clerical pro-
fefEoa (of which there were many), were obliged to
apply to fome parts of learning, to qualify them-
fclves for that office ; and it became heceffary to
provide fchools for their inftruftion. The truth
of thefe obfervations is confirmed by many un-
gueftionable fadts, which prove, that the Engliih

?«> Iifu^tor. Aiftiq< t. 3. p. $ip,

begaa

lo HISTQRY OF BRITAIN. BookIL

^^;^^^J^ began to pay fome attention to learning (which
they had before neglefted) as foon as they were
converted to Chriftianity. The firft Chriftian
king in England was the firft Englifh legiflator
who committed his laws to writing". Sigbert
king of the Eaft- Angles, immediately after his
converfion, founded a famous fchool for the edu-
cation of youth in his dominions, A. D. 630,
after the model of thofe which he had feen in
France, and at Canterbury, whence he brought
teachers '\ In a word, fome of the Englifh
clergy in the end of this and in the next cen-
tury became famous for their learning, and
were admired by all Europe as prodigies of eru-
dition *^ So great and happy a change did the
intrqdudipn of Chriftianity, though not in its
pureft form, produce in the mental improve-
ments of our anceftors.
Life of Though the EngUfli began to apply to learn-

Ai ncm. jjjg jj^ ^^ former part of the feventh century,

yet it was near the conclufion of ic before any
of them acquired much literary fame. Aid-
helm, a near relation, if not the nephew, of |na,
king of the Weft-Saxons, was the firft who did
fo. Having received the firft part of his educa*
tion in the fchool which one Macdulf, a learned
Scot, had fet up in the place where Malmft)ury
now ft and s, he travelled into France and Italy

^« Wilkins Leges Saxon. " Bed. Hi(t. Ecclef.

'3 Murator. Antiq. t. 3. col. 618. Bracken Hift. Philofoph*
t. 3- P- ^74-

for

Ch.4* LEARNING. &e.

for his improvement**. At his retarn hime, Cent.viL
he ftudied fome time under Adrian, abbot of
St. Auguftin's in Canterbui^y, the mod learned
profeflbr of the fciences who had ever been in
England '\ In thefe different feminai'ies he ac-
quired a very uncommon ftock of kno\vledge»
and became famous for his learning, not only in
England^ but in foreign countries; whence fe«
veral learned men fent their writings for his
perufal and correSion; particularly prince Ar-
civil, a fon of the king of Scotland, who wrote
many pieces, which he fent to Aldhelm, ** in-
** treating him to give them the laft polifli, by
^* rubbing off their Scotch ruft'O' He was
the firit Englilhman who wrote in the Latin
language both in profc and verfe, and compofed
a book for the inftruftion of his countrymen in
the profody of that language. Befides this, he
wrote feveral other treatifes on various fubjefts ;
fome of which are loft, and others publifhed by
Martin Delrio and Canifius '^ Venerable £ede,
who flouriflied in the end of this and the begin*
Jling of the next century, gives the following
charafter of Aldhelm : ** He was a man of uni*
*' verfal erudition, having an elegant ftyle, and
** being wonderfully well acquainted with books,
" both on philofophical and religious fubjeds '*.*'
King Alfred the Great declared, that Aldhelm
was t^e beft of all the Saxon poets, and that a

»♦ Anglia Sacra, t. %, p. », 3. 15 Id, ibid.

V Cave Hift« Literar. Secul. A. D« 6Sq,
'* Bed. Hift« Scclcf. 1. 5. c. iS.

x6 Id. ibid.

favourite

HISTORY OF BRITAIN.

Book II.

Cent. vn. favourite fong, which was uniyerfally furig in his
time, near two hundred years after its author's
death, was of his cenipofition '^ When he was
abbot of Malmibury, having a fine voice^ and
great ikiii in mufic as well as poetry, and • ob-
ferving the backwardnefs of his barbarous coun-
trymen to lillen to grave inftruftions, he com-
pofed a number of little poems, which he fung
to them after mafs in the fweeteil manner; by
which they were gradually inflrufted and civil-
ized *^ After this excellent perfon had go-
verned the monaftery of Malmlbury, of which
he was the founder, about thirty years, he was
made bilhop of Shereburn, where he died A. P.

709*'.
Though Theodore, who was advanced to the

archbifliopric of Canterbury A, D. 668, was not
an Englifhman by birth ; yet as he contributed
fo much to the introduftion and improvement of
learning in England, he merits our grateful re-
.membrance in this place. This excellent pre-
late, who was a native of Tarfus in Cilicia, and
one of the mofl learned men of his age, beiog
promoted by the pope to the government of the
infant«church of England, and informed of the
grofs and general ignorance of the people o(
that country, refolved to promote the intereft of
ufeful learning amongfl: them, as the mod ef-
fectual means of promoting that 6f true reli*

Life of
Theodore.

'^ Anglia Sacra , t, 2. p. 4.
>' Jd.ibid. p. 23,

*o 14. ibid. p. V.

gion.

Cli.4. .LEARNING, &c. 13

gion. With this view he brought with him from ^^"*- ^h.
Rome a valuable coUedion of books, and feve-
ral profeffors of the fciences, particularly abbot
Adrian, to affift him in the education of the
Englifli youth **. This fcherae, as we learn from
Bede, was crowned with the greateft fucccfs
*' Thefe two great men (Theodore and Adrian),
^* excelling in all parts of facred and civil learn-
** ing, coUedked a great multitude of fcholars,
** whom . they daily inftruded in the fciences,
'* reading ledures to them on poetry, aftronomy,
^^ and arithmetic, as well zs on divinity and the
• « holy fcriptures "."

The circle of the fciences that were taught Sciences
and ftudied in England in the feventh century, thisccn-
when learning was in its infancy, we cannot .'"^y^*
fuppofe to have beeti very large, though it was
not really fo confined as we might, on a fu-
perficial view, imagine. Grammar, particularly
that of the Greek and Latin languages, was
taught and ftudied with much diligence and no
little fuccefs. Venerable Bede affures us, that
he had converfed with fome of the fcholara of
Theodore and Adrian, who underftood Greek
and Latin as well as they did their native
tongue^*. It IS evident from the works of
Aldhelm, which are ftill extant, that he had
read the moft celebrated authors of Greece and
.Rome, and that he was no contemptible critic

** Cave Hift. Lit. Sec. 7. Anglia Sarca, t, i, p. 2.
• ^ Bed. Hilt. Ecclef. 1. 4. c z. ^ Id. ibid.

14 HISTORY Olt BRITAIN. Bookie

Cent. vn. in the languages in which thefe authors wrote^
The tcftimony of a cotemporary, well acquainted
with the fubjed, is always moft fadsfadory»
when it can be obtained; and therefore the
reader will not be difpleafed with the following
account given by Aldhelm himfelf, in a letter
to Hedda biihop of Winchefler, of the fdences
which he and others (ludied in the fchool of
Canterbury. *' I confefs, moft reverend father,
*^ that I had refolved^ if circumftances would
^^ permit, to fpend the approaching Chriftmas
*^ in the company of my relations, and to en«
" joy, for fome time, the felicity of your con*
'^ yerfation. But fince I now find it will be
** impoffible for me to accomplifh that defign^
*' for various reafons, which the bearer of this
*' letter will communicate, I hope you will have
the goodnefs to excufe my not waiting upon
you as I intended. The truth is, that there
is a neceflity for fpending a great deal of time
in this feat of learning, efpecially for one who
is inflamed with the love of reading, and is
earneftly defirous, as I am, of being inti*
mately acquainted with all the fiscrets of the
Roman juxifprudence. Befides, there is anO'^
'^ ther fludy in which I am engaged, which it
*< ftill more tedious and perplexing, — to make
** myfelf matter of all the rules of a hundred
" different kinds of verfes, and of the mufical
*« modulations of words and fyllables. This
/' fludy is rendered more difficult, and almpft
V inextricable, by the great fcarcity of able

<* teachers.

Cli.4- X E A R N I N G, kc. 15

** teachers. But it would far exceed the bounds ^^"^- ^^^^
'^ of a familiar letter to explain this matter
^' fully, atid lay open all the fecrets of the art
** of metre, concerning letters, fyllables, poetic
** feet and figures, verfes, tones," time, &c.
^ " Add to this the dodrine of the feven divi-
'^ fions of poetry, with all their variations, and
*^ what number of feet every different kind of
*' vcrfe muft confift of. The perfecl: knowledge
*^ of all this, and feveral other things of the like
** kind, cannot, I imagine, be acquired in a
*' (hort fpace of time. But what Ihall I fay of
" arithmetic, whofe long and intricate calcul^-
** tions are fufEcient to overwhelm the mind,
*' and throw it into defpair ? For my own part,
*' all tlie labour of my former ftudies, by which
** I had made myfelf a complete mafter of fe-.
«« veral fciences, was trifling, in comparifon of
*^ what this coft me j fo that I may fay with Su
^* Jerome, upon a fimilar occafion, — Beforp I
•* entered upon that ftudy, I thought myfelf a
" mafter ; but then I found I was but a learner.
— However, by the bleffing of God, and af-
fiduous reading, I have at length overcome
the greateft difficulties, and found out the
** method of calculating fuppofitions, which are
^^ called the parts of a number. I believe if
will be better to fay nothing at all of aftro-
nortiy, the zodiac, and its twelve figns re-
volving in the heavens, which require a long
illuftration, than to difgrace that noble art by
too ihort and ifnperfeft an\account ; efpecially

€(

€€

C€

«(

historv of fiRiTAisr. Bookir;

Cent. Vll. t€ as there are^ fome parts of it, as aftrology, and
'* the perplexing calculation of horofcopes, which
** require the hand of a maftet to do them juf-
" tice*'." This account of the ftudies of the
youth of England who applied to learning," as it
was written by oiie of themfelves, iexaftly eleven
hundred years ago, is really curious, though we
have no reafon to .conclude that it contains a
complete enumeration of all the fciences that
were then cultivated in England, but only of
thofe in the ftudy of which the writer was then
engaged. Archbifliop Theodore read' leftures
on medicine ; but Bede hath, preferved one of
his dodlrines, which doth not ferve to give us a
very high idea of his knowledge in that art, viz.
'^ That it was very dangerous to perform phlebo-
** tomy on the fourth day of the moQrt ; becaufe
" both the light of the moon, and the tides of
** the fea, were then upon the increafe **." Mu-
fic, logic, rhetoric, &c. were then taught and
ftudied ; but in fo imperfeft a manner, that It is
unneceffary to be more particular in our account
of them,

Seminariw A's the youth in thofe parts of England which
had embraced the , Chriftian religion, began t6
apply to learning with fome eagerncfs in the fe-
venth century, feveral fchools were then efta-
blifhed for their inftruSion. One of the moft
illuftrious of thofe fchools was that of Canter-
bury, founded by Auguftin, the apoftle of the

« Anglla Sacra, t. a. p. 6, 7. ^ Bed. Hift. Ecclcf. 1. 5. c. 3.

Englifli,

of learn

Chi 4- LEARNING, &c. , 17

Englifh, .and his companions, and greatly ipi- cent, vu-
proved by archbifliop Theodore *^ In this
fchool a library was alfo founded, and enriched
from time tp time with many valuable ^book^,
brought from Rome by Auguftin, Theodore,
and others : and here the greateft part of the
prelates and abbots who flourifhed in England
I in this century received their education. Sig-
I. bert who was advanced to the throne of Eaft-
Anglia A.D,'63i, having lived fome yeats an
j exile in France, was there conv.erted to Chrif-
: tianity, and inftruSed in feveral branches of
learning, for which he had a tafte. After his
acceflion to the throne of his anceftors, he la-
boured with great earneftnefs to prpmote the
converfion and inftruftion of his fubjefts. With
this view, he inftituted a fchool in his domi-
nions, in imitation of thofe which he had feen
in France and at Canterbury ; from which lafl:
place he was furnilhed with profeflbrs by arch-
bifliop Horiorius, who approved of the deflgn*^
As the place where this ancient feminary of learn-
ing was eftabliflied is not mentioned by Bede, it
hath been the occaiion of a controverfy between
the two famous univerfities of England j the ad*
vocates for the fuperior antiquity of the one con*
tending that it was at Cambridge, while thofe
who favour the other think it more probable that
It was at Dumnoc (Dunwich), which was the

*7 Bcdae Opera a J. Smith edita. Append. N^ 14,
*8 Bed* Hift. Ecclef. 1. 3 c. 18.

Vol, TV, C capital

iB HISTORY'OF BRITAIN. Bookll.

Cent. vil. capital of that little kingdom:, and alfo the feat
of its bifliops*^. *' Non noftrum eft tantas com-
<^ ponere lites.*' The learned reader would be
furprifed, if he heard nothing in this place
of the two famous fchools of Creeklade and
Lechlade, which are faid to have been founded
by the companions of Brute the Trojan, to have
flourifhed through many ages, and to have been
transferred to Oxford (nobody can tell how or
when), and to have given birth to that cele-
brated univerfity ^^ But it would be very im-
proper to fwell this work with a heap of iFabu-
lous tales, equally abfurd and contradiftory.
Several monafteries were founded in different
parts of England in the courfe of this century ;
and in each of thefe a fchool was opened for the
education of youth : fo that, as Bede obferves,
** thefe were happy and enlightened times, ini
•* comparifon of thofe which had preceded
** them; for none wanted teachers who were
*' willing to be inftrufted ^\'* In one of thefe
monafteries, Bede himfelf, the great luminary of
England, and of the Chriftian world, in the end
of this and beginning jaf the iiexc century, had
his education.
Learned The ftate of learning among the Scots and
Britons Britons was much the fame in this as it had been

and Scots. , ^ % n t n

in the former century j and feveral perfons, not

» Bed. Hift. Ecclef. 1. 3. c. 18. Append. N® 14.
r> A. Wood, Hift. Univ. Oxen, p.4— 6^
P Bed. Hift. Ecclef. 1. 4. c* a«

unlearned.

Ch. 4i L £ A ft N I N G, &c. - t9

unlearned, according ta the meafure of the times Cent. vri.
in which they lived, flourifhed in both countries
in this period. Dinothus, who was abbot of the
famous monaftery of Bangot- in Flintlhire, and
flourifhed in the beginning of this century, is
faid to have been a man of uncommon eloquence
and learning; and 4s fuch was chofen by the
Britifli clergy to be their advocate in a con-
ference with Auguftin archbifhop of Canterburyi
and his clergy A. D. 60I j a choice which
feems to have been well made. When Auguftin
preffed the Britifli clergy to make their fubmif-
(ions to the pope, and acknowledge himfelf as
their archbifliop; Dinothus replied, yith much
fpirit and good fenfe, " Be it known unto you
*' with certainty, that we are all willing to be.
** obedient and fubjeft to the church of Godj td
" the pope of Rome, and to every good Chrif*
" tian, as far as to love every one in his degree,
** in perfefl: charity, and to help every one of*
** them by word and deed to be the children of
** God ; and other obedience than this I do not
*« know^to be due to him whom ye call th^
** pope ; and this obedience \Ve are ready to pay
" to him, and to every Chriftian, continually*
" Befides, we are already under the government
•^ of the bifhop of Caerleon, \Vho is our fpi-
" ritual guide under God^*.'* Nennius abbot
of Banchor, who wrote a hiftory" of the Britons^
which hath been often . printed, Kentegern^

3» Spelman Concil. t. i. b. ro8.

C 3 founder

acr

HISTORY OF BRiTAm. Book If.

Gent Vil.

Scarcity
oK books
in this
century.

founder of the church of Glafgow, and feveral
others of the fame chfs, flouriftied among the
Scots and Britons in this century ; but none of
them appear to have been fo eminent for their
learning as to merit a place in the general hiftory
of their country. It' is only proper to obferve,
that after the deftruftion of the famous monaf-
tery of Banchor, A. D. 613, which had been a
kind of univerfity for the education of the Bri-
tifli youth^ learning declined very fenfibly among
the pofterity of the ancient Britons ; which, to-
gether with the increafing miferies of their coun-
try, is the reafon that we fhall henceforth meet
with very few of that unhappy people who were
eminent for their learning.

One thing that greatly .retarded the progrefs
of learning among the Englifh, and made the
acquifition of literary knowledge extremely dif-
ficult in this century, was the prodigious fcar-
city of books, which had been either carried
away by the Romans, or fo entirely deftroyed by
the Scots, Pids, and Saxours, that it is a little
uncertain whether there was fo much as one book
left in England before the arrival of Auguftin.
Nor was this deficiency eafily fupplied, as there
was a neceflity of bringing them all from forergn
.countries, and chiefly from Rome, where they
could not be procured without great difficililty,
and a moft incredible expence. One example
will be fufficient to give the reader fome idea of ,
the price of books in England in this century.
Bcnedift Bifcop, founder of the monaftery of

Were.

i«

Ch. 4. L E A R N I N G, 6cc. . , U

"Wefemouth in Northumberland, made no fewer C«nt. Vil.
than five journies to Rome to.purchafe books, ^^^^'"^^"^^
veffels, veftments, and other ornaments, for his
monaftery ; by which he collefted a very va-
luable library; for one book out of which (a
volume on cofmpgraphy), king Aldfred gave
him an eftate of eight hides, or as much land as
eight ploughs could labour ". This batgain
was concluded by Benedid with the king a little,
before his death, A. D. 696 ; and the book was
delivered, and the eftate received by his fucceffor
abbot Ccolfred, At this rate, nohe but kings>
bifiiops, and abbots, could be poffeffed of a'ny
books ; which is the reafon that there were then
" no fchools but in kings palaces, biihops feats>
or monaftcries. This was alfo one reafon why
learning was then wholly confined to princes,
priefts, and a very few of the chief nobility.

The eighth century feems, upon the whole, to' ^<^"^'V"^*
have been the moft dark and difmal part of thai fearnin|
long night of ignorance and barbarifm that fuc- o" ^^
ceeded the fall of the .Roman empire. This is in the
acknowledged by all the writers of literary hit century.
tory, who reprefent the nations on the continent
as in danger of finking into the favage ftate,
ind lofing the fmall remains of learning that
had hitherto fubfifted amongft them^\ Even
at Rome, which had long been the ffeat of learn-
ing, as well as empire, the laft glimmerings of

55 Bed. Hift. AJbbat, Wcrmuthen. edit, a J. Smith, p ij;, 8.
H Brqckcri Hift. Philofoph. t 3. p. 571,

C 3 tho ^

t^ »—

^? HITORY. OF BRITAIN. Bookll.

^^^1^^' the lamp of fcience were on the point of ex-
piring, and the pretended literati wrote in the
mofl barbarous manner, without regarding the
plaineft rules of grammar,, ufing fuch phrafes as

thefe : — Ut inter eis dijfenfio Jiaty et divi/is inve'^
niantur^ — Una cum omnes Benebenfani^ &c. ^',

France was ft ill in a worfe condition, if poflible,
in this refpeft: for when Charlemagne, as we
are told by one of his hiftorians, began to at-
tempt the reftoration of learning, A, D. 787,
the ftudy of the liberal arts had quite ceafed in
that kingdom, and he was obliged to bring all
his teachers from other countries ^*. We may
judge, that the ftate of learning in Spain, at
this time, was no better, by their being obliged
to make canons againft ordaining men priefts or
bifhops who cou!d neither read, nor fing pfalms ",
This dej)lorable decline of learning on the con-
tinent was partly owing to the eftabjifliment of
the Lombards in Italy, and the incurfions of the
Saracens in France and Spain, and partly to a
wrong turn that had been given to the ftudies of
the clergy in all thefe countries. Ever fince the
reformation that had been made in the mufic of
the church by Gregory the Great, in the end of
the fixth and the beginning of the feventh cen-
tury, great attention had been given to that art, .
till by degrees it became almoft the only thing tol
which the clergy applied, to the total neglefl: of
all feverer ftudies. A great number of treatifes

J5 Murator. Antiq. t 3. p Six* 3fi Id. ibid.

?7 piuckcritiift. Philofoph. t.J. p»57i.

wew

Ch. -4, L E A R N I N G, &c. aj

were written by the fathers of the church on Cent.vin.
this fubjcft, and the beft finger was efteemed the
moft learned man^^ When Charlemagne vl-
fited Rome, ^. D. 786, the French clergy in his
retinue were fo proud of their own finging, that
they challenged the Roman clergy to a mufical *
combat. The Rgmans, after calling the French
fools, ruftics, blockheads, and many other ill
names, accepted the challenge, and obtained a
copplete vidory, to the great mortification of their • ^

antagonifts ^^

When the mufes were thus expelled froni all ?*?^^r®^.

, . ,. irj leclrningin

the countries on the continent., they round an Fngiand
afylum' in the Britifli Ifles, where feveral perfons century.
applied to the ftudy of the fciences, wi^h great
ardour, and no little fuccefs. The fchools efta-
blifhed by archbifliop Theodore at Canterbury,
and by king Sigbert in Eaft-Anglia, had pro;
duced fome good fcholars ; who being advaoced
to the higheft ftations, both in church and ftate,
became great encouragers of learning ; which,
having all the charms of novelty, was purfued
by feveral ingenious men with uncommon dili-
' gence. Ina'king of Weffex, OfFa king of Mer-
cia, Aldfrid king of Northumberland, and fe* '
veral other princes who flourilhed in this perioc^
were great patrons of learning and learned men,
who enjoyed much tranquillity, and were fur^
nilhed with books, in the monafteries that were

^ Fabricil Bibliotb. Lat. 1. 1» p. 64.4.
39 Launoius de Scholis Celeb, ex. p. 3.

C 4 then

«4 HISTORY O? BRITAIN. Book H.

CcntVllL then founded, AH thefe circumftances con-
curring, occafioned a tranfient gleam of light to
arife in England In the eighth century; which,
it muft be confeffed, would not have appeared
very bright, if it had not been both preceded

f iind followed by fuch profound darknefs. It
was to this period that Alfred the Great alludes
in the following paffages of his famous letter to

, Wulfseg bifhop of London : " I muft inform
** you, my dear friend, that I often revolve in
my mind the many learned and wife men who^
formerly floiirifhed in the Englifh nation, both
*' among the ^clergy and laity. How happy were
" thofe times ! Then the princes governed their
*^ fubjefts with great wifdom, according to the
*^ word of God, and became famous for their
** wife and upright adminiftration. Then the
•*• clergy were equally diligent in reading, ftu-
" dying, and teaching} and this country was ft>
** famous for learning, that many came hither
*' from foreign parts to be inftrudled. Then
*'* (before all was fpoiled and burnt) the
'* churches and monafteries were filled with li-

, *' braries of excellent books iii feveral lan-
*' guages. — When I reflefted on this, I fome-
•* times wondered that thofe learned" men, whq
•• were fpread over all England, had not tranf-
^* lated ' the beft of thefe books into their native

•

" tongue. But then I prefently anfwered myr
" felf, that thofe wife men could not imagine^,
** that ever learning would be fo much neglefted
^^ a$ to make this nec^fiary, and believedj that

.^ thq

Ch. 4. L E A R N I N G, &c. aj

** the more languages were underftood, the Ccnt.vin.
^* more learning would abound in any country **/* ^--'"v^*^
To give .the reader a juft idea of the ftate of
learning in this period, of which this great
prince entertained fo high an opinion, it will be
iiec:fffary to give a fhort fketch of the perfonal
hiftorv, and learned labours of a few who wer^
Hioft emiinent for their erudition, find from their
■«rorks to coUeft what fciences were then culti-
vated, and to what degree of perfedion they
were brought.

Tobias bilhopof Rochefter, who flouriflied in L»fcof
.the beginning of this century, after having bilhopof
ftudied feveral years in the monaftery pf GlalTon- ^^chcftcr*
bury, finiflied his education at Canterbury, under
archbifhop Theodore, and his coadjutor abbot
Adrian. In this famous fchool, as we are told
by his cotemporary Bede, he made great profi-
ciency in all parts of learning, both civil and
ecclefiaftical ; and the Greek and Latin languages
became as familiar to him as his native
tongue "*': an attainment not very common in
more enlightened times. All the works of this
learned prelate perifhed in the fubfequent depre-
dations of the Danes **.

Beda thcprefbyter, commonly called venerable Life of
Bede^ though he never attained to any higher
ilation in the church than that ef a. fimple monk,
was the grez^t luminary of England, and of the

40 Spelman, Vita Elfredi, Append. N<>3. p. 196,

4> Bed. Hitt. Ecclef. 1. 5. c. 23.

V> Iceland 4c S^npt* Britai^. t, i. p; ^x.

ChriftisA

» /

«« HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book II.

^'11!^ Chrlftian world, in* this century. This excellent
perfon Was born at Weremouth, in the Tdngdom
of Northumberland, A. D. 672, and educated
in the monaftery of St. Pctcr^ founded at that
place about two years after his birth, by the
famous Beneditl: Bifcop, one of the moft learned
men and greateft travellers of his age *^ Bede
enjoyed great advantages in this monaftery for
the acquifition of knowledge ; having the ufe of
an excellent library, which had been coUeded
by the founder of his travels, and the affiftance
of the beft mafters. Abbot Benedid himfelf,
Ceolfred his fucceffor, and St. John of Beverley,
were all his preceptors, and took much pleafure
in t^ aching one who profited fo much by their
inftruftions ^. Thefe favourable circumftances
concurring with an excellent genius, an ardent
thirft for knowledge, and unwearied diligence in
the purfuit of it, enabled him to make uncom-
mon ptogrefs. Being no lefs pious than he was
learned, he was ordained a deacon in the nine-
teenth year of his age, by John of Beverley, then
bi(bop of Hexham, afterwards archbifnop of
York. It feems to have been about this time
that he removed from the monaftery of St. Peter's
at Weremouth, where he had been educated, to
that of St. Paul's at larrow, near the mouth of
the river Tyne, then newly founded by the fame
Benedia. In this monaftery of larrow he fpent

*3 Bed.adfin.Epitom Hift.Ecclcf. et in VkaAbbat. Weremouth.
. ^ Bale de Script. Britan, p. 94.

the

Ch. 4.. L E A R N I N G, &c. 27

the rcmaihder of his life, employing all his time Cent.viiL
(as he himfelf acquaints us) in performing the
offices of devotion in the church, teaching, read-
ing, and writing *^ At the age of thirty, A. D.
702.5 he was ordained a prieft by the fame pious
prelate from whom he had received destcon's
orders *\ Though Bede contented himfelf with
living in a humble ftation, in a little monaftery,
and obfcure corner of the world, the fame of his
learning had by this time fpread over all Europe,
' and the fovereign pontiff was defirbus of his
company arid advice in the government of the
church. This appears vfrom the following p^f-
fage of a letter frqm pope Sergius^ to Ceolfred
abbot of Weremouth and larrow : — " Some

** queftions have arifen concerning ecclefiaftical
•* affairs, which require the moft ferious exami»
nation of men of the greateft learning. I thcre-
•' fore befeech and require you, by the love of
♦* God, by your regard to religion, and by the
^ obedience which you owe to the univerfal
^* church, that you do not refufe to comply with
•* our prefent requifition, but, without delay,
" fend to the apoftles Peter and Paul, and to me
** Beda, the pious fervant of God, a prefbyter
^* in your monaftery. You may depend upon
** it, that he (hall be fent back to you, as foon
** as the folemnities of thefe confultations are
" happily ended. Confider, I befeech you, that
^* whatever good may, on this occafion, be

is B^d. ad fin, Epit. Hift. Ecclef. 4« Id. ibid.

<« done

2$ HISTORY OF BRITAIN. BookIL

Cent VIII. i« done to the univerfal church, by means of his

excellent wifdom, will redound particularly to
the honour and advantage of you and your
^* monarter-y '^^'* A noble teftlmony of the high
opinion that was entertained of the wifdom and '
learning of our humble prefbyter in the court of
Rome. It is evident, however, from Bede's own'
teftimony, that he did not go to Rome in con-
fequence of this requifition, which was probably
owing to the death of pope Sergius, which hap*
pened foon after he had written the above letter **.
The induftry of this, excellent pcrfon in acquir-
ing knowledge was fo very great, that he made
himfelf mafter of every branch of literature that it
was poflible for any man to acquire in the age and
circumftances in which he lived ; nor was his ,
diligence in communicating this knowledge,
both to his cotempofariefr and to pofterity, lefs
remarkable. This appears from the prodi-^
gious number of works which he compofedi on
fo great a variety of fubjefts, that we may almdft •
venture to affirm they contain all the learning
that was then known in the world. Thcfe works
have been often publifhed in different cities of
Europe, . as Paris, Bafil, Cologne, &c. ; but
never in any part of Britain, to which the author
was fo great an honour. The only complete
edition of Beda's works that I have had an oppor-
tunity of examining is that at* Cologne, A. Dt

*7 G. Malmf. de Gcft. Reg. Angl. 1. i.e. 3.
4* 8ec fiiographia Britannicc^ artlc. Beda.

1612,

Ch.4. L E A R N I N G, &<*i 29

r6ii2j in eight volumes in folio. It would re- ^^JJ^-^^
quire a large work to give the reader even an
iraperfeft idea of the erudition contained in thefe
volumes ; and therefore he mufl be contented •
with the catalogue of the feveral treatifes con-
tained in them, which he will find in the Appen-
dix *^ This will at leaft make him acquainted
ivith the fubjeds on which this great man em-
ployed his pen. J^any writers, both ancient and
modern, have beftowed the higheft encomiums
on the genius and learning of Bede, " How
much (fays one of the beft judges of literary
merit) was Beda diftinguiflied amongft the
•« Britilh; monks, who, to fay the truth, was
** not only the mod learned of them, but, the
" ag^ in which he lived confidered, of the whole *
" weftern ?vorld*^." This charafter, fo honour-
able to Bede, is copfirmed by many perfons of the
greateft name in the republic of letters ; while'
feme few have fpoke of him in a ftrain not quite
fo favourable^'. But thefe laft appear plainly
not to have confidered the ftate of the times in
which he lived, and the difadvantages under
which he laboured, comparing him, not with his •
own cotemporaries, but with the learned men of .
the laft and prefent century 5 which is unjufl:.
After this modeft ' and humble prefbyter, the
great ornament of his age and of his country,
had fperit a long life in the diligent purfuit and
communication of ufeful knowledge, and in the

« Append. N«> 4.. so conrin. de Antiquit. Acad. Diflcrt. 3.

. 5« Biograph. Britan, art. Beda, not, N. O.

prafticc ■

3«

HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book iL

Ccntvill." praftice of every virtue, he died in his cetl aC
larrow, in a mod devout ancj pious manner, •
May 26, A. D. 735**. The greateft blemifii,
' or rather weaknefs, of this great man, was his
credulity, and too eafy belief of the many legen-
dary ftories of miracles which he hath inferted in ^
his ecclefiaflical hiftory: but this was fo much
ihe charafter of the agd in whicji he lived, that
it required more than human fagacity and
flrength of mind to guard againfl it. He was
called the wife Saxon, by his cotemporaries,
and venerable Beda by pofterity ; and as long as
great modefty; piety, and learning, united in
one charader, are the objefts of veneration
amongd mankind, the memory of Beda mud be
revered. ^

, The remarkable decline of learning in Eng-
land aft^r the death of Beda is painted in very
ftrong colours by one of the beft of our ancient
hiftorians. " The death of Beda was fatal to
" learning, and particularly to hiftory, in Eng-
" land ; infomuch that it may be faid, that
** almoft all knowledge of paft' events was buried
** in the fame grave with him, and hath coii-
*' tinued in that condition even to ouir times.
" There wa^ not fo much as one Englifliman
left behind him, who emulated the glory
which he had acquired by his ftudies, imitated
his example, or purfued the path to know-*
ledge which he had pointed out. A few in-

Declioe of
learning
after the
death of
Bede.

^ Simeon Dnnclm. 1^ 3. c. 7. W. Malmf. 1. 1. c 3.

7 " deed

Ch.4- L E A R N I N G, &c. 31

•^ deed of his furvivors were good men, and not c^nt.viii.
" unlearned ; but they generally fpent their
lives in an inglorious filence; iM^il^ the far
greateft number funk into floth and ignorance, •
** until by degrees the love of learning was quite
" extinguiflied in this ifland for a long time ".'*
Several other caufes, befides the death of Beda,
contributed to bring on this deplorable ignorance
and negleft of learning; particulariy, frequent
civil wars, and the deftruftive depredations of
the Danes; who, being Pagans, deftroyed the
monafteries, burnt their libraries, and killed or
difperfed the monks, who were the only ftudents
in thofe unhappy times.

A few of the friends of Beda, who furvived him, ^cca
fupported the declining interefts of learning fvor a „ '^PP ®^
little time, and oh that account are intitkd to a and Eg-*
place in this part of our work. The moft con- bfihop^of
fiderable of thefi^ was Acca bifhop of Hexham^ ^^^^'
and Egbert archbifhop of York. Both thefe
prelates were good fcholars for the times in which
they flourifhed, generous patrons of learning and
learned men, and great colleftors of books,
Acca excelled in the knowledge of the rices and
ceremonies of the church, and in church-mufic ;
both which branches of learning, then in the
higheft efteem, he acquired at Rome '*. Egbert,,
who was brother to Eadbert king of Northum-
berland, founded a noble library at York, for
the advancement of learning. Alcuinus, who

51 W.Malxnf, 1. 1- c. 3, u Bed. Hift. Ecclcf. I. 5 c. ao.

was

i% HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book I L

C€iitVlll. was his pupil, and the kecpet of this library,

fpeaks of it in feveral of his letters, as one of the

mod choice ^nd valuable colledions of books then

•in the world. In a letter to Eambald, a fuc-

ceffor of Egbert in the fee of York, he exprefleth

himfelf in this manner : ** I thank God, my mod

" dear fon, that I have lived to fee your exalta-

" tion to the government of that ghurch in which

*^ I was educated, and to the cuftody of that

** incftimable treafure of learning and wifdom

*^ which my beloved matter archbifliqp Egbert

** left to his fucceflbrs "." ** O that I had (fays

•• he in a letter to the emperor , Charlemagne)

^^ the ufe of thofe admirable books on all parts

** of learning which I • enjoyed in my native

•* country, colledted by the induftry of my be-

•* loved mafter Egbert. May it pleafe your

** imperial Majefty, in your great wifdom, to

** permit me to fend fome of our youth to

*• tranfcribe the moft valuable books in that

*f library, and thereby tranfplant the flowers of

** Britain into France **." It may be fome fatif'-

fadion to the learned reader to perufe the poeti*

cal catalogue of this ancient library, which he

will find below '^''

Alcuinus,

5J W. Malrof. 1. 1, c. 3. s^- Id. ibid.

57 Akuinus's Catalogue of Archhijhop Egbert" s library 5/ Tork,

lUic invenies veterum vciligia Patrum ;
Q^idquid habet pro it Latio Roman us in orbc,
Grxcia vel quidquid tranfmifit clara Latinls :
Hsebraicus vcl ^od populus bibit imbre fuperno^

Afriosi

Oh. 4. . L E A R N t N G, &c. jj

Aleumps, the writer of thefe epiftles, flourifhcd Ccnt.viii.
in the latter p^rt of this century, and was very Life of
famous for his genius and erudition* He was Aicmnui*
born in the north of England, and educated at
York, under the direftion of archbifhop Egbert j
as we learn from his own letters, in which he
frequently calls that great prelate his beloved
mafter, and the clergy of York the companions
of his youthful ftudies =''. As he furvived vene-
rable Bede about feventy years, it is hardly
pofEble that he could have received any part of
his education under him, ^s fome writers o£

Africa lucifluo vel quidquid lumine fparfit.
Quod Pater Hieronymusj quad (ehfit Hilarius, atque
Ambroliiu Prsful, fimul Auguftinus, et ipfe
$an6lus Atbanaiius> cjuod Orofius edit avitus :
Quidquid Gregorius fumrous docet, ct Leo Papa 5
Bafilius qUidquid, ^ulgcntius atque corufcant,
Cafiiodorus item, Chryfoftonuis ati^ue Johannes ;
Qimiqoid et Athelnaus dacuit> quid Beda Magifter^
Qugc Vidorinus fcripfere, Boetius | atque
Hiftorici vcteres, Pompeius, PlinJus, ipfc
Acer Ariftotelet^ ^etor atque TuHius ingetie ;
Quid quoque Seduljus, vel quid canit ipfc Juvencu$>
Alcuinus, ct Clemens, Profper, Paulinus, Arator,
Qwid f ortunatus, vel quid Ladtantius edunt^
• Qvfie Maro Virgilius, Statlus, Lueanus, et au(5bor
Artis grammaticae, vel quid fcripfere magiftri ; .
Quid Probus atque Focas, Dotiatus, Prifcianuft^Cj
Servius, Eiiticius, PompeiUS) CommenianuS.
Jnvenies alios perplurcs, leftor, ibidem
, Egrcgios ftudiisj arte et fermone magiijroa^
Plurima qui claro fcripfere volumina fenfii :
Nomina fed quorum praefenti in carmine fcribi
' - Longius eft vifumj quam pledtri poftulet ufus.

AlcuinuideVontijicihuiet Smn€l'n EccU Ehor, afudGale^ '• X.^. >3d»

^ Epiilolas Alcuini, apud LeAiones Antiquas Canifii^ t. %, p. 469.

Vol. IV. - D liter^y

S+ HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III

^^JlJ^^^- Hteraty hiftory have affirmed jx and it is worthy
of obfervation, that he never calls that great man
his mafter, though he fpeaks of him with tht
higheft veneration '^ It is not well known to
what preferments he had attained in the church
before he left England, though fome fay he was
al^bbt of Canterbury ^. The occafion of his leav-
ing his native country, was his being fent on an
embafly by OfFa king of Mercia, to the emperor
Charlemagne, who contrafted fo great an efteem
and friendfliip for him, that, he earneftly folicited,
and at length prevailed upon him to fettle in his
court, and become his preceptor in the fclences **.
Alcuinus accordingly inftrufted that great prince
in rhetoric, logic, mathematics, and divinity}
which rendered him one of his greateft favourites.
' » ^' He was treated with fo much kindnefs and
" familiarity (fays a contemporary writer) by the
" emperor, that the other courtiers called him,
^^ by way. of eminence, — th^ emperor* s delight ^^.^^
Charlemagne employed his learned favourite to
write fcveral books againft the heretical opinions
of Felix bifliop of Urgel in Catalonia, and to
defend the orthodox faith againft that herefiarch,
in the council of Francfort, A. D. 894 ; )yhich-
he performed to the entire fatisfadioh of the em-
peror and council, and even to the conviftion of
Felix and his followers, who abandoned their

59 Bale de Script. Britan. cent. »• c. 17. ^

60 Biograph. Britan. art. Alcuinus .

«i W. Malmf. 1. 1, c J. ^* Murat. Antiq. t. z. p. 131.

eri-orsi*

Cli,4J / tfiARNING, M < ^j

errors'^'. The emperor confultcd chiefly t^tli> c«i»t Vniv
jflLlcuinus on all things relating tb religion and ^'^^^^'^'^
learnmg, and, by his advice, did many great
things for the advancement of both. An • aca-
demy was eftabliflied in the Imperial palace^
over which Alcuinus prefided, and in which the
princes and prime nobility were educated; and
other academies were eftablifhed in the chief
towns of Italy and France, at his inftigation,
and under his infpeftion \ <^ France (fays oite
«^ of our beft writers of literary hiftory) is in*
•* debted to Alcuinus for all the polite learning
, <^ it boafted of in that and the following, ages.
« The univerfities of Paris, Tours, Fulden^
^« Soiffons, and many others, owe to him their
« origin and increafe; thofe of whom he \v2is
" not the fuperior and founder, being at leaft
^^ enlightened by his doarine and exatnple, and
• /« enriched by the benefits he procured » for them
' ^< from Charlemagne"/" After Alcuinus had
fpent many years in the moft intimate familiarity
with the greateft prince of his age, he at ^ length,
with great difficulty, obtained leave ' to retire
from court to his abbey of St. Martin's at Tours,
Here he. kept up ^ conftant correfpondence "by
letters with Charlemagne ; from which it appears,
that both the emperor and his learned friend
were animated with the moft ardent love to iearn*
ing and religion, and conftant ly employed i^

«J Du Pin Hilt Ecclcf. cent. S.

^ Crcvier Hift. Unirerfit* de Paris, t x. p. %6^ &^. •

*s Cave Hift, Litcrar. fee. S. p. 496,

Pa, contriving

letter of
Alcuinus
to Charle«
ni9gne*

3« HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book It

Ctpx, vur. coatriviig iknd ei^c^ting t^ nobleft defigft$ for
ti^eir advancement ^^ Sspofie of thefc letters of
Alcuinus (whkfa ^re direded to pharlcfiaagne*
under the name of king David^ according to the
cu&om of that age of giving fcripture-names to
princes) breathe to excellent a fpirit, and throw
fo much light on the fiate of learning, that I
cannot rcfift the inclination of laying one of
them before the reader, in the following free
tranilation, which I confefs faiUs much fliort of
the Ipirit and elegance of >the original Latin :

" To his moft pious, excellent, and honoured

" Lord, king David,
♦* Flaccus Alcuinus wiflieth cverlafting health

*' and felicity in Chrift.

" The contemplation, O moft excellent prince !
•* of that pure and virtuous friendfhip with which
^ you honour me, fills my mind at all times with
^^ the moft abundant comfort ; and I cherifh in
^ my heart, as its moft precious treafurej the
^ remembratice of your goodnefs, and the
^ image of that benign and gi:acious countenance
*^ with which you entertain your friends. In my
*' retirement, it is the grcateft joy of my life to
" hear of your profpef ity j and therefore I have
^ fent this young gentleman to bring me an
^ exaft account of your affairs, that I may have
•^ reafon to fing the loudeft praifes to my Lord
•' Jefus Chrift for your felicity. But why do I

^ Spiftols Akiftim, apad Aatlq. Lc^'on. CAnirii, t %*

^ fay

Ch. 4* X E A H N I N G, &c* ^

*• fay tfiat I may have reafen ?-*r-thc whole p*^'^*^,
** Cfariftian world hath reafon to praife Almightf
<< God, with one voice, 'that he haih raifed up
*• fo piousy wife, aad juft a prhice, to gbvei*
^* and proteQ: it iti tbefe mod dangerous times ;
a prince who makes it the wIk>Ic joy of his*
heart, and bufinefe of his- life, to fuppref^
ctery &ing that is evil, and promote cvtrf
thiog that i% good; to advance the glory ci
Gcfd, and fpread the knowledge of the Chriftiatt
^< religion mto the mod diftaat corners of the

** world.

^* Perfevere, O my mofl: dear and atniable

** prihce! in your moft honourable courfe, ia
<* making the improvement of your fubjeds m
^^ knowledge, virtue, and happinefs, the grea^
** objeft of your purfuit ; for this fliall redound
** to your glory and your felicity in the great day
^ of the Lord, and in the eternal fociety of his
^* faints. Such noble defigns and glorioua
** efforts,^ you may depend upon it, fliall not go
*^ unrewarded j for though the life of man is
^ ffiort, the goodnefs of God is infinite, and he
•* vrill recompenfe our momentary toils with joyg
^^ which (hall never end. How precious then is
" time! and how careful fliould we be^ that we
<« do not lofe by our- indolence thofe immoital
*^ felicities which we may obtain by khe aftivo
** virtues of a good lifg !

** The employments of your Alcuinus in hif
*^ retreat are fuited to his humble fphere ; but
^ they are* neither inglorious nor unprofitable.?

D 3 "I fpend

)^ HISTORY OF BRITAIN. . Book 11,

Cent.viil. cf I fpend my time in the halls of St. Martin, in

*^ teaching fome of the noble youths under my

** care the intricacies' of grammar, and infpiring

*^ them with a tafte for the learning of the an-

^f cieijts ; in defc'ribing to others the order and

^« revolutions of thofe' fhining orbs which adorn

^« the azure vault of heaven ; and in explaining

*' to others the myfteries of divine wifdom, which

^^ are contained in the holy fcriptures ; fuiting

*/:* my inftruftions to the views and capacities of

** my fcholar^, that I may train up many to be

*' ornaments to the church of God, and to the

^* court of your Iniperial majefty. In doing

" this I find a great want of feveral things, par-

f* ticularly of thofe excellent books in all arts

^* and fciences which I enjoyed in my native

** country, through the expence and care of my

^' great mafter Egbert. May it therefore pleafe;

<* your majefty, animated with the mpft ardent

" love of learning, to permit me to ieiid fome

*' of our young gentlemen into England, to pro-

*♦ cure for us thofe books which we want, an4

<* tranfplant the flowers of. Britain into France,

" that their fragrance may no longer be confined

*' to York, but ' may perfume t^e ' palaces of

*^ Tours.

^' I need not put your majefty in mind, how
^^ earneftly we are exhorted in the holy fcriptures
^« to the purfuit of- wifdom; than which nothing
^f is more conducive to a pleafant, happy, and
«* honourable life ; nothing a greater prefervative
, ?;» from vice J nothing more becoming or more
, ■ ' - ' l^ neceffary

€6

Ch. 4. L E A R N I N G, &c. 39

** neceffary to thofe efpecially who have the ad- Ccnt.viu.
miniftration of public affairs, and the govern-
ment of empires. Learning and wifdpm exalt
** the low, and give additional luftre to the
•' honours of the great* By wifdom kings reign,
^* and pririces decree jujiice. Ceafe jiot . then, O
moft gracious kipg! to prefs the young
nobility of your court to the eager purfuit of
** wifdom and learning in their youth, that . they
may attain to an honourable old age, and a
bleffed immortality. For my own part, I
*^ will never ceale, according to my abilities, to
^^ fow the feeds of learning in the minds of your
*^ fubjeds in thefe parts ; mindful of the faying
*^ of the wifeft man. In the morning fow thy feed,
^' and in the evening withhold not thine handy for .
** thou ' kno^efi * not . whether fhall p^ofper^ either
^* this or that. To do this hath been the moft
delightful employment of my whole life. la
liiy youthful years, I fowed the feeds of learu-i
<< ing in the flourifliing feminaries of my native
*^ foil pf Britain, and in my old age I . am doing
" the fam^ in France; praying to God, that
*^ they may fpring up and flourifh in both coun-
«« tries. I know alfo, O prince beloved of God, ,
" and praifed by all good men! that yqu exert
«< all your influence in promoting the interefts
*«- of learning and religion j more noble in your
^' a£Hons than in your royal birth. May the l^ord
" Jefus Chrift preferve and profper you in all
*^ your great defigns, and at length bring you to

P 4 -' *<?

♦a

HISTORY OF BRITAIN.

Book II,

^^^:^ •* the enjoyment of celeftial glory ^•'— .

few princea enjoy the happinefs of fuch a €or«»
refp(»idence> or have the wifdom and virtue to
encourage it !

Alcuinus compofed many treatife$ on a great
rariety of fubje&s, in a ftyle much fuperior in
purity and elegande tt^ that of the generality of
writers in the age in which he flouriihed^'.
Charlemagne often fblicited him, with all the
warmth of a mofl affeflionate frien.d, to return
to court, and favour him with his company and
advice ; but he ftill excufed himfelf ; and nothing
could draw him from his retirement in his abbey
of St. Martin in Tours, where he died A« D.
804.

Though Beda and Alcuinus were unqueftion-?
ably the brighteft luminaries, not only of Eflg-
flourioicci land, but of the Chriftian world, in the eirhth

in England ^ , r .!_•<•

in this century ; ' yet there were fome other natives of
Britain who made no inconfidcrable figure in the
republic of letters in this period ; and are there-
fore entitled to have their names at leaft preferve4
in the hiftory bf their country. Boniface, the
firft archbifliop of Mentz, was a native of Bntain ;
but whether of South or North Britain, is not
agreed *^ He received his educition in fevcraj
!f ngliih monaderies, and became famous for hia
genius and learning, Being ordsiined a prieft in:
the firft year of this century, he was foon after
«

*7 Le^ionea Antiq. Canif. t. a. ^ Bxograph. Britan. in Alcvin,

^ Cave iiift. Literar. P.4S0. Macl&enzic's Scotch Writers, p. 35.

9 ipfpircd

Other
learned
incn who

ecijitury.

Ch-4- LEARNIN G, &c# 41

mfpurdd with the zeal of propagating the gofpel cent-vin.

among thofe nations of Europe who w.ere ftill

Heathens. With thi$ view, he left his native

country A. D« 704^ and travelled into Germanyi

where he fpent about fifty years in preaching the

gofpel with ecfddX zeal and fuccefs, niaking 'o^ny

co^verts, and founding many churches. To

encourage him in his labours, he was confecrated

a biihop by pope Gregory IL A. D. 723, and

appointed archbifhop of Mentz A. D. 73a by

Gregory III. Boniface beiilg confidered as the

apoftle; of Germany, had great authority in all

the churches of that country, and > prefided ia

feveral councils ; but was at laft barbarously

murdered by fome Pagans near Utrecht, June 5,

A. D. 754, in the eighty-fourth year of his age*

This aftiver prelate, in the courfe of his lotig

life, befides fome other works,, wrote a great

number of letters, which have been collefted an4

publifhed by Serarius, and contain many curious

things ^^ Willibald, the nephew and fellow^

labourer of Boniface, was a man of learning, ancjl

wrote the life of his uncle ^\ Eddius, a monk

of Canterbury, who flouriflied in this century^

was vcTy famous for his Ikill in. church-mufic, k

fcience much efletmed and culdvated in thofe

times, and wrote the life of Wilfred archbilhoj^

of York, which hath been puhliflied by Dr.

Gale ^% Dungal and Ckmene, two Scotch*

70 Du Pin Ecclef. Hi ft. cient. 8. 7i y, ibid.

7* Spfiptores xv^ Hiilpr, Qritan. t. ;i* p. 49*

picn^

42 . HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book II.

ceirt.viii. men, were very famous for their learning in the
^'^^^^^^^^ latter part of this century, and taught the
. fciences in Italy and France with much reputa-
tion, under the patronage of Charlemagne^';
But it would be improper to be more particular
in our enumeration of the learned men of this
century.
• ' The fciences -commonly taught and fludied in

ftudicdin this agc wcre few and imperfeft. It feems to
tury?^"* have been in this period that the famous divifion
of the feven liberal arts or fciences into the tri-
vium and quadriviiim took place. The trivium
comprehended grammar, rhetoric, and logic;
* V the quadrivium^ mufic, arithmetic, geometry,

and aftronomy, according to the barbarous verfes
quoted below ^\ John of Salifbury, who flou-
rifhed in the Twelfth century, fpeaks of this di-
vifion of the fciences as of .very great antiquity
in his time. " The fciences are divided (fays
** he) into the trivii and quadrivii; which were
" fo much admired by our anceftors in former
** ages, that they imagined they comprehended
" all wifdom and learning, and were fufEcient
^ for the folutionof all queftions, and the re-
"" moving of all difficulties: for whoever ufi-
** derftood the trivii (grammar, rhetoric, and
*' lo'jgic) could explain all manner of books

'3 MuratOr. Aiitiq. t. 3. c, 8i5> &e.

74 Gramm, loquitur, Dia, vera 4ocet, Rhet, verba colorat,
Huf» cadit, Ar, numerate Ceo, pondcrat. Aft, colit aftra.

^' without

CL 4. L E A R N I N G, &c. 45

«^ without a teacher ; but he who was further Cent.viii-
^f advanced, and comprehended alfo the qua.
^' drivii (ijiufic, arithmetic, geometry, and aftro-
<< nomy), could anfwer all queilions, and un-
^« fold all the fecrets of nature ^^'' How an-
cient is the art of concealing ignorance under
Ipecious^ pretences to knowledge! Natural and " *
experimental philofophy was fotally neglefted;
nor were the foundations and principles of mo-,
rals any part of the ftudy of the learned in this
period ^^. The learned .reader will find a very
curious poetical catalogue of the fciences taught
in the academy of York, in the work quoted
below '^. •

The narrow limits and very imperfed ftate of caufcsof -
the fciences in this age, were owing to various ^^fJ^J^
caufes J but efpecially to the total negleft, or learning in
rather contempt, of learning, by the laity of all tur»
ranks 5 the- greateft princes being, for the moft
part, quite illiterate. After what hath been faid
of the learning of* Charlemagne, who was un-
c^ueftionably the greateft monarch and wifcfft rnan
of his age, it v/ill no doubt furprife the reader to
hear, that his education had been fo much neg-
lefted, that he' could not write, and that he was
forty-five years of age when he began to ftu^y
the fqences under Alcuinus ^^ From this ex-

75 Joan. Salif. Metalog. 1. 1. c. 12.

7^ Bruckeri HiJft. thilofoph. t. 3. p. 599.

77 Alcuinus dc Pontificibus et Sanais Ecclef. Ebor. apud Gale,
p.7».

78 Eginhard. Vita Caroli Magni, q. 2^5. '

^niple.

(

HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Bo* if.

ample, we may fontt fome jadgmcnt of the edu-
cation and learning, or rather ignorance, of the
other princes and nobles of Europe in thofe
times. Learning then being wholly in the hands
of the clergy, and a very fmall portion of it
being fufficient to enable them to perform the
offices of the church with tolerable decency, few,
very few of them, afpired to any more. Nor
liave we toy reafon to be furprifed at this, when
we confider the difficulty of procuring books
an<i mafters, and gaining eren a fmattering of
the fciencesj and that when it was gained, it
contributed little to their credit, and nothing to
their preferment, as there were fo few who were
capable of difcerning literary merit, or difpofed
to reward it.
c«fnt. IX. ' Learning, which had begun to decline in
State of England about the middle of the eighth cen-
thVnhuh" tury, was almoft quite extinguiflied in the be-
century. ginning of the ninth ; and that profound dark*
ncfs which had been a little diffipated by the ap-
pearance of a few extraordinary men, as Aid-
helm, Beda, Egbert, and Alcuinus, returnecj
again, and refumed its dominion over the minds
of men- Many of the rponafteries, which were
the only feats of learning, had by this time been
deftroyed, either by the Danes or by the civil
• wars, their libraries burnt, and the monks dif-
perfed. This was particularly the cafe ia the
Idngdom of Northumberland, where learning
had flourifhed moft, as we are informed by the
following paiTages in the letters cf Alcuinus,

preferved

€C

Ch. 4. L E A R N I N G, ftc. 4J

prererv(ed by WilJUm of M^lmlbury* To the 5^^'^j
olergy of York be writes : — " I call God to
** i^uaefS) that it was not 'the loveof gold that^
^* carried me into France, or that detains me.
there; but the wretched and deplorable ftate
of your church/' To OfFa king of Mer-
cia : — '* I was ready to return into my native
country of Northumberland loaded with pre*
fents by Charlemagne; but upon the intelli-
gence I have received) I think it better to
remain where I am> than venture myfelf in a
country where no man can enjoy fecurity, or
profecute his ftudies. For, lo! their churcjic*
are demolifhed by the Pagans, their altars
•' polluted with impiety, their monafteries de*
•* filed with adulteries, and the land wet with
*^ the blood of its nobles and princes ^^'* From
hence it appears (fays Malmfbury) Ijow many
calamities were brought upon England through
the negled of learning, and the other vices of
its inhabitants, ^s the devaftations of the Danes
were gradually carried into all parts of England
in the courfe of this century, the monafteries,
and other feats of learning, \yere every where
laid in the duft, and the very laft glimmerings
of literary knowledge almoft quite extinguilhed.
Of this we have the fuUeft evidence in the fol-
lowing paffage of a letter of Alfred the Great to
Wulfsig bilhop of Worcefter : ^« At my accef-
^' fion to the throne (A^D. 871), all know-

•39 W. Malmf. 1. 1, c. ^ *

** ledge

HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book 11.

*^ ledge and learning was extinguifhed in the
*' Englifli nation : infomuch that there were very
*• few to the fouth of the Humber who under-
** flood the common prayers of the church, or
** were capable of tranflating a -fingle fentencc
*' of Latin into Englifti; but to the fouth of
^' the Thames, I cannot recoiled fo much as
•^ one who could do this'^** Another cotem-
porary \XTiter gives the following melancholy
account of the ftate of learning in this period :
In our days, thofe who difcover any tafte for
learning, or defire of knowledge, are become
** the o*bjefts of contempt and jiatred; their
** condufl: is viewed with jealous eyes; and if
'* any blemlfli is detefted in their behaviour, it
*' is imputed, not to the frailty of human nature,
** but to the nature of their ftudies, and their
*^ affeftation of being wifer than their neighbours;
*' By this means, thofe few who have really a
*' love to learning, are deterred from engaging
«* in the noble purfuit, through the dread of that
*' reproach and ignominy to which it would ex-
« pofe them''/'

LJfc of When learning was in this 'condition, we can-

John Scot jjQ^ expe£l to meet with many learned men who
riierh a place in the annals of their country. .
Accordingly we do not find above one or two
among the people of this ifland from the death
of Alcuiaus, A. D. 804, to the acceflion of Al-

«° Spclman Vita Alfredi, append, 3. p. 196.

*» Scrvati Lupi Eplft. ad^Eginhardura, Ep. i* ^

fred.

Ch. 4. LEARNING, &c.

fred, A. D. 871, who attained to any degree of
literary fame. The mofl learned man in Eu-
rope, however, in this dark period, was a na-
tive .6f Britain, and mod probably of the town
of Air in Scotland. This was Johannes Scotus
Erigena, fo called from his country, and the
place of his birth; and furnamed the TVife^ on
account of his fuperior knowledge and erudi-
tion '^ This ingenious man, who- was probably
borii^ about the beginning of this century, feeing
his own country involved in great darknefs and
confufion, 'and affording no means of acquiring
that knowledge after which he thirfted, travelled
into foreign parts, and, if we may believe fome

\ writers, into Greece, where he acquired the
knowledge of the Greek language and of the
Greek philofophy ; which were very rare aqcom-
plilhments in thofe times ^\ *^ In whatever
*' manner (fays one of the beft writers of literary
*' hiftory) he acquired . the . knowledge of lan-
*^ gnages and philofophy, it is very certain. that
" he had not only a very pleafant ^nd facetious,
*' but alfo a very acute and penetrating . genius ;
*^ that in philofophy he had no fuperior^ and iii
** languages no equal, in the age in which he
" flouriftied ^*.'' Thefe uncommon accomplifli*
ment§, together with his wit and pleafantry,

- which rendered his converfation as agreeable as

to Mackenzie's Lives of Scots Wnters, p. 49. * .

*J Baleusde Script. Britan. p. 114.

*4 Bruckeri Hift> Philofoph. t. 3. ^p. 615.

^ it

HISTORY OF BRITAIN: Book It

h was inflruftive, procured him an invitatioa
from Charles ,the Bald, king of France, the
greateft patron of ]|earning and learned men in
that age. Scotus accepted of this invitation^ and
liv^d feveral years in the court of that great
princes on a footing of the mofl intimate friend-
(hip and familiarity, fleeping often in the royal
apartment, and dining daily at the royal table*
We may judge of the freedom which he ufe4
with Charles, by the following repartee, pre-
ferved by one of our ancient hiftorians. A$ the
king and Scotus were fitting one day at table op-
pofite to «ach other, after dinner, drinking a
icheerfu) glafs, the philofopher having faid fome^
thing that was not quite agreeable to the rules of
French politenefs^ the king, in a merry humour,
afked hrnii Pray what is between a Scot and a
fot?.To which he anfwered, Nothing but the
table '^ The king, fays the hiftorian, laughed
heartily, and was not in the lead offended, as
he made it a rule never to be angry with hit
jnailer, as. he always called Scotus. But Charles
valued this great man for bis wifdom and leara^
iflg ftill more than for his wit, and retained him
about his perfon , not only as an agreeable com-
panion, but as his preceptor in the fciences, and
hh befl: counfellor in th^ moit arduous affairs of,
gov-ernment. At the defire of his royal friend
and patron, Scotus. compofed feveral works
while he refided in the court of France : which

*s Hovedcni Annal. ad an. S66.

procured

4. LEARNING, «cc. 49

prbcuwd him many admirers on the one hand, ^^}^^
and many adverfaries on the other ; efpecially
among the clergy^ to whom his notions on fe-
v<ral fttbjefts did not appear perfectly orthodox.
His books on prcdefliaation and the eucharid in
particttlaf were fuppofed to contain many bold
and- dangerous pofitions ; and a crowd of angry
snCHiks ^ftd others wrote againft^them"^. While
be was engaged in thefe difputes, an incident
happened which drew upon him the difpleafure
€ii the fovereign pontiff.' Michael Balhus, the
Crreek emperor, had fent a copy of the works o£
Dionyfius the philofopher to the emperor Lewis
the pious, A.D.824, as a moil valuable pfe^
£snt» This w^s efteemed an ineflimable treafure
in ^ France^ bccaufe it w^ ignorantly believed to
be the work of Dionyfius the Areopagite, the
pretended apoftle of the French j but being in
Greek, it was quite unintelligible. Charles the
Bald, the fon and fucceflbr of Lewis, defirous
of perufing this work, employed his friend Sco-
tus to tranflate it into Latin ; which he under-
took, and accompliflied, without confulting the
pope. This, with the former fufpicions of his
heterodoxy, gave fo great offence to his holi-
nefs, that he wrote a very angry letter to the
king of France, requefting, or rather command-
ing him, to fend Scotus to Rome, to undergo a
triaK " I have been informed (fays the pope
** in his letter) that one John, a Scotchman by

«6 Brucker Hift, PhHofoph. t. 3. p. 616.

Vol, IV. E « birth^

St HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book.lL

Cent.jx. it birth, hath lately tranflated into Latin the
*' work of Dionyfius the Arropagite, concerning
*' the divine names and the celeftial hierarchy,
** which he fhould have fent to me for my ap-
** probation, according to cuftom. This was
*' the more neceflary, becaufe the faid John,
though a man of great learning, is reported

not to think rightly in fome things *^'' But
Charles had too great an afFeftion for his learned
and agreeable companion to truft him in the
hands of the incenfed pontiff. The mod ca*
pital work of this John Scot was his book con-
cerning the nature of things, or the divifion of
natures ; which, after lying long in MS. was at
length 'publiflVed by Dr. I'homas Gale. This
was in fevcral refpe6ts the mofl curious literary
produftion of that age, being written with a me-
taphyfical fubtlcty and acutenefs then unknown in
Europe. This acutenefs Scotus had acquired by
reading the writings of the Greek philofophers ;
and by his ufing the fubtleties and refinements of
logic in the difcuflion of theological filbjeds, he
became the father of that fcholaftic divinity,
which made fo diflinguifhed a figure in the
middle ages, and maintained its ground fa . long.
Thecriticifm of one of our ancient hiftorianson
this work is not unjuft. <' His book, intitled,
** The divifion of natures^ is of great ufe in folving
<« many intricate and perplexing queftions ; if
•« we can forgive him for deviating from the

*; Aub. Mirjeuu ad GembLiccn. c 93. p, 104.

. . /' path

4&
€€

Gh. 4. L E A R N I N G, &c. ?i

•* path of the, Latin philofophers and divines, Ccfht ix.
and purfuing that* of the Greeks. It Was this
that made him appear heretic to many ; and
it muft be confeffed, that there are many things
** in it which, at firfl fight at leaft, feem to be
^' contrary to the Catholic faith *^'' Of ' this
kind are his opinions about God and the un.i-
verfe ; which have evidently too great a re-
femblance to the pantheifm of Spinoza. Scotus
was not free from that learned vanity which makes
■ men delighc in fuch paradoxes as are commonly
no better than impious or ridiculous abfurdities.
The following fhort quotations from this work
^-will abundantly juftify thefe ftriftureSi ** All
things are God, and God is all things. When
we fdy that God created all things, we mean
only, that God is in all things, and that he is

the effence of all things, by which they exift.
*' The univerfe is both eternal and created, and
*' neither did its eternity precede its creation,
*' nor its creation precede its eternity ^^J' The
philofophical and theological fyfiem of Scotus

appears to have been this in a few words :
That the univerfe and all things which it
comprehends^ were not only virtually, but ef*
** feudally in God; that they flowed from him'
'^ from eternity ; and (hall, at the confumma-
*^ tion of all things, be refolved again into him,
*• as into their great fountain and origin. After

88 Hovedcni Annal. ad ann. SSj.

^ Jo. Scoti Erigeflx de Divifione Naturae, libri quinque, p* 4'-
iii*xi8«

E a -, ^* the

€6

HISTORY OF fiRlTAIN. Book ll*

" the refurreftion (fays he), nature, and all its
" caufes, fhall be refolved into God, and then
** nothing fhall exift but God alone •^." Thefe
opinions were far enough* from bdng agreeable
to the Catholic faith ; and therefore we need not
be furprifed to hear, that the pope Honotius III.
pub'lifhed a bull, commanding all the copies of
this book that could be found, to be fent to
Rome, in order to bei)umt ; ** becaufe (fays his
holioefs) it is quite full of the worms of he-
retical pravity*'." The concluding fcenc of-
the hiftory of this learned and ingenious man i«
involved in darknefs and uncertainty. Some
Englifh hiftorians affirm, that after the death of
his great patron Charles the Bald, he came over
into England, at the invitation of Alfred the
Great j that he taught fome time in th6 univerfity
of Oxford ; from whence he retired to the abbey
of Malmfbury, where he was murdered by hfs
fcholars with their penknives^*. But thefe
writers feem to have confounded John Scot Eri-
gena with another John Scot, who was an ^ng-
tfhman, cotemporary with Alfred, taught at
Oxford, and was flain by the monks of the
abbey of Ethelingey, of which he was abbot**.
It is moft probable that Erigena ended his days
in France ^\

90 Jo. Scoti Erigenae de Divilione Natttrae» libri qulnque, p. ij^.

91 Albertc. Chron. adann. 1215.

^ W. Malmf. 1. a. c. 4- Hoveden Annal. ad ann. ZC$»

91 AlferUw in Vita Alfredi.

94 tiiitoLrc Literaire de la Francei Sieclc 9.'

7 ' The

.4- L E A R N I N O, «cc. 5j

Xhc reign of Alfred the Great, from A. D. Cent ix.
87 X to A.D. 901, is a mod memorable period Hiaory of
in the annals of learning, and affords more ma- learning
terials for literary hiftory than two or three cen- rci^n of
turies either bpfore or after, fhining with all the ^^^[^^ ^^
lirarmth and luftre of the bdghteft day of fum*
mer, amidft the gloom of a long, dark, and
ilormy winter. Every friend to learning, and
the improvement of the human mind, muft wifh
to fee the literary merits of this cxceUent prince
fet in a fair and juft light, for the honour of
human nature, and an example to all fucceeding
pririces.

Alfred the Great appeared at a time, and ia^ LJter»ry
circumftances, the nxoft unfavourable that can Aifrea.°
be conceived for the acquifitlon of knowledge,
being born when his country was involved in the
inoft profound .darknefs and deplorable confu-
fion, when the fmall remains of fcience that were
left were wholly confined to cloifters, and learn^
ing was confidered rather as a reproach than an
honour to a prince. Accordingly we find that
his educadon was totally negledled in thi§ re*
fpea : aiid though he was carefully inftrufted in
the art of hunting, in which he attained to great
dexterity, he. was not taught to know one letter.
from another till he was above twelve years of
age; when a book was put into his hand by a
Idad of accident, rather than any formed de* ^
iign. The queen, his mother, one day being in
company with her four fons, of which- Alfred

was the youngcft, and having a book of Saxon

. E 3 -poero$

HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book 1 1-

poems in her hand, beautifully written and illu-
minated','' obferved, that the- royal youths were
charmed with the beauty of the book; upon
which fhe faid, — '^ I will make a prefent of this
^"^ book to him who {hall learn to read it fooneft/'
Alfred immediately took fire, and applied to
learn to read with fuch ardour, that in a very-
little time he both read and repeated the poem
to the queen, and received it for his reward ^'.
From that ^moment he was feized wiih an infa-
tiable thirft for knowledge, and reading and
ftudy became his chief delight. But {till he
met with gre^ difficulties in the profeCution of
his {Indies for want of proper helps. " I have
heard him (fays Aflerius) lament it with many
fighs, as the greateft misfortune of his life,
<^ that when he was young, and had leifure for
*^ {ludy, he could not find ma{lers to in{tru6t
** him ; becaufe at that time there were few ox
'* none among the Wcfl:-Saxons who had any
'* learning, or could fo much as read with pro-
*^ priety and eafe^V For fome years before,
and feyeral years after his accefTion to the throne,
he was fo inceffantly engaged in wars againft the
Danes, and in other affairs of {late, that he had
but little time for {ludy ; but of that little he
did not lofe a moment, carrying a book conti-
nually in his bofom, to which he applied whenr
ever he had an opportunity ^\ When he wa§

9^ Afler. de Alfred! Rebus geftis, p. 5. edit, a Camden.
014. ibid. 97 Id. ibid.

advance^

Cli. 4- ' L E A R N I N G, &c. ; ' SS

advmnced in life, and bad reftored the tranquillity J^^J^V^*
of his country by the fubraiflion of the Danes,
be ^as fo far from relaxing, that he redoubled
His * efforts to improve his itiind in knowledge,
devoting a confiderable portion of his time to
fttidy, and employing all his leifure-hours in
reading, or hearing others read'\ By this in-
ceffant application to ftudy, this excellent prince
became one of the greateft fcholars of the age in
-wrhich he flouriftied. He is faid to have fpoken
the Latin language with as much eafe and fluency
as his native tongue, . and underftood,. bul did - -• -
not fpeak Greek. He was an eloquent orator, '
an acute philofopher, an excellent hiftorian, ma-
thematician, mufician, and archited, vand the
prince of the Saxon poets ^^.

Alfred did not profecute his ftudies with all f"a7ned
this ardour merely as a private man, and for his f^^" ^^

' * his court.

own improvement only, bat as a great prince,

arid for the improvement of his fubjeds, whofe

ignorance he viewed with much compaffion.

Confcious that the revival of learning in a^coun-

try where it. was quite extinft, was too arduous

a talk even for the greateft monarch, without af-

fiftance, he was at great pains to find out learned

men in other countries, whom he invited to fettle

in his court; and kingdom. Thofe who accepted.

his invitations, he received in the kindeft man*.

^ler, treated with the moft engaging familiarity, r 5

9 Afler. cle Alfredi Rebus geftis, p. 5. edit, a Camden.

?? Y{. Weflm. A. D. 871. Ingnlf. p. 28. W. Malmf. 1. 3, c. 4.

E 4 ' 5md

5^ ^HISTORY 6F BRITAIN. Book II,

Cent. IX. jj^j loaded with the grcatcft favours. Some of
thefe learned men he kept about his* own perfon^
as the companions of his ftudies> ^nd to aflift
him in the inftru£tion of his own fons, and oF
the fons of his nobility, who were educated with
them in his palace ; while he ftationed others of
them in thofe places where they might be moll;
ufeful '''\ » As thefe fcholars, though in a humbler
' ftation, were the affociates of the illuftrious AU

fred in the revival of learning, they merit ©u^
grateful remembrance in this place.

Life of Affer, a monk of St. David*s in Wales, waS:

''^' one of Alfred's greateft favourites, and wrote
his life, to which we are chiefly iadebted foir
our knowledge of the aftions and charaider of
this great prince. Alfred having heard this
monk much celebrated for his learning, invited
him to his court ; and was fo charmed with his
converfation at the firft interview, that he ear^f
neftly prcfled him to come and live conftantly
with him. To this the monk, not being ht$
own mailer, could not agree ; but at lengthj^
with the confent of his monaftery, it was fettled^
that he fhould fpend one half of every year at
St. David's, and the other at the court of Engn

^ land ; where he employed much of his. time in

t reading with the king, vho rewarde4 him witl^
*, three rich abbeys, and many noble prefents ^^\

^ nm a o, Grimbald, a monk of Rheims in France, wa^
another of the learned men vrhom Alfred invited

10'' Aflcr. de Alfred! R.ebus geftij, p. 5. cdi^. a Ca.m!4<Q.
«o> rd. p. xj.

Cli, 4- LEARNING, 9ce.

to his court, to affifl: him in his own iludies, and

in reviving the ftudy of letters among his fub-

jefts. This monk was particularly famous for

his theological and ecclefiaftical learning, and

his fkill in church mufic ; which rendered him

a valuable acquiiitipn to Alfred, and a ufeful in-

(h^ument in promoting his'defigns for the reftora-

tion of learning, as we (hall fee by and by '^\

He procured another learned man from Old

Saxony on the continent, who was named John

Scof^ and is by many writers confounded with

John Scot Erigena, though he was evidently a .

different perfon*^'. Plegmund ar^hbifliop' of

Canterbury, Werefred bilhop of Worccfter, Dun-

vulph bifliqp of Winchefter, Wulffig and Ethel-

ftan bifhops of London, and Werebert bifliop of

Chefter, were among the learned men who af*

lifted Alfred in his ftudies, and in , promoting

the interefts of learning among his fubjeds '''^

By the affiftance of thefe ingenious men, and Works of
his own indefatigable application, Alfred ac ^^^^
quired a very uncommon degree of erudition j
which he employed, like a great and good prince,
in compofing fome original works, and tranf*
bting others out of Latin into Saxon, for the
inftruftion of his people. The moft perfeft ca*
talogue, both of the original works, and tranfla-
tions of this excellent prince^ may be found in

w* Aflcr. de Alfrcdi Rebus gcftis, p. 14- /€dit. a Camden.

«.oj IngulLHift. »«>4 Spclman, Life of Alfred, p. 137, 13S.

the

5« HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book IL

Cent. XI. ti^^ yj^Qj]^ quoted below '""^ j but is too long to be
Ii«re inferted. The motives which prompted Al-
fred to tranflate fome books out of Latin into
Saxon ; and the methods which he ufed in making
and publifliing thefe tranflations, are communi-
cated to us by himfelf, in his preface to one of
them: " When 1 confidered with myfelf, how
*' much the kno>vledge of the Latin tongue was
decayed in England, though many could read
their native language well enough, I began,
" amidft all the hurry. and multiplicity of my
affairs, to tranflate this book (the paftoral of
St. Gregory) out of Latin into Englifh, in,
f* fome places very literally, in others more
" freely j as I had been taught by Plegmund
•' my archbifhop, and Afler my bifhop, and
Grimbald and John my prieftg. When I
had learned, by their inftruftions, to compre-
f* hend the fenfe of the original clearly, I tranf-
** lated it, I fay, and fent a copy of my tranfla-
*^ lion to every bifhop's feat in my kingdom,
" with an aeftel or handle worth fifty mancuflfes^
*' charging all men, in the name of God, neither
*' to feparate the book from the handle, nor re«»
*^ move ic out of the church j becaufe I did not
•' know how long we might enjoy the happinefs
*^ of having fuch learned prelates as we have at
« prefent'°^" There can be no doubt that Al-
** fred had the fame views, and proceeded in the

^ «®5 Biographia Britan. vol. i. p. 54, 55.

i«6'Speiman, Vita Alftedi, Append. N'' 3. p. 197.

fame

Ch.4. '^ L E A R N I N G, &:c. ' \ ' 59

fame manher> in making and publifliing his other Cent. ix.
tranflations. # '

At the acceflion of Alfred the Great, all the Semina-
feminaries of learning in England were laid in [earning,
afties. Thefe were the mor^fteries and bifhops
feats where fchools had been kept for the educa-
tion of youth, chiefly for the church, which were ,
fo univerfally deftroyed by the Danes, that hardly
one^of them was left ftanding. This great prince,
fenfible how impoflible it was to revive learning,
without providing fchools ' for the education of
youth, repaired the old monafteries, and built
new ones, inftituting a fchool in each of them
for that purpofe'''^ But in Jthefe mpnaftic
and epifcopal fchools, both in England and ia
other ' countries of Europe, the youth were only
taught reading, ' writing, the Latin language,
and church-mufic, to fit them for performing the
public offices of the church : except, in a very
few, where fome were taught arithmetic, tq
enable, them to manage the fecular affairs of
their focieties, and others inflrufted in rhetoric
and theology, to affift them in declaiming to the
people '°\ Though thefe fchools prevented the
Cotal extindion of literary knowledge among the
Chriftian clergy in thofe dark ^imes, they con* '
tributed very little to the improvement of the
fciences, or the diffqfing of learning among .
the laity, who were left almoft entirely without
the means of acquiring any degree of literature,

'°7 Spelman. Vita Alfred?, Append. N°3. p. 106.
^ Conring. de Aiitiquit. Acadcm. p. 67, 68,

When

The uni-
▼crfity of
Oxford
founded.

HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book II,

When Alfred the Gr^dt, therefore formed the
noble de&;n of rendering learning both mora
peifeft and more gener^l^ he was under a necef*
fity of inftituting fchools on a different and more
extenlive plan ; in which all the fciences that
were then known fh6uld be taught by the beft
mafters that could be procured^ to the laity as
well as to the clergy. This great prince, having
formed the idea of fuch a fchopl, was very happy
in the choice of a place for its eftablifhment^
fijdng on that aufpiciou^ fpot where the univer-*
fity of Oxford, one of the mofl: illuftrious feats
of learning in the worlds now ftands. Whether
be was determined to make this choice by its
having been a feat of learning in former times^i
by the natural amenity of the. place, or by its
convenient fituation, almoft in the centre of hi^
dominions, we have not leifure to enquire, as it
would le^d us into feveral tedious and doubtful
difquifitions. Being furrounded by a confider*
able number of learned men, coUeded from
different countries, he juftly thought, that they
could not be better employed than in inftruding
the fifing generation in divine and human learn*
ing. In order to enable them to do this with
the greater fuccefs, he provided fuitable accom«
modations for them and their fcholars, at Ox<
ford ; though, at this diftance of time, it cannot
be difcovered with certainty what thefe accom-
modations and endowments were. . The follow*-
ing account of the fchools founded at Oxford by
Alfred the Great is given by John Roufe, the-
antiquarian of Warwick, who flourifhed in the

fifteenth

Ch.4. t E A R N t N C|« ^c. «t

fifteenth century j to which our resKlers may give ^^J[f^
that degree of credit which they think it merits.
*• At the firft founding of the univerfity of Ox*
^ fytil^ the-aoble king Alfred built three haUs
" in the ftame of the Holy Trinity, for the doc*
^* tors in grammar, philofophy^ and divinity.
^ Hie firft of thefe halls was fituated in High*
** ftreet, near the eaft gate of the city, and efh
** dowed with a fufficieac maintenimce for twenty*
'< fix grammarians. This was called Little bdl^
^ on account of the inferiority of (he fcienoe
^^ there ftudied ; and it (Hll retains that name
^ evoi in my time. The fecond was built near
" the north ^wall of Ae city^ in the ftreet now
** called School' ftreet^ and endowed for twenty-
'* fix logicians or philofophers, and had the name
" of Lefs'halL The third was built atfo in
" High-ftreet, contiguous to Little-hall, and
<* was endowed for twency*fix divines^ for the
« ftudy of the holy fcriptures *'^." This ac-
count^ fome may think, is corroborated by the
following paftage of the old annals of the mo«
naftery of Winchefter, which hath alfo prefer ved
the names of the firft profeflbrs in this celebrated
feat of learning* after its foundation or reftora*
tion by king Alfred. " In the year of our Lord
" 886, in the fecond year of St. Grimbald's
^^ coming over into England, the univerfity of
** Oxford was founded. The firft regents there,
' ** and readers in divinity, were St. Neot, an

»«9 J, Rofi; Hift. Restmi Angl. p. 77, 7S.

" abbot

HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book II •

" abbot and eminent profeflbr of theology, and
<< St. Grimbald, an eloquent and mod excellent
** interpreter of the holy fcriptures. Grammar
** and rhetoric were taught by Afferius, a monk,
^< a man of extraordinary learning. Logic, mu«-
••« fic, and arithmetic, were read by John, a
** monk of St. David's. Geometry and aftra-
•«« nomy were, profeffed by John, a monk and
*« colleague of St. Grimbald, a man of (harp
** wit, and immenfe knowledge. Thefe lec-
*• tures were often honoured with the prefence
•^ of the moft illuftrious and invincible monarch
•*« king Alfred, whofe memory to every judi-
•* cious taftc (hall be always fweeter than ho-
** ney "^" For the fupport of the mafters arid
fcholars, in thefe and the other fchools which he
eftabli(hed, Alfred allotted one eighth part of
his whole revenue *". It feems to have been in
thefe newly-erefted fchools at Oxford, that their
illuftrious founder fettled his youngeft fon ^thel-
weard, with the fons of his nobility and others,
for their education ; of which A(reriu8, a coten>-
porary writer, and one of the profeflTors aboVe
mentioned, gives the following account : '^ He
*' placed ^thelweard, his youngeft fon, who
*' was fond of learning, together with the fons
'* of his nobility, and of many perfons of in-
" ferior rank. In fchools which he had efta-
** bliflied with great wifdom and forefightj and

"® Camd. Britan. t. i. c. 304.

"» Affcr, Vita Alfredi, edit, a Camd. p. 20.

*' pro-

•Ch,4. L E A R N I NG/ kc. 6$

•* provided with able mafters. In thefe fchools ^^n^- ^-^
the youth were inffufted in reading and writ-
ing both the Saxon and Latin languages, and
•* in other liberal arts, before they arrived at fuf-
*' ficient ftrength of body for hunting, and other
** manly exercifes becoming their rank "*.*' It
is at leaft certain, from what follows immediately
after in Aflferius, that the fchools in which ^thel-
weard, and his fellow ftudents were placed were
diflferent from thofe in which his two elder bro-
thers Edward and Elfthryth were educated, which
were in the king's court'". There is another
paffage in Afferius, as publiflied by Camden, re-
lating to the univerfity of Oxford, which hath
been the occafion of much contrbverfy, fome
writers contending for its authenticity, and others
affirming that it hath been interpolated. After
examining the arguments on both fides of this
queftion, which are too tedious to be here in-
ferted, I cannot help fufpeding the genuinenefs
of this paflage ; but as I dare not pofitively pro-
nounce it fpurious, I fliall lay it before the reader.
** The fame year (886) there arofe a great dif-
" fenfion at Oxford, betv/een Grimbald and the
" learned men which he brought with him, and
" the old • fcholars which ht fcund there, who
" refufed'to comply wuh the laws and forms of
** reading prefcribcd by Grimbald. For about
" three years this difference occafioned only a
"private grudge, . which made no great noife j

"» Aflcr. Vita Alfrcdi, edit, a Camd. p. 13. ''J Id. ibid.

- . " but

fi4 HISTORY 01^ BHITAIM. Bookll.

f ^* ^' " but at length it broike out with great violence*
'< The invincible king Alfred, being informed
<^ oi this by a meflage and complaint from
^' Grimbaldj hadened to Oxford to put an end
*' to thefe difputeSy and heard both parties vndk
^^ great patience* The old fcholars pleaded iu
*' their own defence, that before Grimbald cao^
'<' to Oxford^ learning flouriihed therey though
<* the ftudents were not fo numerous as they had
'' foraierly been, many of them having been ex*
^^ pelled by the cruelties of the Pagans. They
^^ further affirmed, and proved by the undoubted
*^ teftimony of ancient annals, that the laws and
*^ flatutes of that place had been eftablifhed by
^< men of great piety and learning, as Gildas,
^* Melkin, Nennius, Kentigern> and others, who
^' had taught there in their old age, and had
*^ managed all things with great tranquillity and
« good order; and that when St« Germanus
^ came into Britain to preach againft the Pela-
** gian herefy, be refided fix months at Ozfordj
'^ and greatly approved of its laws and inilitu-
<* tions* The king having heard both parties
«^ with isncredible pati^ce and humility, and
^^ having earneftly exhorted them to lay asfide
*' their difputes^, and live in peace and concord,
^^ left them in hopes that they would <:omply
<* with his admiMaitions. But Grimbstld, not
^' fatisfied with this, retired to the new mo«
^^ naftery at Winchefteor, which king Alfred had
^^ lately founded, and foon after had his tomb
;! brought thither alfo, which he had originally

* «

Ch.4. LEARNING. &e. ' 65

*^ fet up in a vault under the chancel in the Ccnt.ix.
*' church of St. Peter at Oxford ; which church '"
" he had built from' the^ foundation with ftones
" poliihed with great art "*/' In a word, if '
Oxford had been a feat of learning in more an*
cient times, which it is certainly very diflScult
dther to prove or difprove, it appears to have
been fo entirely ruined, together with all \thc
other feminaries of learning in England, in the
beginning of king Alfred's reign, that this great
prince may be juftly ftyled the father and founder
of the univerfity of Oxford : a circumftancc
equally honourable to his memory and to thi$
famous feat of learning !

When Alfred the Great had thus founded and Revival of
endowed fchools, and provided them with proper ^^*^°*"S'
mafters^ he next endeavoured to fill them with
fuitabte fcholars ; which was not the eafiefl: partv
of his work in that rude age, when learning was
held in fuch contempt, efpecially by the nobility.
This illiberal and barbarous contempt of letters,
-he effcftually dcflroyed in a little time, — by his
own example,-^by fpeaking on all occaiions in
praife of learning, — and by making it the great.
, road to preferment, both in church and ft ate" ^
Still further to c^ffufe a tafte for knotvledge, and'
to tranfmit it to pofterity, he made ar law, oblig-
mg all freeholders who poffeffed two hides of
land, or upwards, to fend their fons .to fchool, ^

'«♦ Aflcr. Vita Alfred!, edit, a Camd. p. 16.

Vol. IV. F * ani

«6 in STORY OF BRITAIN. Book XL

f^"^'^^'. ^^^ B^^^ them a liberal education"*. By thefe
wife meafures, this moft excellent prihce made a
total change in the fentiments of his fubjcfts.
The old nobility bewailed their unhappinefs in
being ignorant of letters, and fome of' them ap-
plied to ftudy in a very advanced age ; while all
took care to fend their fons, andyoung relations,
to thofe fchools provided for them by the wifdom
and ' munificence of their fovereign *''. In a
word, learning revived and flourifhed to fucli a
"degree, in the • courfe of Alfred's reign, that
before the end af it he could boaft, that all his
bifhops fees were filled by prelates of great
learning, and every pulpit in England furnifhed
iVith a good preacher. So aftonifhing are the
efFefts which a great and good prince, animated
with an ardent zeal for the happinefs of his fub-
jefts, can produce, not only in the circum-
fiances, but in the very fpirit and charafter of a
nation !
Cent. X. That gleam of light' which appeared in Eng-
itaruin^Mn land towards the conclufion of the ninth century,
ccnt^ury^ was not of long Continuance ; for as this was
chiefly owing to the extraordinary genius and
prodigious efforts of Alfred the Great, as foon as
thefe were removed by the death of that prince^
in the firft*year of the tenth century, 4earning
began to languid! and decline, Edward, his
eldefl fon and fucceflbr, had been educated with
great care ; but not having the fanie genius and

"6 Abbas Ri€vallcn/is. "? Affer. Vita Alfred! , p. n.

'..;'• 'tiHc

Ch. 4. X E A R N I N G, atct 67

tafte for ftudy with his illuflrious fiUihcr, he did Cent. x.
not prove fo great a patron of learning and
learned men*". The Danes, too, thofe deftruc-
tive enemies of fcience and civility, no fooner
heard of the death of Alfred, than they renewed
their ravages; which they continued, with little
interruption, for many years. Bt- fides this, the •
learned men colledled by Alfred from different
trountries, dying foon after their royal patron^
were not fuccceded by men of equal learning.
Thefe, and feveral other unfavourable circum*
ftances, gave a f^tal check to the liberal and
ftudious fpirit which had been excited in the late
reign ; and the Englifli by degrees relapfed into
[ their formier ignorance and contempt of learn-
ing. In this indeed they were far from being
fingular at this period ; for all the nations of
Europe were involved in fuch profound darknefs
during the whole courfe of the tenth century, that
the writers of literary hiftory are at a lofs for
words to paint the ignorance, ftupidity, and
barbarifm of that age*'^ *' We now enter (fays
" one) om the hiftory of an age, which, for its
" barbarifm and wickednefs, may be called the
" age of iron; for its dulnefs and ftupidity, the
*' age of lead ; and for its blindnefs and
•* ignorance, the age 'of darknefs **°/* ** The

** tenth -century (fays another) is commonly and

» •

*^ W. Malmf. I. 2. c. 5. Hoveden, pars prior.

"9 Cave, Hiftor, Litcrar. p. 571. .Brvickcr. Hift. Philofoph,

t y. p. 63Z.
>» Baron. Annal- ad an. 900.

F ^ . '« juftly

6* HISTORY' 6F BRITAIN. Book If .

^^"^1^. ** j^ft'y called the unhappy age; for it 'waa
** almoft quite deftitute of men of genius aiid
** learning, had few great princes or good pre*
** lates, aiid hardly any thing was performed in
•^ it that merits the attention of pofterity »*•.**
The many grofs errors, and wretched fuperfti-
tions, that were either introduced or eftabliflied
in the courfe of this century, fuch as,-^tranfub-
ilantiation, — the adoration of images and relics^
-:-the baptifra of bells, — the belief of the moft
childifli (lories of vifions, apparitions, and
miracles, — the celibacy of the clergy,— trials by
fire and water ordeals, &c. &c. were fufficient
proofs of its ignorance and ftupidity. The
popes who governed the church of Rome in this
century, were for the mofl: part the vilcft miC-
creants that ever difgraced hutnan nature; and
that city, where letters bad hitherto been culd*
vated in fome degree, now became a fcenq of
fuch deplorable ignorance, as well as wick^d^
nefs, that a f:otemporary writer cries out, ** O '
•« miferablc Rome! thou that formerly didft j
" hold out fo many great and glorious luminaries, j
*« to our anceftors, into what prodigious dark^;
*^ nefs art thou now fallen, which will render;
*Mhee infamous to all Succeeding ages '•** ?'*
The clergy in this age were almoft as illiterate as J
the laity,- Some who filled the higheft ftationsj
in the chijrch could not fo much as read j while

"» Gcncbrard, p- S5*» '

.»" AvnoidUi Oricauenfis, af ud Du Pin, Hifl. Ecclef. c«nt. to. '

^3 others

•Or. 4* LEARNING. &c.

Others, who pretended to be better fcholars, and
attempted to perforin the public <|iEces> com-
mitted the mod egregious blunders ; of which
the reatder will find one cxa,mple, out of many,
quoted below **\

When this was the melancholy ftate of letters ^"g^n '•
in all the nations of Europe, it cannot be lup-
|>oied that England wiH furniih us with many
valuable materials for literary hiftory in this age.
It ^muft, however^ be obferved, that the decline
of learmng in tbis iil^tnd, after the death of
Alfred^ «ras gradual, and that it required a con-
fiderable time to deftroy all the effects of hts
labonrs for its advancement, Befides though
Us fon £d«vard, and his grandfon Atheldan,
were very far inferior to him in learning, and in
tJicir efforts for its fupport ; yet they had not fo
entirely forgotten Ms precepts zud example as to
l)e ^te indifferent to its interefts. On the con* ^
ttary, diey were not only the braveft, but the
moft in&dligent prkc^ of their age, and the
gl>^teft patrons ci learning.

^ Edward, if we may believe fome of our ancient Unjvcrity
tSlbrians, was the founder or reftorer of the bridgeT'
TOiverfity of Cambridge, as hi§ father had been
<>f Oxford. *< Edward, furnamed the £l^r^
^^ fucceeded his father Alfred the Great ; and

^Meiawcrcbiihop of Paderborn, in this century, in reading the
pttbhc prayers, ufcd to fay, — •* Bencd'.c Do.nine repibus tt repinis
^^ ctinuljAltf 4uis;''— inNeadof famulis ct famulabis : which
^adc it a very ludicrons petition.

teitmeti. Coil, Script. J^rmfwU, /. x. f. 55 5.

F 3 • *' thoi^gh .

HISTORY OF BRITAIN. BookJI.

"though he wa(s not equal to him in learning,
** yet he loved learned men, and advanced them
<* 'to ecclefiaftical dignities, according to their
♦* merits. For the further encouragement of
*^ learning, he raifed Cambridge, ^ his father
>' had done Oxford, to its former glory, ^ter
^' it had been long in ruins, with all the other
^^ ancient feminaries of learning; and, like a
^' generous friend and patron of the clergy, he
*' commanded halls for the teachers and. ftudents
*' to be built there at his own e^pence. To
^^ render this inftitution complete, he invited
^^ teachers of the liberal arts, and doftors in
*^ theology, from Oxford, and fettled, them at
^' Cambridge. Thus far Thomas Rodburn, in
" his chronicle. But I have feen a more full
" and authentic reprefentation of this in a certain
•* anciept painting in the abbey of Hyde, at
" Winchefter, which was fent to me, and is •
^' ftill in my poffeffion "V— '— If the above
account of the reftoration of fchools . of learning
at Cambridge, by Edward the Elder, is trui,
which I fhall not take upon me either to affirm or
deny, thefe fchools, tqgetfeer with the city of
Cambridge, were once more ruined by the Danes
ArD. loio; and do not feem to have be^ re-
ftored again till after the cpnclufioto of the period
we are now delineating "'. Edward gave another
proof of his regard to learniqg, by beftowing a
very liberal education on his five fons and nine

»*♦ J. Koffii Hift, Reg. Ang. p. 96.

»»« Chron Saxon, p. 140.

4aughterS|

Ch*4*

X E A R N I N Gj &c.

daughters^ who excelled all the princes and prin- C'cnt. x.
cefies of their age in literary accomplilhments.
Ethelward, his fecond fon, in particular, greatly
refembled his illuftrious grandfather in genius
and love of learning, as well as in his perfon ;
but unhappily died young **^. Athelftan, the
ildeft fon and fucceffor of Edward, was a prince
of uncommon learning for the age in which he
lived* William of Malmlbury tells us, that a
few days before he ivrote the hiftory of this king,
he had read an old book written in his reign,
that contained fo flaming a panegyric on his
extraordinary learning, that he did not think fit
to inferc it in his work ; becaufe he fufpeSed it
was wrought up by the author beydnd the truth,
in ordor to gain the favour of Athelftan "^ : a
fnfpicion which perhaps was not well fpundcd.
It appears from his laws, that this king was a
friend to learning and' learned men ;. by one of
which.it is decreed, ^* that if any man make fuch
** proficiency in learning as to obt^iin prieft's
•• orders, he Ihall enjoy all the honours and pri-
" vileges of a thane "*/* If it be true, that this
prince employed certain learned^ Jews, who then
refided iii England, to tranflate the Old Tefta-
pent out of Hebrew into Englifh, that is a fur-
ther proof of his attention both to learning and
religion **^ It muft after all be confeffed, that
-the efforts of Edward and Athelfts^n, for th^

V^ W. Malmf. 1. 4. c. 5.

«** Spelman, Concil. t. i. p. 406.

»*9 Bal. de Scrip , Brit. p. 127.

^-7 Id. ibid: p. 6.

fupport

1 t

7« HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Bookll.

Cent. X. fupport of learnings were not very fuccefsful 9
for we meet with none who flouriflied under their
government, fo famous for their erudition as to
merit a place in this work.
ftji'nccie. The reigns of feveral fucceeding kings were
i!uictrn°' equally unfortunate ' in this refpeft; and Eng-
ingbythc land by degrees funk into the fame {Profound
^ " ^' darknefs and ignorance with the other nations of
Europe. Some of our monkifli hillorians, it is
/ . true, fpeak in the higheft ftrains of the prodigious
learning of their great champion St, Dunftan.
** He excelled (fays pne of them) as much in
** learning as he did in piety ; and by his prodt<«
«' gious diligence, and the amazing genius that
^^ God had beftowed upon him, he cafily ac-
** quired, and he long retained, all kinds of
" knowledge; fo that in a little time he became
*^ equal in learning to his teacher$, and hr fupe-
^* rior to all his fellow-fcholars. So acute was
*' his reafon, fo lively his imagination, and fo
^* admirable his elocution, that no man ever
** conceived things with greater quicknefs, e^^-
^' preffed them with greater elegance, nof pro-
** nounced them with greater fweetnefs '**.*' — —
^* At this time (fays another) England was en-
«* lightened with many bright luminaries, likfe
^^ fo many ftars from heaven; among whom St.
^* Dunftan fhone with fuperior luftre, and was,
*.' next to king Alfred, the greateft promoter of
^* learning that ever appeared in this ifland

X3iM

«o Oflscrn yita Dunftan. p. 93. * «« W» ^almf 1. 1 . c. ^

But

Cli. i^ L B A RN 1 NG, Ice. •!

Bcit little creiUt can.be given to thefe encomiums ; C'ent. x.
for it became a kind o£ fafliicm' among the Eng» ' ^
mOx tnonks in the middle ages, to heap all the
praifes on their patron Dunftah that their imagi*
nations could invent, without any regard to truth
or probability. We arc gravely told, — " That
•* in the days of St. Dunftan, all men wor-
** fliipped Gpd with fervour and fincerity ; that
*• the eirth itfelf rejoiced, and the fields rewarded
** the labdurs of the hulbandman with the moft
*^ abundant ' harvefts ; that all the elements
** fmiled, and the face of heaven was never
*f objured with clouds; that there were no
•* fiich things as fear, difcord^ oppreflion, or
murder, but that all men lived in perfect vir«
tue and profound tranquillity; and that all
•' thofe felicities flowed from the blefled St.
^f Dunftan ; for which, as well as for his mi*
•• racles, he w^s loaded with glory *^\" A
pidwe very different from the real hiftory of
thiDfe^time&.

After die deaxh of Edgar the Peaceable, A. D« Deciku? of
975, England became a fcene of great confufion ^**'''^*^-
nM miferyf^r many years, through the increaf*
kig ipower and fpreadtng devaftations of the
I)anes. In thefib circumftances learning could
not fiourtih; but, on the contrary, was almoft
entirely jfuined, togedier with its two moft famous
feminaries, Oxford ^ndi Cambridge, which were
reduced to afhes by thofe barbarians

lit

'^* W.iMalmr. de Geftis Ponttficain Anglor. p. ii5*
Q) Chron. Sa^ioi^ p. xjq, mo.

Elfrfc

HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Bqokll.

Elfric the grammarian is the only man who
Life of eT- flouriihed ia Efigland in the end of the tenth and
rrimma- beginning of the eleventh century, that merits a
rian. place in this work on account of his erudition.
This learned man, and voluminous writer, who£e
hiftory^ is very miich perplexed, was born about
the middle of the tenth century, and educated
under Ethelwold bifhop of Winchefter, • who is
, faid to have taken great pleafure in teaching
youth the rules of grammar, and the art erf
tranflating Latin books into Englifli '^\ While
Elfric was ftill a young man, and only in thd
ftation of a private monk, he was famous for his
learning, as appears from a letter of his to Wulfin
biihop of Shereburn, prefixed to a fct of canons,
or rather an epifcopal charge, which he had
drawn up at the requeft and for the ufe of that
prelate, who was probably not'equal to a work of
that kind himfelf *". Being fcnt by Elphegus
biflipp of Winchefter, A. D. 987, to the monaftery
of Ceme in Dorfetftiire, then newly founded, he
there compofed his^'grammar of the Latin tongue>
which procured him the title of the Grammarian^
and tranflatcd out of Latin into Saxon no fewer
than eighty fermons or Aomilies for the ufe of the
^ Englifli clergy '*^ . Thefe homilies are ftill ejf-
. ' tant in MS. in two volumes folio ; and are well
defcribed by Mr. Wanley in his catalogue of

>H Apglia Sacra, t. i. p. 130.

«}5 Spcl. Concll. 1. 1, p. 572. Anglia Sacra, X- X. p 130.

»K»|d. ibid.

Saxon

Cli.4. LEARNING, &c.

Saxon books*". Elfric compofed feveral other
^?7orks; which procured him fo great a reputa-
tion for learning, that he was on that account
advanced, by degrees, to the archlepifcopal
dignity. ^ >

While learning was thus gradually declining Jjfi^iJ^ated
throughout all the kingdoms of Europe, in the inthcEaft.
jiinth and tenth centuries, the light of fcience
began to fpring up in the Eaft, among the Per-
lians and Arabians ; and the pofterity of thofe
fierce barbarians who had burnt the famous
library of Alexandria^ became the fondeft ad- •
jnirers of the fciences'^^ By them they were
preferved, when they were almoft entirely loft in
all other parts of the world; and it was through
them th^t the knowledge of ancient learning was
gradually r^ftored to the feveral nations of
Europe.

The illuftrious Gerbert, preceptor to Robert I. ^^^
king of France, and to Otho III. emperor of
Germany, who fiourifhed toward^ the concluiion
pf the tenth oentury, was the firft of the Chriftian
clergy who had refolution- to apply to the fol-
lowers of Mahomet, for that inftrudion in the
fciefices which he could not obtain in any part of
the Chriftian world. This Kter^ry 'hero (as he
may be juftly called) was educated in the mo-
naftery of Fleury : but difcovering the inca-
pacity of his teachers, and prompted by an ardent

*J7 Hickefii Thefaur. t. 2. p. i,

^^ MoDtttcU Jiiil, Mathemat. t. i. p. 319.

HISTOEY OF BRITAIN. Book II.

third for knowledge, he fled from his monaftery
into Spain, and fpent fcveral years among the
Saracens at Corduba''^. Here he made himfelf
mafter of the language and learning of the Ara-
bians J particularly of their aftronomy, geometry,
and arithmetic ; in all of Which they very much
excelled. At his return into France, he was
efteemed by fome the mod learned man, and by
others the greafeft magician, of his age '**. All
the nations in the north and weft of Europe are
particularly indebted to Gcrbert for the firft hims
they received bf the Arabian numeral -figures
and arithmetic. Our countryman William of
Malmlbury, after telling iis, that it was reported
that Gerbert had been taught by the Saracens in
Spain, to raife the devil, and to underftand the
language of birds, adds>— ** It is, however, very
.^« certain, that he was the firft who ftole the
*' knowledge of the Arabian arithpietic from the
'^^ Saracens, and taught the rules of it, which
** Rill continue to engage the attention and per-
*' ple^x the minds of our arithmeticians '*■/* As
Gerbert returned into France, A.D. 970, and
begaa to communicate the knowledge which he
had collected among the Saracens, it is not im-
probable, that fome of the literati in Britain
might be acquainted with the Arabian ciphers .
and arithmetic, in the end of this century, or
the beginning of the next ; which is much earlier

"9 W. Ma fm. 1. a. c. to. 'i^ Id. ibid.

«♦» Id. ibid.

than

Ch. 4. LEARNING, &c.

t&an h commonly believed "**. If the date over
the very ancient gateway at Worcefter was really
A. Di 975, and in Arabian figures, we have
di^e^ evidence that thefe figures were known ia
England within five years after Gerbert*s return
from Spain '^\ However this may be, this ad-
venturous fcholar, though born of mean parents,
was gradually advanced, on account of his
genius and erudition, from one ecclefiaftical dig*
tifty to another, and at laft placed, by his pupil
Otho in. in the papal chair, where he ' affumed
the name of Sylvejier W*^. So much was pre^
eminence in learning efteemed, and fo well was
it rewarded, even in that dark age !

As Uttlc morfe than one half of the eleventh cent, xi;
century falls within our prefent period, it will stateof
furnifli few materials idt literary hiftory. The in\'h?^
power of the Banes, and the confufion and mi- ^'cFenth

* , . century*,

fery thereby occafioned, which had been fo fetal
to learning in the former century, ftill continued
to increafe in the beginning of this, and to pro«
duce the fanpe effects. Oxford was reduced to
aflies by thofe deftruftivc: ravagers A. D, 1009,
and Cambridge fhared the fame fate the year
after.; by which all the eftabliOiments in thefe
places, in favour of karningj and for the edu-
cation of youth, whatever they were, muff have
been ruined'**. In this moft calamitous period,

H» s*c Dr. WalUs*f AlgcbrA, c. 3, 4.
Ml See philofoph. Tranfa^. vol. 39. p. 131.
!♦♦ J>u Pin Hift. Ecclcf. cent. 10.
'45 Chron. Saxon, p. 139^ 149.

the

7«

HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Bootll.

Cent, xr.^ ' tlje greateft part of the monafteries, " churches^
cities^ and towns in England^ were deftroyed;
and whoever will take the trouble to read the
hiftory of the firft feventeen years of the eleventh
century in the Saxon Chronicle^ the rnoft* au*
thentic monument of thofe times, will meet with
fuch a fucceffion of flaughter and devaftation;"
that he \yill be furprifed the Englifli were not ex-
tirpated, and their country reduced to a perfedl
defer t. We have no reafon to wonder, there-
fore, that the mnfes fled from fu^h a fcene of
horror and mifery, and that the cultivation, of
learning was almofl univerfally neglefted.

The calamities which the Englifh had fuiFered
in their long ftruggle with the Danes were fo
very great, that .their fnbjeftion to the Danifli
yoke became a kind of bleffing. For Canute
the Great, the firft king of England of the
Danifli line, being a wife, juft, and good prince,
treated his Englifli fubjefts with equity and
kindnefs, and endeavoured to repair the injuries
which had been done to the country and its in-
habitants in the late warsr. In particular, he
faw and lamented the low ftate to which learning
yras .reduced, and founded fchools in many places
for its revivar*\ It is highly probable ^at leaft,
that this prince repaired the fchools at Oxford,
and reftored^to them their former privileges and
revenues '*\ Harold, the fon and fucceflbr of
Canute, was a very great barbarian, and confe-

Statcof
learning
under the
Danifli
kings of
England*

»^ A, Wood, Antiquitat. Univcrf. Oxon. p. 43. >47 Id. ibid.

r. quently-

— I

€C

Ch. 4.- LE A R N I N Gi &c. -• 79^

/■

quently aa enemy to learning. Of this he ^ave ^ ^xl
&kffi.cient proof by his plundering the univerfity
of Oxfosd of the revenues - which had been be-
ftow€d upon it by its illuftrious founder, and re-
ftored to It by Canute the Great. " The fchools
(fays Leland) which had 'been founded by

I *

Alfred the Great, and had long flourifhed at
Oxford^ were abufed, fpoiled, and diflionoured,
by that cruel and barbarous Dane king Ha-
rold; who plundered them of all the revenues
** which had been bellowed upon them by the
«* munificence of former princes ; thinking that
" he treated the fcholars with great lenity when
^ he left them the naked walls ' of their
" houfes*^V' \, . ' '■

The reftoratio'n of the ancient line of the sute of '
Anglo-Saxon kings, A. D. 104 1, in the perfon [hfriifn* '
of Edward the Confeffor, was an event favour- of Edward
able to learning. For though Edward was not fcflbr.
a great prince, he was not unlearned for the age . . ^

in which he lived, nor inattentive to the in-
terefts of learning. . He repaired the injuries
which his predeceflbr Harold had done to Ox-
ford, which, in his reign (as we learn from In- ^
gulphus), feems to hkve been the chief feminary I
of' learning in England. ^* I was born (fays |
" that writer) in England, and of Englifli pa-
" rents, in the beautiful city of London ; edu- \
** cated in letters in my tender 'years at Weft-
** minder ; from whence I was afterwards fent

«♦' A. Wood, Antiquitjit, UniYcrf. Oxon. p. 4?.
s . ■ * ■ <* to ^ ■

HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book IL

^^ to the ftudy of Oxford ; where I made gMater
progrefs in the Ariftotelian philofophy than
many of my cotcmporaries, and became very
•* well acquainted with the rhetoric of Ci-
** cero ■*^'' This author further acquaints us,
that when he was a boy at Weftminfter fchool,
and ufed to vifit his father, who lived in the
court of Edward the Confeffor, he was often
examined, both on the Latin language and on
logic, by the beautiful and virtuous queen Ed-
githa, who excelled in both thefe branches of
literature **''. A proof that learning was then
efteemed a iafliioaable accomplifhment even in
ladies of the highed rank.
G«nrt'al Haying thus deduced the liiftory of learning
t^inron through its various revolutions, from the begin-
theftateof ning to the end of this dark period, it may be
^^^ ^" proper to conclude this chapter with a few general

.obfcrvation$.
Pifficul- That we may not entertain too contemptible
qufring^' jan opinion of our forefathers, who flourifhed in
^Yh'^°^ the benighted ages which we are now examining,
xiod. it is necefiary to pay due attention to their un-
happy circumftances. To fay nothing of that
.contempt for letters which they derived ftom
their anceftors, and of the almofl inceifant wars
in which they were engaged, it was difficult, or
jather impoifible, for any but the clergy, and a
very few of the moft wealthy among the laity,
to obtain the leaft fmattering of learning; be-

»49 Ingulphi Hiftor. '5o id. Ibid.

caufe

Ch. 4. L E A k N i N d. &c.

caufe dl the meaBs of acquiring it were far be-
yond their reach. It i^ impoflible to learn to
read and write even oar own native tongue,
'which is now hardly efteemed a part of learning,
'Without books, mafters, and materisds for writ-
ting ; but in thofe ages all thefe were fo ex^.
tremely fcarce and dear, that none but great
|>ruices and wealthy prelates could procure them.
"We have already heard of a large eftate given by
a king of Northumberland &r a fingle volume ;
and ^the hiftdry of the middle ages abounds with
examples of that kind"'. H6\^ then was it
poflible for perfond of a moderate fortune to
procure fo much as one book, much kfs fuch
a number of books as to make their learning to
read an accomplifhment that wdiild reward theii"
trouble r It was tlien as difficult to borrow books
as to bdy them. It is a fufficient proof of this
that a king of France was obliged to depofic a
eonfiderable quantity of plate, and to get one of
his nobility to join with him in a bond, under a
high penalty, to return it, before he could pro-
tare the loan of one voltime, which may now
be purchafed for a few (hillings'^*. Materials
for writing were alfd very fcarce and dear, which
^'made few perfons think of learning that art.
This was one reafon of the fcarcity of books ;
and that great eftates were often transferred from
one owner no another by a mere verbal agree*.

»5i Murat. ABiki^ t. 3. p. 833,

■s> Hift. de Loi^ JLI par Comities, t. 4- P* 2^^^

Vol.. IV, G *' jj^eivt.

HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Booklt.

ment, and the delivery of earth and ftone, be-
fore witneffes, without any written deed*'^.
Parchment, in particular, on which all their
books were written, was fo difficult to be pro-
cured, that many of the MSS. of the middle
ages, which are fliil preferved, appear to have
been written on parchment from which fome
former writing had been erafed *^*. But if books
and ipaterials for writing were in thofe ages fo
fcarce, good mafUrs, who were capable of
teaching the fcicnccs to any purpofe, were ftill
fcarcer, and more difficult to be procured.
When there was not one man in England to
the fouth of the Thames who underftood Latin,
it was not poffible to learn that language^
without fending for a teacher from fome foreiga
country. In thefe circumilances, can we be*
furprifed, that learning was fo imperfe£k, and
in fo few hands? The temple of Science was
then but a homely fabric> with few charms to
allure worfhippers, and at the fame time fur-
rounded with fteep and ruggid precipices, which
difcouragcd their appioach. When Alfred the
Great formed the defign of rendering learning
more general than it had formerly been, he never
dreamed of extending it to the common people,
which he knew was quite impra£ticable, but
only obliged perfons of rank and fortune, by a
law, to fend their fons to fchool; and we have
good reafon to believe, that this was efteemed

'53 Ingulph, Hift. »54 Murator. Antiquitat. t. 3. p. 834.

a very

Ca. 4.i L E A R N I N G, &d 8S

a very hard taw, and that it was not long c«it. xl
obeyed.

Seiides the great difficulty of procuring maf- Methods
ters iwho were capable of teaching the fciences, pftcaching
m tne times we are now confidenng, the per- . ces, partu
plexing incommodious methods in which they ^ritiimetic^
vrere taught^ rendered the acquifiiion of a mo- mufic.&c
derate degree of knowledge a very tedious and
laborious work. How difficult, for example^
was the acquifition of arithmetic in this period,
before the introduftion of the Arabian figures,
when the teachers of this fciehce had no other
marks for numbers but the following feven let-
ters of the Roman alphabet^ M D C L X V I,
or the twenty-feven letters of the Greek alpha*
bet*" ? We are apt to be furprifed to hear
Aldhelm, the mod learned and ingenious man
of the age in which he lived, fpeaking of arith*
tnetic as a fcience almoft exceeding the utmoft
powers of the human mind, when we know that
it is now acquired by every boy of a common
capacity, with great eafe, and in a little time'**.
But our furprife will ceafe, when we refieft on
the great facility of expreffing and managing
numbers by th^ help of the Arabian figures^
which were then unknown^ but are now in com-^
mon ufe : " The ufefulnefs (fays an excellent
*' judge) of thefe numeral figures, which we re-
'^ ceived.from the Arabs, and they from the Ia«

• , * »

M5 See Bedx Opera> ColoDae, A. D. i6ii; p. t.
■**Sccp. 15.

HISTORY Of BRITAIN. BooklJl-

" dians, is exceeding great in all pares of arith^
" mctic ; infomuch that we, to whom it is no^wr
*' known, cannot but wonder how it was pol%
'^ fible for the ancients to itianage great nuni-»
** bers without it. And certainly fuch vaft
** numbers as we are now wont to confider^
•' could not in any tolerable way be managed^
^* if we had no other way of defigning numbers
<"« than by the Latin numeral letters M D C L X V I.
*^ It is true the ancients had the fame way of
** diflributing numbers that we have, coUefting
<^ units into tens, and tens into hundreds, and
^^ hundreds into thoufands, and thoufands mto
myriads, &c. ; but they wanted a convenient
way of notation, or defignation of them, pro-
<^ portional to that diflribution ; infomuch that
when they came to thoufands or myriads, they
^ had fcarce any more convenient ways of de^
iigning them than by words at length for
want of figures'".** It was probably this
want of figures that g^ve rife to digital or ma-
nual arithmetic ; in which numbers were ex«
preiTed, and calculations made, by the different
pofitions of the hands and fingers. This appears
to us a childifh play ; but it was then a ferious
fludy, and is explained at great length by ve^
nerablc Bede ''\ Mankind commonly fall upon
Various contrivances for accomplifhing their dc-
figns, before they hit upon that which is at once
the moft eafy and the moft efiedual. In this

»57 W«HL'«) Algebra, c 5. »5« Bcd« Opera, p. 1*7. &:c.

period,

€1

'CK. 4.. LEARNING, &c. 8j

pericxl, mufic was a moft important part of a Cent. xi.
learned education^ and one of the four ibi^nces ' ^
v^liicli conftituted the quadrmtm^ or hlgheft dafs
of plillofophical learning. But the modes of
teacbing both the theory and praftice of mufic,
•w-ere fo imperfeft and incommodious^ that the
youth commonly fpent nine or ten years in the
ft\idy of it, to no great purpofe, until Guydo
Aretin, a monk of St. Croix in Italy i^ the
eleventh century, invented the' fcale or gamut
now ufed, which greatly facilitated the acquifi-
tion of this fcience '^'. The fame obfervation
. might be made concerning the methods of teach-
ing geometry, aftronomy, and all the other
fciences. Thefe methods were fo imperfeft and
perplexed, that it required much longer time,
and greater degrees of genius and application,
to make any proficiency in thefe fciences, than
it doth at prefent. For thefe reafons, we ought
rather to felicitate ourfclves on the happinefs of
our drcumftances for the acquifition of know-
ledge, than to boaft of our fuperior talents, or
infult the memory of our anceftors on account
of their ignorance, which was in a great meafure
unavoidable*

Every . intelligent and attentive reader muft Some fcj.. .
have obferved, that feveral branches of learning, mcritioncd
which are now in high efteem, and much ftudied, ^^^^^^ , .-.
have hardly been mentioned in the preceding tory.
hiftory, as particularly geography, law, and me-

>S9 Bruckeri Hift.Philofoph. t 3. p. 654.

G3 ^^^.

state of

86 HISTORY OF BRITAIN* Book I Z-'

cent. xr. dicine. . This hath not been owing to inatteij.^
tion, far lefs to any degree of difregard to thefe
parts of learning, whofe importance and utility
are undeniable, but to the real flate of things in
the ages we are now examining, in which thefe
fciences were very much neglefted. A few oh--
fervations, however, upon the ftate of thefe, and
fome other branches of learning, in this period*
may not be improper in this place*
The prodigious extent of the Roman empire
geogia- made the knowledge of geography neceffary to
^ ^' government, and at the fame time rendered the

acquifition of it eafy ; but when that mighty
empire was torn in pieces by the barbarous na-
• tions, the conneclion between its provinces was
diflblved, and their geography negledled : for
each of thefe illiterate nations, anxious to pre-
serve the province which it had feized, hj^d little
or no curiofity to know the fitu^tion and ftate of
other countries ; and the intercourfe between
thefe nations for fevcral ages was very incon-
fiderable ***^ To th^ inhabitant? qf one coun-
try, in this dark period, all the other countries
of the world were t^rra incognita ; of which they
knew nothing, and about which they gave them-
felves little or no concern. Even the learned
men of thofe ages being chiefly monks, confine4
to their cells, had little defire, and lefs oppor**
tunit)^, of knowing the fituation, extent, clit

^ See Dr. Robertfon's excellent Iliftory of Charge* V. vol. i,
p. ^»5-

CJi-4- L E A R N 1 N G, &c., «7

mate, foij, produftiona, &c. of the feveral ^cnt xif
countries of the world.. At pr^fent, indeed, a
man may become an excellent geographer, with-
out ftirring out of his elbow-chair, by the help
of books, globes, charts, maps, and mafters;
but at that time they had no fuch means of ot> *
taining this kind of knowledge. Travellers were
alfo very few; and thefe few were either pil-
grims or merchants, who travelled in quell of
relics or of riches, and not of geographical
knowledge. When all thefe circumftan^es are
. duly confldered, we ihall not be much furprifed
that geography was fo much negledcd, and fo
little known; in the ages we are now deli-
. nestting.

The Saxons, at their arrival in Britain, and j^tatc of
for a century and a half after, had no written
laws, but .were governed by certain ancient and
well-known cuftoms, like their anceftors in Ger-
many*^'. In that period, therefore, law could
.not be confldered as a fcience. Even after their
laws were committed to writing, they were for
a long time fo fliort, plain, and inartificial, tha^
litdc ftudy was required to underftand them.
Accordingly the far greateft part of the alder-
men, fiierifFs, and other judges of England,
.were for feveral ages very illiterate ; and Alfred
the Great was the firft of our Englilh kings who
made the knowledge of letters a neceffary qua-
Uncadon in thofe who were concerned in the

**' Tacit, dc Morib. German, c, 19.

G 4 adml-

HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book 11.

adminiftration of juftice'^*. But that kno^nr*
ledge, which from thenceforward was eileemed
requifite in a judge, cduld hardly be called
learning ; becaufe it confided in little more than
a capacity of reading the doomrboolc ip his mo*
' ther-^tongue. This feejns to hs^ve been all that
^as required of thofe who were called law-men
and wife-men, who were chofen to be iheriffir,
judges, and aiTeflbrs to the aldermen, in theh^
county courts '*^ Though fome collections of
the laws and canons of the church were made if^
the eleventh century, the canon law had not ac«
quired fo much authority, or afTumed fuch s^
^ regular form, ^s to be tc^ught or ftudied as s|
fcience in the ftminaries of learning in this
period "♦.
State of T*^^ define of life and health is 1?) natural to
medicine, piaukind, that the means of preferving thefe,
and of healipg wounds, bruifes, fra£kures, &c.
have been fome part of their ftu^ in ail coun-
tries, and in al} ages. But among illiterate na-
tions, like the Anglo-Saxons, the means cm?
ployed for thefe purpofes are not commonly the
refult of ftudy -and rational inveftigation ; but
confift in certain pretended feprets, or noftrums,
handed - down from one age to another, accom^
panied with many whimfical rites and incanta^
tions, to which they are fuppofed ^o owe their

>*» Affer. Vita Alfred], p. 21.

»fij Murator. Antiquitat. 1. 1. p. 4^7, &c.

f «* Bruckcn HilL Philofoph. t. 3. p. 655.

• I

Cfc-4^ L fi A R N I M 6, &c. " «9

fuccefs. In this ftitc of things, thefe medical Cent, xi.^

fecrets are for the moil part in the pofleffion of

the iDoft ignoxiaLnt of the people ; particularly of

old women, who were the mod: admired phyfi-P

dans among our Angio-Saxon anceftors, an4

feverai other nations, in the dark ages we are

now ^:camining^ <' One reafon (fays a Ie;sitne4

♦* antiquary) of the great influence of the wo-

** men among the northern nations, is this:

^^ while the men are employed in himting and

** war, the women, having much time upon

f^ thei^ hands, fpend fome part of it in ga^

** th^ring and preparing herbs, for healing

*^ wounds and curing difeafes ; and being nar

^^ turally fuperftitious, they adminifter *their me-

^* dicines with many rejigipus rites and ceror

'^ monies, which excite admiration, and make

f' the men believe that they are poffeffed of cert

** t^in fupi^rnatural feprets, and a kind of di-

?* vine Ikill '^K^- , After the Anglo-Saxons had

embraced the Chriiliah religion, they did not

look with fo favourable an eye on thofc fupcrfti^

^ous ceremonies ; and when the clergj; began to

apply a little to learning, they became dangerous

rivals to' the medical old women, who gradually

funk in their reputation. It appears, however,

from many ftories of miraculous cures« related

by the beft of our ancient hiftorians, that thefe

clerical do£|:ors were alnioft as fuperftitious as

^heir female predeceiTors, and depended more on

^5 Keyfler Antiquitat. Sept<?ntrioQ. p. 374.

HISTORy OF BRITAIN. Book II,

the virtues of holy water than of the medicines
which they adminiftcred'*"'. After Alfred the
Great fet the example of tranflating books out
of Latin into the Saxon language^ fome medical
books were tranilaced into that tongue; particu-
larly L. Apuleius, concerning the virtues of
herbs, which is flill preferved in the Bodleian
library, and is defcribed by Mr. Wanley in his
catalogue of Saxon books '^^ By this, and other
means, a few of the mod ftudious and inquifi-
tive of the clergy, and others, acquired fome
knowledge of phyiic ; and before the concluGon
of this period, there feem to have been fome
phyficians, or rather furgeons, by profeffion,
particularly in .the courts of princes. In the
court of the kings of Wales, the phyfician was
the twelftli perfon in rank, and appears to have
•been chiefly employed in healing wounds and
broken bones ; for which he had by law certain
eftablifhed fees ^^\ For curing a flefli-wound
that was not dangerous, this court phyfician was
allowed no other perquifite but fuch of the gar-
ments of the wounded perfon as were flained
with blood; but for curing any of the three
dangerous or mortal wounds, he was allowed a
fe^ of one hundred and eighty pence, and his
maintenance, or of one pound without his main-
tenance, befides the blood-ftained garments.
The three dangerous or mortal wounds were

»^" Hc(hc Hlfl Fcclcf. 1. 5. c. 3,4,5,6.

'^•'' Hickcli; Tilt iaur. t. i-p^t ^^ Leges VVallicx, p 4.^9 ^c.

thefe ;

.CK4. L E A R N I N G, &c* 91

thefe; — a wound on the head that difcoyered ^^'J^^'
the fcull, — a wound in the trunk of the body
that difcovered any of the vifcera, — and the frac-
ture of the legs or arms. If the court-phyfician
performed the operation of the trepan in curing
a wound in the head^ he was allowed four pence
extraordinary Tor performing that operation.
When he made ufe of the red ointment in
curing a wound, he naight charge twelve pence
for it; but when he ufed an ointment made of
herbs, he could only charge four pence "^^ We
are not told the ingredients nor the manner of
preparing thefe ointments; and in general, it
may be affirmed, that we are not furnifli^d with .
authentic materials for compofing a minute and
particular hiftory of phyfic in the Anglo-Saxon
times.

The moft agreeable refleftion that can be made xhe darV^
on the ftate of learning in Britain in the period ^^.^7'°^
we have been examining, is this, — ^That we have
now paffed through the moft obfcure uncom-
fortable part of that long night in which Great
Britain, and all the other nations of Europe,
were involved aftex; the fall of the Roman em-
pire, and are happily arrived upon the verge of
day. For foon after the eftablifliment of the
Norman race of kings on the throne of Eng*
land, feveral events happened which contributed
to difpel that profound darknefs which had fo
Jopg prevailed, and to uflier in the morning-

1^9 Le^es Wallicae, p. 44, &c.

,>
/

92 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Riok II,

Cent. XI. Bglit of learning ; fo that wc may fafely promife
thofe who have had the patience to attend us in
this moft gloomy part of our journey, more
agreeable entertainment in all the fucceeding
ftages. X

•Now at laft the facred iniluence

^' Of light appears, and from th<! walk of ItcaTCtt
«< Shoots far into the bofom of dim night
f* A gliinxneriDg dawn «7c."

V"^ Milton's Paradlfe Loftj Book s. fub fin.

►-^->-.

THE

HISTORY

O F

GREAT BRITAIN.

BOOK II.

CHAP. V.

The hijhry of Arts in Great Britain^ from the
arrival of the Saxons y A. D. 449, to the landing
af WiViam duke of Normandy, A. D. 1066.

HE arts are fo neceffary to the fupport. Import-
and fo conducive to the comfort of human arts!**

life, that they are of the greatefl: importance to
mankind in every age and country. Without
the arts, the natural fecundity of the earthy the
genial warmth of the fun, ^nd the regular revo-
lutions of the feafons, are of fmall avail: but
by the almoft creative power of art, barren de-^
ferts are converted into fertile fields, covered
with lowing herds, or golden harvefts, inter-
fperfed with pleafant villages, populous towns,
«md crowded cities. By the help of art. xnan-

4 VJ^ad

94 HISTORY OF BRITAIN, Book tf -

kind acquire a kind of dominion over nature,
penetrate into the bowels of the earth, travel
* over the waves of the fea on the wings of the
wind, and m&ke all the elements fubfervfent ta
their purpofes. In one word, the arts are the
great means of promoting the populoufnefs^
power, and greatnefs, of dates and kingdoms^
as well as the felicity of individuals; and there-
fore few, we apprehend, will blame us for giving
them a place in hiftory. If this had been aU
ways done, the annals of mankind would have
been more inftruftive and entertaining than they
are. But, unhappily, the mufe of hiftory hath
been fo much in love with Mars, that fhe hath
converfed but little with Minerva.

Decline of '^^^ ^^^5» ^^^^ ^^^ Other human things, are
thc^artsin liable to viciffitudes : they often change theJr
* ^ feats ; and flourifh at one time, and languifh at
another, in the fame country. In the Roman
times, as we have already feen, the arts were in
a very flourifhing ftate in this iiland, particularly
in provincial Britain '• But when the Roman
power began to decline, the arts began to lan«
gui(h; and the mod fkilful artifts of all kinds,
dreading the depredations of the Saxons, Scots,
and Pifts, and finding neither fecurity nor em-
ployment in this iiland, gradually retired to the
continent. The final departure of the Romans-,
with the arrival of the Saxons,^ stnd the ruinous
wars that followed, finiihed the deftru£lion of

' Scebogks.Cj.

tfee

Ch. s^\ 'i'HE ARTS.

the arts. For the daftardly unwarlike Btitons^
no^t daring to face their fierce invaders in the
fxeld, took ihelter behind thofe walls and ram*
psurts which the Romans had erefted^ which
dre^ upon them the defperate attacks of the
SsLXons, who never refted till they had laid them
a.11 in ruins. In the courfc of thefe wars, one
city was taken and deftroyed after another; fo
tliat, before the full eftablifhment of the hep-
rsirchy^ almoft all the beautiful monuments of
Roman art and induftry in Britain were ruined or
defaced. An ancient writer who was an eye-
'witnefs of thefe fcenes of defolation, hath painted
them in very ftrong colours. '^ A fire was
** kindled by the facrilegious hands of the
^* Saxons, which fpread from city to city, and
*' never ceafed until it had burnt up the whole
** furface of the ifland, from fea to fea, with its
flaming tongue/ The walls of all the colo-
nies were beat down to the ground with bat-
'^ tering rams, and their inhabitants flain with
** the point of the fword. Nothing was to be
^^ feen in the ftreets, O horrible to relate ! but
** fragments of ruined towers, temples, and
** walls, fallen from their lofty feats, befprinkled
" with blood, and mixed with mangled car-
'* cafes *.*' This barbarous and deftrudtive me*
thod of proceeding was partly owing to the na-
tural ferocity of the Saxons, and partly to the
•obftinate refiflance of the Britons j by which

* Hiftoria Cildsc c. 24

that

€€
«€

■T

Plan of
this «hap«
tcr.

Arts of

jprocuring

iogd.

Huati|ig«

HlSTORT OF BRITAIN. Book 11;

that beautiful country^ which the one flruggled
to conquer, and the other to defend, was (tripped
of all its ornaments in the fcuffle. At the end
of thofe Iong( wars, when the Saxons obtained
pofleiiion of the fineft provinces of Britain^ by
the extirpation of their ancient inhabitants, they
were really a barbarous and unhappy people,
deflitute of the mofk deiirable accominodationsy
and of the arts by which they are procured 1
without models to imitate, or mafters to teach
them thefe arts* By this means we are once more
reduced to the difagreeable neceflify of viewing
the arts, both neceflfary and ornamental, in a
very rude imperfeft ftate. An unpleafant ob-
jeft ! on which our readers of the beft tafte will
not wifli us to dwell long.

In delineating the (late of the arts in this pe^
riod, we fhall obferve the fame order as in the
foi^mer; beginning with thofe which are necef-
fary to the fupport and - prefervation of human
life, and may therefore be called the neceifary
arts; and concluding with thofe which admi-
nifter to its deb'ght^ and may therefore be called
the pleafing or ornamental arts.

As nothing is fo neceffary to the pfefervatiori
of human life as food, thofe arts by which it is
procured muft be of all others the moft neceflary'j
which are chiefly thefe four, hunting, pafturage^
filhing, and agriculture.

Casfar and Tacitus feem to differ in their ac-
counts of the ancient Germaiis, the anceftors of
the Anglo-Saxons, with rcfpecl to hunting; the

fornier

Ch. 5^ THE A R T S. 97

• - * • * ^ '

former affirming, that ^hey fpcnt their whole
time in hunting when they were not engaged in
war; and the latter, that when they were not at
War, they were not very much addifled to hunt-
ing, but fpent the greateft part of their time in
idlenefs or feafting '. The teafoh of thefe dif-
ferent accounts, which were probably both true,
feems to bie this, that when Ciaefar wrote, which
was near two centuries before Tacitus, hunting
was not merely an amufement among the Ger-
mans, but an art on which they very much de-
pended for their fubfiftence ; but when Tacitus .
wrote, agriculture was fo much improved, that
hunting was no Ibnger^a neccffary art, but ra-
ther a diverfion, which they followed only when
they were prompted by inclination, and not by
neceffity. However this may be, it is fuffi--
ciently certain, that though bur Anglo-Saxon ^
anceftors did not difdain to ufe the game which
they had caught in hunting; yet they did riot
very much depend upon it for their fubfiftence ;
and therefore as hunting amongft them was rather
a diverfion thah a neceffary art, it will fall more
naturally in our way in another place *•

At the arrival of the Anglo-Saxons, this ifland
abounded in numerous flocks and herds, which ^*^"^«i?^'
thefe conquerors feized, and paftured for their
own ufe ; and after their fettlement they ftill
continxied to follow pafturage as one of the

J CaefardcBcl. Gal. 1. 6- c. %i. Tacit deMorib. German, c. 15.
4"^5ccChap. 7.

Vol, IV. H Av\^5

9* HISTOkY OF BRITAIN. BmIc II.

chief metas of their fubiifience. This is evident
from the great number of laws that iwiere^made

' in the Anglo-Saxon times, for regulating the
prices of all kinds of tame cattle> dire&ing t3x
manner in which they were to be paftuved, and
for preferving them from thieves> robbers, and
beafts of prey '. As the Welft in this period,
from the nature of their country^ and other cir*
cumftances, depended ftill more on their flocks
and herds for their fupport, their laws refpe^Ung
pafturage were more numerous and minute than
thofe of the Saxons ^ From thefe laws we
learn, among many other particulars which need
not be mentioned, that all the cattle of a vil*
lage, though belonging to different owners, were

, paftiired together in one herd, under the diredion
of one perfon (with proper affiftants) ; whofe oath,
in all difputes about the cattle under his care, was
dedfive \

Fifliisg* When we'confider the fituation of the coun*
tries inhabited by our Anglo-Saxon anceftors,
both on the continent and in this ifland, having
lb great a tra& of fea-coaft, and fo many fine
rivers, abounding with fifh of all kinds, we can
hardly fuppofe that they were ignorant of the
art of fifliing; We arc aiTured, however, by
venerable Bede, that the South-Saxons were fo
ignorant of this very necefiary and ufeful art> that
they could catch no other fifh but eels, ^iii they

5 Wilkins Leges Saxon, pafiim, ^ Legei WalHca, pafTim.

7 Id. p. 9^. *

were

CL.'s. THE A i T S, &c. f9

Were iAftruftcd by Wilfred bifliop of York, and
lus follower^, who took ihelter in their country
A, D. 678. The people of the little kingdom
biF Suflex were at this time aiSlifted with fuch a
dreadful famine, that great numbers of them
|)eri{hed with hunger^ and others precipitated
^hemfelves from the rocks into the fca in de-
ifpair. •* When the bifhop (fays Bede) came
*^ into this kingdom, and beheld the miferable .
^^ havock that was made by the famine, he
*' taught the poor people to procure fome fuf-
" tehancc for themfelves by fifliing, ]f or though

** their fea and rivers abounded with fifli, they
^'* had not IkiU to catch any of thehi but a few
** eeh. Having, therefore, collefted all the
^ eel-nets he could procure, the hifbop fent his

own fervants, with fome others, out to Tea;

where, by the divine blefUng, they caught
•* three hundred fifhes, of various kinds j which
*' he divided into three equal parts, beftowing

one hundred on the^ poor people of the coua«

try, another on thofe to whom thd nets be-
" longed, and keeping the third for the ufe of
" his own family. The bifliop gained the af-
" feftions of the people of Suflfex to a won-
** dcrful degree, by teaching them this ufeful
" art ; and they liftened more willingly to his
** preaching,' from whom they had received fo
^* great a temporal benefit •/* After the Chrif-
tian religion was fully eftablifhed in all the king-

« Bed. Hlil. EccleC 1 4. c. 14.

H 2 ^OVM

tc
cc

104 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book IX

doms of the heptarchy^ the art of fiOiing became
neceflary on a religious account, as both the
clergy and laity lived , fome part of the year,
chiefly on fi(h. This art feems to have beea
pradtifed chiefly, if not wholly, by a particular
let of flaves, in thofe times, who were bought
and fold, together with their wives and children,
the implements of their trade, and the places
where they fifhed *. We learn alfo from the laws
of Ina king of Weflex, that fome part of the rent
of thofe farms which lay on the banks of rivers
was paid in fiih; which obliged the ceorls who
occupied thofe farms to employ fome of their ilaves
in fifliing "^
Agricui- As agriculture. is one of the moft excellent and
amongthe ufeful arts, and the chief means of improving and
Britons. Jncreafing the produftions of the earth, for the
fupport of human life, it me;rits our particular
attention in every period. We have already
fcen, that this noble art had been carried to fo
great perfection in provincial Britain in tlie
flourifhing timiss of the Roman government, that
^it afforded very great quantities of corn annually
for exportation". But agriculture, like all the
other arts^ declined with the declenfion of -the
Roman power in Britain, and was almoft de-
ftroyed by the departure of that induflrious
people. This, however, was not fo much owing
to want of ikill in the Britifh hufbandmen, who
had been inftruded by the Romans, as to the

» Du Cangc Gloff. toc. Pifcatorest'

1° Spdman Gloff. voc. Firma* ^ See vol. x. p* xo/*

cruel

Ch. J. T H E A R T S. xoi

cruel and frequent incuriions of the Saxons,
Scots 9 and Pi&s, who both deft royed the fruits
of their labours, and interrupted them in the
cxercife of their art. For when they enjoyed
foihe ,refpite from thefe incurfions for a few years^
and were allowed to cultivate their lands in peace,
thefe produced, as we are told by Gildas, the
greateft abundance of all kinds of grain '\ Aftet
the arrival of the Saxons, the unhappy Britons
were involved in fuch long wars, and fo many
calamities, that they gradually loft much of
their {kill in agriculture, and were at laft expelled
from thofe parts of their country that were fitteft
for cultivation. We need not be furprifed, there-
fore, that the pofterity of the ancient Britons,
after they w^r^ copfined to the mountains of
Wales, were but unlkilful hufbandmen ; and that
they applied more to pafturage than to agricuU
ture. This is evident from their laws, by which
many mulfts, and even the prices of men*$ lives
of all ranks, are appointed to be paid in cattle *\ ,
It appears, however, from thefe very laws, tha{
agriculture was confidered by the ancient Britons
of this period as ^an objetl of very great im-
portance, and made the fubjed of many regula-
tions. By one of , thefe laws,' they were pro«p
hibited to plough with horfes, mares, or cows,
but only with oxen "*. Their ploughs feem to
hjtve been very flight and inartificial j for ic wa^^

» Hiftoria Gildae^ c. 19.

|3 LegoB WaHicac, p. x^^-^ti, »o», «o^, aoj..
H Id. p. 283.

^2 ^^&«^»

HISTORY OF 'BRITAIN. Book II.

enadted, that no man ihould undertake to gvadt
a plough who could not tnake one ; and that the
driver ihoqld make the ropes of twifted willows^
with which it was drawn M. But flight a^ thefe
ploughs were^ it was ufual for fix or eight pe&
fens to form t^emfelves into a fociety for fitting
out one of them> and providing it with oxen^
and every thing neceflfary for ploifghing { and
many minute and curious laws were n^ade for
the regulation of fuch focieties'*. This is a
fufEcient proof both of the poverty of the ^ huC-
bandmen, and of the imperfed ftate of ^gricu^
ture among the ancient Britons, in this period.
If any perfon laid dung v^pon a fie^, with the^
confent of the proprietor, he was by law allowed
the ufe of it for one year ; and if the dung was,
earned out on a cart, in great abundance, he
was allowed the [ufe of the field, for three years.
Whoever ctit down a wood, and converted the
ground into arable, with the confent of the
owner, was to have the ufe of it five years. If
any man folded his cattle fpr a whole year upon
a piece of ground belonging to another, with
his confent, he was allowed to cultivate tfaa^
ground for his own benefit four years '\' All
thefe laws were evidently made for the encou-
ragement of agriculture, by increafing the quan-
tity, and improving the quality of their arable
grounds!* 'fhe Britifh legiflators of this perio^

■I Leges Wallicsy p. aSj,
»7 Id. p. 5»., &Q, " '

^ Id. ibvi-

f » \t

d^icoy^

Ch. 5^ T H E A R T S, &c. loj

difcover the greateft poffible amdety For the ptt«>

fenration of the fruits of the earth, and the

labours of the hufl)aiicliaan ^ there being no

kwct than eighty-fix laws made for guarding

them £rom every injury, or for repsuring the in«

Juries which they fuftained "•. Nor was all this

care unneceflary, in an open country, where

<:attle very much abounded, and corn was very

icarce and precious. It is highly probable that

agriculture was in the fame, or p^haps in a mort

impeifeft ftate, among the Scots and Pids, in

th^ northern parts of this ifland ; though we caii

fay nothing with certainty on that fubjed^ for

want of authentic monuments. The ancient

Britons in diis period were not abfolutely ignorant

of the art of gardening; though their gardens

feem to have produced nothing but a few apples

and pot-herbs, with flax^ leeks, and onions '^

I t is now time to take a ihort view of the

Hate of agriculture among the Anglo-Saxons in

this period.

The ancient Germans, from whom our Anglo- Anonir
Saxon anceftors derived their origin and man* jj^^ ^^^
ners, were not much addi^ed to agriculture,
but depended chiefly on their flocks and herds
for their fubfiflence **. Thefe reflilefs and
haughty warriors efteemed the cultivation of
their lands too ignoble and laborious an employ-
i^ent for themfelves, and therefore committed, it

*• Leges Wailicxy p. aS— 998- *' W-. p. » 6.

^ Strab04 h 7. Cseiar de Bd. Gal, L 6,

H 4 vl^o^i

.»04 HISXORY OF BRITAIN. BqokIL

wholly to their women and Haves *\ They ivcrc
even at pains to contrive laws to prevent their cqh-
tra£ling a tafte for agriculture, left it iliould
Tender them lefs fond of arms and warlike expedi-
tions ^\ Tbofe who inhabited the fea-coails,
and particularly the Angles, lutes, Danes, and
jSaxons, were fo much ^d^iGted to piracy, and
depended fo much on plunder for their fubfifl:«
ence, that they were more averfe to, and more;
IgQorant of agriculture, than the other Germans.
From all thefe circumftances, we may be very
certain, that the Anglo-Saxons, at their arrival
in this ifland, were much beeper warriors than
' hufbandmen, more expert at wielding the fword
' than guiding the plough. For fome time after
their arrival, fighting was their only bufmefs }
becaufe corn, and all other provifions, were
furnifhed to th^ir hands by the Briton;, accprding
to agreement. Even after the commencement of

hoftilities between them and the Britons, they

. . . • ■ , »

fubfiited chiefly by plunder, until they had ob-
tained an eftablifhment, by the expulfion or ex-
' tirpation of the greatefl part of (he ancient inha-
bitants, whofe lands they c^ivided among(t them-
felves. Having then iio enemies to plund.ei;,
they found it neceffary to give fome attention to
the cultivation of their lands, in order to raife
thofe provifions which they could no longer pro*
f ure by the poin| of their fwords.

*» Tacit, de Morib* German, c. 15, »» Id. c. %6.

'The

.Cai-5- T H E A R T S. 105

The Saxon princes and great men, who, ia
^he divifion of the conquered lands^ obtained
the largelt fhares, are faid to have fubdivided
their eftates into two parts,' which were called
the inlands and the outlands* The inlands
ivere thofe which lay mod contiguous to the
imaniion-houfe of their owner, which he kept ia
his own immediate poiTeflion, and cultivated by
his flaves, under the direftioh of a bailiflP, for the - ,
purpofe of raifing provifions for his family. The
outlands were thofe which lay at a greater dif-
tance from the manfion-houfe^ and were let to
the ceorls or farmers of thofe times^ at a certain
tent ; which was very moderate, and generally
paid in kind *\ The owners of land were not
at liberty to exaft as high a rent from their ceorls
or tenants as they could obtain ; but the rates of
thefe rents were afcertained by law, according to
the number of hides, or plough lands, of which a
farm conGfted, The reafon of this feems to have
been, that the firft ceorls or farmers among the
Anglo-Saxons were freemen and foldiers, and
had contributed to the conqueft of the country
by their arms, and were therefore entitled to be
treated with indulgence, and protefted by law
from the oppreflion of their fuperiors. By the
laws of Ina king of the Weft-Saxons, who
flouriftied in the end of the feventh and beginning
iof the eighth century, a farm confiftiiig ef ten
. hides or plough-lands was to pay the following

43 Reliquiae Spelmanianaej p. xi.

tent.

fQ€ HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Bookn.

rent, viz. ten caiks of honey ^ — three hufldred
loares of bread, — twelve cafks of ftrong ak^
—thirty caflcs of fmall ale,^ — two oxen^*-^
tea wethers, — ten geefe, — twenty beh$,-— tern
cheefe$,— one caflc of butter,— five falmon-^
twenty ' pounds of forage^— and one hundred
eels ^. There feems to be fome oiiftake in the
quantity of forage, which is too trifling to be
mentioned, and the whole rent is very low, ia
proportion to the quantity of land ; which may
be confidered as an evidence, both of the free
and comfortable condition of the ceorls, and of
the imperfeft ftate of agriculture among the
Saxons. In fome places thefe rents were paid in
wheat, rye, oats, malt, flour, hogs, Iheep, &c.
according to the nature of the farm, or the cuftom
of the country *^ There is, however, fufficient
evidence, that money-rents for lands were not
altogether unknown in England in this period **.
The greatefl: part of the crown lands in every
county were farmed in this manner, by ceorls,
who paid a certain quantity of provifions of dif-*
ferent kinds, for the fupport of the king's houfe-
hold, according to the nature and extent of the
lands which they poflefled *^ " We have beea
*^. informed (fays the author of tHe black book
" in the exchequer), that in ancient times our
*' kings received neither gold nor filver from
^' their tena,nts, bu^t only provifions for the daily

M Wilkins Lfgcs Saxon, p. a^^. »5 Spelman Glofi*. yoc. Firma.
^^ Hiftoria £ltenfi;», ]. z. c^ 51^. K Id. ibrij.

[

r
€t

01. 5* T H E A R T S, *€.

$^ ufe of \hciT boufehold ; and the officers vrha
were appointed to manage the king's lands,
knew very well what kinds^ and what quan-
tities of provifions every tenant was obliged to
pay. '^'his cuftom continued even after the
conqueft, during the whole reign of William I. ;
and I TXjjkU have converfed with feveral old
pe^Ie who had feen the royal tenants paying
*' their rcnt^ in feveral kinds of provifions at the
** king's court *\'* In fome other countries of
Europe, in this period, particularly in Italy, the
rents of lands confided in a certain proportion
(moft commonly the fourth or fifth part) of the
" different kinds of grain which thefe lands pro-
duced**. But in England the rents of land
were much lower, on account of the more im-
perfedt ftate of agriculture. If the lownefs of
the rents of lands iii England in this period is a
proof of the imperfeflion of agriculture, the low-
nefs of their prices when they were fold is ftill a
ft^onger evidence of the fame faft, as well as of
the great fcarclty of money. In the ancient
hiftory of the church of Ely, publifhed by Dr.
Qaic, the curious reader will meet with accounts
of many purchafes of lands that were made by
jEdelwold, the founder of that church, and by
pther btnefaftors, in the reign of Edgar the
Peaceable, in the tenth century ^\ By carefully
comparmg all thefe accounts together, it plainly

^ Liber nigcr Scacjcarii, 1. i. c. 7.

*9 Murator. ADtiq, t. ». p. 353. -

f» Hift. Britan. xir. ^ Tho. Gale edit. %, i. p. 477, &c.

lof

«o« HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book IX.

appears, that the ordinary price of a^ acre of the
beft land, in that part of England, in thofe
times, was fixteen Saxon pennies, or about four
fhillings of our money: z very trifling price
indeed, not only in toniparifon of the prices of
land in our times, but even in comparifon of the
prices of other commodities in thofe very times^
For in the fame hiftory of the church of Ely, we
are told, that bifliop iEthelwold, and abbot Brith-
noth, in paying for an eftate which they had pur-
ichafed for that churchy gave twenty (heep for
twenty Saxon (hillings, and one pajfrey for ten
of thefe Ihillings, of the price ; from whence it
follows, that four Iheep were then of the fame
value with one acre of the beft land, and one
Jiorfe of the fame value with three acres *'. This is
fo exceedingly different from the prefent ftate of
things, that it would appear quite incredible, if
it was not fupported by the moft unqueftionable
evidence. The frequent and deplorable famines
which afflidted England, from time to time, in
the courfe of this period, and carried off great
multitudes of its inhabitants, afford a further
and more melancholy proof of the wretched ftate
of cultivation'*. In particular, there was fo,
great a fcarcity of grain A.D. 1043, ^^^^ ^
quarter of wheat fold for lixty Saxon pennies,
which contained as much filver as fifteen of our
Ihillings, and 'were equal in value to feven or

3« Hift. Britan. xv. a Tho. Gale edit. t. i- p. 471.
i* Chron. Saxon, p. 6$^ 123. X34.. iS7, &:c.

Ch. i. ^ 1" H £ A ft t Si 100

eight pounds of our money ^': a moft extra*
vagam price, v;hich inuft have involved not only
the poor, but even thofe in the middle ranks of
?, in the moft extrenie diftrefs. .In one word>
have fufEcient evidence, that England, which
in the Roman times was one of the great gra-
naries of Europe, aiid afforded prodigious quan-
tities of corn for exportation, was fo ill cultivated
by the Anglo-Saxons, that in the moft favourable
feafons it yielded only a fcanty provifion for its
own inhabitants, and in unfavourable feafons
was a fcene of the moft deplorable diftrefs and
fcarcity.

When this was the ftate of agriculture,, it will Praaicct
not be proper to fpend much time in delineating gio-Saxon
the pradices of the Anglo-Saxon huft)andmen. Jc?*"^*
They' ploughed, fowed, and harrowed their
fields J but as all thefe operations were performed
by wretched flaves, who had little or no intereft
in their fuccefs, we may be certain that they
were executed in a very , flovenly and fuperficial
manner: their ploughs were very flight, and
(like thofe of the people of Shetland at prefent)
had but one ftilt or handle '*. Though water-
mills for grinding corn were well knqwn to the

Wifigoths ict Spain, and the Longobards in
Italy, as appears from the ancient laws of thefe
nations, the Anglo-Saxons feem to have been
unacquainted with them during fome part of this

31 Chron. Saxon p. 15T.

H Bcdac Hift. Abbit. Wcrcmuthcn. p. 496.

peTio^li

I t I ■

U* lltSTORY OF BRITAIN. Bookli;

period ; and had no better way of convettia^
their corn into meal, than by grinding it in hand-
mills that were turned by women« By the hcwt
of Ethelben.king of Kent, a particular mul^
was impofed upon any man who debauched the
king^s grinding maid''. Ina king of Weffeit
made feveral laws for the inclofing of arable
lands, and regulating the proportion of groundt^
to be left in tillage at the departure of a tenant '*i
The lands belonging to the monafteries were by
much the beft cultivated ; becaufe the feculftr
canons who pofleffed them fpent fome part of
their time in cultivating their own lands. Ve-
nerable Bede, in his life of Eafterwin abbot of
Weremouth, tells us, ** That this abbot, being
** a ftrong man, and of a humble difpofitioni
^^ ufed to aiSfl his monks in their rural labours,
*' fometimes guiding the plough by its ftilt ot
** handle, fometimes winnowing corn, and fome-
*' times forging inftruments of hufbandry with a
** hammer upon an anvil '\" For in thofe
times the hulbandmen were under a neceflity of
making many implements of hufbandry with their
own hands.
Art of When' the arts and pra£kices of the hufband*

^^^* man were IR imperfefl, it cannot be fuppofed
that thofe of the gardener had mzdt greattr
progrefs. There is, however, fufficient evidence^
that gardens were cultivated, and fruit-trees

Jf Witkins LcgC8 Saxon, p. j, s5 jj, p; ^^^

V Bedtt Hift. Abbat^ WeremuUi. p. 296. ^

planted

CC
CC

Ch.j. THE A R T S^ atd tit

plantfd and kigrafced^ in this period^ particularly
by ^he monks. Bridinod^ ths fivil abbot of Ely,
is ccksbi^ieA for his M\\ m gftrdening, and for
the execlkot gardens and orcbards whtcK be
made near that monaftery. ^^ He. performed
another great and ufefui work^ which I think
it is proper to rehtte to bis ptaife. Being Qdi*
^ fill in the arts of planting and gardening, and
** coofideriog that the place would be t&ort
•* plcafant and beautiful if it was furrounded with
** plantations, be laid out very extcnfive gardens
^' and orchards, which he hlkd with a great
variety of harbs^ fhrubs, and fruit-trees^ In a
few years, the trees which he planted and ingia£t*
cdy appeared at a diftance like a wood, loaded
with the mofl esxellent fruits in great abundance,
*^ and added miuch to dae commbdioufnels and
y beauty of the place **/*

The ufefui and neceflary art of irchite^ure Architec-
fufi^red no lefs than that of agriculture, by the '"^^'
departure of the Romans. That ingenious and
adive people, with the afliftance of their Britifh
fubjcfts, who were inftrufUd by them, had
adorned' their dominions in this ifland with a pro-
digious number of elegant and magnificent ftruc-
tures, both for public and private ufe'^: Some
of thdfe ftrufhires were built with, fo much foli-
dity, that they would have refifted all the attacks
of time^ and remained to this very day, if they

^ liia« EUenC a|iud. Galr, 1. jri <k t«

lie HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book II.

had not been wilfully deftroyed^. This i^ras

done by the Anglo-Saxons in the courfe of their

long wars againft the unhappy Britons : for it

feems to have been a maxim with thefe ferocious

conquerors, to deftroy all the towns and caftles

which they took from their enemies, inftead of

preferving them for their own ufe.

Among I^ cannot be fuppofed, that a people ixrho

the Anglo- wantonly demoliflied fo many beautiful and ufe»

ful ftruftures, had any tafte for the arts by which

they had been ere£ked. The truth is, that the

Anglo-Saxons, at their arrival . in this ifland;

were almoit totally ignorant of thefe arts, and,

like iall the other nations of Germany, had been

accuflomled to live in wretched hovels, built of

wood or earth, and covered with ftraw or thtf'

branches of trees : nor did they much improve m

the knowledge of architecture for two hundred

years after their arrival**. During that period,

mafonry was quite unknown and unpraAifed in

this iiland: and the walls even of cathedra^

churches were built of wood. " Thfere was a

^' time (fays venerable Bede) when there was not

*^ a {tone church in. all the land j but the cuftom

*' was to build them all of wood. — Finan, the

^^ fecond biihop of Lindisfarne, or Holy-ifland,

" built a church in that ifland A. D. 652, for a

*' cathedral, which yet was not of ftone, but of

40 The fjimous edifice, called Arthur^ $ Own, on the banks of the
Carron in Scotland, which was almoft quite entire when it was
taken down A.D. 174a} is a fufificient proof of this.

^* Cluvcr. Antiq. German, p. 86, 5cc.

** wood,

Cli-if; THE 11 R 1* S. "^ • 113

•* 'woodj and covered with rieeds ; and fo it coii-
^* tinued, till Eadbert, the facceflbr of St, Cuth-
bert, and feventh bifhop of LindtsfarnC) took
a\w^ay the reeds, and covered it all over, both
** roof and walls, with fheets of lead.'^*:" The
fiift cathedral of York was built of the fanie
.materials ; and a church of ftone was efteemed a
kind of prodigy in thofe times that merited a
place in hiftory. " Paulinus, the firft "bilhop of
** York, built a church of ftone iii th^ city of
*•' Lincoln, whofe walls (fays Bede) are ftill
ftandingj though the roof is fallen down ; and •
feme healing miracles arq wrought in it every
year, for the benefit of thofe who have the
« faith to feek them "'•"-

There does not feem to have been fo niuch as }^ 5'^^*-'

land.

bne church of ftone, nor any artifts who could
build one, in all Scotland, at the beginning of
the eighth century. For Naitan king of the
Pifts, in his famous letter to Ceolfred abbot of
Weremouth, A. D. 710, earneftly intreats him
to fend him fome mafons to build a. church of
ftone in his kingdom, in imitation of the Ro-
mans ; which 'he promifes to dedicate to the ho-
nour of the apoftle Peter, to whom the abbey of .
Weremouth was dedicated : and we are told by
Bede, who was then living in that abbey, that
the reverend abbot Geolfred granted this pious •
requeft, and fent mafons according to his defire

4«

4» BedK Hiflr. Ecclcf. 1. 3. c.>. 1. 3. c. 25. ^3 Id. 1. a. C. 16,

4* Id. 1- 5. c. ai«

Vol. IV. I M^fo^^'S

H4 Al STORY OF BRITAIN. BookB;

wftorei Mafonry was rcftored, and^fome otker zt»
in £ng« conoeftcd with it introduced into England, to-
^^\ wards the end of the feventh century, by two
clergymen, who were gr^at travella's, aid had
often vifited Rome^ where they bad acquired
fome taflie for thefe arts. Thefe were, the &-
nious Wilfrid bifhop of York, and afterwards
ct Hexham, and Benedift Bifcop^ founder of
the abbey of Weremouth* Wilfrid, who was
one of the mod ingenious, adive, and magni-
ficent prelates of the feventh century, was a
great builder, and ereded feveral flru&ures at
York, Ripp6n, and Hexham, which were the

admiration of the age in which he flouriflied **.
The cathedral of Hexham, which was one of
thefe ftruftur^, is thus defcribed by his bio-
grapher : ** Having obtained a piece of ground
** at Hexham from queen Etheldreda, he there
*f founded a moft magnificent church, which he
** dedicated to the blefled apoftle St. Andrew*
•' As the plan of this facred ftrufture feems tQ
" have been infpired by the fpirit of. God, it
" *' would require a genius much fuperior to mine
«' to defcribe it properly. How large and ftrong
<« were the fubterraneous buildings, conftrufted
^* of the fineft poliflied ftones ! How magnifi.
<* cent the fupcrftrudure, with its lofty roof,
y *< Aipported by many pillars, its long and high
** walls, its fublime towers, and winding ftalrs I
•* In one word, there is no church on this fide

45 Eddii Vita Wilfiidi, c. i6, 17. az.

^ /

cLy. THE ART^S: its

^ of the Alps fo great and beaiitiful ^•^^ tiii^
admired edifice, of ti^iich fome veftiges are ftill
l-emalning, was buik b/ nlafdns, and other arti^
ficers> brought from Rbiiie, by the munificence
of its generous founder *^ Bcnedidl Bifcop wad
the cotemporary and compahiofa of Wilfrid in'
ibme of his journies^ and had the fame tafle for
the arts **. He made no fewer than fix joumies
to Rome, chiefly with a view of colle£ting books^
pi£lures, ftatues, and other curiolities, and of
perfuaiding artificers of various kinds to come
from Italy and France, and fettle in fengland; ^

Having obtained a grant of a corifiderable eftate
from Ecgfrrd king of Northumbetlaildj neaf the
mouth of the river Were, he there founded a
monaftery A* D. 674* ** About a yeaif after the
" foundations of this tnonaftery werd laid. Be-
^ nedift croffed the fea into France, whete he
** collefted a number of mafons, and brought
** them over with him, in otder to build the
" church of his monaftery of ftonci, after the
" Roman manner ; of which he vi^as a gtcat ad*
*' mirer^ His love to the apoftk Peter, to
•* whom he defigiied to dedidate his churchy
" made him urge thefd workmen to labour fd
** hard, that mafs was celebrated m it about 2I
" year after it was fdundcd. When the work
*' was iar advanced, he fent agehts into france^
to ptocUre, if polfible^ fome glafs-mstkei-Sj ^

<«

46 Eddii Vita WilfrkU, c. a»,

^ W. Malmf. de Ocftii Pontific. 1. 3. ^ M. ibii.

ii6 HISTORY 0,F BRITAIN. Bo«k IL

<* kind of artificers quite unknown in England,
•* and to bring them over to glaze the windows
*' of his (Church and monaftery, Thefe agents
«^ were fuccefsful, and brought feveral glafs-
. •* makers with them ; who not only performed
** the work required by Benedift, but inftru£bed
" the Englifli in the art of /making glafs for
** windows, lamps, drinking- veffels, and other
** ufes*^''
rtof From this authentic account, it appears, that

giafb."^ It is now about eleven hundred years fince this
' very elegant and ufeful art of making glafs was
brought into England. Before that period, the
windows of ,houfes and churches were filled
either with linen cloth, or with lattices of wood.
This we learn from the following accoimt given
by William of Malmfbury, of the great repara-
tions that were made on the cathedral of York,
by bifliop "Wilfrid, -about the fame time, and.
with the affiftance of the fame artificers. ^' The
holy bifliop was much grieved to fee the de-
caying and almoft ruinous ftate of the cathe-
*' dral church of York, which had. been built
by king Edwin at the defire of Paulinus j and
immediately fet about the reparation of it,
'^ He reftored the roof, and covered it with
(heets of leadj white wafhed the walls 'with
lime, and put glafs into the windows; fome.
of which' had before admitted the light through

49 Bedse Hift. Abbat. Wcnemuthen.

•< £ne

C6
Cf

Cii.5. THE ARTS. 117

" fine linen cloths, and others through- lat-
« tices 'V

But though thefc arts of building edifices of ^[j^i^^jngs
ftone, with windows of glafs, and other orna- rare in
ments, were thus introduced by thefe two pre- in"fhe"
htes in the latter part of the feventh century, n-^t^*^,^^^
-they do not feem to have flouriftied much for tunes,
feveral centuries. It appears from many inci-
dental hints io our ancient hiftorians, that (lone
buildings wer^ ftill very rare in the eighth and
ninth ages, and that when any fuch buildings
were erefted, they were the objefts of much ad^
'miration^ When Alfred the Great, towards the
end of the ninth century, formed the defign of

rebuilding his ruined cities, churches, and mo^

nafteries, and of adorning his dominions with

more magnificent ftruftures, he was obliged to

bring many of his artificers from foreign coun^

tries, «' Of thefe (as wd are told by his friend

^' and companion, Aflerius) he had an almoft

" innumerable multitude, collefted from dif-

I " ferent nations ; many of them the mod e^p-

; " cellent in their feveral arts ".*' Nor i« it the ^

►^leaft praife of this illuflrious prince, that he was

; the greateft builder and the beft archited of the

. age in which he flourifhed. His hiftorian, who

^as an eye-witnefs of his works, fpeaks in the

followino: ftrain of admiration of the number of i

{lis buildings : ** What fhall I fay of the towns

50 w. Malmf. de Gcflis Pontific. p. 14^
i} J^er. de Alfred! Rebus geftis, p. ao.

« ♦

III HISTOHY OF BRITAIN. Book IT.

^^ and cities which he repaired, and of others
^^ which he built from the foundation wiierc
♦* there had been none before '*?*' Some of* hin
buildings were alfo magnificent for that age,
pnd of a ndw and fingular conftrudion j particu-
larly the church of his new monaftery of jSEcbe?
lingey ; of which the reader may fee a plsufi in
the work quoted below''. This church, how-
ever, was built only of wood; and it feem$
probable that Alfred^§ buildings were in general
more remarkable for their number and utility,
than for their grandeur: for there is fufficienf
evidence, that long after his time, almoft all the
houfes in England, and the far greateft part of
the monafteries and churches, were very mean
buildings, conftrufted of wood, and coyered
with thatch. Edgar the Peaceable, who flou-
pfhed after the middle of the tenth century, ob»
ferved, that at his acceflSon to the throne, all
th? wionaftcrics in England were in a ruinous
condition, and confifted only of rotten boards'*.
Though the art of making glafs was introducecj
in the feventh century, yet it was afterwards fo
puch npglefbed, that no private ho^fes had glaft
windows till after the conclufion of this period '^
In a word, feyeral of our ?incient hiftorians
^ figrep, that the Anglo-Saxon nobility had no
jtafte fox magnificenc biiildings, bijt fpeut thdr

^ Afler. de-flSlfredi Rebus geftla, p. 20.
J3 Vita iSIrrcdi Latinc reddita» p. 131.
•♦ W. Malmf. 1. a. p. 3a.
55 Aftdcrfp^> Hii^. CpmfncrcC| ▼, |. p. 90.

S^ T H E A R T S. nj

great rereilueS ih meaa^ low, and inconvenient •
hcHnfes ^. This feems to hav6 been owing in %
great meafure to the unfettled ftate of their coun-
try, and the frequent deftrudive depredations of
the Danes, who made it a conftant rule to burn
aill the bou&s> monafteries, ajid churches, where-
ever they came. From the few iiemains of
( Anglo-Saxon architefture which may dill be feen
in England, as well as from tht dired teftimony
of venerable Bede, it plainly appears to have been
a rude kmtation of the ancient Roman manner^
and very different from that which is commonly,
tiiough very improperly, called Gothic j of which
fo many noble fpecimens adorn our country '^ <
The moft admired of the Saxon churches feera
to have been low and . gloomy, their pillars plain
and clumfy, their walls immoderately tkicfc,
their windows few and fmall, with femicirculai:
arches at the top ".

If aTchitefture was fo imperfeS in England in State of
this periodx we may conclude that it was not in a ture ia
very fiouriflung ftate in the other parts of this wak§.
Eland. This art appears to have been atmoft
4|uite loft among the pofterity.of the ancient Bri-
tons, after they retired to the mountains of
Wales. The chief palace of the kings of Wales,
where the nobility and wife men affembled for
making laws, was called the white palace^ be«

56 W. Malmf. 1. 3. J. Roflii, p. 106.

57 Bcda Hift Abbat. Wcrcmuth. p. 295.

58 Archsologia by the Society of Antiquaries, London, p. 39.
24P. J51.

1 4 caufe

1 20

HISTORY OF BRITAIN. BooJ* IT,

caufe the walls of it were woven with white
wands, which had the bark peeled oflF*^ jBy
the laws of Wales, whoever burnt or deftroyed
the king's hall or palace^ was obliged to pay
one pound and eighty pence, befides one hundred
and twenty pence for each of the adjacent buildr
ings, which were eight in number, viz. the dor-r
mitory, the kitchen, the chapel, the granary,
the bake-houfe, the ftore-hpufe, the ftable, and
the dog-houfe ^°, From hence it appears, that a
royal refidcnce in Wales, with all its offices,
when thefe laws were made, was valued at five
pounds and eighty pence ^ of the money of that
age, equal in quantity of filver tp fixteen pounds
of our money, and in efficacy to one hundred and
iixty. This is certainly a fufficient proof of thp
meannefs of thefe buildings, which were only qf
jyood. i.wen the caftles in Wales, in this period,
that were built for the fecurity of the country^
appear to have been conflrudled of the« fame
materials ; for the laws required thie k}ng*s vaflals
to come to the building of thefe paftles with no
other tools but an .axe". Thefe obfervations,
and many others of the fame kind that might be
made from the ancient laws of Wale$, fcrve to
confirm the opinion of a very ingenious modem .
writer, — that there were few or no ftone build-
ings in Wales befor/e the r^igii pf J^dward J.^pf
Jlngland**.

59 Leges \Y.anica, p. 6. ^o Id. p. 163. 167. C« Id. p. 167.
6* ObTcrvations on the Welfti Caftles, by the Honoiirablc Daines
BarringtiDii, iq Archaeologia, p. a;8. ■ . . •

■ • ■ . . . The .

Ch. ?• THE ARTS. ^ mi

The atJts of buildincr dcvnot feem to have been ^tateof
mtich better underltood by the Scots and Pias Scotland.
than by the ancient Britons, in the former part
of this period. When Finan, the (econd biftiop
of Lindisfarne, built a church of wood in that
iiland A. D. 652, he is faid to have done it more '
Scotortmi^ after the. manner of his countrymen the
Scots ; and it hath been aheady obTerved, that
Naitan king of the Pifts vyas obliged to bring
piafon§ from Northumberland, when he refolved
to build a church of ftone in his dominions A. D.
710 ^^. After this laft period, it is probable that
the Pidls, and perhaps the Scots, began to learn
and praftife the art of mafonry ; becaufe there are
ftill fome ft one buildings of a very Angular con-
ftrudion, and great antiquity, to be feen ia
Scotland^ *Thefe buildings are all circular,
though of two kinds, fo different from each
, other, that they feem to be the works of different
Ages and of different nations. The largeft of
thefe ftrufturcs are in a very extraordinary tafte '
of architedture ; of which I have heard of no ex-
amples in any other part of the world. They ar^ ,
thus defcribed by a modern antiquary, who
yiewe4 them with no little attention : " Having
" arrived at the barrack of Glenelg, I was con-
" dudlcd to the remains of thofe ftupendou^
5' fabrics, feated about two miles from thence,
f^ in a valley called Glenbegj in which four' of
f* them ancijqntly flood. Two of thefe are no\y

^3 Bed. Hift; Ec^rJef. 1. 3. c. 25. L 5. c»«i,

cc almoft

Ui HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book U.

■

^ almoft quite demoliflied ; the third i^ half

^' fallen down ; the fourth is almoft entire.

** The firfl I met with lies towards the north fide

** of the valley, and is called Cafile Chalomine^ or

*' MalconCs cafile. It ftands upon a coniiderable

'* eminence, and affords us a fine profpe£l of

^f the ifland of Sky, and a good part of the fea-

^* coaft. The foundation of this only appears ;

** as alfd of that other, on the ^aft end of the

«* valley, called Cajlle Chonel. About a quarter

** of a mile furthers upon the bank of a rivulet,

*^ which paffes through the middle of the glen,

** ftands the third fabric, called Cajlle Tellve.

** I found it compofed of ftones, without cement ;
*' not laid in regular courfes, after the manner

** of elegant buildings, but rudely and without

« order: thofe toward the bafe were pretty
large, but afccnding higher they were thin
and flat, fome of them fcarce exceeding the

•• thicknefs of an ordinary brick. I was fur-

•^ prifed tb find no windows on the outfide, nor

^* any manner of entrance into the fabric, except

*« a hole towards the weft, at the bafe, fo very

" low and narrow, that I was forced to creep in

*' upon hands and knees, and found that it

^* carried me down four or five fteps below the

•* furface of the ground. When I was got within,

*' I was environed betwixt two walls, having a

•^ cavity or void fpace, which led me round the

«* whole building. Oppofite to the little entry,

^ on the outfide, was a pretty large door, in the

^* fecond or inner wall, which let me into the

Q *^ area

Cli. 5* T H E A R T S. 125

** area or inner court. When I was there, I per»
^^ ceived that one half of the building was fallen
** do\ni, and thereby had the opportunity of
^ feeing a complete fedtion thereof. The two
^^ walls join together at the top, round about,
^ and have formed a large void fpace or area in
** the middle. But to give a more complete
/' idea of thefe buildings, I fhall defcribe the
•* fourth, called Caftle Troddan^ which is by far
'* the jnoft entire of any in that country; and
^ from whence I had a very clear notion how
>* thefe fabrics were originally contrived. On
^* the outfide were no windows, nor were the
^ materials of this caille any wife diiFerent from
*^ thofe of the other already defcribed, only the
^' entry on the outfide was fomewhat larger :
^ but tliis might be occafioned by the falling of
>* the ftones from above. The area of tMs makes
^ a complete circle ; and ^ there are four doc^s in
^' the inner wall, which face the four cardinal
^^ points of the cpmpafs, Thefe doors are each
1^ eight feet and a half high, and five feet wide»
^' and lead from the area into the cavity between
^^ the two walls, which runs round the whole
^' building. The perpendicular height of thit
^* fabric is cxaSIy thirty-three feet; the thickt
^^ nefs of both walls, including the cavity be« ' <
^* tween, no more than twelve feet; and the
^ cavity itfelf is hardly wide enough for two men
♦* to walk abreaft ; the external ^circumference i$
*^ 178 feet. The whole height of the fabric is /

«' ^mded iptp fpvir part? or fto^\^, fiBparate4

towers.

HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book II,

•* from each other by thin floorings of flat ftoncs,
** which knit the two walls together, and run
** quite round the building ; and there have
" been winding flairs of the fame dat ftones
*' afcending betwixt wall and wall, up to the
"top. The undermoft partition is fomewhat
" below the furface of the ground, and is the
*' wideft ; the others grow narrower by degrees,*
** till the walls clofe at the top. Over each door
" are nine fquare windows, in a dircdl line above
'*' each other, for the admiflion of light ; and
** between every row of windows are three others
in the uppermoft (lory, rifing above a cornice,*
which projefts out from ,the inner wall, and
runs round thj; fabric''*/' From this defcrip*'
tjon of thefe Angular edifices, it plainly appears,
that they were defigned both for lodging and de-
fence; and confidering the flate of the times in'
which they were built, they were certain^y very*
well contrived for anfwering both thefe pur-
pofcs. ^ '

Circular The ftone edifices of the other kind, which
were probably ereded in this period, and -of
which fome few are ftill to be feen in Scotland,
are not fo large as the former, but more artificial.
They are flender, lofty, circular towers, of cyt
ftoae laid in regular rows, between forty and
fifty feet in external circumference, and from
feventy to a hundred feet high, with one door
fcme feet from the ground ^^. They are exaftly

*+ Gordon's Itinerarium Scptcntrionale, p. i66,
^s Id. p. i6^,

fimilar

Quf.- .". T H E ART ff.

fimilar to the round tower of Ardmore, and
feveral others, in Ireland ; and therefore were
probably built about the fame time, which was ia
the tenth century; and for the fame purpofes^
vdiich are believed by fome to have been for the
confinement of penitents while they v/ere per-
forming penance. On this account thefe tqwers
are always found in the neighbourhood of
churches both in Scotland and Ireland ; and are
Jaid to have been ufed in this manner: ^^ The
*' penitents were placed in the upper moft ftory
** of the tower (which commonly confided or
*' five or fix fl:ories) ; where having made proba-
" tion or done penance, fuch a limited lime,
*^ according to the heinoufiiefs of their crimes,
" they then were permitted tt) defcend to the
** next floor; and fo on by degrees, until they
came to the door, which always faced the
entrance of the church, where they fl:ood to
"• receive abfolution from the clergy, and the
" bleflings of the people"/* A tedious procefs,
to vhich few penitents in the prefent age would
willingly fubmit. Other writers are of opinion,
that the defign of' thefe circular towers (of which
one is ftill remaining at Abernethy and another
at Brechin) was to be places from whence the
people were called to public wdrfhip by the found
pf a hdtn or trumpet, before the introduction of
bells'^

IZJ^

€<

P^ Archaeologia, vol. i, p joj. *7 Id. vol. %- p. 80—85.

t
\

U« HISTORy 0? BRITAIN. Booliir*

It is quite improper to fpend mtich time in
inveftigating the ftate of the carpenters anci
catHnet-makers arts, and of other artificers who
wrought in wood in this period ; as few or no
^cimens of their workmanihip are now remain-
ing. In general, we may be certain, that thefe
artificers were very numerous, as almoft all
edifices, both public and private, as well as
various kinds of furniture/ arms, tools, &c*
were made of wood ; and amongft thefe there
were, no doubt, fome in each branch who ex*
ceiled in their refpeflive arts. The cleared
pofitive evidence of this is (liil remaining; of
which it will be fufficient to give one example ^
f* With this wood the nave of the church of
*' Croiland was built, and the tower coaflruded
" of flrong and lofty beams, moft exadly
•' joined together, before the death of abbot
» " Turkitull. After the death of that abbot, bis
♦* fucceflbr, Egelric, built many beautiful edi-
fices of the fame materials. In particular, he
ereded ap infirmary for the monks, of a proper
length and breadth, with a chapel ; — a bath,
with other neceffary houfes ; — ^a hall, and two
** large chambers, for the accommodation or
•* ftrangers ; — a new brew-houfe, and a ijew
•* bake-houfe ; — very large granaries, and (lables*
•• All thefe edifices were conftrudted of beams of
•* wood and boards, mofl exaftly joined, and
** mof^ beautifully polifhed, by the admirable

•' art

Cli-5* T H E A R TS. taj

** arc of the carpenter, and covered with
•' lead'*/'

As metals are mor^ durable than woo<}» the Metallic
ftate of the metallic art^ is a little better known.
Xhe plumbers art muft have been will under-
ilood in this period^ as all the churches^ and
other edifices that were built of ftone, were
covered with lead ; and even many of ihofe that
-were conftrufiked of wood. Artificers who
wrought in iron were highly regarded in thofe
warlike times ; becaufe they fabricated fwords,
and other offenfive arms^ as well as defenfive
armour. Every military officer had his fmitfay
who conilantly attended his perfon, to keep his
arms and armour in order ^. The chief fmith
was an officer of confiderable dignity in the
courts bf the Anglo-Saxon and WeMh kings;
where he enjoyed many privileges, and his weregeld
was much higher than ^that of any other artificer ^.
la the Wellh court, the king's fmith fat next
the domeflic chaplain, and was entitled to a draught
of every kind of liquor that was brought into the
halP'. ^ ^

As all the clergy were taught fonie mechanic Arts of
'art, and were obliged by the canons to exercife iJ^^u,"?.
it at their leifure hours, many of them wrought goM,and
in metals of different kinds, in which they be*
came the moft expert and curious artifts '*. The
femous St. Dunftan archbiihop of Canterbury,

*8 Ingulf. Hift. Croiland. ^ Wilkins Leges Saxon. p«aj-

7« Lcgci Wallicac, p. 66. "i Id. ibid. \

7^ Johnfon'i Canons, vol. i. A. D. 960. c. 51. A, I^^ ^94. c. 3.

la HISTORY OF BRITAJN. Book IL

t^rho governed both church . and ftate with the
mofl: abfolute fway, was the beft blackfmithy
brazier, goldrmith, and engraver of his time.
«* He had an admirable genius (fays his hiftorian)
^' for various arts, and particularly excelled in
writing and engraving letters, and in making
any thing he pleafed, in gold, filvcr, biafs,
" and iron ^^'* \Many trinkets made by this,
illuftrious mechanic- were long preferved in the
church as the moft precious relics, and objeSs
of the higheft veneration. ** O mifcrable man
** that I am! (cries Olbern,) I confefs that I
*^ have feen fome of thofe works which he had
*' made, that I have touched them with my fin-
*^ ful hands, have fet them before 'my eyes, be-
*' fprinkled them with ihy tears, and adored
** them on my bended knees ^\" Among the
various artifts collefted by Alfred the Great,
there were not a few who wrought in gold and
filver, who, with the inftruftions of their royal
mafter, performed feveral works in thefe pre-
cious metals of incomparable beauty ". The ~
truth of this affertion of the hiftorian is abundantly
confirmed by that moft beautiful jewel, of ex-
quifite workmanfnip, that was found at Ethe-
lingey in Somerfetfhire ; where this great prince
concealed himfclf in his diftrefs, and where he
fometimes refided in his profperity. This jewel
was made by the command and direftion of

7J Anglia Sicra, t. ». p. 94. . 7+ Id. p. 96.

75 Aflcr. Vita Alfred, p. 17.

Alfred,

Ch: %. ^T H fe A R T S.

Alfredi ((^aS apj^^^ri^ frooi the in(criptioa upon it
in the Saxou language and lethers^ to this purpofe t
— *' Alfred commanded me to be made),**— an4
was certainly woni by thit prince. It \% a thin
plate of gold enamelled, and mofl; iekquifitely eqi-
graved x^ith various figures, of an oblong form,
a little mbre than two inches long, and a little
more than bnc inch broad ; of which the re;ader
may find long and minute defcriptions in the
works quoted below^^ There is the cleareft and
moft authentic evidence, that ^old and filver
were wrought into plate, coronets, bracelets,
and various other ornaments and utenfih, both
before and after the age of Alfred the Great.
The famous bifliop Wilfridi ^ho flourifhed about
two centuries before Alfred, is faid to have in-
curred much 6hvy by his magnificence, and par-
ticularly by his great quantities of filver plate '^*
ijUieen Elgiva, the wife of king Ethelred, pre-
fented a chalice and patten of fine gold, weigh-
ing thirteen marks, about two pounds and a half,
. to the church of Canterbury ; and his fecond
wife, queen Emma, gave many ornaments of
gold and filver to the church of Winchefter^'.
But befides the gold add filver plate in the poffef-
fion of the church, of which every convent and
cathedral had a confiderable quantity, ' many

private perfons had various ornaments and trio*

• .

7^ Philofophical Tranfa<aions, No 147. Hickcfii Thcfiiur. t i.
p> II. Wotten's Cocfpedus, p. z2.
77 Eddii Vita Wilfridi, 0.14. _

7' Monafticon, vol. 1. p. 2* Axiglia Sacra^ t. % p. a^o.

Vox.. IV. K kets

1)0

HistOkY OF BRfTAIN. Book tl«

kets of thefe precious metals, fuch as coronet^t
chains, bracelets, half-circles for drefling their
hair upon, collars, cujps, &c. }' as appears from
their teftaments, which are ftill preferved ^^*
Even the arts ' of poliihing and fetting precious
ftones were not quite unknown in England ill
this period: for Alfred the Great, having re-
ceived a quantity of thefe from India (in the
manner that fhall be related in the next chapter )>
had them polifhed, and formed into jewels ;
fomc of which were remaining in the cathedral of
Shereburn when William of Malmfbury wrote
hi? hiftory of the bifliops of that fce*°. The
arts of gilding wood and metals with gold and
diver were alfo known and^* pradifed. Stigand
bifhop of Winchefler is faid to h^ve n^ide a very
large crucifix, and two images^ the one of the
virgin Mary, and the other of the apoftle John,
and to have gilded them all, together with the
beam on which they flood, with gold and filver,
and fet them up in the cathedral of Winchefter "._
The Englifh goldfmiths in this period were fo
famous for their excellence in their art, that the
curious cafkets, adorned with gold, filver, and
precious ftones, in which the relics of the faints
were kept, were made in England, and known
by the name of Opera Jnglica (Englifh works) •*.
The art of making gold and filver thread for

79 Hiclbefu DifTcrtatio Epiftolaris, p. $t.

80 W. Malmf^ dc Gcftis Pontificum Angl. 1. ».

<< Anglia Sacra^ 1. 1. p. 293< '* Murat6r. Antiq. t. 5. p. tt.

weaving

■^'

Ch. S' THE ARTS. I3t

Weaving and eixibroidering was not unknown in

thi^ period, as will by and by appear. In one

Word, ibme pieces of workmanfhip were executed

in gold and filver, in thbfe rude timeSj that

would be admired in the prefent age ; of which

it will be fufficient to give one example: among

the furniture of Charlemagne, there were four

tables, three of filver, and one of gold," all of

extraordinary magnitude and weight. One of

the iilver tables was fquare, and beautifully en«

chafed with a plan of the city of Conftantinople ;

another of them was round, and on it the city of

Rome was reprefented in the fame manner} the

third, which was much larger arid heavier, and

of more admirable workmanfliip than the other

two, contained, within three circles, a reprefent-

adon of the whole world, in figures moft exqui-

fitcly minute and fine*'; How ineftimable

Would the value of thefe tables be, if they were

ftill renlaiTiing ! Such of our readers as are defir-

ous of knowing in what manner the artificers of

thofc ancient times performed many of their moft

curious operations, in gilding and ftaining metals

ivory, wood, parchrtientj &c. they may find a very

ample colleftion of their receipts In the work quoted

below**.

^ It we may .depend upon the authority , of their ^^ ^^i^,;
laws, even the people of Wales, notwithftand-
ing their poverty, and the low ftatc of the arts

■i Egcnhard. Vita Caroli Mignt, fub fin.

«4. Mun^ori Antiquitatcs Medil -35 vi, t, a. p. 366— j»7-

K2 amongfl:

' V

tii HISTORY Of hUlTAii;. Book If.

amongft them, were not unacquainted with gold
and filver plate in this period. By one of thefe
laws, an infult or injury offered to the king of
Aberfraw was to be compenfated in this man*
ner : The guilty perfon, bcfides a certain num-
ber of cows, according to the extent of his
cftate, was to give to the king whom he bad
affronted, a iilver rod, as thick as his little
finger, that would reach from the gtound to his
mouth when he fat in his chair ; together with a
gold cup^ that would contain as much liquor as
he could drink at once, with a cover as broad as
his majefty's face; and both the cup and cover
were to be of the thicknefs of a ploughman's
thumb-nail, or the (hell of a goofe's egg**.
This law certainly made it very imprudent to
affrdnt his majefty of Aberfraw, efpecially if he
happened to have a long breath and a broad
face. But if the people of Wales had really
fuch pieces of place amongft them in thofe
times, they were probably imported^ and not mano*
fadured by themfelves.
Arts of Though feme of the arts employed about

clothing, clothing fttc frequently carried much further than,
neceffity requires, and were fo in this period j yet
rt fecms to.be nioft proper, for preventing con*
fufion, to cqnfider them all in this place under the
divrfion of the neceffary arts.
J^ot ncGcf. None of the nations who inhabited this ifland
tracctfacft ^^ ^^^ arrival of the Saxons, were ignorant of

■5 Lcfcs WallitaC; p. lo. '

the

Ch.j* THE ARTS. llSJ

the mofl: .eflfential branches of the clothing-arts, f,*"*? *^ .
It has been made appear alreaoy^ that the Bri- gin.
tons, Scots, and Pids, underftood the arts of
drefling both wool and flax, fpinning them into
yarn, and weaving them into cloth of various
kinds and colours'*. Nor have we the leaft
reaifon to fufpedi that the Saxons were unac«
quamted with any of thefe effential operations at
their arrival in Britain, as there is not the lead
furraife in hiftory, that they were roore.imper-
feftly clothed than other nations. It will not
therefore be neceffary to trace any of thefe arts
again to their origin, but ofily to take notice of
fncfa inlprovement3 as were niade in them in th^
courfe of this period, and of fuch new iaven^
tions as were introduced. %

"We have no evidence that any of the Britifli Artofem^
nations, at the beginning of this period, under-
ftood the arts of weaving various figures of men,
or other animals, or flowers, foliages, &c. into
cloth, or of embroidering them upon it after it
was woven ; but there is the cleareft proof, that
thefe very elegant and ingenious arts were prac-^
tifed in England before the end of the fcvehth
century. In a book written by Aldhelm biftop
of Sherebum, about A. D. 680, in praifc of
virginity, he obferves, that chafl:ity alone did
not form an amiable and perfcfl: charaft«r, . but
required to be accompanied and adorned by
inany other virtues j and this obferYjition he iU

^ tScc vol. *. p. 12^—133.

}uftrate$

-V

134 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book X{,

luftrates by the following Hmile, taken j&om th$t
?trt of weaving;—" As it is not a web of one
f' uniform cplour and texture, without any ya-
*' riety of figures, that pleafeth the eye, and
f< appears beautiful ; but one that is woven bj
** ihuttles, filled with threads of purple, an4
f* many other polours, flying from fide to fide,
** and forming a variety of figures and images,
*' in different compartments, with admirable
*• art•^** Thcfe figures were fqmetimes em-
broidered upon the cloth, with threads of gold,
filyer, and filk, of purple and other colours, a$
the nature of the figures tq be formed required ;
^d to render them thp more exa£t, they wer^
iirft drawii) with colouring matter, by fome ikil-
ful artift. In the life of St. Dunflan, we are
told, that a certain religious lady, defigning to
embroider a facerdota| veftment, earneftly intreat-
ed Dunftan (who was then a young man, and had
an excellent tafte for works of that kind) to
draw thQ figures, which (he afterwards formed
with tljre^ds of gold". The truth is, that thofe
fiat floweired and embroidered works, fo much
fuperior in art and beauty to what could have
. \)ct^ expelled in tI|ofe rude ages, were com-
monly executed by ladies of the higheft rank
and greateft ^pi^ty, and were defigned for orna-
ments to the churches, and veilpents for th$
clergy;, 'when they perfofmed the offices of r^

^ Aldbelm de Vir^initate, in BiblloUieca Pa|rum, t. Z3«
^ AngUa Sacra, t« 2.' p.94»

llglOIlt

J t >'

Ch. 5, THEARTS, ij5

Ugion* We often read in the monkiih hiflq-
l^ians of thofe times, of (}uee^s and princeflfe^
inakiAg prefent^ of fuch prions and painted
veftments (as they called them) to the (rhurch**.
The four princefles, daughters of king Edward
the Elder, and fifters of king AtheUtan, are
highly celebrated by hiftorians for their affiduity
and ikill in fpinning, weaviing, and needle-
work} which was fo far from ^ fpoiling the for-
tunes of thofe royal fpinfters, that it procured
them the addrefles of the greatefl: princes then
in' Europe '\ A work of this kiod, fuppofed
to have been executed about the end of thi^
period, by Matilda, wife of William duke of
Normandy, afteryrards king of England, and
the ladies of her court, is ftill preferved in the
cathedral of Bayeux, and is an illuftrrous proof
both of their fkill and induftry. This curious
XQQpunient of antiquity is a piece or web of '

linen, pnly about nineteen inches in breadth,
but no l^s than fixty-feven yards in length j on
.which is emUroidered the hiftory of the conqueft
of England by "WiUiam duke of Normandy;
beginning with thp enibafly of Harold to th^
^orman court, A. D. 1065, and ending with
bis death at the battle -of Haftings, A. D. io66*'.
,The many inaportant tranfaftions of thefe two
bufy years are reprcfented in the cleareft and

•

H Annalcs EcclcL Winton. in Anjjl Sacra, 1 1* p. «9o.
9oW.'Malmf,La.p.a6. ,

9» Meokoirci dc Literature, torn. 9. ii, .

i36

Art of dy-
ing fcai let*

The fpr*
ricr's arti;

HISTORY OF BHITAIN. Book II.

moft regular order" in this piect of heedle-wofk j
1;vhich contains tnany hundred figure of tntn,
horfes, beads, Htdi, tttes, houfes, caftles,
churches, arhis, &c. tzc. all Executed In their
due proportions and proper colours, with in-
(criptlons over theth, to throw light upoti the
hiHory**- Though queen Matilda direftedihis
work, yet the great eft part of it was probably
perfornied by Ertglilh Women : for w^ are told
by a contemporiry writer^ that the Anglo-Saxon
ladies were fo famous for their (kill in needle*-
tJirotk, and embroidering with gold, that thofe
felegant fti'ahufaftures were called Anglicum eftu
jEnglirtl work)^^ ' / ' \

It hath been already proved, that the people
of this .ifland were not unacquainted with the
arts of dyeing wool, yarn, and cloth, feveral
different colours, in the former period; yet it
ieems probable, that thefe arts received confi*>
derable improvements in the period we ate now
delineating^*. In particular, the art of dyeing
the fcarlet colour, by the help of a fmall injfeft
of the kermes or cochineal kind, appears to have
been difcovcred about A. D. 1000^'.

The furrier*s art, or the art of dteffing the
ikins of animals, without taking off the hair or
wool, was much improved in this period j be- ]

9* Memoircs de Literature, torn. 9.12. Mont^au^on Monument
4e la Monarchic f rait$oife, t.* i. p. 371, &c. ■ \

9? Gul- piAavenf. p. an. 9f Sec vol. a* p- Ul.

95 Murat. Anti<iuitat. t. 2. p. 41 5.

caui^

Pm. T HE ART S. ,

^^plfe ton of a)l kinds were much worn, sin4
highly valued for thdr warn^Ui and beauty ^\

Though filk was worn by pcrfons of high ^^^ ?^
l^ank and grei^t We»kh, and alfo ufed- for altar- fiik. '"^
cloths, &:c ; yet as we have no evidence that it '
woe manufactured in England in this period, this
is not the proper place to fpeak of it'^

B^des the fine needle- works and embroideries ^ts of
above defcribed, which were executed chiefly by wooiTai
the ladies^ various kind^ of woollen cloths were ^^o^hs,
jbbricated by the profefled artificers of Britain
in * this period, for the ufe of all the different
ranks in fociety* We are even told by a writer
who flourifhed in thofe times^ that the Engliih
makers of c^oth very niuch excelled in their fe- .
yeral arts•^ This feems to be confirmed by the
price of wool, which was higher than it is at
prefent, in proportion to the prices of other
f^niodities. For the fleece, by fome of the
Anglo-Saxon laws, was valued at two-fifths of
the pri<:e of the whole fheep^^. It muft, however,
i)e €;onfeired, that it is quite impoiiible, at this dif-
Unceof time, 2Uid with the imperfeft, lights afforded
^B by pur ancient writers, to give a particular ac-
count of the texture and properties of all the dif-
ferent kinds of Qloth that were fabricated in £ng-
lat^d in this remote period.

The art of war mufl continue to be ranked Art of
Qtmoog the neceflary arts, until all nations be-

war.

9^ Murat^Antiqustatt. ». p. 409. ^ Sec chap. 7.

^ Oul. Pittavcnf. p. 7,iu 99 Wilkins Leges $axon.' p. 23.

come

>35

Among
the.Bii.
tonsScotfft

HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Bgrf[;IJ«

come fo wife and equitable as to content thenK
felves with their own territories and pofleffions^
without invading thofe of others. This waa
very far from being the cafe in Britain in the
period we are now confidering^ which was al-
moft one continued feries of invafions, warSj
and plunderings, from the beginning to the encL
In fuch unhappy circumftances, the ftudy and
praftice ^ of the arts of war became necefiary tq
the prefervation of the feyeral Britifli nations^i

and on Shat account merit a little of our at-
tention.

It is fufficient to refer the reader to what hath
\>teTi already faid concerning the manner of
fprming and commanding the armies of the an-
cient Britons, Scots, and Pids; becaufe no
changes feem to have been made by them in
thefe particulars in the prefent period"*. Their
arms, and way of fighting were alfo much the
fame, except that Var-chariots were wholly laid
afide, and defenfive armour came more into ufc
among their princes and great men, in imita-
tion of other nations, and particularly of the
Anglo Saxons. By the laws of Wales, all the
fighting men were obliged to take the field, as
often as they were called upon by the king, to
defend their country when it was invaded j but
they were hot under any legal obligation to at-
tend their prince in a foreign expedition above
once in the year, nor to continue in It above fix

iM See vol, a. p. 149.

weeks.

ph-^. T H B A R T S. |3g

weeks'". They were alfo bound to aifift, a;
often' as they were caiUed upon, in building, re-
pairing, and defending the royal caftles*"**. ' But
thefe otftles, as hath been already obferve4> were
Tcry flight, and eonftruded only of wood.

The founders of the feveral Anglo-Saxon Among
kii>gdoms in this illand were a kind of foldiers theAngtou

pf fortune, followed by armies of bold intrepid *

youths, whofe arms were their only riches, and
war their only trade and chief delight. To
this martial fpirit, which ^hey derived from their
anceftors the ancient Germans, they owed all
their fuccefs in Britain; and they procured all
their fettlements by their fwords, to whiych they
had no other right. The fame martial fpiric and
military arts w^re neceffary to preferve their ac-
quifidons, both from the ancient poffeflbrs, and
ft'om other adventurers like themfelves, parti-
cularly the Danes. Thefe circumftances made
the ftudy and pra&ic^ of the arts of war of the
greateft importance to the Anglo-Saxons, and
render their military arrangements objeSs of cu»
riofity to their pofterity .

All the freemen and proprietors of land among All the
theV^Anglo-Saxons, except the minifters of reli- Tmlng'thc
gion, were trained~*to the ufe of arms, and al- %lf^^^
ways ready to take the field. To this they were were war-
not only led by their ancient cuftoms and war- "^"*
like difpoiitions> but compelled by the neceflity
of their circumftances, and the obligation qf

. their

I4<> HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Bo<* !»•

their laws. For every foldier ia tbeir yidorious -
armies^ when he received his propoitioi^ of the
conquered country as the reward of his toils atid
valour, became bound to three things (com-^
monly called the trinoda neceffitasj^ which were
efteemed indifpenfably neceflary to the pubh'c
fliety and commbn/ good'"''. The firft and moft
important of thefe three fervices, to which all.
proprietors of land, and even all freemen of any
confiderable property, were fubjeded, was called
in the Saxon language fwrthfare^ or outgmn^i^
which fignilSed their taking the field with all
neceflary arms, whenever an army was to be
formed for the defence of their country. This
they were obliged . to do under the fevere penally
of forfeiting their lands^ if they had any, aod
' paying a heavy fine if they had no lands *'^,

The fecond of thde fervices, which all freonen
and proprietors of land were oli^liged to perforiHy
was alio of a military nature, and confided in
building, repairing, and defending the royal
caftles*"*. To enable them to perform thefe
fervices, all freemen and landholders were ob-
liged to be conftantly pofiefled of fuch arms as
were neceflary and fuitable to their rank, which
' they were neither to fell, nor lend, nor pledge,
nor alienate from their heirs '°*. That they
might be expert Jn the ufe of thefe arms whqa

1^3 Reliquiae Spelmaa. p. 19. * . .

»C4 Wilkins Leges Saxon, p. 43. Spelman ConcU. Bntan. p. 540.
>^^ Id. jbid* Y^ Leges Edward! Regit, apud Wilkins, p. 105.

they

C*. 5. t k E A k t g. I4I

ihcy were called dnt to adu^l fervice, the free-
men of each tithing, hundred^ and county were
:^pointed to meet at certain ftated times and
placei» for the exercife of arm$ ; and there was
to be one general review of all the arms and
armed men' in all ' the counties of England upon
one day in the month of ^ay, that there: might
be no poffibility of impofing upon the public by
lending arms to each other **'^. In a word, • the
freemen among the Anglo-Saxons, like their
anceftors the ancient Germans, came to their
hundred and county courts, and other public
meetings^ in arms ; for which reafon thefe meet-
ings were commonly called iveapcn-tacksy or tlyd
touch of arms ; becaufe every one touched the
fpear of the chief magiftrate, who was prefent
with his fpear, in token of his fubmiffion to. his
authority, and readinefs to fight under his cora-
Il\and*''^ So much were they accuftomcd to
the uFe of arms, that a fpear in his hand was an
cflential part of the drefs of an Anglo-Saxon rhane
or gentleman, by ^^hich he was diftinguiflied,
• and without which he never ftirred abroad. This
is the reafon that we meet with fo many laws to
prevent their doing mifchief by wearing their

fpears . in a carelefs manner ^*'^.

The minifters of religion, both among the clergy ex-

Pagan and Chriftian Sslxons, were exempted fromthc

from all military fervices, and forbidden the ufe ofbearin"

arms, '

»^ Legis Edwardi RegiSj apud Wilkins, p. 20^.

»•* Id. p. »oj. ^^ Wilkins Lt%t^ Saxon, p. 4*.

*■

J41 tttSTORY OF BRITAIN. BboklH

, of &rms« The Pagan Northtimbritos imagined
their high priieft Coifi wais becdnie mad, when
they beheld him riding on a horfe, with a fpear
in his hand^ like a fecular thane; *' becaufe
*' they knew that it was not , lawful for a pried
** to bear arms, or ride upon a horfe "^*' ^The
^ Chriftian clergy, after the converfion of the
Saxons, enjoyed the fame exemption from mi-
litary fcrvices, and were laid under the fame
prohibition of bearing arms, that they ipight
' not be diverted from a conftant attention to the
duties of their facred funftion*'*. But the lands
y that were granted to the church by king^ and

others, efpecially in the former part oi, thi^ pe«
riod, were fubjefted to the fame military fervices
with others, which the clergy performed by their
ceorls or free tenants ****

fjiaveshot As the bearing of arms was efteemed the moft
to bear ^ honourable of all employments by the Anglo-
anns. Saxous, and all the other nations of Europe in
this period^ their numerous flaves were excluded
from that hbhour, and from all military fervices^
except in cafes of the greateft national diftrefs
and danger "\ But when a flave was made
free, a fpi^ar was put into his hand as one mark ,
of his freedom, aiid he was thenceforward per*
mitted to bear arms^ and fubje£led to military
fervices " >

no Bcdac Hift^ 1. a. c. 13. «» Spclman ConclL. p. 13$.

*"» Reliquic Spclman. p, 19.

K3 Murator. Aniiq. U a. 445. "+ Id. ibid.

{"rom

«!• J. ' . T H E . A R T S. i4i

From the iaibove account of the miUtaty fortes ReafQn ot

of the feveral Anglo-Saxon ftates, it plainly sfp- rous ar- *

pears, that they confifted of all the freemen of JJJ^^ng^the

thofe ftates who were of a proper age for bearing Anglo -

t 1 1 ' . ^L* • Saxons,

arms, the clergy alone excepted. This is no .
doubt the reafon that we hear of fuch numerous
armies r^fed even by the fmalleft nations of the
heptarchy : for when a war broke Out, the whole
nation was up in arms, except fuch as were not
capabk, or had no right to bear them. After
the eftablifliment of the EngHfh monarchy, thefe
martial tegulations feem to have been relaxM,
land the military forces of the nation gradually
dimitiiflied.

The civil and itiilitary goVernitti^nt of the Military

govern -

Ahglo-Saxotis were perfectly fimilar, and exe- ment.
cuted by the fame perfons. The king was com-
mander in chief of the whole army; an office
which he commonly executed in perfon, but
fometimes-by a fiibftitute, who was called the
• cynings holdy " or ' heretoga^ i. e, leader of the
army''^ The alderman, or heretoga of each
county, commanded the troops of the county,
which formed a complete battiilion j and were
fubdivided into trhhings, commanded by the
trithingmenj and thefe into hundreds, com-
manded by the hundredaries ; and thefe again •
into tens, commanded by the decennaries, who
Were commonly called ftthcundem or conduSlors^
when they aftcd in their hiilitary capacity "*.

*« S^doan GloflT. p. zS «. «x« Sotaoer Di<aion, Saxori » in verb.

The

l44 kiSTORY OF BRITAIN. , Bboklt

Troops The AnglO'Saacon troops were of two kindsi

mifsoVthe infantry and caraliy. The infantry were com-
&kxoM. P^^^ o^ ^^c ccorls, or lowed rink of freemen }
aiid tl)e caraky of the thanet» or freemen ef
greater property, who could afford to purchafc
and maintain their horfes. The infantry were
iiot all furniihed with the fame offenfive wea-
pons, fome being provided with fpears, others
with axes, ot;hers with bows and arrows, and
not a few tvith clubs, befides fword^, that were
common to them all. Few of the infantry had
any other defenfive armour than fmall round
ihields, with iharp fpikes in their centres, which
they wore on the left arm, and with which they
wounded their enemies, as well as defended
themfelves. The cavalry were more uniforinlj^
armed, with long fpears, which they carried in
their right hands, and fwords, which hung by
a belt at their left fide $• They were alfo much
better provided with defenfive armour; having,
befides their large oval fhields, which they wore
on their left arms, helmets on their heads, and
cuiraffes, or coats of mail, on their bodies. The
helmets of the Anglo-Saxons were of a conical
ihape, without vizors, or any other proteflion to
the face, than a piece of iron which reached
from the front of the helmet to the point of thp
tiofe. The fwords, both of the infantry and .ca-
valry, were very long and broad j blunt at the
; point, and dcfigned only for cutting. The fad-
dies of their horfes were of a very fimple con-

ilrudion, ail of them without cruppers, wd

6 many

j CLs» THE A HT S. 14$

many of them without ftlrrups. The' above de*
fertptioh of the arms of the Englifh in this re*
mote period of their hiftory, is chiefly taken
trom the reprefentation of theit army at th«
battle pf Haftings, in the famous tapeftry of
' Bayctix^*'. All the different bodies of troops
of which an Anglo-Saxon army was compofed,
had ftanSards, rery much refembling tliofe of
the cavalry in jnodern Europe "'. Some of the
moft ancient of our Anglo*Saxon kings were fp
fond of thofe military ftandards, that they had ,
them carried before them when tliey travelled
through their territories, even in times of
peace"**.

We have good reafon to believe, that the ^Agio-
Anglo'-Saxon youth were carefully trained to the youth
dextrous ufe of their arms, and management of thiB*ufc of
their horfes, as well as inftrufted in the way of *"^^»*'^*
marching in regtilar order, and performing the
neceffary evolutions at their weapontacks and
njtilitary reviews. " All the northern nations
^* {f^iys Olaus Magnus) are exceedingly expert
^* and dextrous in handling their arms when
** they come to ^n engagement ; becaufe their
•* youth are frequently exercifed in mock fights^
** with fwords, fpears, bows, and arrows, and
^* other arms****. When the troops are aflem-
** i)led for a military expedition, they are firft

««7 See Memolres de TAcadcmie des Infcriptions, t. tt.
»* Id. ibid. "9 Bed. Hift. Eeclef. 1. 2. c. 16.

^^ Hifioda Ohi Magoi, 1, f, q. 6. p. 204.

Vol. IV, L « divided

146

Manner of
drawing
up tb^ir
armiesi
and of
engaging.

HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book II.

^* divided into their feveral diilind bodies, with
•' their proper ftandards, under their refpe^ivc
'* leaders, who explain to them the caufes of
'* the war J reprefent, in the ftrongeft colours*
^' the cruelty and injuflice of their enemies, and
*^ the neceflity of their fighting boldly for the
" honour of their country ; and promife theni
" their full (hare of all the booty that fhall be
taken ; after which they march with great
alacrity and good order '*'.*^ The Anglo-
Saxon armies were generally attended in their
marches by a great number of carts or wag-
gons loaded with arms and provifions, and
fometimes with their wives and children} and
with thefe waggons ihey furrounded their camps
in the night, which ferved as a fortification '".

When they came to a£lion, which was ge-
nerally as foon as they could find their enemies,
they drew up their troops in various ways, ac-
cording to the nature of the ground, the poflure
of the adverfe army, or the particular views
of their commanders; though they commonly
formed their fpearmen into a figure called a
fow^s^heai or hollow wedge^ prefenting the fharpcft
point of it to the enemy '*^ This figure, which
was much ufed by the Franks, Saxons, and all
the other northern nations, is thus defcribed by
an ancient writer : " They form their troops into

the figure of a wedge, or of the Greek letter

*^^ Hiftoria Olai Magni,!. 7. c. 6. p! 224.
^ CluTcr. Antiq. 1. t. c. 50, p. 319.

^ AgaUitas» 1. s.

Ch. 5. T H E A R T S. 14I

** A ; the point of which towards the enemy is
" very fharp, and the fides gradually diverge,
** by which it becomes broadeft at the rear,
** The ranks on all the three fides are very com-
^* pa£t ; ami the men, ftanding with their faces
** outwards, and their backs towards the empty
*' fpace in the middle, form a kind of rampart
•* with . their Ihields ***." When an army was
compofed of fcveral diftindl battalions, or the
troops of feveral differelnt counties, under their
refpe&ive aldermen and inferior officers, they
often formed as many of thefe hollow wedges as
there were battalions, at proper intervals "*.
This' was certainly a very prudent regulation;
for each of thefe bodies being compofed of the
inhabitants of the fame county, fought bravely
fl)r the honour of their coufity, and in defence
of their friends and neighbours. The cavalry
of each county formed one fquadron, and were
commonly drawn up in the front of the infantry.
The waggons of the army, with the arms, pro-
vifions, women,* children, fick and wounded,
were placed in'^a line in the rear, with proper
guards, and made a kind of rampart for its de-
fence. While thefe difpofitions were making,
there were frequently fingle combats between the
boldeft champions of each army, or fkirmiihes
between flying parties; in which feats of the
greatefl: bravery and dexterity were exhibited.
When both arn:iies were ready for aftion, the

«H Cluvcr, Antiq. German. I. 1, c. 50. »»* Id. ib\d. ^' 3*»-

L 2 - COVtl-

i+i HISTORY Of BRITAIN. Booklf

commanders in chief, and other officers^ made
ihort animating fpeeches ; atid the Tignal of bat-
tle being given by the found of trumpets, hottis,
&c. the troops on both fides advanced^ with
martial fofigs, loud ihouts, and clafliing of arms,
tvhich made a mod terrible and tremendous
noife'*\ Th^ firft (hock between the cavalry
of the two contending armies was ordinarily
very furious ; after which the archers, and then
thofe armed with fpears, IWords, battle-axes,
clubs, &c. came to afl:ion ; the battle raged,
and blood dreamed from ten thoufand wounds.
In this way of fighting, much depended on bo-
• dily ftrength and intrepidity 5 and when two ar-
mies were nearly equal in ^ numbers and valour,
battles Xvere very Tong and very bloody. As
the rage of the combatants \vas much inflamed
by the length and violence of the ftfuggle, the
viftors made a dreadful havock among the fu-
gitives, and fpared few that they could deftroy :
nor was it uncommon, efpecially among the
Danes, to put their prifoners to death in cold
blobd, and with the moft cruel tortures **^ It
. would be eafy to illuftrate and confirm every
particular in the above defcriptioft, by example^
taken from our hiftory in this period j but this
would be as tedious as it is uhneceflary.
Great The number of battles that were fought in

baniS' ""^ t^is F"od in England, to fay nothing t)f ftir-

fought in

riod. "*^ Cluvcr. Antiq. German. 1. i. c. 50. p. 3^4, 5cc.

»7 Chron* Saxon, p. 7 3. 80, &c.

miihesj

Cb. 5- T H E A II T S. T4p

miflics^ is almoft ipcredible; and therefore yifi;
may reafonably fuppc5re, that this pernicious ar(
of (bedding human blood wa3 brpught to gre^tgr
pcrfe^iou .than other arts that wer^ more uf^ful ,
and beneficent. , We learn from the beft autho*
rity, that king Ethered, and his brother A}fred>
fought ncr fewer than nine pitched battles, be* '
fides many (kirmiihes, againfl the Danes in one
year (871)'". The truth is, that war not only
raged almofl without interruption in thofe un«
happpy timeSj but alfo appeared in its moil hor*
rid -afpeft, and was produdive of the moft de-
{dorable calamities, efpecially to the vanquiihed.
For vi£torious armies too often did not content
themfelves with the deftrudion of thbfe who bad
oppofed them in the field, but wreaked their ven-
geance alfo on defencelefs flav^s, women, and
children. t .

The obfervations which have been already Arts of
made on the civil, may be applied to the mili- ftron/*"^
tary archite&ure of the Anglo-Saxbns. They P^«*
were both very imperfed ; and for that reafon it
will not be neceflary to fpend much time in de-
lineating their methods of fprtifying, defending^
anH attacking ftrong places. The Saxons, in
the courfe of their long wars againft the Britons,
deftroyed many of ih^ fortifications that bad
l}cen erefted by the Romans i and after tfe^ir
ffittlcment in Britain, they neglefted to repair
thpff^ that' renM»in«d, or to buil^ wj pf tb^lr

»*« Chron. Saxon, p. 8^.

L 3 own#

I50 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book U.

own. By this means, this country became ^U
xnoft quite open and defencelefs ; which greatly
facilitated the incurfions of the Danes> who met
with little obftruftion from fortified places. Al-
fred the Great feems to have been the firfl: of
the Anglo-Saxon kings who was fenfible of this
defeft, and endeavoured to provide a remedy.
That admirable prince, after he had reduced the
Dapes, and reftored the tranquillity of his coun-
try, fpent much of his time and revenues in re*
pairing the ruined walls of London and other
cities, and Jn building forts in the moft conve-
nient places, for the proteftion of his fubjcds.
" What ftiall I fay (cries his hiftorian) of the
^* cities, which he repaired, and of ,the royal
^' forts and caftles which he built of ftone and
^* wood, with admirable art ; in doing which he
" met with much opppfition and trouble from
'f the indolence of his people, who could not
^* be perfuaded to fubmit to any labour for the
*^ common fafety? How often, and how ear-
<* neftly, did he befeech, intreat, and- at length
<< command and threaten, his bifhops, alder-
<^ men, and nobles, to imitate his example, and
«f build caftles for the defence of themfelves,
<^ their families, and friends ? But, alas ! fuch
^* was their invincible floch and inaftivity, that
** all his perfuafions, commands, and threats,
** had little influence upon them j ^ and they ei-
•< ther did not build at all, or did not begin to
^* build till it was too late, and their enemies
^^ capie ypop them before their works were

Ch. 5. ' T H E A R T.9. III

" finiflbed. \ It is true, indeed, when they be*
** held their parents, wives, children, friends,
" and fervants, -killed or taken prifoners, and
•* their goods and furniture deftroyed, they be-
** wailed their own , folly, and applauded the
" prudence of their fovereign, which they had
*^ before reproached***/* His own dai^ghter
Elfleda, governefs of Mercia, feems to have
been the only perfon in the kingdom who pro-
perly complied with the commands, and imitated
the example, of her illuftrious father. For that
heroic princefs, who inherited more of the wif-
dom and fpirit of Alfred than any of his chil-
dren, not only fought many battles againft the
Danes, but alfo built many caftles to check
their incurfions. In Henry of Huntington, we
have the names of no fewer than eight caftles
that were built by ElSeda in the fhort fpace of
three years *'^ From this time, the building,
repairing, and defending caftles, became an ob-
je£t of public attention, and one of the three
fervices to which all the lands of England were,
fubjefted. When we reflefl: on the low ftate of
the arts, and particularly of architefture, among
the Anglo-Saxons, we cannot fuppofe that their
caftles were either very ftrong or very beau-
tiful. They generally confifted of two parts, a
bafS'Court, and a keep or dungeon. The bafs- -
ccAirt was a piece of ground, fometimes about

>^ Aifer. de Rebus geftis AIfredi> p* i7> it*
>^o lien. Hunt. Hift. p. 204.

L4 an

ij* HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book It

in acre in extent^ furrounded with a Ihigh and
thick ilone trail, widi a garreted parapet on the
top; from whence the garrifon difcbarged theilr
iltreapons on the aflailants. Thia wall had alfo
many fmall windows, or rather flits, in it, very
narrow in proportion to their height, through
which they (hot their arrows. The lodgings fol:
the officers and foldiers were bpilt in the area,
and along the infide of the wall. At onfc end
of the bafs-court was a round mount, fometimes
^ artificial, and fometimes natural, oft which the
keep or dungeon ftood, which was a cii^culaf
flone building, with thick and high walls. From
the top of this building, which Was flat, the gar*
rifon had an extenfive profpeft of the furround-
ing country, that thef might dlfcover the ap*
preaches of their enemies ; and from thence alfd
the chief defence was made. The body of the
keep, which fometimes confifted of feveral fto-
rieis, contained the lodgings of the Commander
of the ciiftle ; and in the bottom was thfe prifon,
\inder ground, and without light ; from whence
the whole building was ofteft called the dungeon.
Such waS the general plan of the Aligld-Saxon
\ cafllesj though the different taftes of their
builders > fituations of the ground, and other
circumfliances, foiftetime^ occafioned Confiderablq
deviations from this plan^^*. The veftiges of
Danifti caftles, or rather camps, are ilill vifible
In many parts of Britain, of a circular form,

»i» Set Pr. Bqrtafc's Antiquities gf (Joniwan, K 4. c* 9.

Ch« jr* . T HE A 1. T S. tfj

fiirroiinded vi^ith ditcbet* and ramparts; but do

tkot merit a more particular defcription in a gene*
ral hiftoty '^•

The arts of fortifying and attacking towns and Arts of
caftles commonly improve or decay together, and ftrong
bear a due proportion to each other ; and there- P*^^*»
fore, though the Anglo-Saxon caftles above de-
fcribed muft appear to us exceedingly weak and
arclefsy they aflForded no lefs advantage and fecu*
rity to their defenders, than the mod regular forti-
iications do to theirs in the prefent age ; becaufe
Ac modes of attacking them were feeble and art-
lefs in the fame degree. For the moft part, they
"^ere attempted to be taken by a fudden bold
aflault ; by wounding and killing their defenders
with (tones, arrows, darts, and fpears,' by fcal-
ing their walls, and burfting open their gates, or
fetting them on fire. Thefe are the methods
which we fee praftifed in the attack of a caftle, in
the femous tapeftry of Bayeux '^K When the de-
fenders of a town or caftle were difpofed to fur^
render, the commander, putting the keys of it
on the point of his fpear, reached them over the
wall J and from thence they were taken by th^
general of the befieging army *^*. If the affaiU
^ts were repulfed, they feldom returned to the
charge, or perfifted in their enterprife} for vc
Itoect with very few fieges of any length in the
Angte-Saxon hiftory, Alfred the Great fecnw

1^ See Dr. Borlafe's Antiquities of Cornwall, 1. 4* c. S.
'^ ((cmoiitt 4c I^itenKture» t« Z2. p. 40a* ^ ^d* ibid

»J4

General
obferva^
lion ortthe
ft ate of
the neccf-
iary arta.

The fine
arts.

Sculpture
among the
Pagan
Saxoni,

HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book IL

to have been the only perfon who had any idea of
a blockade, or confining a garrifon within their
walls, cutting off their fupplies, and obliging
them to fiirrender for want of provifions '*'. A
great variety of military engines were invented in^ '
the middle ages, for battering the walls of towns
and caftles, and for throwing ftones of a prodi-
gious weight, which were the artillery of thofe
times ; but we have not fufBcient evidence, that
thofe engines were ufed in Britain in this period ;
and therefore it is not proper to introduce the
account of them in this place ''*. The truth is>
that the arts of fortifying, defending, and befieg*.
ing places of ftrength, were very much improved
by the Normans ; which will render this part of
the militaiiy art more worthy of a minute invefti-
gation in the iixth volume of this work.

Such feems to have been the ftate of the neccf-
fary arts in this ifland, and particularly among
the Anglo-Saxons, in this period. The fondeft
admirers of antiquity will not deny, that ^U
thefe arts were very imperfefl:, in comparifon of
what they had been in provincial Britain in the
Roman times, and of what they are at prefent.

It is now proper to take a (hort view of the ftate
of the fine or pleafing. arts of fculpture, paintingi
poetry, and mufic.

If the fculptor's and ftatuary's art doth not
owe its origin, it certainly owes its greateft im*
provements, to idolatry. Nations who, woffhip

>tf Cbron. Sa^on.^p. 95*

<i4 Murator. Antlq- 1. «. p<47}-

image*

Or. 5- T H E A R T S. ijp

images naturally encourage thofe anpiongfl: them
who have any tafte or genius for the art of mak-
ing them ; and thofe artifts as naturally exert all
their ikiil in making the.objeds of worfliip in as
perfect: a manner as pofTible. As the Anglo-
Saxons, at their fettlement in this iiland, were
idolaters, they had probably fome amongft them
who had the art of carving in wood, or cutting in
ftohe, the images ' of their gods, Woden, Tnor,
Frea, &c. though in a rude and clumfy flyle.
That they had idols or flatues of their imaginary
deities in their temples, we have the cleared evi-
dence in the letter written by pope Boniface to
Edwin king of Northumberland, A,D. 625.
Thefe idols are fpoken of at great length, and he
is exhorted to deftroy diem *'% When Coifi, the
chief prieft of the Northumbrian Saxons, was
converted to Chriftianity, A. D. 627, he over-
turned the altars, and broke down the ftatues of
their gods, in the great temple at Godmundham
near York. The fliapes of the ftatues of the
Anglo-Saxon deities, with their various emblems^
arc ft ill pfeferved in fever al authors "*.

When the Anglo-Saxons were converted to Among
Chriftianity, in the courfe of the fixth and feventh sa^on?'*'
centuries, their idols were deftroyed, and the after their
art of making them not only negleded as ufelefs, to chriit-
but abhorred as impious. But that art did not *"**'^'
long continue in a ftate of negled and detefta-

*n Bedx Hiit. Ecclef. 1. s. c. 10.

v^ Ailct Sammes Britan. Antiq. p. 4^. Verftegan's Reflltu^
fion^&c.

tion.

*«55

Faintkigs
imported.

HISTORY OP, BRITAIN. Boak H

tion. For the images of the faints having been
introduced into many of the Chriftian churches
on the continent, it was not long before they
found their way into fome of the churches in this
iiland. At firft thefe images were in:iported from
Rome^ probably becaufe there were no artifts in
Britain who could make them j but by degrees,
as the demand for them encreafed^ the art of
making them was revived ''^ As very few fpe-
cimens of the Anglo-Saxon fculpture are now
remaining, we cannot form an exad judgment
of their taile and manner. In general, we may
conclude, that their works, like thofe of their
cotemporary artifts of France and Italy, were
awkward, ftifF, and flat, '♦°. For when the art of
mafonry was fo ijnperfeft as it hath been repre-
iented, it is not to be imagined, that the art of
fculpture had attained to any great degree of
perfeftion. Thofe who have an opportunity of
viewing the figures in baiTo-relievo, on the bap-
tifmal font at Bridekirk in Cumberland, or thofe
on the pillar in the church-yard of Buecaftle, in
the fame county, or thofe on the obeUik in the
church of Ruthwel in Annandale, which were
all cut in this period by the Dano-Saxon inha*
bitants of thofe parts, will prpbably be of this
opinion.

The painters, as well as fculptors, of the ages
w« arc now confidering, were chiefly employed

«J9 Bedae Hift. Abbat- Wcrcmuthen. p. ^95. 297.

J40 Sec Montfau^on Monumcns, 1. 1. Murator. t, a. diflcrtat. 14^

Ck. J- T It E A It T S. 157

iti Worldlig for the church, by drawing pi^urcs

6f otir Saviour, the Virgin Mary, the apoftles,

and other faints. This praftice of adorning

churches ysrith pidures, begun in the Eaft, was

early introduced at Rome, and from thence

fpread into all the other countries of Europe

*rhere Chriftianity was eftablifhed '♦'. The firft

prftures that were ufed for the ornament of the

Aixglo-Saxon churches in this iflandwere brought

from Rome. Benedift Bifcop, the founder of

the cfionaftery of Weremouth, as we are told by

venerable Bede, imported ' great numbers of thefe

fSftui^s from Rome, for the ufe of the church of

his monaftery. " In his fourth voyage, A. D.

** 678, he brought from Rome many piQures of

" the faints, for the ornament of the church of

** St. Peter, which he had built, viz. — a pidure

** of the Virgin Mary, the mother of God,— •

** tind the pictures of the twelve apoftles, which

** he hung up in the body of the church, on a

** partition of wood from the fouth to the north

•* wall ; — pidures of the gofpel-hiftory, with

*^ which he decorated the fouth wall ; — ^and pic-

** tures of the vifions of St. John in the Apo-

" tralypfe, with which he adorned the north wall j

*' — that all the people who entered this church,

** though ignorant of letters, might contemplate

** the amiable afpeft of Chrift and his faints in

*' thefe pictures, wherever they turned their

" eyes '♦*." Benedift havmg built another mdl

HI Du Pin, Hid. Ecctef. cent. 4. in Eplphan.
M» Bed. Hift. Abbat. Wcrcmuth. p. t^s-

2 naftery

i<6 RISTOST or BRITAIN. Bec^ It

fcriptutss ; and it was with thefe views that
venerable Bede contended for their lawfdlneTs
and expediency '^. But . the veneration of the
people for thefe pidures did not tong ftop here,
but gradually increafed to the moft grofs and
impious idolatry; which occafioned a prodigious
demand for thefe objeds of devotion, and no
doubt brought the art of painting to greater per«
feftion in this period than many of the other arts.
Portraits of other perfons befides canonized faints^
particularly of the dignified clergy, appear to
have been very numerous. " Sty ward (fays
*^ William of Malmfbury) was appointed abbot
•* of Glaftonbury ' A. D. 981. The piftures of
** this abbot are a fufficient proof that his
*^ manners were very fuitable to his name. For
** in all thefe piftures he is reprefented with a
•♦ whip or rod for difcipline in hijs hand'*V'
Even hiftory-painting, reprefenting the principd
aftions of the lives of great princes and generals,
do not fcem to have been very uncommon ia
England in this period. Edeldeda, widow of
the famous Brithnod duke of Northumberiandj
> in the tenth century, prefented to, the church of

Ely, ** a curtain, which had the hiftory of the
** great aftions of her deceafed lord painted upon
** it, to preferve the memory of his great valout
«* and other virtues **'."

^ Beds opera, t. B^ de Tempio Salomonis^ c. 19.
, H7 W. Malmf. Atitiq Glafton. apud Gale, 1 1. p. 317.

M« Hit. Eaen. 1. 2. c 7.

> The

The aiti of cdburi^|r artd painlmg glafs wer« on'gSf
{nrobably 4!:liawa and pt^£iife4 In EngliE^ci in thie
ages we are aiow confidetkig* If we <ic^«ild bf
mnaniy that the figures of Alfred die Gtt^<^
a»d of his grandlbn Athtlftaa, in the window of
tfitt library of AiUSouh icollege at Oxford^ hft4
hten broiight ftom Befaeriej^ Tf/here they had
becsi painted not long after the age in wluch
ihde princes fiourilhed, we ihould have an oppof <*
tunity of judging of the ft^te of that quripiw art
in tWi period'^. In that iarge coliefitioa of
tiebapt^ for ptrfMi^itk^ ^earidus works of art^ in
the dghth centiafyi prfeferved in che work quoted
below '•% there are direftldfts for Ilflimng glafsi
feverafl cKffererit t^lours, in €^der to fortn %urei^
tod pi£t wes H3f Mofaic work.

But of sfll the pleafing arts, po«ry was the Art of
moft admired attd ett*c4vited by rill *he nafiotis of ^""^Jc^cuU
Stitdn, in the ages We are now delineatfaig. In tiVated m
the fifth chapter of the firft volume t)f this work, riodJ*^*
We have attempted to ^account for that ftrong
t>Wperirity to the fiibliine and ardent ftrains of
pottty trtiiA hath appeared iii all nations, in nht
itioft' early pferfod of *heir hift^y, tfb&n ihey
iWre emetgiftg fr6m the fayage ftate **\ What*,
tver becomes* of that account, the fad is unde-
hiAle } iStA 4s tdttfirmed by the ancient hiftory
t)f dl fhofe tisttiote xrf Germany alid Scandinavia^
from ^oih the Anglo-Saxon and Dan©-Sa«:on

'<9 Vita iElfircdi a Spchnan^ tab. «.
^ Mitratiff, Antiq. t« ft..p. ^o.

Vol.. IV. M,

inha*

i6t History of Britain. Bookii,

inhabitants of Britain derived their origin, as
WI as by that of the Cehic tribes (who poflefled
the warmer regions of Eurcspe), from whom the
ancient Britons were defcended* This poetic
fire was not extinguUhed . by the chilling blafts,
Und almofl; eternal frofb of the n'ordi; but
burnt with as intenfe a flame under the ar£lic
circle as under the equator. The truth is, that
the mountains of Germany, Sweden, Denmark,
Norway, and even Iceland, were the favourite
feats of the Mufes in this period;, and from
fome of thofe countries they accompanied their
votaries into this ifland^ ^^ All the ancient inha-
^' bitants of the north (fays an excellent anti*
<< quary) cTompofed, in rhymes and verfes,
'* accounts of all things that deferved to be
•* remembered, either at home or abroad, that
y they might be more eafily ; inftiUed ; into the
*^ minds of men, might make the deeper im-
-*• preffions on their memories, and be more
" effcftually. handed down to pofterity *^\'*
Every bold adventurer, when he fet out on any
. piratical or military expedition, if he was not a
great poet himfelf> which , was frequently the
cafe, never neglefted to ^arry with him the beft
poets he could procure, to behold and celebrate
his martial deeds *". We may be certain, there-
fore, that all the leaders* of the feverai armies of
Saxons, Angles, Jutes^ and Danes, who formed
fettlements, and ereded kingdoms, in this iiland,

1^^ Olai Wormii Literatura Danicd, p. 176. >5' Id. p. 1^5.

s . -" ' brought

s .

Cfc. 5. T H E A K. T d. t6i

brought their poets with them, to flng theif
ploics and viiftories. The moil ancient of

thofe hiftorical aad military fongs have beea
long fince loft ; but we * havei good reafon to be*
lieve, that it is to them we owe many particulars
in the moft., ancient part of our hiflory. Some i

of our htflorians honeilly cpnfefs^ that they had
no other authority for what they. related but thofc
ancient poems ; and . one of thofe fongs, on.the
great viftory which Athelftan obtained over the
Scots and Danes A. D. 9^8, is inferted verbatim
in the Saxon chronicle, and literally tranilated
by Henry of Huntington '^*. Another of thofe
ancient poems, on the death of king Edgar,
and the fuccefEou of his fon ' Edward, A. D.
975, is inferted in the fame chronicle '".

Never were poetry and poets fo much admired Poetry
and honoured as in the prefent period. The greatly^
grcateft princes were no lefs ambitious of the h,^?hir^^
laurel than of the royal crown. Alfred the pc^d*
Great was the prince of poets, as well as the bed
of kings, and employed his poetic talents to
enlighten the minds and civilize the manners of
his fubjefts'". Aldhelm, who was a prince of
the. royal family^ of WefTex, and biihop of Shere-*
bum> was alfo the beft poet of his age ; and his
poems, were the delight ^nd admiration of tha
EAglifh fcveral centuries after his death,"". Ca^ .

IS4 Wil. Malmf. p. 3. Ch'ron. Saxon, p. 112. Ucn. Hunt. p. 104*
*^ CbroD. Saxon, p. i2X. 156 Vita jSlfrcdi^ p. 9%.

>57 Anglia Sacra, t.». p. 4. .

M 2 nuj?

tHi. HlSTOiftV OF BRITAIN. Book H.

nute the Great w^S alfo k fanh&b^ pdisk i sdid tlie
hrft ^anza of a fohg comjiofed by feicA ttrt^ %^
/een in thte work ^uote* below '^\ Podts *rferb
the Aofcn frichas and favourites dfthfe gtfei»ft
kings; tfiey feiited therA at their tablis^ «ilVaA<f^
ffiem to honours-, loided tlieih -iWai ^rfelie^, krid
Vfei^e fo mujch deU^httd wftlh ttieiV Weelt 4rtd
fofty drains, that they cdtM dfefty itoem hotKng.
•'We the b^irds of Britafti, whott tn* l^flhdc
•« ientertaincth oA the ill cf Januai-y^ ftatt every
« one of us, In 6uV fahk and ftktion/iftnffoy iJriirth
" and jpllity, and receive gold arid fiFver for'oii'r
'^ i^eward.^-^^ — Ha))py vf2A the tftdther \yh6 boYe
« thee, who art wife 'and iloble, zh& ftcAy i^-'
•* trib^iteft rich fdits X)f garments, thy gdld «htl
•^ filver* irhy bards cdiebrate tliefe, for pJteftnt*
*' mg At^m thy bred fte^ds, trhdi th^ fit 'at thy
'* tables- I myft*' aiA reWardiJd fot my ^ift^rf
'« poetry, ^Ith 'golcl and 'diftingoKhed refpeft.
^' Bhould t defire ttf toy prince ^e ttibon as a
«' prcfent, he Hvould certainly beftow' h dd
^' me "^'.'* The poets of the ftorth Were parti-
cularly famous m this pfeiibdj and greaftly careffed
by our Anglo-^Saxbn kings. ^*lt would be end-
^ lefs (feys an excellent ahtic^uaty) to hame all
*«'the poets of the rtoi'th who flouriftied in the
^ courts of clie kings of England, or to Tehrte
♦* the drftingurfhed honours and matgnificent
<^ prefents that were heaped upon them

160 fP

tjs Hift.El'cnf. 1. «.c. 17'

>59 Specimeni of Ancient Welfti Poetry, p. 54. 36.

J»®* Olai Wormii Literatura Danica, p, 195.

The

Ch^ J. T H E A R T S. f ^

TTfee f^ioe y^n^ei I^atb prefercd tVc nmnes, of j^o-
i^W^ tt^^ eight of t^iofe Danifh, Norwe^iarij^
'91^ Icelanflic poets, who flpurifhed in thp cpurt;
^ Cs^nute th^ Greats l^ing of Denmarl^ and
Jpngl^d, 5in4 pnJQyed the f^voqrqf that prince*'*. '
It £eems to have beei^ one of the chief amufe-
^fpts ftf ||iq greateft priucp§ i^ this period to
lie^r ()iif goeni9 of their bards, to read tHeir
^x^ks, and eveji commit ^heir verfes to memory.
y^lff^d t^e Great) as we are told by his int^m^te
friend and cQi^panip^ Aflerius, ami^fl that in-
fyf^t& n^u)ppUcity pf affairs in which he. was en-
g^ge(lr aev^r i^egle^^ed to fpend fome part of
(^me every ^^j in getting Saxon poems by
jind teaching them to others***. This
Ipp was alfo a ve^y capita} pa^'t qf the education
of the roy?il and noble yqi^th qf thofe limps *?^

The po^(n^ of thpfe ai^cient bards of the ^onl^ Adonifh-
ure fai4 to have produced the moft ama^ipg efFp£^§ o">^try[
fm thqf<? If^ho heard them, and tq have rpufcfi^ qr
foqt^^d, the mpft impetuous paiHons of th?
}))ini4n mind, according to the iqtenMqn of their
s^ifhpfs. Revenge, it i$ well kqpwn, rages witl^
thj^ greateit viqlence in thp hearts of warlike '
^fjce barbarians, and is of all their pafljons the
n^ifd f(^rio^s and ungoyernal>le ; and ye( it is faid
to have been fubdm^d by the enchanting power
of poetry. Egil Sjcallagrim, a famous poet of
^hofe tipes^ ha4 cjuarrelled with £ric Blodox,

»6i Olai Wormii LiteratUTH P^inica, p. 443.

W* Aflcr. dc Rebus geftis Alfrcdi, p. 13. '<5j 14. jbid.

M 3 king

I65 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book II.

king of Norway ; and in the courfe of that quar«
rel had killed the king's fon, and fevcral of his
friends ; which raifed the rage of Eric againft
him to the greatcft height. Egil was taken
prifoner, and fent to the king, who was then in
Northumberland. No fooner was he brought
into the prefence of the enraged monarch, who
had in his own mitid doomed him to the moft
cruel tortures, than he began to fing a poem'
which he had compofed in praife of his royal
virtues, and conveyed his flattery in, fuch fwect
and foothing ftrains, that they procured him not
only the forgivencfs of all his crimes, but even
the favour of his prince '^*. The power of poetry
is thys poetically defcribed in sone of their m'oft
ancient odes : " I know a fong by which I foften
" and enchant the arms of my enemies, an'd
•* render their weapons of none eflFeft. I know
*' a fong which I need only to fing when men
**'have loaded me with bonds; for the moment
^^ I fing it my chains fall- in pieces, and I walk
" forth at liberty. I know a fong ufeful to all
^^ mankind } , for as fbon as hatred inflames the
" fons of men, the moment I fing it they arc
<* ?ippeafed. I know a fong of fuch virtue, that
.•* were I caught in a fl:orm, I can hujfh the
«' winds, and render the air perfeftly caW^'w'*
of^naturcl Thofe ancient -bards who had: acquired fo greJ^t
and not of ^^ afceildant over the minds of their ferocious

«64 Olai Wormii X.iteratura Danica, p. 195.

165 Bfti^tholin, p. 347. Nprthcrii ADti<}uitie9, vpL 9. p. »r|.

» . -

country*

* •

a. 5. T H E A R T S. h6j

countrymen, itiufl certainly have been poiTefled
of an uncommon portion of that poetic fire,
which is fhe gift of nature, and cannot be acquired
by art. This is direftly afferted by one who was
well, acquainted with their works: '* In other
*< languiages^ any perfon of common under ft ahd-
•^ ing may make verfes of fome kind; a^d, by
'^ conftant prafltce, may even become expert 'at ^

^^ making them : but in out Dano-Saxon lan*-
'^ guage, no loan .can become :a poet of the
'* ioweft order, by. any efforts, unlefs he is in>-
" fpired with fome degree of the true poetic
** flame* This facred fire, like all the other
^* gifts of nature, is beftowed in very unequal
♦^ mtafures. There are fome who can comppfe
*^ excellent verfes by ,the help of thought and'
*^ ftudy, while others, bleffed Vlth a greater
** portion of the true poetic fpirit, pour forth a
" torrent of verfes of all kinds with perfed^ c^fe,
. " without premeditation,. This, happy genius
^f for poetry difcovers itfejf even in infancy, by
'^ fuch manifeft indications, that it cannot be
^< miftaken, and is obferved to be moft ardent
" about the change of thp moon. When
« a poet of this high order and fervid fpirit is
^' /peaking of his art, or . pouring out his verfes,
<^ he hath, thb appearance of one that is mad or
•♦ di:unk. Nay, the very external marks of this
" poetic fury are in fome fo ftrong and obvious,
" that a ftranger will difcover them at firft fight
*< to be great poets, by certain fingular looks

Ma . *• and -

H«

<!!!unou8
account of

one of

thofe

ancient

pacts.

HISTORY or BRITAIN, Bo* U,

^^ and geftures, which aie caliM in our language
" Skalhiingl, u e. the pQetiotl tcidgQ ****."

Venerable Bede gives a very curimiis aecouat
of a Saxon poet, called Cddmatip a monk' in the
abbey of Streanefhalck (now Whitby) in the
feventh century, who exactly anfwered the above
defcription. The moft fublime drain) of poetry
were fo natural to this andeM bard, that he
dreamed in verie, and compofed the nioft admir-
able poems in his fleep; wbicli he repe^itcd as
fi3on as he awoke. A part of 6ne of thofe poems
is preferved in king Al£ped's Saxon verfion of
Bedc's hii^ory, and is much admired by thofe who
are mol> capable of forming a right judgment of
its nierit'^^ Bede gives a Latin tranflation of
the exordium of this poem, but confeflfeth that it
falls £ar fhort of the beauty of the otiginal^
** for it is impoflible (f;|ys ha) to tranflate verfes
^^ that are truly poeticat, out of one language
^^ into another, without lofing much of theh*
'** original dignity and fpirit*"/* For this
reafon, I Ihall not attempt an Englifli traniladon
of this curious fragment. Ccdnion was a man
of low birth, and little br no learning, but pof-
fcffed fo great a portion of that divine enthuiiafm
with which the true poet is infpired, that he
turned every thing he heard into the fweeteft
verfes, without any toil or effort. As he was a

^ Olai Wormii Litcratura/Dinica, p. 1^3.
^ Bed. Hift. Ecclef. S^onicc rcdita, p. 597. Hickefii Tbeiaur.
1. 1, p* 197-

*6« Bed. Hift. Ecclcf. L 4. c, «♦.

4 monk.

0-5- • THIP: ART S. i«^

IqoqI^, aod, aqcoiding to the mode of ihofe
time^Sr a 'pio^s mai^^ he employed hU poetic
tsU^ta only on religiou& fubjed^, and compofed
poenw Qi> ^U parts oi the Old a^^ New Tefta-
ij^denc* '^Hie Aji^g (fays Bede) the creation of
*^ tiie world,— the qrigin of inj^nkind, and tine
** whole hiftory of the book of Geneiis, — tl^e
*^ deliverance of the IfracUtes put of Egypt,-**
^^ tbeir taking poiTeifion of the land of proimfe,
^^ 3sA m^ny qtljer fcripture^hiftories. He fung
<^ of the incarnation, paifion, reCurreftion, and
" afcenfion of our Saviour; of the giving of
" the Holy Ghoft,- atfd the preaching of the
« i^ftles^. Jn a word, he comppfed poems on
^^ the divine bleflings and judgments,— pon the
** terrors of the laft day,-^on the joys of hei^ven^
** — the pains of hell,-t-and on many other reli-
^* gious fubjeds, to deter men from the love
*♦ of vice, and excite them to the love and prac- .
^« tice of Virtue '\'' All the works pf this
ancient poet of nature are unhappily loft, except
the fmall fragment above mentioned, which is
the moit venerable relic of the Dano-Saxon lan-
guage and poetry. For the learned Or. Hicke$
is of ppinion, that the poetical paraphrafe on the
book of Qenefis, publiihed by Junius as Caed-
znon's, is not really the work of that ancient
bard ''\

>^ Bed. Hift. Ecclef. 1. 4. c. 14.

'TO See the moft pcrfcdt copy of this fragment ia Wanki Catalogs
Lib, Septentrional, p. a 87,

The

17© . HISTORY OF BRITAIN. BaoL II.

^f thof ^^ ' ^^^ language of the Saxon, Danift, and other
ancient northern poets, was highly figurative and xneta*
^^' phoTical; but thofe figures and metaphors were
not the arbitrary inventions of every particular
poet, but eftablifhed by ancient and untverfal
praftice. ' This prevented, in fome mealure,
that obfcurity, which fo conftant a fucceffion of
ftrong figures would otherwife have occafioned.
RogvaW, earl of the Orkney ifles, who was a
famous poet as well as a great warrior, compiled
a kind of diftionary of thofe eftabliflied figures
and metaphors, for the ufe both of poets and
their readers, which he entitled the Poetical
Key^'^\ Many of thofe poetical metaphors were
taken from the ancient Pagan theology and my-
thology of the northern nations. For example,
-—heaven was " the fcull of the giant Imar ;** — the
rainbow was " the bridge of the gods ;*' — gold
was ^* the tears of Freya j"— poetry, *^ the prc-
** fent, (or) the drink of Odin ;"— the earth,
^' the fpoufe of Odin, the flefti of Imar, (or) the'
*' daughter of night;'* — a battle, '^ the hail of
^* Odin," &c. All thefe, and many others of
the fame kind, WQre.allufions CO particular fables
in the Edda '^*. But the far greateft number of
thefe poetical metaphors were taken from the
appearances, properties, anc) ufes of natural ob«
jefts. Thus, herbs and plants were *^the hair
>' of the earth, (or) the fleece of the earth ; — the

>7« Olfli Wormii Litcratiifca Danica, p. 195.

. » «

J «7i J^ortbprn Antiquities, vo'. 1. p. 39S.

•• 'i*

5. THE A R T S. 171

,."the candle of the gods ;''-r-the fea, ^^the
field of pirates, the girdle of the earth, the
*.* country of whales j" — ice, " the greateft of
** bridges '/^ — a fhip, " the horfe of the waves ;'*
*-a combat, ^*»the bath of b]ood> (or) the clang

' ^' of bucklers }" — arrows, "the )3irds of war,
" (or) the fnakes of war ;" — foldiers, ** the
" wolves of war j"-«-the tongue, " the fword of
" words ;" — the foul, " the treafu^e of the
" bread, (or) the keeper of the bony houfe,'*
&c. &c•'^^ But after all, this profufion of
metaphors, and other figures, together with the
very involved arrangement of the words, of which -
many are purely poetical, and never ufed in profe.
Tender the ftyle of the Saxon, Danifh, and other
northern poets, not a little obfcure to the greateft
proficients in thofe languages among the moderns,
though perhaps it appeared fufiiciently clear to
their cotemporaries.
The rules and meafures of the verfification of Rules of

. (he ancient Saxon and Danifli poets, are dill ^^q.
more obfcure, if not quite inexplicable. This is
owing to the great fmgularity, prodigious artifice,
?nd almoil endlefs variety of the kinds and
meafures of their verfes. '^The diflferent kinds
** of verfes (fays one of the beft judges) com*

^^ pofed by the Saxon, Danifli, and Icelandic
*^ ppQts, were almoft innumerable; for fuch
^* was the greatnefs and fertility of their genius,

^ Northern Antiquities, vol./|^ p. 395. Hickcfii Thefaur.
t. 2. p, J j^,

**that

ijt ' HIStOHY OF BRITAIN. Book H.

^ that there ws^ no end of their inventions. It
** may, howerer, be obferved, that the number
^ of the different kinds of verfes Qommonly
^^ ufed by thefe poets, did not exceed oiie hun-
^* dred and thirty-fix, without including diat
<* kind in which our modem poets i> much de«
<^ light, which confifVs wholly in en£ng every
*^ two lines with fimiktr founds. The harmony
^* pf thefe different kinds of vcrfes did not con-
^' fifl: only in the fucceffion of long and ftort
<< fyllables, according to certain rules, as among
<^ the Greeks and Romans; nor in the fimilar
^^ founds of the terminating fyllables, as asipng
^^ the moderns; but in a certain confonancy and
repetition of the fame letters, fyllables, and
founds, in different parts of the ftanza, which
** produced the mod mufical tones, and bS*.
** fe£ted jhe hearers' with the moft marvellous
« delight '^"

Ki^lcftpf Our ears, being (juite unaccudomed to thefe

qu«t!oV ancient mpdes o{ verfification, cannot be ftif-

common ceptible of the impreflioi>s of their harmony but

* ^ in a very ijnperfcft degree ; and therefore a very

particular account of them would neither be

pleafing nor inftruftive. It may pot, however^

be improper to gratify the curiofity of our

readers, by Ifiying before them the rules of one

of thefe kinds of verfe, which will enable them

to form a general idea of all the reft. The

kinc} of verfe moft proper for this purpofe, is

«74 Olai Wormii Liteiatura Danica, p. 177* 194*

that

€6

GIL 5i T H E A R T 8. !?$

tliat which was loalkd Dr*otquert of eommcH fdA^^
bdng that which was mod c^SAmolity * ufed 4a
finging the praifes of their kings and heroes.
This kind of v^rfc *ras cbrflrtrfted ih the fol-
lowing manner.

Each verfe ot line confifted af fix fylkbles>
each ^ftich of two lines, and each ftanza of four
diftichs, or eight lines.

The harmony of this kind of veffe in each
^ich was partly literary and partly fyllabical.

The ti-ser-ary harmony confifted in this, that .
three words in each diftich fhould begin with the
feme letters, two in the firil line of the diftich,
and '<Mie in the fecond. Thefe initials were called
the fonorous letters^

The fyllajbical harmony confifted .in this, that
ther« ihould be two iyllables' of fimilar founds
ill each li^e, which were caUed the fonorous
fyUables.

This fyllabical harmony was either perfcQ: or
ifliperfed. It was . perfed when the iimilar fyl.
iables confifted both of the fame vowels and
coafooants^ imsperfed when they confifted of
ibe fMie cdnfonaiits, but not of the fame vowels,
fhe fyllabical harmony might be imperfed in
^he (ltA line of a diilich, but it was always to be
petfcft in the fecond.

All thefe rules are ilkftrated and examplified
iti the two followifig Latin lines, which form a
diitich of the drotqua^t or common fong of the
Danes and Saxons. The fonorous letters and

fyllables

174 HISTORY OP BRITAI^I, Book IL

fyllables are in capitads, that they may be more
readily diftingoiflied.

« ChrlSTus Caput nOSTrum
« CorONct te bONis."

In this diftich C is the fonorous letter, and begins
two words in the firft line, and one in fhc k-
cond. In the firft line, 1ST and OST are the
two fonorous fyllabks, but imperfeft, confifting
of the fame confonants, but not of the fame
vowels. ON and ON are the fonorous fyllables
in the fecond line, being perfeft, as confifting
both of the fame vowels Sind confonants, aR
agreeable to the above rules. Four fuch diftichs
formed a complete ftanza of the drotquaet; cf
which the reader will find feveral examples, as
well as a more minute defcription, in the learned
and curious work fo often quoted on this fub^

rrfat^a- It is eafy to perceive, from the above example,
Tictyo^^ that thi« alliterative and fyllabical harmony was

tion* capable of almoft endlefs variations, by chang-
ing the length of the verfes, the . number and
pofition of the fonorous lett^tff%nd fyllables, and
by other methods. This gave the Saxon and
Danifli poets great opportunities of difplaying
their genius, by producing fo many different
fpecies of verfe« Nor was this kind of har-
mony, arifing from the repetition and artful dif-
pofition of fimilar founds and letters, peculiar

fr - _

"j Olai Wormn literatura Danica, in Append.

\ .

Ch.5. .THE A RT.g. »7|

to the fcalds or poeta of England and Scandi*
navia ; but was cultivated, in fome degree, by
thofe of all the other nations of the world of
whom we have any knowledge. Of this a thou-
fatid examples might eafily be produced, in va-
nous languages ; but the reader will probably
be fatisfied with a few from the moft celebrated
Latin poets, which he will find in a note *'^

This mode of verfification continued to be oc- Example
cafionally ufed by the poets of England long after *"*. "^' *
the conclulion of the period we are now exa- /
mining. The following example, from the vi*
fions of Pierce Plowman, publiflied about the
middle of the fourteenth century, may be taken
both, as "an lUuftration and a proof of thi«. This
fpecimen will be found to approach very near to
the rules of the drotquset or common fong above
dtfcribed,' but deviates a little from them, and
thereby Ihews what fmall variations produced a \
new kind of verfe.

'* In a fomer feafoti,
" When hot was the fun,
*^ I (hope me into (hroubs
** As I a fhepe were,
** Inhabit as an harmet,
** Unl^oly of werkes,

-TP

^ 0*rite! tiitc Tatl^ibi tanta tyranni tulifti. Ennius.
Non potuit paucis plura plane proloqui. PlautuJ'
L-*^ Libera lingua loqnuntur ludis liberalibus. Na'vius^

Thcfeacedcntem ccleri cum clafle tuctur. Catullus. - .
Dudtores Danaum de1e<5li prima virorum. Lucrttiuj*
Fectora plaufa cavis, et colla comantia pe<Sunt, rigiiiui-
FiiU plura a^ud Hkkefii Tbefaur* t. i-p, 195, »96.

•'Went

ij$ HISTORY OF BRITaIN. BookIL

. «* Went vtjAt In this #OfiA
« Wooden to kktaac'^V*

^eam. ^efides this alUteraiiv€ liaraiony, the Saxea
gardto • and Daniih poets are believed to have had ai
<]uan «• Q^^ ^ rqgard to the harmonious fucceffion of
long and fliort fyllabies as thofe -of Greece and
kome ; which ai^rded them anotner - mean of
multiplying their modes of verfification. Their
language wa$ much better fitted for thii kind of
hatmony * than mddem Emgliih, as it had not
near fo ^reat a proportion of Words of one fyi-
lable, and ks its quantities were much better
fixed and afcertainad '^. ** The Anglo-Saxon?
** {tup one t)f the grcateft critics), confcious dF
the 'dignrty, elegance, ftyeetnefs, and har-
mony, of thdr langua^ge, were much ad-
** dided to poetry. That kind of verfe in Ti^hith
^* diey mbft delighted wais the Adonian (con-
*< fiftJng of one long two fliort and two long
** fyllabies), though they fomctimes deviated sr
'* little from the Ari£t rules of that meafure^
** For as the Greek and Latin poets » when they'
'' wrote iambicks, did not always adhere to the
*' ftrifteft laws of that kind of verfe, but made
** ufe of various liberties; fo the Anglo-Saxon
" and Dano-Saxon poets allowed themfelves
^^* equal liberties in compofing their Adonics *^V'

177 See Kellcft of ancient Englifh Poetry^ Teoond edit* Vol* t»

178 Hickefii Thcfaur. 1. 1. p. t^S,
m Wakileii Catalog, in Pricfatr fub fin.

The

Ch. ^. T H fi A R T S. 177

The truth is, that a viery great number of the
Anglo-Saxon verfes now remaining are Adonics,
or fomething very like them '^^

Though the Saxon, Danifh, atid other nor- ^^^5
thern fcalds, had no fewer than one hundred rhymes.
and thirty-fix different kindii of verfe, without
including rhyme, there is the clearefl evidence
that they were not unacquainted with this laft
fpecies of verfification. To fay nothing of their
introducing rhyme into their Latin poetry, there
are not a few of their poems in their own Ian*
guage ftill extant, which are moft exaftly rhymed, ^
and fome of them have even double rhymes *•'*
So many different methods had the ancient poets
of Britain and Scandinavia, of pleafing the ears,
and delighting the imaginations of their coun*
trymen, while thofe of modern Europe are li-
mited to a very few !

AH the obfervations that have been made 3^1^^^^
above, concerning the verfification of the Saxon poets,
fcops or poets, and of the northern fcalds *^%
may be applied to the bards of Wales and Scot-
land in this period. For though the languages
in which the fcalds and bards fung their tuneful
ftrains, were as different as it is poffible for any
two languages to be ; yet there appears to have

»8o Hickefii Thcfaur. t. i. p. 189, &c.
^' Northern Antiquities, vol. i. p. 399.

'** The Saxon name for a poet was fitfp or fceop^ from the verb
fciop*.any " to ftiapc (or) tuakc ;'' the Danift name was/<:«/^,frgni
/ca/Jrif, "topoliih.''

Vol. IV. N been

i-S HISTORY Oi^ BRITAIN- Book 11*

been a very furprifmg fimiiarity between their
modes of yerfification, both being exce^Ingly
various, and chiefly of< the alliterative kind.
Whether this fimiiarity was owing to the Welfh
bards having imitated the Saxon fcops and
Danifh fcalds (as fome imagine}, or to foHie«
thing in nature, and the ftate of fodety^ which
direded them all to purfue the fame courfe, (as
others fancy), it is not eafy to determine *'^
The poetic genius of the provincial Britons was
much deprefled during their long fubjedion to
the Romans; but it revived when they reco-
vered their liberty, and Ihone forth in its meri-
dian luftre, when they were engaged in their
long and bloody ftroggle with the Saxons'"'*.
The bards then raifed their voices, and roufed
their countrymen to fight bravely in defence of
their country, their liberty, their parents, wives,
children, and religion, by the moft animating
ftrains. It was in this period (the fixth cen-
tury) that Taliefin, the king of bards. Art'
curin, Llywarch-Hen, Cian, Talhiarn, and all
the moft famous Welfli poets flourifhed '". But
unfortunately the works of fome of thefe poets
are loft, and thofe of the others become obfcure,
and almoft unintelligible*''^/ .
Various ^^ would fwell this article beyond all propor-

kinds of tion to enumerate and givfe examples of all the

poems. ^ *

'^^ Sec Northern Antiquities, vol. %, p^ iq6, &g.

'"4 See vol. a. p. 190.

»«5 Evan Evan DLlTcrtatio dc Bardis. ^^ Id. ibid.

differem

ICk^. THE ARTS. tj^gr

cKfferent kinds of poems compofed by the Bri-
tifli, Saxan^ and Danifli poets, of this ifland, in
this period. The fubjefks of their fongs were
as various as their verfification; To fay nothing
of their religions hymns, and their poems in
praife of faints, which were vqry numerous, they
inflamed the courage of combatants, and taught
the battle to rage, by their martial fdngs: they
celebrated the exploits, and fuiig the viflories,
of heroes, and preferved the memory of all great
events, in their hiftorical compofitions : thd
beauties of the fair, and the joys and cares of
virtuous love, were not forgotten ; nor did thejr
negleft to lafli the vices of bad men by their
fatires, or to lament the forrows of the difcon-
folate by their elegies, or to increafe the plea-
fures' of feftivity by their mirthful glees. Ex-
amples of all thefe kinds of poems, and of
feveral others, tnay be feen in the books quoted .
below '^

Mufic was as much admired and cultivated as Mufic.
poetry by all the nations who inhabited this ifland!
ia the period we are now examining. Thefe
two pleafiag arts were infeparable and univerfal.
The halls of all the kings, princes, and noble$
of Britain, rung with the united melody of the
poet's voice and the mufician's harp ; while
every mountain, hill, and dale, was vocal. The

J'7 Hickefii Thefaur. t. 2. Bartholin, de CauGs cotcmp. Mortis.
(Mai Litcratura Danica. Shiffer Hift. Lapon. Five pieces of
Ruaie Foetry. Specimens of ancient Wclfii Poetry, &c.

. N a poet

l8o HISTORY OF BRlTAtN. Book 11.

poet and the mufician was indeed moft commonily
the fame perfon; who, bltffed at once with a
poetical genius, a tuneful voice^ and flcilful
hand, fung and played the fongs which he had
compofed. Talents fo various and delightful
were objects of ambition to the gfeateft mo-
narchs, and procured the meaneft who poflefled
them, both riches, honours, and royal favour.
Alfred the Great, who united every pleating to
every great accomplifliment, excelled as much
in mufic as he did in war; and raviflied his
enemies with his harp^ before be fubdued them
with his fword- ** Not long after (fays one of
. ** the beft of our ancient hiftorians), Alfred ad-
/ ^^ ventured to leave his hiding-place in the ifle
** of jEthelingey, and gave a proof of his great
•* wifdom and dexterity. For taking his harp
'* in his hand, and pretending to be a poet and
, " mufician, he entered the Danifli camp, at-

*' tended only by one faithful friend. Being
*' admitted into the royal tent, he entertained
** the king and his nobles^ fcveral days, with
" his fongs and mufic, and thereby had an op-
" portunity of gaining all the intelligence he^
«« deCred ''^'* We learn from the fame hif-
torian, that AnlafF, the Danifti king of Nor-
thumberland, pfaftifed the fame ftratagem againft
king Athelftan, and almoft with the fame fuc-
cefs. ** He fung fo fweetly before the royal
** tent, and at the fame time touched his harp

'88 W. Malmf. 1. 2. c. 4.

, V with

Ch. 5- T H E A R T S. i8i

" with fuch exquifite (kill, that he was invited to

** enter ; and having entertained the king and

*' his nobles with his mufic while they fat at

" dinner, he was difmiffed with a valuable pre-

"fent''^" The famous Egil Skillagrim, the

Norwegian poet already mentioned, was fo great

a favourite with the fame king Athelftan, on

account of his mufical and poetical talents, in

vhich he ^ually excelled, that he loaded him

with riches and honours, and could deny him

nothing'®^. The firft mufician, who was alfo a

poet, was the eighth officer in dignity in the

courts of the kings of Wales, and had a place

in the royal hall next to the fteward of the houfe-

hold '*'. But it would be eiidlefs to produce all

the proofs that occur in hiftory of the high cfteem

in which thofe who excelled in mufic were held

jn the courts of the Danifh, Saxon, and Britilh

princes of this period.

Some Ikill in vocal and inftrumental mufic Mufic uni-
feems to have been neceflary to every man who ^^^faiiy

, . , . , ' cultivated.

Whed tp mmgle m decent company ; and to be
without it was efteemed difgraceful. This ap-
pears from a very curious paffage in Bedc's ac-
count of the religious poet Casdmon. " This
" extraordinary perfon was fo devout ^nd pious,
** that he could never make any poems on com-
*' men and trifling fubjedks ; and no ftrains ever
" proceeded out of his mouth, but fuch as

^5 W. Malmf. 1. a. c. 5. *"

*9° Arngr. lonaf. Iflandtc. 1. 2. p. 149.

'^J Leges Wallicae, p. 35.

N 3 ^^ breathed

I«a HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book II,

^'v breathed a fpirit of piety and religion, Eveii
*' before he became a monk, when he was in a
" fecular ftate of life, in which he continued till
*' he was of an advanced age, he never learned
^^ any of thofe frivolous fongs that were in
" common ufe. Of thefe he was fo totally ig-
** norant, that when he happened to be at aQ
^* entertainment, and it was propofed, as uiual,
f* that evjsry perfon prefent fhould fing and play
«' on the harp in his turn, to increafe the fef-
** tivity of the company j as foon ^s he faw the
** harp, which was handed about, approaching
^* near to him, he arofe, fneaked out of the
*' company, and retired to his own houfe'^V
Alfred the Great, in his Saxon verfion of Bede'§
hiflory, fuggefts the reafon of this condud of
Csedmon, viz, that he was afhamed to difcover
his ignorance of two fuch common accomplifli-
ments a$ thofe of fmging and playing on the
harp *'\ Caedmoft, before he became a monk^
was a perfon iji the very loweft rank of life,
being employed in keeping a gentleman's cattle,
under the direftion of an overfeer ; and his com-
panions feem to have been of the fame hi^mblQ
ftation, as there was but one harp iia the com-
pany. This fhews how univerfal fome Ikill in
vocal and inftrumencal mufic was in the period
we are now confidering ; and that thefe two kinds
of mufic were infeparable. For thefe people

«9» Bed. Hi^ Ecclcf. 1. 4. c. 34.

9? Id. ibid, a Smith, edit. p. 597, See Relics of ancient Poetry*
yol I. p. 59.

Ch. 5- T H E A R T S. iS'j

feem to have had no idea of finging without playing
xm the harp at the fame l|ne, or of playing on the
harp withoiat finging.

It -would be quite fuperfluoufi to fpend any The harp
time in proving, that the harp was the favourite adm^ed
inufical inftrument of the Britons, Saxons, Danes, ?**»^*^»n-
ftnd iildeed of all the nations of Europe, in the
middle ages. This is evident from their laws
and from every paffage in their hiftory, in which
there is the leaft allufiott to mufic. By the laws
of Wales, a harp was one of the three things
that were neceffaty to conftitute a gentleman,
h e. a freeman ; and none could pretend tp that
■charafter who had not one of thefe favourite in-
ftraments, or covild not play upon it'**. By the,
fame laws, to prevent flaves from pretending to
be gentlemen, it was exprefsly forbidden to
teach, or to permit them to play upon the harp ;
and none but the king, the king's muficians,
and gentlemen, were allowed to have harps in
their poffeffion '*'. A gentleman's harp was not
Viable to be feized for debt; becaufe the want
of it would have degraded him from his rank,
and reduced him to a Have. The harp was in
no lefs cftimation and univerfal ufe among the
Saxons, Danes, and all the other northern na-
tions, by whom it^ is fuppofed to have been in-
vented'*^. Thofe who played upon this inftru-
ment were declared gentlemen by lawj their

^ Legea Wallicae, p. 301. W Id. p. 4i5»

^^ Hickefii Gram. Franko. Theotefca, p. 96.

N 4 perfons

Ii4*

HISTORY OF BRITAIN.

Book SL

Otlicrmu-
ivcal in-
ftrumcnts.

pctfons were efteemed inviolable, and fecured
from injuries by very fwere penalties ; they were
readily admitted into the highcft company, and
treated with diflinguifhed marks of refped where-
ever they appeared '^\

Though the harp was the moft commoOj it
was far from being the only mufical inftrumenit
that was ufed by the Saxons, Danes, Welfli, and
other inhabitants of this iiland, in this period.
They had indeed a great variety, both of wind
and ftringed inftruments, which are occafionally
mentioned by the writers of thofe times, fome of
which are now unknown. « The inftruments of
praftical mufic (fays Bede, in his treatife on
that fubjeft) are either natural or artificial.
The nz^tural inftruments are the lungs, the
throat, the tongue, the palate, &;c. ; the arti-
ficial inftruments are the organ, the violin,
^' the harp, the atola, th^ pfaltry, &c. &c.'^\"
The trumpet, the tabor, the pipe, the flute, &c.
are mentioned by the fame venerable author in
other parts of that trejatife; and we meet with
the lute, the cymbal, the citola, the lyre, the
fiftrum, the campanula, and feveral others, in
the other writers of the middle ages '^^ It may
be queftioned, whether the organ mentioned by
Bede was an ^nftrunient of the fame kmd with
that which bears tbjs nj^me in modern times.
jSome arie of opinion, that it was not, \>v^t rather

€t

«(

>97 Leges Angl, ap«d Lindcnbrog. p. 485.
»98Bcdae Opt<a,Colociije, 1612, p* 3^3f
f9^ 04 Capf c Glofl: in voc,

Ch. 5

THE ARTS.

jai inftrument compofed of feveral reeds, an4
blown with the mouth *''^ But as there is fuffi.-
cient jevidence,' that organs blown with bellows,
and of the fame conftruftion with ours> were
known in the Eaft in the fourth century, it is not
improbable, that they had made their way into
Britain about the end of the feventh or beginning
of the eighth age, when Bede flouriflied *°^
' That organs were ereftcd and ufed in fome of the
principal churches in England, in this period,
we have the fuUefl: evidence. The famous St.
.Dunflan made a prefent of an organ with brafs
pipes, to the abbey-church of Malmfbury, from
his great veneration for the memory of St. Aid-
helm, the founder of that church ; and to this
organ a plate of brafs was affixed, on which the
foUo>viog diftich was engraved :

Organa do Sando Praful Dunftanus AldelmOf
Perdat hie aternum qui vult hinc tollere regnum ****•

The famous Ailwyn, alderman of all England,
and founder of Ramfay abbey, expended no left
than thirty pounds of Saxon money, equal in
quantity of filver to ninety, and in efficacy to
nine hundred pounds of our money, in building
an organ, with brjafs pipes. In the church of that
abbey ^^ The people of North Wales had a
jnufical inftrument, called, in their language, a
crwd^ and, in the barbarous Latin of thofe times,
(Tottay which had fix ftrings of catgut, and very

^ Murat. Antiq. t. a. p. 357. ^^^ Id. ibid. p. 358.

f^ Wf Mahnf. de pontifi«ibus, L 5. a°3 Hlllor. Ramaenf. c. 54.

much

i»6 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. » Book IT.

much refcmbled the modern violin*^. It vrzz
ufual on folemn occaiions for a great number of
imgers, harpers, and players on other inftm^
ments, to iing and play in concert; aild from
the above enumeration, which is far from being
petfefik, we may perceive, that they had a fuffi-
cient number of inftraments to make abundance
x)f noife,
Aftonifh- The moft aftonifliinK eflFeds are afcribed to
S^mufic/ ^^^ mufic, as well as to the poetry, of the pre-
sent period ; and - thefe efFefts were probably
' owing to the natural and happy union of both
thofe pleafing arts, rather than to the ihtrinfic
excellence of either of them. Olans Magnus
relates thie following ftory as an example of the
furprifing power of poetry and mufic : " A cer-
*' tain famous fcald and hjirpcr in the court of
** king Eric the Good ufed to boaft, that he
** could raife and inflame the pailions of the
*« human heart to any degree he pleafed. The
^' king, partly by promifes, and partly by
'* threats, prevailed upon the artift, much againft
** his inclination, to make the experiment on
^* him and his courtiers. The fcald begun by
*• finging fuch mournful ftrains, and playing in
^ fuch plaintive tones, that the whole company
** were overwhelmed with forrow, and melted
•^ into tears : by and by he fung and played
" fuch joyous and exhilarating airs,, that they
^* forgot their forrows, and began to laugh,

404 Diflertatio dc Bardis, p. 8o,

" and

jCh. 5. T H E A R T S. i^

«< aod daiice^ vid Siout, and gnre erery demon-
*^ itiadon of the moft unbounded mirth : at latt
^ xiiaiiging his fiabjeS: and bis tuney he poured
^ forth fiach loud, fierce, and angry founds,
*' diat dbey wer« feized with the moll frantic
f^^ rage, and would have fallen by mutual wounds,.
•♦' if the guards, at a fignal giren, had not
** TU'flied in and bound themj but, unhappily,
.«« before the ting was overpowered, he killed
** no fewer than four of thofe who endeavoured
** to apprehend him*®'." Venerable Bede, who
was a philofopher, as well as a poet and mufi-
/dan, fpeaks of the effefts of mufic in his time,
in more temperate ftrainS;- and yet reprefents
#hem as confiderable, " Great is the utility of
^ raufic, and its effe£ts are admirable. It is
^* indeed of all the arts the moft laudable, plea-
^' fant, joyous, and amiable; and renders men
f^ brave, liberal, courteous, and agreeable, by
^ its great power over their paffions and aflfec-
*' tions. How much, for example, doth mar-
^' tial mufic roufe the courage of combatants?
** and is it not obferved, thisit the louder and
*^ more terrible the clangor js, the more fiercely
f^ doth the battle rage ? Is it not mufic that
f^ purifies and delights the hearts of men, that
^* difpels their forrows, alleviates their cares,
ff improves their joys, and revives them after
ftf their fatigues ? Nay, is it not mufic that cures
/^ the headajch^ and ibme other difeafes, and

^^ Hift. OUi Magni, p. 586.

Jf promote?

i8« HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book II.

' **. promotes the health of the body, as well as
*' the happinefs of the mind *^^ ?" Can we rea-
fonably fuppofe, that the mufic of thofe times
was contemptible, whe^ fo wife and good a man
as Bede, who was fo well acquamted with it,
afcribes to it fuch effects ?
Church- After the converfion of the Saxons to Chriftia-

"^" ^^' nity, they became acquainted with a new kind of
. mufic, to which they had formerly been ftrangers.
This was church-mufic ; which, from a principle
of piety, as well as from their natural tafte for
the tuneful arts, they cultivated with uncommon
ardoun To inftruft them in j;hat mufic, which
was very different fesW their own, they procured
the ableft m afters from Rome, and fdit fome of
their moft ingenious yoruth to that city for in-
ftrudtion. One of the moft celebrated of thefe
foreign teachers of church-mufic was John, the
arch-chantor of St. Peter's at Rome, and abbot
of St. Martin's in that city ; who, at the requeft
of the famous Benedidk Bifcop, founder of the
inonaftery of Weremouth, was fent over by pope
Agatha, A. D. 678, to teach the monks of
Weremouth, and the other Englifh monks, the
art of fmging the public fervices after the
Roman manner. « This abbot John (fays Bede,
«' who was then a young fcholar in the monaftery
" of Weremo^uth) taught all the monks of our
^* monaftery the art of finging; and all the
<' monks in the other monafteries of Northum*

ao6 Opcrae Bedae, t. i. p. 553.

" berland.

Ch. 5* T H E A R T S.

«^ berland, who had a tafte for mufic, came
"thither, and put themfelves under his care.
" Befides this, he taught in many other places,
" where he was invited, and alfo left directions
** in writing fof finging the fervice of the whole
*' year, which are ftill preferved iii our mo-
** naftery, and of which many copies are pub-

" lifhed *°^'* Church-mufic was one of the chief
branches of learning taught in the college of Can-
terbury ; and profeffors of this mufic were fent
from thence into all other parts of England **'^
But thofe who were defirous of attaining to the
highcft degree of excellence in this kind of mufic,
which was then one of the moft admired accom-
plifliments of the clergy, and the mpft certain means
of preferment in the church, travelled to Rome for
their improvement in it, where it was taught in the
moft perfedl manner

189

ao9

^7 Beda Hift. Ecclef. 1. 4. c. 18.
^ Id. ibid-

»8 Id. I. 5. C. 20.

X . /

THE

HISTORY

i'(

O F

GREAT BRITAIN.

BOOK II.

CHAP. VI.

The hiftory of Commerce^ Coin, and Shippings in
Great Britain^ from the arrival of the Saxons ^
A. D. 449, ^^ '^^ landing of fViUiam duke of
Normandy^ A,D. io66,

COMMERCE IS no lefs neceflary to the pro- import-
fperity of particular ftates and kingdoms, ternar^*^'
and of the world in general, than the circulation commerce.
of the blood to the heakh of the human body.
As foon as any focicty is formed, in any country,
under any form of government, commerce be-
gins its operations, and circulates the natural
produdions of the earth, — the various animals
that are ufed for labour, food, or clothing, — to-
gether with all thofe commodities that are the
effedls of human art and induftry, among the mem-
bers of that fopiety, for the good of the whole, and

/
\

192 HISTORY OF BRITAIN- Book I L

of every individual. This may be called internal
commerce ; becaufe its efFeds and operations are
conBned within the limits of one particular ftate
and country. This internal commerce is always
the firftj and for fome time the only commerce,
that is carried on in the infancy of ftates and king*
I doms. It is iJfo the mcfft conftant and permanent^
and, like the circulation of the blood, is never in-
terrupted a fingle moment while the fociety fubfifts*
The home trade, or infernal commefce of a king-
dom, therefore, is an objeft of great importance ta
its profperity, and mfcrits the attention of the hif-
torian in every period.
And of Though fome countries are bleffed with a

tnidcf" more fertile foil and friendly climate, and. abound
more with ths neccffarics and comforts of life^
than others, it may be affirmed with truth, that
there is hardly any habitable country, that hath-
not a redundancy of fome ufefut commodities,
and a wan^t of fcarcity of others. This makes it
natural for the inhabitants of every cou'ntry let
defire to difpofe of their fuperfluities to procure a
fupply of their neceflities ; which can only be
accomplilhed by opening a commercial intcr-
courfe with the inhabitants of other countries-,
who want what they can fpare, and can fpare what
they want. Thefc mutual neceflities of the in-
habitants of different countries, dates, and king-
doms, by degrees i overcome their mutual diflikes
and jealoufies, and give rife to an interchange of
commodities, which may be called foreign com^
mercc. This foreign commerce, in any country.

Ch. 6. C O M M E R C E, &c. X93

iSv at firll but fmall, extending only to contiguous,
ftates and kingdoms ; but when it profpers^ and
is well condufted, it is gradually more and more
enlarged, until it penetrates into the moft diftant
regions, and brings home the produiEtions of
every climate. To attend, therefore, to , the
gradual increafe, and various revolutions of the
fordgn trade of a commercial country, in the
feveral periods of its hiftory, is an objeQ: equally
curious and important.

It hath beeh made appear, . in the fixth chapter Rccapitu-
of the firll book of this work, that both the inter- the ftatc
nal and foreign commerce of provincial Britain ^^grccT
were in a very flouriihing condition in the Roman the for-
times".» The natural produflions and manufac- ri!S.^*'
tares of each of the Roman provinces in this .
ifland had a free circulation into the other pro-
vinces, by means of coafting veffels, navigable
rivers, and excellent highways. The fuperfluous
com, cattle, mineials, aad manufadtures, of all
thefe provinces, were exported into all parts of
the Roman empire, where they were wanted,
and valuable returns brought home, either in
goods or cafh. It^ hath alfo been obferved, that
both the internal and foreign tirade of provincial
Britain began to decline very fenfibly before the
end of the preceding period, the former bei/ig^
much interrupted by the depredations of the
Scots and Pids, and the latter by the piracies of
the Franks .and Saxons *. But by the final die*

' Sec hook, I.e. 6.

You IV. O

» Id. ibid.

parture

»54

Anglo-
Saxons
ncgleded
maritime
affairs.

HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book 11.

parture of the Romans out of this ifland, its in-
ternal commerce was reduced to the lowed ebb,
and its foreign trade almoft quite annihilated \
Nor did either of thefe revive, in any remarkable
degree, till after the efl:abli(hment of the Saxon
heptarchy. For in that deplorable interval be-
tween the arrival of the Saxons and their efta*
blifhment, war was almoft the only trade of all
the Britifh nations. But as foon as the rage of
thofe long and bloody wars between the Britons
and Saxons, began to abate, by the retreat of
the former into Wales and Cornwall, and the
eftablifhmenc of the latter in that part of Britain
which was foon after called England^ all thofe.
nations began to pay greater attention to the arts
of peace, and particularly to trade and com-
merce. From this asra, therefore, in the courfe
of the fixth century, we fliall begin the annals of
commerce in the prefent period.

There are few examples in hiftory of fo fudden
a change in the purfuits and employments of
any people, as in thofe of the Anglo-Saxons,
after their arrival in this ifland. Before that
time, the fea was their favourite element, and
navigation the art in which they moft delighted
and excelled. ^' The Saxons (fays an autbc^ of
^ the fifth century) are not only well acquainted,
c^ut perfefUy femiliar, with the arts of navi*
^ fation, and all the dangers of the fea\'' . But

1 See book If c. 6.

4 Sidon* ApoHin. 1. 3. epift. 6.

%^J.*

Clk. e. C O M M E R C E> &c. 195

as foonasthey began to form fettlemeitts in the
pleafant and fertile plains of Bfitain, they aban- ^
doned the fea, and ni^le^ied maritime aJ^irs for
feveral centuries. This was partly owing to the
long and obftinate refiftance-they met winh from
the Britons^ which obUged them to employ all
their forces at land, and to negled: the fea ; and
partly to the fertility of their new fetttements ;
irhich^ fumifhmg them with all the neceflaries
and conveniencies of life of which they had any
ideasy they remained contented at home, and no
longer infefted the narrow feas with their pracical
expecfitioas. The &&, however^ is undeniable^
that the Anglo-Saxons, during their ftruggle
with the Britons, and fc^ near two centuries after»
had very few fhips^ and almofl: totally Aegleded
maritime affairs* After their feveral armies
landed in this ifiand,> we hear no more of th<;ir
fleets^ which they either deftroyed, or fuffered to
rot in their harbours. In this period, therefore
and indeed during the whole continuance of the
heptarchy, the Anglo-Saxons had very little
commercial intercourfe with any of the countriesr
on the continent ; and that little was chiefly car-
ried on by foreigners. Venerable Bede, who is
our fureil guide in this dark interval, acquaints
us, ^' That the city of London, the capital of
*^ the little kingdom of Eflex, was a famoui
emporium (probably the only one then in
Britain), frequented by merchants of fewral
^< nations> who came to it both by fea and land

O a "on

€€

196 HISTORY OF BRITAIN, Book H.

•'. on account of trade '/' This feems to in-
timate, that London was the great centre of the
Britiih commerce in thofe times ; to which the
Anglo-Saxon merchants, fronl the different na-
' tions of the heptarchy, brought their goods by
land, and there met with foreign merchants, >vho
came thither by fea to purchafe thefe goods, either
with money, or with other goods which they had
brought from the continent. In this manner,
the greateft part of the little trade between Eng-
land and the continent was carried on till about
the middle of the eighth century.
Foreign Qffa king of Mercia, who mounted that throne

trade re- ^

▼ived by A. D. 755, fccms to have been the firft of our
of McrcL Anglo-iSaxon princes who gave any great atten-
tion to trade and maritime affairs. This great
prince encouraged his fubje£ts to fit out fhips,
and carry their goods to the continent in Englifii
bottoms, with a view to raife a naval power for
the protection of his dominions. The other
petty princes of the heptarchy, dreading the
power and ambition of Offa, applied to Charle-
magne, the greatcft monarch who had reigned in
Europe fince the fall of the Roman empire, for
his protection againft their too powerful neigh-
bour, of whom they made very bitter com*
plaints. This occafioned a violent mifunder-
ftanding between thefe two great princes, and
very much interrupted the trade of England in
its infancy. Charlemagne treated the Engliffi

s Beds Hift. Ecclef. 1. 2. c. 3.

merchants,

Ch. 6. C O M M E R C E, &c, 197

merchants^ fubjeds of the king of Mercia, with
great feverity, and even denied them admii&on
into his ports ; which provoked Offi^ who was
a prince of a high fpirit, to treat the emperor's
fubjeAs in the fame manner in England. ^^ I
^^ know not (fays the famous Alcuinus in one of
** his letters) what will become of us in this
*• country ; for an unhappy contention, fomented
by the malice of the devil, haih' lately arifen
between Charlemagne and king Ofia, and
hath proceeded fo far, that a flop is put to all
*^ commerce between their dominions. There
" is a report, that I am to be fent abroad to
** negociate a peace V This report proved
true. Alcuinus was fent abroad ; and conduded ,

his negociation with fo much addrefs, that he
not only concluded a commercial treaty between
Ofia and Charlemagne, but became one of the
greateft favourites of that mighty monarch.

There is an article in this ancient commercial Singular
treaty, which informs us of a very Angular kind fmifg?^
of fmuggling that was carried on by the Englilh s^^"5-
merchants of thofe times. Thfe emperor Charle-
magne had impofed certain cuftoms or duties on
all kinds of merchandife imported into his domi-
nions, and appointed oiScers in all his ports for
coUeding thefe cuftoms. Some Englilh mer-
chants, in order to elude the payment of thefe
duties, put on the habits of pilgrims, and pre-
tended that they were travelling to Rome, or

6 W. Malmf. 1. I. c. 4. p. 17.

O 3 fome

t^8 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book II,

fome other place, on a religious account^ audi
that the bales which the/ carried with them con-
tained nothing but provifions and neceflarics for
their journey, which were exempted from paying
^ny duty. But the colledors of the cudoms (s^
fufpicious unbelieving kind of men in all ages)
often learched the parcels of thefe pretended
palmers ; and finding them to contain merchant?
goods, eithef feized theni, or impofed a \iezvj
fine upon their owners j which occafioned loud
complaints, and was one of the fubje£ls of con-
troverfy between the two princes ; Ofia infifting
that the baggage pf all his fubje^ls who travelled
through the emperor's dominions on pilgrimages^
(hould be allowed to pafs unfearched. Alcuinu$
was not able to carry this point ; which^ to fay
the truths was not very reafonable: but the
following article was inferted in the treaty, .whicb
fufHciently fecured all real pilgrims from injury :
*^ All ftrangers who pafs through our dominions
^^ to vifit the threiholds of the blefled apoftles,
*^ for the love of God and the falvation of their
*' fouls, (hsdl be allowed to pafs without paymg
^^ any toll or duty ; bjii^t fuch as only put on the
^' habit of pilgrims, and under th^t purfue their
^' traffic and merchandife, miift pay the legal
f^ duties at the appointed places. It is alfo our
*^ will, that all merchants (hall enjoy the moft
'* perfeft fecurity for their pcrfons and effeft^
^^ under our protection, and according to our
^' command ; and if any of them are opprefled or
ff injured^ let th^in appeal to us or our judges^

f^ an4

eh. 6. C O M M £ R C £, &c. tr^

** and they fhall obtain the moft ample fatisfac-
** tion ^/* Such fecms to have been the ftate of
the little trade between England and the con«
dnentinthe times of the heptarchy; carried on
chiefly by foreigners, and a few EngUih fubjeds,
who were rather pedlars than nierchants, and net
very fiimont either for their wealth or honefty^
80 imaU. xtere the beginnings of the trade of
England, which hath fince arifen to fo great a
hdght !

The animofities that fubfifted between the Noeom<
Anglo-Saxons and Britons, during thdr long inter-^
and bloody wars, were too violent to admit of ^^^^^^ ^-

* ' tween the

any trade, or the exchange of any thing, but Angio-
l>lows and injuries. Even after thefe wars had and^ ^
fubfided, by the fettkment of the former in '^^^^•
England, and the retreat of the latter into
TVales, the intercoqrfe between them was rather
boftile and predatory than commercial ; for the
Britons (till confidering themfelves as the rightful
owners of the fine countries from which they had
been expelled, made frequent inroads into the
Englifli territories, and feized every thing they
could lay their hands upon as their own property.
Thefe predatory expeditions were fo far from
being confidered by the Britons as haying any
diing ihameful or unlawful in them, that , they
were efteenied the moft facred duties, and moft
honourable exploits, of their greateft men ; for
which they were highly celebrated by their bards

7 W. Malmft 1. I , c. 4* p. 1 7*

O 4 who

u
cc

€€
«C
C(

HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book IT.

who attended tbeip*. •< The royal bard ihall
attend the king's domeftics when they go out
to plunder the EngliQi, and flail fing and
play before them for their encouragement.
If they meet with refiftance, and a battle
enfue, he (hall fing the fong called the old
Britijh monarchy.*' Many laws were made for
regulating the divifion of the booty taken in thefe
expeditions, between the king, the grc2^t officers
of his court, and all others concerned ^ It is in
vain to look for the peaceful and equitable
tranfaftions of commerce between nations who
lived on this unfriendly footing; and on this
footing the inhabitants of England and Wales
lived till long after the conclufion of the hep-
tarchy. The injuries which the unhappy Britons
had fuftained were too great to be ibpn forgotten
by their pofterity.
Com- , Though the Anglo-Saxons were divided into

tween the f^^eral petty ftates and kingdoms in the times of
different the heptarclw, yet as they ail fpoke the fame
the hep- language, ^Md were in reality the fame people,
tarcby. ^^ havej|^ reafon to doubt, that the inhabitants
of difFeitJnt ftates traded fometimes with each
othei;^ ^when thefe ftates were not at open war.
TI)^ people of fome of thefe ftates were addifted
t0 agriculture, and thofe of others to pafturage,
which made a commercial intercourfe between
them for their mutual benefit. But notwith-
(landing this, it cannot be denied, that the

> Leges Wallicflc, p. 36. 9 Id. ibid.

political

Ch. 6. C O M M E R C E, &c. aoi

political divifions of the Anglo-Saxons into fo
many governments, muft have been a great in-
terruption to their internal commerce,' by their
national jcaloufies and frequent wars. It is fome*
thing more than an illuftration of this, that though
ihe people of England and Scotland were as near>
^nd almoft as like to each other, before they
vrerc united into one kingdom, as they have been
fince ; yet their commercial dealings were not near
fo great.

The internal as well as the foreign commerce Refirainti
of the Anglo-Saxons in the times of the heptarchy ^^ ^^^
was very trifling, and lay under manifold re-
ftraints. How great a reftraint, for example,
mud the followihg law have been, that was made
by Lothere king of Kent, who flourifhed about
the middle of the feventh century ? " If any of
'* the people of Kent buy any thing in the city
** of London, he muft have two or three honeft
men, or the king's portreeve (who was the
chief magiftrate of the city), prefent at the
bargain*"*.'* By the fame Saxon laws, no
man was allowed to buy any thing above the
value of twenty pence, except within a town,
and in the prefence of the chief magiftrate, an4
other witnefles ^\ The fame reftraints were laid
upon bartering one commodity for' another:
** Let none exchange one thing for another,
f^ except in the prefence of the (heriff, the mafs<-
<< prieft, the lord of the manor, or fome other

v> lyilkips Leges S^Kon. p. 9. " Id. ibid.

^« perfon

tor HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book 11.

" perfon oi undoubted veracity. If they do
«* otherwife, they fhall pay a fine of thirty fhil-
•« lings, bcfides forfeiting the goods fo exchanged
♦* to the lord of the manor '*/' The defign of
thefe and fcveral other troublefome regulations
was, to afcertain the terms of all bargains, at a
time when very few could write, that, if any
difpute arofe, there might be fufScient evidence
to dired the judges in their determinations $^—
and alfo to prevent impofitions of all kinds, and
the faie of faulty and of ftolen goods } or in cafe
of fuch being fold, that the innocent party might
be indenmified, and the guilty punifhed. Thefe
regulations, however, muft have been a great
interruption to all commercial dealings; and
clearly (hew, that internal, as well as foreign
trade, Was then in a very low ftate ; and that the
members of fociety had little knowledge of bufi-
nefs, or confidence in each other's honefly. By
the laws of Wales, another precaution was added,
to prevent the poilibility of impofition, by fixing
a certain legal price upon every commodity that
could be the fubjeft of commerce ; and this is
done in thefe laws, with a fuUnefs c^ enumera-
tion, in a degree of minutenefs, that is truly
curious and furprifing". For example, there is
in thefe laws a whole fefUon, and that none of
the Ihortcft, fettling the prices of cats, from the
moment of their birth through all the ftagcs of

» Wilkips Leges Saxoo. p. 9, n Leges Wallicjc, 1. 3.

' • . life,

Ch. 6^ G O M M S R C E, Itc. ^03

lifis, aecordKng to their various (H'opterties '^ It

IS true, thcfe laws had anotbifer view, befides re**

gulating the prices of thefe (:ommo4ities in Tales ;

which was, to regulate the damages that were to

be paid for them in cafe of ^heir deftru^on. it

muft . alfo have been a difqouragisment to internal

commerce, that ip thofe times a certain propor^

tion of the price of all commodities bought and

fold in each kingdom was payable to the king^

wh<en it was above twenty pence ; and this was

another reafon why their laws required, that aU

bargsuns for things above that value, ihouid be

m^e within the gates of towns, and in the pre^

fence of , the fherifi> or portr^ve, who coUeded

• thefe duties. Th)s cuftom, like many others,

the Anglo-Saxons adopted from the Romans;

^ and it was continued from the beginning to the

lend of thh period ; of which it will be fufficient

tp give one example. From Doomfday-book it

appears, that a certain proportion of the price of

every thing bought and fold within the borough

of Lewes in SuiTex was to be paid to the port^

reeve, the one half by the buyer, and the othia:

by the feller; and particularly, that the port?

reeve was to receive four-pence for every man thait

Fas fold within that borough '%

As we have mentioned feveral laws and cuf- J^nftitution

of ficiirs

toms in this period, which had a tendency to and mar-
ppjmp an4 feftraift internal commercei it is but ^^*'

»♦ Leges Wallicae, p. 447, %At.

}^ Scriptorcs Saxon, a, T. Gale edit. t. x. p. 761.

104 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book IT.

juft to take fome notice of fuch as were calcu-
lated to promote it. Of this kind the inftitu-
tioi;! of markets and fairs at certain dated times
and places was certainly one of the moft effec-
tual, as it brought buyers and fellers, and things
to be bought and fold, together. This inftitu-
tion was not the invention of the Anglo-Saxons,
but had been long eftabliflied in all the provinces
of the Roman empire, and was wifely continued
by them,' and by all the other barbarous nations
who took poffeilion of thofe provinces on the
fall of that empire. All thofe nations, however,
regulated their fairs and markets according to
their own cuftoms and ideas. The appointment
of the times and places of thofe mercantile meet-
ings was one of the royal prerogatives ; and they
were commonly appointed when and where there
was a concourfe of people on fome other ac-
count. This is the reafon that the weekly -mar-
kets in the former part of this period were com-
monly at churches (which were then chiefly in
towns), and on Sundays, that the people might
have an opportunity of procuring neceffaries for
the enfuing week, when they came together for
the purpoTes of religion ; and poflibly in hopes
that the churches would be better frequented on
that account. But it was found that this un-
natural mixture of fecular and religious affairs
was attended with manifold inconveniencieSj and
very hurtful to the interefts of religion ; and
therefore many laws were made againft holding

markets

Ch- 6. C O M M E R C E, &c. 205

markets on Sundays '^ It feems, however, to
have been very diffichlt to change this cuftom,
which had been long eftablifhed, and was agree-
able to many ; for thefe laws were often re-
peated, and enforced by fevere fines^ befides the
forfeiture of all the goods expofed to fale. At
length, though thefe weekly markets were ftill

kept near churches, the day was changed froni

Sunday to Saturday, that thofe who came from a

diftance might have an opportunity of attending

divine fervice on the day after, if they pleafed.

This was a confideration of importance, when

churches, being few, were at a great diftance

from each other. Befides thefe weekly markets,

there were greater commercial meetings held at

certain places, on fixed days of the year ; which

being well known, were much frequented. Thefe

too had a very intimate connexion with religion,

being always held near fome cathedral church or

monaftery, on the anniverfary of the .dedication

of the church, or on the feftival of the faint to

whom it was dedicated ; which happened in this

manner. When bifhops and abbots obferved

that great multitudes of people came from all

places to celebrate the fcftivals of their patron
faints, they applied to the crown for charters to
hold fairs at thofe times, for the accommodation
of ftrangers, and with a view to increafe their
own revenues by the tolls which their charters
authorifcd them > to levy at thofe fairs ^\ This

«6 Spel. Concil. 1. 1. p. 377. 40+. 450, 50P. 518, &c.
»7 Murator. Antiq. t, z, Diflertat 3#, p. 86a.

contri*

got HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book H,

contributed alfo to increafe the crowds at theic
feftivals, fome attending them with religioast
and others with commercial views ; and the
greater thefe crowds were, it was thought the
, more honourable for the faint^ and was certaml j
the more profitable for the clergy. Many pre*
caudons were taken to preferve good order, and
prevent theft and cheating, in thefe ecclefiaftical
fairs, fome of them not a little lingular. For
example, when a fair was held within the pre^
cinQis of a cathedral or monaftery, it was not
uncommon to oblige every man to take an oath
^ at the gate, before he was admitted, that he
would neither lie, nor fteal, nor cheat, while
he continued in the fair *' : an oath which we
may prefumc w^s not always ftridly kept ! Thefe
cuftoms, fo different from our own, may appear
to us ridiculous ; but they were very ^rtful con-
trivances of the clergy of thofe times, for raifing
the reputation and increafing the revenues of
then: refpeflive churches ; and alfo profitable to
the public, by promoting commerce. Many of
thefe ecclefiaftical fairs (as they may not im«
properly be called) are ftill kept in all Popilh
countries ; and many of our own are flill held on
the fame faint's days to whofe honour they were
originally inftitu ted.
EftaWiih- The eftablifliment of the Englifli monarchy,
Se\ng- by the reduftion of all the kingdoms -of the
nwc™^fa ^^P^^c^y> ^^^ ^^^^ anodier, under the dorni*

Tonraole

to tnde. >" Murator, ilntiq. t. a. Diflertat. 30. p. Sti.

"nion

Ch. 6. G O M M E R C E» *t:. ' soj

nioa of ooa fovereigiiy was an ev^at highly fa*
vourable bqth to the internal avd foveigQ trade
of England. It was favourable to internal trade,
by putting a period to thofe internal wars which
aimoft conftantly raged between the petty ftatea
of the heptarchy, and by rendering the commu*
nication between the feveral parts of England
more fecure and free. It was favourable to fo«
Tcigh commerce, by making the £ngli{h mo« '
narchy a greater objeft to foreign merchants*
and the Englifh monarchs of greater coniidera*
tion in foreign countries. Not long after the
eftablifliment of the monarchy, alliances and in-»
termarriages took place between the royal fa-
milies on the continent and the royal family of
England ; which opened a more free communis
cation between this kingdom and the dominions
of foreign princes. Edward the Elder, who was
one of the firft Englifii monarchs, had four daugh-
ters married to the four grcatell princes then in .
Europe J and on occafion of thefe marriages, many
curious things were brought into England, where-
they had never before beeh feen, and other things
wfere fent out in return j which gave rife to com*~
mercial intercourfe '^ ,

The cflabliftiment of the Englifti monarchy j^^ap^^^,
would have been fliU more beneficial to trade, of the
if the advantages of it had not been balanced . hurtful to
by the piracies of the Danes, and their defcents ^^^^^•
upon the coafts of England, which began about

»3 W. Malmf.l. a. c, 6.

the

ao8 HISTOky OF BRITAIN. Bootll.

the fame time. Thefe ferocious freebooters, who
had never been heard of in England till near the
end of the eighth century, became fo formidable
in the ninth, that they covered the narrow feas
with their piratical fleets, and kept all the coaib
in continual alarms with their invafions, which
were as fudden as they were deftrudlive. In this
period, therefore, when the Danifh and Norwe-
gian fleets rode triumphant at fea, and feized
every merchant-fliip thstt fell in their way, and
when their crews landed when and where they
pleafed, and plundered the coafts and fea-ports,
there could be little foreign trade in England.
This was the ftate of things from A. D. 787,
when the firft fleet of Danifh pirates plundered
the coafts of England, to A. D. 875, when Al-
fred the Great obtained the firfl naval viftory
over thofe deftrudtive rovers *®. In this unhappy
interval, the fatal confequences of the long and
imprudent negleft of maritime affairs were fe-
verely felt by the Englifli ; who thereby not only
16ft all the advantages of foreign trade, but fuf-
fered innumerable infults and calamities from
' their cruel invaders. Sometimes, indeed, they
defeated the Danes on fliore, and obliged them
to fly to their ihips ; but during that fpace of
eighty-eight years, they were never able to look
them in the face at fea ; which rendered their
viftories by land of little value. For whenever
the Danes met with a vigorous refiftance in one

>« Chron. Sacon. p. 64. 83.

place,

ell. ^. C b M M E R C E, &c. ioij)

place^ they retired to their fhips, and flew like
lightning to another^ where the people were not
fo well prepared for their reception, and there
took ample revenge for their former repulfe.

There can be no queftion, that the firft Eng- Naval
H(h monarchs, Egbert^ Ethelwulph, and his three foreigii .
eldeft fons, who were all cruelly harafled by the ^^^^^^
continual invafions of the Danes, were very fen- reitored
fible of the difadvailtages they laboured undej, the Great*
for want of a fufBcient fleet to meet their ene-
mies at fea, and prevent their landing ; and that
they were earneftly dcfirous of ^ fupplying that
defeat. 5ut there is nothing in the world more
diflicult, than to reftore a. naval power when it
is fallen into decay, in a country where there is
littte foreign trade, to furnifli fliips^ and to be a
nurfery for feamen } and in the face of enemies
who are mafters of the fea- To . an ordinary ge-
nius, this tnufl: Appear imprafUcable. What adi
nliratipn then is juftly due to that extraordinary
prince^ who not only attempted, but accom*
pliflied, that difficult undertaking j who faifed a -

mighty naval power almofl: out of nothing, re^
vived foreign trade, and wrefted the dominion
of the feas out of the hands of the infiilting
Danes ? This was the great Alfred, who pre-
fents himfelf in fo many amiable points of view,
to one who ftudies the Anglo-Saxon hiftory, that
it is impoflible not to contraO: the fondeft and
moft enthiifiaftic admiration of his charader. It
is much to be lamented, that we have fuch im-
perfeft accounts of the means by \(rhich this great
; ' Vol. IV. P prince

MO HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book II.

prince accompUflied the many wonders of his
reign, and particularly of the methods by which
he reftored the naval power and foreign trade of
England, when they were both annihilated. The
few hiftorians of thofe times were wretched
monks, /vvho knew little of thefe matt-ers, and
thought it fufficient to rcgifter in their meagre
chronicles, that fuch and fuch things were done,
without acquainting us with the means by which
they were accomplifhed. We mufl try, how-
ever, to make the beft of the few imperfeft
hints which they have left us, and endeavour to
fet this important part of the naval and cpm-
mercial hiilory of England in as clear a light as
poflible.

Nothing can more fully demonftrate the low
Alfred. flatc of the (hipping and trade of England at the
acceffion of Alfred to the crown, than the feebl6-
nefs of the firft fleet with which he encountered
his enemies at fea. After four years prepara-
tion, he got together five or fix fmall veflels,
with which he put to fea in perfon A. D. ^75 ;
and meeting with fix fail of Danifh pirates, he
boldly attacked them, took one, and put the
reft to flight": a victory which though fmall
in itfelf, probably gave him no little joy, as it
was gained on an element to which the Anglo-
Saxons had long been ftrangers. His misfor-
tunes at land, which threatened the total ruin of
himfclf and kingdom, obliged him to, fufpefld

** Chroii. Saxofi. p. 85.

'9 die

Naval hif
tory of

Ch. 6. C O M M JE: R e E; &e;

the profecution of hU defign of raifing a iiaval
power for fome time. But no fooner had he re-
trieved his affairs by the great yiftory which he
obtained over the Danes at liddington A. D.
8 78, than he refumed his former fcheme, and
purfued'it with redoubled ardour : and the m^ans
he employed to accomplifh it were equally hu-
mane and wife* Inftead of fatisfying his re-
venge, by putting the remains of the Danifli
army to the fword when they were in his power,
he granted them an honourable capitulation, per-
fuaded their leaders to become Chriftians^ afligced
them lands in Eaft-Ahglia and Northumberland,
and made it their intereft to defend that country
which they came to plunder^*. With the af-
fiftimce of thefe Danes, who had many fhips, and
were excellent failors, he fitted out a powerful
fleets which Afleri us tells us he manned with pi^
rates, which was the name then commdnly given
to the Danes by all the other nations of Europe ;
and with this fleet he fought many battles againft
other Daniih fleets with various fuccefs **. There
can be no doubt, that this wife prince piit many *
of his own natural fubjefts on board that fleet,
both to leaf n the arts of navigating and fighting
fliips, and to feciire the fidelity of the Danes ;
of which he had good reafon to be fufpicious;
Still further to increafe the number of his fea*.
ttien, he invited all foreigners, particularly the
people of Old Saxony and Friefland, to ^ritei*

^11

"W.MalmCi. %. c 4.

•3 Aficn p. ^.

into

J, 2 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book It

into his fervice, and gave them every poffible
encouragement**. As he well knew that a flou-
rifliing foreign- trade was the bed nurfery for
feamen, and of great advantage to the king-
dom, he excited his fubjeds to embark in it by
various means, as particularly by lending them
^money and fhlps, and by others that will be
hereafter mentioned *^ By thefe, and probably
by other methods which have not come to pur
knowledge, Alfred raifed fo great a navat power
in a few years, that he was able to fecure the
coafts of his kingdom, and proteft th^ trade of his
fubjecls.
Vo nzes ^^ ^^^ midfl: of all thefe, and many other cares,
iormakiiig Alfred encouraged foreigners that were in his
fervice, and fome of his own fubjefts, to under-
take voyages for making difcoveries, and open-
ing new fources of trade, both towards the north
and fouth ; of which it will be proper to give
fome account. There is ftill extant a very cu-
rious relation of one of thefe voyages undertaken
by one Ochter, a Norwegian. This relation was
given by the adventurer himfelf at his return,
and written down from his mouth by king Al-
fred with his own hand. The ftyle of this pre-
cious fragment of antiquity is remarkably fimple,
and it feems to have been defigned only as a me-
morandum for the king's own private ufe. This
fnnpliclty of ftyle is imitated in the fbllowiag

»+ Afler. p. 13.

*> Aiidcrlons lliftory of Commerce, t. i, p. 44.

tranila-

ciifcove
riesv

Ch.6. C O M M E R C E, &c. . tij

tranflation, from the original Saxon, of that part
of it which it is thought neceflary to lay before
the- reader*

*' Ochter informed his lord Alfred the king, Ochter^s

^ voyage. "

*^ that his habitation was to^the north of all the
** other Normans, in that country which is
wafhed on the north by the weftern ocean;
He faid, that country ftretched very far to-
" wards the north, and was quite deftitute of
*' inhabitants, except a few Finnians, who lived
" in the winter by hunting, and in the fummer
" by fifliing. He added, that he had conceived
" a ftrong defire to examine how far that coun-
" try extended towards the north, and whether
" any people refided beyond that defert; and •
** with thcfe views* had failed diredly northward,
** keeping the defert land on his right hand/ and
" the open fea on the left, for three days, when
^* he was as fai north as the whale-fifliers ufed to
" go. After that he failed other three days in
" the fame courfe, when he found the land
*' make a turn towards the eaft ; but whether
*' this was a great bay or not he could not cer-
** tainly tell ; this he knew, that he waited therfe
*' fome time for a north-weft wnd; by which
he failed eaftward four days near the fhore>.
Here again he waited for a north wind, b&.
** caufe the land turned dircftly fouthward, or
" the fea run into the land that way, he knew
** not which ; but he failed fouthward as far as
" he could fall in fivel days clofe by the coaft,
<* when he came to the mouth of a great river,

P 3 ^' which

4e
re

fH HISTORY OF BRITAIN, Bookll,

f^ which run up far into the land. In this place
?.^ he put an end to his voyage, not daring to
5* Tail up that river, becaufe the country was well
*^ inhabited on one fide of it. This, he faid,
** was the only well peopled country he had met
y with after be had left his own home. For
during the whole voyage, the land on his
right hand was all a defert, having in it only
a few wandering fifhers, fowlers, and hunters,
f ' \yho were all Finniai|S ; op hh left hand all was
f^ open fea.

Gpnti- *^ ^^ ^^^^ further, That the Bearms told him,

J^^cd. »« their country was well inhabited j but he durft
^' not go on flioret The land of the Tirfinnians
*' was aln^oft a defert, being inhabited only by
" a few fifliers, hawkers, and hunters. The
f* Bearms, he faid, told him rtiany things both
f^ about their own country and the nergbouring
5* countries ; but whether thefe things were true of
V not, he could not tell, becaufe he had not feen
*^ theni himfelf. He thought the Finnians and
f^ the Bearms fpoke nearly the fame language.
" He faid he vifited thefe parts alfo with a
nucd. ^' ^^^^ ^^ catching horfc- whales, which had
f ^ bpnej of very great value for their teeth ; of
f^ which he brought fonie to the king ; that their
f^ ikins were good for making ropes for (hips.
*f Thefe whales are much lefs than other whales,
f* being only five ell's long. The beft whales
f' )vere catched in his own coiintry, of which
ff fome were forty-eight, fame fifty yards long.

Ch. 6, C O M M E R C E, ^c. ^'^

" He faid, that he was one of fix who had killed

fixty in two days.

Ochter was a man rich in thofe things which Ocbter^s
" were there efteemed riches, viz. wild animals. "^'^*^^-

He had, when he came to the king, fix hun-
*' dred rain-deer, all unbought. Among thefe •
*' were fix of a kind which the Finnians value
" very highly, bet:aufe with them they catch
*' wild deer. He was one of the greacefl: men
'• in that land, and yet he had only twenty
•' cows, twenty fheep, and twenty fwine. The
" little land that he ploughed, he ploughed with
" horfes. His chief revenues confifted in the
*Stributes which the Finnians or Laplanders
*^ paid him ; which were compofed of deer-fkins,
** and birds feathers, and the bones of whales,

and fhip ropes made of whales Ikins and feals

Ikins. Every man pays according to his cir-
*^ cumftances ; the richeft commonly paying fif-
" teen martins fkins, five of rain-deers, one of
** bears, ten^ bulhels. of feathers, one kirtlc of
" bears fkins or otters Ikins, two (hip- ropes, each
" fixty yards long, the one made of whales fkins,
'' and the other of feals (kins *°/*

The reft of this fragment contains a (iefcrip- Obferva-
tion of Norway, Denmark, and Sweden, which ochtcr'i
this adventurous navigator had vifited at the de- ^^v^^^^ ^
fire of king Alfred ; but muft be omitted for the
fake of brevity. The river where Ochter ter-
yninated his voyage, and from whence he re-

*^ Vita ^Ifrcdi Magni, "Append, vi. p. iq$,

i^ 4 turned,

lis

▼oy;ige<

' HISTORY OF BRITAIN- Book II.

ttirn^dj mud have been the Dwina, on the banks
of which Archangel was long after built. The
Bearms, with whom Ochter converfed, were the
inhabitants of the country anciently called Bearm^
fand, thought by fome to be the country now called
Melepadia^ Inger mania ^ &c. but more probably
the country, on the eaftern banks of the Dvrina,
How -many refleftions will this (hort fragment
fiiggcft to every intelligent reader ! and how
much muft he admire the genius of this great
prince, who gained a more perfed knowledge of
thofe northern feas and lands, in that early pe-
riod, when th6 art of navigation was fo im-
perfeft, than any other Englifhman acquired for
more than fix hundred and fifty years after his
death ? For captain Richard Chancellar was the
firft European navigator who djfcovered the White
fea and the river Dwina> A, D. 1553, from the agC
of king Alfred *^ Ochter, who performed this
dangerous voyage, was probably one of thofe Nor-
wegian princes who were expelled their country
about A. D. 870, by that great northern conquer*?
or Harold Harfagcr, who reduced all Norway un-
der his obedience.

There is alfo extant a fhort journal of another
voyage, written by king Alfred from the mouth
of one Wqlfftan, an Anglo-Saxon, whom he
had fent to explore the coafts of the Baltic, and
the fcveral countries that are waflied by that fca ;
pf which it may be proper to tranflate.a part.

?? A>P4crfpn*8 niftpry of Coiprocrcc, vol. i. p. 3H.

eti.6. COMMERCE, &c.

. ^^ Wulfftan faid, that 'he failed from- Haethby
^« (now Slefwic), and in five days and five nights
** continual failing arrived at Trufo. Weonad-
** land was on his right hahd ; on his left was
** Laxigaland, Zealand, Falfter, and Sconen.
••-All thefe coi^ntries belong to Denmark. Af-
^' terwards Burgendaland (perhaps Bornholm)
*' was on the left hand, which hath a king of
** its own. After Burgendaland, was the coun*
" try which is called Blekingdy aqd Meora (per-
*' haps,Morby), and Ocland, and Gothland, on
♦* the left hand, which belong to the Sweons
** (Swedes) ; and Weonadland (fo he calls the
** whale coaft of Germany waflied by the Bal-
*' tic) was always on the right hand to the
*« mouth of the river Wifle (the Viftula). The
. « Wifle is a very great river, on which are
*' Witland and Weonadland, Witland belongeth
«« to the Efteons. The Wifle hath its fource in
" Weonadland, and flows into the lake Eft-
•^ mere, which is fifteen miles broad. Thea
*« cometh the Ilfing from the eafl: into Eftmere,
«* on the bank of which Trufo fl:andeth. Both
*' the Ilfing and the Wifle flow into the lake
♦' Eftmere, the former from the eafi: out of
<• Eaflilandia, the latter -from the wefl out of
«* Weonadland. Then the Ilfing lofeth its name,
*• and falleth out of the lake into the fea, by ^
** north- weft: courfe, at a place called Wi/Iemouth,
** The Eaftland is very extcnfive, and hath many
^ towns, and in every town a king. It abounds
** m boney s^nd 6fl). The kings and rieh men

*^ drink

ai7

2i8 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. IJook II.

" drink mares milk," &c. The remainder of
this fragment contains a very curious aiicount of
the • manners and cuftoms of the people of Eaft-
land (now Poland), and in particular of the ce-
remoniesf at their funerals, which are Angular
enough ; but too long, and too foreign to our
prefent fubjeft, to be here inferted **.

Dcfignsof It is impoffible to difcovef, at this diftance of
known.""" time, whether Alfred's views in being at fo much
pains to gain a perfeft knowledge of the feas
and coafts of Scandinavia, were purely commer-
cial ; or whether he had not formed in his own
mind the defign of a military expedition into
thofc countries, to retaliate on their refllefs in-
habitants feme of the injuries which they had
fo long inflifted on the Englifh, and the other
nations of Europe, almoft with impunity. It
would , require a genius equal to Alfred's to con-
ceive the great defigns which he had formc^d,
and of which his early 4eath prevented the exe-
cution.

Alfred' '^'^^^ extraordinary prince did not confine his

difcoverlcs tefearches after the knowledge of diftant coun-
tries to the cold uncomfortable regions of the
north, though their inhabitants made then a
more confpicuous figure than they do at pre-
fent ; but he was at equal pains to open a com-
munication with the warmer climes of Afia:
though our accounts of his efforts to this pur-
pofe are quite unfatisfaftory. We know indeed

^ Sec Vita Alfred! , Append, p. 207.

that

Ch.6. C O M M E R C E> &c. S19

that there were fuch efforts made ; but are left
to gueft how they were conduced. He kept a
€orrefpondence with Abel patriarch of Jerufa-
lem, whofe letters to Alfred, Afferius, his friend
and confident, tells us, he had feen and read *^
From this prelate he no doubt received many
valuable communications concerning the ftate of
feveral countries of the eaft ; and it was pro- '
b,ably from him that he had intelligence of the
Chriftians of St, Thomas fettled at Meliapour,
on the Corotnandel coaft in the Hither India,
and of their diftrefsful circumftances. In what-
ever manner he received this information, he -.

conceived the generous refolution of fending re-

•

lief to thofe Chriftians, fo far disjoined from all
the reft of the Chriftian world ; and at the fame
time of gaining fome knowledge of thofe remote
regions. To execute this refolution, he made
choice of an Anglo-Saxon prieft, named Sig-
helm ; and he feems to have been very happy in
his choice. ^' Sighelm (fays the beft* of our an-
^* cient hiftorians) was fent beyond fea with the
" king's charity to the Chriftians of St. Thomas
'* in India, and ; executed that commiffion with
" wonderful good fortune,; which is ftill the
*' fubjeft of univerfal admiration. For he really
f^ penetrated into India, and returning from
" thence, brought with him jewels of a new
f' kind, with which that country very much
f' abounds. Some of thefe jewels may ftill be

«p AQTer. de Rcbue gcllis ^Ifrcdi, p. 17.

" feen

aoo HISTORY OF BRITAIN. BookIL

^*' feen among the trcafurei of the church of
*' Shereburn, of which Sighclm was made bi-
" fhop, after his return from India ^^'^ What
courfe this adventurous prieft purfued in exe-
cuting this difEcuU commiffion, we are not in-
formed j only we are told, that he went firft to
Rome; which makes it highly probable, that
he embarked on board fome Venetian fhip for
Alexandria in Egypt, For the Venetians car?
ried on a trade with Alexandria from the very
beginning of the ninth century, if not before".
From Alexandria Sighelm might travel over
land to fome port on the weftern fhore of the
Red fea, where he might again embark, and
failing down that fea, and pafGng the ftrdghtfr
of Babel mandel, he might crofs the Arabian fea
to the coaft of Malabar; and failing along that
coaft, and doubling the cape, he would foon
arrive at the place of his deftination. This,
however^ is given only as conjedure, an(l not
as hiftory. There can be no doubt, that Sig-
hclm gave an ample relation of his travels to
his royal mader at his return; and .if that had
been preferved, it would now have been efteemed
more valuable than all the jewels he brought
from India.

The art Befides thefe attempts to difcover unknown

bu!idnJg ^^^^ ^^^ countries, and thereby open new fources
improved of trade, Alfred promoted commerce in feveral

by Alfred. '^

3D w. Malmf. dc Geftis Pontific, Anglor. 1. a. p. 141.
31 j^Iurator. Antiqiiitat. t. a. p. 8S3.

other

Ch. 6. C O M M E R C £, &c. Ut

Other ways/ He introduced new manufaSures,
which furnifhcd many things for exportation, as
well as for home confumptioh. He repaired the
fea-ports, and particularly the city of London,
the favourite feat of commerce in this ifland,
which had been ruined by the Danes ^*. But the
chief means by which he promoted foreign com-
merce was the great improvements which he
made, by his inventive genius, in the art of
fliip-building. The fliips ufed by the Danes,
Saxons, and all the other nations of Europe at
that time, were called keels or cogs ; . and were of
a very clumfy form, fliort, broad, and low;
which made them very flow failers, and very-
hard to work". Alfred obferving thefe defefks,
gave direflions to his workmen for building Ihips
of a very different conftruftion; which are thus
defcribed in the Saxon Chronicle, the mod •
authentic monument of thofe times, from which
all our fubfequent hifl:orians have borrowed their
accounts: " The fame year (897) the DaniOi ,
" pirates of Northumberland, and of Eaft-*
" Anglia, plundered the coaft of Weflex in a
" very grievous manner, efpecially tovvards the
" fouth* They did this in fliips that had been
" built long before in the ancient form. Alfred,
" to oppofe thefe, commanded fliips to be built
" of a new conftruftion. They were about /
twice the length, of the former, and much
more lofty j which made them much fwifter

1* Afier. de Rebus gcftis ^Ifredi, p. 15.

*J W. Malmf. 1. i.c, I. \

** failers.

222 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book IL

*' failers, more fteady in the water, and not fo
** apt to roll. Some of thefe new veffels had
*^ fixty oars, and fome even more^*." From
this defcription, fhort and imperfeft.as it is, we
may perceive that this was a great? improvement
in naval architefture ; and that the fhips of this
new conftruclion were not only more beautiful,
but a!fo more commodious, either for war or
commerce, than the former. By their length
and fliarpnefs, they ploughed the fea with greater
eafe and celerity. By their altitude, when em*
ployed in commerce, they fecured both men and
goods more efFeftually from the waves ; and when
engaged in war, for which they w^re firft in-
vented, they were more difficult to board, and
gave the combatants the great advantage of
throwing their weapons from abo\:;e on thofe
below them. They appear to have been a kind
of gallies, or galliots, navigated with oars as
well as fails, that they might profecute their
voyage, or purfue their enemies, in a calm as
well as on a wind. Of the fize, capacity, and
burden, of thefe fhips, we can fay nothing with
certainty, but that they required fixty or feventy
failors to navigate them ; which is a fufficient
evidence that they were not very fmalP^

The naval By thefe and the like means, this extraordinary
^^die^f"^ prince raifed the naval power and foreign corn-
England merce of England, from that ftate of- annihila-

greatly in -
creafi'd i>y
Alfred. ^* Chron Saxon, p. 98.

35 Sec S^elman's Life of Alfred, p. 50, 51. Dr. Campben's Li«s
of the Admiralo, vol. i. p. 53.

' . tion

Ch. 6,

COMMERCE, &c.

223

tion in which he found them at the beginning of
his reign ; and before the end of it, rendered
thtm both much greater than ever they had been
in any former period of the Saxon government.
That the naval povver of England was greater iti ^

his time than ever it had been before, is evident
from the many victories which he obtained over
the Danes at fea, who till then had been con-
fidered as invincible on that element. That the
foreign commerce of England , was alfo greater, is
no lefs evident from the fuperior fplendour of h^s
court and the greater quantities of cafh, and of
foreign commodities, that were then in England ;
fotne of them the produce of very diftant coun-
tries, which could only be procured by com-
merce ^*. We have already heard of the pre-
cious flones brought from India ; and Afferius
tells us, that one morning, after Alfred had
made him a grant of two abbeys, with all their
furniture, he gave him a prefent of a very fine
filk cloak, and of as much frankincenfe as a
ftrojig man could carry, accompanied with this
obliging expreflion, — "That thefe were but
trifles in comparifon of what he defigned to
give him"/' This .is a fufEcient proof that
Alfred was poffeffed of confiderable quantities of
the moft precious produftions of the Eaft, the
happy effefl:s of a flourifhing trade.

As England had gained more by the life> fo it T^e trade
fufFered more by the death of Alfred, than by Sn by""^

3^ Clarke on Coins, p. ago. n. /
.J7. AlFcr. dc Rebus geftis JElfrcdi, p. 15,

the dt?th
of Mixed.

that

aa4 HISTORY OF BRITAIN.,, BookIL

that of any other prince that had ever filled the;
throne; becaufe many great, defigns which he
*had formed for advancing the profperity of his
kingdom, and the Yelicity of his fubjeds, periftied
with him. If this prince performed fo much in
the midft of the tumults of war, what would he
not have ^ccompliftied if . his life had been pro-
longed, after he had triujmphed over all his
enemies, and brought his kingdom into a ftate
of perfed order and tranquillity ? It was, how-
ever, fo far happy, that fome degree of the
genius of Alfred defcended to his fon Edward,
and his grandfon Athelftan, who w^re educated
under his eye, to fay nothing of his daughter
Ethefleda countefs of Mercia, who inherited a
ftill greater portion of her father's fpirit.

HiftoT7 of Edward the Elder, who mounted the throne in

trade m the firft year of the tenth century, influenced by

of Eciward the preccpts and example of his illuftrious father,

t^e Elder. ^^^^ proper attention to the naval power and

commerce of his kingdom. For though he Wb

chiefly engaged, during his whole reign, in re*

ducing the turbulent Danes of Eaft-Anglia and

Northumberland to a more perfed fubjedion,

and in fortifying many towns and caflles for the

internal fecurity of the country, he conftantly

kept up a fleet of a hundred fliips, with which he

proteded the trade of his fubjeds, and maintained

the dominion of the fca "•

^ Cbron. Saxon, p. ioi>

Atheldan

Ch.6. C O M M E R G £,.«tc. - /2iS.

Athelftan, the eldeft fbn and fucceflbr of Ed- ^^^^^

, . . r t. promoted

tord, was at much greater pams-to /increaie the by king
naval power and commercie of England than his
father had been. This wife prince, fenfible of
the great advantages of foTeign-trade, encouraged
his fubjefts to engage in it, by making it the
toad to honour as well as wealth. For by one of
his laws it was eriafted, — *^ If .a mariner ot riler-

chant fo profpef as to mak^ three voyages over.

the high Teas, with a Ihip and cargo of his
^' own, he fhall be advanced to the honour and
*' dignity of a thane ^^" This excellent law,
which difcovers an equal knowledge of human
nature and of the true intereft of England, mufl:
have been produftive of very great effefts, though
the particulars are not preferved in the fcanty
annals of thofe times. Athelftan, ftill further to
facilitate arid encourage commerce, eftablithed a
mint, or mints, in every town in England that
had any confiderable foreign trade, that the
merchants might have an opportunity of convert-
ing the bullion that they brought home for their
^goods into cuh*ent coin, without much expence
or trouble. Thefe towns were, London, Canter-
bury, • Winchefter, Rochefter, Exeter, Lewes/
Haftings, Chichefter, Southampton, "Werha^,
and Shaftefbury ***. Thefe and other ^Vife regu-
lations excited fuch a fpirit for trade, and fo
much incrcafed the (hipping and feamen of Eng-
land, that Athelftan maintained the dominion of -

J9 Wilkins Leges Saxon, p. 71. 40^ Id. p. 59.:

VdL.lY. C^ , . the .

sa4 HISTORY OF BRITAIN, Bookll.

the kz, and obliged the Daniih and Norwegian
princes to court his friend (hip. «^ All Europe
(fays William of Malmfbury) proclaimed his
pr^ifeS) and extolled his virtues to the ikies«
Happy did thofe foreign princes think them-
felves, and not without reafon^ who could
gain his friendlhip, either by prefents or alli-
ances. Harold king of Norway fent him a
fine fhip, with a gilded flern and purple fails^
furrounded and defended on all fides with a
row of gilded fhields*'." Nothing but ^
flourifliing foreign trade, and a powerful navy,
could have made a king of England to be fo
much refpefted . and courted by the princes on
the continent} efpecially in thofe times, when
there were hardly any political connexions be<»
tween diftant nations.

Though nothing feems to have been done in
the flioit reigns of Edmund, Edred, and £dwi,
from A. D. 941 to A. D. 957, for the encourage*
Etigar^thc "lent of commerce j yet the fpirit that had been
Peaceable, jj^akcned continued to operate, and the naval
power and trade of England to increafe. This
enabled Edgar the Peaceable, who fuccccded his
unfortunate brother Edwi, to raife a greater fleet,
and make a more diflinguifhed figure at fea,
than any of his priedeceflbrs. This prince, how-
, ever, was fo great a favourite of the monks, the
only hiftorians of thofe times, that every thing
they fay of him muft be underftood with caution;

Hlftory of
tiade and
ill ip ping
in the
reign of

41 W. Malmf. 1. a. c. 6,

au6i ' C d MM E k G £> itc.

and, in partioilat, their accopnts of the number
bf his ihips are perfeSIy incredible, fonle mak*-
ing- them 3000, fome 3600, and fdme no feWer
than 40P0 *'. Thefe numbers are fo cxtravag^iat,
that it fecms moft probable, that the tranfcriber$
have added a cipher, ' and thereby made them,
ten times the real liumber. Is it poffible to
imagine, that a king of England, in the infancy
of foreigh trade, had three hundred thoufand fea-
men in his fervice? and yet fo many it would
Require to man a fleet of three thoufartd fliips>
allowing only one hundred men to each fliip; '
Which is certainly a very moderate computation.
The above conjecture concerning the tranfcribers
is the more prob^ible-, that one of our ancie&t
hiftorians makes the number of king Edgar's
fliips.only thre? hundred *^ Jlven this was a
great number, and (hews the rapid increafe of the
Englifh navyj from one hundred (the comple*
mcnt of It in the reign of Edward the Elder) to
three hundred, in the fhort fpace of fifty years,
This fleet king Edgar divided ijito three equal
fquadrons ; one of which he ftationed on the eaft
coafl, another on the fouth, and the third on the
north, for the proteftion of thefe coafl:s, ' and
maintaining the dominion' of the fea. What our
hiftorians further add concerning his failing round
the whole ifland of Britain every fummer in thefi?
fleets, and vifiting in perfon every creek and

4* Hovcdcn. p. ^7,6' Flor, Wigorn. p. 607. Abbas Ricval.
p. 360. Brcmp't. « W. Thorn.

Qji harbour.

^27

328 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. BoOklf.

harbour, can hardly be ftriftly true **. All thj^
we 6an depend upon in this matter is, that by
the gradual increafe of trade, feamen, and (hip-
ping, Edgar had a greater fleet than any of his
prcdeceffors ; \yhich he kept in excellent order,
and with which he^ efFedually protcfted the coafts
of his kingdom and the commerce of his fub«
jeds. This is all an Englifh monarch ought to
"wifh J and fhort of this he ought not to flop.
Befides the protedion and encouragement that
Edgar the Peaceable gave to foreign^ trade, he
made feveral laws for regulating the internal
commerce of his fubjefts. By one of thefe laws
it was enabled, " That all the mon^y coined in
'' the kingdoni (hould be of one kind ; and that
" no man fliould refufe it in payments j and that
" the mcafures ufed at Winchefter fliould be
'* ufed over all the kingdom *^ ;*^ A wife regu-
lation, which, probably never took efFefl:. By
^ anotht^r law it was appointed, that thirty three

honed men fliould be chofen in large towns, and
twelve in fmall towns, to be witntefles to all bar-
gains' within thefe towns ; and that no man fliould
either buy or fell any thing but before two or
three of thefe fworn witnefles. When any mem-
ber of a decennary or tithing went to a diftant
jijaiket, he was required, by another law, to
acquaint the tithingman or burgholder what he
defigned to buy or fell, and alfo to acquaint him
at his return what he had bought or ' fold *^ All

4+ W. Malmf. 1. 2. p. 7. 45 VVUldns Leges Saxon, p. 78.

-^^'id.p.So, 81. *

thcfc,

Ch. 6. C O M M E R C E, &c. 22()

thefe, and feveral other troublefome reftriftions
of the fame kind, defigned to prevent frauds,
and the fale of ftolen goods, fufficiently (hew,
that cofnmercial tranfafliions were but few in,
comparifon of what they are at prefent j and that
little mutual confidence reigned among the mi^m^
bers of fociety.

The minor fties of the two fons of Edear the Hiftoryof

■Tfc 11 11 irr-r^iii trade and

Peaceable, and the weaknefs or Ethelred, the ihipping
youngeft of them, after he arrived at man's eftate, Jeign^of
were very fatal to . the naval power, con^merce, "^.^^yy^^^
and profperity of England ; for thofe t^^ho had ready.
the direftion of aiFairs under thefe princes, ob«
ferving the profound peace and fccurity that the
kingdom enjoyed, occafioned by the vigour of
the late government, imagined that a navy was
become unneceffary, and fuffered their Ihips to
rot in their harbours^ It Avas not^ long before
their ancient enemies the Danes received intel-
ligence, and took advantage of this fatal error*
At firft, indeed, thofe deilruftive rovers ap-
proached the coafts of England with a kind of
dread and diffidence, as afraid to roufe a flecp-
ing Hon ; but finding the defejicelefs (late of thef$
coafts, they boldly poured upon thern on all
fides, and fpread defolation and mifery from one
end of the kingdom to the other. It is as unner
ccffary as it Would be unpleafant, to give a mU
nute detail of all the defeats, difgraces, and
miferies, which the Englifh fuffered in the long
unhappy reigti of Ethelred the Unready ; which
were chiefly 'owing to their negle£t of maritime

O3 affairs.

fio^ HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book If,

affairs, and the want of a fufficient fleet to pro-
teft their trade and coafts, and maintain, the do-
minion of the furrounding feas ^\ After having
often tried the Ihameful expedient of bribilig their
enemies, by great fums of money,, to- defift from
their depredations; and finding that this, like
throwing oil into a fire, iilftead of dimini(hing<|
increafed their violence ; they became fenfible of
their error in neglecting their fleet, the only im-
penetrable bulwark of their country. ' To cor reft
this ertor, a law w^s made A« D. looR, obliging
^ the proprietors of pvery 310 hides . of land to

furnilh a Ihip for the royal navy^. In confe-
quence of this law, a very great fleet was railed
of near eight hundred ibips ; which, fays the
Saxon Chronicle, was greater than s^ny that had
. ever been feen in England in the reign of any
former king*^ This is a fuflicient proof, that
the merchants and mariners of England, in the
midfl: of all thie miferies of their country, ha4
not abandoned the fea, or neglefted foreign
ttade; for fo great a fleet could not have been
raifed by any but a commercial people. Of this
^here are fome other evidences. In this reign,
feveral wife and humane laws were mad6 for the
fecurity of the perfons, ihip^, and effects of
merchants, when they ^ere driven into an Eng:
lifti harbour by ftrefs of weather, or were wrecked
Vpon thecoaft; which fliow, that it was the ' in-
tention of the legiflators to encourage foreign

47 phrop. Saxon, p. i%^^x/^6» ^s jd. p. 135. 49 Id. ibid.

trade.

COMMERCE, &c-

2^1

Ch. 6.

trade ^°. By other laws made in a great council,
or wittenagemot, held at Wantage, the rates of
the cuftoms to hb paid on the importation of
various kinds of goods at the wharf of Billingfii
gate, -in the port of London, were fettled^'.
JFi"om thefe laws it alfo appeairg; that there was a
fociety or company of German merchants, called
the emperor's men, then refiding in London,, who
were obliged to pay to the king for his protedion,
twice a^year (at Chriftmas and Eafter), two '

pieces of gray cloth, and one piece of -Wown
clothjj ten pounds of pepper, five pair of gldve«,
and two calks of wine **. This company was
probably the fame with that which was after#
wardj fo well known by the name of the Af<?r-
fhunts of the Steelyard. There is ftill extant a
kind of commercial treaty between king Ethelred
^nd the princes of Wales, by which a court was
conftituted, confiding' of fix Englifh law-men
iind fix WeUh law-men (as they are called), who
were to determine all dilputes that (hould arife
between the people of England and Wales "*

/ Though the total fubjedion /^f the Englifli to Hiftoryof
the Danes, A. D* 1017, wa& fatal to fome noble there-gn
families, and involved the Anglo-Saxon princes the Gi tat,
in great diftrefs, it was, in fome refpedls, falutary ^^•
to the kingdom, and particularly to its commerce,
by putting an end to thofe" bloody wars between

so Wiikins Leges Saxon, p. 104.

V Brompton, p. 887. ^nderfpn 8 Hift. Commerce, vol. i. p. 5*.

t^ lU.ibid. 53 Wiikins Leges Saxon, p. 125.

Ct4 ^ the

^ /

aja HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book II,

the two nations, which had raged about forty
years with little intermilfion. Canute the Great,
being a wife as well as a warlike prince, endear
voured to gain jhe ,aiFe6lions of his Englilh fubf
jefts, by affording them the moft effedlual pror
teftion, and tvery encouragement in his power ^\
Jle fent home to Denmark, as foon as he coulc}
do it with fafety, the greateft part of his Danilh
troops, that they might no longer be either a bur-
den or terror to the Englifli. He alfo difmiffed
all his fleet, except forty fliips, which he retained
for fome time to proteft the trade 4nd coafts of
England". He erhployed that influeirce which
his high reputation, his extenfive dominions, and
his mighty power, gave him with foreign princes,
in procuring favours and privileges from them
for his trading fubjeds. When he was at Rome
A. D. 1031, he negociated a, commercial treaty
in "perfon with the emperor Conrad II. and
Rodolph III. the laft king of Aries ; in which be
obtained very extraordinary exemptions for the
Englifli merchants in the dominions of thefe
princes. This vfe learn from his own letter
which he fent from Rome to the nobility^of Eng-?
land. " I fpoke with the emperor, the pope,
*' and all the princes whom I found here, about
f* the grievances of my fubjefts, Englifli as well
<* as Danes ; and infifted, that they fliould be
f* more favourably treated in tim^ to come, and
! f? Qotfo much vexed wkh tolls and exaftions^ of

f4 W» Malmf. I. z.c, 11, jf5 Chron. Saxon," p. i5»i

Ch. 6. C O M M IT R C E, Sec. «jJ3

^^ various kinds in their dominions. The etn*
peror, king Rodolph, and the other princes,
complied with my remonftrances, and ^con-
♦' fentcd, that^ all my fubjedls, merchants, as;
well as thofe who travelled on a religious
account, fhould meet with no interruption,
but fhould be- protected without paying any
'^ totP^*' Under the aufpices of this powerful
prince, the trade of England flourifhed greatly,
and the Engliih merchants, efpecially thofe of
London, acquired a degree of weight and in-
fluence in the public councils of the kingdom, '
formerly unknown. This appeared in a ftrong
light, from the important part they afted in the
very beginning of the next reign, as we learn
from the beft authority. '^ As foon as Gan^ute
** was dead^ a great aflembly of the nobility met
^' at Oxford, w^here were prefent earl Leofric,
*' almofl: all the thanes to the north of the
'^ Thames, and the feamen of London, who
^' chpfe Harold to \>c king of all England ".'* ^
Thefe feamen of London, whp \vere members
of this witt^nagemot, or .grejit copncil, were
probablyfuch nierchants of that city as had made
three voyages beyond feas in (hips of their own,
^nd had thereby acquired a legal title to the dig-r
nity of thanes. The "tranquillity that England
enjoyed after the acceffion of the Danifli princes
was fo ^reat, that the royal navy was reduced by^ ^
Canute' to fixteen fhips ; for the fupport of which

56 W. Malmt I. 2. c. 11, ^ Chron. Saxon, p. 154. -. •

tS4 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book 11.

an equitable and moderate tax was impofed ; and
on this footing it continued during all the re-
. mainder df his reign, and the whole reign of
his fucceflbr Harold. Each mariner on board
this fleet was allowed eight mancufles,^ and each
commander twelve mancuflfes, a-year, for pay
and provifions ; which was a very liberal al-
lowance ip thofe times '*. Hardicahute, the laft
of the Danifh kings of England, kept a fleet of
ftxty {hips, and gave his feamen the fame ge-f
ner9u$ allowance ; which rendered the tax im«
pofed for their fupport fo heavy, that it became
the occafion ef much difcontent and of fome
tumults *'. The reftoration bf the Saxon line to
, \he crown of England, in the perfon of Edward
. the Confeffor, made no material change in the
naval power or commerce of the kingdom ; which
were both in a flouriftiing ftate at the conclufioa
of this period,

the mrp- ^^ ^5 ^"^'^ impoffible, at this diftange of time,'

pinR of to difcover the numbers or the tonnage of the

aAlic" nd fl^ips belonging to England at the Norman con-

pItM. ^^^^ » ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^ fufficient evidence that they

were both confiderable. To lay no ftrefs on th?

exaggerated accounts of the prodigious fleets of

Edgar the Peaceable, that of king. Ethelred,

which was raifed after the Englifli had fuflfered

many lofles both by fea and land, confifted of

near eight hundred fliipsj befides which, there

58 Chron. Saxon, p. 155, Flor. Wigorn. p. 6x3. J

59 W. Malmf. 1. a. c. 12.

\ I

were,

Ch. 6. C O ,M M E R C E, &c,

. v/ere^ no doubt, many employed in trade at the
fame time. After this^ the ihipping of England
continued to increafe to the very conclufion of
this period, when it is not improbable they
inight amount to two or three thoufand veflels,
from twenty to on^ hundred tons. From the
reprefsntation of many of thefe fhlps in the fa-
pious Japeftry of Bayeux, it appejirs, that they
were a kind of gallies with one maft, on which
was fpread one very large fail, by means of a
yard raifed to near the top of it with puUiesi
Their fliape was not inelegant, their ftems adorned •
with the heads of men, lions, or other animals,
which (if we naay believe hiftorians) were fome*
times gilded ^^. Though the following defcrip-
tion of the fhips of that great fleet, with which
)iing Cjjnute invaded England, is evidently toQ
poetical to be Uriftly true, yet as it was com-
pofcd by a' cotemporary writer, who was probably
an , eye-witnefs of what he defcribes, it merits
ibme attention : f^ So great was the fplendour and
** beauty of the ftiips of his mighty fleet, that
f' they dazzled the eyes, and fl:ruck terror into
the hearts of the beholders : for the rays of
the fun refleSed from the bright fliields and
ppUfhed arms qf the foldiers, and the fides of
the fliips gilded with gold and filver, exhi-
bited a ^ fpeclacle equally terrible and magni-
** ficent. On the top of the maft of every fliip
^* was the gilded figure of fome bird, which,

^^ MontfauQon Monumens Fran9oires, t. x. p. 376. Mcmoirct
flc V Academic Royalc, 1. ii|.

~ f ^ turning

«J

t$6 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Pook 11.

** turning on a fpindle with the. winds, difco-
** vered from whence they blew. The ftems of
the fhips were adorned with variou's figures
call in metal, and gilded with gold and (ilver.
*' On one you might behold the ftatue of a man,
*' with a countenance as fierce and menacing as
** if he had been alive; on another a moft ter-
" rible golden lion; on- a third a dragon of
*' burniflied brafs ; and on a fourth a furious
*' bull with gilded horns, in aft to rufli on the
" terrified fpedators. In a word, the appear-
<* ance of this fleet was at -once fo grand and
*' formidable, that it filled all who faw it with
*^ dread and admiration of the prince to whom
** it belonged ; and his enemies were more than
^' Iialf vanquifiied by their eyes, before they
" came to blows ^'.'* If we could depend on
the truth of this defcription,' we ftiould be inclined
to think, that the Danes and Saxons had made
much greater progrefs In feveral arts than is com-
monly imagined.

Engiifh Though the merchant fhips in this period were

^n ^his^ ^^^^ fmall • and trifling in comparifon of thofc at
riod. prcfent ufed in foreign trade, they were fufficient

to export and import confidevable quantities of
goods. But of thofe exports and imports we are
not able to ^dd much to the account contained in
the fecond volume of this work, to which we refer
the reader *^\

6' Encomium Emmac, apud Duchcn, p. 166. *
6* Vol. a. c. 6. p. »02— 205. ai?— laS.

Slaves

CH. 6. C M M E R G E, &c. ^j^

Slaves flill continued to fotm one of the nidfl: Slaves.
valuable articles of exporcatioi> from England in
this period ; and great numbers of unhappy men,
"women, and children, were carried out of this
ifland^ and, like cattle, expofed to fale in all
the markets of Europe. It was the fight of a
number of Englifh flaves expofed in this man-
ner in the market at Rome, that infpired Gre-
gory the Great with the refolution of attempting
the convcrfion of their countrymen to Chriftia-
nity. '' As Gregory was one day palling through
*' the market-place, foon after a company of
** foreign merchants had arrived, and fet out the
^* various kinds of goods which they had brought
** to fell, he obferved a nuniber of young men,
of fair complexions, fine hair, and beautifur
faces, expofed to fale. Being ftruck with their
appearance, he inquired from what country
they came; and was told, that they come
*^ from the Ifle* of Britain, and the kingdom of
" Deira. He then a(ked, whether the inhabit-
*' ants of that country were Chriftians or Pa-
*' gans ? and being anfwered that they were Pa-
*' gans, he broke out into this exclamation,— r
Wo is me, that men, fb amiable in their ex-
ternal appearance, fhould be deftitute of the
grace of God in their fouls ! and immediately
applied to the pope ^for it was before" he was '^

" pope himfelf), and earncftly intreated him to
fend miffionaries into England, to attempt the
converfion of that country to Chriftianity ^^^

61 Bed. Hift. Ecclcf. 1. ». c. i.

The

C(
CC

t^ HISTOlly OF BRitAi^. tookli

The mildeft fate that thofe unhappy perfons
could expeft, who were taken prifoners in the
long wars between the Saxons and Britons, be-
tween the feveral , kingdoms of the heptarchvj
and between the Englifh and Danes, was to be
fold as flaves ; which ftirniflied a conftant and
plentiful fupply to thofe merchants who wercf
engaged in this difgraceful traffic. Many of
thefe flave* merchants were Jews, who found ^
good market fpr their Chriftian flaves among the
Satacens in Spain and Africa*'*, This occa-
fioned feveral laws and cations of the church tof
be made in England, and other countries^ againf!
felling Chriftian flaves to Jews or Pagans ^'.
Examples 'Xhe exportation* of flaves from fome parts of
(lave England continued to the very end of this pe-

riod. " Some young meii (fays William of
** Malmefbury) were exported from Northum*
** berland to be fold, according to a cuftom
" which feems to be natural to the people of
** that country, of felling their neareft relation^
' ^^ for their own advantage : a cuftom which we
** fee them, pradtife even in our own days^^V
The people of . Briftol feem to have . been no left
addicted to this ignominious branch of trade ; of
which \\T have the following curious account in
the life of Wulfftan, who was biflaop of Wor*
cefter at the Norman conqueft. " There is t
*' feaport town called Briftol^ oppojQte to Ire-
*' land, into which its inhabitants make fre*

** Murator. Antiq t. a. p. S83.

*5 Juhnfton's Canons, A, O, 740. >^ W. Malmf. 1. i. c j.

6 . . " qucnt

trade.

Chi fi. COMMERCE, kc. . ^ »} §

*^ quenc voyages on account of trade, Wulf-
•* ftan cured the people of this town of a mod
** odious and inveterate cuftom,' which they de-
•' rived from their anceftors, of buying men and
*^ women in all parts of England, and export-
" ing them to Irdand for the , fake of gain*
*' The young women they commonly got with
*' childj and carried them to market in their
pregqiancy, that they might bring a better
price. You might have feen, with forrow^
long ranks of young perfons of both fexes,
and of the greateft beauty, tied together with
ropes, and daily expofed to fale : nor were
** thefe men-afhamed, O horrid wickednefs! to
*' give up their neareft relations, nay their own
•* cliildren, to flavery. Wulfllan, knowing the
obflinacy of thefe people, fometimes ftayed
tyo months amongft them, pr-eaching every
Lord's day ; by which, in proccfs of time, he
made fo great an impreffion upon their minds,
that they abandoned that wicked trade, and fet
" an example to all the reft of England to do the
•* fame^^**

Englifh horfesf, which were umverfally ad- Horfcs/
taired, made another valuable article of the ex-
ports of this period ; but the following law of
king Athelftan's probably gave fome check to
that branch of trade t *' No man fhall export
" any horfcs beyond feas, except fuch as he
** defigns to give in prefents^V We have no

♦7 Anglia Sacra, t, a< p. a^t. *' Wilkuis I^cges Saxoni p. 51.

direft

^¥> HISTORY Ot BRITAlJr. Book Hi

dire£i evidence that corn was exported from Eng-
land in this period, as it had been from provincial
Britain in the Roman times ; and when we reflect
on the imperfeft ftate of agricultui*e among the
• Anglo-Saxons, we Ihall be inclmcd to think, tha£
it was not, or at leaft not with any conftancy, of
in any confiderable quantities.

toporti. Our information concerning the different kinds
of goods imported into England in this period
(befides thofe mentioned in the fccond volume of
this work), is alfo very imperfect. Books, efpe-
cially on religious fubjefts, and for the iffe of
churches, made no inconfiderable article of im-
portation, as they bore a very high price, were
much wanted, and much defired*^. The. relics,
piftures, and images of faints, which were ob-
jefts of great veneration in thofe dark ages, were

' imported in great quantities, and at a great ex-
pence;' as alfo veflments for the clei'^y, veils,
altar-cloths, filver veffels for the celebration- of
the facraments, and, in a word, all the different
utenfils and ornaments of churches. This facre4

- traffic was chitfly managed by priefls, who were
believed to be tire befl judges of thofe commo-
dities, fome of which had little or no intrinfic
value- The famous Benedift Bifcop,- founder
of the monaftery of Weremouth, made feveral
voyages in this trade, and brought home va-
luable cargoes of books, relics, piftures, ftatues,
veffels, veflments, &c. which he had purchafed

65 W. Malmf. de Por.tiiidlus, 1. 5.

. in

Ch* 6. ' COMMERCE, ^c. I^.^

ia Fraiuce and Italy. He furmfhed and adorned
his owix monaftcry yvii^ fooxe. of thefe goods, ^nd
fold the reft to very great advantage ^^ It yrai
Ac cosEiftant pradlce of the found^s, of churches , ;.

and xixonsdlerieS) and of all other Englilh, pre- ...
iabest i^ho vifited foreign countries, to colled and
import thofe kinds of merchandife for the ufe
of their own and other churches; and he whor
brpught home the greateft quantity of relics,
made the moft "profitable voyage, and was <fteemed
the greateft faint. When the city of Venice firft, ■
and afterwards the cities of Pifa and Amalphi,
became the repofitories of the precious produc- ,
^oas and manufadlures of the Eaft, thefe cities'
were vifited by Englfih merchants, who im*
potted from thence precious ftoncs, gold, filver^,
filfc, Knen, fpiceries, drugs, and other kinds of , .
goods ^'.. It was to thefe cities of Italy that
thofe voyages were niade which raifed the pcr-
•fons who made them to the dignity ^f thanes.
Wines were imported from Spain arid France,
cloths from Germany and Flanders, and fursv
deer-fkins, .whale oil, ropofi, &c. &c. frona Scan-
dinavia^*. It is ' uhneceflary to make this enu-
metation moVe complete, as it fufficiently ap-
pears already, **that the foreign trade of Eng-
" land vnzi fo dxtenfivc, even in this remote
^** period, as to furnffli fuch of her inhabitants

"^^^ Bedae Hift. Al>bat. Wcremuth. paflTim.
'H Murator. Antiq. t. a. p. 883.

7* Anderfon's Hift. Coxhm. vol. i. p. 5*. Vita ^Ifridi, Ap-
pend. 6. ^ ; ^ .

Vol, IV. • R ^' as

Balance of
trad? in
favour of
England.

H'IStORY pF BRITAIN. BobklL

** as could afford to pay for them, with a fhare of
^* all the commodities that were th^n known In
" any part of Europe.*'

As we have no means of difcovering the quan*
titles of the goods exportied and imported in this ^
period, it is quite impoifible to find out how the
balance of trade flood between England and any
foreign country. We have good reafon, how-
ever, to believe^ that upon the whole the ba^
lance was in favour of England; and that her
foreign trade was really profitable, by bringing
home cafli or bullion, for the increafc of the
national treafures, as well as goods for con-
furaption. If this had not been the cafe, Jt
would have been impoffible for England, .with-
x>\xt mines of gold or filver, to have fuppHcd
the great loffcs of cafli which ihe fuftaincd, — by
the depredations and exactions of the Danes,—-
•by the tax of teter-pence paid annually to
Rome, — and by the many expenfive journics of
her princes, prelates, and nobles, into foreign
countries. Thefe continual drains, for which

• -

-no returns were made, muft have carried off all
•the money in the kingdom 'long before the end
of this period, if frefh fupplies had not been
brought home by trade. But there is a ftill
flronger proof of this, arifing from the confider-
able quantities of foreign coins, particularly,
gold coins, that were currrent in England in
this period ; which were no doubt brought home
by the merchants as the balance of trade in fa*
vour of this country. Thefe coins were fo plen^

Jtiful,

Ch. 6. C M M E R C E, &c. V ' ^4$

tiful, that -almoft all great, payments for eftates,
donations to churches, and valuable legacies^
were made in them ''K ; The confiderable quant
tides- of gold and filver .that were made into
{^ate, jewels, and trinkets of various Itinds, aft
fcrd a further evidence of the troth, of what is
jjjore ' advanced ^♦. Befides, it ift. believed, that
the quantity of money in England of our owii
coining gradually, increafed in the courfe^afthia
period; which is one of the bed evidences of a
profitable foreign trade. ';

To prevent that confufion which is apt to mttori
arife from blending feveral fubjedis together, lit- ^ *^'""
tie hath yet been faid of coin or money, the great *" "'""^*
iqftrument of commerce, and one of the happieft
of human inventions.

Before we proceed to give the hiftory of mo- Lm-'ng
ney made of gold,, filver, or other metals, it "^"^^^
may be proper to take fome nptice of a fmgular
kind of money, which is often mentioned in the
Anglo-Saxon iponuments of this period, by the
ramc of living money '\ This confifted of flaves,
and cattle of all kinds, which had a certain va-'
lue fet upon them by law, at which they paffed
current in the payment of debts and the pur-
chafe of commodities of all kinds, and fupplied
the deficiency of money properly fo called. Thus
for example, when one perfon owed another a cer-
tain fum of money, which he had not a fuffident

*» See Clarke on Corns, p. tjj.

» Hift. BUenf. apud Gale, 1. 1. c. lo.

R 2

7+ Id. p. 475, »74,

quantity

*44' HISTX5R.Y t5F B^RITAIN. B«ok li.

. qpantity of torn to ' |Say ; :htefupplied 'that defi:.
(ciency by giving a certaiti, taumbcr of flavcs,
iiorfes^ cows, or fiieep, at the Mte*fet upon them
by law when they paffell for money, to make tip
fheXum'^ It was alfo very common in thofei
times, when.'Onb man parchafed an eftate from
another, to plur4ha4e all the living money upofi
it at the hmt time ; i. e. ;to take all the flttves,
horfes^ and other animals upoA it, at the rate
ftamped upon them by law when they were com
, (idered as mon^y^\ All kinds of tnuldls im-
pofed by the ftate, or penances by the church,
might have been paid either in dead or livlfigp
money, as was moft convenieht ; with this fiilglfe
exception, that the church, 'defigning to dip
courage flavery, refufed to accept of ilaves as
money in the payment of penances ^'. In thofe
, \ T parts of Britain where coins were very fcarce,
almoft all debts were paid, and purchafes made^
with living money. This. was fo much the cafe.
Both in Scotland and Wales, that it hath beea .
very much doubted, whether, there were any
coins ftruck in either of thofe countries in this
period"" This much at leaft is certain, that
no coins of any of the Scotch or Welfli princes
who flourifhed in this period have been found : a
fpfficient proof, that if there ever were any fucli
coins, they were very fcarce. To fupply this

^ Hift. Flienf. apud Gale, 1. i. c. 13. 77 Id ibid. c. 11.

7" JohnfonVCanons, A. 0.877* Can, 7.
79 AiKierfoni Diplomata 'Scoti«, praBfat. p. 57, Camden's Re-
mains/ p. }8s«

defcd^

eh. 6. ^ ^ C O M M E R C B, *c, . 2^

jlefed^ an $xaA value wa$ fet v^on all animals by
JaWy aced?:i3|»g ^9 which they were to be received
in all payments>. and by which tl^ey became living
money ■''. This feems to have been a Kind of inv
termediate ftep between mete barter^ and the
univerfal ufe of coin. "

It is now time to enter upon a^fhort deduftion Hiftory of
of the (late of toin in Great Britain, its weights,
denominations, and other circumilances, from;
the 'beginning. to the end of this period: an m-
♦riciate perplexing fubjeft, in which, after all the
labours of many learned and ingenious men,
foAie things are dark and doubtful, and on which
it is no fhame to fail of giving entire fatif-
fadion. - "

it hath been already proved, that provincial stateof
Britain was very rich in money in the flourifliing c^j" jro'w
times of the Roman government, and chat much pai ture of
of it was carried away by the Romans at their mans\o
departure". But though this was true, it is theeHa- .
probable, or rather certain, that confiderable of the "
fums of Roman money were left behind, in th^ Saxons.
hands of the provincial Britons, and of thofe
Biomani who chdfe tQ remain in Britain, rathe?
than abaadoa their houfes and eftates. Thi§
made provisdai Britain, after all the loiTes it
had rfnftained- by the departure of the Romansj
and the depredations of the Scots and Pads, a
valuable prize, on account of its cafh, as well

. «o Vide Leges Wallicse, 1. 5. c«5« p. 230-^*57.
81 gecYoU*. p. »j8.

R 3 as

J4^ HIITORY OF BRITAIN. Bobt II.

' as of the verdure of it& plains ; and the farmer
had probably as great charms in the eyes .of the
Saxons as the latter. For thoTe adventurers, at
their arrival in this iiland, were far from being
ignorant of . the ufe^ or indifferent about the
poffeflion of mpney : on the contrary, the acqui-
fition of it had been one of the chief objeda of
thofe piratical expeditions to which they had
been long accuflomed '\ As foon as they began
to quarrel with the Britons, they feized their
caih, as well as their lands and goods, converted
it to their owi) ufe, and employed it in commerce.
The current coin of England, therefore, in the
former part of this period, was partly * Roman
money* which the feveral armies of Saxon adven-
turers had taken from the unhappy Britons, and
partly German money, which they had brought
with them from the continent. For as thofe armies
came into this ifland with a defign to fettle in it,
and brought their wives and children with them,

we may be certain that they did not leave their icaih

behind them.

The firft It is impoffible to difcover when the princes of
the feveral Anglo-Saxon kingdoms of the hep-
tarchy began to coin money of their own ; though
it is highly probable they exercifed this preroga*
tive of royalty foon after they affumed the name.
of kiiigs. . In the mod ancient, of their laws,
which are thofe. of Ethelbright, who was king
ojf Kent from A. D. 561 to A. D. 616, all the

H Bartholin., de Caufis Contempta: apiid Danos Mortis^ p. 449^

mulcts

Coins.

Ck.6. - .C d M M E R C E, &o. »+7

moldls are eftimated in (hillings, iwliich were
Saxon coins or denominations of money '^ : A
proof that this money was become the current
cc»n of the kingdom before that period. It i«
true indeed, that the oldefl Anglo-Saxoiji coin
yet difcovered (except one of Ethelbright's" whicli

_ «

Cimden fays he had feen) is one^* of Edwin's}
who M7 as king of Northumberland from A. D*
617. to A. D. 633 } and it is even far from being
c^tain that this coin belonged to Edwin. But this
is no evidence that there were not many pieces
coined by the more ancient kings of that and of
the other kingdoms '*.

When the precious metals of gold and filver Diftinc-
were firft employed as the great inftrumenfs of tio^^e*

commerce, and the reprefentatives of all com- rcaiand

modities, they were paid by weight, without any mJney.

irapreflion ; and even after pieces of thefe metals

began to be ftamped or coined, thefe pieces were

ftill certain well-known weights of the country

where they were coined ; the fmaller coins being

commonly regular fubdivifions of the greater, as

halfs, fourths, &c. But as it would have been

inconvenient, on many accounts, to have ftamped

very large pieces of gold and filver, or, ' in other

words, to have made very large unportable coins,

it became ufual to make a certain fixed number

of coins out of a certain weight of metal, as' a

pound, ^n ounce, &c. and then to call that

•5 Leges Saxon, p. %, &c.

H Hiijkcfu Diffcrtat. Epift. p. i?x. Canid* Remains,, p. 181.

R 4 number

X '

(t\f HISTOIl:^ of BRITAIN. Bookll.

pumber of jcoins . by the name of that weight.
This introduced the diftia&ion between real
coins» as crowns, half-crowns, ihillrngs, &c.
and denominations of moaey, as pounds, maiks^
nobles, &c« each of the latter containing a cer*
tain fixed and well- known number of the former:
Monies of both thefe kinds are frequently men-
tioned in the laws and hiflories of the Anglo*
Saxons ; and therefore the mofl methodical and
fa^tisfa^ory way of treating this intricate fubje&
feems to be this, — ^fij-ft to fet down all the dif:
ferent kinds of money > whether real coins or m^re
denominations, that were known and ufed in Eng-
land in this period, beginning with the higheil and
ending with the lowed ; aqd then to give fome
account of each of thefe kinds of money, in th^
fame order.

^j'nmM of The different kinds of money that are mentioned in the
Saxon ^(i'^s and hijiories of England in this period,

inoncy*

1. The pound, 7. The fceata,

2. The mark, 8. The penny,

.3. The mancus, 9* The halfling, or half-

4. The ora, penny,

5- The {lulling, 10. The feorthlitig,

6. The thrimfa, 1 1. The ftica.

The The pound of njoney is very often mentioned

in the laws of the Anglo-Saxons, as well as in
many paffages of their hiftory. Thus, by thefe
laws^ the king's weregeld was two hundred and
forty pounds of filver, one half to be paid^ to the

public

£li. 6. C O M M £ R C £> &c. 949

public for the lofs of its fovereign, and the othcrf
half to the royal family vfor the lofs of its head^'^

ft IS almofl unnecefTary to take Hotiee, diat the
Anglo-Saxon pound was not a real coin: fiar
coins of fuch weight would ^t any time be in^
convenient r but when the precious metals were
fo fcarce and valuable, would have been pecu*
Jiarly improper. The pound was then, as it is ,

at prefent, only a denomination of money ; but
tirith this remarkable difference, that it was then
jajuft and real denomination, and implied what
the word imports; whereas at prefent it us ah_ -
arbitrary name given to a fum of money that
weighs only about one third of a pound, When^
ever, therefore, we meet with the pound in the .
laws and hiftory of the Anglo-Saxons, it figntfies
as many of their coins of any Icind as were aftually

' made out of a pound of metal, and, if throwti
into the fcale, would have weighed a pound.
Their nummulary language In this particular was
perfectly agreeable to truth, and conveyed the
cleared ideas to their minds; becaufe they could \
not but know the weight of tWfeir own pound,
and how many pieces of eacl> kind of coin were
made out of It. But we who live at fo great a •
diftance of time, and have fuch imperfect monu-

^ ments of thofe ages, are not fo well acquainted
with thbfe two particulars ; which hath beta the
oecafion of almoft all the darknefs and uncer-.^
tainty in which this fubjefl: is involved. It will

▼•■ »

*5 Wilkins Leges Saxon, p. 64, 1

fS^ HISTORY OF BKITAIN. Bodkll.

be proper, therefore, before we proceed one ftep
further, to endeavour to difcover, if poffible,
the real weight of the money-pound of the
Anglo-Saxons.

Weight Weights and meafures are among the firft

iaxon things that arc adjufted by the people of all coun-
money- j,.jgj^ ^f^^^ ^j^^jy emerging from the favage (late,

and beginning to have any commercial inter-
courfe among themfeives, or with the reft of
mankind: foir till thefe are fettled and under*
, flood, neither foreign nor domeflic trade can be
. carried on with any tolerable degree of juftice or
exadnefs. We may be very certain, therefore,
that the Anglo-Saxons, at their arrival in this
iflahd, had their own /weights and meafures
handed down to them . from their anceftors, and
firmly eftabliftied by immemorial cuftom. Wc
maybenolefs certain, that they brought thefe
their ancient national weights and meafures with
them, and that ,tbey and their pofterity continued
to ufe them in their new fettlements in this iiland,
as they and th^r anceftors had done in their old
ones on the continent ; for there is hardly any
one thing of which nations are more tenacious
than of their weights and meafures. . There is no
probability, therefore, in the conjefture of fome
learned men,— that the Anglo-Saxons adopted
the Roman weights and meafures which they
found in ufe ampng the provincial Britons, and
laid their own afide **. This was a complimcat

•fi Gronov. dc Pccun. Vet, p. 347. Hooper of Ancient Weights
and Meafures^ p. 400.

they

€t

Ch.6. C O Kt M E RCE, Ice.

they were by no means difpofed to pa^, to a
nation with whom they had 'no friendly Inter-
courfe, and againft whom they were animated

^ with the moft implacable hatred. Nor h this
conjefture more agreeable to hiftorical evidence
than to probability. The v late learned Mr.
Folkes difcovered, that the Tower-pound, which
continued fo long in ufe in the Engliih mints^

• was tjie money-pound of the Anglo-Saxons.
It is reafonable (fays h«) to think, that
William the Conqueror introduced no new
** weight into his mints, but that the fame
•• weight ufed there for fome ages> and called
^* the pound of the Tower, was the old pound of
^* the Saxon moneyers before the conquefL
'* This pound was lighter than the Troy pound
** by three quarters of an ounce 1 roy '^'' This
eftimate of the Tower or Saxon money*pound, i$
fupported by the unqueflionable evidence of t
verdid remaining in the exchequer, dated OGtOm
bet 30, A. D. 1527 : " And whey»s heretofore
the merchaunte paid for coinage of every
pound Towre of fyne gold, weighing xi oz.
" quarter Troye, 1 1 s. vi d. Now it is deter-
^^ mined by the king's highnefs, and his faid
" coimcille, that the forefaid pound Towre
^* ihall be no more ufed and occupied ; but all
" manner of gold and filver (hall be waycd by
•^ the pound Troye, which maketh xii oz. Troye,
** which exceedeth the pound Towre in weight

%jfX

•7 Tables of £ngli(br Silver Coins, p. i, «•

XII

f •

?f^ HISTORY OF '-B« I TAIN. Bo«kIL

** I n iquasl^rs of the oa ''/* The old Towc*
or Saxon ounce, tlie twelfth part pf th« Tower
or Saxon poundj as taken from, the accounts ir
$he exchequer A, D. 1537, was 450 Troy
grains '**• From the above account, it appears,
that the Anglo-Saxon money-pound^ with it$
jubdivifions of grains and ounQe$ flood thus :

; \ Troy grains.

450

ounce,

5400

. 12

pound

Mr. Folkes gives another eftiniate of the
Saxon, or Tower pound, taken from the chamber
of accounts at Paris about Edward III.'s time,
which is a very little different from that given
above, making the Tower ounce 451.76 Troy
grains ^. Bui: this difference is fo trifling, being
hardly thirteen grains in the pound, that it merits
no attention.

There is one circumflance that makes it ^ highly
probable, if not abfolutely certain, that the
Anglo-Saxons brought this money-pound* with
them from the continent; which is this^^^that it
is the fame with the German money-pound, to a
i](egree of exa£tnefs that could not be owing to
accident, but proves that they, were derived from
one origin, viz. the pound of their, cpgiiq^on

•* Tables of Engli(h Silver Coina, p« i^ ».

.*? Clarke on Coins, p. »4' ^"^ Id. ibid.

. anccftors

AiQcefters the ,anc^at Gerifnansl The gi'eat t«r
femblanqey or rather identity, of , thefe poui^
will appQ;ir from tJ^ii followiflg labljS^ : : \

^« ^ <^

^ grains.

.TK^ (5t3**^ower or Saxoh ounce, * * 450
The pfjeieiit Colbnia ounce, - 4?i.^8
The Standard Strafbufgh ounce, * - ^ 451-38
ihe Tower or Saion ounce in Ed-
ward Itlt/s tirae, ^ i - 451.76

If.' . ' •

The leaned Mr. CIttrkfe (to "whbk mtxom re-
fearcbes I gtatefiiBy- a'dtnowledg* I am intidl
indebted) traces the ori^ of the Saxon moiiejr-
pound imndh higher, and deduces it from itbi
ancient Greek pound. But the ^drteft abrid]^-
fiiiait thbt ciDuld' be given of that dedu^libn;^
^fov^d ^e ^00 loti^ fojr Ms f)liace •% It is fuf8-
«}ent 'to bbferve up6n the' whole, that if the jft>bvd
»5dolirtt* be juft, « the money^pmind ^ "dnr
": Anglo-Saxons trast'tbc denoffiifistidft or ftattie
" of as many coitos^of ainy kind as- "w^^re coined
•^ oUt €if k toafs of metal wieighJfig 5406 Tro^
•* griins/* The names and 'iiumbers of thefe
, coins will afterwards ap{)ear; but it may -ncrt be
Httprop^r to t^ke ncftfce a:t ^rdftnt, tbaft dut of
^ery fuch pouhd of fflvet were coined ^240 fllver
iJenniesj cafch t^reighing 22I Troy graki^, twttotjr
pennies out of every- Qunde. If the Sa«dns liad
fuch a coin as a (hilling (which it is highly pro-
tatle they had}; forty-eight of thefe fliillingS:

' -I »i See Clarke on Coins, p. 26, '

«54

HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Bobk tU

ykere cxuned out of every pound of filvcr, four
out of every ounce ; each (hilling containing five
pennies, and weighing i itf Troy graina*
Another It muft not be concealed) that fome eminent
TOunT writers on this fubjeQ: have been of opinion, that
the Anglo-Saxons had another money-pound of
fifteen ounces ^\ This opinion is chieHy founded
on the following law of king AtheUlan» who
reigned in the former part of the tenth century :
*^ A ceorl's weregeld, by the Mercian law, is
'< two hundred (hillings ; a thane's weregeld is
^< fix times as much^ or twelve hundred fhil<»
*^ lings ; the fimple weregeld of a king is equal
*^ to that of fix tUaneSi or thirty thoufand fceatas,
'^ which make onii hundred and twenty pounds.
^^* The kingbote, which is to be paid to the
f ^ kingdom^ is equal to the weregeld, which is to
«* be paid to the royal family ^*.'* From this
law it appears, that at this time fix times 1 200
ihillings, or 7200 fhiUings, were equal to 120
pounds; which they could not be, unlefs there
were 60 (hillings in the pound. Now if there
had been only four of thefe (hillings coined out
of an ounce, it is cert^n chat the pound, out of
which fixty of them' were coined, muft have con-
tained 15 ounces. But the moft probable
account of this matter feems to be this: that
' about this time the weight and value of the

. 9» Htckefil Diflertat. Epiftol. p, xii. Sir Andrew Fottotaine.
ibid. p. 165.

f Wilkini Leges Saxon* p. 6««

fiuUing

Ch. 6* COMMERCE, &c. '^gjf

fhilling was- diminifhed one fifth part ; and !n«
ftead of containing five pennies,- and weighiag
ii2f grain^i, it contained only four pennies, and
weighed^only 90 grains. This diminution of the
(hiiliDg might be owing to a fcarcity.of filver,
occafipned by the depredations of the Danes>
and exigencies of the ftate, or to fome other
caule to' us unknown* If this fuppofition be
admitted, the monftrous abfurdity of having two
money-pounds^ with their numerous fubdivifions,
current in the fame country at the fame time
(which would have introduced intolerable confu-
fion and perplexity into, all mbney-tranfaftions),
will be avoided; the pound will remain the fame,
confi fling of 12 ounces, out of whidi were
coined, for a time, fixty (hillings, each contain-
ing only four pennies, . and weiging only 90
grains. This fuppofition is almofl converted
into a certainty, when we confider, that all
writers on this fubjedl allow, that there never
were either more or fewer than 240 - pennies in
the pound ; and that this proportion between jthe
pound and the penny was always obfervcd in all
the gradual diminutions of the. pound, and is
obferved at this day : but if the fhilling con-
tained five pennies, when there were fixty of
them in the pound, as it certainly did when there
Verc only forty-eight of them in the pound j in
the former cafe, the .pouad of fixty fhillings raufl
have contained 300 pennies, which it certainly
never did. At what time this diminution of the
weight and value of the KhilUng took place, and

how

tS<i HISTORY OF BRITAIN. BoAIt

kow long it continued, it is impoffible to difcover

Ifith precifioa; but there is fufficieat eyidencei

tftiat when t|ie tranquillity and profperity of the

kiiigdora was reftored under the Government of

Canute the -Great, the fhilling was redored to ii$

former weight and value. This .appears from the

following law of that prince : '' He who viq-

^' lates the protedion of a church of the Kigheft

** order, fhall pay 5 pounds by the Englifh lawj

u — of the fecond order, 120 (hillings j— of the

" tliird order, 60 fhillings ;— of the loweft order,

^* 30^ Ihillings '*/* In this law the mulds to be

paid for violating the proteftion of churches,

according to their dignity, arife in the fam^

proportion from the loweft to the liigheft j fronj

«t^ch it follows, that as 30 (hillings is the half of

' ' 60 (hillings, and 60 (hillings the half of 120

fliillings; fo I20 (hillings is the half of five

pounds. Fronsi this law, therefore, it is evident,

^hat when it was made, there were 240 ^(hillings

in five pounds, or 4S (hillings in one pound*

The real The above account of the Saxon-money pound

?JJJJJfj^'^f k. confirmed by the real weight of their pennies

the Sax- now remaining, which Mr^ Folkes found to be

at a mediUbi 224 Troy grains ^'- This mad?

their (hilling* containing five ^pennies, to weigh

»il2f Troy grains, and thel^ pound, containing

48 (hillings, (0 weigh 5400 Troy grains; which

are the exaft number of grains in the Tower

^ound; which we mif^ therefore conclude^ wa^

9* Wilkins Leges Saxon, p. 1*7.
^ Tjiblcs ctf Ancient Qbiwb/ p. 5v

i ^

Ch. 6. e M M E k e Ej &ci S;7

the AnglQ-Saxon money-pound. This potind
they probably brought with them from the conti-
nent, as it is the fame with the Colonia and
Strafburgh pounds j and it continued to be their
only money-pound through the whole of this
period, and even d6wn to the reign of Henry VIK
when it was changed for the Troy pound, which
is 360 grains J or three fourths of a Troy ounce,
heavier '*^ This fmall difference between the

, Tower pound and the Troy pound is the reafdri
that one pound of Anglo-Saxon money did not
contain quite fo much filver as three pounds o£
, our prefent money, though in general calcula-
tions, whete much ejcaftnefs is not neceflary, we '
have always ftated them in that proportion*
Heref however, it may be proper to ftate the
cxaQ: proportion; which is this* — *' That one

' *' Anglo-Saxon money pound contained as much
" filver as is aow coined into jQ'i: 16:3 fter-

' It cannot be denied that the Anglo-Saxons J^^^i,^^'^'
were acquainted with a pound which contained pound of
15 ounces, which they ufed on fome occafions, saxonf^^^
'and for fome purpofes, though they did not ufe
it in their mints* This pound is plainly men-
tioned in the following law of king £thelred,
preferved by Brompton, which (as I fufpect)
hath been the occafion of many miftakest ".I
•^ command thofe who have the keeping of the
*^ ports^ and the ^ coUefting of the* cuftoms on

9^ Clarke on Coini,- p. 99.

Vol. IV. S « goods.

tSi

The mark.

HIST6rY OF BRITAIN. Bookll.

** goods, diat, under the pain of my difplea-
•' fure, thpy colled my. money by the pound of
^' the marjket ; and that each of thefe pounds be
^' fo reguilated and ftamped as to contaih 15
** ounces*'/* It is evident, both from' the
words and the intention of this law, ^that the
pound of 15 ounces which is mentioned in it,
was not the money-pound, but the pound of the
market, or the mercantile pound, by which the
heavy goods of merchants were weighed when
they were . exported or imported, and according
to which the king's cuftoms payable upon thefe
goods were to be rated. This law was probably
procured by the people of London, who were
great friends to tliat unhappy king, and afforded
him proteftion in their city when he could not
find it in any other part of his dominions. It
was evidently intended to favour the merchants,

and to fecure them from the exactions of the
cuftomers. This diftinftion between the mer-
cantile and the money-pound was not peculiar to
the Anglo-Saxons, but was in ufe among the
Greeks, Romans, and all other trading nations^
both ancient and modern ^•.

The mark, v^hich is often mentioned in the
laws and hiftorics of this period, was alfo a de-
nomination of money, and not 2 real coin ; and,
next to the pound, it was the higheft denomma-
tion then known: in England. It was not fo

97 Brompton inter decern Script, p. 899.
^ Clark^. on Coins, p. S5.

properly

properly an Anglo-Saxon as lan Anglo-Dani(h
denomination, having been introduced by the
Danes, when they obtained a legal fettkment in
this ifland, in t;he reign of Alfred the Great j for
it appears for the firft time in the articles of
agreement between Alfred and Gu thrum, the ^
Danifli king '^. That the mark had its origin
in Scandinavian, and was brought from -thence
both into France and England, is confirmed
by two of the moft learned antiquaries of the

north •°°.

' It would be quite improper to load the pages Weight of
^ of a general hiftory with a critical examination
of the fentiments of difFt-rent writers concerning
the weight and value of the mark. It was long^
imagined that the mark and the mancus (which
will be by and by defcribed) were the fame.
This opinion fe^ms to have arifeu from the re*
femblance of the two barbarous Latin words
Tnarca and manca j and was certainly a very great " ^
miftake, and the fpurce of much perplexity and
confufion. Without entering into any tedious
inveftigations, it feems to be moft probable^

upon the whole, — ^^ That the mark bore^the
^ " fame proportion to the pound, in the period
*' we are now examining, and in every fucceed-
** ing period, that it doth at prefent, viz* that it
" was then, as it is no\y, two thirds of the
" weight and value of the pound.*' If this con-

9» Wilkina Leges Saicon. p. 47. *

^^ Arngrjm Jqnas Crymogaese, 1. i. c. S. Sticrnhqpk de Jurd
SueonuiDip. 1x3.

Si jedure

^ .-
1

t(Sa

The mark

brpupht
from Scan,
dinkvia.

HISTORY OF BRITAIN; BoolH.

je£ture (for I ihall call it no more) is wdl
founded, the Anglo-Danifh mark in this period
muft have weighed 8 Tower ounces, or 3600
Troy grains, of gold or filver; the mark of
filver muft have been equal in value to 160
Saxon p(ennies, and to 3^ of the larger Saxon
fhillings, of 5 pennies each, and . to 40 of the
fmaller Saxon fhillings, of 4 pennies each* It
muft alfo have been equal in weight of filver to
,(^1 : 17 : 9 of our prefent money ; which is ex-
aftly two thirds of ^([2 : 16 : 3, the weight in filver
of the Saxon pound.

It was very eafy for the Anglo-Saxons to dif-
cover this proportion between the Danifii mark
and their own pound; and when they had dit
covered it, nothing could be more reafonable
than to keep ihefe two denominations of money
in the fame proportion to each other, in all their
various changes, as the only means of prevent-
ing confufion in their mercantile tranfadiom.
Nor is pofitive hiftorical evidence wanting, that
the Danifh mark, when it was brought into
England, was a weight of eight ounces, accord-
ing to the above account. The Danifli, Nor-
wegian, and Icelandic mark (as we ar^ told by
Arngrim Jonas^i, weighed eight orae or ounces pf
pure gold, or pure filver : and in the payment of
taxes eight oraa were always paid for one mark '°\
According to Stiernhook, this was alfo the weight
of the ancient Swedifh mark : " The mark was

*oi Arngrim Jonai Crymogasae, 1. 1. c. S,

the

Ch.C. COMMERCE, &c.

"' the . ihoft ancient, the moft common, and the
" largeft denomination of money, among all the
•*. nations of the North. Nor was it peculiar
". to them, but was' known and ufed by the peo-
** pie of Holland, Germany, France, and Eng-
". land. The ancient mark of all thelc nations
" wirfghed eight ounces of pure gold, or pure
*^ filver '*"*.** This was the mark that was
brought into England by the Danes ; and, after
the acceffion of the Dani(h princes to the throne,
was eftabliflied by law > and the mulds that were
to be paid by certain criminals, which had for-
merly been rated in pounds, (hillings, and pence,
were rated in marks, and their fubdividons. By
one of thefe laws, the manbote of a^villan or
fokeman was rated at laorse or ounces of filver ;
and the manbote of a freeman ^which was the
double of the other) was rated at 3 marks '"'.
From this law we learn, that there were 24.
ounces of filver in 3 marks, and confequently 8 »
ounces in i mark. This feontinued to be the
weight of the money- mark in England as long
as 12' ounces continued to be the weight of the
money-pound *°*. "

After the acceffion of the Danifli kings to\the Mercan.
Englifli 'throne, they introduced their commer- ^^"^^^*
cial mark, as well as their money-mark ; and all
kinds of goods at the cuftom-houfes, which had
formerly been weighed by the Saxon commer-

261

*** Sticmhook dc Jure Sueonum, p. 133.

.'•3 Wiikifli Leges Saxon. '»+ Stow Chron. p. aS;/

S 3 cial

#01 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book II.

^cial pound of fifteen ounces, were then vreighed
by the Danifli commercial mark of twelve ounces.
** In the reign of Canute the Great, there were
** two marks, the money mark, and the mer-
♦* cantile mark/ The money mark, by which
** pure gold and pure filver were w^eigbed, con-
tained eight ounces, and the mercantile mark,
by which all other kinds of goods were
** weighed, contained twelve ounces"**." The
reader cannot fail to take notice, that the fame
proportion was dill obferved between the Danifli
money mark and commercial mark, as between the
Sa;3con money pound and commercial pound, &c'.
&c. the one was two-thirds of the other.
The man* '^^^ mancus is another fpecies of money that
i-iis* is often mentioned in the laws and hiftories of

the Anglo-Saxons, and of all the chief Euro-
pean nations, in the middle ages*^. It hath
been much difputed, whether the mancus was a
real coin, or only a denomination of money,
like the pound and mark. Without giving a
- detail of the arguments on both fides of this
queftion, which would be tedious, it feems to
be moft probable, that the mancus was a real
gold coin ; and . that mancufles were coined by
fome" of our Anglo-Saxon kings, as well as by
the fovereigns of feveral other nations of £u.
fope^ in the prefent period. This, it nmuft be
cenfefled, is diredly contrary to the commonlyi

^^ Refenius aJ Jus lulicura CAnaH, p, 7o>
; »<^ P» Cwgc GJofl; vpu I42UICUS.

icccivc4

CIj. 6. C O M M E R C E. &c. - affj

received 'opinion that Henry III. wis the firft
ng of England who coined gold A. D. 1297 *''\
ut this opinion, though it hath long and uni*
verfally prevailed, is chiefly founded on the ne-
gative argument, " That no Englifh gold coins
*^ of greater antiquity have yet been found :"
an argument very weak and inconclufive, and
•now (juite dcftroyed by ihe aftual difcovery of
fome Anglo-Saxon gold coins *•'. We have
good reafon, therefore, to believe the direft tef- '
timony of Aelfric, the grammarian, an Anglo-
Saxon writer of eminent dignity and great learn-
ing ; who exprefsly fays, — " That though the
** Romans had many different names for their
*' coins, the^Englifh had only three names for
theirs, viz. mancuffes, fhillings, and pen-
nies '""V* ^ That the Saxons jiad feveral names ^
of money, befides thefe, as pounds and marks,
we have already feen ; thefe three, therefore,
muft. have been the names of real coins, as dif-
tinguifhed from mere denominations of money.
But though we have fufficient evidence' in ge-
neral, that gold coins, and particularly man-
cuffes,. were ftruck by fome of our Anglo-
Saxoji kings, we have no information by which
of thefe kings in particular they were coined ;
becaufe there are none of thofe ancient mancuf- J
fes yet difcovered.

*o7 Clarke on Coins, p. 37J.

»«* Mr. Peggc's Diflertations on feme Anglo-Saxon Remains. .
><^ Aelfric Gram. Saxon, p. 54. Append* Sommer's Saxon
Di&ion* , '

S 4 Wc

t6i^

Weight of
the man.

HIjSTORY OF BRITAIN, Book H.

We know with the greateft certainty what was
th6 value of the ^axon gold mancus, and may
from thence difcover very nearly what was its
weight. The fame archbifhop Aelfric, com-
monly called the Grammaridny tells us, that
there were five pennies in one fhilling, and
thirty pennies in one mancus "'. If there*
fore, there was fuch a coin as a filver mancus,
which is not probable, it muft have weighed
6y$ Troy grains, equal to fix Saxon fhiilings,
to 30 Saxon pennies, t6 the eighth part of a
Tower pound, and to 7 (hillings and a fmall
fraction of our prefent money. . If a gold man-
cus was to be exchanged for filver, or the value
of it paid in filver, 6 Saxon (hillings, or 30
Saxon pfennies, were to be given for it. If the
value of any ' given weight of gold was to the
value 'of an equal weight of filver, as 12 to i,
in this period, as is generally fuppofed, then the
weight of the gold mancus mufl: liave been the
twelfth part of 675 Troy grains, or ^6 Troy
grains, or the eighth part of a Tower ounce*
This ^as exaftly the weight of a very numerous
fet of gold coins, which were current in the
middle ages, not only over all Europe, butia
ynany parts of Afia and Africa, though under
different names^ Thefe were the mancufles or
ducats of Italy, Germany, France, Spain, and
Irlolland, the fultani of Conflantinoplje and thq
Eaft, the chequeens of Barbary, ?ind the (he-

'fw A,t\hiQ prai;^. p. $7^*

Cfh. 6. C M M E R C E, &c. ^6$

riffs of Egypt, which were all of the fame
weight and value with the Anglo-Saxon man-
cus ■*'. This identity of the gold coins of fo
many differait nations is an indication, that there
was fome commercial, intercourfe between th^m^
and muft have bei^n a great conveniency to mer<%
chants.

The ora was the next fpecies of money that is Thcota.

mentioned in the laws and hiftories of the Anglo*-^

Saxons ; but whether it was a real coin, or only

a denomination of money, ftill remains doubtful.

This, as well as the niark, was introduced bf

the Danes; and the ora was in reality a fubdi-

vifion of the mark. " There were only two

*^ fubdivifions (fays Stiernhook) of the mark,

** viz. the half-mark, and the eighth part,

^* which was called the ora. Though this laft

** is at prefent unknown to the Englifh, there

** is fufficient evidence, that it was in ufe anionglt

*" them in ancient times, being carried from

*' hence into their country by the Danes. Th^

*^ weight of the ora, as I have already obferved,

*' was one ounce, or the eighth part of a

^'mark'".'* i^rngrim Jonas gives the fame

account of the origin, weight, or Value of the

ora •". If there was fuch a filver coin, there*

fore, as the ora, it muft have weighed one Tower

ounce, or 450 Troy grains,, equal to 4 of the

larger Saxon (hillings, and to 20 Saxon pennies^^

^ »■> Clarke on Coins, p. 193,

»" Stiernhook de Jure Suconum/p. J34»^ ,

vj Crymog^ae, 1, x. c.i. . '

and

266 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book II.

and to 4 J. SjV. of our prefent money. If there
was no fuch coin as a filver ora, then they paid
for every ora in an account, either 4 Saxon (hil-
lings, or 20 Saxon pennies. This continued to
be the weight and value of the ora till after the
conclufion of this period, as appears from many
paffages in Doomfday-book "*.
TbcAn- There is hardly any fpecies of money more
gio-Saxon frequently mentioned in the laws and hiftories
real Coin, of the Angld'-Saxons than the Ihilling. It was
in (hillings that they eftimated the mulds and
penalties inflided by their laws on thofe who
' were guilty of certain crimes ; and in (hillings

they ifixed the. weregelds, or the prices of the
lives and limbs of perfons of all ranks "\ Pay-
ments, and the prices of commodities, were alfo
generally rated in (hillings* Notwithftanding
this, it was long the univerfal opinion of anti-
quaries and hiftorians, that the Anglo-Saxon
fliilling was a mere denomination of money,
and not a real coin *"^. This opinion, however,
which is founded only on this, that none of
thefe (hillings have been yet difcovered, is quite
improbable, and contrary to the plaineft tefti-
mony of feveral Anglo-Saxon writers, who cer-
tainly knew their own coins. That of arch^
bi(hop Aelfric, already quoted, is perfectly plain,
and ought to be decifive : " The Engli(h have
^* only three names for their coins, mancuflfcs.

*H Scriptores xv. a Galeo c'dit. p* 764, 765.
i»5 Wiikins Lfges-Saxpn. p: 45* 46.
i»6 Chronicon Prcciofum, p. 40.

" ihil.

Ch. 6- C O M M E R C £, 5cc. 267

** {hillings, and pennies/* In the Saxon Bible,
tbe Jewifli fhekels are fometimes tranflated by
thefe two words, ftlver JhillingSy and . fometimes
by the word Jllverings^ and fometimes by the
word JhilUngs ; ^ which plainly indicates, that
there was fuch a coin of filver as a fhilling,
■which on fome occafions was, by way of emi-
nence, called the filvering^ as being the largeft*
filvpr coin, Th^ name of this coin, which in
Saxon is fpelled fcill'mg^ is evidently derived
from Jicilicus^ the name of a Roman coin of the
fame weight and value ; in imitation of \vhich
the Saxon fhilling was coined. The very change
of the weight of the Saxon ftiilling from 48 out
of the pound of filver to 60, already .mentioned,
i§, a proof that it was a real coin, fometimes
heavier and fometimes lighter. But whoever,
defires to fee the arguments drawn out at full
length in fupport of this opinion, ** That the
•* Saxon fhilling was a real coin." mud confult
the learned work quoted below"'.

There is no difficulty in difcovering the weight itswciglit
and value of the Saxon fhilling With the greareft *"^v*^"«'
certainty and exaftnefs. When 48 of thefe fhil-
lings were coined out of the Tower pound of
filver, weighing 5400 Troy grains, each of them
n)uft have weighed 112^ Gf thefe grains, equal
to 5 Saxon pennies of 22 | grains each, and to
I s^ 2d. oi Qur prefent mon^y. When 60 of
thefe fhillings were coined out of a Tower pound

»J7 Claikc on Coioi, p. JIQ5— aa9,

26t

The

thrimfa.

HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Booklf*

^ of filver, each of them ipuft have weighed 90
Troy grains, equal to 4 Saxon pennies, an4 to
1 1 i ^. of our prefent money.

The thrimfa is another fpecies of money which
is fometimes mentioned in the Anglo-Saxon laws,
particularly in thofe of Athelftan; and hath
greatly perplexed our antiquaries and hiftori'ans,
fome of them making it equal in value to 3
Saxon (hillings, and others equal only to i
Saxon penny ; while othei;s frankly confefs their
Ignorance of its value "'. It appears,^ however,
very evident, from an attentive , examination of
the feveral laws in which it occurs, that the
thrimfa wa& (as its name import^) equal in value
to three Saxon pennies. It feems to have been
a real coin, contrived as the moft convenient

- fubdivifion between the fliilling and the penny.
When the fliilling contained j Saxon pennies,
the thrimfa was 'three-fifths of it ; and when the
fhilling contained 4 Saxon pennies, the thrimfa,
which remained unaltered, was three-fourths of
it. , We have examples of ^ both thefe propor-
tions in the laws of king Athelftan. In one of
thefe laws, which was made in the beginning of
his reign, when the fliilling was iat its primitive
value of 5 pennies, 2000 thrimfas, th^ weregeld
of a thane by the law of Eafl:-Anglia, are faid
to be equal in value to 1 200 fliillings, the were-
geld of a,. thane by the law of Merciaj from

"» Spclmanni GloflT. in voc. Thrimfa. Nicolfon's Hiftorical Li.
brary, p. 44. Brady's Hiit. p. 68* Qhvon» preciofum, |). aS.

whence

Ch. 6. C O M M E R C E, &c. 269

^whence it appears, that the thrimfa was three-
fifths of the {hilling "^ In another of thefe
laws, which was made near the end of his reigil,
"when the fhilling was brought down in weight,
and value to 4 Saxon pennies, it is faid, that the
weregeld of a ceorl, by the law of Eaft-Anglia,

was 266 thrimfas, which make 200 fhillings,
according to the Mercian law'^^ Frorii this
law it appear?, that the proportion between the
thrimfa and the fhilling was changed, and that
the former was three-fourths of the latter. Ac-
cording to the above account, the weight of the
thrimfa riiuft have been 67I Troy grains, equal ^

to 3 Sa:^on pennies, and to 8 id. of our prefent
money ; and that 80 thrimfas muft have been
<:oined out of a Tower pound of filver. The
currency of the thrimfa never was univerfal;
and it feems 16 have been coiiled only for ' a
fhort time, as it was found to be unneceiTary.
This is the true reafon why it is not mentioned
among the names of the Anglo-Saxon coins by
archbifhop Aeifric,, as it had fallen into difufe
before his time '**.

' Thcr^ is no kind of money more frequently TheAa.
mentioned in the Anglo-Saxon laws thati the Icnny,*^**
pending, pening, pcninga, or penny. This was
by far the moft cbmmon, though not (as our
antiquaries long imagined) the only coin, that

«»f Somner, Gloff. in voc. Thrimfa. Lye's Dif^ionarium Saio*

likuni. *«»Wilkins Leges Saxon, p. 71. |

"w Clarke on Coine, p. ai9— 436. j

9 ' " ' . was j

V]o

HISTORY OF BRITAIN.

TLcfccila

was ftruck by the EngHl|]i princes of this p)eriod.
The weight and value of the penny remained
invariably the fame through all the Saxon tlnaes^
and are both perfeftly well known. - It was a
fmall filver coin, of which 240 were coined out
of a Tower pound of that metal, each penny
weighing 22^ Troy grains, equal in weight and
value to one of our "prcfent filver thrce-pences,
all but I f Troy grain. Any number of the
other denominations of money or coins might
have been paid in thefe pennies without a frac-
tion, by giving 240 of them for every pounds
160 for every mark, 30 for every mancus, 20
for every ora, 5 for every larger ihilling, 4 for
every lefler (hilling, and 3 for every thrimfa.
The far greateft part of the current cafli of Eng-
land in this period confifted of thefe fmall filver
pennies ; which is the reafon that fo many of
them are (till preferved, when almoft all the
other'Saxon coins arc loft. In that great fear-
city of filver that prevailed over all Europe, fj-om
the fall of the Roman empire to the difcovery of
America, the penny was a very proper fize for the
moft common current. coin ; becaufe it was not too
largefor fmall payments, nor tod fmall, in fufficicnt
numbers, for the greateft.

The fceata, which is fometimes mentioned in .
the Anglo-Saxon laws, was certainly a real coin,
both becaufe its name properly fignifi^, a coin,
or piece of money, and becaufe it was too fmall
for a mere denomination. The xroin c2Mcd/ceata
doth not. appear to have beeii always of the fame

weight

Ch. 5. • C O M M E R C E, &c. 271

weight and value ; but feerns to have been ge.
nerally one of the fmalleft of their current
coins ; which gave occafion to that form of an
cath, which every 6ne who denied a debt in a
court of juftice was obliged to ^take, — " Ifwear
** by the name of the living God, that I atn not
** indebted to N either fliilliog or fceata; or
** their worth ;'* i. e, I am not owing him either
a great fum, like a fhilling, which was the
largeft filver coin, nor a fmall fum, like the
fceata, which was , one of the fmalleft "*. In
the laws of Ethelbright, which are the moft an-
cient of the Anglo-Saxon laws, the fceata is
often meAtioned, and iippears to have been a
very fmall coin, of which twenty were equal to
a fliilling ; and confequently it weighed only 5f
, Troy grains '*^ But in the laws of king AtheU
ftan, which were made more than three centuries
after th^ former, the fceata is evidently the fame
coin with the Saxon penny. For thp weregeld
of a king, in one of thefe lavirs, is fixed at 30,000
fceatas, which are faid to be equal to 1 20 Saxon
pounds ***. Now, 30,000 pennies are exaftly,
equal to 125 Saxon pounds ; which Ihews, that
if this weregeld was paid, not in aftual weight,
but in fuch a number of fceatas or pennies, by
tale, then an addition of 5 pounds v^as to be
^ paid, - to make up for the deficiency of weight
occafioned by the wear of thefe pennies. In ge-
neral, therefore,' we may conclude, that during

^ Willcins Le^es Saxon, p. 64. **? Id. p. 5, 6.

•H Id. p. 64.

^^ HISTORV Of BUlTAtN. Book Ih

the greateft part of thi$ period, the ' fceata and

the penny fignined the fame coin ; and this is no

dotibt the reslfon that archbifliop Aelfric doth

^oc mention the fceata among the names of the

Anglo-Saxon coins, becaufe it was the fame with

the penny '*'.

TbeAn. Though the Saxon filver penny or fceata was

glaJaxo« a fmall coin, it was of confiderable value, and

lu^le.*'^* would then have purchafed as much provifions^

or goods of any kind, as 'five of our (hillings

will do at prefent. The price of the beft flieep

in England, for example, vms fixed by the laws

' of king Athelftan, near the middle of the tenth

century, at four of thefc pennies ; for there were

only four pennies in the iliilling when that law

was made ''^. By the fame law, an ox was only

valued at 30, a cow at 20, and a few at 10, ofthefe

pennies..

HaifliiMTi, -^^ i^ would be inconvenient, at prefent, to

feorth- hayg UQ fmaller coins than crown pieces, fo it

ikycas. ^ould have been equally inconvenient, in the

Saxon times^ to have had no coins of lefs value than

thofe penny-pieces. To prevent this, they coined

halflings, or halfpennies of filver, weighing 11

Troy grains, worth about three halfpence of our

money ; and feorthlings, or the fourth of a

penny, weighing 5 f Troy grains, worth about

three farthings of our money. Both thefe coins

are mentioned in the Saxon gofpels ; which is a

*^ Clarke on Coini» p# 4tS^4^o.

'"^ V\rilkmg Uie»SMNa f. 66.

fufficfent

•

CIl 6. , C O M M E R e E, &c, 373

fufficicnt proof that they had fuch coias when
thefe gofpels were tranflated. But, after all, when
many things wete fp very cheatp, it would ftill have
been inconvenient to have had no coin of lefs value
than the filver farthing j and therefore they coined
a brafs coin of the value of half a farthing of their ^
ihoney, and of a farthing and a half of ours.
Thefe braf^ ciins, which were called Jiycasy are fr
mentioned alfo in the Saxon gofpels ; and a confix
derable number of them belonging to feveral
Northumbrian kings, have been found, and pub*
lifhed "^ ^ i

Having thus given an account of the weight Refuit of
and value of the feveral denominations of money, cnum^^^
and real coins, that were in ufe among the Anglo- ^^^*
Saxons in the prefent period^ it may not be improper
to place the refuit* of the whole under the eye of
the reader in the following table, that the infpefltion
of it may enable him to difcoyer, at one glance, the
real weight and value of any fum of money he hap*
pens to meet with in the Saxon hiftory.

/ **7 Hickcfii Diflertat. Epift. p. i?t.

Vol.. IV,

TabU

«74

HISTORY OF BRITAIN, Book li.

Talk of the names of the Anglo»S^on denomsnatiMS tf
money f and of real coins ; with the weight of each if
them in Troy grains^ and value in the prefnU money if
Great Britain.

Names.

The pound, • ->

The mark,

The mancus of gold, -

The mancus of ulver, •

The ora, -

The greater (hilling, -

The Imaller (hilling, -

The thrimfa.

The penny and fceata.

The hal fling, - -

The feorthfing, - -

The flyca, a brafs coin.

Troy grains. } Prefent ▼alne.

5400
7600

56
67s

450

mi
90
67i

22|
II

7
7

4
I

o
8
2
II
8
2
I

Foreign Befides theit own coins, thofe of all the other
current in nations of Europe with whom they had aay
Engand. commerce, were current among the Anglo-
Saxons in the prefent period. The gold coins
that ^ere current in England, and indeed 0V9
all Europe, for fome ages before the Norman
conqueft, were of thefe three kinds :— i. The old
Byzantine folidi, commonly called Bjzantsi
— 2. the mod ancient frank folidi; — 3. thi
leffer Frank folidi of twelve-pence ***• Though
the Byzants were coined at Conftantinople, or
Byzantium, from whence they derived their
flame J yet they were well known in England,

^ Clarke on Coin9, p. %46»

and

Ch.6. C M 14 E It C E> &c.

.and great payments were often made in Byzan-
tinest Thus the famous St. Dunftan purchafed
the eflate of Hindon in Middlefex of king Ed»
gar, for 290 Byzantines '*^. Out of the Greek
pound of gold (which was the fame wkh the
Tower pound) 72 Byzantines were coined, each
weighing 73 Troy gr&ins, and worth 40 S?^%on
pennies, 8 Saxon fhillings, and 9 fhilHngs and
four .pence halfpenny of our prefent money ^^\
Few coins ever had a longer or more univerfal
currency than thefe Byzantines, having been
current from the very beginning to the end of
the Eaftern empire, hot only in all its provinces,
but alfo in all thofe countries which had been
provinces of the Weftern empire, and amongft
others in Britain *''. The ancient Frank folidus
was the fame in weight and value with the Saxon

mancus already defcribed. The lefler Frjmk
folidus was worth no • more than twelve Sa^ion
pennies, or* two {hillings and ten-pence of our
prefent money"*. It was from the ufe of (his
leffer Frank folidus that the prefent divifion of
our money.pound into 2P (hillings, each fhiU
ling containing 12 pence, was introduced, Pe^-
fides thefe gold coins, there were alfo ' fom^ fo^
reign filver coins current in England in this
period ; but a more minute enumeration is urin©^
ceflary, and would be tedious.

u» Camden's Remains, p. i8i, '^

"J*^ Leges Salicae, tit. 47- § 4. Cod. Thcod. 1. 1«. tit. 7. Cod,
Juftiu. I. 10. t*t. 70. «J" Lindcnbrog. Gloflf. voce Sofidtis.

'3» Clarke on Coitjs, p. 3*9-

a7J

T«

Though

176

IncrciPcn-
tum paid
-in the
Saxon
times.

HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Bookll.

Though coihs may be of the legal weight when
they are ftruck, they are apt to lofe fomething of
that weight by long currency. To make up this
deficiency of weight occafioned by wearing, it
was a cuftom, probably a lawj among the Anglo-
Saxons,^ when they paid a fum of money by tale,
to pay one twenty-fourth part ^more than the
nominal fum. For example, though there were
only 48 Saxon (hillings coined out of a pound of
filver, yet when a merchant paid a debt of one ]
pound in (hillings that had been fome time in the j
circle, he paid 50 of thefe (hillings inftead of 48. j
This is the reafon that the fanie mul£l or fine 1
that is called two pounds in one law, is called
one hundred (hillingjB in another; four additional
(hillings being paid to make up for the prefumed
deficiency in weight *^'. When a debt of one
pound was paid in pennies, which were by far
the moft common coins, 0,50 of thefe pennies
were paicl inftead of 240 j which were the real
number coined out of a pound. Thus the were*-
geld of a king is declared to be 30,000 pennies,
or 120 pounds; but 30,000 pennies are really
125 pounds; becaufc 5 pounds (or the twenty-
fourth part of the whole fum) were paid to make
up the deficiency of weight, in the current pen-
nies '^*. When any commodities are exceedingly
fcarce and valuable, as gold and filver were in
the ages we are now examining, men are very

>ii Wilkins Le{;e8 Saxon, p. 35. ^S.

*H Id. p. 7a,

anxioui

Ch. 6. C O M M E R C E, &c. _ '"

anxious not to be .defrauded of the fmalleft^ part
of then> to which they are entitled.

As the weight is one capital confideration in Jj^*g^[*^^
the affair of coins; fo their finenefs, or the real coins.
proportion of pure gold, or pure filver, in them,
is another. It was foon difcovered, that a fmall
mixture of fome bafcr metal, commonly called alloy
with gold and filver in coins, gave them an addi*
tional hardnefs, and made them more durable.
This therefore was admitted ; but the greateft
care was taken to afcertain the proportion be-
tween the pure gold or filyer and the alloy, with
the moft minute exadlnefs. The ftandard of the
Anglo-Saxon money, as found by trials made
upon theij" coins, was nine parts of pure filver,
and one part of copper j and very fevere penalties ,
were infli^ked by their laws pn thofe mint-mafters
who made money of a bafer kind. By a law of
Athelftan, a monetary who coined money below.
the legal ftandard, either inx weight or finenels,
was to have his right hand cut off, and nailed
upon the door of his mint; but by a pofterior
cine of Ethelred, thofe who were guilty of this

crime were to be put to death ''\ All coins that
were agreeable to the legal ftandard in thefe two
refpefts, of weight and finenefs, were declared
by law to be the current coins of the kingdom ;

and none were permitted to refufe then;i in pay*
ments.

Though their weight and purity are the two Art of
capital confiderations in the affair of coins ; yet co»n'"5-

''s Wilkios Leges Ssxon.. p> 59— III.

T 3 the

ijft HISTORY OV BRITAIN. Book IL

the legends and imprcfles which * they bear, and
the degrees of art and elegance with wbjch they
are fabricated, merit fome attention in every
period frpm the antiquary and hiftorian. The
art of coining money was in a very imperfeft
ftate among the Anglo-Saxons* This is evident
* from the infpeftion of their filvcr pennies, or the
plates of them, .which have been pubiiihed in the
Works quoted below '^^ Thefe pennies are very
thin ) and the relievo of the letters and figures
Upon them very low and faint. On one fide
they comiponly bear the prince's- /head by whofe
• authority they were coined, with his name and
his title in h^tin (Rex), and in a f^w inftances
t!i Saxon (CynIng). The letters are chiefly
Roman, with a mixture of Saxon, and for the
inoft part very rudely formed. The reverfes are
Various ; but many of them contain only the
names of the mint-mafter, and of the city where
they were coined. For the fatisfaftion of fuch
headers as have not an opportunity of viewing
thefe coins, or the tables of them which have
bi^en publiihed, two of the moft ancient, and
one of the moft modern of them* are engraved
on the plate of the map in the Appendix^

%^ i> ^j 3-
I^efeHp* Fig. I . is a penny of Edwin *^^^' the firft Chriftian
Edwin'3 king of Northumberland,, .and moft probably the
l^cttny^ founder of the city of Edinburgh, who flourilhed

*^^ Catoden Sritan. vol. i. IntroduC. p. 165-^203. Hickef. Thc»
falir. D.flfertat. Fpift. p. i<)i— 182.
■37 This is controverted by Mr. Pcggc, Difiertatioii t*

from

Cti. 6. . C O M M £ R C £, kc.

from A. D. 617 to A. D. 633. On on« fid<

the king's head, crowned with the infcrip t

Bi>PiK.'R£x. A.; in which all the letters 1

Roman except the Saxon p (w). On the rev !

is a crofs in the centre (a proof that EdWin i

embraced Chriftianicy when this coin was flruc ,

^th this infcription^ sefwei. on £0F£R ; wt 1
tignifies Sifwel (the name of the mint mailer'
York.

The fccohd is a penny of Adulf, who was k
of the Eaft- Angles A. D. 66:^. On one Mi
the king's head, with thjs infcription, audi
Fitjs PRisiN. Several* explanations have b<
given of the laft of .thefe words, but none of th
are without difficulties '^* On the reverfe i
crofs erefted upon a globe, with a ferpent ha,
Sng as lifelefs on the ; tranverfe :of the crofs, ;
this infcription, victuria adulpo^ ;

The laft is a penny of king Harold, who
in the battle of Haftings, and was 'fucceeded
William the Conquerbr. On one fide is a fccp
and the king's head crowned, with HAROLb R
ANGL. On the reverfe the word pax in
centre, and around it vlfoe at on gle; wh
is Wlfgeat (the name of the mint-mafter)
Glocefter. ,

It is quite impofSble to difcover, with s
degree of certainty, the quantity of current c
in England in this period. On fome occafic
very confiderable fums are mentioned* T

; ii« CUrkc on Coins,. p. 417,

T 4 ' fa

»Sd

HISTORY OF BRITAIN.

BodL IL

(mall kingdom of Kent is faid' to have paid to
ina king of Weffex, A* D; 694,^ no lefs than
thirty thoufand pourids, equal in quantity of
filver to jT 84,375 of our prefcnt money, and in
value and efficacy to mor6 than eight millions
fterling'?*. This fum is fo enormous for fo
fmall a territory, that fome miftake muft. cer-
tainly have been committed by the tranfcribers of
the Saxon chronicle ; and therefore no inference
can be drawn from this paflage. If a hiilorian
may be allowed to hazard a conjefture, I (hould
fuppofe, that punda (pounds) had been inferted
by a miftake inftead of peninga (pennies), which
was probably the true reading. For Ina's quarrel
jwith the people af Kent was, that they had killed
Mul, the .brother of Ceadwalla, king of Weffex,
his immediatp predeceflbr; and therefore all that
he could demand from them, by the eftabiiflied
laws of the heptarchy, wa§ the payment of- the
weregeld of a king, whiph.was 30^000 pennies '*^
Even this fum (^^3^^ : .11 : 3 of our money),
;trifling as it may appear :to, us, would not be
^eafily- paid by the fmall kingdom of Kent> after
'it had been three times plundered by the Wcft-
Saxoa armies in the fpace of eight ytars.
Though Alfred the Great was one of the richeft
^ of our Anglo-Sa>fon kings, he bequeathed no
more by l>is laft will- than ^ 500 to- each of his
two fons, and ^^ 100 to each of his three daugh-
ters '*% This was no more than ^^ 1406: 5:

>39 Chron. Saxon, p. 4.S. *4o jj^^ '^\^^

Hf Tcdamentum JEllredi, apud Aifcr. p< aj.

Ch. 6. . . COMMERCE, ate.

of our rooaaey to a king'^ fon, and )C^8 1 : 5 :
to a king's daughter: a (uiEcient proof oft!
great fcarcity of money in England in the s :
of Alfred the Great.^ Nor was money m-
plentiful in France at that time than it was
England j for Charles the Bald king of Frar :
who was cotemporary with Alfred, when
meditated an expedition into Italy A. D. 875:
feize the Imperial €rown, could raife no- n
xnoaey in his whole kingdom th^n 10,000 ma
or ^18,375 fterling'**. The cafh of Eng ;
feems . to have * increafed confiderably in
courfe of the tenth century, in the reign
Edward the Elder, Athelftan, and Edgar 1
Peaceable, who were great encouragers of foi i
trade. This enabled the Englifti to pay 1
prodigious fubfidles to the Danes in the u '
tunate .reign of Ethelred the Unready ; whi 1
twenty three years, from A. D. 991 to
1014, amounted to no lefs than £ i67,o«
Sax^on tnoney, equal in quantify* of' fily
^469,687: 10: o fterling'*'. It appears,
ever, that they were fo much exhaufted ar i
p.overiflicd by thefe payments, that they '
obliged to fubmit to the Danifh yoke,
only means of preferving themfelves and
country from ruin. Upon the whole, we
good reafon to believe, that there was n
fiftieth part of the cafh in England, at ^
time, during this period which we are n

't^Boulainrilliers, p. 114. »+3 Spelman Gloff. voce ]

tSt HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book IL

litteating, that is m it at prefent; and tiiat this
obfervatioti might be extended to almofl: every
other country in Europe.

Whether As no coius of the kings of the Scots, Kfts,
theScotj, or Welfli, who flourifhed in this period, have
Britons been difcovered,' it hath been generally believed,

money or ^^^^ ^^^^ ^^ ^^^^^ princes coindd any money.

not in this But this is Very improbable on many accounts.
The low countries of Scotland to the fouth of the
frith of Forth, had been occupied by a colony of
Saxons under Ofl:a and Ebefla in the fifth cen-
tury, and became a part of the kingdom of
Northumberland about the middle of the fixth.
In this.ftate thefe countries continued, both in-
habited by Saxons and governed by Saxon
princes, who coined money, to the fill of the
Northumbrian kingdom about the beginning of
th^ tenth century. Now it is hardly poffible,
^hat the Scots and Pidts, who were fiich near
neighbours to the Saxons for fo many ages, and
had fo much intercourfe with them, both of a
friendly and hoftile nature, could remain Ignorant
of the ufe of money, and the art of coining it.
At leaft, when the Scots kings obtained the do-
minion of the * country between the Forth and
Tweed, about the naiddle of the tenth century,
they muft have learned from their Saxon fubjeSs
the art of coining money, and muft have exer-
xiifed it as a part of their prerogative. This
money we may be- certain was not Very plentiful,
^ and therefore it hath totally difappeared. It is
ftill more improbable, that the Britons, after they

retired

Ch. 4. C O M M fi R C E, &c. , ^

retired into Wales^ were ignorant of the ufe :

art of xoining money, when their anceftors

provincial Britons were fo w;dl acquainted >

both. It appears evidently from many of t

lavfi^S) that the Welfh princes of thi^ .period

actually coin money. By one of thefe laws,

coining of money is declared to be one of

four unalienable prerogatives of the king!

"Wal^ '^ : ' a ridiculous declaration^ if it

known that no money was ever coined in W«

Thfe kings of England impofed a certain tribut

the kings of Wales, part of which was tc

paid in money; 'which they never would

done, if they had known that thefe princes

no money qf their own. The falaries of

greiat officers in the courts of the kings of V

v^ere.paid in money; and the prices of all

ipoditie$ were rated by the laws of Wal<

moneys Nay, in thefe Ijjws, both gold

(liver , coins are diredly mentioned; which is

- tainly a much ftronger evidence that there

Tuch coinsj than the. bare difappearance of

is that they never exifted '**• But though we

good reafon to believe, from thefe and :

other teftimonies which might be produced

their laws and hiftory, that the Wel(h prin<

this period did coin money ; yet we hav

reafon to fuppofe that their coins were very

tiful, when thofe of their richer neighbours

Anglo-Saxons, were fo fcarce* The fma

H4 Leges WaUicae, p. 71. »45 Id. p. 3

284 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. BookH-

of the number of thefe Welfh coins, the injuries
of time, wars,^ and revolutions, and the long
fubjeftiorf of that country ta the crown of Eng.
land,- are the true rcafons why all thefe coins
have difappeared ; thQugh it is not impoffible that
fome of them may be yet difcovered.

Prices of When money was fo fcarce in all parts of Bri-
ditks!^ tain, England not excepted, we may be certain
that the prices of commodities in general, and
particularly of fuch as were plentiful, would be
very low. Of this we have the cleareft pofitivc
evidence, in the few remaining monyments of
thofe ancient times in which the prices of various,
commodities are mentioned. How amazingly
low, for example, was the price of land ? " Some
very clear evidences have already been produced,
to which many more might be added, to prove,
that the moft common price of an acre of land, of
the very beft quality in the Anglo-Saxon times,
was no more than fixteen Saxon pennies, or about
four (hillings of our money. Muft it. not appear
incredible to us, that our anceftors, about eight
or nin€ hundred years ago, paid as much money
for four flheep as for an acre of the beft arable
land ^ This very ftrangc, but well-attefted faft,
is not only a proof of 'the fcarwty of money and
ftf the low ftate of agriculture ; but feems to in-
' dicate a more fcanty population in thofe times
than is commonly imagined; for hardly' any
thing but a great want of people to occupy the
country could have made land of fo little value
in proportion to other things. By the Anglo-

Saxon

6. C M M E R CE, kc.

Saxon laws, certain prices wcfe fet upoi
animals, men thcmfelvcs not excepted, v
were to be paid by thofe who deftroyed tl :
and thefe were no doubt the fame prices for v
Aich animals were ufually purchafed in
markets. In the laws of Ethelrcd the XJnr
vrhich were made near the end of the tent
beginning df the eleventh century, are th<
lowing prices; which we fhall give bot
Saxon and Sterling money -*%

Price

Of a man or Oave,
Of a horfe.
Of a, mare or colt,^
Of an afs or mule.
Of an ox.
Of a cow.
Of a fwine.
Of a iheep.
Of a goat.

Frotn the above table it plaiply appears, t
Anglo-Saxon^ in the reign of king'Et
could have purchafed twenty horfes, or
or mules, or oxen, or cows, or fwine, or
or goats, to fay nothing of men, for th
quantity of filver that an Engliftiman mu
pay for one of thefe animals of the mid(
This feems to be as near as poffible the tr
portion between, the value of money in i
lent times, . and of thofe which we a

Saxon.
£^ s. d.
I o o

Stet
2 I

30
20

I I
I

' 6

5 4

« 3
I

>46 Wilkins Leges Saxon, p, i%C,

ex3

■t

$96 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book n.

examining, in the purchafe of thefe moft neceflary
and ufeful animals, and of all kinds of provi(ion[s,
except in times of famine. In fome other things,
however, the proportion was very different. In
the purchafe of land^ for example, money was le-
. veral hundred times more valuable than it is at pre*
fent ; 'i)uc in the purchafe of books, it was not really
of fo great value as it is at this moment. So much
hach the value of the former increafed by the im*^
provements of Agriculture, and the increafe of trade
and population, and fo . much hath (he pecuniary
value of the latter decreafed by the moft ufeful in.
ventions of paper and printings by which books are
multiplied almoft ad infinitum. Such of our read-
ers as defire to fee a more full and minute enumera-
tion of the prices of animals, and of all their mem-
bers, in this period (from the head of a king to
the tail of a cat), may confult the work quoted be.
low ; which will fuggeft a thoufand refleftions con.
ceming the different eftimations of things, and the
diffeiient taftes and defires of mankind in different
drcumftances '*^ How much, for example, muft

. we be furprifed to fee, that by the eflablifhed laws
of one part of this iiland, and moft probably of the
whole, the price of a hawk, or of a grayhound> was
once the very fame with the price of a man ; and
that there was a time, when the robbing a hawk's
neft was as great a crime in the eye of the law,
and as feverely punifhed, as the murder of a chrif*
tian'*'?

H7 Legei Wallicae, p. »3o-^279, ^ Id. ibid.

THE

HIS T O R Y

O F

GREAT BRITAI

mmm

BOOK IL

CHAP. VIL

The hijlory of the manners^ virtues^ vices^ n

able cujiotnsy language^ drefs^ diety and

Jionsy af the people of Great Britain^ frt

arrival of the Saxons ^ A. D. 449, to the L

of William duke of Normandy^ A* D. 1066,

THE honour and happinefs of natio
well as of particular perfons, depenc
on their manners than on their iltuation ar
cumftances. An adive^ brave, intelligen
virtuous people, cannot be contemptible
condition, nor unhappy in any habitab
mate. 3uch a people, if they do not \
their manners, will foon improve their c
fiances, and convert the mod unhofpitat
ferts, if they are not naturally incapable

«S HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book II.

getatlon, into pleafant and fertile fields, crowded
with inhabitants, and adorned with cities, towns,
and villages. We need look no further than to
our own American colonies for the mod agree*
able and convincing evidence of the truth of this
affertion. Thofe countries which were, not very
^ long ago, covered with almoft impenetrable fo-
reft, the haunts of wild beads and naked fa-
vages, are now become fertile, rich, and po-
pulous provinces, and are daily improving in all
thefe partipulars. On ^the other hand, nations
' corrupted by long and great profperity, become
luxurious, effeminate, and licentious in their
manners, are objefts of cGnten\pt and pity in
,the moft flourifhing circumftances.' R6fl;Iefs,
peevifli, and difcontented, amidft the greateft
ajfHuence, infatiable in their avarice, unbounded
in their ambition, they are on the brink of ruin,
when they feem to have attained the pinnacle of
human grandeur, Hiftory affords too many
examples of mighty nations, whofe deftrudion
Jiath teen occafioned by the corruption of their
manners, and who have been ruined by their
own follies and vices, rather than by the arms
of their enemies. F6r this, and many other
reafons, the hiftory of the-prevailing character
and reigning manners of a nation, in every pe-
riod, is both the moft ufeful and amufmg partcf
its hiftory, and merits the moft particular atten-
tion.
People of Great Britain, in ' this period, was inhabited

twokTuds. l>y feveral diftinft nalions, which formed fo

many

Ch. 7-. MANNER S, 8lc.

many different dates and kingdoms. All t
nations^ however, with refpeO: to their mani]
cuftoms, languages, &c. may be divided
thefe two clafles, viz. i. The pofterity of
ancient Britons, who were left in the peace
pofleifion of the whole ifland by the Romani
their departure; and who <^ntinued in the
feflion of Waies, and the far greateft part
Scotland, to the end of this period. For tfeo
thefe Britons were divided into different fta
and unhappily Engaged in war againft each at]
their national charadcrs, tnanners, languages,
were very much the fame. 2. The feveral
tions who rame from Germany and Scandina
*Bd made conquefts and procured fettlemei^t
Britain, in the courfe of this prriod. For thoi
thefe nations were called by different nameSj
Angles, Jutes, Saxons, and Danes, they were
defcended from the fame origin, fpoke the f<
language, and had the fame national manners :
cuftoms.

The manners^ &c. of the ancient Britons s
Caledonians, the original inhabitants of t
iflsmd, have been fo fully delineated in the
Tenth chapter of the firft book of this work, t
k will not be neceffary to give a, minute detail
thofe of their pofterity, who form the firft
thefe two claffes, in the prefent period. ' It wo
be impoffible to do this, without repeating w
hath been already faid on thefe fubjefts. 1
the people of Wales, and of the highlands
Scotland, the genuine defcendants of the and

Vol. IV. U Brit

-1

^d HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Bookll.

Britons and Caledonians, appear to have had the
fame manners and national character in this as
in the preceding period; and both thefe nations
have been very remarkable for their tenacious^
adherence to the cuftoms of their anceftors
through a long fuccei&on of ages. This hath
been owing, — to their pride of their antiquity, —
to their national animofity againft their neareil
neighbours, kept conftantly alive by mutual in*
juries, — to the nature of their country, — and \q
their want of commerce, or other intercourfe with
fqreign nations ; and not — ^to their want of capa-
city for improvement.

Manners ^^^^ ^^ ^^ ^^ opportunity we have had of
of the An- exartiining the manners, &c. of the fecond of the
oris and' above claffes, the nations who came from Gcr-
^*"f f b*^ niany and Scandinavia, and fettled in Britain,
jcaofthis in the courfe of this period. This muft there*
c apter. £^^^ ^ ^^ ^j^j^j- fubjeft of the prefent chapter.

A curious and interelling fubjeft, which merits
a moft careful and attentive inveftigation ! For
the far greateft part of the prefent inhabitants of
England, and even of the fouth-eaft parts of
Scotland, being defcended from thofe Scandina-
vian and German ' nations, muft wifli to fee a
diftinft and faithful pifture of their remote an-
ceftors, whofe blood is ftill flowing in their veins,
whom they ftill referable in their perfons, and
from whom they derive many remarkable pecu-
liarities in their national charafter and manners.
In drawing this picture, a facred regard to truth
. (which I have fpared no pains to difcover) hath

been

Ch.f. M A N N E R S, &c.

been my only guide ; and this fliall be my onl
apology to thofe who think it not fo fair, an
free from blemifhes, as they expefted. Ov
Anglo Saxon and Danifh anceftors muft indee
appear to great difadvantage in many refpefti
if they are compared with their pofterity in th
prefent age, who have been fo much enlightenec
improved, and poliflied, by the difcoveries (
later ages, efpecially fince the revival of learnir
and the reformation of religion. But they wi
very well bear a comparifon with their cotempi
raries, in the other nations of Europe ; with who
alone they ought to be compared.

We have no account of any remarkable chanj
in the climate of Great Britain in the courfe
this period (as we had in the former;, that cou
much afFed the perfons or manners of its i
habitants. We hear indeed of feveral plagu(
which raged with great violence, and fwept aw
great numbers of men, as well as of other ai
mals ; but thefe do not feem to have been mc
frequent, or more deftru£tive, in this than
other periods of equal length. Famines inde
were both very frequent and very fevere in th<
ages ; but thefe were rather owing to the imp
fed ftate of agrfculture, than to any extraordinj
inclemency of the feafons.

The face of the country fuflPered a very gr
and fatal change after the departure of the E
mans. Many fine towns, villages, and count
fea^s, were reduced to ruins by the inceffant 5
defl;ru£tive wars of the Scots, Pifts, Saxons, \

V 2 Dan

a?3 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. BookH.

Danes; great numbere of gardens, orchards, and
well cultivated fields, had their fences brokea
down, and lay neglefted ; and the whole coun.
try, in one word, wore a dreary uncomfortable
afpeft during a great part of this period ; which
^ was partly the confequence, and partly the caufe,

of feveral imperfedions in the charaders of its
inhabitants '.

Perfiins of The Anglo-Saxons, and Danes, who came from

Saxon"!^"" Germany and Scandinavia, and fettled in Britain,
are defcribcd by all the ancient writers who were
acquainted with them, as remarkably tall, ftrong,
and robutl in their perfons. This advantage they
derived from their anceftors, and communicated
to their pofterity. For all the Greek and Ra-
man authors who fpeak of the ancient Germans,
the anceftors of the Anglo-Saxons* reprefent
them as fuperior to all the reft of mankind ift
fb^ture^ Nor did their pofterity degenerate in
this refpeft after their feEtlemeni in this ifland,
but flill continued to be remarkable among the
nations of Europe for the largenefs of their
limbs and height of then- ftature; but fUU more
remarkable for the elegance of their (hapc, the

• fairnefs of their complexions, and finenefs of

their hair '. Thefe were the thite things which
attraSed the notice and excited the admiration of
Gregory the Great, when he beheld fome Englifli

' Hiftoria GMx. et Epiftola Gildic pafllm.
»CiEfer, 1. 1, c. jg. Mela.l. 3. c. 3. Columella, 1. j- e. S.
Vegetius, I. i.ci- Strabo, I, 7. p. ago.
ifiedK lilll- i;i;i,k-f. 1. i.c I. Aitiiiu. cpuJ Calf, t., 1. p-T-S-
7 youthi

a 7. M A N N E R S, &c.

youths cxpofed to fale m the market-place

Rome. He, was fo much ftruck with the beau

pf their .perfons, that when he was told, that th

were numed Englijh (Anglos), and that they ai

their countrymen were not yet converted

Chriftianity, he broke out into this exclaniatio

^* How lamentable is it, that the prince of dai

^* nefs ftiould have fuch beautiful fubjefts, a

" that a nation fo amiable in their bodieis flioi

^^ have none of the charms of divine grace

*' their fouls J Their form is truly angelic, a

" they are fit to be the companions of the ang

** in heaven*!" We meet with feveral exampl

in the writers of this period, of Englifli you

preferv^d from death on account of the beai

of their perfons, after they had been condemi

by their enemies, and were on the point of be

executed ' : a fufficient proof, that there m

have been fomething uncommonly engaging

the afpe£t and form of thefe youths> .which m

fo ftrong an imprcffion oh the hearts of enen

ao way famous for tendernefs"' or human

Their hair, ^ well a^ their complexions, w

generally fair ; but in various degrees ; thofe

the Danes, who chiefly refided in the kingd

of Northumberland, being frequently re

Their eyes, which were commonly blue, are

to have had fomething peculiarly ftern and

timidatiiig in them vhen they were indai

* Bedac Hift. Ecclef. I. a. c. i. 5 Eddius Vita Wilfrcdi,
^ Cluver. p. 9?'

V 3

294 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. BookH.

with anger'. Like the ancient Germans, from
whom they were defcended, and to whom they
bore a very great refcmblance in their perfons,
they were more capable of bearing hunger and
cold than thirft and heat*. When the perfons
of the males among the Anglo-Saxons were fo
agreeable in their form, we may be almoft cer-
tain, that thofe of their females were ftill more
fair and beautiful. Many evidences of this might
be produced from books; but this will not be
thought neceffary by thofe who have the pleafure
of converfing daily with their amiable daughters,
' who are not excelled in perfonal charms by any
women in the world.

Longevity As gQod health and long life depend very
Anglo- much on the natural foundncfs and vigour of the
Saxons^ body, and the right configuration of its various
parts, we have reafon to prefume, that many of
the Anglo-Saxons enjoyed a great degree of
, health, and that fome of them prolonged their
lives to an uncommon date. Of this laft we
meet with feveral examples in the remaining mo-
numents of their hiftory } from which the fol-
lowing is fekfted as one of the moft remarkable
and beft attefted. When the famous Turkctul,
who had been chancellor of England, and one
of the greateft warriors and ftatefmen of bis
time, retired from the world, and became abbot
of Croiland, he found five very aged mopks ia
that monaftery,^ to whom .he paid particular at*

7 PittoUlur, 1 1, p. >9S. • T*^i^ 4« Morib- German. C4,

tention.

Ch. 7. M ANN E R S, &c,

tention. Father Clarenbald, the eldeft of th

monies, died A. D. 973, after he had comple

the I 68th year of his age ; the fecond, who ^

named Father Swarlingy died that fame year,

the age of 14a ; the third, who was called Fai

T'ur-gar^ died >the year after, in the r 1 5th yea

his age. The two other monks, named Bt

and ^/ij^i died about the fame time : and tho

their ages were not exactly known ; yet it car

be. fuppofed that they were much ypuiiger i

Father Turgar ; becaufe they had both feen

old abbey of Croiland, which had been deftr^

by the Danes A..D. 870. Thefe fa£ls are rel

vrith much confidence, and many other cir<

ilance$> by Ingulphus, who was alfo abbe

Croiland, and wrote from the hiftorical regift

that abbqy ^ .

It is muqh eafier to form a judgment oi

bodily than of the mental endowments ol

people. The former manifeft themfelve?

^ere inftinft, and are vifible to every eye

the latter require much culture to unfolc

render them confpicuous. We haye no r<

however, to fufpeft, that the Anglo^rS

were naturally defedive in genius, or in ai

the faculties of their minds j though the un

darknefs and ignorance of thofe ages in

they lived, prevented the cultivation of

genius and the improvement of their fa(

gome few of them^ as Aldhelm, Bed^t, J

9 Ingulphi Hlft. p. 50J.

2g6

AhrIo-
Sdxon au-
thors give
an un>a.
vour iblc
charadl* r
of their
country-
men.

HISTOtviOF BRITAIN. Book IL

Alfred the Great, &o. were endowed with fucb
an uncommon degree of genius, and ftrength of
tnind, that they overcame, in a great meafure,
all the difad vantages of their fituation, and fiione
with a luftre far fuperior to their cotemporaYies.
It is certainly no flight prefumption, that the
people of England, in thofe times, enjoyed thefr
full proportion of genius, that the three moft
learned and ingenious men that appeared in
Europe in thfe ipace of fix centuries were Engliih-
men, viz. Bede, Alcuin, and Alfred.

A writer who wiftie^ to draw an agreeable
plQure of the difpofitions, manners, and moral
charafters, of the Anglo-Saxons, will find rery
few materials for that purpofe in their own cotem-
porary writers. This I may prefume to fey with
fome aflurance, as I have perufed every remain*
ing monument of thofe times that I could pro-
cure, with a dired view to this objeft, with very
little fuccefs. For though thofe ancient authori
exceed all the bounds of truth and probability,
in heaping the moft extravagant praifts on certain
favourite, faints, and a few great benefactors to
the church, they are very far from giving a
favourable charafler of their countrymen in ge-
neral, efpecially of the laity. On the contrary,
they frequently paint them in the moft odious
colours, and reprefent theih as a people deftitute
of every virtue, and ftained with every vice. To
jgive many examples of this would be difagree-
able : the following fhort one, tranflate^ from a
SalcoDi fermon, preached ^y one of their own

bifhops

Ch. 7- MANNERS, &c.

biihaps A* D. ioi2>willbe a fufficient fpeciir

of their way of painting the manners of th

couptryinai. *' It cannot be. denied, for it

^^ too Evident, that this nation is plunged i

*^ innumerable crimes and vices; as coreK

". nefsy theft, robbery, gluttony, heathci

<* impurities^ .fornications, adulteries, ince

♦* plottings, . treacheries, treafons, lyings, ]

*' juries, cruelties,, murders, parricides. '

- *^ far gres^teft part of the people of this coun
<* as I have already faid, are deplorably corru]
•f -in their m^anners, and become murdei
** parricides, prieft-killers, monaftery-ha
*^. violators of fcicred orders, falfe fwearers,
** dates, betrayers of their mafters, thieves,
' ^* bers, and plunderers. Many of the wc
, •* alfo are whores, adulterefles, child-raurde
^* and witches. In a word, it is impoffible e
*^ to .number or give names to all their wi

^' and flagitious deeds '^'* A horrid >and ft
ipLg pidure! but it is probably much mor<
formed than the original. For there have
eccleiiaflics in all ages, who delighted to de
with vehemence againft the vices ot their
$md countiies, and v/hen they were heated
their favourite fubjeft, have loaded them
every crime their imaginations could ir
without a very fciupulous regal'd to truth.
good biftiop Lupus, the author ol the ;
fernaon, feems to have been one of this f

»® Hickcfii Diiiertat. Epift. p. 104, 105 •

. «98 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book II.

It is a misfortune that we have no means of view*
in^ the charaders of our Anglo-Saxon anceftors,
but through the dark medium prefented to us^ by
bigotted and gloomy monks, who were the only
writers of thofe times. For as thofc monks could
perceive no vices in their patrons, who were
regularly conveyed to heaven in the anus of
angels ; fo they could difcover no virtues in their
\ oppofers, who were as conftantly difpat<;hed to
hell in the claws of devils ; and therefore their

; reprefentations of the charafkers, either of their

friends or enemies, are far from meriting an im-

[ plicit faith.

Their A devout regard to facred things, and the

I turSd vdS <^ffices of religbn, may be juftly reckoned among

fupcrfti^ the virtues of the Anglo-Saxons, after their con-

{ * vcrfion to Chriftianity. Of this, if it were nc-

I cefTary, innumerable evidences might be pro*

duced. It muft, however, be confefled, that
their piety was not of the pureft kind, but viras
tindured with the abfurd and wretched fuperfti-
tions of the ages in which they flouriibed j for
which they are rather to be pided than re-
proached. But their fubmitting to the expences,
pains, and labours, with which their fuperftitious
' obfervances were attended, is at leaft an evidence,

that they were difpofed to have been religious if
they had been right inftrudhed. It may not there-
fore be improper, in this place, to take a fhort
view of fome of thofe things which are mod
remarkable in the religious principles and prac*
(ices of the Anglo-Saions,

Tho

Ch. 7« MANNERS, &e.

The EngUfli^ in this period, were very rcmai

able for their extravagant fondneis for the ir

nafUc life ( which was univei^ally efteemed t

fureft roatl to heaven. This fondnefs for endi

their days in thofe feats of floth and fuperftiti<

not only prevailed among the clergy,, and perf<

of inferior ftations, but thofe in the higheft raj

of life were fo much infefted with it, that

fewer than ten kings, and eleven queens, amc

the Anglo-Sa^cons, befides nobles without m

ber, in the courfe of this period, abandoned

world, and retired into monafteries. This ;

nicious infatuation is feyerely cenfured,

bitterly lamented, by venerable Bede, as deft

tive to his country, by depriving it of its gc

nors and protestors '*. But almoft all the o

monks and clergy aded a very different ]

and employed a th6ufand arts to perfuade i

and nobles to build and enrich monaft<

This, th6y affured them, was the moft effedual

of obtaining the pardon of all their fiiis, (

ing the divine favour, and procuring all ms

of blellings from heaven.

When earl Alwinc, who was the greateft
richeft man in England in the reign of Edga
Peaceable, confulted St, Ofwald, bilho
York, what he ifaould do to obtain the pard
his fins ; the pious prelate made him the f
ing eloquent harangue: " I befeech your
*^ lency to believe, that thofe holy men wh<

}i B«da^ Bplft. ?d fgberdum. p. 309, 310.

€6

HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book IL
*' retired from the world, and fpeud their days
I* in poverty and prayer, are the greatefl: favour-
" ites of Heaven, and the greateft bleffings to
" the world. It is by their merits 'that the
S* divine judgments are averted and changed ;
♦* that plagues and famines are removed ; that
'^ healthful feafons and plentiful harvefts are
M procured ; that flates and kingdoms are go-
•• vemed; that prifons are opened, captives de-
'* livered, ftiipwrecks prevented, the weak
" ftrengthened, and the fick healed : that I may
'* fay. all in one word, it is by their merits that
*' this world, fo full of wickednefs, is preferved
*' from immediate ruiii and deflru6:ion. I in-
*' treat you therefore, my dear fon, if you have
" any place in your eftate fit for that purpofe,
*^ that you immediately build a mona/tery, and
*• fill it with holy monks, 'whofe prayers wiU
" fupply all your defeats, and expiate all your
** crimes "." The building of Ramfey abbey
was the confequence of this fine fpeecb. The
clergy in this period condantly inculcated upon
the rich, that the world was near an end,- and
the day of judgment at hand ; which procured
many donations to the church, as appears from
the chatters Itilt extant, beginning with thefc
words :— " fince the end of the world is at hand,**
or words to that purpofe ''. What was given
by rich men to monafteries, was reprefented by
the monks as contributing greatly ' to the future

» HiAoTi« RamfieoC p. ^gr. o Hicke&i DiCertab Epift. p- Tr*

Tepofe

Ch. 7- MANNER S, &c. ,

tet>ofe <)f the fouls of thofe who gave it, 2n
their friends ; from whence it became a com
pra£tice for all men who had any fenfe of reli
or concern for their falvation, to bequea
ftare of their eftates at lead to their own fou
it was cailed when they gave it to a churc
monaftery '\ <« Kifcg .iEthelwulf (fays Affe;
«« like a wife man, made his teftament in
^< ing) and divided bk eftate between his
^^ and his children : what he gave to his chi
** I need not mentioli j what he gave to bis
*^ fool was as follows/* &c* &c . The r
^^ere at great pains to perfuade rich men t
come monks themfclves, or to make foi
their children monks, by which they \
great acceffions both of wealth and credit
when they got poflefEon of their perfonj
were certain of thdr eftatcs. When they
not prevail with great men to abandon the
dtiring life, they perfuaded them, that it
be of great benefit to their fouls to hav<
bodies buried in a monaftery near the re
fome famous faint; a privilege which cot
* be procured but for a very valuable cor
tion ". It was alfo a common pradice ir
times, for monafteries to grant to fonw
man one of their eftates during his own lifi
condition that it fhould revert to the mc
at his death, accompanied by foch anothe

'♦Afler Vita JElfrcdi,p-4.

*5 Hiftor. Kamfien. p. 460. Hlft.Elienf n. 470.

iPk HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Bookft.

of his family for the good of his foul.' Thus did "
. they circumvent, by applying to their covetouf-
nefs, thofe whom they could not delude by
other means *^ In a word, there were very few
in thofe times who had either any hopes of heaven
or fears of hell, who did not leave a fhare of
their wealth to fome church or monaftery. So
infatiably covetous were the Englifh clergy of
this period, that they were not afliamed to boaft
of the moil infampus impoiitions on the unhappy
laity, as pious and meritorious anions, when
they contributed to enrich the church. What
extravagant praifes are bellowed by the monkifii
writers on iSEtheric, bifhop of Dorchefter, in the
reign of king Canute, for his dexterous manage-
ment, in making a Danifh nobleman drunk, and
buying a fine eftate from him for a mere trifle
when he wis in that condition ; becaufe the holy
biihop (who defcrvcd to have been feverely
puniflied for his knavery) granted that eftate to
^ the abbey of Ramfey '^ ? By, thefe, and various

other means, fuch torrents of wealth flowed into
the church in the courfe of this period, that
before the end of it, the clergy were in poflefTion
of much more than one third of the lands of Eng-
land, befides the tithes of the whole ; and of
great wealth in money, plate, and moveables of
all kinds.
Fond of The Anglo-Saxons in this period placed much

•gfil"*' of their religion in performing pilgrimages to

«* Hift, Elicnf. p, 458, i7ld. p. 441.

Jerufalem,

)

Ch. 7. M A fl N E R S, Id. 303

Jerufaleni, Rome, and other places, both at
home and abroad, that had obtained the reputa-
tion, of extraordinary fanftity. Thefe pilgrimages,
efpecially to Rome, were enjoined upon fmners
as the moft fatisfaftoiy penances for the greateft '
crimes, and recommended to faints as the moft
acceptable fervices to God. Few pious perfons
of any rank in thofe times could die in peace, or
think, themfelves fure of heaven, till they had
kifled the pope's toe, and vifited the pretended
, fepulchres of St. Peter and St. Paul at Rome.
** I had been told (fays Canute the Great), that
** the apoftle Peter had received great authority
*' from the Lofd, and carried the keys of heaven j
*^ and therefore I thought it abfolutely neceffary
*« to fecure his favour by a pilgrimage to
** Rome '".** For fuch reafons, kings» queens,
nobles, prelates, monks, nuns, faints, and fmners,
wife men, and fools, were impatient to undertake
thefe religious joutnies ; and all the roads between
Rome ind England were conftantly crowded with
EngUfh pilgrims. - It appears indeed, that the
morals of thefe fuperftitious vagabonds, efpecially
of the ladies, were not much improved by thefe
peregrinations. Boniface, archbifhop of Mcntz,
an Englifhman, in a letter which he wrote to
Cuthbert archbifhop of Canterbury, A. D. 745,
exhorts him, — " to prevent fuch great numbers
** of Englilh nuns from going on pilgrimages to
*' Rome y becaufe fo many of them lofe their ■ '

^ '■Spelman. Concil. Britan. t, i. p. 535.

" virtue

304 HISTORY OF BUITAIN. Book IT.

** virtue before they return, that there is hardly
" a city or town in Lottibardy, FrMice, or Gaul,
*' in which there are not Tonie EngliHi women
*' who live by proiflitution, to the great reproach
** of your charch '*." It is not improbable, thai
thefe kdick, being certain of a plenary remiflioi
^ of all thdr fing when they arrived at their jour-
' ney*s end, night think there could be no great
harm in. adding a little to the number of them hj
the way.
Grentje- An cxceffivc veneration for faints and relicj
fc^faints ^'^s another remarkable drcumftance in the reK-
and relics. <g{ous principles and pradiices of the Engliih of
this period. 'WiHiam of MaUnfbury reprefents
it as the peculiar glory of England in the Anglo-
Saxon times, that k abounded more in faints and
Telics tiian any other country. " What ftall I fat
"* of all our holy bifhops, bermits, and abbots t
** is not thia whole cocntry fo.gloriour amd reful-
•* gent with reKcs, that you can hardly enter a
*' village of any note, without hearing of feme
•' new faint, though the names of many of our
•' Englifh faints have perilhed for want of writ-
** ings *' ?" There never was a time in which
honours and riches were fo iriuch admired and
coveted, as old rags, rotten bones, and rufty
nails, &c. were admired and coveted fey the ^
religious of this period. Thefe were fent by'the
greaceft princes to each other as the moft va-
hiable prefents, preferved by charcbes and

" Sirelm.-iii. Concil. Brltaa. t. i. p »*'■ ''' W. Maltnf. p. jj-

monalteriei

Ch. 7* MANNERS, &c.

monafteries a$ their moil meftimfible tr^afui

depoiited in caikets adoriied with gold 4nd p

cious ftones, and were never viewed . with

being adored. " At the death of abbot Tur

♦' tul (foys Ingulphus), A. D. gj^y the abbey

'« Croiland was very rich in relics, which i

•*^ holy abbot had received from Henry empe

" of Germany, Hugh king of France, X(

••* prince of Aquitain, and many other dul

*^ earls, lioblfes, and prelates, when he

" chancellor of England. ^ Among thele he

** the greateft veneration for a 4:humb xztf

*^ apoftle St, Bartholomew, which be . conlla

** carried about him, and with vrtiich : he fig

-•* hintfelf in all times. of danger^^ tempefts,

" thunder-s. This mofl precious relic. iiad 1

•" prefented to the emperor by the dukejof .2

'<e*ventiam when he knighted him, ^nd by

•* emperoi? to \ Turketul while he was chance

** He had alfo a lock of the hairs pf Marj

** mother of Qod, whkhthe king of France

," given him inclofedin a box of gold; a

"** bone of St. Leodegarius the bifliop and

**.tyr, which he had' received from the prin

'** Aquitain *'.*' So gtcat was the rage for

in. this period, efpecially among -the clergy,

they made no ftruple of being guilty of

tObbery, ox almoft any crinie, to get them

, their podfellion j anif T^l^hen a monk had the

temy to ftcal the little finger of fome famous

. ^ « Ingulphl Hift, p. 505.

' VouIV, X

3c6

for pfalm-
ody.

HISTORY OF BRITAIN. BooklT,

from another- mbnaftery, he was cftecmed the
greateft and happieft of men among his bre-
thren". If real relics could not be procured, falfe
ones were fubftituted in their room, and expofed
as objefts of veneration to -the deluded multi«
tudes, without remotfe or fhame. Still further
to increafe their veneration for this kind of truai-
pery, a thoufand improbable tales pf miracles
performed by Telics were invented by the monks,
and fwallowed by the people without the leaft
cxariiination *^

The public worihip of the Anglo-Saxons, and
of feveral other nations in this period, confilled
chiefly in>pfalmody; in which both, the clergy
and lairy took much delight. InJome cathe-
drals and larger monafleries, this exercife was
continued both night and day witboia;!; inter-
miifioh, by a conflant fucceiCon pf priefts and

. fifigers, ' with whom the laity oQcafionaUy^
joined**. " Both the ears and minda (lays an
" excellent antiquary) of the people of all ranks

' ^^ were fo much charmed with this inceflant me-
^^ lody of the. monks, that it contributed not .a

* << little to increafe their ^eal and liberality in
^< building monafleries.*' This - tafte for pfalm-
ody very much ihcreafed after . the introdudion
of organs; into churches in the coiirfe x>f the nimh
century: *^ whofe pipps of copper (to ufe the

. *« words of a writer pf that age) being winded

** Anglia Sacra, t. 2. p. 39. *i Murator. Antiq. Difleitat. 5s-
H Id.Difl'crt. 54.,t. 4» P- y74» . -

.-«

eh. i^ M A N N E R Si «cdi . JoJ

*« by bellows, and furnifhed with proper ftops

**^ and keys, fent forth a moft loud and ravifli-

*^ ing mufic, that was heard at a great dif-

" tance *'." Even the private devotions of the , . ^

good people of thole times confided almoft

entirely in finging a prodigious number of

p&rms ; which was efleemed the moft effectual

means of appealing the wrath of Heaven, and

making an atonement for their own fins, or the

fins of their friends, either living or dead. It

was conunonly an article in thofe voluntary aflb- '

ciations called gilds or fraternitjes^ fo. frequent

among the Anglo-Saxons, " that each raem-

*' ber ihould fing two pfalms every day, one for v

*^ all the members of the fraternity that were

living, and the other for all that had been •

members^, but were dead; and that at thef

** death of a member, each of the furviving

** numbers (hould fing fix pfalms for the repofe

:** of his foul*^" All kinds of penances might

be r^deem^d by finging a fufHcient number of -

pfalms and pater-mjiers* For example, if a pe-

\ nltent was condemned to faft a certain number

of days, he might redeem as many of them as

"' he pleafed, at the rate of finging fix foternoftert^

and the 119th pfalm fix times over, for one day*s

fa{l*^ In a word, pfalnj-finging was ^ kind of

fpiritual cafli in thofe times, and anfwered. the

fame purpofes in religion that money did in trade«

a^ Hift. Ramficn. p. 4*0. ^ HickcfiiDiflertat.Epift. p. az.

*7 Johnfon's Canons, A. D. 963.

X 3 ^ Thct^

N •

S<^6 HISTORY OF B7

from another- mbnaftery,
greateft and happieft of
thren **• If real relics co
ones were fiibftituted ir
I s^s objefts of veneratic
tudes, without remor^
to increafe their venf^
pery, a thoufand •*
performed by-reJ^/
and fwallowed ,/f jf
examination*/-/'
t-mdneft The pab!,.*

chiefly f
aiid Ir' r

' * ^^ j-Saxor
' ^ /lardly he
• wjlitical lib

.g'()y'etnme^

national

Thi« vir*
•prinrf'pl
•their r
tgreatl
witf

-arn

/ ^

^ MAN N' E fc S> Jcc.

^ >>ty warriors, who were aim

^ ^ ' admit of no. greater degn

^- ^ they chofe themfelves, a

* J^ 'T He fuccefs of their ent

i, ^ ^ "^ w^ may be ceriain, i

^ ^^ \a or make them m<

?>t. ^ ^ Si. For their own 1

2%"%. ^ <t ^Y allowed th

^%^«^?^ 'ngs,andg

jT ^ ^^ * luered la

^^^ -^ ^till retail

^ % ^f making la

.crmjning all natic
^acc, in their national
^iX ajiceftors had done in tl
on the continent '^^ Of thefe in«
prLvileges they continued to be iqfini
.dlcxvxs and to defend them with the moft
, daujvited' refolution; and it is to this polit
iea^ufy and refolution of our remote anceft
tlkat we are indebted for our prefent free
, legal form of government;

Martial valour was the peculiar bokft and
* tinguilhing charafteriftic of the apcient nat:
of Germany and Scandinavia. The g^ni
.fpirit and fentinients of all thefe nations are
prefled with much energy in the following w<
ofoae of their chieftains : ". Valour is the i
»^ glorious attribute of man, which endears

» Tacit, (ie Morib. German, c 7. 11, i».

/■

' *

t*p

HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book IL

f« to the gods, who never forfakc the valiant •^*'
Jtwas this undaunted, or rather frantic valouy^
that enabled the northern nations to refift th^
Roman arms, and at length to overturn the Ro-
man empire. Nor were any of thofc nations^
(except the Scandinavians, who were the feourge
of all the countries of Europe for feveral cen-
turies) more renowned for valour than the Saxons.
It was the fame of their valour that engaged the
iinhappy Britons to apply to the Saxons for their
proteaion againft the Scots ancl Pifts. This ap-
pears from the following exprefiions in the fpeech
of their ambaffadors: ^' Moft noble Saxons, the
<* wretched and miferable Britons, worn out by
<* the perpetual incurfions of their enemies,
«« having heard of the many glorious vidories
« which you have obtained by your valour^ have
<« fent us, their humble fuppliants, to implore
"your affiftance and proteftion. — Formerly we
« lived in peace and fafety under the proteftion
« of the Romans ; and next to them, knowing
*' none more brave and powerful than you, we
5^ fly for refuge under the wings of your va-r
« lour^'.'* The Britons were not miftakeu in
their high opinion of the valour and martial fpir
rit of the .Saxons j who thereby not only repulfed
the Scots and Pi£ks, which wefe fierce and war-
like nations, but alfo fubdued the Britons them*
felves, who called them to their proteaion>

30 Tacit. Hift. 1. 4. c. i;* . i' See ¥ol. i. p. jz%.

'Ch. 7- MANNER^, &c.

It^ muft, however, be confeffed that the Angl(

Saxons'did not retain this part of their nation;

charadler m its full vigour through the whole <

this period. For after they had been fome tin

peaceably^ fettled in England, had embraced tl

Chriflian religion in that corrupted form in whic

it was prefented to them, and many of them hi

contradted a fondnefs for the mpnaftic life, ih<

loft much of their former martial fpirit, "and b

came rather a timid than a warlike people, V

nerabl^ Bede> though he ^as a monk himfe

and a moft religidus man, beheld this change

the national charafter of his countrymen wi

deepx:oncern, and foretold the fatal confequenc

with which it would be attended. He called t

- rage of building monafteries, and embracing t

monaftic life, which began to prevail in his tin

a moft pernicious madnefs, which de[>rived t

country both of foldiers and conimanders to ^

fend it from the jnvafions of its enemies ^\ VP

liam of Malmfbury alfo takes notice of t

change in the national charader of. the Ang

Saxons : " The manners of the Englifh h;

" been different in different periods. At tt

** arrival in Britain, they were a fierce, be

^^ and warlike people; but after they had t

" braced' the Chriftian religion, they beca

" by degrees more peaceful in their difpofitio]

*' devotion was then their greateft national

" tue, and valour poffeffed only the fecond p

J» Bedss Epift. ad Egberilum,

X 4 -

Jit HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Boot II.

♦* in their efteem '\" It was this great dfani-
nution of the martial fpirit of the Engliih that
made them fu£Fer fo much from the depredation^
of the Dane^. The diflference in, this refpiedr
between thefe two. nations at length became fo
great, ths^t the Englifti fled before inferior num-
bers of the Danes, and could" hardly be prevailed
upon to meet them in the field of battle on any
terms. *^ JHow • long iis it (fays an lEnglifli au-
«* thor in the reign of king Ethclred the Un*
• *' re^^dy) fihce the EngHfli obtained a vidory
«^ over their enemies ? The pirates are now bc-
«< come fo bold and fearlefs, that one of them
^ fometimes puts ten, fometimes more, fomc*
^* times fewer, of us to flight. O the mifery
f« and worldly (hame in which England is in*
f ^ volved through the wrath of God ! How often
•* doth two or three troops of Danes drive the
** whole Englifli army before them from fea to
^ " fea, to our eternal infamy, if we were ca-

" pable of feeling ihame ! But, alas 1 fo abjecl
f* are we become, that we worfliip thofe who
\ 5* trample upon us, and load us with indigniN.
** ties^*/' In this laft e^preffion, the reverend
bifhop (for fuch this writer was) had probably
in his eye that remarkable inftance of the abje^
fubmiiTion of the Engljfli to the infolence of the
Danes, which is mentioned by other authors, —
" That when an Englifhman met a Dane on 4
** bridge, or in a narrow path, where he could

il W. Malmf. p. 57- ?+ Hickefu Difiertat. Epifiol. p. loj^

€(

np^

Qi: 7, M AN N E R S, «cc- \|i|

** net avoid him, he was obliged to ftand ftll!,^

" Vi^^ his head uncovered, and in a bowing

^' pofturs, . as foon as the Dane appeared, and

** to retnaiii in that pofture till he was out of

'' fight ^^'* Nay, the bifliop himfelf, in this

very fernaoij, gives an example of the brutal in-

folence of the Danes, and of the fpiritlefs fub-

miflion of the Englifli, which is too indelicate

*wd fhpcking to.b^ here inferted^*. The truth

is, that nothing can be more difficult than to

keep ^^fufHcient portion of the gallant and marr

t\a\ fpirit alive in a people foftened by long tran*

quillity, and keenly engaged in peaceful pur-

fuits 6f any kind: noy can any thing be more

dangerous than to fuffer that fpirit to be extin-

. guilhed* To this both the ancient Britons and

. the AnglOfSaafions owed all their miferies and

difgraces.

The Danes, who conftituted fo great a pro- ' Martial
portion of the inhabitants, and were for fome ^^^^S.^

• I 1 • 1' r T- 1 J • i_- thcDancf.

tune the predommant people of England m this
period, were of as bold, fearlefs, ^d intrepid s^
fpirit, as the Saxons had ever been, and rather
nvore fierce and warlike. The hiftories of si-
moft all the other nations of Europe, as well as
of the Englifli, in the eighth^ ninth, tenth, and
eleventh centuries, contain the mod ample evi-
denees of this faift , In that period the people

?y Pontopi dan. Gclla ct Veftigia Danorum extra Daniam, t.x.

^- Sscpcnumero decern autduodecem Dani alterms ^cibaa iixo-
rem, velfiliam, velcognatamthaynivitiantjipfothaynofpeiTtante, nee
orohibente, ^ermo LupiE/ifcopi, a^udHickefiiTbejaur^U x. ^. lot.

■■'"'■■ of ' .

\
t

|i4. HISTORY OF, BRITAIN. Book 11,

of Scandinavia, comprehending the kingdoms
of Denmark, Norway, and Sweden, breathed
nothing but war, and were animated with a
moft aftonifliing fpirit of enterprife and adven-
ture. By their numerous fleets, they rode tri-
umphant in all the European feas, and carried
terr6r and defolation to the coafts of Germany,
France, Spain, Italy,' England, Scotland, ^d
Ireland, to fay nothing of the Eaft, into which
they alfo penetrated ^\ The inhabitants of al!
thefe countries, efpeclally of the fea-coafts, lived
In continual apprchenfions of thofe dreadful ene-
mies ; and' it made a part of their daily prayers to
be preferved by Providence from their deftruSirc
vifits",
oufesof Many things contributed to kindle this love,*
ipirit of or rather rage, for war and martial atchieve-
theDa^cs. ments, in the bofoms of the Scandinavians, in
thi? period. They were Pagans; and thofe who
were the objeds of their -worfhip had been fa-
mous^ warriors, whofe favour, they imagined,
could only be obtained by brave exploits in war.
Their admiffion into the jiall of Odin (the fa-
ther of flaughter, the god of fire and defola-
tion), and ^ all their future happinefs, they were
Ifaught to believe, depended on the violence of
their own death, and on the number of their

V7 Pontapidani Gefta ct Yc fligiaDanorura extra Daniam, 3 torn,
8vo. Lipfiag ct Hafnla*, A. D. 1741* ' •

3^ It was a petition in the Litany of thofe tiine>,'^" A furore Nor-
'^ inaiiiioruq[i libera noj Pomiot/'

* cneiuiei

Ck. y. M A N N E R 5, Stc. 3^5

cneinies which they had flain In battle '^ This
belief infpired - them with a contempt of life, a
iendnefs for a Violent death, and a thirft for ,
\>\€>pd, which are happily unknown, and appear
incredible in the preferit times *^ Their educa-
tron was no lefs martial in its fpirit and tendency
tlian their religion. Many of them were born in
fleets or camps ; and the firft objedsj. on which
tVxey" fixed their eyes were arms, ftorms, battles,
blaod, and flaughtcr. Nurfed and brought up,
in the midft of thefe terrijble objed$, they by
degrees became fkmiliar, and at length delight*
ful. Their childhood and their dawn of youth
"were ivhoUy fpent in running, leaping, climbing»
fwimtniog, wrcftling, boxing, fighting, and fuch
exercifes as^hardened both their fouls and'bodies,
and difpofed and fitted tbem for the toils of wan
As fqon as they began to lifp, they ^ere taught
to ling the exploits and vidories of their an-
ceftors j% their memories were ftorcd with no«i
thing but tales of warlike and piratical expedi-
tions^ of defeating their enemies, burning cities,
plundering provinces, and of the wealth and
glory acquired by brave exploits. With , fuch ai^
education, it was no wonder that their youthful

hearts fbon began to beat high with martial a^-* !

. *^ ■ . ' *" i

39 Northeni Antiq^ t- 1 . c. 6. ,

40 — . Ccrtc populi, quos defpicit Ardlos,

Pc lice s err ore fuo ! quoaille^ timorum j

Maximus, haudurget lethi aietus : inde ruendi j

Ii) ferrum mens prona viri$> animsque capaces t

Mortis^ et ignavuia rediturse parccre vitas. Lucan^ L u |

. - ' • " . ^purj ■ I

ii6 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book H,

dour; and that they early became impatiexxt to
grafp the fword and fpear, and to mingb with,
their fathei's, brothers, and companions, in the
bloody conflict. This they alfo knew was the
. only road to richeSj honours, the fmiie^ of the
fair, and every thing that was defirable. To all:
thefe motives to martial and pitaxical expedi-
tions, arifing from religion and education, ano-

tber ftilL more powerful, if poiSble, was add^^
This^ was neceility, occafioned l^y the barren uiiy
cultivated ftate of their country ; which obliged
them to feek for thofe provifions by piracy and
pknder abroad, which, they coujd not find at
home. The fituarion of thciir country ajjb, coa-
fifting of iflaads, and of a great extent of fca^^
coaft on the continent, naturally led them to the
' ftudy of maritixTie affairs, which have a direft

tendency^ to make men hardy and courageous,
ffuoiliar with toils and dangers. All thefe mo-
Uves co-operating (which perhaps may pever be
again united], rendiered the Djanes of the middle
ages a moil fearlefs, undaunted, aod warlike
people, and ^ave their courage fome remarkablQ
propertiesv which merit a little of our attention.
Properties fhe valour of the Danes was boafliful and au-
tiaifpirit' dscious, attended with, much prefumption and
felf-confidcnce. This appeared by a degree of
boldnefs and daring in their wotds and actions
which to other nations would have feemed the
greateft rafhnefs. It was one of their martial
laws,—** That a Dane who wiflied to acquire
f* the character of a brave njan, fhould always

' .^^ attack

of the
Danes.

Ch, 7. M A N N E R S, &<!. JiT

■* attack two enemies, .ftaud firm and receive

** the attack of^ three, ■ retire only one pace from !

** four, and fly from no fewer than five*'."

The htftories of thofe times are fall of examples

of the moft bold, defperate, and often fuccefl.

ful, darings of the Danes ; of which none i»

„ better attefted, or more extraordinary, than the
following one, which is related by many of our
own writers. ~A bloody and obftinate battle was
fonght.near Stamford, a4th Odober A. D. 1^66, ;

between -Harold king of England and Harald I

Harefager king of Norway, in which the Nofr ' j

-wegians were at length obliged to retlre> and the
Englifli b^an to purfue with great .eagernefs. '

But a total ftop was put to their purfoit for fe-
veral' hours by the defperate boldnefs of aTingle ^ '

man. Xhis was a Dane of a gigantic ftatore, \

enoroious ftrength, and undaunted courage ; who, {

uking-hLs- ftaldon .on Stamford bttdge, lulled -no \

fewer than forty, of the.purfucrs with his battle- 1

axe, and was not killed at lalt but by a fira- '
tsgem**. This high prefumptuous fpirit of the t

Danes, made them violent, vlndi^ve, and im-
patient, of -the leafl affront, or (in modern laiw }
guage) men of ftrifl: and jealous honour. To
call aDane a nithing, was like fetting fire to gun- . . |

> powder, and inftantly excited fuch a fiame of I

rage, as nothing but hH own blood, or the blood j

of the offender, could cxtinguifli *'. By this [

*' Bartholin. Caufa Contemptse a Danis Mortis, c. 7. ,

^ W. Malmf. in Harold. Brompton, p. ^jt. 1

- « Bartholin, c. 7. Northern Antiq- c. 9. '

4 means

HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Bookll,

means duels and fingle combats were as frequent
and bloody, and. fought on almoft as trilling o^
<a(ions^ among the babarous and Pagan Danes,
as the^ are among the politeil Chridians of the
prefent age. It was the fame fpirit that rendered
the Danes of this period intolerably haughty and
infolent to thofe whom they had fubdued, and ,
made them exzQ. the moO: humiliating tokens of.
fubmilTion from them. Some examples of the
infolence of the Danes to the EngliOi, vhile they
were under their dominion, have been already
given ; to which feverai others might be added ;
but the .following one will' be fufHcient -to con-
vince the reader,- that it was carried to the moll
capricious height. If ati Engliftiman prefumed
to drink in the prefence of a Dane, without his
exprtft permillion, it was elleemed fo great a
mark of dtfrefpefi:, that nothing but hts inftant
death could expiate. Nay, the Englilh were fo
intimidated, that they would not adventure to
-drink even when they were invited, until the
Danes had pledged their honour for -their lafistyj
which introduced the cullom of pledging each
other in drinking; of which fome veftiges are
flill remaining among the oommon people in the
north of .England, where tha Danes were moft
predominant**. This infolence of the Datjes
made fa deep an imprelTion oa the imaginati<HU
of the Englifli, and was painted by (hem to their
pofterity in fuch lively colours, that for feverai -

** PoDtopidan, Gefiact VeltigiaDanocum, tsi p. 109. .

ages

Ch. 7- ■ MAN N-E R- S, &<v' . 8»J

ages after a proud imperious i;yrant was called 2
Lord Dane *".

The martial fpirit of 'the Pagan Danes was at- Fondncft
tended with a mofl prodigious prodigality of life, Dane; f^r
and fbndnefs for a violeiit death. The matly jeau,."*
ftrange accounts that are given -of this in their
ancient hiftories, would appear incredible, if they
' were not fo well attefted. On leceiving mortal '
Abounds in battle, they were fo far. from uttering
groans and lamentations, or exhibiting any marks
of fear or forrow, that they comnionly began to
laugh and fing**-. Thefe exprefTions of joy at
the approach of a violent death, , which were fii^-
cete and unaEfeded, proceeded from the riativp
and acquired botdnefs of their ferocious fpirits, —
from their ardent love of, military fame, — and
from the thoughts of thofe eiidlefs fcenes of
fighting, feafting, ai^d caroufmg, which they ex-
pe£led in ^ the hajl of Odin *'. The furviying ,
friends of *hofe who fell In battle, after Ijaving
fought bravely, and killed a nuniber of [heir '
enemies, were fo far from bewailing their fate,
that they rejoiced in their death, as an event
equaliy, happy to themfelves and honourable to
their family. The famou? Siward, a Danifli earl '
of Northumberland, being told that his favourite
fon was killed in a battle againft the Scots, afked,
with much anxiety, whether his wounds were be-
hind or before ? and being anfwered that they

<> FAbian Chrome. 19I. 4^ Bartholin, c. i,a.

« Id. ibul. 1. 1. c. II.,

kiSTdRY OF BRlfAfN. HotSttt

J^re all before^ he cried out, in a tranfport of
joy, — " Now I am pcrfedly happy! that was a
** death worthy of me and my fon *?/' Thofe
Danilh warriors who had courted a violent death
in many battles, and had been fo unfortunate as
hot to find it, became unhappy and difcontented
at the approach of old age, full of the moft
dreadful apprehenfions that they fhould die 6f
fome difeafe, and thereby be excluded from the
Tociety of herdes,* iji the hall of Odin.^ To
j)rev^nt this, they either perfuaded fdme of then-
friends tp difpatch them, or . put a violent end
to their own lives *^. Starcather, a » celebrated
Danifli captain, who had fpent iiis whole life in
arms md combats, was fo unfortunate as not to
meet with any perfoil 'v^hb had -ftrchgth and cou-
Tkgc enough to beat out bis brains. As foon as
he obferved his fight begin to/ fail, be became
*very difconfolate, and appr^henfive that 'he -fhould
te ;fo unhappy as to' die in his bed.- *Td avoid
fo great i calamrty, he put a gold chain of xod-
«fiderable value about his nedc, which he de-
dared he would beftow upon the .firft brave man
lie could meet with, who would do him theJtl*
'vour to cut off his head : nor was it long before
he met with one who did hhn that * friendly of-
fice, and won his chain ^^ t^vdn after the Danes
embraced the Chriftian religion, and Were thereby
deprived of the religious motives to prefer .a
violent death, their warriors continut;d for fome

4? Hen Hunt. 1. 6. c.a4.
50 Id. ibid.

^ Bartliolin. 1. i. c. 4.

time

Cli.^. M A ti N E R S. Ac. ilt

time to efteem that the mofl: defirable kind of
exit, and to abhor the thoughts of dying of lin-
gering difeafcs, and in their beds, ^arl Siward,
already mentioned (who was as good a Chrifliiaii
as any Dane could be, who had fpent his whole
life in fcenes of flaughter), being feized with a
dyfentery in his old age, and fenfible that his end
was drawing n^at, jFelt much UQeafinefs about th«
manner of his death, of which he . was quite
' aihamed : ** Alas ! (faid he,) that I have ef-
" caped death in fo many battles, to yield up
** my life in this tame difgraceful manner, like
" a cow ! I beifeefh you, my dear friends, dfefe
*• me'in my impenetrable coat of mail, gird my
" trufty fword about my body, place my helmet
"on my head,*my (hield in my left hand, and
^ ** my gilded battle-axe in my right, that I may
** die in the drefs at lead of a warrior, fmce I
*' I cannot have the happinefs to die in battle."
All ^s was done, and he expired with fome
d^ee of honour and fatigfaaion ^. Chrif* '
' Canity, however, by degrees, abated this unna-
tural furious Ipirit of the Danes, made them leis
prodigal of life, and lefs fond, of a violent death,
to their own advantage, and the repofe of the reft
of mankind.

llie martial rpirit of the Pagan Danes exerted Fondneft
ind fpent itfelf chiefly in piratical expeditions; calexpedi".
to which they were exceedingly and univerfally *•*""■
addided. This was owing to the fituatioa of

<' Bartholin. 1. 1. c. 4. Hen. Hunt. 1. 6. c. 16.

Vol. IV. Y thdr

J4* HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Bookll.

their country, and the ordinary progtels of fo*
ciety from the paftoral to the predatory life*
For nations arc firft hunters, then (hepherds;
and when their numbers are too much increafed
to live by thefe employments, they next become
N robbers or pirates for fome time, before they

commence hufbandmen and manufaflurers. Thus
much at lead is certain, that the Danes were fo
univerfally a people of pirates, in the eighth,
ninth, and tenth centuries, that a ^ Daae and a
pirate were fynonymous terms in the languages
of feveral nations, and particalarly in that of
the Anglo-Saxons ^*. In thofe times all the men
of Denmark conftantly wore the drefs of failors j
and there were fometiraes greater numbers of
Danes actually at fea than on fhore ". All thefe
were engaged in piracy ; which was purfued, not
only by perfons of inferior rank, but by kings,
princes, and nobles, as the mod honourable of
all profeillons ^^ Seme of thefe pirates acquired
fo much Wealth and fame, and had fudi nu-
merous fleets at their command, that they were
called fea-kings ; and though they were not maf-
ters of one foot of land, made the greateft na-
tions and mod powerful monarchs tremble **.
*' Helghi (fays an ancient hiftorian) was a hero
*^ of invincible ftrength and valour, and fpent
' " his whole life in piracy. He plundered and
depopulated the coafts of all the furrounding

5^ Chron. Saxon. paiTim. - 5? Northern Antiquit. t. x. c. io»
' ^-^^ Jd. ib!d. ' 55 Bartholtn. 1. »• c 9.

** countries^

Gh.?. MANNERS, &c. jij

" countries, by his fleets, and juftly acquired

" the honourable title of a fea-k'mg*'^." . The

iutroduftion of Chriftianity by degrees abated

the violence, and at length abolifhed the prafticCi

of piracy among the Danes, both of England and ''

Scandinavia : for both the laws and aflions of

the Chriftian pirates of this period were humane

4nd gentle, in comparifon of thofe of their Pagan

predeceffors ".

The moft pernicious property of the martial Crudtyof
fpiric of -the Pagan Danes was its cruelty ; which

prompted them to many deeds of horror, and '

made them the dread and deteftation of other na- ■

tions. Thefe cruellies of the Danes are painted

In the ftrongell colours by our moft ancient hifto- j

nans, who lived in or neareft to thofe times.

'* The cruel Guthium (fays one of thefe hifto-

" rians) arrived in England A.D. 878, at the ,

'* head of an army of Pagan Danes, no lefs cruel
■" than himfelf, who, like inhuman favages, de-

" ftroyed all before them with fire and fword, in-

** volving cities, towns, and villages, with their

*' inhabitants, in devouring fiames ; and cutting

** thofe in pieces with their battle-axes who ■

" attempted to efcape from their burning houfes.

" The tears, cries, and lamentations of men, 1

" women, and children, made no impreflions j

" on their unrelenting hearts; even the moft }

" tempdng bribes, and the humbleft ofiers of

" becoming their Haves, had no effe£l- All tha

" Sueno Aeonig Hid. Den. c. i. s? Bartholin. 1. 1- c. 9.

Y 2 " towns

3*^* HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book It

'^ towns through which thej pafled exhnbited
*' the mod deplorable fcenes of mifery and defo-
<^ lation i as^ venerable old men lymg with th»
*' throats cut before their own doors; the ftreets
<« covered with the bodies of young men and
•* children, without heads, legsi or arnxs^ and
•• of matrons and virginsi who had been firft
'• publicly difhonoured, and then put to death "."
It is faid to have been a common paftime amoi^
thefe barbarians, to tear the infants of the Eng-
Kfh from the breads of their mothers, tofa them
up into the air, and catch them on the point of
their fpears as they were falling down ^. One
Oliver, a famous pirate of thofe times, was much
celebrated for his humanity, and acquired the
furname of Barnakall^ or child-preferver ; becaufe
he denied his followers this diverfion of toffing
^ infants on their fpears **. Even after the Danes
and Anglo-Saxons had embraced the Chriffi^i
religion, they long retained too great a tin£ture
of their former ferocity. It is a fufEcient proof '
of this, that the horrid operation of fcalpingi
efteen^ed cruel in the favages of North America,
was occaiionally performed by thefe nations oil
their enemies towards the end of this period*
^* Earl Godwin (fays an ancient hiftorian) inter*
" cepted prince Alfred, the brother of Edwaid
" the Confeflbr, at Gilford, in his way to Lon-
*^ don, feized his perfon, and defeated

5« J. Wallingford, apud Gale, 1. 1. p. 536.

59 Anglia Sacra, t. 2. p. 135. 6° Bartholin. 1. a. c. 9. p. 457*

4 . «^ guards?

Cb. 7-

[ A N N E R S, &c.

•3'jl

** guards ; fome of which he imprifoned, fonie
•' lie ibid for flaves, fome he bfinded by pulling
■' out their eyes, fome he maimed by cutting off
*• their hands and fi^t, fome he tortured by
" pulling off the fltin of their heads, and, by
** varIou£ tcH'ments, put about fix hundred men to
<* death *'."

The Anglo-Saxons and Danes were of a foc'ial Soctai dir.
difpofition, and delighted much in formmg them- JIlfAngtof
felves into fraternities and gilds of various kinds, Saxon»and
\phich were cemented by frequent convivial meet-
ings and compotatioDs. By the lavs of the
Anglo-Saxons, every freeman who was the head
ef a family was obliged to be a member of the
decennary or ndghbourfliip in which he dwelt';
and all the members of the neighbourfhip were
pledges for each others good, behaviour to the
public. This created, a conne£Uon between them,
aud gave them an intereft in each others concerns,
quite unknown in the prefent tinus ; and the&
ties of union were greatly ftrengthened by thdr
eating and drinking together at the common
table of the neighbourfhip **. Befides tbofe legal
focicties, many voluntary ones were formed be-
tween perfons of fimilar tempers, inclinations,
and ways of life, for their mutual fafety, com-
fort, and advantage. Some of thefe voluntary
fraternities or fodotitta were compofed of ecclefi-
aftics, and fome of laymen, and fome of both

■ «' Hift-EHenr, apiirtGnlf.l. a. c.
fi' Johnfon's Canons, A. D. 69J. c

Y 3

clergy

ai< HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Boot 11,

clergy and laity ; and the (latutes of all thefe
different kinds are ftill extant, and have beeit
publilhed *K From thefe ftatutes, efpecially of
the lay fraternities, it appears, that one great
object of them was, to promote good fellowfliip
and frequent feftive meetings among their mem-
bers ; for the forfeitures are generally appointed
to be paid in honey and maltj to be made into
mead and ale for the entertainment of the frater-
nity "*. Thefe comivial affemblies, in which
the Anglo-Saxons and Danes delighted fo much,
were produflive of fome good effefls, and con.
I - tributed to ftrengthen the ties of friendfliip, and

reftrain their natural ferocity within fpme decent
bounds ; very fevere fines being impofcd on thofe
who were guilty of giving offenfive language to
any member of the fraternity at the common
table, or neglected to perform any of thofe
friendly offices which were required by their
flatutes*'. On the other hand, it cannot ■ be de;*
jiied, that the frequent feftive mectbgs of thefe
fraternities contributed Tery much to increafe
their vicioua habits of exceffiye drinking, to which
they were too much addi^ed. The very laws
that were made by fome of thefe fraternities to
reftrain excelTes of this kind, are a fufficient proof
that they were allowed to go confiderable lengths
in thip way, without incurring any blame j for
thefe Ia*s were made only ^gainft fuch flume:

M Hickelii Epift. DtAcrtat p. lo, si, «. H Id. ifcid.

>Md.ibid. WilkiniLcfu Saxon, p. iS.

Ch. 7- M A N N E R S, &c. ^j

fill degrees of intoxication as are not to be
named '"^
Both the Anglo-Saxons and Danes, and all the Credulity
other nations of Europe in this dark period, were Angio-
^redulous to a degree that is quire aflonifhing, nndDanes.'
This is evident from every remaining monument,
of their hiftory. What prodigious numbers of
niiracles do we meet with ip every monkifli chro-
nicle ; and how ridiculous are many of thefe
miracles ! The following one, which is related
with much folemnity, as a moft unqueftionable
faft, by William of Malmfbury, the moft ftn-.
fible of our ancient hiftorians, may fcrve as a
fpecimen of thefe monkifh miracles, though others
ftill more ridiculous might be produced. This
miracle MiilmlBury relates in the following man-
ner, in the very words, as he fays, of one of the
perfons on whom it was wrought : " I Echelbert,
*'. a finn^r, wili give a true relation of wl^at hap-
*' pened to me on the , day before Chriftmas*
** A. D. 10I2, in a certain village where there
** ■was a church dedicated to St. Magnus the
" martyr, that alt men may know the danger of
*' difobcying the commands of a prieft. Fifteen
"young women, and eighteen young men, of
" which J was one, were dancing and fmging in
" the church-yard, when one Robert, a prieft,
*' was performing mafs in the church j who fent
" us a civil meflage, intreating us to defift from
** cur diverfion, becaufe we difturbed his devo-

MBartholin. de Caulis ContcmptJe apud Danos Mortii, c 8.

T 4 " tloa

3ftr HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Bo«k IL

^^ tion by our noife. But we impioufly difre*
^* garded his requeft; upon which the holy
«' man, inflamed with anger, prayed to God
*« and St. Magnus, that we might continue
«* dancing and finging a whole year without in-
** termiffion. His prayers were heard • A young
«« man, the fon of a prieft, named John, took
" his fifter, who was finging with us, by the
•* hand, and her arm dropped from her, body
^' without one drop of blood following. But
*' notwithftanding this difafter, Ihc continued to
^* dance and fing with us a whole year. During
*' all that time we felt no inconvenicncy from
*' rain, cold, heat, hunger, thirft, or wearinefs,
^ and neither our fhoes nor our clothes wore
^ out. Whenever it began to rain, a magnifi-
** cent houfe was erefted over us by the power of
*' the Almighty. By our continual dancing we
^ wore the .earth fo much, that by degrees wc
" funk into it up to the knees, and at length up
** to the middle. "When the year was ended,
** bifliop Hubert came to thp place, diflfQlved
*» the invifible tics by which our hands had been
" fo long united, abfolved us, and reconcilea us
♦^ to St. Magnus. The prieft's daughter, who
" had loft her arm, and other two of the young
" women, died away immediately ; but all the ,
^* reft fell into a profound fleep, in wbich they
^' continued three days and three pights ; after
" which they arofe, and went up and down the
" world, publifliing thig * t;rue and glorious
•1 npracle, and cfirfying the evidences of iu
' ^' trutb

Ch. 7. U A K N £ R S. Ice.

" truih along with them, in the continual fliak-
•* ing of their limbe"." A formal deed, relat-
ing the particulars,, and attefting the truth of
this ridiculotis ftery, was drawn up and fubftribed
by bifliop Peregrine, the fucceffor of Hubert,
A. D. 1013 ; and we may be certain, that a h&
fo well attefted was univerfally believed. Many
ef the raonkilh miracles in this period were as
triffling as they were ridiculous, and pretended-to
be wrought for the moft > frivolous purpofes. As
the &inoas St. Dunftan was one day celebrating
mafs, a dove came down fr6m*heaven, and ho<
vered over his head, which fo much engaged the
attention of all the people and clergy, that none
of thetn had the prefence of mind to aflift the
faint in putting off his pontifical robes when
inafs was ended. He therefore put them off
himfelf; but inftead of falling to the ground,
they hung fufpended in the air, that the pious
meditations of the holy man might not .be dif-
turbed by their noife in ialling ". Not a few of
the miracles that we^e publi&ed by the monks,
and believed liy the pe(^le, of this period, were
of the moft peroicioKs and hurtful nature ; e^e-
cially thofe that wert! wrought by the Wel&
JaintG, who were reprcfented as more touchy and
paffionate than any other faints, even after they
were in heaven*'. Many other evidences might
)>e produced^ if U were peceffary, of the extreme

«7 W.Malmf p.3«- ^-^^ c 10.

** An^lia SacrSj 1. 1, p. ^^ .

ff Gii^J. C^nibrenf. Itiiierai. Cambrix,), 1. c. 7-

credulity

Curiofity
of the

Anglo-
'Saxons

^ HIST.ORY OF BRITAIN. BgokH.

credulity, bf the people of England^ and: of all
^the other countries of Europe, befides this of

, ' believing the moft abfjird tales of ridiculous^

frivolous, and pernicious niiracles ; for they
received with equal readinefs the no lefs moaftrous
relations of the monks concerning viiions, gboftsj
revelations, and inchantments. In a word, it
feems to have been impofflble for the priefts of
this period to invent any thing that the people
would not believe upon their word#

The Anglo<*Saxons and Danes were as curious
as they were credulous, and were at much ^^»

^dDan^s. P^^^ce and pains to penetrate into futurity,, to dif^
cover what was to befall them, and what would
be the iffue of their various undertakings. This
made them the dupes of thofc wretches who pre-
tended to be Ikilful in the arts of fortune-telling
and divination, who were courted, careiTed) and
rewarded, by the greateft princes, as well as by
the common people. Thefe admired magicians
and fortune-tellers were commonly old women;
for whom the Anglo-Saxons, as well as their
anceftors the ancient Germans, entertained a very
great veneration, and in whom they imagined
fomething divine refided ^^. 'As the Danes were
more ignorant, and continued longer Pagans
than the Englifli; fo they were ftill greater. dupes
to thofe wrinkled difpenfers of good and bad
fortune, who travelled with the retinue and (late
pf queens, and were every where treated with

70 Tacit, d,' Morib. German, c, S.

th^

€€

CC-

7^ M A N N E R S, &c.

higheil refpeft. One of them is thus de»
Ixrribcd in aia ancient Danifh hiftory : *^ There
^* was a certain old woman named H^ida, who
** was famous for her (kill in divination and the
f ^ arts of magic, who frequented public enter-?
5* tainments, predifting what kind of weather
<« would be the year after, and telling men and
^* women their fortunes. She was conftantly
attended by thirty men fervants,. and waited
upon by fifteen young maidens ^V Princes
and great men, when they invited thefe venerable
hags to their houfes, to confult them about the
fuccefs of their defigns, the fortunes of them-
felves and children, or any future ev^nt which
jhey defired to know, made great preparations
for their honourable reception, and entertained
them in the moft refpeftful manner. This and
leveral other curious particulars, relating to the
mariners of thofe times, appear from the followr
ing genuine dcfcription of one of thefe inter-
views. " There was in the fame country an old
'* womsEin named Thorbiorga^ the only furvivor
♦^ of nine fitters, fortune-tellers, who wag very
f^ famous ior her knowledge of futurity, and
" frequented publfc entertainments for the exer-
f* cife of her art when fhe was invited. Earl
** ThorchiU, who had the greateft authority in
J' that country, and was moft defirous to know
•* when the famine and ficknefs, which then
•f raged, would come to an end, fent meffen-

33«

71 Bartk^lin. 1. ^. o. 4. p. ^t%.

gers

33« HISTORY OF BRITAIN. BodLlI.

" gers to invite Thorbiorga to his houfc^ srftcr
*' he had made all the preparations which were
*^ ufual for the reception of fuch an honpurabie
** gueft. In particular, a feat was prepared for
^ the prophetefs, raifed (bmefteps aboTc the
•• other feats, and covered with a cuihion ftu£Fed
•* with hens feathers. When (he arrived on an
•' evening, condufted by the meffcngers, fhc was*
" dreffed in a gown of green cloth, buttcmed
*• from top to bottom ; had a ftring of giafs
** beads about her neck, and her head covered
^ with the (kin of a black lamb, lined with the
\* (kin of a white cat : her (hoes were made rf a
*« calPs Ikin, with the iiair on it, tied with
<* thongs, and faftened with brafs buttons :' on
** her hands (he had a pair of glpyes rf a white
** cat's (kin, with the fur inward : about her
*« waift (he wore a Huniandic girdle, at which
*< hung a bag, containing her magical inftrUf
*' ments ; and (he fupported her feeble limbs by
'* leaning on a (laff adorned with many knobs
<^ of brafs. As foon as ihe entered the hall^ the
^ whole company arofe, as it bpcame them, ^nd
^< falttted her in the moft refpedful manner;
«^ which Ihe returned as (he thought proper.
^* Earl Thorchill then advanced, and taking her
** by the hand, conduced Ijer to the feat pre-
** pared for her. After fome time fpent in con-
** verfation, a table was fet before her covered
** with many difhes j but (he eat sOnly of a pot-
*' tage of goat's milk, and of a di(h which con-
' " fiftjpd of the hearts of various axuinal$# When

'' the

Cb. 7. • M A N^ N E R S, kc. ^ j jj

<* the tabic was , removed, Thorchill huihbly *
«* approached the pr6phetefs, and alked her
** what flie thought of his houfe, and of his fa-
** mily ; and when Ihe would be pleafed to tell
** them what they defired to know. To this ihe
*' rqplied^ that ihe wofild tell them nothing that
** evening, but would fatisfy them fully next
*^ day. Accordingly on the day after, when, fee
*^ had put all her implements of divination ia
** proper order, fee commanded . a maiden,
** named Godreduj to fing the magical fong called
*^ Vardlokur ; which fee did with fo clear and
^* fweet a voice th^^t the whole company were
*^ ravifeed with her mufic, and none fo much as
*' the prophetefs j who cried out, Now I know
<^ many things concerning this famine and fick«
** nefe which I did not know before. This famine
** -will be of feort continuance, and plenty will
*^ return with the next feafon, which will be
«* favourable; apd the ficknefs alfo will feortly

fly away. As for you, my lovely maid God-.
^^ reda, you feall be married to a. nobIemai;i of
^^ the highefl rank, and become the happy mother

of a numerous and flourifeing family. Aftes
*^ this, the whole company approached the
*^ prophetefs one by one, and alked her what
" queftions they pleafed, and fee told them
«« every thing that they defired to know '*.'•
What a ftriking pidure is this of the mod eager
curiofi^y and unfufpeding fimplicity on the one

7^ Erin's Rauga Saga^ apud Bartholin, p, (91.

hand.

. *«

534 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Bookit

hand, and of the moft confummate cunning
on the other ! After the Anglo-Saxons and
Danes embraced the Ghriftian religion, their
veneration for the perfons, and confidence in the
predidions,/ of thefe impoftors, gradually di*
miniflied ; for the Ghriftian clergy were com^
manded by the canons, '* to preach very frc-
^' quently againft diviners, forcerers, auguries,
« omens, charms, incantations, and all the filth
*^ of the \^-icked, and dotages of the Gentiles "."
By the laws of the church very heavy penances,
and by the laws of the ftate very fevere punifli-
ments, were inflifted both on thofe who praftifed
thefe delufive arts, and on thofe who confulted
them'*.
Hofpitality Hofpitality may be juftly reckoned among the
Anglo- national Virtues of the Anglo-Saxons^ This virtue
they derived from their anceftors the ancient Ger-
mans : *' For in focial entertainments and hofpi-
^' tality, no nation was ever more liberal. They
*' received all comers without exception into
** their houfes, and entertained them in the beft
*' manner their circumftances could afford.
«^ When all their provifions were confumed, they
•* conduced their guefts to the next houfe, with-
** out any invitation, where they were received
" with the fame franknefs, and entertained with
*' the fame generofity '^'* After the converfion
of the Anglo-Saxons to Chriftianity, their natural

7J Job' fon's Canons, A D* 747. c. 3.
H Spelnrjan. ConciK t. i, p. 294'— 515.
75 Tacit, de Morib. German, c. ai.-

dilpo*

SaxoDS.

CH. -J, M: A N N E R s; &c. jjj '

difpofjaons to hofpitality were encouraged and
ftrengthened by religious motives ; for the
Anglo-Saxon clergy were commanded by the
canohs to pra£tife hofpitality themfelves, and to
recommend the praftice of it very frequently and'
carneftly to their people'*. The Englifh kings
in this period fpent a confiderable portion of their
revenues in entertaining ftrangers, and their own
nobility and clergy, particularly at the three great
feftivals of Chriftmas, Eafter,** and Whitfun-
tide ^^ The Englilh nobility, in imitation of
their princes, confumed the greateft part qf their
large eftates in a rude abundant kind of hofpita-
lity J of which all who thought proper were wel- -
come to partake ". Monafteries, in thofe times,
were a kind of public-houfes, where travellers
and flrangers of all ranks were lodged and enter-
' tained.

Chaftity in their youth, and conjugal fidelity Thdr
' sifter marriage, may alfo be numbered among the and conju-
nationa! virtues of the Anglo-Saxons. Their gs'nde-
anceftors, the ancient Germans, were famous fo^_
both thefe virtues. " The intercourfe between
*' the fexes among them did not commence till
" both had airived at full maturity of age and
" flrength. The laws of matrimony were ob-
'• ferved with great ftriftnefs. Examples of
** adultery were extremely rare, and puniflied with
" much feverity. The hulband of an adakerefs,

76 Spetman. Concil. 1. 1. p. 476. £ot.

77 Anglia Sacra, t, ». p. 199. " W. Malmf. p. jS.

jg6 HISTORY Of BRITAIN. Book IT.

** in the prefcnce of h«r relations, cut off ha
<' hair, ftrippcd her almoft naked, turned her
" out of his houfe, and whipped her from one
*• end of the village to the other. A woman |
*' who bad been thus expofed, never recoTcred
** her chara^er ; and neither youth, beauty, nor
*' riches, could ever procure her anotho* huf- j
*' band "." > The Anglo-Saxons - were much
conBrmed in thefe virtues ■ which they derived '
from th«r anceftors, by the precepts of Chriftia-
nity, after they embraced that religion. It can*
not, however, be denied, that the imprudenc i
zeal of the Chriftian clergy, in attempting to '
carry this virtue to a greater height than the laws |
of nature, and the good of fociety, will admit,
had a very bad effeft on the manners of the I
people, efpecially of the ecclefiaftics, in this
refpe£l. By endeavouring to prefeiTe virginity,
they deflroyed chafticy, and gave birth to many i
imnatural vices, which mull not be mentioned *°. '
The Danifli foldiers, who were quartered upon
the Engtifh in the reigns of Athein:an, and feveral .
of his fucceflbrs, being idle, infolent, and de-
bauched, corrupted many of the Eoglilh women,
both married and unmarried, by dreffing better
than the Engliflimen, and by other arts ". By
thefe and fome other means, this virtue declined
fo much among the people of England, that
before the end of this period very few veftiges of

'» Tacit. cleMorib. Gennan. c. i8, iij, i«. |

"o Vide Wjlkenfii Concilia,!, i. p. ng, Ste.
'> Chrgn. WalliiH[ford, apud Gale, 1. 1. p. j+7.

Ch. 7- MANNERS, &c. '337

their ancient innocence and modefty remained ;
and this diffolution of manners is reprefented, both
by the hiftorians and divines of thofe times, as one
of the chief caufes of their ruin '\

The Anglo-Sixons, as well as their anceftors >Fondnef8
the ancient Germans, were remarkable for th^ fam^ii^a'^
warmth of their afFeftions to their family and ^^^l^^^'
relations '^ But thefe affediions, which are fo
amiable when kept within due bounds, were by
them carried to excefs ; and every family or clan
formed a kind of combination, which adopted
all the paffions and profecuted all the quarrels,
of its particular members, however unjuft and
lawlefs, not againft the offender only, but againft
his whole family. This gave occaiioni to family
feuds and bickerings, which were attended, with
manifold inconveniencies. To reftrain thefe pri-
vate wars between great families, which difturbed
the public tranquillity, and prevented the re-
gular courfe of juftice, many laws were made,
particularly by king Edmund, who reigned from
A. D, 940 to A. D. 946'*. By one of thefe
laws it is declared, that a murderer fhall alone
be obnoxious to the refentnient of the relations
of him whom he had murdered, and not his
whole family, as formerly; and that if any of
thefe relations take vengean.ce on any other than
the murderer, he (hall forfeit all his goods, and

' «* W. Malmf. p 58. Sermo. Lupi, apud Hickefii Differtat,

Epilt. ip. loz. ^3 Tacit, dc Morib. German, c. 21,

84 Wilkins Lccrea Saxonicse, p. 73.

' Voj^. IV." Z be

S38 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Back W.

be ptofecuted as a a enemy to the king and all
his friends. By another, a method is fettled for
compromifing all difputes between the family of
the murderer and that of the perfon killed, in an
amicable manner. Thefe and other laws, to-
gether with the great calamities which befel the
Englifli in the reign of Ethelred the Unready,
and deftroyed many noble families^ fo much re-
laxed the ties of blood, that bifhop Lupus, who
llouriQied towards the end of that unhappy reign,
complains, — " That In his time relations had
'* little more attachment to one another than to
** ftrangers ; and that the natural affeftion of
" parents to children, and of children to pa-
•' Tents, and of brothers to each other, was very
*' much diminifhed ^'." So much did the man-
' fiers of the Englifli change in this particular in
the courfe of this period !
' g ^ The Englifli reader, it is hoped, will not be

the Anglo- much offended, though he is nbt prefented in
this place with a very minute detail of the vices
of his ancefliors. There Teems to be no neceffity
for this ; and as it is an unpleafant fubjed, it
fhalt be difpatcbed in as few words as^pofiible.
Frequent ^^ ^^^^ g°^^ reafon to believe, that blood*
murders. fj^Q^ ai^j niurder were very frequent among a

people fo brave, fierce, and paflionate, as the
Anglo-Saxons and Danes ; efpecially when we
confider,,that they were always armed ; and that
a certain price was fet upon the limbs and lives

«5 Serrr.o Lupi,^apud Hlckcfii Dlfiertat. Epift. p. loi.

-Ch..7. M A N N E- R S, &f. 33

of all the members of fociety, from the fovereign
to the flave'^

The great propenfiiy of the. Saxons, and the Theft.
ftill greater propenfity of the Danes, to piracy,
hath been already mentioned. Both thcfe na-
tions were alfo much addided to theft and rob-
bery. This appears from every part of their
hillory, and is evident from all their laws, which
contain a prodigious number of regulations for
preventing or punifhing thefe crimes ".

The prodigious multiplicity of oaths among ''"jury,
the Anglo-Saxons greatly diminiflied their fo-
lemnity, and gave occafion to much perjury ;
which is reprefented by their own writers as one
of their national vices ". This multiplicity of
oaths in criminal' caufes was owing to the great -
number of compurgators required by law, which
in fome cafes amounted to forty or fifty. In
civil caufes, each party endeavoured to bring as
great a number of witnelTes as poffible into the
field, which were drawn up like two little ar-
mies, confifting fometimes of a thoufand on one
fide •'-■ ' ,

Bribing judges, and even kings, to influence Bribery.
them in their decifions of law-fuits, feems to
have been a very common praiflice among the
Anglo-Saxons in this period, efpecially towards

» aermo Liipi, apud Hickc'fii DilTcrtat. EpiK.,p. loi. .

*> Wilkins L gfs Sasnnicie, palTiin.

«• Hi.kefii DilTertat. Epift. p. 10+, loj.

•9 Iliftoria Elienfij, c. jj.

Z z its

540 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book U.

its conclufion. Many of thefe infamous tranf.
aftions are related by our ancient . hiftorians as
common occur^-ences, without the leaft mark of
furprife or difapprobation ''^ Nay, Edward the
Cpnf^flbr, notwithftanding all his boafted fanc-
tity, is not afhamed to mention (iti an award of
his which is flill extant) a handfome bribe which
he had received from one of the pitrties, as one
of the grounds of his dedfion '*.
Tyranny Tyranny* cruelty^ and oppreffion of their in*

and op- r * • ■ •!• • r i_ '

prcffioa. ienors, were prevaiUng vices or the great men
^mong the Danes and Anglo-Saxons towards the
end of this period, when a kind of ariftocracy
had taken place. , *' The poor and indigent are
** circumvented and cruelly treated ; nay, their
*^ own perfons, and thofe of their children, are
** often feized by force, and fold for flaves. Wi*
•^ dows are unjuftly compelled to marry con-
^^ trary to their inclinations; or if they refufe,
** are cruelly oppreffed, .and reduced to mi-
»c fery^*.** As the Godwin family, in parti-
cular, had become too great for fubjefts ; fo
the fonS of that family were guilty of the moft
outrageous afts of cruelty and oppreflion.
•' When they beheld any country-feat that
" pleafed thqir fancy, they gave dire£tions to
*^ their followers to murder the proprietor of it
s '^ and his whole family, in the night, and then
** obtained a grant of the houfe and the eftate.

90 Hift. Uamfien. c. 114. Illfl:. EH^nfis,c. 42.

•» Hift. Ramfica. c. iij. T- Hickefii Epift. Diflertat. p. 100.

«Tet

Cii. 7. . MANNERS, &c. ,

•^ Tet thefe were the men who were the jud
*^ and rulers of the land '^."

Intemperance and excefs in eating an4 dri
ing are acknowledged by all their ancient writ
to have been the moft prevailing vices both
the Anglo-Saxons and Danes. *^ The nobi
(fays William of Malmlbury) were much
dieted to luft and gluttony; but excef
drinking was the common vice of all ra
of people, in which they fpent whole nij
and days without intermiflion ^*/* All t
meetings terminated in riotous exceffive dr
ing, not excepting even their religious fefliv
on^ which they ufed to drink large draught:
liquor, to the honour of Chrift, the Vi
Mary, the apoftles, and other faints ^^ T
when king Edmund I. -celebrated the feftiva
St. Auguftin, the apoftle of the Englifh,
Puckle church in Gloucefterfliire, 26th \
A. D. 946, with all his courtiers and nobi
they were fo overpowered with liquor, that
beheld their fovereign engaged in a difgra^
ftruggle with a lawlefs ruffian, by whom he
at laft murdered, without having either ftre
or prefence of mind to give him the leaft ;
ance ^^ Edgar the Peaceable, who mounted
throne about nine years after the death of
mund> endeavoured to give fome check to

93 Hen. Hunt. 1. 6. p. aiq. 9* W. Malmf. 1. 3

s>5 Bartholin. I. %. c. la. Northern Antiquities, t. i. p. 5
96 w. Malmf. 1. %. c. 7/

. Z3 (ha

»+» HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Boot II.

lliameful exceffes, which - were productive of
many mirchieFs. One of his regulations to this
purpofc is fo curious that it merits, a pl^ce in
hiftory. It was the cuftom in thofe times, that
a whole company drunk out of one large veffcl,
which _was handed about from one to another,
every one drinking as much as he thought proper.
This cudom occafioned frequent quarrels, fpme ■
alleging, that others drank a greater quanrity
of the liquor than fell to their (hare ; and at
other times fome of the company compelling
others to drink mote than they inclined. To
prevent thefe quarrels, Edgar commanded the
dr inking- velfels to be made with knobs of brafs,
. or fome other metal,' at certain diftanccs from
each other; and decreed, that no perfon, under
a certain penalty, fiiould either drink himfelf,
or com|]eI another to drink, more than from
one of thefe knobs or pegs to another, at one
draught ". This fliows in what a ferious light
drinking was viewed, even by government, in
this period. Many other laws of drinking may
be feen in the work quoted beloW ".
Thefe But it is now time to put an end to this un-

iiAiKerCJ. pleafant fubjeft, which 1 ftiall finifh with the
candid obfervation of the moft fcnfible and im-
partial of our ancient hiftorians, at the conclu'
■ iion of his character of the Anglo-Saxons.
*' Though thefe vices were too general, they

97 W. Malmr. I. J. c. !. p. ji.
9^Sartholin.(lcCaufibConteinptx3pu<lDangsM9rtiF,p. 133, &c. .

*' were

Ch. 7. " M A N, N E R S, &c. 345

*• ■were not uaiveifal. For I know that many
•* of the Englifh clergy in thofe times purrued
" the plain paths of piety and virtue; and that
*' not a few of the laity of all ranks pleated God
•* ' by their converfations. Let no man ihcfe-
*' fore be difpleafed with what I have faid, fince
•* I have not involved the innoceot and guilty in
** the fame difgrace *."

So many of the remarkable cuftoms of the Rrmark-
Anglo-Saxons and Danes who inhabited Eng- , ^[^s*^f '
land in this period, have been occafionally men- "J= ^"- *
tioned in this and the preceding chapters of this jihb aM
book, that Uttle remains to be^ faid onthat fub-
jefl ia this place. That the reader, however,-
jnay not be difappointed in his expedations, it
may not be improper to take notice, in a few
■words, — of their modes of addrefs,- arid expref-
fioni of refpe£t and civility, — their manner of
treating the fair fex, — their ceremonies of mar-
riage, their methods of education, — rites of fe-
. -pulture, — cuftoms in peace and war, — the reti-
nues and equipages of the great, &c.

The Anglo-Saxons and Danes appear to have Ru^eand
been no great admirers of a refpedful polite ad* ""^Ji,-
drefs, but rather rude and haughty in their de- ^-I'l'cf*.
porrment. This is acknowledged by their own ,
■writers, who frankly confefs, that the French. in
thofe times very much excelled them, and all -
the other nations of Europe, in politenefs and
elegance of manners '". They reprcfent it as a"

•» W, Rilmr. 1. j.p. S7. '"Id. I. I.e. I.

' Z 4 fortunate

HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Boole IT.

fortunate circumftance m the life of Egbert, th6
firft Englifti monarch, and alfo of the celebrated
St. Dunllan, that they had both refided foixie
time in France, and had there acquired an eafy
engaging addrefs, quite unknown in their own
country "". The Welfh appear to have been
equally unpolifhcd in this period, fince there
was, a necellity for making a law, that none of
the courriers fiiould give the queen a blow, or
fnatch any thing with violence out of her hands,
under the penalty of forfeiting her majefty's pro-
te£li()h '". It would be eafy to produce many
examples of rudenefs and indelicacy that were
edabtiflied by law, and pra£tifed even in courts
of juftice (if they were not unbecoming the
purity that ought to be obferved in hiftory),
which would hardly be btlieved in the prefent
3ge. That example of this which the learned
reader will find below, in the Latin language,
will be a fufEcicnt fpecimen, and would not
have found a place here, if it had not been al-
■ ready publiflicd by a reverend and refpedable
author, afcer mature deliberation'"'. But though
the Anglo-Saxons, Danes, Welfh, and other na-
tions who inhabited Britain in this period, were
in general indelicate and unpolilhed in their

'0' W. Malmf. I. !• c. t. J. Wallingford/apud Gale, 1. i. p«54.].

'"^.eges WaliicK, p. ii. 1, i. c. 8.

'=! Bi irmlier ftuprata lege cum yirn agere velil, et fi vir fa^um
pemegaverit, mulicr, mcmbipvirili TiniAra prehenfo, et dextra reli.
quiis fanitarum imporita, juiet fuper 'Mat, quod is per vim Teifto
roemlpro vitiavtrit, Lfgei iValU-t, f. 8j.

manners ;

Ch. 7. MANNERS, &c. 345

manners; yet we may be certain, that inferiors
approached their fuperiors with geftures which
expreffed fubmiffion ; that perfons of condition
accofted each other with tokens of refpeS, and
relations with marks of friendfhip. For all thefe
affedions and feelings being natural to mankind,
the expreflions of them are alfo natural and uni-
verfal. We have already feen the humiliating
tokens of fubmiffion which the imperious Danes
exafted from the Engiifti, witli which it is pro-
bable all flaves approached their matters ; and
many examples of friends kiffing and embracing 1 '

each other at meeting occur in the hiftory qf
thofe times""*. As both the Anglo-Saxons and
Danes were exceeding-Jy fuperftltious, the clergy
were the chief objefts of their veneration; and
we fometimes hear of kings, queens, and ndblea,
kneeling, and even, proftrating themfelves on the
ground, before their fpiricuat guides, to receive
their commands or benedictions'"'.

The Engliffi in this period treated the fair ftx RefpeSful
with a degree- of attention and refpeft which tothefa^r
could hardly have been expeSed from a people **''•
fo unpoliflied in their- manners. This way of
thinking and afting they undoubtedly derived
from their anccftors the ancient Germans; who
not only admired and loved their , women on ac-
count of their perfonal charms; but entertained
a kind of religious veneration for them as the
peculiar favourites of heaven, and confulted

. "^ EddiuB Vita W ilfredi, c. 50. j!, '"ild-cso.

them

3^ HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Bookll,

them as oracles ""*• Agreeable to this, we find
fome of the Ajiglo- Saxon ladies •were admkted
s^ into their moil auguit affemblieSj and great at^
tention paid to their opinions } and fo confider-
able was their influence in the mod important

affairs, that they were the chief inllruments of
introducing the Chridian religion into almoft all
the kingdoms 'of the heptarchy '^^ Many of the
Anglo-Saxon ladies of the higheft rank were in-
. rolled among their faints, and became the ob-
jeds of the fuperftitious veneration of t^ieir coun-
trymen '°'. A great number of laws were made
to fecure the rights, proted the perfons, and de-
fend the honour ' of the fair fex from all in-
fults : they were courted with no little gallantry,
and many brave exploits performed with a view
to gain their favour *°^ Ic muft indeed be con-
fefled, that the iEnglifli ladies, efpecially thofe
• of the higheft rank; were involved in a tempo-
rary difgrace and degradation towards the end
of the eighth century. This was occafioned by
the bafe and criminal conduft of Eadburga, the
daughter of OfFa king of Mercia, and queen of
Bcorthric king of- Weflex ; who, after having
committed many horrid crimes, at length poi-
ibned her hufband, and a young nobleman who
, was his favourite, with one potion ; which ex-

cited fuch a violent and unlverfal indignatioa

lofi Tacit, de Morib. German, c. S.

107 Bed« Hirt, Erclcf. 1. 3. c 25.

«oR Src Chap, t, W. Malmf. 1. 1. e. 13.

»09 Wilkins Lege* S^xonicse, Nortlicrii AntlquU. vol i. c. i».

^ againft

Ch-r' MANNERS, *c..

againfl her, that (he was obliged to make her
efcape to the continent. The people of Wef-
fex, finding tbac they could not execute their
vengeance on the perfon of the offender, tefti-
fied their refentment, -by making a law, " That
•* none of the kings of Weflex fhould from
•' thenceforward permit their conforts to be
*' crowned, to fit with them on the throne, or
" to enjoy the name of queen "°." But Af-
terius, who relates this tranfadion at great
length," as he had received it from the mouth
of his matter Alfred the Great, exprefles bis
difapprobation of this law in the ftrongeit terms,
declaring it to be a moA perverfe and deteltable
law, direflly contrary to the cuftoms of ail thofe
nations who were defcended from the ancient
Germans. He obferves further, that this law
was not long obferved. For Ethelwolf, the fe-
cond monarch of England^ having married Ju-
dith the daughter of Charles the Bald king of
France, placed her on the throne, in direft op-
■ pofiiion to the barbarous cuilom which had for
foine time prevailed in his country, without in-
' curring the difpleafure of his fubjefts '". The
wives of the Englilh nobility, who had fhared
in the difgraces of the royal conforts, gradually '
recovered their former dignity- and influence in
fociety, which was at leafl: as great in England ia
this period as in any country of Europe '".

>«' AITer. Vita^lfridi, p. j. t >'" Id, iljid.

lit Spclntan's Life ol Alfred, V- >J.

' The

54«

Marriage-

cercmo*

pics.

HISTORY OF BRITAIN- Book II.

, The legal ceremonies and cuftoms in con-
trafting marriages among the Anglo-Saxons have
been already mentioned"'; and therefore no-
thing now remains . but to take notice of a few
of the arbitrary faihions and changing ceremo-
nies with which the celebration of their mar-
riages was commonly attended. But thefe fa-
ihions and ceremonies being regulated by fancy
and caprice, rather than by law, it cannot be
fuppofed that they were either conftant or uni-
verfal. As the marriage was always celebrated
at the houfe of the bridegroom, and all the ex-
pence and trouble of it was! devolved on him^
he was allowed a confiderable time to make the
jieceflary preparations. It was not, however,
efteemed gallant or fafhionable to allow more
than fix or feven weeks to elapfe between the
time of contra£ting and the celebration of the
marriage. On the day before the weddings all
the friends and relations of the bridegAom
having been invited, arrived at his houfe, and
fpent the time in feafting, and in preparing for
the approaching ceremony. Next morning xhe
bridegroom's company mounted on horfeback^ *
completely armed, and proceeded in great ftate
and order, under the command of one who was
called the forewijlaman^ or foremoji tman^ to re-
ceive and condud the bride in fafety to the houfe
of her future hufband. The company pro-
ceeded in this martial array to do honour to the

"3 Sec chap. 3. p. 393—398. ,

bride.

a. 7. M A N N E R S; Ac

bride, and to prevent her being intercepted and
carried off by* any of her former lovers. The
bride in this procefTion was attended by her
guardian> and other male reladons, led by a
matron who was called the bride' i-woman, and
followed by a company of young maidens, who
were called the bride' s-maids. She was recdved
by the bridegroom at her arrival, and folemnly
betrothed to him by her guardian in a fet form
of words "*. After this ceremony was per-
formed, the bridegroom, the bride, and their
united companies, went in procelTion to the
' church, attended with mufic, where they re-
ceived the nuptial benediftion from a prieft.
This was in fome places given under the nup-
tial veil, whiclv was a fquare piece of cloth,
fupported by a tall man at each comer over the
bridegroom and bride, to conceal her virgin
blulhes '". When the bride was a widow, the
vtiil was never ufed, as being eftefimcd unne-
■ceffary. After the nuptial benediflion was given,
both the bridegroom and bride were crowned by
the prieft with crowns made of flowers, which '
. were kept in the church for that purpofe'".
Marriages, on that account, and for feveral -other
reafons, were moft commonly celebrated in the
fummer feafon. When thefe ceremonies were
finifiied, the whole company returned in pro-
ceiBon to the bridegroom's houfe, and fat down

"+ See cliap. %. p. 39S. '" Miiratori, 1. 1. p. iii.

'" OlaiMagni, p. jjj.

|j^ HISTORY OP BRITAIN. Bodklt

f6 the nuptial feaft; which was as ftimptuous
and abundant as the ent-ertainer could afford.
The afternoon a'nd evening were fpent by the
youth of both fexcs in mirth and dancing, moft
commonly in the open airj and by the reft of
the company in caroufmg, in which they very
invteh delighted. At night the bride was con-
dudcd by her women- attendants to her apart-
. , jnent, and placed in the marriage bed j and fooa
after the^ bridegroom was condufted by the men
^ in the fame nlanner ; and having both drunk of

the marriage cup with all who were prefcnt,
the whole company retired. The wedding-
.. dreffes of the bride and three of her maidens^
and of the bridegroom and three of his attend-
ants, were of a peculiar colour and fafbion, and
could not be ufed on any other occafion. Thefc
drefies, therefore, were anciently the perquifite
of the minftrels or muficians who had attended
the wedding ; but afterwards, whea the min-
ftrels fell into difgrace, they were commonly
given to fome church or ^monaftery "^. Next
morning the whole company affembled in the
apartment of the new-married pair before they
arofe> to hear the hutband declare the morgagife,
or morning-gift j and a competent number of his
relations became fureties to the relations of his
wife, that he would perform what he promifed "*.
The feaftings and rejoicing trontinued feveral
days after the marriage, and feldom ended till all

»7 Stiernhook, 1. 3. c. 1. p. 16 j. ^^ Id. ibid.

the

eh.?. ., MANNERS, .&c. 354

the provifions were confumed. To indemnify
the hufband in fome degree for all thefe expences,
the jelations of both parties made him fome pre-
fent or other at their departure "*.

When marriages proved fruitful, the mothers Mothen
generally nurfed their own children. This laud- {^Jeir^pwa
able pradice doth not feem to have been quite children*
univerfal among the Anglo*Saxan ladies of high
rank, even in the former part of this period j
for pope Gregory, in his letter to St. Auguftin,
the apoftle of the Engli(h, fays, •* A certain ^
^ wicked cuftom hath arifen among married peo- '

" pie, that fome ladies refufe to nurfe the chil-
** dren whom they have brought forth, but de-
** liver them to other women to be nurfed""."

It is faid^to have been the cuftom of the Anglo- Names ind
Saxons to give their children name^ as foon as Surname*,
they were born ; and thefe names were all ex-
preffive of fome great or good quality '". Spr-
namesj or family-names, were not in ufe among
the Englifh in this period, or at leaft not till the
reign of Edward the ConfefFor'". But as fe-
ver^l perfons who lived near to each other fome-
tirries had the fame proper name,, it became ne-
ceflary, in converFation and writing, in order to
diftinguifli the perfon of whom they fpoke and ^
wrote, to add fome word to his name defcriptive
of his perfon, difpofition, &c. ; as, tbe Long, —

«i9 Stiernhook, U 2. c^ i. p. 165.

»io Bedac Hift.Ecdef. 1. 1. C 17.

1*' Camden'* Remains, p. 45. 55, &c. Vcriligan, c. 8.

*" Id, ibid. p. J 10.

tbc

J5»

Trial of

children's

courage.

HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book IL

the Blacky— the White r-the Gaody—the Peaceable,
-r^the Unready^ &c. This word, by being con-
ftantly added to hrs aame, became a kind of fe-^
coiidary name ; but did not defcend to his poC
ferity, nor become the furname of his family **^
Sometimes a particular perfon was diftinguiihed
from others of the fame name, by adding the
name of the plac« where he dwelt, or the name of
l^is father, and by feveral other \C^ay8 '**. It may
however be obferved, that thofe words which in
this period were ufed as a kind of nicknames to
diilinguifh particular perfons of the fame proper
names from each other, in the next period be-
came family-names, and defcended to the pof-
terity of thefe perfons, who probably refembled
them in thefe particulars ; and from thefe words
many of our modern furnames are derived "*.
By fuch flow and infenfible degrees are the moft
prevailing cuftoms eftabliftied.

As the Anglo-Saxons admired valour and in-
trepidity tibove all other qualities, they were
very anxious to difcover whether their fons would
be poffeffed of them or not j and had various
methods of putting their courage to the trial
even in their infiaincy. The following is faid to
have been one of the moft common of thofe
modes of trial. Upon a certain day appointed
for that pui;pofe, the family and friends being
aflembled, the father placed his infant fon on the

*i* Camdrn'8 Remains P ^'c^- Verft'gan, c. 8.
*** Hickefii Diflcrtat. Epift. p. aa- Verftigan, c. 9«
^s Vcrftigan, c. 9.

flanting

Cb.7. M A N N E R S, «,c. ,j,

ilantijig fide of the roof of his houfe, and there
left him. If the child began to cry, and ap.
peared to he afraid of falling, the fpectators were
much dejected, and prognofficated that he would
be a coward ; but if he cliing boldly to the
thatch ; and difcovered no marks of fear, thcr
were tranfported with joy, and pronounced that
he yrould prove a Jloutberee, i. e. a brave war-
rior ■".

The Anglo-Saxons being a rude and fierce Mnhoj,
people at their arrival in Britain, and for feveral ,f„'„''°"'
ages after, it is not to be imagined that they
educated their children in a tender and delicate
manner, of which they had no ideas, and which
would have been very improper for the courfe of
life for which they were defigned. Like their an-
• ceftors the ancient Germans, perfons even of the
higheft rank accuftomed their children to en-
counter dangers, and to bear cold, hunger, pain,
and labour, from their very infancy, that they
might be fitted for hunting, which was to be
their chief ditofion, and war, which was to be
their chief employment "'. Letters were feldom
thought of as any part of the education of the
children of the grcateft families. When Alfred
the Great, the fourth fon of king Ethelwulf
was twelve years of age, neither he, nor any of
his three elder brothers, could read one word of
their native language; and it was by a kind of

■ "6 Howel't General HiKorj-, part 4..p, 3,..
'" Tacit, de Morib. German, c. ao.

Vol. IV. A a accident.

554 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book II.

accident, rather than any formed defign, that
thefe princes were afterwards" taught to read;
though much pains had been taken about their
education, and they had been inftructed with the
greateft care, in hunting, riding, and all martial
. exercifes '*^ It is alfo obferved by Afferius, as
one of the greateft changes introduced by his
hero Alfred the Great, that his youngeft foa
Ethelwerd, who was dcfigned for the church,
was taught to read before he was taught to
hunt**^ In a word, the Anglo-Saxon* and
Danifli youth enjoyed much freedom, and were
allowed to fpend their time in rural fports and
martial exercifes ; whicfh contributed not a little
to increafe their ftrength, agility, and courage,
and fit them for the toils of war.

Kites of '^^^ people of Germany and Scandinavia dif-
fcpulture. tinguiflied the differept peridds of their hiftory
by the different rites ofj fepultur^ which prevailed
in thefe periods. In the moft ancient period
they burnt thcif dead, whfch was therefore called
^ burna olld^ or the age of burning ; in the fucceed-
ing period they buried their dead . without burn-
ing, and raifed heaps of ftones or earth over
their bodies, which was therefore called haugs
oUdy or the age of hillocks '^^ Though the end
of the firft, and commencement of the fecond of
thefe perrodSj are, not diftinftly marked ; . yet it
feems to have taken place before the arrival of

\
f

m^ Affcr. Vita JElfredi, p. 8. ^^ Id. p. 13.

no Bartholin. L r.c. 8.

the

et. 7. MANNERS, &c:

the Saxons and Danes in Britain, who generaliyi
If not always, buried their dead without bum-
ing, and raifed barrbws over them, to perpetuate
their memory. Thus when Hubba, a famous
Danifh chieftain, was flain irt battle by the Eng-
lifli, A. D. 878, his followers .btiried his body,
and raifed a prodigious mount of earth over it,
frhich they called Hubbajioto, or the place of
Hubba "'. Though this mount is now fwepc
away by the fea, yet the place on the ftrand near
Appledore in Devoilftiire, where it once ftoodj
is (till Itnowli by the name of Wbibblejhiu '".
When thfey depofited the body on the ground,
and began to cover it with earth, the whole
company made the loudeft and molt bitter lament-
ations '". It waS fo much the cuftom of the
Anglo-Saxons to lay the bodies of their dead on
the furface of the ground, and cover' them With
ftones and earth, that they did this even when
they buried them in churches ; and the floors of
feme churches were fo much incumbered with
thefe little mounts, that they became quite unfit .
for the celebration of divine fervice, and Were on
that account abitndoned "*. The inconvenicncies
of this ancient practice Were at length fo fenfibly
felt, that feveral canons'werft made againft bury-
ing any in churches, except priefts, or faints, or
fuch as paid very well for, that privilege; and

Jji Brgnipton,col. 809. '

'J' Dr. B^>rUre-aCorfiwallip.iir: 'nBrompton.coI. 809.

'n Wi.kins CoBcilia, t. 1. p. afiS. Johofun's Canom, A. D.

A a i obliging

55^

HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Bopkll.

obliging tbofe that were buried in them to be de-
poiiced in graves of a proper depth under the
pavement ''^ The houfe in which a dead body
lay before it was buried, was a fcene of continued
feafting, iinging, dancing, and all kinds of
gambols and diverfi6ns, which occafioned no '
imall expence to the faniily of the deceafed '^^
In feme places of the north, they kept the dead
* unburied, till they had confumed all the wealth
which he had left behind him in thefe games and
feaftings '^^ This cuftom had prevailed in the
times of Paganifm, and was difcouraged by the
church ; but it was too agreeable to their excef-
five fondnefs for fcafting and riot to be foon
abandoned. The manner of preparmg the body,
and the funeral proceffion of the famous Wilfred,
archbifliop of York, who died at Oondle in
Northamptonfhire A. D. 708, .and. was buried at
Rippon, are thus defcribed by \i\% hiftorian
Eddius : ** Upon a certain day, many abbots
and clergy met thofe who condufted 'the
corpfe of the holy bifhop in a herfe, and
earneftly begged that they might be allowed to
*^ wafli the facred body, and drefs it honourably
*' acording to its dignity ; and they obtained
*^ permiflion. Then one of the abbots, named
Bacula^ fpreading his furplice on the ground,
the brethren depofited the., holy body upon it,
** wafhed it tvith their own hands, dreffed it in

«;

*?5 Johnfon's Canons, A. D. 994.. c. 9. '5^ 'W. A. D. 957. c. 3.

^ • »37 Vita -SElfredi a Spclmanno, Append. 6. p. toS.

«' the

Cb. 7. MANNER S, &c.

" the pontifical habits ; and then taking it up.
*' carried it towards tlie appointed place, fingin|
" pJalms and hymns ia the fear of God. Hav-
*' ing advanced a litUe, they again depofited tht
*' corpfe, pitched a tent over it, bathed the
" facred body in pure water, drefled it in robes
*' of fine linen, placed it in the herfe, and pro-
" ceeded, linging pfalms, towards the mona-
*' ftery of Rippon. When they approached that
" monaftery, the whole family of it came out lo
" meet them, bearing the holy relics. Of all
" this numerous company there was hardly one
*' who abftained from tears ; and all raifnig
** their voices, and joining in hymns and fongs,
" they conduced the boc(y into the church,
*' which the holy bifhop had built, and dedi-
" cated to St. Peter, and there depofited it in
" the molt folemn and honourable manner "'."

The Anglo-Saxons and Danes being much
engaged in war, had many fingular cuftoms re-
' lating to it J of which it is not neceffary to make
a complete coliedion.' As foon as a war was
refolved upon, it was one of their firft objefts to
difcover what would be the event of it ; not by
comparing their own forces with thofe of their
enemies, but by attempting to difcover the will
of Heaven by various arts of divination. The
only one of thefe arts which feems to have had the
leaft connexion with any thing like reafon, is
that one which is thus defcribed by Tacitus, as

'J3 Eddius in VitaWIlfredl.c. 6,

A a 3 ■'^T-i^^'Cc^

S5f HISTORY OF BRITAIlir. BoofcIL

praftifed by their anceftors the ancient Germans :
f* It is their^ cuftom, when they engage in war
«' with any neigbouring nation, to procute a
** captive of that nation by fome means or other ;
^* him they oblige to engage in fingle combat
" with one of their own people, each armed
^* after the manner of his country ; and from
> "the event of that combat, they draw a pr^fage
^^ of their future viftories or defeats *^^.'* They
were at no lefs pains to gain the favour, than to
difcover the will of Heaven ; in order to which,
while they were Pagans, they offered, many facri-
fices to their gods, and fometimes even human
viftims, before they embarked in their military
(expeditions **^ Their prieids, bearing their idols,
conftantly attended their armies?, exercifed mili-
tai*y difcipline, and" determined what were the
mod fortunate feafons for giving battle **'. After
the converfion of the Anglo-Saxons and Danes
to Ghriftianity, they long retained thefe ancient
cuiloms, a little changed, and accommodated to
their new religion. Before a crew of Chriftian
pirates fet fail on a plundering expedition, with
the pious defign of robbing and murdering all
who fell in their ,way, they never neglefted to
take the facrament, to cohfefs thtix fins to a
prieft, and to perform the penances which he
prefcribed, in hopes (fays my author) that God
V^ould blefs and profper them in their defigns '*%

~ »39 Tacit, dc Morib. German, c. lo,
«4.o Dudo St. Quintin. dc Morib. Norman. 1. 1.
^« Tacit, dc Moribr6crman. c. i.o. *♦* Saxa Grammat. 1. 14.

. : • The

4 • "* »

Ch. 7.

MANNERS, &c.

359

The Anglo-5axon armies were always attended
by a great number of ecclefiaftics to pray for
their fuccefs, who conftantly cairried with them
their mod venerable relics, in order to fecure
the proteQion of thofe faints to whom they had
belonged '*^

Nor. did thefe churchmen confine themfclves Method
within their own province, of prayer, but, lik? knighu?^
their Pagan predeceflbrs, interfered very much
with- the conduct of the armies which they
attended, by inflifting the cenfurcs of the church
on thofe who behaved improperly, and conferring •
military honours, particularly knighthood, with
the following ceremonies; *VThe perfon who'
** was to be knighted firft confeffed all his fins
*^ to the bifhop, abbot, monk, or prieft, and
** performed all the ads of devotion, and other
*' penancesj which he injoined. He then watched
'^ a whole night in the church, and next morn-
*^ ing, before he heard mafs,* he folemnly offered
" his fword upon the altar. After the reading -

** of the gofpel, the prieft bleifed the fword/
. *' took it from the altar, and with his benediftion, ^
" hung it about the foldier's neck ; who having -
*' communjcated of the facred myfieries at the
^' fame mafs, was proclaioied a true and lawful
•« knight'^/*

WHen the Anglo-Saxons advanced to battle War- •
they made a moft horrid and tremendous noife, ^"^*

»« Hiftoria Ramfien.. c. 7«.

H* Ingulphi Hiftoria, edit, a Hen. Savile, p. 513%

A a 4

3&>

HISTORY OF BRITAIN,

Book IL

Retinues

of the
greats

by finging, fhouting, and clafhing their arms ;
and to prevent their horfes being frightened at
that noife, they had a cuftom of . making them
deaf; which was at length condemned for its
cruelty by the canons of the church '*-'. The
other military cuftoms of the Anglo-Saxons
which had any thing remarkable or Angular in
them, have been already mentioned in our
account of their military arts **^

The Anglo-Saxon kings, queens, and nobles,

lived in a kind of rude magnificence and ftate,

and were always furrounded with a croud of

officers, retainers, and fervants. " Edwin king

" of Northumberland (fays Bede) lived in fo

<* much fplendour, that he had not only ftandards

**, carried before him in time of war, but even in

times of peace, when he travelled with his

ordinary retinue through the provinces of his

^* kingdom. Nay, vvhen he was at home, and

walked through the ftreets of his capital, he

had always a ftandard carried before him, of

*' that kind which the Romans call Tufa^ and

^' the Englifli call Tuu/'^'r This kind of

ftandard was riiade of feathers of various colours,

in the form of a globe, and fixed on the top of

a pole. Canute the Great, who was the richefl

and. mpft magnificent prince in Europe of his

time, never appeared in public, or made any

journey, without a retinue of three thoufand men.

€C

((

«4s Wilkins Concil. 1. 1. p. 150.
HI Bcdae Hift. EccJef. 1. a.c. 16.

f4^ Cbap. 5. p. 137— 154«

well

t /

Ch. 7. M A N N E R S, &c.

vrell mounted and completely armed '**. ' '
niiinerous attendants were c<Llled the 1
bozi/ecarles; and formed a corps of body-g^
. or houfehold troops, for the honour and faf
tlie prince's perfon.

Chariots for travelling were not quite unl
in England in this peribd, though they fc
have been very rare, and only ufed by <j
Thus we are told by Eddiu§, in the life of
bifliop Wilfred, that when the queen of Noi
berland travelled in her chariot from pi
place, (he hung up in u a bag with the p
relics which fhe had violently taken froi
prelate'*'.

It would be tedious, and unbecoming t
nity of hiftory, to enumerate all the triflin
liarities in the manners and cuftoms of the
.Saxons, which are mentioned , by the
quoted below, to whom we mull refer
our readers as defire to be acquainted wit
tninutia *^^

The two moft ancient and original la:
of' Europe were the Celtic and Teutc
Gothic; from which too many other la
were derived y and particularly thofe th
fpoken by the feveral nations which h
Britain in this period **'.

It hath been already proved^ — that 1
guage of th^ ancient Britons, when they \

'48 Sucno Agonis, p. 152. 149 Eddius Vita Wil

'50 Verftigan's Reftitution of decayed InteWrrenCC^ c\
'5« See preface to Northern Antiquities *'

J<»

Language
of the

Faxons
and
panes.

t.ni
ax

HISTORY bF BRITAIN. Bookll.

invaded by the Romans, vi^as a dialefl of the
Celtic;— that the great body of tlie people re-
tained this language .through all that Roman
times J — that they fpoke it at the arrival of the
Saxons, and tranfmitted it to their pofterity ia
"Wales, by ^lvhom it is ftill fpoken. The Cale-
donilan nations in the north of Britain fpoke alfo

a dial^^t of the fame very ancient language ; and
as their pofterity in the highlands of Scotland
(lill remain unmixed with any other people, they
continue to fpeak the language of their remote
anceftors, with little variation. Venerable Befle
indeed, obferves, that, in his time the Britons,
Scots, and Pids, fpoke three different languages ;
by which he probably means, that the languages
q{ thefe nations were not exaftly the fame, but
differed confiderably from each other, as ' the
\WeHh and Erfe, the Englifli and Scotch, do at
prefeht''-\ It will not be neceflaYy to take any
ftirther notice of the Celtic tongue, or the dialeSs
of it which have fo long been fpoken in Wales,
$md in the highlands and iflands of Scotland,
either in this or the fucceeding periods of this
work; becaufe they have 'remained through
many ^jges without any very material alters^"
tions.

The Gothic or Teutonic tongue was another
of the moil ancient and original languages of
Europe ; different dialeds of whicb< were fpokea
by all the nations of Germany and Scandinavia,

«* Sec vol. 2. book i, c. 7. p. ^$6^ &c. Bedae Hift. Ecclef. 1. 1. c u

' aa4

:a7. " MAN-N ER S, fcc. jfl,

and by all the numerous tribei which iSued
; from thefe countries, in the fourth, fifth, and
' fixtfa cencories, and founded fo many powerful
', ftates oQ the ruins of the Roman empire. Th«
' Allowing table will give the reader a diftind view
of the chief tongues, andeot and modern, which
' bave de&xnded from this venerable parent of
y hoguages; and for his further latisfaction he
I will fiod, in the Appendix, N' 5. fpecimens of
I thefe tongues ; froiB which their a&atj to each
I' other, ind to their cc-cuaoa paroit, iiiil very
i plainlj appear.

364

HISTORY

Reafons
why the
Italian,
French,
and ^pa^
nifh Ian .
guagcr,,
arc not in
fcrted in
the above
fcheme;

The modem I
languages, are nc
among the defce
though kingdoms
. and Spain, by na
language ; becav
tirpating the ax

tries, who wer

felves, fettled

them ; and b

of their owr

thofe of the

In all thefe

tinfture of

derived froi

which had

ants of tb

which had

The

Saxon

language.

The A

fcendants

* table, wr

caufe the

Saxons

the foo

Nor w*

the Dj

diftinf

blend

panic

Ch. 7. M A N N E R S, ace. 365.

Daixo^Saxdnic dialed was chiefly fpoken in the

kingdom of Northumberland, where the Danes

abounded moft ; and it is fometimes given as a

xeafonj by our ancient faiftorians» for the Danes.

landing fo frequently in that country, — " that

" there was a great mixture of Dapes among the

^^ inhabitants of it ; and that their language had

<^ a great affinity with the Danifh''*." That

the Anglo-Saxon language was fpoken in the

fouth-eaft parts of Scotland, through the whole

of thfs period, is undeniable '^'. . When Edgar

the Peaceable, king of England, yielded Lothian .

to Kenneth 11. king of Scotland, A. D. 975, it

was on tljiefe exprefs c6nditions,-^that the people

of that country fhould dill be called Englifhmen,

be governed by the Englifh laws,, and be allowed

to fpeak the Englifh language '".

Many extravagant things have been advanced Antiquity
concerning the great . antiquity and fuperior ex- f "n^y of '
cellency of the Ando-Saxon tongue. Accord- t|ieSax©n
ing to lome writers, it was the molt ancient and
moft excellent language in the world, fpoken by
the firft parents of mankind in paradife ; and
from it they pretend to derive the names Adam^
Evey Caiity Abely and all the antediluvian patri-
archs *^*. But leaving thefe extravagancies to
their authors and admirers, it is fufficient to fay, ,
that the Teutonic or Anglo-Saxon tongue is fo

«56 J. Wall ingford, edit, a Gale, p. 548.

*S7 Camden's Remains, p. ai. . ^

«" J. Wallingford, edit, a Gale, p. 54JI,

i5$j Vcrftigai); c. 7. p. 149.

' ancient, .

1«

Cbntainied
many
>lyfyl.
let*

poly

Affinity
with the
Greek*

HISTORY OF BRITAIN. tiook IL

aiicient, that it is impoffible to tratre \t^ tcf \Xi
origin y and that it was fo extellent and copiotrsi
in the period we are now examining, as to enable
thofe who fpoke it to exprefs all their ideas with
fufficient force and perfpicuity *^.

It hath been alfo afHrn^ed vefy pofitively, that
the moft ancient Anglo-Saxon tongue confifted
almoft entirely of words of one fyllable '**• But
of this it is impoffible to produce any proof, ai
the mofl: ancient ipecimens of that language
which are now extant, do not remarkably abound
ifi mqnofyllables, bur contain a competent num-
ber of words, confiding of two, three and four
fyllables *^*. It is indeed true, that the far greateft
part of our prefent Englifh words of one fyllable
are of Saxon origin -y and this is all that can
be. affirmed with truth in this particular. " It may
even be obferved, that fome words which confift
now only of one fyllable confifted anciently of
two ;-^as kingy which was in SaXon Cining^ &c.

Some learned men have difcovered, or ima^
gined, a very remarkable affinity between the
Greek and Anglo-Saxon, both in their radical
words, and in their general flru£ture ; and it
muft be confcffed, that they have fhovvn no little
learning arid ingenuity in tracing that affinity *^^
With this view, they have - collefted a confider-
able number of words, which are names of the

>*o Camden's Remains, p. 15. >6i ij, Jb-^j,

"6* Wjlkins Leges Saxon, p. i, &c.

^^ Catpden's Remains, p. 3%, 33. Cafaubon Diflcrtat. di Lingua
Anglican, p^ %i^, Clarke on CoinS; p. 36^ S6C.

moft

^ ,

CJb, 7* MANNERS, fcc*

mofl: neceiTary and common things, and •

fimiliar founid and fenfe in both languages,

fimilarity is indeed very great in fome of

^words ; but in many others it feems to be i

ful and far-fetched. With regard to theii

neral formation and ftrvifture, a great an;

hath been obfcrved between thefe two langu

— iiX the termination of the infinjtive of

verbs, — ^in the ufe of their articles and nega

—in the manner of comparing their ^djec!

and compounding their words, and in fome

particulars '^*. This affinity between theft

guagqs is fuppofed to have bejsn occafione

the vicinity, relatronfliip, and commercial

courfe between the Goths and Greeks in

remote ages '*^

It is not to be imagined, that the I
Saxon lan'guage continued in the fame
through the whole of this long period whi
are now confidering; though it would 1
laborious^ or rather impoffible, to trace it
„ dual changes. No fpccimens are now rem
of the language fpoken by the Anglo-S
before their coxiverfion to Chriftianitiy -, of
therefore we can have no certain kno)vledg€
- give our Englifli readers fome faint idea 5
of the language fpoken by their remote an
in different parts, and at the conclufion <
period, it may not be improper to Iky befor

«*+ Cafaubon DifTcrtat . de Lingua Angltcan. ? *3^
*65 la. ibid.

36« HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book II.

two copies of the Lord's prayer, which appear to
be of different ages, and a charter of king Ha-
rold, which muft have been written in the laft
year of this period, with very literal tranflations
interlined. By an attentive infpeQ:ipn of thefe
fpecimens, they will perceive * the great difference
that there is between the Anglo-Saxon and
modern Engli(h ; and at the fame time they will
difcover the great refemblance, and gradual
approaches of the former of thefe languages to
the latter. The Anglo-Saxon, in all thefe fpe-
cimens, and fome others which are given in the
Appendix,, are printed in Roman, and not in
Saxon letters, which would have rendered them
quite unintelligible to the bulk of our readers.

Saxon The mojl ancient copy of the Lord's prayer in Saxon^
the Lord's "^^^^ ^ "^^H ^^^^^^^ tranjlation.

prayer,

Sin!'^^ Urin Fader thic arth in heofnas.

Our Father which art in heaven,

J. Sic '^gehalgud thin noma;
Be hallowed thine name ;

ft. To cymeth thin' rye '^' ;
To come thine kingdom ;

3* Sic thin willa fue is in heofnas and in eortho ;
Be thine will so is in heaven and in earth ;

■^ The lyilablc ge is here a mere expletive, and was prefixed by
the Anglo Saxons, as well as by the Gceeks^tomany of their words.

»67 Some veftigc of this word ftill remains in the word bijhopric.

^ ' * 4. Urin

ell. 7* M A N K £ ^ 6, icjs. . 2^9

4. Urin hlaf ofirwiftlic "^ feP^'us to daig J
Our loaf fuperexcellent give us to day ;

5. And forgefe us fcylda uriia, fue we forgefan
And forgive us debts ours, fo we forgiven

fcyldgum uruiil }
debts of ours j

5. And no inlead ufig in cuftiiung.
And not lead us into temptatioil^

Jr. Ah gefrig uftch from ifle.

But free us each from eviL Amen^

Thontgh the above Saxon vcrfion of the Lord's pbfenra-
l^^-ayer is evidently very , ancient^ and is faid to this fpe*
have been written by Eadfredi, bifliop of Lindif* ^*?"^°*
fame, about A* D. 706 j yet we may obferve,
that there are not above three of four words in it
tl^at are altogether obfolete, and quite unihtel-
ligible to an Englifli reader '^^ It may be proper
alio to take notice, thtit feveral words in the
Saxon coniiit of more fyllables than the fame
words in modern Englifh, and ' not fo much as .
one of fewer ; for rye is a different word from
kingdom^ which came in its place.

«C8 The great difference here is owing to the Saxon tranflators
having put a different fenfe on the original.

*9 The verb filan^ or fellan^ changed its meaning even in tht
Saxon timesy and figniiied iQfeV^ though anciently it had fi|^nified
to gi'ue.

*7o Camden's Remains, p. %%,

Vol. IV, Bb A later

310

HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Bookll.

Later co-
py of the

Lord's

prayer,

with a

literal

tranfla-

tion.

A later copy of the LorcPs prayer in Saxony with d

very literal tran/lation.

Thu vre Fader the earf on heofinum, .
Thou our Father that art in heaven,

1. Cum thin ric;

, Come thine kingdom •,

2. Si thin willa on eorthan fwa fwa on heofinum j

Be thine will on earth fa as in heaven }

3. Syle us to daeg urn daegthanlican hlaf ;
Give us to day our daily '\ loaf j

4. And forgif us ure gyltasi fwa fwa we forgifeth
And forgive us our guilts, fo as we forgive

tham the with us agyltath ;
them that againft us are guilty ;

5. Andne led us on coftnung;
And not lead us into temptation ;

6. Ac alys us from yfle.

And redeem us from evil.

■> «

Si it fwo.
Be it To.

This laft copy of the Lord's prayer, which is
fuppofed to have been written about two cen-
tjmries after the former, hath ftiU fewer obfolete
words in it, and evidently approacheth nearer to
modern Englifh.

The

f.«

tion.

Ch. ^ MANNER S; 4c. 37«

The ftate of the Anglo-Saxon lariguagCj in the Another
Very laft year of the prefent period, may be dif- ^^
covered even by an Englifli reader, by perufing
with attention the following fhort charter^ of
Harold bur laft Anglo-Saxon king, atid compar*
ifig it with the interlined verfion ; which is con-
trived to give its meaning in words as near as ,
poflible to the original, without any regard to
clegaucc or propriety of expreffion ;

Harold king greet Ailnoth and Tovid, and Oharterof
Harold king greets Ailnoth and Tovid, and roM with

a Kteral

alle mine ' theines on Somer feten frendliche. tranfla-
all mine . thanes in Somerfet friendlily.

And ici!yeth eoUr that ic will that Gifo
And I kyth *^* to you, that 1 will that Gifo

Bifheop beo his faca '^* werth and his fbcna^
Bifhop be his fac worthy and his foe,

ofer his lond and ofer his mannen : and tolles
over his land and over his men: and of tpll

' *7» Thi« verb, to kytb, in Saxon cjetban^ " to difcovcr or rnikc
" known,*' is ftill ufed in the following verfe of that verfion of the
Pfalms of David which is appointed to be fung in the church o^
Scotland :

Thou gracious to the gracious art,

To upright men upright.
Pure to the pure, froward thou kyth'ft.

Unto the froward wight. FJhI. xviii. 25, 26,

. *7^ Sa'a\znd/ocnaf noyr commonly written y2?r and yc\f» Cgnify
f* a privilege of holding courts and judging caufes/* called yiic^,
within thpr own lands, c^xWtd fucna ;And to he fac andyac worthy,
^8 to have a right to this privilege. HUkefii The/aur, p, 159.

B b 2 , werth.

$72 ' HISTORY of BRITAIN.^ Bookll.

werth '^% and temes '^*, afid infangenes '^'
worthy, and of flaves, and of the trial of

thefes, binnen burckh and butan: fwo full
thieves, within burgh and without: fo full

and fwo forth fwo he furmift was on Edward
and fo forth as it firft was in Edtt^d

kinges dage on alle thingan. And ich bidde ecu
king's day in all things. And I bid you

alle, that ge been him on fultumes, at thys
all, that ye be to him afliiling, bis

Chriftendome Codes yerichtten, for to fetten
Chriftian and God's rights, for to ftablifli

and to driven, loc thar him neth^fy, and hco
and to drive, when there need be, and he

eoures fultumes bithyrfe ; fwo fwo ich yetruthen
your fupport wanteth ; fo as I confidence

»7? Tolhs fivcrth was the privilege of holding a market^ and
ing certain tolls or cuftoms from thole who frequented it. X^V

Saxon Di3ton, ;« voc.

>74 7emt of team in Saxon fignificd a progeny or fandily of dtil-
dren ; and to be teams -werth^ (ignified to hare the property of
their (laves, and of the childitn and pofterity of theft Haves. Tlieit
are ftill fomc veftiges of Ibis vrord in ufe;-^at|.«« a team ofduckii*
•*-and in Scotland, ** a bearn-/^«;«/* a family of chrldrea.

»75 Infangenes thefts ^ which is mofl commonly written in one word,
was a technical term in the Ai^glo-Saxon law, denoting a privilege
granted by the king to z bifliop or thanei^ to try a thief in lus owk
court. Who had heen fanged or catched within bit <iwn territorial
Sftlman Ghjf in voc.

2 tt

Ch. 7, MANNERS, kc

to eou habbei that we willan for mina liive
in you have, that ye will for mine loyc

And ich nille ye thefun that man, him j
And 1 will iiot ye offend that man, of him

anie thingaa anye unlag beodthe, G<:
any thing any unlawful deed do. Gc

€u gehealde. '
vou hold.

From thefe fpecimens, the people of Englaii
will perceive, with pleafure, that the languai
which was fpoken by their anceftors above
thoufand years ago, was copious, expreflive, ai i
muiical ; abounding very much in vowels, dip :
thongs, and polyfyllables, which are cfteem
the greateft excellencies of language, Th :
will obferve alfo, with furprife, its great refei i
blance in the fubftance of it to modern Englifl
, and that the far greateft part of the words of i
are ftill in ufe, though many of them are mu I
changed in their fpelling and meaning. T >
further gradual changes of this language will i
traced, in their proper places, in the fubfeque
volumes^ of this work.

A minute inveftigation of the feveral parts
the drefs of both fexes, and of all the differe
ranks in fociety, in the feveral BritiQi natioi
in this period, would be tedious, and incc
fiftent with the nature and defign of hlftory ; a :
therefore a general view of tbisXubjea is all tl
caa be expefted in this place, ,

Bb3

374 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book II.

Drcft not In the firft ftages of fooiety, the modes and
to change ' fafhions of drefs are not very changeable. Arts

perWd. ^^^ ^^^^ ^^ ^^^'^^ infancy, and do not furnifli ma-
terials for fancy to work upon ; and men being
little accuftomed to changes of any kind, are
uncommonly tenacious of the fafhions, as MSrell
as of the other cuflonts of their anceftors. It is
a fufficient proof of this, that the very ancient
and barbarous praflice of body-painting was not
quite unfafhionable in the prefent period, as there
Vas a neceffity for making a law againft it A. D,
785 *^\ It appears alfo from the fame law, that
long after the introdudion of Chriftianity, fome
Pagan modes of drefs were ftill retained, that
were much condemned by the ' church, but are
not defcnbed.

Drefs of We know of no very remarkable change la

Piets,^and ^^^ ^^^f? ^f ^^^ Scots and Pifts in this period ;

y^^^-^* among whom the arts were ftill in a very imper-
feft ftate. The pofterity of the ancient Britons
of the fouth, after their retreat into Wales, were
not in better circumftances in this refpedl, being
but very imperfeftly and coarfely clothed. They
are faid to have defpifed linen, and to have had
their heads, feet^, and legs uncovered, with no^
thing on their bodies but coarfe rough breeches,
a kind of jacket next their fkin, ajid a mantle of
plaid over all, which ferved jthem to fleep in by
night, and protefled them from the cold and
yajn by d?y, as the learned reader .wiH fee by the

*"6 'vyiikin. QoncUU, t. f . f. i50»

Thiming

Ch. 7- MANNERS. &c.

Tfaiming Terfes below '". . This, however, wai
only the drefs of the common people of Wales
ia this period : for it plainly appears from the
laws of that country, that the royal femily, the
officers of ftate, and othT perfons of high railk,
were not (Irangers to the ufe of linen, and of
ihoes and ftockiogs. By thefe laws, all the of*
ficers of the houfchold were appointed to be
clothed thrice every year, the king furnifliing
the woollen, and the queen the linen, cloth for '
that purpofe'". The feveral parts of the drefs
of the king and of the nobility are enumerated ; ■
among which are ftiirts, ftockings, flioes, and
boocs, with girdles or belts, at which thdr
knive? and daggers^ with whetdones for fliarpen*
ing them, were fufpended '". Though hofe or
nockings are mentioned in the ancient laws of
Wales, we mull not imagine that they were of
the fame kind, or manufaftured in the fame
manner, with thofe which are now in ufe; for
the ingenious and ufeful arts of knitting and
weaving ftockings were not invented till feveral
centuries after the conclufion of this period.
The ftockings of thofe times were only certain

■77 HU veflium infignu Stant, fedent, cubant, dormiiint.

Sunt clames et camiBai Pergant, pugnant, proffliuot.

£t crifpn femoralia HI line Aiper tunicis.

Sub vcntis ct fub pluvia, Nuditis fempcr tibiis,

Qnamvis bruniffcat Bore*. Vix alitcr jticetlerent

Sub iftit apparatibits Kegi licet occunercnt.
Sjiritis linthiamiaibuS) Rsitii/ftUigiica,^iJGaie,p.Mijt

"• Leges Wallicie, p. 8. "9 Id. p. 17J.

B b 4 clumfy

S7^

General
defcrip-
tion of
the drefs
of the
Aoglo-

HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book II.

dumfy coverings for the legs said feet, made of
linen or woollen cloth, and wrapped' about them,
' or fattened ,on them In feveral different ways »
fomeof which will be hereafter mentioned.

The ^tth of the ancient Germans, as de«
fcribed by Tacitus, was very fipipl^ and imper^
feft, confifting chiefly of a large mai^tle or plaid^
lifbiiA covered the whole body, and was fattened
on the right Ihoulder by a button or broa(sh "%
Some of the mod opulent amongft them wore
under their mantles a kind of tunic, not |oofe
and flowing like thofe of the Parthians and Sar-
matians, but exadly fitted to the ihape of their
bodies, and ornamented with patches of the
Ikins of animals of different colours. The drefs
of the women did not differ much from that of
the men, only their mantles were commoply
ipade of linen, and their tunics had no fleeves,
;md did not cover their bofoms '*'. The Anglo-
Saxons, at their arrival ii^ Britain, feem to have
been dreffed in the fame manner with their an-
f:eftors the ancient Germans. For Paulus Dea-
conus, in his hiftory of the Longobards, gives
the following fhort defcription of their drefs
(which he fays was the fame with that of the
Anglo-Saxons), taken from a hiftorical painting
of thp fixth century, which he had feen in the
palace of Theodelinda, queen of the Longo-
biirds, in Italy. ** In thp fame place, queen
^* Theodelinda built a palace, in which (he

^ Tfcit. de Morib. Qfr|nM. e. 17.

»«! Id. ibid.

*' cayfcd

^ -

"-".7- MANNERS. «c. 3

« caufed (bme of the exploits of the LMig&,
« bards to be painted. From this ancient paint-
" ing> we fee how the Longobards dreffed their
" hair in thofe times, and alfo what kind of
•♦ garments they wore. Their garments, which
" were the fame with thofe of the Anglo-Saxons,
*' were loofe and fiqwing, and chiefly made of
" linen, adorned with broad borders, woven or
" cmbrbidered with various colours "*." As
this defcription was taken from a painting, it
probably refpefts only the upper garment . or
inantle ; and as this painting was in the palace
of a queen, many female figures were probably
introduced into it; which might be the reafon
that many of thefe mantles appeared to be of
linen. For it Is hardly pofllble, that all the gar?
ments of the men among the Longobards and
Anglo-Saxons, efpecially the, upper ones, could
, be, made of linen, at a time when that kind of
cloth was fo fcarce. Such garments too would
have been very uncomfortable and inconvenient
to nations that werd fo much expofed to ftorm8»
^d engaged in military expeditions.

To gratify more fully the curiofity of the peo- **<>« P*
pfeof England in this particular, it may not be count,
improper to colled: a more complete account of
the feveral parts of the drefs of their anceftora;
and of the arts with which they ufcd to adorn
their perfons.

f* Paul. Deacon, d; Qcftit Lonsobard. 1. 4. c *]'

All .

37^

Fondnefs
fortbe

The An-
glO'Sax.

ef fine

lOBg

HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book 11.

All the nations which iffued from Gennany
and Scandinavia in the middle ages> and parti-
cularly the Anglo-Saxons and Danes, who fettled
in England, long retained their fondnefs for
bathing in warm water, which they had derived
from their anceftors the ancient Germans ""• In
the Anglo-Saxon laws, the warm bath is always
confidered as one of the neceffaries of life ; and
no lefs indifpcnfable than meat, , drink, or cloth-
ing * \ One of the mod common penances en-
joined by the canons of the church in thofe
times, to thofe who had been guilty of great
fins, was, to abftain for a certain time from the
warm bath themfelves, and to give meat, drink,
clothes, firing, bath, and bed, to a certain num-
ber of poor people *"*. On the other hand, they
tad a very great averfion to bathing in cold wa-
ter ; which was alfo enjoined as a penance. To
bathe at leaft every Saturday was the conftant
praflice of all who had any regard to perfoaal
propriety, and wiflied to recommend themfelves
to the favour of the ladies *^.

The Anglo-Saxons and Danes confidered fine
hair as one of the greateft beauties and orna-
ments of their perfons, and were at no little
pains in drefling it to advantage '^^ Young
ladies before marriage wore their hair unco»

^ Tacit, dc Morib. German, c. *».

■84 Johnfon*i Canons, A. D. 963. c. 68, 69. " ' »** Id. ibid.

*® Wtltichindys, 1 i. Cluver. Ki. c. 16. p« io6*

»*7 J. Wallingfoid, apiid Gale, 1. 1. p. 547.

vered

Ch. 7.

MANNERS, kc.^

379

vered and untied flowing in ringlets over their
ihoulders; but as foon as they were married,
they cut it Ihortcr, tied it up, and put on a
head-drefs of fome kind or other, according to
the prevailing fafhion***. To have the hair en-
tirely cut off, was fo great a difgrace, that it
was one of the greateft punifhments infli£led on.
thofe women who were guilty of adultery *^'.
The Danifli foldiers who were quartered upon
the Englifh, in the reigns of Edgar the Peace-
able and of Ethelred the Unready, were the
beaus of thofe times, and were particularly atf
tentive to the drelTmg of their hair j which they
combed at leaft opce every day, and thereby cap-
tivated the affeftions of the Englifli ladies *•%
The clergy, both fecular and regular, were ob-
liged to Ihave the crowns of their heads, and
keep their hair fhort, which diflinguiflied them
from the laity; and feveral canons were made
againft their concealing flieir tonfure, or allowing
their hair to grow long **". The (hape of this
clerical tonfure was the fubjed of long and vio-
lent debates between the Englifli clergy on the
one hand, and thofe of the Scots and Pifts on
the other ; that of the former being circular, and
that of the latter only femicircular *'*• It ap-
pears very plainly, that long flowing hair was

««■ Pii Cangc Gloff. voc. Capelli.
«*« Tacit de Morib. German, c. 19.
*9o J. Wallingford, apud Gale, p. 5471
*9i Johnron> Canons, A* D. 960. c. 47:
|9^ Bed, Hift. Ecdcf. 1. 5. c. %U

umver-

jSo HISTORY Of BftlTAIN. SoA 11.

univerTally fefteemed a great ornament ; arid the
tonfure of the clergy was confidered as an aft of
mortification and felf-denial, to which many of
them fubmitted with reluftance, and endeavoured
to conceal as much as poffible. Some of them,
who afFefted the reputation of fuperior fanftity,
inveighed with great bitternefs againft the long
hair of the laity ; and laboured earneftly to per-
luade them to cut it Ihort, in imitation of the
. clergy. Thus the famous St. Wulftan, bifliop
of Worcefter, who flourifhed in the laft part of
this period, is faid to have declaimed with great
vehemence againft luxury . of all kinds, - but
chiefly againft long hair, as moft criminal and
moft univerfal. " The Englifii (fays William
*^ of Malmlbury, in his life of St, Wulftan)
*^ were very vicious in their manners, and
•* plunged in luxury, through the long peace
" which they had enjopd in the reign of Ed-
•* ward the Confeffor, The holy prelate Wul»
^* ftan reproved the wicked of all ranks with
•* great boldn^fs ; but he rebuked thofe with
'* the greatcft feyerity who were proud of their
•* long hair. When any of thofe vain people
•* bowed their heads before him to receive his
bleffing, before he gave it, he cut a lock of
their hair with a little (harp knife, which h^
^^ carried about him for that purpofe, and com-
** manded them, by way of penance for their
" fins, to cut all the reft of their hair in the
** fame manner. If any of them refiifed to
«« comply mth this command, he denounced

^* th«

Ct>.7. M A t!l N £ R S, &c. jSt

'* the mofi: dreadful judgments uppn tfiera, rc-
*' preached them for their eiFeminacy, apd fore-
" told, that as they imitated women in the i

*' length of their hair, they would imitate them
" in their cowardice when their country was in-
"•* vaded ; which was accomplifhed at the land-
'* ing of the Normans '"'." In times of peace,
the Anglo-Saxons and Danes covered their heads *

with a bonnet, exaftly of the fame fiiape with
that which is ftil! «fed by the common country*
people in Scotland; in -times of war they co-
vered them with their helmets '•*.

Some of the ancient German nations allbwed TJ^J
their beards to grow till they had killed an
enemy m battle; while others ftxaved them all
except their upper lips '". The Anglo-Saxons,
at their arrival in Brkain, and for a confiderabl?
time afterj mod probably followed the former of
thefe falhions. as well as their near neighbour*
the Longobards, to whom in all things they
bore a very great refemblance '"'. After the in*
troduftion of Chriftlanity, their clergy were obj
liged to fhave their beards, in obedience to the ~
laws, and an imitation of the.^ra<^iGc of all the
weftern churches "^. This diftinftion between
the clergy and the laity fubfifted for fome time j
and a writer of the feventh century complains,

^m AnelSa Sacra, t. ». p. ij+.

'<•* Sec the plalcs of the famous tapcftnr of Bayeiix, Menwiiw
Se L^U-rature, t. u.

"t Tacit, rfe Mi>rib. German, c. 31. Diori. Sicul. L 5. c, 18,
)9^ Faut, DiacoB. 1. 1. c. 9. 197 MumoH, t. a. p. 30a.

that

3«i HISTORY OP BRITAIN. Boot IL

that the manners of the clergy were fp corrupted,
that they could not be diftinguiflied from the
laity by their ' aftions, but only by their want of
beards '**. By degrees, the Englifli laity began
to imitate the clergy fo far as to Ihave all their
beards except their upper Ifps, on each of which
they left a lock of hair; by which th^y were
' diftinguiflied from the French and Norrtans, who
ihaved their whole beards. The Englifli fpies
who had been fent by king Harold to difcover
the ftrength and fituation of the army of Wil-
liam duke of Normandy, having been taken
prifoners, were condufted through the whole
army, and defired to take a full view of every
thing ; after which they were fumptuoufly enter-
tained, and courteoufly difmifled. " At their
return (fays Malmft)ury), being aflced by Ha-
rold what they had feen ? they broke out into
high encomiums on the magnificence, confi-
** dence, and courtefey, of the duke ; and fe-
" rioufly adde^, that his whole army feemed to
^ them to be compofed of priefts, as all their
•* beards, and even their upper lips, were ffiaved.
*• For the Englifli at that time generally fliaved
«* their beards ; but allowed the hair of their
upper lips to grow to its full length. The
king fmiled at their ignorance and fimplicity ;
well knowing, that thofe whom they believed
f * to be prieflis were brave warriors '*•.'*

>9« Muratori, 1. 1. p. 300.
»W W. Malmf. 1. 3.

The

Ch.7- M A N N E R S, fcc. ' S»i

The Anglo-Saxons, in this period, were far Tj'*
from being ftrangers to the ufe of linen ; for of
this all perfons of any confideratiop ainongft
them wore fliirts next their bodies. Thefe were
efleemed fo pteafant and fo neceflary, that wear-
ing a woollen ihirt is reckoned among thofe
things which conftituted' deep fatisfaftion or pe-
nance for very great fins '™. In that particular
defcription of the French drefs (which was the
fame with the Englifh), in the ninth century,
given by Eginhart, the hiftorian of Charlemagne,
a fliirt of linen next the body is mentioned as an
effential part "'. ■

Above their (hirts they wore a tunic or veft T'"'''"*"
fitted to the Ihape of their bodies, and reaching
to the middle of. their thighs, fometimes with
fleeves, and fometimes without them. Kings,
princes, and great men, had their yefts made of
filk, or at leaftwith borders of filk, embroidered
with various figures *°*. " The tunics (fays A I-
** cuinus) of foldiers are commonly made of
" linen, and exaftly fitted to the (hape of their
*f bodies, that they may be expedite in pointing
« their fpears, holding their fhields, and bran-
" diftiing their fwords "'\"

The Anglo-Saxons wore breeches, either of Their
•iinen Or woollen cloth, reaching to the knee, and '"^j'^?*'f*
.'fometimes confider^ly below it, very much re-

too. johnfoD's C»non9, A. D . 96}. C^in. 64,

*=' Eginhart. ViU Caroli Magoi, 03, «» W. ibid.

»> Aicaini Lib. Ue Offic. Dirin.

fcmbling

)84 HISTORY 6t BRITAIN. fio«L.lt.

fembling the troufers worn by dur failors**^*
About their bodies, above their tuxiks, they
wore belts or girdles, in which their fwords were
ftuck almoft perpendicular •°*. Tfecfe beits were
fometimes embroidered, and adorned with pre*
cious ftones *''^

Their The common people among the Angld-Saxoas

oc ings. £^^ ^^^ ^^Q, p^^j j^^ J ^^ ftockings, nor any other

covering on their legs ; and even the clergy ce*

lebrated mafs with their legs naked, till the foU

lowing law was made againft that pradice in the

. council of Chalchuythe, A. D. 785 : ** Let no

minifler of the altar prcfume to approach it td

celebrate mafs with naked legs, left his filthi*

nefs appear, and God be offended **'.** But

perfons of conditron covered their legs with a

kind of (lockings made of linen or woollen cloth,

which were fometimes fattened on, and made to

fit th^ £hape, by being wrapped about with

bandages, which made many" turns round fhe

}eg, from the £bot to the knee^'. Thefe baif^

dages are very vifibte an the legs of Edward the

Ck^nfeifor, Guido count of Pontbieu, and a few

other great perfonages, in the &mous tapeftry of

Bayeux, which is one of the moft curious moniK.

ments qf thofe times now remaining.

Though many of the figures in this tapeOry
ate without ftpckings, none of them are

ihoci.

re
«c
cc

**^ See the plates of the tapeftry of Bayeiiz, Montfiu^on Mono-
aicna de Monarchic Fran^oife, t, i,

*«5 Jd. ibid. a<« W. Malmf. 1. %. c. 6.

, ^ Wilkina Concil 1 1. p. r47, *®' Lindcnbrogii Gloff. p. 1469.

Ihocsj

Ch. > ■ M A N N E R S, S:c. • t 385

fiioes ; which makes it prbbable, that Ihoes (as
they are more neceffary) were more generally
ufed, than ftockings, in this period. Many of
our readers- ■will be furpnfcd to hear, that the
greateft_princes of Europe, in the ninth and tenth
'centuries, wore wooden ftioes, which are now
efteemed the • marks of the mofl deplorable in-
digence and mifery. Thofe of a great king
'are thus defcrlbsd by one who had feen them :
*' The (hoes which covered each of his feet are
*' ftill remaining : their foles are of wood, and
*' the upper part of leather, tied with thongs.
*' They were fp nidely fitted to the (hape of the
** feet, that you might difcern the order of the

-- " toes, terminating in a point at the great toe ;
"'fothat the fhoe of the right foot could not be,
". put upon the left foot, nor that of the left on
" the right"'." '

The fagum or mantle was the principal gar- -fiieir

■ ment of the ancient Germans, and of all the na- manile*.
tions defcended from them ; particularly of the
Franks and Anglo-Saxons"". This garment is
thus defcribed by a cbtemporary writer : *' Their ^

" uppermoil garment was a mantle of white or
*' blue cloth, fquare, and lined, and fo formed,
" that when it was put on their fhoulders, it
*'■ reached to their feet, before and behind; but '
*• hardly reached to their knees on the two
" fides '"i" Thefe mantles werefattened on the

»°9 Fginhart. a Schminbio edit. p. m,
»"o Tacit, de MoHb. German, c. 17.
*" Lindcabrogii GlolT. in voc, Sagum,

\'oL. IV. C c ' right

Sti6 HISTOHY OF BRITAIN. Book II.

right fhouldcr by a button ; and j^xrere of great
ufe to foldiers in military expeditions, protecting
them from the inclemency of the weather, and
keeping them warm both in the night and day.
It was on this account that Charlemagne prohi-
bited the ufe of (hort cloaks^ which began to
.come into fafhion in his time* '^ Of what ufe
*^ (faid that wife prince) are thefe trifling little
« cloaks? When we are in bed, they do not
** cover us; when we are on horfeback, they
*' do not protcdl us from the wind and rain ;
*' and when we retire to eafe nature, they do
*' not fecure our legs from the cold and froft *'%"
The mantles ufed by kings at their coronations,
and on other great folemnities, were of purple
cloth or Tilk, embroidered with gold. •* I give
(feid Witlaf king of Mercia, in his charter to
* the abbey of Croiland) to the fecretary of the
faid abbey, my purple mantle, which I wore
at my corpnatien, to be made into a cope to
be ufed by thofe who minifter at the holy
*' altar ; and alfo my golden vail, embroidered
** with the hiftory of the fiege of Troy, to be
"' hung up in thft church on my anniverfary *'^**
The mantles of princefles and ladies of diftlnc-
tion were made of filk or fine linen.
Biftinc- There was little difference between the drefles

tvrecD the of the two fexes among the ancient Germans ;
tht fcxti! only the women made more ufe of linen than the

€C

€6

€i

*^ Lindenbrogii Gloir. in yoc. Sagum.
^2 iBgulpb. Hift. Croil. p. 48s.

men,

Ch".> ■ M" Al? N E'R S, &c. - ' , • jtf

iricri, the 'fleeves of their tunics were (Iiorter,
reaching no further than to their elbows ; and
their bofoms w^re uncovered when they had not ;
on their mantles*'*. The drefles of /the two
fexes amon^ the Anglo-Saxons feem to have
differed in fome other particulars. The tunics
of the ladies reiached to their angles ;-^their
liantlea were fattened '.^before, and not on the
right fljoulder, twith a button ; they had^ open,
ingsoneach fide for the arms, and they flowed
down to the ground on all fides. Thefe circum*
(lances appear very plainly by an attentive infpec-
tion of the female figures in the femous 'tapeftry
pf Bayeux"^

PeffcMis of rank and wealth, of both fexes,- Oma- :
-among the Danes and Anglo-Saxons, feem to ^m/'^
have been very fond of ornaments of gold j as
gold chains and bracelets* Gold chains were
worn by all officers of diftin£tion, both civil
and military, as badges of their offices ; and
thefe chains were given them by their fo've*
reigns; who, on this account, are fometimes*
called the givers of gold chains y in the ,poems o£
thofe times **^ The famous prefent made by
Earl Godwin tojiing Hardicanute hath been al-
ready mentioned ; and fufficiently fliewi, that
bracelets of gold on each arm were ornaments
worn by warriors, as well as by ladies, in this
period *'^ The Danes in particular were fo

»«* Tacit, de Morib. Gorm^m c. 17. -

»'5 Mcmoires dc T Academic dcs Infcflption^i, t* 12. p. 381.441. •

«*6 Chron. SaxoB. p. 11 a* , *'7 See vol.iii. p. 13'*

. C c 2 great

Fur».

HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book II.

great admirers of tliefef ornaments, that they
efteemed nd oaths fo facred and inviolable as
thde that were fwom on bracelets of gold**V
In a^^word, we have the direft teftimony of a
cotempo^ary writer, that, at the conclufion of
this period, the Englifli ^ere admired by other
nations, and even by the French, for the rich*
nefs and elegance of their drefs. " The French
^ and Norman nobility admired the fine per-
** fons, the flowing hair, and the beautiful
** dreiT^s, of the Englifh nobles. For the Eng-
^ lifli women excel ail others in needle-work,
^* and embroidering with gold ; and their male
" artifts are alfo excellent. Befides this, fuch
** Germans as are\ moft Ikilful in the feveral arts

refide in England ; and their merchants, who

vifit many diftant regions with their fhips,
^ bring home from othdr countries the moft cu-
" lious works 6f art of every kind **'.'*

Furs of various kinds were much ufed by per-
fons of both fexes, and of all conditions, in
lining their tunics and mantles, efpecially in the
winter-feafon. Of this many proofs might be
produced ; but the following (hort anecdote from
the life of Wulftan bifhop of Worcefter will be
fufBcient; The holy biftiop is thus celebrated
by his biographer for the modefty and humility
of his drefs : " He avoided all appearances of

pride and oftentation in his drefs : for though

"8 Affer. Vita iEirredi, p.'S. Ethelwcrdi Chron. I. 4. c.j.
^9 Gefta Guilliclmi Ducis, apud Duchen. p. iix.

^ he

w »^

Ch. 7- M A N N E R S, Sc.

*f he was very rich, he never made life of any
** finer furs than thofe of lambs fkins in lining

*' his garments. For this he was blamed one
** day in converfation by one of his brethren,
*' Jeffrey biftiop of Conftans ; who.alked him,
*' Why he ufed only the furs of lambs in his
** garments, when he might and ought to ufe
" thofe of fables, beavers, and foxes ? To
" which he returned this facetious anfwer: It
'* is very proper for you and other politicians,
** who are fltilled in all the tricks and artifices
*' of the worid, to wear thefpoils of' thofe cun-
" ning animals; but as I am a plain and artlefs
" man, I am very well contented with the Ikins
■*' of lambs. The other flill infilling,. that if he
** would not ufe thofe finer furs, he might at
•^ lead ufe the furs of cats. Believe nje, re-
•* plied Wulftan, my dear brother, the lamb- of
•* G«d is much oftener fung in the church than
** the" cat of God. This witty anfwer threw the
" whole company into a violent fie of laughter,
" and put bilhop Jeffrey to filence ™." This
anecdote, befides the purpofe for which it is in-
troduced, mayferveasa fpecimen of the wit of
thofe times. ■ •=

It is not neceflary to fpend much time in de- dl«.
fcribing the diec of the feveral nations of Britain
in this period. For thefe nations were not un-
pra£rifed in the arts of hunting, hawking, filhing,
pafturage, and agriculture j and confequently

»" Ang'ia Sacra, t, 3. p, ajj.

C c 3 were

S9^ HISTORY OF BRITAIN. BdokTT.

were not unprovided with the vsjrious kinds of
meats and drinks which are procured by thefe
arts. * /

The people of Wales in this period^ and even
Wcifh, for fome ages after, were very abftemious in their
S/''"'^ diet. **^They remain fafting from mornmg to.
*• night, being employed through the whole day
** in managing their affairs ; and in the evening
** they take a moderate fappel*. If by any means
^* they are difappointed of a fupper, or get only
•* a very flight one, they wait with p^tieoce till
^ the fucceeding evening, without taking any
<^ food. In the evening, when all - the family
^^ and flrangers are aiTembled, they make ready
** provifions according to the number of the
<< gueils and the abilities of the family; ^n^
*' in doing this they ftudy only to fatisfy the de»
*' mands of nature, and not to provoke an ap*
** petite, by the arts of cookery, by fences, 2^14
f^ a variety of dilhcs. When the Supper is rea^y,
^« a ba(ket*with vegetables is fet before every
^^ three perfons, and not before every two, as in
^ other countries, — a large djfh, with meat of
^* various kinds, and fpmetlfnes a mefs of broth
<' or pottagr. Their bread is thin a\id broad
. : ^^ cakes, which are baked frdm day to day.
. ** They pake no ufc of tables, table-cloths, or
•f naplcins. When ft rangers are at fupper, the
^' mafter and raiftrefs of the houfe always ferve
^ them in perfbn, and never tafte any thing till
** their guefts have finilhed their repaft j that if
" there be any deficiency of provifions, it may

' V fall

Cli.'7* ■ M A N N E R 5, 8tc. ■ • ' 59I '

** foU -to their own ftiare'^'." This account is
given by a Wellhmati, who was perfedly well
acquainted with the manners and cufloms of his
countrymen. It is highly probable,' that the
comrnqn people among the Scots and Pi&s, who
were alfo defcended from the ancient Britons,
lived, in' the fame manner iii this period. It is
proper, however,- to take notice, that the people
of rank and fortune, and pardcularly the princes
of all thefe nations, lived io a more plentiful
and lefs fimple manner. The chief cooks of the
king and queen were perfotis of conhderable dig-
nity in the courts of the kings ^of Wales, and
made ttfe of p^per, and other fpiceries, in fea*

-foning tht diflies for the royal table, which ap-
pear to have been numerous"*. Two, tables
were daily covered in the- king's hall ; at the iirfl
of which the king prefided, and tea of the prin-
cipal officers of the court were admitted to it :
the fecond table was in the lower ^artof the
hall> near the door, at which the mafter' of the
houfehold, with three other principal officers,

■ had their feats. At this fecond table were fe-
Tcral empty places, for the reception of fuch as
^rere degrade'd from the king's tabid for their
jrii/behaviour"*.

The ordinary drink of the common people in Theb
Scotland and Wales was water or milk ; but per- "° *'
fons of rank and fortune had a variety of fer-

W VS« W»llTci, p. 48. S5- '» Id- p. II, U, "S-

C c 4 mented

$9»

HISTO'RY OF BRITAIN. Booklt

rriented and intoxicating liquors, which they ufeA
with gnat fre^dom^ and too often, to excefs.
Mead was ftill one of their favourite Kquois^
and bore a high price ; foV a c^lk-of mead^ by
the, laws :Qf Wal^s, was valued at om hundred
and tWfency-pence, equal in qqajatity of filver to
thirty ihilUngs of Qur prefent money, and in ef-
ficacy to fifteen pwnds.*^*. The dimehfions of
the c?iik ate tlnis defcribfed by thefe laws,:.*' The
*' meafure of a calk of mead.miift be nine palms
" in height, and &> capacious as to ferve the
" king^ ?tfcompanied by one of his counfellors, for
f « a bathing tub ^ •^" By« another law) its diameter
is fixed at eighteen: palms.' To provide the ma-
terials for making this .liquor^ every farmer,
either oFthe king or o£:the nobility, was ob-
liged to. pay a part of his tent in honey V\ They
had.alfo two kinds of ale* called r(7m;;/ow ale^ and
• fpiced a{e j a(ld. their value was thus afcertain^d
bylaw:/^ If a farmer hath no mead, he fball
*' pay. twp calks of fpiced ale, or four calks of
<^ common ale, for one calk of mead **'/* By
this law, a calk of fpiced ale, nine palms in '
hei<yht, and, eighteen palms in diameter, was va-
lued at a fum of money equal in efEcacy to. feven
pounds ten Ihillings of our prefent money ; and
. a calk of common ale, of the fame dimenfions,
at a fum equal to three pounds fifteen Ihillings,
This is a fulficient proof, that even common ale

M4 Leges Wallicae, p. 17S. *^ W. ibfcU

*«6Id.p.i74. **7ld.jbid.

•Ch. 7^

MAN NETI.S, &c.-

in this period was an article of luxury .. among
the. Weifli, which could- only be obtained' by the

* great aihd opul6jat* Wine feems • t6 have been
quite unknown even to the kings of Wales in

. thjs' period, as it is not fomuch as once men-
tioned*' in their laws; though GiraMus Cam-
brenfis, who ffoiirifhed about a century after the
conqueft, acquaints us, that there was a vine-
•yard, in his time, -at Maenarper, near Pembroke,
In South' Wales *'^*.- : -

The Anglo-Saxons and Danes were very far Dfetof
from 'being To a:bfbemious in their diet as the pof- saxoil?^
terityof the ancient ' Britons j but rather verged *»^^a»«
towards' the othet extreme. For inftead 'of con-
tenti'ng'themfelves with one moderate meal a-day,
they-' CO iTiTnonly 'took four full ohe§. Some of
our monfcifh'hiftotiang, who flouriflied after the
toriqueft; fpeak with high relifh of ' the good '

living at court in the' Sa^xonandF "Danifh timeir.
" The kings (as it is faid) were then fo generous
**"* and" 'bountiful, that they commanded four "^ '^
** royal ' banquets t6 be ferved up every day to
7' all their courtiers; chufing rather to have
^ much fuperfluity at their tables, than the
** leaft appearance of deficiency. But, alas ! it
"is become the cuftom at court in our times
** to have only one entertainment a-day ; out
" of politenefs, as it is pretended, but in reality
*« out of fordid parfimony "'." The Anglo:

**« Girald. CambrenH Itincrarium Cambriae, Lie. xi.
"9 Hen. Hunt. 1. 6.

Saxon

Their

cookery.

HISTORY. OF BRITAIN. BookH.

Saxons iknd Dane^i like their ancdlbrs the an-
cient Germaa$, delighted much in feafting'^^
Their npbles fpent the greateft part of their re- *
veil lies in making provi6ou fgr the abundant
iuid frequent feafts with which they regaled thdr
friends and followers *^'. Their kii^gs enter*
tained all the great men of the kingdom for fe*
veral days at each of the three feftivals.of Chrift-
pas, Eailer^ and Whitfuiitide> in the moft fump-
tuous manner, and at a great expence*'*. Inj
word, no meeting of any kind was held, and no
bufinefs of importance was tranfaded, without a
feaft. /rhefe feafts were more remarkable &r
their abundance than for their elegance; and
fome kinds of proyifions were then ufed which
would not how be touched, but in the greateft
extremities of famine. The Danifh inhabitants
of Northumberland, in particular, were fond of ^
borfe-fieih, which they devoured in great quan*
titles**'.

Ti'he cookery of the Englifh in th'^s- period, we
may prefume, was not very exquifite. I( feems
to iiave confifted chiefly, if not wholly^ in the
three operations of roaftii\g, broiling, and boilr
ing.' The ancient Germans, and all the nations
defcended from them, delighted much in great
joints of roafted meat; a tafte which univer«
fally prevailed among the Anglo-Saxons gf this
period, and ftill prevails among the moft robuft

HO Tacit de Morib. German, e. 14, 15.

»3i w. Malmf. 1. 3. p. 58. •Ja Anglia Sacra^t. a. p. 199.

«i* Wilkins Concilia, t. x, p. 147, 151.

»n4

C*. 7. t M AN N B a S, *«, . . : ' |»

4iul RKUxIy of thdr pofterlty ***. Salted meats,
<>( all kind* were much ufed in rhofe times at the
tables of the great, an^ evM at royal >enteitaiQ-<
inents "K

. As the AngI()'S»3Sons and Danes were at leaft-Thdr li-
as much addid:€d to inteajperance in drinking as ^^\„\'
\a. eating, they were at much pains in providirig ^f^j^f ^•
pknty and ^variety of. liquors for their entertain- morat,
ments. I'he liquprs provided for a royal ban- '^^' "^' , '^'
quet, in the reign of Edward the Confeflbr, were
vine, njead, ale, pigment, morat, and cyder *^°.
If wine was made in England in this period, it
Vas. only in fmall quantities ;' and therefore th?
greateft part of what was ufed was certainly' imr
parted. " Though Britain (fays an ancient hif-
*' .torao) abounds in fo many things,, it prij- •
" duceth. but little wine, that thole who defire
" to purchafe her commodities may have feme- '
" thing to give in e:»ch4nge for them *"." Wine,
dierefore, we" may conclude, \i^3 both fcarce and
dear in Britain in this period, when trade was in
its infancy. Mead was atfo one of the luxuries
of iifp, and could only be procured by perfons
of coi^derable opulence. Ate was the favourite
liquor of the Anglo-Saxons and Danes, as it had
be«i of th«r ancestors the ancient Germans''".
Before their converfion to Chriftianity, they be-
lieved that drinking large and freqiKUt draughts

^* Alhensei Deipnofoph. 1.4- c. 13, Egiiihart. a Scbminkio
edit. p. iij.
"5 Hen. Hunt. I's. p. no. *** Id. ibid.

' ■* Id. 1. 1. p. 171. «* Tacit, de Morib. German, c. %z- '•

of .

i^ HISTORV OF BRITAIN. • BooklL-

' of ale was one of the chief felicities whidi thofe
heroes enjoyed who were admitted into the halt
of Odin *" : a fufficient proof of the high relifli
which thefe nations had for that liquor. This
relifh they retained to the end of this period;

' and it is ftill detained by many of their pofterity.
Pigment (in Latin pigmentuni) was one of the
richeft and moft delicious liquors known in thofe
txhies ; and fb greatly admired, both in England
and on the continent, that it- was' commonly"
called neStar. It is thus defcribed by an ancient
author: — '* Pigment is a fweet and odoriferous
** liquor, made of honey, wine, and fpicerics <rf
*^ various kinds ^.'* Morat was alfo efteemed a
delicacy, and was only found at the tables of the
great. It was madc^ of honey, diluted with the
juice of mulberries **\ Cyder is fo well known,
that it need not be defcribed. Some other liquors
are occafionally mentioned jh the monuments of
this period ; but it is ' not neceiTary to make this
enumeration more complete ^.

MAnncrof Among the ancient Germans every gueft had a

fi^ngat feparate feat, and a little table by himfelf; but

their pofterity the Anglo-Saxons and Danes of

this period were feated on long Ijenches, at large

fquare tables *♦'. This appears from many

«39 Bartholin, de Cau&s Contemptde apud Danos Mortis. 1. u
' c. 12. p. 541. 55S.

. *4o Joan, de Janua, Catholicum Parvum, apud du Cange, t, 5.

p. 471-

HI Du Cange GlolT. in voc. Moratum.
• *♦» Anglia Sacra, t. a. p 98. H3 facit dc Moph. German, c. %%•

paffages

Ch. 7- » M A N N fi R S, &a

pKfifages in their hitlory, and from the figure, of
the table at which Harold and his friends are
feprefented dining in the tapeftry of Bayeux "*.
The guefts were not pern^itted to take their
places on thefe benches according to their own
^ndesj but according to an arrangement , that -
was exadly fettled and ftridly obferyed. By
the court laws of king Canute, the officers of his
houfehoid, and all the nobility who dined at
court, are commanded to take their places at
table according to their' ranl^, and thofe of the
fame rank according to their feniority in office ;
and if any one prefumed to take too high a place,
he was degraded to the loweft, and all the coni'
pany were permitted to pelt him with bones,
without being thought guilty of any rudenefs, ,
or liable to any challenge '*'. By the laws of
Wales, which were probably copied in this par- /
ticutar from fome Anglo-Saxon laws that are now '
led, the places of all the gie'at officers who were
. admitted to the royal table are afcertaioed with
the moft minute esaftnefs^'.

' As perfons of rank and fortuiie among the P'^er-
Anglo-Saxons and Danes never engaged in bu-
(inefs, and could not amufe themlelves with
reatKng, they neceffarily fpent much of their
lame in diverlions. Thefe were of three kinds,

' *** Mbnt(au;o[i Monumcn* de la' Monarchic Frangoifc, t. i
plate IS. p. 371. .

■"^^sXtgtt CUriale-i Regi^Canuti, apuii Bartholin, p- jjj.
**• Legei Wallics, !- i- pjilim.

C3Krci&>*

3J< HISTORY OF BRitAIN. Bodt it

tiz.^-martial eitcrctfeSy— the fports of the fieldj
-—and domeflic amufemetits*
l^rttai War being the chief employment and great

delight of the Anglo-Saxon thanet^ axid thd^
retainers^ many of the diverfibns of their yooth,
and even of their riper years^ were of a martial
caft, confiding of runnings' fwimming, leaping^
riding, wreftling, and fighting *♦^ A young
warrior thus recounts the exercifes in which he
had acquired dexterity by conftant pradice : ^< I
*< fight valiantly ; I fit firmly on horfeback ; I
** am inured to fwimming ; 1 know how to run
^* along on fcates ; I dart the lance ; and am
*« (kilful at the oar**'/' The martial dance was
the favourite diverfion of the ancient Germans,
and of their defcendants the Anglo-Saxons* ^ It is
thus defcribed by Tacitus: " They have one
"public diverfion which is qonftantly exhibited
•* at all their meetings. Young men, who by
*• frequent exercife have attained to great per-
•* feftion in this paftime, ftrip ' themfelves, and
. ** dance among the points of fwords ' and fpeara^
« with the moft wonderful agiKty, and even with
*^ the moil elegant and graceful motions. Thefs
^* young gentlemen do not perform this martial
'" dance for^ hire, but for the entertainment of
'^ the fpe&ators, whofe applaufe they efteem n
*« fufficient reward **••** In a word^ the ancient
kihabitants of Germany and Scandiaavia^ and the

^ Northers Antiquities, t. x. p. x^jr. :*•» Id. ii^d. p. sjl.

^^ Tacit, de Morib. Germafl. Cv s4»

nations

Ch. 7. MANNERS, Ac

natitHiB defcended from them, delighted fo much
in thefe martial exercifes, that they i&iagined
they conftituted the chief amufement and felicity
of thofe heroes who were admitted into Valhalla,
the place of future happinefs. " Tell me (fays
" Gapgler), how do the heroes divert thcrti-
*' felves when they are not engaged in drink-'
** ing ?" '* Every day (replies Har), as
** foon as they have drgffed themfelves, they
*' take their arms, and catering the lifts, fight
••' till they cut one another in pieces. This is
•* their diverfion. But no fooner does the hour
** of repaft approach, than they remount tlreir
** horfes, all fafe and found, and return to drink
'* in the palace of Odin*'°." Such readers ai
defire to fee a very prolix drfcription of the
military dances and other martial diverlions of
the ancient Danes, Anglo-Saxons, and other
nations of Europe, in this period, may confult
thff worlA quoted below**'. It was from thefe -
martial diverfions that the tournaments of the
middle ages, which will be delineated in our
iixth volume, derived their origin. Horfe-races
BMy be reckoned one of the diverfions of the
EngUIh in this period. Among- the magnificent
prefents that were made to king Athelftan, by .
Adulphus, ambalTador of Hugh king of France,
when he demanded his fifter the princefs Edel-
fwitha for his mafter, we are told, — « there were

*i" Baitholio. p. 564.

*«■ Hiftoria Olai Masni, 1. 15.' p. J7J— jSj< MuratorU t> ».
I)iCCerUt.»y.

** feveral

400

Sports of
the field.

I •

HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Bookll.

*^ feveral rdntiing^horfes, with their faddles, and
*5 bits *f yellow gold in. their mouths***." This
18 a fufficieat proof, that fuch horfes were admired
^d ufed in Eiigland at that time.

The fport$ of the field were the favourite diver*
fions of the Anglo-Saxons, Danes, and other
Britifh nations, in this period ^ and in thefe
fports perfons of rank and fortune fpent the
greatefl: part of their time when they were not
engaged in war. Such rura^l diver fions were ad-
mirably adapted to give delight to a people of
great aftivity and fpirit, who enjoyed much
leifure, and lived conftahtly in an .open coun,try»
abounding in game of all kinds, which feemed
to folicit their purfuit. Accbrdingly they con-
fidered hawking and hunting as the two princi*
pal branches of a royal and noble education, the
moft admired accomplilhmepts, and moit honour**
able employments of kings and princes. Alfred
the Great was taught to hunt before he was taught
to read; and his friend and hiftorian Affer
fpeaks of his fuperior Ikill in all the (ports of the
field in a kind of rapture : " Before he was twelve
*• years of age, he was a mod expert and active
'* hunter, and excelled in all the branches of that
^' moft noble art, to which he applied with in-
'* ceffant labour and amazing fucoefs. For his
felicity in hunting, as well as in all the other
gifts of God, was really incomparable, as I
*« myfelf have often fecn*"." Edward the Con'

«£

*5* W. Maflnif. 1. ». c. 6.

^53 Afier . Vita ^^Ifredi, a Camden, edit. p. 5.

fcffor'i

iG!i:7- ' UA UN E R S, &e.

fiefibr's fbfadnefs for thefe ' exercifes of hunting
and hairking is thus defcnbed by his hittorian:.
** T&ere was only one djverfibnia whith he took
*' the greaicft poffiWe delight^ viz. to follow a
*' pack of fwift hounds in purfuit of their .gamcj
** and to chfer tBem with his voice, or to attend
" the fti^ta of hawks taught tb purfue and catch
** their kindred birds-. Every day, after divine
** fa-vice, he took the field; and fpent his time
" in diefe beloved fports*'*." The figure of a
hawk upon the. left hand was the mark by which
ihe painters of thofe times diftii^uifhed perfons
of high tank, of both fexesj from their inferiors {
which is a futScient proof, that their fondnefs for,
4nd frequent ufe of that bird, was univerfally
known ^"* So great a valua did the princes and
nobility of Europe ih -this period ftt upon their
hawks, that thfey conftantly carried them with
them iA dll their joumieB» and fometimes into
Battfe, and would not pat-t with them even to
procure their own liberty, when they were taken
prifoners '"; The truth Is; tb refign hig hawk
trai one of the moft difhonourable aftions of
which a liobldmaii could hi guilty, and was con-
fidered ai a voluntary fefignation of his . nobilftyj
Dogs af fport of all kinds were alfo the fevouritea
and ctN^ftant companions of the great in this
■-■..'

»(*W. lltalmf. 1. «.c.lj.

W Memolru dc) Inlcriptioris, t. $. p. jii. '^lA. ibid.

. Vol. IV* D d ■ period ;

loa^ HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Bookfl.

period ; and a prodigious number of laws were
made to prevent their bdng killed or^ftolen *".
Game When kings, pnnces> and nobles, took fo

laws. much delight in the diverfions of the field, we
may be almofl: certain, that they endeavoured w
fecure them to themfelves, and to prevent didr
inferiors from (baring with them in the pleafure
of thofe admired amufements. Of this we have
' the cleared evidence in the foreft or game laws
of Canute the, Great, which are ^ dill extmt* By
thefe laws, certain magtftrates or judgies are ap*
pointed in every county to take cognifance of all
trefpaffes committed within the limits of= the royal
foreds; and certain inferior oiScers pr game«
keepers are condituted to apprehend thofe wbo
were guilty of fuch treipaffes* Thanes, bidiops,
and abbot-s, are permitted to hunt in the king's
chaces ; but the penalties and, punidimehts in-
Hided on unquali^ed perfons who were guilty a£
hunting, pr eve^: didurbing the game, are very
ievere. By one of thefe laws, if a gentleman, or
inferior thane, killed a dag in a royal foreft»
he was degraded, and deprived of his arms } if a
ceorl killed one, he was reduced to flavery ; and
^ if a ilave killed one, he was put to death. By
another of thefe laws, all proprietors of lands
are declared to have a right to hunt, withia their
own lands ; but not to purfue their game intt
any of the royal chaces *'*. . .
• ...»

^57 Lindcnbrog. p. 1^4, $1$"^^^ 5*41^' Leges Wallicx, p. i49*^e.
^ >^.Conftitutiones Canutl Regie de Forefta« apud Spekiiaft.iOM'*
P* 140, 141, I4t, Wilkins Legci Saxon, p. i4C«

Thovgh

Ch. ff. - M ANN E R S.-.&t. . - .4«3

TTioUgh the martial and rilr^ -fpbrts 3bpyp,4^ Do;neftic
fcribed enable^, the kipgs, princeSj and, ncSblen, ^'°'"'
k>f this period, to fpend a coniiderable part- of
their tinle iii a very agreeable manner ; yet as
thefe fports xould only be ptirf^ied in the 'day-
time, in fovourable weather, Huid when thej^ were
In health^ they ftood in need of fome domeDii
diverfions to fill up the remainder of their racapt
hours. Ti^e domeftic diverfidns were the raor«
neceSity, becaiife very few were then caipable of
amufiDg themfelves with reading, writing, and
ftudy ; and becaufe they were not furnidied with
various toiHCS of conversation,— with public
fpe^cles, — and with other ingenious arts <^
idllhig time, wt^ich have iieen fince Inventedi
Ic vas probably fuch clrcumflances as thefe that
tendered the ancienc Germans^ the anceflors of
the Anglo-Satons, f^ immoderataly fond of
games of chance. . " Ac dice they play, which i^
« w<»idetful, when they are perfeflly cool and
** fober, with fuch keennefs and temerity, diai
** after they have loft all theif .money and goods,
" they" tenture theit very pcrfons and liberties
** on one defperate throw. He wh? lofeth
" tamely fubmits to fervitude ; and though both
*' younger and ftrongef than his antagonift,
** patiently permits himfelf to be bound, and
** fold in the market* This madnefs they dig-
** nify with the name of honour '"." We have
good reafon to believe, that fimilar circumftances

«» Tadt, de Morib. Gennan. C. m.

D d i produced

'4<H HISTORY OF BRITAIN. BodLll

ph>duced fimilar effects in their defcend^ts die
Anglo-Saxons in England in this petiod, diongli
not perhaps in fuch an extreme degree $ becaofe
the church difcouraged games of chance^ add pro^
hibited the ufe of them to the clergy *|^^ When
iMihop JEtheric obHined admiiSon to Canute tke
Great about midnight^ upon fome urgent bu&
iiefs, he found the king and his courtiers engaged
at {day, fome at dice, and others at chefs,^%
When a young nobleman applied to a father for
permiflion to pay his addreiles to his daughter,
the parent, it is faid. Commonly made a trial of
his temper, by playing mih him at dice and chds,
before he gave him ati anfwer ***.' The game of
backgammon, it is pretended, "Wzs invented in
Wales in this period, and derives it^ name from
the two Welfli wof ds, l^acb^ ** little,*' and cammimy
*' battle **^** But it is quite unneceffary to be
More particular in our enumeration of thefedoi
taieftic atnufemehts, of which many are probs^Ijf
quite forgotten and loft.

«6o johafon's Canont, A. D. 960. can, 64.

»•» bift. Ramficnf. a Gale edit. c. 85.

^ Hift. Olai Magni/p. 57*.

^i. Glofi: ad tc^es WalUcasi a voc; TawlbmM^

HISTORY Of BRITAIN

I .J

A P P E N D

TO THE

SECOND B (

■***^>«pi

NUMBER I,
/L map of Britain according to the Saxon

N U M B E R II.

jThe Saxon names of places in the preceding ma
Order, with an e>ylan^tion of their meaning,
01 EogUfli nkmes ♦, ; ,

Afwoii Nametw

^ A

[^:4U>an-duii

Acc-mjin's-ceafter
^], Ac-lca
^ ^ Acfan-minfter
r^ «£dwine8-£}if6. .

4 ' iSgeles-ford

• eick-iian'i-city'
. Oak.field./^
Ax-abbcyi l''
' Edwin^s rbclc
Egcl's-town
£g<Ps-ford
Egel's-worth
eU«t'«4fla0d

Abingdon> |
Bath, Some]
Qkeley» Sur.
A^cminfter, ]
Not certaxnl]
Ailefbury^ B

Eclef^or^, ;
Not Q^itainl)

I oTice intes^^d to lizvc fdbjomed a comm^ ntaiy to tl

■ t When the meftDiii^^e-ttnJcnown or uacectidii« thcori
_ ftj^colymq.

4o6

APPENDIX.

No. ji

Saxon Kameu

Meanw^,

JElm

iE feet-dun ■

^fc-tun

iEft.fild

jEtfing-ftoce
£than-dun

/ •' *.

Elitt

Adi-ftm

Afh-town
Eaft-field
Eft-towri' ..
Etfing's-ftock
Et;hari's hill

Athclbrightc'l minftcr Ethelbert's churcl^
jEthfiliund-iglond . ' Ethdhun'siOaad

^thelinga-denc
iEthcliag^-igg9
Afcnc

Afene-moqth

p. Albanc

Aldewingle

Ambrcfbyri

Ancar-ig

Andefira

Andredes-fcag

Andred-ccafter

AngeUcy nncsrlqu4
Angles-eg^

Apuldre

Arwan • •

AlTan-dcifi

Noblt'S*-valley

Noblcb'-ifland

Avon

Avon-moutli

St. Alb^n

Old.-winkle

Amber's town

Hermit's- liland

^ndelira

And red's pafiure

Andred's city

A ngles-nation-land

Angies-iiland

The Sea-mareh

Arundel . ':

Arwan

Afs-hiil

Englifb Names.

Elm, in Ely
Aftcm, Berks
A^ton, Northampt.
Eaft-field, Northampt,
EaRon, Northampt.
Taviftock, Devon
Eddington, Wiltih.
In Hereford
Not known
Alton, Hampfh.
Athelney, Somerfet^h.
Avon -river
* Avon's-mouth -
St, Alban's, Hertford*,
Oldwinklc, Northampt.
Amberfbury, Wiltll^.
Thorney-ifle, Cambridgcflj,
Andover, Hamp(h.
The Weald, Kent
J>Iot certainly knowi)
England
Anglcfey
Appledore, Kent
Arundel, Su^ei^
ilivcr Orw'el ,
Affington, EfTex

S. AuguftincVniinftpr St.Auguftlne's-chiirphSt. Auftin's, Canterbury

Baccanceld

Baddan^byrlg

Badecan-willa •

Barwe

Baling . '

Bathan-ceftcr

Beam-dune

Bcarthanife
iSearwicclciise
Bcbbanburh
Bed^^fprd ''
^edan-ford-fpirp

Beflanheafde

;ne£ca

Baccanceld

BaddanVtown

Badecau'$-wcll

Barwe

A mantle

Bathing-city

Peam-hill

Beam-bay.

Bearthanig

0ox-divifion

Bebba's-town

Bedin's-ford

Bedan'srford-divifion

Bedan'srbca4
Benefica

B?nning'5-tOWP

Beckenham, Kent
Badbury, Dorfetlh,
Bakewell, E|crby^,
Barrow, Rutlandlh.
Baiing, Hampfh.
Bath* Somerfetih. .
Bampton, Devonfh^
Berafletc, Effcx
Bardney, Linc<»lnfiu
BerJ^fhire

tembui-gh^ N9|thunil^rfen4

Bedford '

Bedfordfcire <

Bedwin, Wiltfti. '
A river in Hettfordth*
Bennington, fj^rtfordih,

yjo, 2.

A P P E N D I %•

Saxon Names.

Bcofcr-IIc.

£eorc-le%

Bcorg-ford

!Beornicas

Beran-byrig

Bolhithe-godt

Sofenhaixi

Sradan-^

Bradan-rcEc

3radan-ford

Bricenan-mcr^

Bracdine

Brcnt-ford

Breodune

Breodun

Briten-Iond

Brig-ftow

Bnggc

Brunauburh

Buccingaham

B ucclngaham*fclre

Burh

Burpewndu

Butting-tun

Byferes-ftan

Byrtunc

Meaning, •

Beaver-like

Bi'ich-field

Hill-ford '

People of BerniciA

Beran-town

Bolhitht's-gate

Wood-hou(e

Broad-river

Broad-iilaad

Broad-ford

Bricenan's-pool

Broad-valley

Brcnt-ford '

Bread-hill

Bread hill

Briton's-laild

Bridgeoplace

Bridge

Brown-town

Beech-trcC'town

Bccch-treC'toWn divifion

Town or city

Burnt- wood

Near-river^'town

Beavers-flone

Bear-town

Englijl

Beverly, Yorl;
Barklcy, GIo<
Burford, Oif;
Berntcianty oi
Banbury, Ox
Bulldikcgate,
Bofham, Su^l
Not known, ( !
Stepholme, ii
Bradford, VI
Bricknockmc i
Bredon-forcft
Brentford, ^ !
Not known
Breidon, W i
Britain
Briftol
Bridgenortbj
Uncertain
Buckinghan
Buckingbani I
Peterburgh, I
Bemwood-fc
Butting^on,^ :
Beverfton, C I
Burton^ Sts i

Cxre

Calno

Caninganmerfes

Cant-wam-burh

Carkol

Carrun>

Caftra

Cealc-hytbe

Ceafter

Cent ■ ' ^

Ceorles-ige

Cerdiccs-ford

Ccrdices-leag

Cerdicefora •

Cicc'

Cingellun

Care

Calne

Caninganft-marihes

KentiihmenVtown

Carleol

Carrum

Camp

Chalk-port

Camp

Cent

Ceorls-ifiand

Cerdic*s-ford

Ccrdie's-field

Ccrdic'«-(hore

Chich

Kings-town

Ciira'«.^ity

Pd4

Carcboufe,

Calne, Wil

Canington,

Canterbury

Carlifle, Ci

Charmouth

Caftor, No

Uncertain

Weft-Chcfl

Kent*

Chertfey, i

Charford, ]

Chardfley,

Cbs^rmoutl

St. Ofythc

Kingfton,

Cbi^cilcrj

4P8.

Saxon Nanus*

Clcuccaftcr
Clcftun .
CHtern

Clove (hooK

Colnc

Colncceafler

ColudeAurh'
Corfe's-gcatc
Coftiam
. ^ofurford
Cotingham
Couenttc
Cracecelade

^Creciaoford
Crediantun

Croyland

Cumbr^ond

Cevichelmes-hleawe

Cymenes-ora

CynemjercsiFord

€ryn<t

Cyniugcs dlfc >

Cyppanham

Cyienceafter

tyricbyrlg.

D -

Dacg-ftan

S. David

Deoraby

bcorham

pcrawuda

Dodeftborp

Domuc

Doreccafter

DrifFelda

Duftftaplc -

Punboldm ' ..

JadefbyrJg
Eadmundcfbyng
Eadulfcs-naeffe '-.
Jlaft Epglc

APPENDIX, Nf>-?t

Meaning. EnoUfh Namu^

Cldw^cify

CltffVtQwn

CHtcrn

ClifF

Clovefhoe

Colne

Colne-city

Coluds-<:ity

Corfs-gate

Ch^ice-houfc

Teroptcr*8-ford [

Cotitig's houfc

Coucntro-

Creek's-ftrcaiTi

Creek's-ford

Credy-town

Crdylaiid

CumbreVcountry

Cuecbclru'a-mount

Cymen's-fliorc

King's-faiuQus-ford

Kcnet

KingVcliff

Merchant-towa .

CcTCs-cky

Churcb-towa

Degfa^s-ftonc

3t. David's ^

Deer'«-p)ace

DeerVbomc ,

DeerVwood

Dod!9-farm

Domuc

Water-city

Dry-field

Hill-ftaplc

tiill and valley

Eadc8-towi^
.Edmiind's-t^wn
EdulPs-point
Eaft England

Gloucefter
Clifton, Dorfctfli.
Chilternhllh, Oifordffi,
Clyffi Nortbamptonfh.
Abingdon, Berkfhirc
River Colnc, Effex
Colchcftcr, Effex
Coldinghamj Merfc
Corfecaftle, Purbcckc
Colbam, WiltHi,
Cosford, Warwicjcfli.
Cottingham, Nortbamptouft,
Coventry, Y^an^ickftire
Creeklade. WiltOi,
Crayford, Kent
Kirton, Dcvonfti.
Crpwland, Lincolnfh,
Cumberland
Cuckamfley-hill, B^rM
Cimenftore, Suffex
Kcmpsford, Glpccacrft^
Kennct,.Wilt(h.
Unknown, Nortbumh^
Chippenbam, Wiltib.
Ccrcnctfter, Gloceftprft,
Cbcrbury,.Sbropflu

Dawfton, Cumberland
St. David'si Pembrokcibf
Derby

Durbam, Glocederih*
Beverly, Yorkfh.
Dodroy, Nortbamptonffl)
Dunwicb, Suffolk
Dorcbefter, OxfordSi,
Driffield, Yorkfli.
Dundable, B^dfordfl^,
' pprham

Eddefbury, Chefli,

Bury, Suffolk

fiefs, Effex

C«mbridgeib. Sufdlki Norfolk

» P J K.

SoMon lf^„.

Mtamz.

Engn/bHama.

^afl-Seaxe

Eaft-Saxony

EtTex, &c.

Egbrighle»-ftaa

EgbrightVflone

Brixton. Wiltfli.

Ps«

The eye

Eye. Northamptonfli.

Egonefliam

Egon's-hotne

Enntam, Oxfonilh,

Strong-biU

Willoo, Wikfli.

PHg

Ed-ilfi

Ely

Pnllafilda

Englifh-field

IjigleGeld, Serk*

Engtaland
Eofcr-wic

Eoglilh-hiui
UrK-caRle

i:r

Efcndic

EfenVdlLe

Affendike, Cambridge^,

Eftun

Eaft-town

EaftoD, Leiceflerfli.

f^uelhaM

EveaVhomv

Evelham, WorcdterOi,

Eran-cealler

Ex-city

Exeier, Devon fti.

^xan-ronll*

JU-IHOUtfe

i:xjnomIi, DeTOofli,

F»ur«ftld

Fow-field

Fewrftam, Kent

Fearadun

Fera-hiU

Farringdon, Berks

Fcainham

Fcrn-placis

Farnham, Surrey

Fethankag
Fcnchamffed.;

ATmT-6eld
Fincham't-ftead

Frithern, Glocefterfli, ■

Finchamfted, Berk»

rolc«-ftau

People's-ftane

Folkfton, Kent

Fromuth

Frtnrn-mouth

Pool, DorfetAi.

f-uUsnbam

poul-towa

Fulblim. Mid(Ild«(

Gaful-ford

ToU-ford

CaMflFoH, CoTDwaS

GegDclburh

Tribe's-town

Gainlburrow, Lincolnllu'

Oildcneburgh

Gilded-town

Petetbnn-ow

Gilliogahatp

Gillings-home

Qillinghain, Dorfetfli.

Glaftiogbyri

Glafi-town

OlalTenbiiry. SomcrfctO.

Grantebrige

Grant'a-bn'dn

Cambridge

Grena-wic
Pjpea-wifh

Hefs

Grren-wwn
GIppiog's-tOFO

Grecnwiciif Jwcrc

High

HiiCM

Heftingas

Saiiilh-tovn

Haftingi, Suflex

Haguftaldelham

Heliild-town

Ham-tu« ■

Hometown

Hatntun-fcyrc

. Hinpfhin
H»inftecl,Bak.

Heamftide

Home-ftede

Hean-byrig
Heat-fild

Poor-tofo

Swintfticad, Hunt,

Hot-field

H>t6tW.Hmforilh.

i Jiengeftefilufl

liengiftvm

Yltu5lto«Wl,Cw» „

SMrt-

4s^

APPENDIX.

tio.z;

Saxon Noma*

Hcort-ford

HcortfoTd-fcyre

Hcrc-ford •

Hcreford-fcyre

Hcthfild

Hlida-fe>rd

Hocncratun

Hreopan-dun

Hrtppun

Hrofes-ceafler

Humb€r

Hundhogc

Huntendune

HuDtendimcfcyrc

Hweallaege

Hwcrcwillc

H*vit-C€rc

Hwitcrne *

JlyrtKngb€ri

Meaning, -'i

Hart*S'ford
Hart's-ford-divifion *
Army's-ford

Army's-ford-divifion
High-ficM •

Lid's -ford

Hocneratown

Crying-hill

Harveft-tbwn

Covered-caftle

Humber

Hounds-houfe

Hunters-downs

Hunters-down-divifion

Whale-iOe

Whirl-well

White-church

White-place

Farmers-town

Havei>

Engli/h Namet,

Hertford
HcrtfoidfTi,
Hereford
Hereford fh.
Hatfield; Yorkfh.
I^ijford, Deronfh.
Hogfnorton, Oxfordih,'
ReptoD, Derbyfli.
Kippon, Yorkfh,
Rdcheftcr, Kent
River Humber
HTincot, LeicefteWli,
Huntington
Huntingtooflr,
Whaley, Lancafhirc
V/horwcU, Kampfh.
White-church, Hampffi,
Whittern, Gallaway
Irtlington, Northampt,
Jiyth> Kent

Jcanhoc

]g1ea
Ircipgafild ^

Kcteving
JLjDtlingtun

Icanhoc
Empty
Ifland-ficld
Ircing's-field

Ketermg
KyntHng's-town

•Boflon, I.TncoInfli,
Rivulct-ldle, Nottingham^,
Unknown

Arcbinfieldy Herefordih.

Kettering, Nortbampt.
"Kirtlington, Oxfordfh.

Xambbythe
liipgeteafier
' jLegcrceailer
iaegrcccaftcrfcyre
Ltcctfil4

l.incoIne

lincolncfcyre ^ '
Xindesfarna-ea
tindcfigc

Clay-haven

Legion-city

Lei re-city

Leire-city-diyiiion

Corps-field

Liga

Lame-town

Lime-mouth

Lake-colony

Lakc-colony-divifion

Lind-peoplc's-iflc

Marfh-ifie ^

Anny-provlow

Lambeth, Surry
Weft-Ceftcr
Leicefter
Leicefterfhire
Litchfield, Staffordih,
The river Lea
Leighton, Bcdfofdfti,
Lime, Kent
Lincoln
Lincolnftiirc
Hdy7ifland
Liodfey, Lincoln/h.
Lothian^i Scotland

LviodiQt

No* «•

Saxon Namf4»
X*unditle

Mseldun

Mxnige

Macrlcbeor^C

^alveifin

^anigceafter

Maferfild

Mcaldelmcfhyrig

Medefhamilcdp

Mcdigwzg

Mer^ntuu

^erefige

Michaelftow

Middfcl-Anglas

Middel'-Scax?

Riddel-tun •

l^untgumni

Naflc

^atanleag

Nen

S. Neod •

^orthburh

North-folc

Northiuntvft

North-muth

Northan-hymbras

Nortban-hymbra-}and

North-wcala«»

fJorthrlSPic

. O

Olan-cgc
Ottan-for4
Oxnaford
Pxnafordfcyrft

A P P E N » I Xi

Meaning,

Lniidin^
Jtca-towi|

Crof8;hill

Ran-ifland

Marle-towo

Bad-neighbou|?

Many-caflle

^ferchant-fieId

Maildelm's-towQ

Whirlepool-placc

Fair-river

Mire-town

Marcb-iflahd <

Michael'ft-place

Middk-Englifh:

Middle-Saxony

Middile-town

ComerVmoun^.

iThe point
NataJiiB^field

St. Ncot?s
North-tpwn
North-people .
North-home-town <
North-mouth
North-humbrians

North-humber-lan4
North-WcKh >

North-ca(il^

QIan's-iiland
OttanVford
OxenVford
OxenVford-divifioQ

London

J^eightoni Bcdfor3A|,

Maldon, EiTesc
Anglefcy

Marlborough, Wiltfli.
Bamborow-callle .
Manchefter, Lancafli*
Ofwiftrc, Shropih.
Malmfl)ury;,.Wilt(h.

Peterburgy Northamptonih*
Kiver Mcdway

Mertoo, Surry

Marfev, Effex

8t. Michael's-mount, Cornw*

Warwickfh. StafFprdfli* 5c«.

Middlefex

Middleton, EfTe^

Mo^itgomery

N^fs-pplnt> Kent

Natly, Hamp(h.

]^ver Nen, Northampt*

St. N^t'sy Huntingdonili,

Norboryi Northampt*

Norfoljc

Northampton

Buoy 19 tne Nore

Northumbrians- '

Northu mberland

People of North-Wal^

i^orwicb

Olney

Orford, Kent
Oxford
OxfordfliitiQ

Paflanhaqii
Paflua

Paflan*$-hQih^
Pafs-town

FaOiam, Northampt
Pafton^ Northamj^.
Tb<5 ?cak, Dcrbyfli

P^4ri4aa

Smmoh Names,

Pedridan

Pcn-wight-ftrcot

Peonho

peyenefca

Pcirfeora

Pcncanlicrf

Port

Porteloca

Portefznouth

Poffcntcfbyrig

Pruutetflod

A P PEN D IX.

N6,J^

Meaning,

Pedndan

Head-IiQand-poiot

Head-heel

Peveu-fea

Pers-ftipre

Pcncan*8*hall

The Port

Harbour-bar

HarbourVmoutb
PoflentVto^n ?

'Privct*8-fiood .

EngR/b Namely '.

Parrct-nver, Somerfetfh,
The I^nd's-endy Cornw,
Pen, Somerfetfti.
Pern fey, Suffcx
Pcrftxor^ , Worceftcrfh.
Finkley, Durham
Portland, Dorfetfb,
Portlock-bay, Somerfetfli..
Portfinputhy Hampih.
Pontefl)ury, Shropfh.
Frevet| Hamp(l>.

Racnlf -

Kcadinff

Rihala -

Rogingham

Rugenorc

Rumcofa

Rumenfea

Rumeiig^

RocVelifF

Flint-meadowi

Rough-hall

Roging's-homc

Rugged-fhorc

Roomy-cave

Spacionus-fca «

Rooxny-ifland

Reculvcr, Kpnt
Reading, Berkfh.
Ryall, Rutland/h.
Rockingham, Northampti
Rowner, Hampfh.
Runkhorn, Chefli. '
Rumney, Kent
Humfey, Hampfh,

Sseferne

Sandwtc

Sevftefbyn^

Sceaptge

Sceobyrig

ocerabuni

Scotland -

Scrobbefbyrig

Sealwuda
Searbyrkr

jSec-canoua

SektuD

6erapifi[aixaiii

Sliowaford

Snawdun

Snotingaham

Snotingaham-fcyiT'e

Soccabyrig

Stcfford

Stsfford-jfcyre

3tane

Stanf9r(}

Sea-fiowing

Sandy-port

Shaft's^town

^heep's-ifland

6hoe*-town

Clear-bum '

Scotch-land

Shrub-town

Willow-wood

Sharp-nvcr-town

Battle-kill

Seal-town

Sempiga^s-home

SyoWa'^-ford

Snow-hill

Cave-town

Cave-townniiviilpn

Soke-town

Staff-ford

Siaff-ford-divifioij

Stone

Stoae-fofd

«»er Severn
adwich, Kent
Shaftcfbury, Dorfctfc,
Sheppcyy Kent
Shobcry, fifTex
Sherburn, DorXetA,
Scotland
Shroefbury
Selwood, Somerfctih.
Salifbury^ Wihfh. ^
Seckington, Warwickiht
Silton, Yorkfli.
Sempringham, LtnooIniH«
Sleafortl, Lincolulh*
Snowdon-hills
Nottingham
Nottinghamfhire
Stockburn, Dorhain;^
Stafford
S.taffbr^ihire
Stains, Middlefex
StamfQrdi Irfiacobubf

Mo. s.

A P r E N D I X.

&uon Nma.

M,M«i^.

Eng^ Ntmuu

Stone-fbrd-bridge

StaraEctfd-bridge *

SMnwic .

Stone-town

StanwlxB, Northampt.

Streonfheale

BeacOn-bay ,

Whitby. Yorfcfh.

Stretford '

Streit-ford

Siraiford, Warwiotfli.

Scuremuth

Qtour-mouth

Harwich

SumurtuD
Sumerfetfcyie

Sumtner-town

Sumenun, Somcrrttlh.

Summcr-fejit-dlviCon

Somerfetihird

Suthberi

South-town

Sudbury, Suffolk

Suth-foic

South-people

Suffolk

Suthnc
Suth-Sease .

Soutb-rivcr-couffitry

Gurry

South- Saxony

Surry and Suffolk

Swaniric

SK-aine-town

Bwanwick, HampA.

Swiae's-hcad

Swinclhead, H^ntbgdonfli.

T
Tamanwcorthege

Tame-farm-ifland

Tamwortb, Stafforilfli.

Tame

Tame, OxforSih.

TancuD

. Twig-town

Taunton, Somerfetfli.

Temefe

Water-traa

The river ThamCB

TemMfom

Thaniea-ford

Temsford, Bedfordlli.

Tenet

The \Ae of ThSnet, Kent

Th^Iwselc

Stake-waU

Thelweii, Chelh.

Peopte'»-ford

Thctford

Thorneic

Thoray-iflc

Thorney, Cambridgeftu

Thorp ,

The34.gt
Drag-boat-wood

Thorpe, Northamptonfh.

Tfckcnholt

Trokenhsle. Cafabridgeflu

THna

Tina

River Tync, Nortbumb.

Tinamuth

Tini's-mouth '

Tinmouth, Nilrthuinb.

Tofceafter

Tof-caftle

Toceter, Northampt.

Tonebridgi

Town-bridge

Tunbridge, Ke?t

TreBMa

Crobkcd-river '

The riTCr Trent

Turcflfigc

Eoat-IQand

Torkfey

Tweouea

Two-bum-towa

Ghrift-thnrch, Hamplh,

&*"

Undifided

OundJe, Northampt.

Water

River Oufc

Jffarham

Iiwlofed-town

Wtrham, Dorfetfiu

Wserlngwic

Fottified-town

Warwick

W«ring&7Te

Fortified-towa-diTifion Warwickftiire

'WtEtliagftrct

Bemwf-ftrtet
WtlT-towm

Watlins-ffreet

Waltun

WcaUasfud

.W«U-foii

WaUingFotd, Bciklh.

A p f t tt a t t.

tib. i.

Sax§n Nameu

Wealtham'

Weardbyrig

Wcccdport

Welmetfort

Weolud

Wermingtun

Weilmoringland

Weftmynftcr

Wcft-Sea^e

Weftanwudil

Wetmor

Webbandun

Wcgeraceader

Wegeraceafterfcyre

Wcgcngamerc

Wjhtland

Wihtgarabyrig

Wiltun

Wiltonfcyrc

Wmdlcfora

Wintanceaftcr

Wiuwidfxld

Wirheak'

Wifebcc

Witham

Withringtuti

Witlrfmerc

Wodncfbeprge

Wudcftokc

Wudiham

^ippedafieot

Wedd-iown
Gutrd'towQ

WeccdVharboilr

Sde-foot-ford

Weolud

Wann-town '

Weft-mountam-Iand

Wcft-monaflcry

Weft-Saxon

Wcftem-wood

Wet-moor

Worm-hUl

War^caftlc

War-caftk-divxfion

War-mere

Creature-land

WightgarVtowxi

W mow-town

Willow-town-divifion

Winding-fhorc

Venta-caftlc

Viaory-ficld

Myrtlc-corncr

Wife-book

Near-town

Withring'j-totvh

Wittlefcy-merc

WodcnVtowa

Wood-place

Woody-town

WippcdVfrith .

Efigbfi tfamei.

tlnknowti

Wa^dborow^ Ozfordih;
Watchct, Somerfetfli.
Walmsford^ Northampt.
River Wellaiid
Warmington, Northampt.
Weftmbrland
Weftminfter
Kingdom of Wcflcr
Weftwood, Wiltflu
Wedmore, Sonierfetlh;
Wimbletim, Suiry
Worccftcr
Worcefterfhirc
Wigmore, Herefordfiw
IHe of Wight
Carefbrook-caillc
Wiltoti, WUtfli.
Wiltfhire
Windfor
Winchcftel'
Near Leedi
Wirral, aeffi^*
Wirbcch
Witham, fiffet
Wirringtoui Northaxtij)f;
Withfmere> Cambridgcfti.
Wodenfturgh, Wiltfli.
Woodftock, Oxfordihi
Odiam« Hampfli.
Wippedifleet^ Kent*

)

A ? F E' N EC I: X.

NUMBER III.

A fpecimen of the moft ancient Anglo-Saxon
]aws, Iranflated from the original Saxon iato
EngKOi*.

T7>e laws of Elhdhtrt, the firji Chrijiian king if .Kmtywha
rtigned/rem A. D. 561 to A, D. 616.

I. T ET facrilege be compenfaled twelvefold ; the theft JJo, m,
J / of the goods of a bilhop, elevenfold ; of ihe goods \_ .. . v
of a prieft, ninefold; of tliofe of a deacon, fix fold ; of
thofe of a clerk, threefold; ihs violation of the peace of
a cliurch, twofold ; and that of a monaftery, twofold.

2. If the king call an alTembly of his people, and zaj
damage be done to them there, let it be repaid twi>fol4
and fifty Ihillings be paid to (he king.

3.- If the king is at an entertainment inany one'*
liDufe, and any damage be done there, let it be cotnpen*
fated twofold. •

4. If a freeman ileal any thing from the king, let him
corapeufate it niticfi^d. r

5. Let him that killeth a man in the city of the kiajg
be amercAl in fifty thillingi.

6. Let him that kiUcih a freemao pay fifty fliillings t^
the king for bis lofs of a fubjefl. .,

•J. If any one kill the feirants of the king's maAer*
ftDiihs or butler, let him pay the ordinary mul^. ^

8. Let the violation of the king's patronage be com-
penfated with fifty lhiUingt< - >

* See the original Satan, with > Latin tranQatioD and Dolei, in
•vmdR.I-efetAiigloSaiomcx, p. 1— 7.

4i6 A f P t tl O t is.

No. iil. 9. if a freeman fteal any thing from a freemaiij iti
him repay it threefold ; let a mul£l be iniporedi and all hh
goods confifcated to tHfe king.

io« If a man lie with the king's maid-fervant, being a
Virgin, let him tompehfate bfer Vii-giliity iyiih fifty fliit^
lings*

11. if (he be a grinding-itiaidi^ let the conipenfatioil be
twenty-five (hillings ; if of the third rank, twelve.

12. Let the viohtion of the chaftity 6i th^ king^s
Vi£lualling-ro2iid be cdrtipenfated with twenty (hillings.

13. Let him that killeth a man in the city of an earl b^
lihercea ih twelve {fiitiing^.

' ft f ^ * ^

14. If a man lie with a maid that is an earl's cup«
bearer, let him compenfate her virginity with twelve
ibillings.

15. List the violatioh of the patronag<* of ^ yeoinaU be
COmpenfated with fix {hilliags.

16. Be the violation of the chaftity of a maid that is
a yeoman's cup-bearer compenfated with fix (hillings; that.
of a yeoman's other maid-fervant, with fifty fcaetas ; and
of thofe df the third rank, thirty fcaeta^;

17. Let Him that iir(i breaketh Into ahotbei' ihan't
houfe be amerced in fix {hillings, the fecond ia. three
Arllings^ and each of the reft in one (billing.

1 8. If any one lend a man .arms where there is t
Quarrel, though Mo harm be dotie thereby^ let him be
amerced in fix (hillings.

19. If Si fobbefy be committed^ be it compenfated with

£k (hillings.

26, But if a man be killed, let the murderer compen^
fate his death with twenty (hillings. «

21. If a man kill another, be the ordinary muldi of an
. hundred (hillings impofed upon him*

A p p t u D I r.

fia. If a man kill another at an open grave, 1
compenfate bis death with twenty {hillings, befid<
Ordinary mulft, which he muft pay within forty day

23. If the homicide fly his country, let his rel
jj^ay half the ordinary inul£l«

24. Let him that bindeth a freeman make a com
tion of twenty {hillings.

25. Let the murderer of a yeoman's gueft corop
his death with fix {hillings. '

26. But if the landlord killeth his chief gue{l, Ic
compenfate his death with eighty {hillings.

27. If he kills the fecond, let him make a com;
tion of fixty {hillings ; if the third, of forty.

28. If a freeman cut down a hedge, let him n
compenfation of (tx {hillings.

29. If a man take away a thing kept within a '.
let him compehfate it threefold.

30. If a freeman break over a hedge, let him n
compenfation of four {hillings.

31. Let him that killeth a man make compeni
according to the true valuation, in current money.

32. If a freeman lie with a freeman's wife, lei
make amends for his crime, by buying another wii
the injiHed party.

33. If a man j>rick another in the right thigh, le
compenfate the fame.

34. -If he catches him by the hair, let him pa)
fcaetas.

35« If the bone appear, let him make a compeni
of three {hillings.

36. If the bone be hurt, let him make a comp
tion of four {hillings.

^7. If the bone be broke, let him make a comp
tion of ten {hillings.

Vol. IV. £c 3

APPENDIX.

38. If both t>B done^ Jet hfn\. make a conqKntatioti oF
' twenty (hillingi.

39. IF the (houMer be lamed, be it compeHiateil with
twenty Ibitlinga. -

40. If he i> nude deaf of an ear, let twenly-five fliil-
Kng( compenfate it.

41. If the ear be cut off, be it compenfated with twelve
fliillingi.

43. IF the ear be bored through, let three fhillings bb
the contpenfation.

43. If the ear be clipped off, be fix fliillingi the conf-
penfatton.

44. IF the eye be 8rack out,. let fifty Ihilliagi cow-
.penfate it.

45. If the mouth or eye be injured, let twelve {billing*
toake a compenfatioo.

46. If the nofc be bored through, let aioe Ibillingi be
the compel! fation.

47. If but one membrane is bored, be three Ibillingi
the campeiif;ition.

48. IF both, be fix (hillings the compenfation.

49. If both nofirils are flit, let each be compenfated by
fix Ihillings.

50. It bored, by fix IhjJIings.

5t. Let bim that cutteth off the chin-bone make a
compenfation oF twenty fiiillings.

51. For each ot the four fore-teeth be compenfattd fix
fiiillings i for the one that ftands next, four fhiliiDgs<j

' furtheoext, three Fhlllings; and for each of the reft, one
(hilling ; if it be an impediment to his fpecch, be twelve
Ihillings compenfated i and if the jaw-bone be broke* fix
Ihillings.

53. Be the bruifingof a man's arm compenfated withfix
Oiiltings, andihe bicai^ing of it with fix Ibilliogs.

J4. If

APPENDIX. 419

54. Iftedttin^ be cut oCletit becon^tenfated with Ks. III.
twenty fliilling) i tbe pail of the tkumb* wkh three "*— ^nr™^
Ibilluigs ; the foio-iager, with eight fhiUings ; tht mid-

fiager, with four (hillingt; the ring-finger, vUh fix
OiiUingb; the iUt{e fioger, with ekwo Qiillingi.

55. For each nail, a ftiliiog.

56. For the lead Uemift, three flifflings ; and- foe
^;reuer onet) fix QuHings.

57. If any one give another a blow on the noft with
his£A, thiiee Oiillings.

58. Ifit be wounded, one Ihilling.

59. IftheAroie be black without theclothfcs, Jet it
' be compenfated with thirty fcKtas i if within the clothet,
with twenty fcKtas.

60. If the diaphragm be wounded, let it be compen'r
■firredby twelve Oiiliingsi if bored, hytweniy.

'61. If one rs made to hah, let it be compenfated by
ihiny (billings.

62. If one wound the callus, let diirty fliJllingt beth*
tecgmpeiKe.

63. If a man's privy member be cut off, lei it be com-
- pcnfated by thrice the ordinary raul£t ; if it is bored, by

'ix [hillings ; if cot, hy fix (hillings.

64. If a man's thigh be broke, let twelve (billing!
be the recompcnce ; if it is lamed, let the friends judge.

65. If a lib be broke, let it be compenfated with three
(hillings.

'66. If the thigh be pricked, for every prick be
paid fix (hillings ; if it be an inch deep, one (hil-
' linf ; if two inches, two (hillings ; if above three inches,
three Ihillings.

67. If a vertebra he wounded, let it bt txiinpenfated
«riib three Ihillings.

£ e 2 6S. I£

A- P P-E N D' 1 X.

' 681 If thefo^tbe cut oflF, with, fifty fliillings.

69. If the greaV toe be cut off, with ten fliillings.

70." For each of the reft of the toes, be paid half the
price, as is enaded of the fiogersL

71. Let thirty fcaetas compenfMe the nail of the great
toe, and ten fcaetas each of the reft% ' : . . -.

72. If a free* woman, .wearing hex hair, do any
thing diOionourable, let her compenfate it by. thirty

.{hillings. .fc

73. Let the compenfation of a virgin be the* (ame ds
that of a freeihan.

74. Let the violation of the; patronage of the chief
widow of a noble family be cotopenfated by fifty fliillingsr;
of the next, with twenty; of the third, -by ti^^elve; and
of the fourth,' by 'fi^p, ' , ^ - ^

75. If a man marry a widow who is not at her O]^
dtfpofal, let hipi :twice compenfate the violated pati;on-

age. ' ^ ^ . • 1. .

.76. If a man' buy a- maid wijth his moneyi let her
fland for bought, if there is no fraud in the bargain ; but
if there be, let her be returned hpmt^j^^nd the purchafer's
money refiored him. ''

77. If fhe briug forth any live iffuc, let her have
.half of the man's goods, if he die firil..

' '■S. If Ihe has a mind to depart with her children.
Jet her have the half of his eftate^

79. If the hulband will keep his goods, hemuftkeep
his children. -

80. If flie have no iflue, let her relations have the goods
^and the dowry.

81 • If a man take a maid by force, let him pay "fifty
.{hillings to her fir ft mafier, and afterwards redeem hcrt
according to his pleafure.

8a. 1/

APPENDIX.- 4*1

82. If Die be before betrothed to another* let him make No. UI.
recommence of twenty Ihiltings. ■ "

83. If (he be with child, let him pay thirty-five
fliillings, and fifteen (hillings to the king.

84. If a man lie with the wife of a fervant, while her
bulband is alive, let him make a double recompence.

85. If a Have kill another Have, bein^ innocent, let
him compenfate his death with all his fubftance.

86. If a fervant's eye and foot be flnick oif, let it be
eompenfated.

87. If a man bind another's fervant, let him make a
recompence of fix fliillings.

88. I^t the robbing of a fervant be eompenfated with
three fliillings.

89. If a fervant fleal any thing, let him reflore the'
fame double.

N U M B E R IV.

Catalogue, Latin and Englifli, of the works of
Venerable Bede, printed at Cologne, A. D.
^ i6i«, in eight volumes folio *.

Volume First contains^
I. O UNABULA grammatics artis, Donati. j^ jy

The rudiments of the gramatkal art, acctrding i§.
Danatut.
a. De o£lo partibus orationis, liber.
Of the tight parts offpteci, ant, book.

* I have Uken the catalogue of Be<[e*> wsrka from rtie Cologne edition of
A D. 1611, becaufe ilii the only complcHooe I b>ve-bad in oppomuutir
tffiofiAiHiOB. •

E e J 3. De .

APPENDIX.

2* De *arte metrical liber.
Of the metrical art^ one hoeh

4. De fceniattbus fcripturas» liber.
Of ihe figures in fcripture^ onebo^i^

5. De troph lacrde fcripturae, liber.

Of the tropes in hohfjirifture^ one M^

fr. De orthographia, libcir. ' ^ ■
Of orthography^ one hook*

7, De arithnieiicis numeris, libcr.
Of arithmetical numbers^ one book.

8. DecQinputo, diafogus.
Of computation^ a dialogue*

o. De divifionibus temporum, liber.
Of the divijiom of time ^ one booh

10. De arithraeticis propofitionibus.
Of arithmetical propofitions.

1 1. De ratione calculi, '
Of the ratio of calculation.

\%. De numerorum divifione.

Of the divijion of numbers.
13. De loquela per geftum digitorMtn, libei}us.

Offpeaking by the motion ifthefngtn^ afmdU ieiol^

14.. De ratione unciaruoai libelltts.
Of the ratio of ounces^ a f mall book*

15. De argumentis lamp.

An argument concerning the moon*

16. Ephemeri&i five computus vulgaris.
The ephemerisy or viilgar computation^

17. De eYnboIifmorum ratione computus.
The ratio of calculating intercalations.

18. Decennovenales circuli.
Of the cycle of nineteen years*

\
/

19« Dt

B F £ N B I Z.

19. De cycio pafchali.
Ofthepafchal cycle*

0,0. De mundi coeleftis terreftrirque conftitutione> 1i
Of the conjtiiuiion of the celeflial and terreftrial \
one b9ok*

21* Demuficatheorica.
Of theoretical mufick.

22. De mufica quadrata, feu menfurata*

Cfthi quadrature J or menfuratlon of mufick.

93. De cifeulis fphaeras et poH.

Of the cifcles of the fphere and pole.

24. De plapetarum ef fignorum cceleftium ratione.
'Of the rath of the planetary and cekjltaljigns.

%$. De tonitruis, Iibellus*
Of thunder^ afmallbook.

9,6* Prognofiica temporum. »

Prognojfics of the feafons.

^7. De menfura horologii, libeHus.

Of the , menfuratlon of a fun^dial^ a fmall took.

^%^ I]|e aftrplabio, li^U(«t^

Of the ^Jlrolahe^ ^ywa// book.

%(j. De nativitate infantium> libellus.

Of the nativity of infants^ afmall book.

30* De minution^ fanguinis, Iibdius. ^
Of blood-lettings afmall book.

31. De feptem oiai^di miracul^y libellus.

Of the f even wanders of the worlds ^T^oj// book.

32. Hymni,
Hymns.

33* De ratione computi, libellus.

Ofih0 ratio rf computation^ a fmafl book.

Ee4 Vo

4*4

APPENDIX

Volume Second ctntainf^

Ko. IV. 24., De natura rerum, liber. i

0/the nature ofihingSy one book.

35. De temporum rationc, liber.
Of the ratio oftimesy one booh

36. De fex a&tatibus mundi, five chronica, libellus.
Of thejix ages of the worlds a chronicle^ ajn\all boo\^

27. De temporibus, liber,
OftimeSy one boojf,

38. Sententiae ex Ariftotele.
Sentences out of Arijlotle.

39. Sententiae ex Cicerone, five axiomata philofophic^
Sentences out of Cicero^ or philofophical axiomsm

40. Proverbioruro, Hber.
Of proverbs^ one booh

41. Defubftantiis.
Offubjlances.

42* nsfi ^i^ctlswv, five elementorum philofophiae, libii
quatuor.
Of do£lrineSy or the philofophy ofekments^ four books.

43.. De Pafchae celebratione, five de aequinoftio vcmali,
^ liber.'

Of the celebration of Eajler^ or of the vernal eauinox*
one booh

44. De divinatione mortis et vitae, epiftola.
Qf the foretelling of life and death j an epifiU.

45. Dearca Noe.
Of lioaVs arh

46. De linguis gentium.
Of the languages of nations.

47. Sibyllina opacula.

Sjhilline orach

V0LUJ4|

APPENDIX. 4»J

, Volume Third contains^ «

4^. Genlis Aoglomm ecclefiaflica hiftoria, libri quinque. ^f^, j^,
Tht tccUfiaftict^ hijltry of the Engltjb naiion^ Jive bath, y.n-yr^ j

4,9. Epitome ejufdem hiftorix.
Ahridgment efthe Jame hiflory.

50. Viiji D. Cutbberti.
ThelifeefSt.Culhbtrf,

51. VitaD. Felicis.
The lifeef St. FtUx.

52. Vita Dv Vcttafti.
The life rfSt. ytdsfi,

53. Vita de ColumbaDi.
The life ef St. CoJaipiait,

f4. Vita D. Attake.

TheHfeofSl.Jtlala.
c^. Vita H. Patricii, libri duo.

The life of St. Patricia two iotij.
^6. Viu D. EudaGi.

The life if St. Eijiaiius.

57. Vita D. Bertolfi. ,
ThelifeefSl.Berte^.

58. Vita D. Amolfi.
ThelifeofSt.Arnolf.

59. Viu D. Burgundoforaa.
The lift efSl. Burgundifara.

60. Juftini fflartyriinn, carmine.
The martyTdom of Juflitif afoem^

6l< Manyiologium.

A mariynlogy.
$2. De fitu urbis Hierufalem.

Ofthejitmian of tht city ofjerufalm.

63. Ift.

^ A P P E N D I X.

No. IV. 63. Intcrprctatio noniinum Hebraicorum rt Grscoram ifl

Sacris Bibliis.
Jn interpretation of the Hettrew <^n4 Grid pafHfs in tbff
HolyBiik,

64. Excerptiones et colleftaac^ quiBJafli*
Certain excerfti and coJ^ims.

Volume foyK%n'c(int(fim$

65. Hexameron.
On theftx days creation,*

66. In Gencfin expofitio. V
Explanation ofGeneJiu .

67. In Exodum explanatio.
Explanation of Exodus.

68. In Leviticum explanation
Explanation of Leviticus*.

69. In lihrum Numeri explanation
'Explanation of the book of Number^n,

70. In Deutcronomium explanatio.
Explanation cf Deuteronomy.

>jl* In Samuelum prophetam allegoiica «pQ&ip> libfj
quatuor.
An allegorical explanation of the prophet Scunuik f^^
books.

•j%. In libros Regum quaeftionct^
^ejiions on the hofiks of .Kings*

73. In Efdram et NeemiaQi pcopfae^un, allegorica expo*
fitio, libri trcs* '

An allegorical' explanation of the prophets MfdrJis ami
Nehemiahy three books.

74. In librum Tobia; expofitio allegorica.
An allegorical explanation of the hooi efTMtm

. 75- ia

A p p B N D I a;

75* In Jobum expofitb, libri tres.

Explanation ofjoh^ thru books^ -
76* In parabolas Salamonis exjipfitio, Iibri tres.

Explanation of the Proverbs ofSokmon^ three books*

77* In Cantica Canticorum e^pofitio, libri feptem.
Explanation of the Song of Songs ^ feven books »

78. De taberi^aculo et vafis ejus, ac veftibus facerdotunii

libri duo.
Cf the tabernacle and itsutenfils^ and of thevffl^^tilf
of the priejisj twoboois*

VoLvaifi ¥itTH eoniains^

79. In Matthsum expofitio, libri quatuor*
Expofition on St* Matthew^ four books.

^o. In Marcum expofitio, Ubri quatuor.
Expofition on St. Marl^ four book^.

8f. In Lucam expefitio, Itbrifex*
Expofition on St. Luhe^ fix books*

82. In Joannem expolitio.
Expffition on St. John.

83. In Ada Apoflolorum«xpofitio«
Ej^ofitign on the A£ls of the Apoftles*

84. De nominibus locorum vel civitatiim, quv in libro

AAuum Apoflolorum Icguntar. .
Of the names of places and cities mentioned in the A^s (f
the Apojlles.

85. In D. Jacobi epifiolam expofitio.

Expofition on the epiftU of St. James.

66. In pnmam O. Petri tpiftolara expofitio.
Expofition on the firfi epifilg of St. P^r.

tj.In

4tfe APPENDIX,

No. IV. 87. In fccundam ejufdcm epiflolam expofirfo. >

Expofition on ihefecond epijile of the fame. '

88. In primam B. Joannis epiftolam expoCtio. .
Expofition on the firfl epijlleof Sf. John.

89. In fecundam ejufdetn epifiolam expofitio*
Expofition on thefecond epiflle of the fartiem

Oo. In tertiam ejufdem epiftolam expoficio.
Expofition on the third epiflle of the fame,

91. In epiftolam Judae Apoftoli expofitio.
Expofition on the epif}k of St/Jude.

0a. In Apdcalypfim Joannis ilpoftoli explan^tio.
Expofition on the Revelations of St, John/

Volume Sixth contains^

93. Retraftationes in ASus Apoftolorum.

Ret raft ations on the A^sof the Apofiles,

94* Quaeftiones in ASa Apoftolorum, fex.
Six queflions on the A&s of the Apofiles*

95* In epiftolam Pauli ad Romanos, expofitio.

Expofition on the epiflle (f St. Paul to the Romans. -

96. In epiftolam Pauli priorem ad Corinthios, expofitio.
Expofition on the firfi epiflle of St. Paul to the drin"

thiqns.

97. In epiftolam Pauli pofteriorem ad Corinthios, ex-
pofitio.

Expofition on the fecond epiflle of St* Paul to the Coring
thians.

98. In epiftolam Pauli ad Galatas, expofitio.
Expofition on the epiflle of St. Paul to the Calatians.

99. In epiftolam Pauli ad Ephefios, expofitio.
Expofition on the epiflle of St. Paul to the Ephejians.

' . ICO. Iq

APPENDIX.

lOO. In epiHoIam Pauli ad Kiilippenfes, expofitio."

Expe/tiim an the epifiU of St. Paullo.the Philifplans.

lOi. InepiftoIamPauliadColoffenres, expofitio.

Expofilhn on ihe eftfle of St. Paul to the Cdajftam.

102. In epiftolam Pauli in priorem,ad Theflalomceafo,

expofitio.
Expofitlon on tht firji epjftU of St.Paul to thtTheJfa-
hnians.

103. In epifloiara Pauli pofleriorem ad Theflalonicenfei,

expofitio.
Expfttim m the fecond epiflU of St. Paul to the Thef.
fakmans. . ' ' '. ' '

104. In epiftolam Pauli primain ad Timofheum, expofitio.
Expofuhn on the firjl epijlle of S{. Paul to Timothy. '

105. In cpiftolain ?auli fecundam ad Timoth^um, «*-

pofilio. '■ ^

Expofilion en the ftcond epiflk of St. Paul to Ti-
tmtlhy. '

X06. In epiftolam Pauli ad Titura, expofitio.

, BxpofitioK on Ike epifiU of St. Paul toTitus.
.107. 'tn <piftolanj PauH ad Pliilemorem, expofitio.
Exfofitkn ari the epijlle of St. Paul to Philemon.
io8.- In epiftolam Pauli ad Htbrcos, expofiiio.

Expofilion on the epljik of St. Paul ta the Hebrews,

109. Aniani epiftola ad Evangelum, prefbyterum.
Epiflle of Anianus to Evangelus, a prefhyter,

110. Joannis Chryfoftami epiftola de laudtbus beat! Pauli

Apoftoli. ■ ,

Epifik of John Chryfiflom, !n praife of tht hhfftd
Apofilt Paul.

4>«

No; IV.

45»
No. VI,

A P T n U 3 1 Ti

Volume Seventh cinttuns,

11. Homilise aefiivales de tempore»'triginta trts,
Thirty-three fummer-homiitei for thefeafom.

12. Hotnillae aeftivales de fandis, tnglnta duae.
iThirty'twoJumfnir-b^milieson the faints.

13. 'HomiliaB hyemales de tempore, quindecim«

Fiftten wtnUr-homiliis fot thefeafom.

14. Hotniliae quadragefimales, viginti dnacu
Twenty-two homilies for Lent.

15. Homilie hyemales de 'TanElb, fedecim.
Sixteen winter-homilies on the faints.

i6f Sermones ad populum varii.
Sundry feAnons t9 the people.

in. ^cintillse, five loci commiiqes*
sparks^ or common places.

1 8. De muliere forti, libellus.^
Oftheflrongwomgn^afmdllbook. .

19. De offidis» libeTIus.

(^ morals or duties^ •afmaJlhoh

20. Fragmenta quasdam in Libros SapientiaieSy etl^fid^

ten veffus aliquot*
Fragments m the Book i^ffPlfd&m^ und fome-vetfii ef

the Pfalms.

Volume EiOHtHi cont^n$i

S2t« t>e templd Saloraonis, liber.
'\r' Of the timple^ ofSelomMi one .look*

12%. De fex dierum creatione, libec
Of the fix days creation^ one hoii

123. Qugrfl

■ I

A P P X N D I X.

123. Quaeftiones fuper GenefiiD.
^ejiions'm Gfnefis.

124* C^Kcfttones fuper £^odaa}.

125. Quaeftiones Tuper Levrticum.
3uefions on Leviticus.

126, Quaeftiones fuper librum Numeri,
^fJ^ionson£>Jlimbers.

127* ^Quatftiones fuper Deuteronomiuni. ,
^ueftions on Deuteronomy,

1^28. Qttiefiiafiea fuper {i|?rufn Jefu Nave,

129.^ Quxftiones fuper librum JudicuiB>
^ejiions on, Judges*

130- Quaeftiones fuper librum Ruth. /

^ ^.^eflions on Ruth.

131. Quaeftiones fuper quatiior libros Regum.
^ejiions on thefoy^r boohs of Kings.

137. Quaeftionum variarum, liber.
Of various fu^fiions^' one book*

%3^. In' PtalrAorftm librum commedtana.

Commentaries on the'book of Pfalms.

134. Vocabubrum Pfalterii expofitio. •
JExpofition of the worth of the Pfahnt.

135. Sermo At eo, quod Jn Pfalmis tegitiir^ "Uc^iltiiJi

decoelo profpekit," &c.
A fermon on this fajfage in the PfalmSy*-^^ J^i iiPfS
looked down frorti heaven.**

136.. In Bocthii librum de Trinitate, commentarius.
Commentary on fhe book of Boethius on the Tt^nity.

137. De

' *

4S* A^fn^t>i%.

No. iV. 137. Dc feptem verbis ChriAi, oratio.

Jn oratiSn on the /even words of Chfifl.

138. "Meditationes pafTionis Chrifti per foptem diei' boraiJ
Meditations on ChriJTspqffion^forfeven hours rfthedaji

139. De remediis peccatoruiiK
Of the remedies of fins.

Beda, befides all the above works, was the author A
feveral other trafls which have been publilhed, and of
foine which are filll in MS *•< This fufEciently proveii
that, confidering the times in which he flourifhed, and
the manifold difadvantages under which he laboured* he
was one of the moft ftudious and ingjsnious men that this
ifland ever produced*

*■ See Biographia Britannicai t. i. p. 651, 652*

• €" ■ •^m-m^m^mt ■— i^ Mi'l I i.'i r>i m

NUMBER V.

• . ' ■

The Lord's Praypr, in the Anglo-Saxon and
other kindred languages, derived from the
ancient Gothic or Teutonic.

.1* Anglo^-Saxon.

a ^

JWo. V. \ J REN Rrfer thic arth in Heofpas. i, Sie gchalgud

thin Noma. a. To oymeth then Rye. 3. Sie thin
Willa. fae is in Hcofnas, and in Eortho. 4. Uren Hlaf
of^rwiftlic fel us to daeg. 5. And forgefe us Scylda uroa,
fue we forgefan Scyldgum urom. 6. And tio inleadufig
in Cnftnutig. 7. Ah gefrig ufich frptn Ifle. Amen«r

6 . %. Franco-

A ]? P E N 1) i X;'

f I - ' .

(

2. Franco-Theotisc. .

jt'ater iinfcr thu thar brft in Hiroile. i. Si geheilagbt
thill Namo. 2. Qjieme thin- Rihhi. 3. Si thin Willo^^
fo her in Hiitiile ift o fi her ia JErdu; 4. UnTar Brot
t^galihhaz gib uns huitu. 5. Inti furlaz uns nufara
Scbldi fcf uiiir furlazames unfaron ScaWigon. 6. Iriti ni
gileitcft unfih in GoftungH;. . 7. Uzouh arlofi urtfi Jfon
Ubile.. Amen.

3.. GiMBRiC.

Fader uor foni eft i Himlum. i. H^gad warde rhltt
2^aTna. 1. Tilkomme tbitt Rikie. 3. Skie jhm Vilie,
fo fom I Himraalam, fo och po lordanne. 4. Wort
dachlicha Brodh gif os i dagh. 5. Ogh forlat os uora
Sculdar, fo fom ogh vi forlate them os Skildighe arCi .
*0i Ogh inled as ikkie i Frellal fan. 7. Utan freis, os ifri
Ondo. Amen.

4. BzLGie.

■

OnfeVader die daer ?ijt in de Hemelcn. i. Uweri
Naem worde gheheyllght. 2. U Rijcke kome% 3. Owen
Wille. ghefchiede op der Aerden, geljick in den Hemel.
4., Onfe dagelijckt Broodt ghecft ons heden. 5. Ende
vcrghccft ons c^fe Sch\ilden, ghelijck wyoock onfe SchuU
deriaren vergeven. 6. Ende *en leyt oiis niet in Ver-*
fbeckingei 7. Maer verlqft ons vahden Boofen. Amen.

5. Frisic.

W« Haifa duu derftu biAe ymi Hymil. 1. Dyn
Name wird heifigt. Ct, Dyn Rick tok( ttimie. 3. Dyn
Wille moet fchoprt* opt Yrtfyck as yne Hytnile.
4, Ws deilix Brae jov ws jwcd. 5. In verjou wsg ws
. Schylden, as wy vejac ws Schyldnirs. '6. In lied ws
na£l in Verfieking. .7. Din fry us vin it Quaed* Amen.

Vofc. IV. If 6. High.

/ I

43+ APPENDIX.

No. V. 6. High-Dutch.

Unfer Vater in dem Hiihmcl. i. Pein Name werft
g^heiliget. %. Dein Reich komme. 3. Dcin Wille
gefchehe auf Erden, wie inn Himmel. 4. Unfer
taeglich Brodt gib uns heute. 5. jLJnd vergib uns unfere
Schulden, wie wir unfern Schuldigern vergeben. 6. Und
fuchre uns nicht in Vcrfucbung. 7 . Sondern erjocft uns
von dcm Vbel. Amen.

7. SUEVIAN,

Fatter aufar dear dii bifcht cm Hemmal. f . Gehoy-
liget wearde dain Nam. 2. Zuakomme dain Reycfa.

3. Dain Will gfchea uff Earda as em Heromal. 4. Aufar
deglich Braud gib as huyt. 5. Und fergiab as aufrt
Schulda, wia wiar fergeaba aufarn Scbuldigeam. 6. Und
fuar as net ind Ferfuaching. 7. Sondern erlais a» ibm
Xbal. Amen.

8, Swiss.

Vatter unfer, der du bift in Himlen. !• Geheyligl
werddynNam. SI. Zukumm uns dijn Rijch. 3- DyQ
Will gefchahe» wie im Himme), alfo auch uff £rden.

4. Gib uns hut unfer taglich Brot. 5. Und vergib uns
unfere ScuUen^ wie anch wir verjpben unfern Schuld-'
nepen. 6. Und fuhr uns nicht in Verluchuyf*. 7. Sunde;;:
erlosuns von dem Bofen. . Ameo.

. 9. ICELANDICr

Fader vor tbu fom ert a Himnum. i. Hel'geft tbitt

ieff

daglegt Brand. 5. Og fiergieff ofe vorar Skulder, fa
fem vier fierergiefum voruoi Skaldioautanu 6. Og inieid.

Nafn. 2. Tiycome thitt Riike. 7. Verde thinn Vilic,
fo a Jordu, fern a Himne*. 4. Giett tbu ofs i dag vort

APPENDIX.

ofs eckc i Frciftnc. 7. Heldr frelfa thu ofs fra Illu.
Amen.

10, rvTORWEGIAN.

Wor Fader dq fomcft y Himmelcn. i. Gehailiget
worde dit Nafn. 2. Tilkomma os Riga dit. 3. Din
Wilia geikia paa lorden, fom handt er udi Himmelcn.
4. GifF OS y Dag wort dagliga Brouta; 5. Och forlaet
OS wort Skbldt, fom wy forlata wora Skioldon. 6, Och
lad OS icke homma Voi Frillelfe. ^. Man frals os fra
Onet. Amen.

11. Danish. '

Vor Fader i Himmelcn. 1. Helligt vorde dit Navn.
a. Tilkomma dit Rige. 3. Vorde din Villie, paa
lorden'fom i Hemmclen. 4, GifF ofs i Dag vort dagligc
Bred. 5. Oc forlad ofs vor Skyld, fom wi forlade vore
Skyldencr. 6. Oc leedc ofs icke 1 Friftelfe. 7, Men
frels OS fra Ont. Amen.

12. Swedish.

JFader war fom aft i Himmden. i. Helgat warde titt
Nampn. 2. Till komYne tiit Ricke. 3. Skei tin
Wilie faa paa lordenne, fom i Hemmelen. 4. Wart,
dagliga Bred gifr ofs i Dagb. 5. Och forlat ofs wara
Skulder fa fom ock wi forlaten them ofs Skildege. aro.
6. Och inleed ofs icke i Freflelfe. Ut an frals ofs i fra
Ondo. Amen.

ENJ> OF THE FOURTH VOLUME.

Z^ndw : Primed by A. StraJ^Mji, Printen-^treet,

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