The History of Herodotus

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β

a = — — 5
—=—ik ἴ = τ i =—

Ως

THE HISTORY OF HERODOTUS -

THE

HISTORY OF HERODOTUS

TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH

BY

G. C. MACAULAY, M.A.

FORMERLY FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE

ἡ Hocdérey διάθεσις iv ἅπασιν ἱπιεικὴς, καὶ τοῖς μὲν ἀγαθοῖς συνηδομένη,
τοῖς δὲ κακοῖς συναλγοῦσα.---Ὦ ΤΟΝ. HALICc.

μόνος "Ἡρόδοτος ᾿Ομηρικώτατος ivivere,—LONGINUS.

ΙΝ TWO VOLUMES
VOL. I

London
MACMILLAN AND CO.

AND NEW YORK

1890

All rights reserved

PREFACE

IF a new translation of Herodotus does not justify itself,
it will hardly be justified in a preface; therefore the
question whether it was needed may be left here with-
out discussion. The aim of the translator has been
above all things faithfulness—faithfulness to the manner
of expression and to. the structure of sentences, as
well as to the meaning of the Author. At the same
time it is conceived that the freedom and variety of
Herodotus is not always best reproduced by such severe
consistency of rendering as is perhaps desirable in the
case of the Epic writers before and the philosophical
writers after his time: nor again must his simplicity of
thought and occasional quaintness be reproduced in the
form of archaisms of language; and that not only
because the affectation of an archaic style would
necessarily be offensive to the reader, but also because
in language Herodotus is not archaic. His style is the
“best canon of the Ionic speech,” marked, however, not
so much by primitive purity as by eclectic variety. At
the same time it is characterised largely by the poetic
diction of the Epic and Tragic writers ; and while the
translator is free to employ all the resources of modern
English, so far as he has them at his command, he

070

vi PREFACE

must carefully retain this poetical colouring and by all
means avoid the courtier phrase by which the style of
Herodotus has too often been made “ more noble.” ἢ

As regards the text from which this translation has
been made, it is based upon that of Stein’s critical
edition (Berlin, 1869-1871), that is to say the estimate
there made of the comparative value of the authorities
has been on the whole accepted as a just one, rather
than that which depreciates the value of the Medicean
MS. and of the class to which it belongs. On the
other hand the coajectural emendations proposed by
Stein have very seldom been adopted, and his text has
been departed from in a large number of other instances
also, which will for the most part be found recorded in
the notes.

As it seemed that even after Stein’s re-collation of
the Medicean MS. there were doubts felt by some
scholars? as to the true reading in some places of this
MS., which is very generally acknowledged to be the
most important, I thought it right to examine it myself
in all those passages where questions about text arise
which concern a translator, that is in nearly five hun-
dred places altogether ; and the results, when they are
worth observing, are recorded in the notes. At the

1 See the remarks of P.-L. Courier (on Larcher’swersion) in the preface
to his specimens of a new translation of Herodotus (@uvres completes
de P.-L, Courier, Bruxelles, 1828).

2 Mr. Woods, for example, in his edition of the first book (published in
1873) gives a list of readings for the first and second books, in which he
almost invariably prefers the authority of Gronovius to that of Stein, where
their reports differ. In so doing he is wrong in all cases (I think) except
one, namely i. 134 τῷ λεγομένῳ: He is wrong, for example, in i. 189,
where the MS. has τοῦτο, i. 196 ἂν ἄγεσθαι, i. 199 ὁδῶν, ii. 15 TH δὴ, ii. 95
ὑπ᾽ αὐτὸ, ii. 103 καὶ προσώτατα, ii. 124 τῷ ἄλλῳ (without λαῷ), 11. 181 νῷ.
Abicht also has made several inaccurate statements, ¢.g. i. 185, where
the MS. has és τὸν Εὐφρήτην, and vii. 133 Ξέρξης.

PREFACE vil

same time, by the suggestion of Dr. Stein, I re-collated
a large part of the third book in the MS. which is com-
monly referred to as F (ze. Florentinus), called by Stein
C, and I examined this MS. also in a certain number
of other places. It should be understood that wherever .
in the notes I mention the reading of any particular
MS. by name, I do so on my own authority.

The notes have been confined to a tolerably small
compass. Their purpose is, first, in cases where the
text is doubtful, to indicate the reading adopted by the
translator and any other which may seem to have
reasonable probability, but without discussion of the
authorities ; secondly, where the rendering is not quite
literal (and in other cases where it seemed desirable), to
quote the words of the original or to give a more
literal version ; thirdly, to add an alternative version in
cases where there seems to be a doubt as to the true
meaning; and lastly, to give occasionally a short ex-
planation, or a reference from one passage of the author
to another.

For the orthography of proper names reference may
be made to the note prefixed to the index. No con-
sistent system has been adopted, and the result will
therefore be open to criticism in many details; but the
aim has been to avoid on the one hand the pedantry
of seriously altering the form of those names which are
fairly established in the English language of literature,
as distinguished from that of scholarship, and on the
other hand the absurdity of looking to Latin rather
than to Greek for the orthography of the names which
are not so established. There is no intention to put
forward any theory about pronunciation.

The index of proper names will, it is hoped, be
found more complete and accurate than those hitherto

Vili PREFACE

published. The best with which I was acquainted I
found to have so many errors and omissions! that I
was compelled to do the work again from the begin-
ning. In a collection of more than ten thousand
references there must in all probability be mistakes,
but I trust they will be found to be few.

My acknowledgments of obligation are due first to
Dr. Stein, both for his critical work and also for his
most excellent commentary, which I have had always
by me. After this I have made most use of the
editions of Kriiger, Bahr, Abicht, and (in the first two
books) Mr. Woods. As to translations, I have had
Rawlinson’s before me while revising my own work,
and I have referred also occasionally to the translations
of Littlebury (perhaps the best English version as
regards style, but full of gross errors), Taylor, and
Larcher. In the second book I have also used the
version of B. R. reprinted by Mr. Lang: of the first
book of this translation I have access only to a frag-
ment written out some years ago, when the British
Museum was within my reach. Other particular obli-
gations are acknowledged in the notes.

1 For example in the index of proper names attached to Stein’s annotated
edition (Berlin, 1882), to which I am under obligation, having checked my
own by it, I find that I have marked upwards of two hundred mistakes or
oversights : no doubt I have been saved by it from at least as many.

BOOK I
THE FIRST BOOK OF THE HISTORIES, CALLED CLIO

Tus is the Showing forth of the Inquiry of Herodotus of
Halicarnassos, to the end that! neither the deeds of men
may be forgotten by lapse of time, nor the of the matter
works? great and marvellous, which have been contained in
produced some by Hellenes and some by ‘his History.
Barbarians, may lose their renown; and especially that the
causes may be remembered for which these waged war with
one another.

1. Those of the Persians who have knowledge of history de-
clare that the Phenicians first began the quarrel. o¢ ine causes of
‘These, they say, came from that which is called quarrel between
the Erythraian Sea to this of ours; and having the Hellenes and
settled in the land where they continue even now ‘p<, "arbarians,
to dwell, set themselves forthwith to make long Phenicians did
voyages by sea. And conveying merchandise of the first wrong,
Egypt and of Assyria they arrived at other places and also at
Argos ; now Argos was at that time in all points the first of the
States within that land which is now called Hellas ;—the Phe-
nicians arrived then at this land of Argos, and began to dispose
of their ship’s cargo: and on the fifth or sixth day after they
had arrived, when their goods had been almost all sold, there
came down to the sea a great company of women, and among
them the daughter of the king ; and her name, as the Hellenes
also agree, was Io the daughter of Inachos. These standing
near to the stern of the ship were buying of the wares such as
pleased them most, when of a sudden the Phenicians, passing
the word from one to another, made a rush upon them ; and
the greater part of the women escaped by flight, but Io and

VOL. I OF B

4%

Herodotus
born about
484 B.C.

2 HERODOTUS

certain others were carried off. So they,put them on board
their ship, and forthwith departed, sailing away to Egypt.
2. In this manner the Persians report that Io came to Egypt,
not agreeing therein with the Hellenes,’ and this they say was
the first beginning of wrongs. Then after this, they say, certain
and the Hellenes Hellenes (but the name of the people they are
the second, not able to report) put in to the city of Tyre in
Phenicia and carried off the king’s daughter Europa ;—these
would doubtless be Cretans ;—and so they were quits for the
former injury. After this however the Hellenes, they say,
were the authors of the second wrong; for they sailed in to
‘Aia of Colchis and to the river Phasis with a ship of war, and
from thence, after they had done the other business for which
they came, they carried off the king’s daughter Medea: and
the king of Colchis sent a herald to the land of Hellas and
demanded satisfaction for the rape * and to have his. daughter
back; but they answered that, as the Barbarians had given
them no satisfaction for the rape of Io the Argive, so neither
would they give satisfaction to the Barbarians for this.

8. In the next generation after this, they say, Alexander
the son of Priam, having heard of these things, desired to get
a wife for himself by violence* from Hellas, being fully assured
that he would not be compelled to give any satisfaction for this
wrong, inasmuch as the Hellenes gave none for theirs. So he
carried off Helen, and the Hellenes resolved to send messengers
first and to demand her back with satisfaction for the rape ;
_ and when they put forth this demand, the others alleged to
them the rape of Medea, saying that the Hellenes were now
desiring satisfaction to be given to them by others, though
they had given none themselves nor had surrendered the
person when demand was made.

4. Up to this point, they say, nothing more had happened

than the carrying away of women on both sides ; but after this
the Hellenes were very greatly to blame; for the

ode war againet set the first example of war making an ox.

Asia upon no pedition into Asia before the Barbarians made

Ist cause (as the any into Europe. Now they say that in their

judgment, though it is an act of wrong to

carry away women by force, it is a folly to set one’s heart

on taking vengeance for their rape, and the wise course is to

BOOK I 3

pay no regard when they have been carried away ; for it is
evident that they would never be carried away if they were not
themselves willing to go. And the Persians say that they,
namely the people of Asia, when their women were carried
away by force, had made it a matter of no account, but the
Hellenes on account of a woman of Lacedemon gathered
together a great armament, and then came to Asia and
destroyed the dominion of Priam; and that from this time
forward they had always considered the Hellenic race to be
their enemy: for Asia and the Barbarian races which dwell
there the Persians claim as belonging to them; but Europe
and the Hellenic race they consider to be parted off from
them.

5. The Persians for their part say that things happened
thus; and they conclude that the beginning of their quarrel
with the Hellenes was on account of the taking of Ilion: but
as regards Jo the Phenicians do not agree with the Persians
in telling the tale thus ; for they deny that they carried her off
to Egypt by violent means, and they say on the other hand
that when they were in Argos she was intimate with the master
of their ship, and perceiving that she was with child, she was
ashamed to confess it to her parents, and therefore sailed
away with the Phenicians of her own will, for fear of being
found out. These are the tales told by the Persians and the
Phenicians severally: and concerning these things I am not
going to say that they happened thus or thus,** but when I
have pointed to the man who first within my own knowledge
began to commit wrong against the Hellenes, I shall go for-
ward further with the story, giving an account of the cities of
men, small as well as great: for those which in old times were
great have for the most part become small, while those that
were in my own time great used in former times to be small :
so then, since I know that human prosperity never continues
steadfast, I shall make mention of both indifferently.

6. Croesus was Lydian by race, the son of Alyattes and
ruler. of the nations which dwell on this side of the river Halys ;
which river, flowing from the South between the Syrians °®
and the Paphlagonians, runs out towards the North Wind into
that Sea which is called the Euxine. This Croesus, first of

4 HERODOTUS

all the Barbarians of whom we have knowledge, subdued
certain of the Hellenes and forced them to pay tribute, while
orc th others he gained over and made them his
Lydian, andhow ‘fiends. Those whom he subdued were the
he first of Bar- Lonians, the Aiolians, and the Dorians who dwell
barians made in Asia; and those whom he made his friends
Hellenes, of were the Lacedemonians. But before the reign
of Croesus all the Hellenes were free ; for the ex-
pedition of the Kimmerians, which came upon Ionia before the
time of Croesus, was not a conquest of the cities but a plunder-
ing incursion only.6 7. Now the supremacy which had be-
Of the race of longed to the Heracleidai came to the family of
Croesus, and how Croesus, called Mermnadai, in the following
they became manner :—Candaules, whom the Hellenes call
rings over Myrsilos, was ruler of Sardis and a descend-
™ ant of Alcaios, son of Heracles: for Agron,
the son of Ninos, the son of Belos, the son of Alcaios, was
the first of the Heracleidai who became king of Sardis, and
Candaules the son of Myrsos was the last ; but those who were
kings over this land before Agron, were descendants of Lydos
the son of Atys, whence this whole nation was called Lydian,
having been before called Meonian. From these the Hera-
cleidai, descended from Heracles and the slave-girl of Iardanos,
obtained the government, being charged with it by reason of
an oracle; and they reigned for two-and-twenty generations
of men, five hundred and five years, handing on the power
from father to son, till the time of Candaules the son of
Myrsos. 8. This Candaules then of whom I

namely how . . .
Gyges slew his Speak had become passionately in love with
master Candaules his own wife ; and having become so, he deemed
mr nsthisown that his wife was fairer by far than all other
women ; and thus deeming, to Gyges the son
of Daskylos (for he of all his spearmen was the most pleasing
to him), to this Gyges, I say, he used to impart as well the
more weighty of his affairs as also the beauty of his wife,
praising it above measure: and after no long time, since it
was destined that evil should happen to Candaules, he said
to Gyges as follows: ‘“Gyges, I think that thou dost not
believe me when I tell thee of the beauty of my wife, for it
happens that men’s ears are less apt of belief than their eyes:

BOOK I 5

contrive therefore means by which thou mayest look upon
her naked.” But he cried out aloud and said: “ Master,
what word of unwisdom is this which thou dost utter, bidding
me look upon my mistress naked? When a woman puts off
her tunic she puts off her modesty also. Moreover of old
time those fair sayings have been found out by men, from
which we ought to learn wisdom; and of these one is this,
—that each man should look on his own: but I believe
indeed that she is of all women the fairest and I entreat
‘thee not to ask of me that which it is not lawful for me to do.”
9. With such words as these he resisted, fearing lest some evil
might come to him from this; but the king answered him
thus: “ Be of good courage, Gyges, and have no fear, either of
me, that I am saying these words to try thee, or of my wife,
lest any harm may happen to thee from her. For I will con-
trive it so from the first that she shall not even perceive that
she has been seen by thee. I will place thee in the room
where we sleep, behind the open door ; 7 and after I have gone
in, my wife also will come to lie down. Now there is a seat
near the entrance of the room, and upon this she will lay her
garments as she takes them off one by one; and so thou wilt
be able to gaze upon her at full leisure. And when she
goes from the chair to the bed and thou shalt be behind her
back, then let it be thy part to take care that she sees thee not
as thou goest through the door.” 10. He then, since he
might not avoid it, gave consent: and Candaules, when he
considered that it was time to go to rest, led Gyges to the
chamber ; and straightway after this the woman also appeared:
and Gyges looked upon her after she came in and as she laid
_down her garments ; and when she had her back towards him,
as she went to the bed, then he slipped away from his hiding-
place and was going forth, And as he went out, the woman
caught sight of him, and perceiving that which had been done
by her husband she did not cry out, though struck with
shame,® but she made as though she had not perceived the
matter, meaning to avenge herself upon Candaules: for
among the Lydians and also among most other Barbarians
it is a shame even for a man to be seen naked. 11. At the
time then she kept silence, as I say, and made no outward
sign ; but as soon as day had dawned, she made. ready those

6 HERODOTUS

. of the servants whom she perceived to be the most attached to
herself, and after that she sent to summon Gyges. He then,
not supposing that anything of that which had been done was
known to her, came upon her summons; for he had been
accustomed before to go® whenever the queen summoned him.
And when Gyges was come, the woman said to him these
words: ‘“ There are now two ways open to thee, Gyges, and I
give thee the choice which of the two thou wilt prefer to take.
Either thou must slay Candaules and possess both me and the
kingdom of Lydia, or thou must thyself here on the spot be
slain, so that thou mayest not in future, by obeying Candaules
in all things, see that which thou shouldest not. Either he
must die who formed this design, or thou who hast looked
upon me naked and done that which is not accounted lawful.”
For a time then Gyges was amazed at these words, and afterwards
he began to entreat her that she would not bind him by
necessity to make such a choice: then however, as he could
not prevail with her, but saw that necessity was in truth set
before him either to slay his master or to be himself slain by
others, he made the choice to live himself; and he inquired
further as follows: “Since thou dost compel me to take my
‘master’s life against my own will, let me hear from thee also what
is the manner in which we shall lay hands upon him.” And
she answering said: “ From that same place shall the attempt
be, where he displayed me naked ; and we will lay hands upon
him as he sleeps.” 12. So after they had prepared the plot,
when night came on, (for Gyges was not let go nor was there
any way of escape for him, but he must either be slain himself
or slay Candaules), he followed the woman to the bedchamber ;
and she gave him a dagger and concealed him behind that
very same door. ‘Then afterwards, while Candaules was sleep-
ing, Gyges came privily up to him?! and slew him, and he
obtained both his wife and his kingdom: of him moreover
Archilochos the Parian, who lived about that time, made men-
tion in a trimeter iambic verse. 18. He obtained the king-
® dom however and was strengthened in it by means of the Oracle
at Delphi ; for when the Lydians were angry because of the fate
of Candaules, and had risen in arms, a treaty was made between
the followers of Gyges and the other Lydians to this effect, that
if the Oracle should give answer that he was to be king of the

BOOK I 7

Lydians, he should be king, and if not, he should give back
the power to the sons of Heracles. So the Oracle gave
answer, and Gyges accordingly became king: yet the Pythian
prophetess said this also, that vengeance for the Heracleidai
should come upon the descendants of Gyges in the fifth
generation. Of this oracle the Lydians and their kings made
no account until it was in fact fulfilled.

14. Thus the Mermnadai obtained the government having
driven out from it the Heracleidai: and Gyges when he
became ruler sent votive offerings to Delphi of the offerings
not a few, for of all the silver offerings at Delphi sent by Gyges to
his are more in number than those of any other thegodat Delphi
man; and besides the silver he offered a vast quantity of
gold, and especially one offering which is more worthy of
mention than the rest, namely six golden mixing-bowls, which
are dedicated there as his gift: of these the weight is thirty
talents, and they stand in the treasury of the Corinthians,
(though in truth this treasury does not belong to the State of
the Corinthians, but is that of Kypselos the son of Aétion)./
This Gyges was the first of the Barbarians within our know-
ledge who dedicated votive offerings at Delphi, except only
Midas the son of Gordias king of Phrygia, who dedicated for
an offering the royal throne on which he sat before all to decide
causes; and this throne, a sight worth seeing, stands in the
same place with the bowls of Gyges. This gold and silver
which Gyges dedicated is called Gygian by the people of
Delphi, after the name of him who offered it.

Now Gyges 4150,18 as soon as he became king, led an army
against Miletos and Smyrna, and he took the lower town of
Colophon :!* but no other great deed did he do in_his reign,
which lasted eight-and-thirty years, therefore we will pass
him by with no more mention than has been already made,
15, and I will speak now of Ardys the son of How Gyges and
Gyges, who became king after Gyges. He the kings who
took Priené and made an invasion against (4, Cher him
Miletos ; and while he was ruling over Sardis, warred with the
the Kimmerians driven from their abodes by Hellenes of Asia,
the nomad Scythians came to Asia and took Sardis except
the citadel.

16. Now when Ardys had been king for nine-and-forty

8 HERODOTUS

years, Sadyattes his son succeeded to his kingdom, and
reigned twelve years ; and after him Alyattes. This last made
war against Kyaxares the descendant of Deiokes and against
‘tthe Medes, and he drove the Kimmerians forth out of Asia,
and he took Smyrna which had been founded from Colophon,
and made an invasion against Clazomenai. From this he
returned not as he desired, but with great loss: during his
reign however he performed other deeds very worthy of
mention as follows :—17. He made war with
those of Miletos, having received this war as an
inheritance from his father: for he used to in-
vade their land and besiege Miletos in the following manner :—
whenever there were ripe crops upon the land, then he led an
army into their confines, making his march to the sound of
pipes and harps and flutes both of male and female tone: and
when he came to the Milesian land, he neither pulled down
the houses that were in the fields, nor set fire to them nor tore
off their doors, but let them stand as they were ; the trees how-
ever and the crops that were upon the land he destroyed, and
then departed by the way he came: for the men of Miletos
had command of the 564, 50 that it was of no use for his army to
blockade them : and he abstained from pulling down the houses
to the end that the Milesians might have places to dwell in while
they sowed and tilled the land, and by the means of their labour
he might have somewhat to destroy when he made his invasion.
18. Thus he continued to war with them for eleven years ; and
in the course of these years the Milesians suffered two great
defeats, once when they fought a battle in the district of
Limeneion in their own land, and again in the plain of the
Maiander. Now for six of the eleven years Sadyattes the son
of Ardys was still ruler of the Lydians, the same who was wont
to invade the land of Miletos at the times mentioned ; 16 for this
Sadyattes was he who first began the war: but for the five years
which followed these first six the war was carried on by
Alyattes the son of Sadyattes, who received it as an inheritance
from his father (as I have already said) and applied himself to
it earnestly. And none of the Ionians helped those of Miletos
to bear the burden of this war except only the men of Chios.
These came to their aid to pay back like with like, for the
Milesians had formerly assisted the Chians throughout their.

and in especial
against Miletos.

BOOK I 9

war with the people of Erythrai 19. Then in the twelfth
year of the war, when standing corn was being burnt by the
army of the Lydians, it happened as follows — How Alyattes

as soon as the corn was kindled, it was driven having fallen sick
by a violent wind and set fire to the temple inquired of the
of Athené surnamed of Assessos; and the god at Delphi,
temple being set on fire was burnt down to the ground. Of
this no account was made then; but afterwards when the army
had returned to Sardis, Alyattes fell sick, and as his sickness
lasted long, he sent messengers to inquire of the Oracle at
Delphi, either being advised to do so by some one, or because
he himself thought it best to send and inquire of the god
concerning his sickness. But when these arrived at Delphi,
the Pythian prophetess said that she would give them no
answer, until they should have built up again the temple of
Athené which they had burnt at Assessos in the land of
Miletos. 20. Thus much I know by the report ἃ the advice
of the people of Delphi; but the Milesians add Gnich Periander
to this that Periander the son of Kypselos, being son of Kypselos
a special guest-friend of Thrasybulos the then 84vé to Thrasy-
despot of Miletos, heard of the oracle which had ~ °”

been given to Alyattes, and sending a messenger told Thrasy-
bulos, in order that he might have knowledge of it beforehand
and take such counsel as the case required. This is the story
told by the Milesians. 21. And Alyattes, when this answer
was reported to him, sent a herald forthwith to Miletos, desir-
ing to make a truce with Thrasybulos and the Milesians for so
long a time as he should be building the temple. He then was
being sent as envoy to Miletos; and Thrasybulos in the mean-
time being clearly informed beforehand of the whole matter and
knowing what Alyattes was meaning to do, contrived this de-
vice :—he gathered together in the market-place all the store
of provisions which was found in the city, both his own and
that which belonged to private persons ; and he proclaimed to
the Milesians that on a signal given by him they should all
begin to drink and make merry with one another. 22. This
Thrasybulos did and thus proclaimed to the end that the herald
from Sardis, seeing avast quantity of provisionscarelessly piled up,
and the people feasting, might report this to Alyattes : and so in
fact it happened ; for when the herald returned to Sardis after

Periander
reigned

625-585 B.C.

Io HERODOTUS

seeing this and delivering to Thrasybulos the charge which was
given to him by the king of Lydia, the peace which was made,
came about, as I am informed, merely because of this. For
Alyattes, who thought that there was a great famine in Miletos
and that the people had been worn down to the extreme of
misery, heard from the herald,when he returned from Miletos, the
opposite to that which he himself supposed. And after this the
peace was made between them on condition of being guest-
friends and allies to one another, and Alyattes built two temples
to Athené at Assessos in place of one, and himself recovered
from his sickness. With regard then to the war waged by
Alyattes with the Milesians and Thrasybulos things went thus.
28. As for Periander, the man who gave information about

the oracle to Thrasybulos, he was the son of Kypselos, and
despot of Corinth. In his life, saythe Corinthians,

That Feriander (and with them agree the Lesbians), there
Corinth, and of happened to him a very great marvel, namely that
the marvellous Arion of Methymna was carried ashore at
seyret Acion Tainaron upon a dolphin’s back. This man
was a harper second to none of those who then

lived, and the first, so far as we know, who composed a
dithyramb, naming it so and teaching it to a chorus?” at
Corinth. 24, This Arion, they say, who for the most part of
his time stayed with Periander, conceived a desire to sail
to Italy 18 and Sicily; and after he had there acquired large
sums of money, he wished to return again to Corinth. He set
forth therefore from Taras,’ and as he had faith in Corinthians
more than in other men, he hired a ship with a crew of
Corinthians. These, the story says, when out in the open sea,
formed a plot to cast Arion overboard and so possess his
wealth; and he ‘having obtained knowledge of this made
entreaties to them, offering them his wealth and asking them
to grant him his life. With this however.he did not prevail
upon them, but the men who were conveying him bade him
either slay himself there, that he might receive burial on the
land, or leap out straightway into the sea. So Arion being
driven to a strait entreated them that, since they were so
minded, they would allow him to take his stand in full
minstrel’s garb upon the deck of the ship and sing; and he
promised to put himself to death after he had sung. They

BOOK I il

then, well pleased to think that they should hear the best of all
minstrels upon earth, drew back from the stern towards the
middle of the ship; and he put on the full minstrel’s garb and
took his lyre, and standing on the deck performed the
Orthian measure. Then as the measure ended, he threw him-
self into the sea just as he was, in his full minstrel’s garb; and
they went on sailing away to Corinth, but him, they say, a
dolphin supported on its back and brought him to shore at
Tainaron: and when he had come to land he proceeded to
Corinth with his minstrel’s garb. Thither having arrived he re-
lated all that had been done; and Periander doubting of his story
kept Arion in guard and would let him go nowhere, while he
kept careful watch for those who had conveyed him. When these
came, he called them and inquired of them if they had any
report to make of Arion; and when they said that he was safe
in Italy and that they had left him at Taras faring well, Arion
suddenly appeared before them in the same guise as when he
made his leap from the ship; and they being struck with
amazement were no longer able to deny when they were
questioned. This is the tale told by the Corinthians and Lesbians
alike, and there is at Tainaron a votive offering of Arion of
no great size, namely a bronze figure of a ‘Man upon a
dolphin’s back.

25. Alyattes the Lydian, when he had thus waged war Creesus
against the Milesians, afterwards died, having reigned seven- T62"°5 nc.
and-fifty years. This king, when he recovered How Alvattes at
from his sickness, dedicated a votive offering at jength died, and
Delphi (being the second of his house who of the offering
had so done), namely a great mixing-bow! of Wecnee had sent
silver with a stand for it of iron welded together, fo Herp
which last is a sight worth seeing above all the offerings at
Delphi and the work of Glaucos the Chian, who of all men first
found out the art of welding iron.

26. After Alyattes was dead Croesus the son of Alyattes
received the kingdom in succession, being five- . ous son of
and-thirty years of age. He (as I said) fought atyattes, and his
against the Hellenes and of them he attacked wars with the
the Ephesians first. —The Ephesians then, being Tonians and
besieged by him, dedicated their city to Arte- —
mis and tied a rope from the temple to the wall of the city:

12 HERODOTUS

now the distance between the ancient city, which was then
being besieged, and the temple is seven furlongs.22 ‘These, I
say, were the first upon whom Croesus laid hands, but afterwards
he did the same to the other Ionian and Aiolian cities one by
one, alleging against them various causes of complaint, and
making serious charges against those in whose cases he could
find serious grounds, while against others of them he charged
merely trifling offences. :

27. Then when the Hellenes in Asia had been conquered
and forced to pay tribute, he designed next to build for him-
self ships and to lay hands upon those who dwelt in the
islands ; and when all was prepared for his building of ships,
they say that Bias of Priené (or, according to another account,
Pittacos of Mytilené) came to Sardis, and being asked by
Croesus whether there was any new thing doing in Hellas,
brought to an end his building of ships by this saying: “Ὁ
king,” said he, ‘‘the men of the islands are hiring a troop of
ten thousand horse, and with this they mean to march to
Sardis and fight against thee.” And Croesus, supposing that
what he reported was true, said: “May the gods put it
into the minds of the dwellers in the islands to come with
horses against the sons of the Lydians!” And he answered
and said: “O king, I perceive that thou dost earnestly desire
to catch the men of the islands on the mainland riding upon
horses ; and it is not unreasonable that thou shouldest wish
for this: what else however thinkest thou the men of the
islands desire and have been praying for ever since the time
they heard that thou wert about to build ships against them,
than that they might catch the Lydians upon the sea, so as
to take vengeance upon thee for the Hellenes who dwell upon
the mainland, whom thou dost hold enslaved?” Croesus, they
say, was greatly pleased with this conclusion,” and obeying his
suggestion, for he judged him to speak suitably, he stopped his
building of ships; and upon that he formed a friendship with
the Ionians dwelling in the islands.

28. As time went on, when nearly all those dwelling on
this side the river Halys had been subdued, (for except the

His kined Kilikians and Lykians Croesus subdued and
iseengeo™ kept under his rule all the nations, that is to
say Lydians, Phrygians, Mysians, Mariandynoi, Chalybians,

BOOK I 13

Paphlagonians, Thracians both Thynian and Bithynian,
Carians, JIonians, Dorians, Aiolians, and Pamphylians),™
29, when these, I say, had been subdued, and and how (besides
while he was still adding to his Lydian other wise men)
dominions, there came to Sardis, then at the Solon also the
height of its wealth, all the wise men® of Athenian visited
Hellas who chanced to be alive at that time, “~~”
brought thither severally by various occasions ; and of them
one was Solon the Athenian, who after he had made laws for
the Athenians at their bidding, left his native country for ten
years and sailed away saying that he desired to visit various
lands, in order that he might not be compelled to repeal any
of the laws which he had proposed.* For of themselves the
Athenians were not competent to do this, having bound them-
selves by solemn oaths to submit for ten years to the laws
which Solon should propose for them.

80. So Solon, having left his native country for this reason
and for the sake of seeing various lands, came to Amasis
in Egypt, and also to Croesus at Sardis. Hav-
ing there arrived he was entertained as a guest How Solon saw
by Croesus in the king’s palace ; and afterwards, Croesus, and of
on the third or fourth day, at the bidding of the discourse —
Croesus his servants led Solon round to see his the king, had with
treasuries ; and they showed him all things, how
great and magnificent they were: and after he had looked
upon them all and examined them as he had occasion, Croesus
asked him as follows: ‘‘ Athenian guest, much report of thee
has come to us, both in regard to thy wisdom and thy
wanderings, how that in thy search for wisdom thou hast
traversed many lands to see them ; now therefore a desire has
come upon me to ask thee whether yet thou hast seen any
whom thou deemest to be of all men the most happy.” 2? This
he asked supposing that he himself was the happiest of men ;
but Solon, using no flattery but the truth only, said: “ Yes, O
king, Tellos the Athenian.” And Croesus, marvelling at that
which he said, asked him earnestly: ‘‘In what respect dost
thou judge Tellos to be the most happy?” And he said:
“Tellos, in the first place, living while his native State was
prosperous, had sons fair and good and saw from all of them
children begotten and living to grow up; and secondly he

14 HERODOTUS

had what with us is accounted wealth, and after his life a
most glorious end: for when a battle was fought by the
Athenians at Eleusis against the neighbouring people, he
brought up supports and routed the foe and there died by a
most fair death; and the Athenians buried him publicly.
where he fell, and honoured him greatly.” 31. So when
Solon had moved Crcesus to inquire further by the story of
Tellos, recounting how many points of happiness he had, the
king asked again whom he had seen proper to be placed
next after this man, supposing that he himself would certainly
obtain at least the second place; but he replied: “ Cleobis
and Biton: for these, who were of Argos by race, possessed
a sufficiency of wealth and, in addition to this, strength of
body such as I shall tell. Both equally had won prizes in the
games, and moreover the following tale is told of them :—
There was a feast of Hera among the Argives and it was by
all means necessary that their mother should be borne in a car
to the temple. But since their oxen were not brought up in
time from the field, the young men, barred from all else by
lack of time, submitted themselves to the yoke and drew the
wain, their mother being borne by them upon it; and so they
brought it on for five-and-forty furlongs, and came to the
temple. Then after they had done this and had been seen
by the assembled crowd, there came to their life a most ex-
cellent ending; and in this the deity declared that it was
better for man to die than to continue to live. For the
Argive men were standing round and extolling the strength 39 of
the young men, while the Argive women were extolling the
mother to whose lot it had fallen to have such sons; and the
mother being exceedingly rejoiced both by the deed itself and
by the report made of it, took her stand in front of the image
of the goddess and prayed that she would give to Cleobis and
Biton her sons, who had honoured her 89 greatly, that gift
‘which is best for man to receive: and after this prayer, when
they had sacrificed and feasted, the young men lay down
to sleep within the temple itself, and never rose again, but
were held bound in this last end.®4_ And the Argives made
statues in the likeness of them and dedicated them as offer-
ings at Delphi, thinking that they had proved themselves most
excellent.” 32. Thus Solon assigned the second place in

BOOK I 15

respect of happiness to these: and Croesus was moved to
anger and said: “ Athenian guest, hast thou then so cast aside
our prosperous state as worth nothing, that thou dost prefer
to us even men of private station?” And he said: ‘Croesus,
thou art inquiring about human fortunes of one who well
knows that the Deity is altogether envious and apt to disturb
our lot. For in the course of long time a man may see many
things which he would not desire to see, and suffer also many
things which he would not desire to suffer. The limit of life
for a man I lay down at seventy years: and these seventy
years give twenty-five thousand and two hundred days, not
reckoning for any intercalated month. Then if every other
one of these years shall be made longer by one month, that the
seasons may be caused to come round at the due time of the
year, the intercalated months will be in number five-and-thirty
besides the seventy years ; and of these months the days will
be one thousand and fifty. Of all these days, being in
number twenty-six thousand two hundred and fifty, which go
to the seventy years, one day produces nothing at all which
resembles what another brings with it. Thus then, O
Croesus, man is altogether a creature of accident. As for
thee, I perceive that thou art both great in wealth and king
of many men, but that of which thou didst ask me I can-
not call thee yet, until I learn that thou hast brought thy
life to a fair ending: for the very rich man is not at all to be
accounted more happy than he who has but his subsistence
from day to day, unless also the fortune go with him of ending
his life well in possession of all things fair. For many
very wealthy men are not happy,®? while many who have but
a moderate living are fortunate ; 88. and in truth the very rich
man who is not happy has two advantages only as compared
with the poor man who is fortunate, whereas this latter has
many as compared with the rich man who is not happy. The
rich man is able better to fulfil his desire, and also to endure
a great calamity if it fall upon him; whereas the other has
advantage over him in these things which follow :—he is not |
indeed able equally with the rich man to endure a calamity or
to fulfil his desire, but these his good fortune keeps away
from him, while he is sound of limb,* free from disease, un-
touched by suffering, the father of fair children and himself of

16 Β HERODOTUS

comely form ; and if in addition to this he shall end his life
well, he is worthy to be called that which thou seekest,
namely a happy man; but before he comes to his end it is
well to hold back and not to call him yet happy but only
fortunate. Now to possess all these things together is im-
possible for one who is mere man, just as no single land suffices
to supply all things for itself, but one thing it has and another
it lacks, and the land that has the greatest number of things
is the best : so also in the case of a man, no single person is
complete in himself, for one thing he has and another he
lacks ; but whosoever of men continues to the end in posses-
sion of the greatest number of these things and then has a
gracious ending of his life, he is by me accounted worthy, O
king, to receive this name. But we must of every thing examine
the end and how it will turn out at the last, for to many God
shows but a glimpse of happiness and then plucks them up
by the roots and overturns them.” 33, Thus saying he re-
fused to gratify Croesus, who sent him away from his presence
holding him in no esteem, and thinking him utterly senseless
in that he passed over present good things and bade men
look to the end of every matter.
84. After Solon had departed, a great retribution from
God came upon Creesus, probably because he judged himself
to be the happiest of all men. First there
οἱ ihe sons δὴ ow came and stood by him a dream, which showed
he was warned to him the truth of the evils that were about
ina dream con- to come to pass in respect of his son. Now
hen of Croesus had two sons, of whom one was
deficient, seeing that he was deaf and dumb,
while the other far surpassed his companions of the same age
in all things: and the name of this last was Atys. As regards
this Atys then, the dream signified to Croesus that he should
lose him by the blow of an iron spear-point : 8. and when he
rose up from sleep and considered the matter with himself,
he was struck with fear on account of the dream ; and first he
took for his son a wife; and whereas his son had been wont
to lead the armies of the Lydians, he now no longer sent him
forth anywhere on any such business ; and the javelins and
lances and all such things which men use for fighting he con-
veyed out of the men’s apartments and piled them up in the

BOOK I 17

inner bed-chambers, for fear lest something hanging up might
fall down upon his son. 385. Then while he was engaged
about the marriage of his son, there came to of Adrastos the
Sardis a man under a misfortune and with Phrygian, to
hands not clean, a Phrygian by birth and of whom the king
the royal house. This man came to the ® °@™sne:
house of Croesus, and according to the customs which pre-
vail in that land made request that he might have cleansing;
and Creesus gave him cleansing: now the manner of cleans-
ing among the Lydians is the same almost as that which the
Hellenes use. So when Croesus had done that which was
customary, he asked of him whence he came and who he was,
saying as follows: ‘‘ Man, who art thou, and from what region
of Phrygia didst thou come to sit upon my hearth? And
whom of men or of women didst thou slay?” And he re-
plied: “O king, I am the son of Gordias, the son of Midas,
and I am called Adrastos; and I slew my own brother
against my will, and therefore am I here, having been driven
forth by my father and deprived of all that I had.” And
Croesus answered thus: “Thou art, as it chances, the off-
shoot of men who are our friends and thou hast come to
friends, among whom thou shalt want of nothing so long as
thou shalt remain in our land: and thou wilt find it most for
thy profit to bear this misfortune as lightly as may be.” So
he had his abode with Crcesus.*6

86. During this same time there was produced in the
Mysian Olympos a boar of monstrous size. This, coming
down from the mountain aforesaid, ravaged the The creat boar in
fields of the Mysians, and although the Mysians 21404 of Mysia.
went out against it often, yet they could do it
no hurt, but rather received hurt themselves from it; so at
length messengers came from the Mysians to Croesus and
said: ‘‘O king, there has appeared in our land a boar of
monstrous size, which lays waste our fields; and we, desiring
eagerly to take it, are not able: now therefore we ask of thee
to send with us thy son and also a chosen band of young men
with dogs, that we may destroy it out of our land.” Thus
they made request, and Croesus calling to mind the words of
the dream spoke to them as follows: “As touching my son,
make no further mention of him in this matter; for I will not

VOL. I σ

cee

18 HERODOTUS

send him with you, seeing that he is newly married and is
concerned now with the affairs of his marriage: but I will send
with you chosen men of the Lydians and the whole number of
my hunting dogs; and I will give command to those who go,
to be as zealous as may be in helping you to destroy the wild
beast out of your land.”

87. Thus he made reply : and while the Mysians were being
contented with this answer, there came in also the son of
Croesus, having heard of the request made by the Mysians:
and when Croesus said that he would not send his son with
them, the young man spoke as follows: ‘‘ My father, in times
past the fairest and most noble part was allotted to us, to go
out continually to wars and to the chase and so have good
repute ; but now thou hast debarred me from both of these,
although thou hast not observed in me any cowardly or faint-
hearted spirit. And now with what face must I appear when
I go to and from the market-place of the city? What kind of
a man shall I be esteemed by the citizens, and what kind of a
man shall I be esteemed by my newly-married wife? With
what kind of a husband will she think that she is mated?
Therefore either let me go to the hunt, or persuade me by
reason that these things are better for me done as now they
are.” 88. And Croesus made answer thus: ‘My son, not
because I have observed in thee any spirit of cowardice or any
other ungracious thing, do I act thus; but a vision of a dream
came and stood by me in my sleep and told me that thou
shouldest be short-lived, and that thou shouldest perish by a
spear-point of iron. With thought of this vision therefore I both
urged on this marriage for thee, and I refuse now to send thee
upon the matter which is being taken in hand, having a care
of thee that I may steal thee from thy fate at least for the
period of my own life, if by any means it be possible for me
to do so. For thou art, as it chances, my only son: the other
I do not reckon as one, seeing that he is deficient in his
hearing.” 389. The young man made answer thus: “It may
well be forgiven in thee, O my father, that thou shouldest
have a care of me after having seen such a vision; but that
which thou dost not understand, and in which the meaning of
the dream has escaped thee, it is right that I should expound
to thee. Thou sayest the dream declared that I should end

BOOK I 19

my life by means of a spear-point of iron: but what hands has
a boar, or what spear-point of iron, of which thou art afraid ?
If the dream had told thee that I should end my life by a
tusk, or any other thing which resembles that, it would be
right for thee doubtless to do as thou art doing; but it said
‘by a spear-point.’ Since therefore our fight will not be with
men, let me now go.” 40. Croesus made answer: “My son,
thou dost partly prevail with me by declaring thy judgment
about the dream; therefore, having been prevailed upon by thee,
I change my resolution and allow thee to go to the chase.”
41. Having thus said Croesus sent to summon Adrastos
the Phrygian; and when he came, he addressed him thus:
“ Adrastos, when thou wast struck with a griev- πον Adrastos
ous misfortune (with which I reproach thee not), the Phrygian Ὁ
I cleansed thee, and I have received thee into slew Atys the
my house supplying all thy costs. Now there- 97 οὗ Cresus,
fore, since having first received kindness from me thou art
bound to requite me with kindness, I ask of thee to be
the protector of my son who goes forth to the chase, lest any
evil robbers come upon you by the way to do you harm; and
besides this thou too oughtest to go where thou mayest become
famous by thy deeds, for it belongs to thee as an inheritance
from thy fathers so to do, and moreover thou hast strength for
it.” 42. Adrastos made answer: “Ὁ king, but for this I
should not have been going to any such contest of valour ;
for first it is not fitting that one who is suffering such a misfor-
tune as mine should seek the company of his fellows who are
in prosperity, and secondly I have no desire for it; and for
many reasons I should have kept myself away. But now,
since thou art urgent with me, and I ought to gratify thee
(for I am bound to requite thee with kindness), I am ready
to do this: expect therefore that thy son, whom thou com-
mandest me to protect, will return home to thee unhurt, so
far as his protector may avail to keep him safe.” 438, When
he had made answer to Croesus in words like these, they after-
wards set forth provided with chosen young men and with dogs.
And when they were come to Mount Olympos, they tracked
the animal; and having found it and taken their stand round
in a circle, they were hurling against it their spears. Then the
guest, he who had been cleansed of the manslaughter, whose

20 HERODOTUS

name was Adrastos, hurling a spear at it missed the boar and
struck the son of Croesus. So he being struck by the spear-
point fulfilled the saying of the dream. And one ran to report
to Croesus that which had come to pass, and having come to
Sardis he signified to him of the combat and of the fate of
his son. 44, And Croesus was very greatly disturbed by the
death of his son, and was much the more moved to com-
plaining by this, namely that his son was slain by the man
whom he had himself cleansed of his manslaughter. And being
grievously troubled by the misfortune he called upon Zeus the
Cleanser, protesting to him that which he had suffered from
his guest, and he called moreover upon the Protector of
Suppliants 57 and the Guardian of Friendship,®* naming still
the same god, and calling upon him as the Protector of Sup-
pliants because when he received the guest into his house he
had been fostering ignorantly the slayer of his son, and as the
Guardian of Friendship because having sent him as a pro-
tector he had found him the worst of foes. 45. After this
the Lydians came bearing the corpse, and be-
hind it followed the slayer: and he taking his
stand before the corpse delivered himself up to
Croesus, holding forth his hands and bidding the king slay
him over the corpse, speaking of his former misfortune and
saying that in addition to this he had now been the destroyer
of the man who had cleansed him of it ; and that life for him
was no more worth living. But Croesus hearing this pitied
Adrastos, although he was himself suffering so great an evil of
his own, and said to him: ‘Guest, I have already received
from thee all the satisfaction that is due, seeing that thou dost
condemn thyself to suffer death; and not thou alone art the
cause of this evil, except in so far as thou wert the instrument
of it against thine own will, but some one, as I suppose, of
the gods, who also long ago signified to me that which was
about to be.” So Croesus buried his son as was fitting: but .
Adrastos the son of Gordias, the son of Midas, he who had
been the slayer of his own brother and the slayer also of the
man who had cleansed him, when silence came of all men
round about the tomb, recognising that he was more grievously
burdened by misfortune than all men of whom he knew, slew
himself upon the grave.

and himself
afterwards.

BOOK I 21

46. For two years then Croesus remained quiet in great
mourning, because he was deprived of his son: but after this
period of time the overthrowing of the rule of How C
Astyages the son of Kyaxares by Cyrus the son gevnin ΚΣ to war
of Cambyses, and the growing greatness of the against the
Persians caused Croesus to cease from his Persians, sent to
mourning, and led him to a care of cutting rinks of the
short the power of the Persians, if by any
means he might, while yet it was in growth and before they
should have become great.

So having formed this design he began forthwith to make
trial of the Oracles, both those of the Hellenes and that in
Libya, sending messengers some to one place and some to
another, some to go to Delphi, others to Abai of the Phokians,
and others to Dodona; and some: were sent to the shrine
of Amphiaraos and to that of Trophonios, others to Bran-
chidai in the land of Miletos: these are the Oracles of the
Hellenes to which Croesus sent messengers to seek divination ;
and others he sent to the shrine of Ammon in Libya to in-
quire there. Now he was sending the messengers abroad to
the end that he might try the Oracles and find out what know-
ledge they had, so that if they should be found to have know-
ledge of the truth, he might send and ask them secondly
whether he should attempt to march against the Persians.
47. And to the Lydians whom he sent to make trial of the.
Oracles he gave charge as follows,—that from the day on
which they set out from Sardis they should reckon up the
number of the days following and on the hundredth day they
should consult the Oracles, asking what Croesus the son of
Alyattes king of the Lydians chanced then to be doing: and
whatever the Oracles severally should prophesy, this they
should cause to be written down ® and bear it back to him.
Now what the other Oracles prophesied is not by any reported,
but at Delphi, so soon as the Lydians entered the sanctuary of
the temple “ to consult the god and asked that which they were
commanded to ask, the Pythian prophetess spoke thus in
hexameter measure :

‘*But the number of sand I know,“ and the measure of drops in the
ocean ;
The dumb man I understand, and I hear the speech of the speechless :

- ont, ons mer |

22 HERODOTUS

And there hath come to my soul the smell of a strong-shelled tortoise
Boiling in caldron of bronze, and the flesh of a lamb mingled with it ;
Under it bronze is laid, it hath bronze as a clothing upon it.”

48. When the Pythian prophetess had uttered this oracle,
the Lydians caused the prophecy to be written down, and went
away at once to Sardis. And when the rest also who had
been sent round were there arrived with the answers of the
Oracles, then Croesus unfolded the writings one by one and
looked upon them: and at first none of them pleased him,
but when he heard that from Delphi, forthwith he did worship
to the god and accepted the answer, judging that the Oracle
at Delphi was the only true one, because it had found out
what he himself had done. For when he had sent to the
several Oracles his messengers to consult the gods, keeping
well in mind the appointed day he contrived the following
device,—he thought of something which it would be impossible
to discover or to conceive of, and cutting up a tortoise and a
lamb he boiled them together himself in a caldron of bronze,
laying a cover of bronze over them. 49. This then was the
answer given to Croesus from Delphi; and as regards the
answer of Amphiaraos, I cannot tell what he replied to the
Lydians after they had done the things customary in his
temple,* for there is no record of this any more than of the
others, except only that Croesus thought that he also“ pos-
sessed a true Oracle.

50. After this with great sacrifices he endeavoured to win
the favour of the god at Delphi: for of all the animals that are
The offerings fit for sacrifice he offered three thousand of each
once king kind, and he heaped up couches overlaid with

roesus sent to . . .
the god at Delphi, 5014 and overlaid with silver, and cups of gold,
andtoAmphiaraos, and robes of purple, and tunics, making of
them a great pyre, and this he burnt up, hoping by these
means the more to win over the god to the side of the
Lydians: and he proclaimed to all the Lydians that every one
of them should make sacrifice with that which each man had.
And when he had finished the sacrifice, he melted down a vast
quantity of gold, and of it he wrought half-plinths ® making
them six palms “ in length and three in breadth, and in height
one palm; and their number was one hundred and seventeen.
Of these four wereof pure gold*’ weighing two talentsand a half*8

BOOK I 23

each, and the others of gold alloyed with silver weighing two
talents. And he caused to be made also an image of a lion of
pure gold weighing ten talents ; which lion, when the temple at
Delphi was being burnt down, fell from off the half-plinths, for
upon these it was set,5° and is placed now in the treasury of
the Corinthians, weighing six talents and a half, for three
talents and a half were melted away from it. 51. So Croesus
having finished all these things sent them to Delphi, and with
them these besides :—two mixing-bowls of great sjze, one of
gold and the other of silver, of which the golden bowl was
placed on the right hand as one enters the temple, and the
silver on the left, but the places of these also were changed
after the temple was burnt down, and the golden bowl is now
placed in the treasury of the people of Clazomenai, weighing
eight and a half talents and twelve pounds over,®! while the
silver one is placed in the corner of the vestibule ©? and holds
six hundred amphors ® (being filled with wine by the Delphians
on the feast of the Theophania): this the people of Delphi say
is the work of Theodoros the Samian,™ and, as I think, rightly,
for it is evident to me that the workmanship is of no common
kind : moreover Croesus sent four silver wine-jars, which stand
In the treasury of the Corinthians, and two vessels for lustral
water, one of gold and the other of silver, of which the gold
one is inscribed “from the Lacedemonians,” who say that it
is their offering: therein however they do not speak rightly ;
for this also is from Croesus, but one of the Delphians wrote
the inscription upon it, desiring to gratify the Lacedemonians ;
and his name I know but I will not make mention of it. The
boy through whose hand the water flows is from the Lacede-
monians, but neither of the vessels for lustral water. And
many other votive offerings Croesus sent with these, not
specially distinguished, among which are certain castings δ of
silver of a round shape, and also a golden figure of a woman
three cubits high, which the Delphians say is a statue of the
baker of Croesus. Moreover Croesus dedicated the ornaments
from his wife’s neck and her girdles. 52, These are the things
which he sent to Delphi; and to Amphiaraos, having heard of
his valour and of his evil fate, he dedicated a shield made alto-
gether of gold throughout, and a spear all of solid gold, the shaft
being of gold also as well as the two points, which offerings were

24 HERODOTUS

both remaining even to my time at Thebes in the temple of

Ismenian Apollo. |
This sending 58. To the Lydians who were to carry these gifts to the
wasinss6 temples Croesus gave charge that they should ask the Oracles
" this question also,—whether Croesus should
march against the Persians, and if so, whether
he should join with himself any army of men
as his friends. And when the Lydians had arrived at the
places to which they had been sent and had dedicated the
votive offerings, they inquired of the Oracles and said:
“Croesus, king of the Lydians and of other nations, con-
sidering that these are the only true Oracles among men,
presents to you” gifts such as your revelations deserve, and
asks you again now whether he shall march against the
Persians, and if so, whether he shall join with himself any
army of men as allies.” They inquired thus, and the answers
of both the Oracles agreed in one, declaring to Croesus that if
he should march against the Persians he should destroy a great
empire: and they counselled him to find out the most power-
ful of the Hellenes and. join these with himself as friends.
54. So when the answers were brought back and Crcesus heard
them, he was delighted with the oracles, and expecting that
he would certainly destroy the kingdom of Cyrus, he sent again
to Pytho,® and presented to the men of Delphi, having ascer-
tained the number of them, two staters of gold for each man:
and in return for this the Delphians gave to Croesus and to the
Lydians precedence in consulting the Oracle and freedom from
all payments, and the right to front seats at the games, with
this privilege also for all time, that any one of them who wished
should be allowed to become a citizen of Delphi. 55. And
having made presents to the men of Delphi, Croesus con-
sulted the Oracle the third time; for from the time when he
learnt the truth of the Oracle, he made abundant use of it.
And consulting the Oracle he inquired whether his monarchy
would endure for a long time. And the Pythian prophetess
answered him thus:
‘* But when it cometh to pass that a mule of the Medes shall be monarch,

Then by the pebbly Hermos, O Lydian delicate-footed,
Flee and stay not, and be not ashamed to be calléd a coward.”

56. By these lines when they came to him Croesus was

The answers of
‘the Oracles,

BOOK I 25

pleased more than by all the rest, for he supposed that a mule
would never be ruler of the Medes instead of pow Croesus de-
a man, and accordingly that he himself and his sired to get an ally
heirs would never cease from their rule. Then fom among Aa
after this he gave thought to inquire which people othe Hellenes the
of the Hellenes he should esteem the most power- Lacedemonians
ful and gain over to himself as friends. And 24 ic Atmenians
inquiring he found that the Lacedemonians and“ chie

the Athenians had the pre-eminence, the first of the Dorian and
the others of the Ionian race. For these were the most eminent
races in ancient time, the second being a Pelasgian and the
first a Hellenic race: and the one never migrated from its
place in any direction, while the other was very The Dorians and
exceedingly given to wanderings; for in the the lonians.
reign of Deucalion this race dwelt in Pthiotis, and in the time of
Doros the son of Hellen in the land lying below Ossa and
Olympos, which is called Histiaiotis ; and when it was driven
from Histiaiotis by the sons of Cadmos, it dwelt in Pindos and
was called Makednian; and thence it moved afterwards to
Dryopis, and. from Dryopis it came finally to’ Peloponnesus,
and began to be called Dorian.

57. What language however the Pelasgians used to speak I
am not able with certainty to say. But if one must pronounce
judging by those that still remain of the Pelas-
gians who dwelt in the city of Creston above Pelastens of the
the Tyrsenians, and who were once neighbours
of the race now called Dorian, dwelling then in the land which
is now called Thessaliotis, and also by those that remain of
the Pelasgians who settled at. Plakia and Skylaké in the region
of the Hellespont, who before that had been settlers with the
Athenians, and of the natives of the various other towns which
are really Pelasgian, though they have lost the name,—if one
must pronounce judging by these, the Pelasgians used to speak
a Barbarian language. If therefore all the Pelasgian race was
such as these, then the Attic race, being Pelasgian, at the same
time when it changed and became Hellenic, unlearnt also its
language. For the people of Creston do not speak the same
language with any of those who dwell about them, nor yet do
the people of Plakia, but they speak the same language one as
the other: and by this it is proved that they still keep un-

Peisistratos
came

despot first

in 560 B.C.

26 HERODOTUS

changed the form of language which they brought with them
when they migrated to these places. 58. As for the Hellenic
race, it has used ever the same language, as I clearly perceive,
since it first took its rise ; but since the time when it parted off
feeble at first from the Pelasgian race, setting forth from a small
beginning it has increased to that great number of races which
we see,® and chiefly because many Barbarian races have been
added to it besides. Moreover it is true, as I think,® of the
Pelasgian race also,™ that so far as it remained Barbarian it
never made any great increase.
59. Of these races then Croesus was informed that the
Athenian was held subject and torn with faction by Peisis-
tratos™ the son of Hippocrates, who then
Aen ine were WaS despot of the Athenians. For to Hippo-
at this time crates, when as a private citizen he went to view
ruled by Peisis- the Olympic games, a great marvel had occurred.
Hippocrates, After he had offered the sacrifice, the caldrons
which were standing upon the hearth, full of
pieces of flesh and of water, boiled without fire under them and
ran over. And Chilon the Lacedemonian, who chanced to
have been present and to have seen the marvel, advised Hippo-
crates first not to bring into his house a wife to bear him child-
ren, and secondly, if he happened to have one already, to
dismiss her, and if he chanced to have a son, to disown him.
When Chilon had thus recommended, Hippocrates, they say,
was not willing to be persuaded, and so there was born to him
afterwards this Peisistratos; who, when the Athenians of the
shore® were at feud with those of the plain, Megacles the son
of Alcmaion being leader of the first faction, and Lycurgos
the son of Aristolaides of that of the plain, aimed at the
despotism for himself and gathered a third party. So then,
after having collected supporters and called himself leader of
How Peisistratos the men of the mountain-lands,® he contrived
first became a device as follows :—he inflicted wounds upon
ee of the himself and upon his mules, and then drove his
Baenians, car into the market-place, as if he had just
escaped from his opponents, who, as he alleged, had desired
to kill him when he was driving into the country: and he
asked the commons that he might obtain some protection
from them, for before this he had gained reputation in his

BOOK I 27

command against the Megarians, during which he took Nisaia
and performed other signal service. And the commons of
the Athenians being deceived gave him those® men chosen
from the dwellers in the city who became not indeed the
spear-men ® of Peisistratos but his club-men; for they fol-
lowed behind him bearing wooden clubs. And these made
insurrection with Peisistratos and obtained possession of the
Acropolis, Then Peisistratos was ruler of the Athenians, not
having disturbed the existing magistrates nor changed the ancient
laws ; but he administered the State under that constitution of
things which was already established, ordering it fairly and well.
60. However, no long time after this the followers of Megacles
and those of Lycurgos joined together and drove him forth.
Thus Peisistratos had obtained possession of and having been
Athens for the first time, and thus he lost the ariven forth,
power before he had it very firmly rooted. But afterwards by a
those who had driven out Peisistratos became strange device
afterwards at feud with one another again. And
Megacles, harassed by the party strife,’ sent a message to
Peisistratos asking whether he was willing to have his daughter
to wife on condition of becoming despot. And Peisis-
tratos having accepted the proposal and made an agree-
ment on these terms, they contrived with a view to his return
a device the most simple by far, as I think, that ever was
practised, considering at least that it was devised at a
time when the Hellenic race had been long marked off
from the Barbarian as more skilful and further removed
from foolish simplicity, and among the Athenians who are
accounted the first of the Hellenes in ability.” In the deme
of Paiania there was a woman whose name was Phya, in height
four cubits all but three fingers,” and also fair of form. This
woman they dressed in full armour and caused her to ascend
a chariot and showed her the bearing in which she might best
beseem her part,’? and so they drove to the city, having sent
on heralds to run before them, who, when they arrived at the
city, spoke that which had been commanded them, saying
as follows: “Ὁ Athenians, receive with favour Peisistratos,
whom Athené herself, honouring him most of all men,
brings back to her Acropolis.” So the heralds went about
hither and thither saying this, and straightway there came to

28 HERODOTUS

the demes in the country round a report that Athené was
bringing Peisistratos back, while at the same time the men of
the city, persuaded that the woman was the very goddess
herself, were paying worship to the human creature and receiving
Peisistratos. 61. So having received back the despotism
in the manner which has been said, Peisistratos according to
How Peisistratos the agreement made with Megacles married
being again driven the daughter of Megacles; but as. he had
forth already sons who were young men, and as the
descendants of Alcmaion were said to be under a curse,”
therefore not desiring that children should be born to him
from his newly-married wife, he had commerce with her not
in the accustomed manner. And at first the woman kept this
secret, but afterwards she told her mother, whether in answer to
her inquiry or not I cannot tell; and the mother told her
husband Megacles. He then was very indignant that he
should be dishonoured by Peisistratos; and in his anger
straightway he proceeded to compose his quarrel with the men
of his faction. And when Peisistratos heard of that which was
being done against himself, he departed wholly from the land
and came to Eretria, where he took counsel together with his
sons: and the advice of Hippias having prevailed, that they
should endeavour to win back the despotism, they began to
gather gifts of money from those States which owed them
obligation for favours received: and many contributed great
sums, but the Thebans surpassed the rest in the giving of.
money. Then, not to make the story long, time elapsed and
at last everything was prepared for their return. For certain
Argives came as mercenaries from Peloponnesus, and a man
of Naxos had come to them of his own motion, whose name
was Lygdamis, and showed very great zeal in providing both
Peisistratos Money and men. 62. So starting from Eretria after the lapse
returned this of ten years’# they returned back; and in Attica the first
in 538 B.C. = turned the Place of which they took possession was Mara-
second time thon. While they were encamping here, their
from exile, partisans from the city came to them, and also
others flowed in from the various demes, to whom despotic rule
was more welcome than freedom. So these were gathering
themselves together ; but the Athenians in the city, so long as _
Peisistratos was collecting the money, and afterwards when he

BOOK I 29

took possession of Marathon, made no account of it; but
when they heard that he was marching from Marathon towards
the city, then they went to the rescue against him. These
then were going in full force to fight against the returning
exiles, and the forces of Peisistratos, as they went towards
the city starting from Marathon, met them just when they
came to the temple of Athené Pallenis, and there encamped
opposite to them. Then moved by divine guidance” there
came into the presence of Peisistratos Amphilytos the Acar-
nanian,’® a soothsayer, who approaching him uttered an oracle
in hexameter verse, saying thus:

‘«¢ But now the cast hath been made and the net hath been widely extended,
And in the night the tunnies will dart through the moon-lighted waters.”

68. This oracle he uttered to him being divinely inspired, and
Peisistratos, having understood the oracle and having said that
he accepted the prophecy which was uttered, led his army
against the enemy. Now the Athenians from the city were
just at that time occupied with the morning meal, and some of
them after their meal with games of dice or with sleep ; and the
forces of Peisistratos fell upon the Athenians and put them to
flight. Then as they fled, Peisistratos devised a very skilful
counsel, to the end that the Athenians might not gather
again into one body but might remain scattered abroad.
He mounted his sons on horseback and sent them before
him; and overtaking the fugitives they said that which
was commanded them by Peisistratos, bidding them be of
good cheer and that each man should depart to his own home.
64, Thus then the Athenians did, and so Peisistratos for
the third time obtained possession of Athens, and he firmly
rooted his despotism by many foreign mercen- ang rooted his
aries and by much revenue of money, coming power more
partly from the land itself and partly from *™!y-

about the river Strymon, and also by taking as hostages the
sons of those Athenians who had remained in the land and
had not at once fled, and placing them in the island of
Naxos; for this also Peisistratos conquered by war and
delivered into the charge of Lygdamis. Moreover besides
this he cleansed the island of Delos in obedience to the
oracles ; and his cleansing was of the following kind :—so far

30 HERODOTUS

as the view from the temple extended ” he dug up all the dead
bodies which were buried in this part and removed them to
another part of Delos. So Peisistratos was despot of the
Athenians; but of the Athenians some had fallen in the
battle, and others of them with the sons of Alcmaion were
exiles from their native land.

65. Such was the condition of things which Croesus heard
was prevailing among the Athenians during this time; but as
Of th to the Lacedemonians he heard that they had

e State of .
the Spartans, escaped from great evils and had now got the
and of their —— better of the Tegeans in the war. For when
omer wars with Leon and Hegesicles were kings of Sparta, the

ress Lacedemonians, who had good success in all
their other wars, suffered disaster in that alone which they
waged against the men of Tegea. Moreover in the times
before this they had the worst laws of almost all the Hellenes,
both in matters which concerned themselves alone and also
in that they had no dealings with strangers. And they made
their change to a good constitution of laws thus :—Lycurgos,
a man of the Spartans who was held in high repute, came to
the Oracle at Delphi, and as he entered the sanctuary of the
temple,“ straightway the Pythian prophetess said as follows:

‘© Lo, thou art come, O Lycurgos, to this rich shrine of my temple,

Loved thou by Zeus and by all who possess the abodes of Olympos.

Whether to call thee a god, I doubt, in my voices prophetic,

God or a man, but rather a god I think, O Lycurgos.”
Some say in addition to this that the Pythian prophetess also
set forth to him the order of things which is now established
for the Spartans; but the Lacedemonians themselves say that
Lycurgos having become guardian of Leobotes his brother’s
son, who was king of the Spartans, brought in these things
from Crete. For as soon as he became guardian, he changed
all the prevailing laws, and took measures that they should
not transgress his institutions: and after this Lycurgos estab-
lished that which appertained to war, namely Zxomoties and
Triecads and Common Meals,’”@ and in addition to this the
Ephors and the Senate. 66. Having changed thus, the Spar-
tans had good laws; and to Lycurgos after he was dead they
erected a temple, and they pay him great worship. So then,
as might be supposed, with a fertile land and with no small

BOOK I 31

number of men dwelling in it, they straightway shot up and
became prosperous: and it was no longer sufficient.for them
to keep still; but presuming that they were superior in
strength to the Arcadians, they consulted the Oracle at Delphi
respecting conquest of the whole of Arcadia; and the Pythian
prophetess gave answer thus :

‘¢ The land of Arcadia thou askest; thou askest me much; I refuse it:

Many there are in Arcadian land, stout men, eating acorns;

These will prevent thee from this: but I am not grudging towards thee;

Tegea beaten with sounding feet I will give thee to dance in,

And a fair plain I will give thee to measure with line and divide it.”
When the Lacedemonians heard report of this, they held
off from the other Arcadians, and marched against the
Tegeans with fetters in their hands, trusting to a deceitful 18
oracle and expecting that they would make slaves of the
men of Tegea. But having been worsted in the encounter,
those of them who were taken alive worked wearing the
fetters which they themselves brought with them and having
‘measured with line and divided ”” the plain of the Tegeans.
And these fetters with which they had been bound were pre-
served even to my own time at Tegea, hanging about the
temple of Athené Alea.® 67. In the former war then I say
they struggled against the Tegeans continually with ill success;
but in the time of Croesus and in the reign of Anaxandrides
and Ariston at Lacedemon the Spartans had at length become
victors in the war; and they became so in the following
manner :—As they continued to be always worsted in the war
by the men of Tegea, they sent messengers to consult the
Oracle at Delphi and inquired what god they should pro-
pitiate in order to get the better of the men of Tegea in the
war: and the Pythian prophetess made answer to them that
they should bring into their land the bones of Orestes the son
of Agamemnon. Then as they were not able to find the grave
of Orestes, they sent men again to go to the god and to inquire
about the spot where Orestes was laid: and when the mess-
engers who were sent asked this, the prophetess said as follows:

‘¢ Tegea there is, in Arcadian land, in a smooth place founded ;

Where there do blow two blasts by strong compulsion together;
Stroke too there is and stroke in return, and trouble on trouble.

There Agamemnon’s son in the life-giving earth is reposing ;
Him if thou bring with thee home, of Tegea thou shalt be master.” ὃ:

32 HERODOTUS

When the Lacedemonians had heard this they were none the
less far from finding it out, though they searched all places ;
until the time that Lichas, one of those Spartans who are
called “ Well-doers,” 82 discovered it. Now the “ Well-doers ”
are of the citizens the eldest who are passing from the ranks
of the “ Horsemen,” in each year five; and these are bound
during that year in which they pass out from the “ Horsemen,”
to allow themselves to be sent without ceasing to various
places by the Spartan State. 68. Lichas then, being one of
these, discovered it in Tegea by means both of fortune and
ability. . For as there were at that time dealings under
truce with the men of Tegea, he had come to a forge there
and was looking at iron being wrought; and he was in
wonder as he saw that which was being done. The smith
therefore, perceiving that he marvelled at it, ceased from his
work and said: ‘Surely, thou stranger of Lacedemon, if thou
hadst seen that which once I saw, thou wouldst have mar-
velled much, since now it falls out that thou dost marvel
so greatly at the working of this iron: for I, desiring in this
enclosure to make a well, lighted in my digging upon a coffin
of seven cubits in length; and not believing that ever
there had been men larger than those of the present day,
I opened it, and I saw that the dead body was equal in
length to the coffin: then after I had measured it, I filled
in the earth over it again.” He then thus told -him of that
which he had seen; and the other, having thought upon that
which was told, conjectured that this was Orestes according
to the saying of the Oracle, forming his conjecture in the fol-
lowing manner :—whereas he saw that the smith had two pairs
of bellows, he concluded that these were the winds spoken
of, and that the anvil and the hammer were the stroke and
the stroke in return, and that the iron which was being
wrought was the trouble laid upon trouble, making comparison
of whom at by the thought that iron has been discovered
‘length they had for the evil of mankind. Having thus con-
got the better, ¢ jectured he came back to Sparta and declared
masters of the the whole matter to the Lacedemonians; and
greater partof they brought a charge against him on a fictitious
Peloponnesus. pretext and drove him out into exile.®. So
having come to Tegea, he told the smith of his evil fortune

BOOK I - 33

and endeavoured to hire from him the enclosure, but at first
he would not allow him have it: at length however Lichas
persuaded him and took up his abode there; and he dug up
the grave and gathered together the bones and went with
them away to Sparta. From that time, whenever they made
trial of one another, the Lacedemonians had much the advan-
tage in the war; and by now they had subdued to themselves
the greater part of Peloponnesus besides.

69. Croesus accordingly being informed of all these things
was sending messengers to Sparta with gifts in their hands to
ask for an alliance, having commanded them prow Croesus
what they ought to say: and they when they made an alli-
came said: “Croesus king of the Lydians and ance with the
also of other nations sent us hither and saith as ~P*"#>*
follows: O Lacedemonians, whereas the god by an oracle bade
me join with myself the Hellene as a friend, therefore, since I
am informed that ye are the chiefs of Hellas, I invite you
according to the oracle, desiring to be your friend and your
ally apart from all guile and deceit.” Thus did Croesus
announce to the Lacedemonians through his messengers ;
and the Lacedemonians, who themselves also had heard of
the oracle given to Croesus, were pleased at the coming of
the Lydians and exchanged oaths of friendship and alliance :
for they were bound to Croesus also by some services ren-
dered to them even before this time ; since the Lacedemonians
had sent to Sardis and were buying gold there with purpose
of using it for the image of Apollo which is now set up on
Mount Thornax in the Lacedemonian land ; and Croesus, when
they desired to buy it, gave it them as a gift. 70. For this
reason therefore the Lacedemonians accepted the alliance,
and also because he chose them as his friends, preferring them
to all the other Hellenes. And not only were they ready them-
selves when he made his offer, but they caused a mixing-bowl
to be made of bronze, covered outside with figures round the
rim and of such a size as to hold three hundred amphors,™4
and this they conveyed, desiring to give it as a gift in return
to Croesus. This bowl never came to Sardis for reasons of
which two accounts are given as follows :—The Lacedemonians
say that when the bowl was on its way to Sardis and came
opposite the land of Samos, the men of Samos having heard

VOL. I D

τ 34 HERODOTUS

of it sailed out with ships of war and took it away; but the
Samians themselves say that the Lacedemonians who were con-
veying the bowl, finding that they were too late and hearing
that Sardis had been taken and Croesus was a prisoner, sold
the bowl in Samos, and certain private persons bought it and
dedicated it as a votive offering in the temple of Hera; and
- probably those who had sold it would say when they returned
to Sparta that it had been taken from them by the Samians.
71. Thus then it happened about the mixing-bowl: but
meanwhile Croesus, mistaking the meaning of the oracle, was
and then making a march into Cappadokia, expecting to
marched against overthrow Cyrus and the power of the Per-
cyrus (notwith- sians: and while Croesus was preparing to
prudent counsel march against the Persians, one of the Lydians,
of one named who even before this time was thought to be a
Sandanis). wise man but in consequence of this opinion
got a very great name for wisdom among the Lydians, had
advised Croesus as follows, (the name of the man was
Sandanis) :—‘ O king, thou art preparing to march against
men who wear breeches of leather, and the rest of their
clothing is of leather also; and they eat food not such as
they desire but such as they can obtain, dwelling in a land
which is rugged; and moreover they make no use of wine
but drink water; and no figs have they for dessert, nor any
other good thing. On the one hand, if thou shalt overcome
them, what wilt thou take away from them, seeing they have
nothing ? and on the other hand, if thou shalt be overcome, con-
sider how many good things thou wilt lose; for once having
tasted our good things, they will cling to them fast and it will
not be possible to drive them away. I for my own part feel
gratitude to the gods that they do not put it into the minds of
the Persians to march against the Lydians.” Thus he spoke
not persuading Croesus: for it is true indeed that the Per-
sians before they subdued the Lydians had no luxury nor any
good thing. | 7
72. Now the Cappadokians are called by the Hellenes
Syrians ;® and these Syrians, before the Persians had rule,
were subjects of the Medes, but at this time they were sub-
jects of Cyrus. For the boundary between the Median empire
and the Lydian was the river Halys; and this flows from the

BOOK I 35

mountain-land of Armenia through the Kilikians, and after-
wards, as it flows, it has the Matienians on the right hand and
the Phrygians on the other side ; then passing

by these and flowing up towards the North dokiens (lied
Wind, it bounds on the one side the Cappa- Syrians by the
dokian Syrians and on the left hand the Paph- peuenes), into
lagonians. Thus the river Halys cuts off from Crocus marched,
the rest almost all the lower parts of Asia by a

line extending from the sea that is opposite Cyprus to the
Euxine. And this tract is the neck of the whole peninsula,
the distance of the journey being such that five days are spent
on the way by a man without encumbrance.

73. Now for the following reasons Croesus was marching
into Cappadokia :—first because he desired to acquire the
land in addition to his own possessions, and The causes why
then especially because he had confidence in Croesus desired
the oracle and wished to take vengeance on Ὁ fight against
Cyrus for Astyages. For Cyrus the son of former wars “
Cambyses had conquered Astyages and was of the Lydians
keeping him in captivity, who was brother #24 Medes.
by marriage to Croesus and king of the Medes: and he
had become the brother by marriage of Croesus in this
manner :—A horde of the nomad Scythians at feud with the
rest withdrew and sought refuge in the land of the Medes:
and at this time the ruler of the Medes was Kyaxares the son
of Phraortes, the son of Deiokes, who at first dealt well with these
Scythians, being suppliants for his protection; and esteeming
them very highly he delivered boys to them to learn their
speech and the art of shooting with the bow. Then time went
by, and the Scythians used to go out continually to the chase
and always brought back something ; till once it happened
that they took nothing, and when they returned with empty
hands Kyaxares (being, as he showed on this occasion, not of
an eminently good disposition 87) dealt with them very harshly
and used insult towards them. And they, when they had
received this treatment from Kyaxares, considering that they
had suffered indignity, planned to kill and to cut up one of the ᾿
boys who were being instructed among them, and having
dressed his flesh as they had been wont to dress the wild
animals, to bear it to Kyaxares and give it to him, pretending

This eclipse
was probably
in May 585
B.C.

36 HERODOTUS

that it was game taken in hunting ; and when they had given
it, their design was to make their way as quickly as possible
to Alyattes the son of Sadyattes at Sardis. This then was
done ; and Kyaxares with the guests who ate at his table
tasted of that meat, and the Scythians having so done became
suppliants for the protection of Alyattes. 74. After this,
seeing that Alyattes would not give up the Scythians when |
Kyaxares demanded them, there had arisen war between the
Lydians and the Medes lasting five years ; in which years the
Medes often discomfited the Lydians and the Lydians often
discomfited the Medes (and among others they fought also a
battle by night) : 88 and as they still carried on the war with
equally balanced fortune, in the sixth year a battle took place
in which it happened, when the fight had begun, that suddenly
the day became night. And this change of the day Thales the
Milesian had foretold to the Ionians laying down as a limit
this very year in which the change took place. The Lydians
however and the Medes, when they saw that it had become
night instead of day, ceased from their fighting and were much
more eager both of them that peace should be made between
them. And they who brought about the peace between them
were Syennesis the Kilikian and Labynetos the Babylonian : 89
these were they who urged also the taking of the oath by them,
and they brought about an interchange of marriages; for
they decided that Alyattes should give his daughter Aryenis
to Astyages the son of Kyaxares, seeing that without the com-
pulsion of a strong tie agreements are apt not to hold strongly
together. Now these nations observe the same ceremonies in
taking oaths as the Hellenes, and in addition to them they
make incision into the skin of their arms, and then lick up the
blood each of the other.
75. This Astyages then, being his mother’s father, Cyrus
had conquered and made prisoner for a reason which I shall
How Croesus oCclare in the history which comes after.”
passed over the Lhis then was the complaint which Croesus
river Halys and had against Cyrus when he sent to the Oracles
Cap padokia. to ask if he should march against the Per-
sians ; and when a deceitful answer had come
back to him, he marched into the dominion of the Per-
slans, supposing that the answer was favourable to himself.

BOOK JI 37

And when Croesus came to the river Halys, then, according to
my account, he passed his army across by the bridges which
there were; but according to the account which prevails
among the Hellenes, Thales the Milesian enabled him to pass
his army across. For, say they, when Croesus was at a loss
how his army should pass over the river (since, they add, there
were not yet at that time the bridges which now there are),
Thales being present in the army caused the river, which
flowed then on the left hand of the army, to flow partly also
on.the right ; and he did it thus :—beginning above the camp
he proceeded to dig a deep channel, directing it in the form of
a crescent moon, so that the river might take the camp there
pitched in the rear, being turned aside from its ancient course
by this way along the channel, and afterwards passing by
the camp might fall again into its ancient course; so that as
soon as the river was thus parted in two it became fordable
by both branches: and some say even that the ancient
course of the river was altogether dried up. But this tale I
do not admit as true, for how then did they pass over the
river as they went back? 76. And Croesus, when he had
passed over with his army, came to that place in Cappadokia
which is called Pteria, (now Pteria is the strongest place in
this country, and is situated somewhere about in a line with
the city of Sinopé®! on the Euxine). Here he encamped
and ravaged the fields of the Syrians. Moreover he took
the city of the Pterians, and sold the people into slavery,
and he took also all the towns that lay about it; and the
Syrians, who were not guilty of any wrong, he forced to
remove from their homes.®2, Meanwhile Cyrus,

having gathered his own forces and having taken ΟἹ the battle

up in addition to them all who dwelt in the region Lydians and the

between, was coming to meet Croesus. Before Persians, wherein
he began however to lead forth his army, he had gained thevictory.
sent heralds to the Ionians and tried to induce
them to revolt from Croesus ; but the Ionians would not do as
he said. Then when Cyrus was come and had encamped over
against Croesus, they made trial of one another by force of arms
in the land of Pteria: and after hard fighting, when many had
fallen on both sides, at length, night having come on, they
parted one from the other with no victory on either side.

This war was
probably in
546 B.C.

38 HERODOTUS

77. Thus the two armies contended with one another :
and Croesus being ill satisfied with his own army in respect of
How Croesus number (for the army which he had when he
retired to Sardis fought was far smaller than that of Cyrus), being
and sent messen- dissatisfied with it I say on this account, as
Bers to his allies, Cyrus did not attempt to advance against him
on the following day, marched back to Sardis, having it in his
mind to call the Egyptians to his help according to the oath
which they had taken (for he had made an alliance with
Amasis king of Egypt before he made the alliance with the
Lacedemonians), and to summon the Babylonians as well
(for with these also an alliance had been concluded by him,
Labynetos ® being at that time ruler of the Babylonians),
and moreover to send a message to the Lacedemonians bidding
them appear at a fixed time: and then after he had got all
these together and had gathered his own army, his design was
to let the winter go by and at the coming of spring to march
against the Persians. So with these thoughts in his mind, as
soon as he came to Sardis he proceeded to send heralds to his
several allies to give them notice that by the fifth month from
that time they should assemble at Sardis: but the army which
he had with him and which had fought with the Persians, an
army which consisted of mercenary troops,™ he let go and dis-
banded altogether, never expecting that Cyrus, after having
contended against him with such even fortune, would after all
march upon Sardis.
78. While Croesus had these plans in his mind, the
suburb of the city became of a sudden all full of serpents ;
and of the and when these had appeared, the horses leay-
prodigy.which ing off to feed in their pastures came con-
happened at stantly thither and devoured them. When
" Croesus saw this he deemed it to be a portent,
as indeed it was: and forthwith he despatched messengers to
the dwelling of the Telmessians, who interpret omens: and the
messengers who were sent to consult arrived there and learnt
from the Telmessians what the portent meant to signify, but
they did not succeed in reporting the answer to Croesus, for
before they sailed back to Sardis Croesus had been taken
prisoner. The Telmessians however gave decision thus:
that an army speaking a foreign tongue was to be looked for

BOOK I 39

by Croesus to invade his land, and that this when it came
would subdue the native inhabitants; for they said that the
serpent was born of the soil, while the horse was an enemy and
a stranger. The men of Telmessos thus made answer to
Croesus after he was already taken prisoner, not knowing as
yet anything of the things which had happened to Sardis and
to Croesus himself.

79. Cyrus however, so soon as Croesus marched away
after the battle which had been fought in Pteria, having learnt
that Croesus meant after he had marched away ,,,. Cyrus
to disband his army, took counsel with himself marched to Sardis
and concluded that it was good for him to and fought
march as quickly as possible to Sardis, before the Ἐν αὶ ans, wh ohad
power of the Lydians should be again gathered not looked that
together. So when he had resolved upon this, he should come
he did it without delay: for he marched his ** [881 time.
army into Lydia with such speed that he was himself the first
to announce his coming to Croesus. Then Croesus, although
he had come to a great strait, since his affairs had fallen
out altogether contrary to his own expectation, yet proceeded
to lead forth the Lydians to battle. Now there was at this
time no nation in Asia more courageous or more stout in
battle than the Lydian; and they fought on horseback carry-
ing long spears, the men being excellent in horsemanship.
80. So when the armies had met in that plain which is in
front of the city of Sardis,—a plain wide and open, through
which flow rivers (and especially the river Hyllos) all rushing
down to join the largest called Hermos, which flows from the
mountain sacred to the Mother surnamed “of Dindymos” ®
and runs out into the sea by the city of Phocaia,—then Cyrus,
when he saw the Lydians being arrayed for battle, fearing their
horsemen, did on the suggestion of Harpagos a Mede as
follows :—all the camels which were in the train of his army
carrying provisions and baggage he gathered together, and he
took off their burdens and set men upon them provided with
the equipment of cavalry: and having thus furnished them
forth he appointed them to go in front of the rest of the army
towards the horsemen of Croesus; and after the camel-troop
he ordered the infantry to follow; and behind the infantry he
placed his whole force of cavalry. Then when all his men had

40 HERODOTUS

been placed in their several positions, he charged them to
spare none of the other Lydians, slaying all who might come
in their way, but Croesus himself they were not to slay, not even
if he should make resistance when he was being captured. Such
was his charge: and he set the camels opposite the horsemen
for this reason,—because the horse has a fear of the camel and
cannot endure either to see his form or to scent his smell: for
this reason then the trick had been devised, in order that the
cavalry of Croesus might be useless, that very force where-
with the Lydian king was expecting most to shine. And
as they were coming together to the battle, so soon as the
horses scented the camels and saw them they turned away
back, and the hopes of Croesus were at once brought to
nought. The Lydians however for their part did not upon
that act as cowards, but when they perceived what was com-
ing to pass they leapt from their horses and fought with
the Persians on foot. At length however, when many had
fallen on either side, the Lydians turned to flight ; and having
been driven within the wall of their fortress they were besieged
by the Persians.

81. By these then a siege had been established: but
Croesus, supposing that the siege would last a long time,
proceeded to send from the fortress other
messengers to his allies. For the former mess-
engers were sent round to give notice that they
should assemble at Sardis by the fifth month, but these he
was sending out to ask them to came to his assistance as
quickly as possible, because Croesus was being besieged.

and how the 982: So then in sending to his other allies he
Spartans, sent also to Lacedemon. But these too, the
though they had Spartans I mean, had themselves at this very
a quarrel of . time (for so it had fallen out) a quarrel in
hand with the Argives about the district called

Thyrea. For this Thyrea, being part of the Argive posses-
sions, the Lacedemonians had cut off and taken for themselves.
Now the whole region towards the west extending as far down
as Malea % was then possessed by the Argives, both the parts
situated on the mainland and also the island of Kythera with
the other islands. And when the Argives had come to the rescue
to save their territory from being cut off from them, then the two

The besieging
of Sardis,

BOOK I 4!

sides came to a parley together and agreed that three hundred
should fight of each side, and whichever side had the better
in the fight that nation should possess the disputed land: they
agreed moreover that the main body of each army should with-
draw to their own country, and not stand by while the contest
was fought, for fear lest, if the armies were present, one side
seeing their countrymen suffering defeat should come up to their
support. Having made this agreement they withdrew; and
chosen men of both sides were left behind and engaged in fight
with one another. So they fought and proved themselves to
be equally matched ; and there were left at last of six hun-
dred men three, on the side of the Argives Alkenor and
Chromios, and on the side of the Lacedemonians Othryades :
these were left alive when night came on. So then the two
men of the Argives, supposing that they were the victors, set off
to run to Argos, but the Lacedemonian Othryades, after having
stripped the corpses of the Argives and carried their arms to
his own camp, remained in his place. On the next day both
the two sides came thither to inquire about the result ; and for
some time both claimed the victory for themselves, the one side
saying that of them more had remained alive, and the others
declaring that these had fled away, whereas their own man had
stood his ground and had stripped the corpses of the other
party: and at length by reason of this dispute they fell upon
one another and began to fight ; and after many had fallen on
both sides, the Lacedemonians were the victors. ‘The Argives
then cut their hair short, whereas formerly they were compelled
by law to wear it long, and they made a law with a curse
attached to it, that from that time forth no man of the Argives
should grow the hair long nor their women wear ornaments of
gold, until they should have won back Thyrea. The Lacede-
monians however laid down for themselves the opposite law to
this, namely that they should wear long hair from that time
forward, whereas before that time they had not their hair long.
And they say that the one man who was left alive of the three
hundred, namely Othryades, being ashamed to were ready never-
return to Sparta when all his comrades had theless to send

been slain, slew himself there in Thyrea. 88. 2!4 to Croesus.

Such was the condition of things at Sparta when the herald
from Sardis arrived asking them to come to the assistance

42 HERODOTUS

of Croesus, who was being besieged. And they notwith-
standing their own difficulties, so soon as they heard the news
from the herald, were eager to go to his assistance; but when they
had completed their preparations and their ships were ready,
there came another message reporting that the fortress of the
Lydians had been taken and that Croesus had been made
prisoner. Then (and not before) they ceased from their efforts,
being grieved at the event as at a great calamity.
84. Now the taking of Sardis came about as follows :—
When the fourteenth day came after Croesus began to be
besieged, Cyrus made proclamation to his army,
ane faking of sending horsemen round to the several parts ofit,
that he would give gifts to the man who should
first scale the wall. After this the army made an attempt ;
and when it failed, then after all the rest had ceased from the
attack, a certain Mardian whose name was Hyroiades made
an attempt to approach on that side of the citadel where no
guard had been set ; for they had no fear that it would ever
be taken from that side, seeing that here the citadel is pre- .
cipitous and unassailable. ‘To this part of the wall alone
Meles also, who formerly was king of Sardis, did not carry
round the lion which his concubine bore to him, the Tel-
messians having given decision that if the lion should be carried
round the wall, Sardis would be safe from capture: and Meles
having carried it round the rest of the wall, that is to say those
parts of the citadel where the fortress was open to attack,
passed over this part as being unassailable and precipitous :
now this is a part of the city which is turned towards
Tmolos. So then this 7 Mardian Hyroiades, having seen on
the day before how one of the Lydians had descended on that
side of the citadel to recover his helmet which had rolled
down from above, and had picked it up, took thought and
cast the matter about in his own mind. Then he himself®
ascended first, and after him came up others of the Persians,
and many having thus made approach, Sardis was finally
taken and the whole city was given up to plunder. 85. Mean-
while to Croesus himself it happened thus :-—
phat woke as He had a son, of whom I made mention before,
who was of good disposition enough but de-
prived of speech. Now in his former time of prosperity

BOOK I 43

Croesus had done everything that was possible for him, and
besides other things which he devised he had also sent
messengers to Delphi to inquire concerning him. And the
Pythian prophetess spoke to him thus:
‘‘ Lydian, master of many, much blind to destiny, Creesus,

Do not desire to hear in thy halls that voice that is prayed for,

Voice of thy son; much better if this from thee were removéd,

Since he shall first utter speech in an evil day of misfortune.”
Now when the fortress was being taken, one of the Persians was
about to slay Croesus taking him for another; and Croesus
for his part, seeing him coming on, cared nothing for it
because of the misfortune which was upon him, and to him it
was indifferent that he should be slain by the stroke ; but this
voiceless son, when he saw the Persian -coming on, by reason
of terror and affliction burst the bonds of his utterance and
said: “Man, slay not Croesus.” This son, I say, uttered voice
then first of all, but after this he continued to use speech for
the whole time of his life. 86. The Persians then had
obtained possession of Sardis and had taken Croesus himself
prisoner, after he had reigned fourteen years and had been
besieged fourteen days, having fulfilled the oracle in that he
had brought to an end his own great empire. So the Persians
having taken him brought him into the presence of Cyrus:
and he piled up a great pyre and caused Croesus to go up
upon it bound in fetters, and along with him twice seven sons
of Lydians, whether it was that he meant to dedicate this
offering as first-fruits of his victory to some god, or whether
he desired to fulfil a vow, or else had heard that Croesus was
a god-fearing man and so caused him to go up on the pyre
because he wished to know if any one of the divine powers
would save him, so that he should not be burnt alive. He,
they say, did this; but to Croesus as he stood upon the pyre
there came, although he was in such evil case, a memory of
the saying of Solon, how he had said with divine inspiration
that no one of the living might be called happy. And when this
thought came into his mind, they say that he sighed deeply ®
and groaned aloud, having been for long silent, and three times
he uttered the name of Solon. Hearing this, Cyrus bade the
interpreters ask Croesus who was this person on whom he called;
and they came near and asked. And Croesus for a time, it is

44 HERODOTUS

said, kept silence when he was asked this, but afterwards being
pressed he said : “One whom more than much wealth I should
have desired to have speech with all monarchs.” Then, since
his words were of doubtful import, they asked again of that
which he said; and as they were urgent with him and gave
him no peace, he told how once Solon an Athenian had come,
and having inspected all his wealth had made light of it,
with such and such words; and how all had turned out for
him according as Solon had said, not speaking at all espe-
cially with a view to Croesus himself, but with a view to the
whole human race and especially those who seem to them-
selves to be happy men. And while Croesus related these
things, already the pyre was lighted and the edges of it round
about were burning.» Then they say that Cyrus, hearing
from the interpreters what Croesus had said, changed his
purpose and considered that he himself also was but a man,
and that he was delivering another man, who had been not
inferior to himself in felicity, alive to the fire; and moreover
he feared the requital, and reflected that there was nothing of -
that which men possessed which was secure ; therefore, they
say, he ordered them to extinguish as quickly as possible the
fire that was burning, and to bring down Crcesus and those
who were with him from the pyre; and they using endeavours
were not able now to get the mastery of the flames. 87. Then
it is related by the Lydians that Croesus, having learned how
Cyrus had changed his mind, and seeing that every one was
trying to put out the fire but that they were no longer able to
check it, cried aloud entreating Apollo that if any gift had
ever been given by him which had been acceptable to the god,
he would come to his aid and rescue him from the evil which
was now upon him. So he with tears entreated the god, and
suddenly, they say, after clear sky and calm weather clouds
gathered and a storm burst, and it rained with a very violent
shower, and the pyre was extinguished. Then Cyrus, having
perceived that Croesus was a lover of the gods and a good
man, caused him to be brought down from the pyre and
asked him as follows: ‘Croesus, tell me who of all men was
it who persuaded thee to march upon my land and so to
become an enemy to me instead of a friend ?” and he said: “Ὁ
king, I did this to thy felicity and to my own misfortune, and

BOOK I 45

the causer of this was the god of the Hellenes, who incited me
to march with my army. For no one is so senseless as to
choose of his own will war rather than peace, since in peace
the sons bury their fathers, but in war the fathers bury their
sons. But it was pleasing, I suppose, to the divine powers that
these things should come to pass thus.”

88. So he spoke, and Cyrus loosed his bonds and
caused him to sit near himself and paid to him much regard,
and he marvelled both himself and all who were The counsel
about him at the sight of Croesus. And Croesus οἵ Croesus
wrapt in thought was silent; but after atime, * Cy™s-
turning round and seeing the Persians plundering the city of
the Lydians, he said: “ O king, must I say to thee that which
I chance to have in my thought, or must I keep silent in this my
present fortune?” Then Cyrus bade him say boldly whatso-
ever he desired ; and he asked him saying: ‘‘ What is the busi-
ness that this great multitude of men 15 doing with so much
eagerness?” and he said: “They are plundering thy city and
carrying away thy wealth.” And Croesus answered : “ Neither
is it my city that they are plundering nor my wealth which
they are carrying away; for I have no longer any property
in these things: but it is thy wealth that they are carrying
-and driving away.” 89. And Cyrus was concerned by that
which Croesus had said, and he caused all the rest to with-
draw and asked Croesus what he discerned for his advantage
as regards that which was being done; and he said: “Since
the gods gave me to thee as a slave, I think it nght if I
discern anything more than others to signify it to thee. The
Persians, who are by nature unruly,!° are without wealth:
if therefore thou shalt suffer them to carry off in plunder great
wealth and to take possession of it, then it is to be looked
for that thou wilt experience this result, thou must expect
namely that whosoever gets possession of the largest share will
make insurrection against thee. Now therefore, if that which
I say is pleasing to thee, do this :—set spearmen of thy guard
to watch at all the gates, and let these take away the things,
and say to the men who were bearing them out of the city
that they must first be tithed for Zeus: and thus thou on the
one hand wilt not be hated by them for taking away the
things by force, and they on the other will willingly let the

- &

46 HERODOTUS

things go,!! acknowledging within themselves that thou
art doing that which is just.” 90. Hearing. this Cyrus was

above measure pleased, because he thought that
reproached the Croesus advised well; and he commended him
god at Delphi, | much and enjoined the spearmen of his guard
and of we answer to perform that which Croesus had advised :
to his reproach. and after that he spoke to Croesus thus:

** Croesus, since thou art prepared, like a king
as thou art, to do good deeds and speak good words, therefore
ask me for a gift, whatsoever thou desirest to be given thee
forthwith.” And he said: “ Master, thou wilt most do me
a pleasure if thou wilt permit me to send to the god of
the Hellenes, whom I honoured most of all gods, these
fetters, and to ask him whether it is accounted by him right
to deceive those who do well to him.” Then Cyrus asked
him what accusation he made against the god, that he thus
requested ; and Croesus repeated to him all that had been in
his mind and the answers of the Oracles, and especially the
votive offerings, and how he had been incited by the prophecy
to march upon the Persians: and thus speaking he came
back again to the request that it might be permitted to him to
make this reproach 102 against the god. And Cyrus laughed
and said: ‘‘ Not this only shalt thou obtain from me, Croesus,
but also whatsoever thou mayst desire of me at any time.”
Hearing this Croesus sent certain of the Lydians to Delphi,
enjoining them to lay the fetters upon the threshold of the
temple and to ask the god whether he felt no shame that
he had incited Croesus by his prophecies to march upon the
Persians, persuading him that he should bring to an end the
empire of Cyrus, seeing that these were the first-fruits of spoil
which he had won from it,—at the same time displaying the
fetters. This they were to ask, and moreover also whether it
was thought right by the gods of the Hellenes to practise in-
gratitude. 91. When the Lydians came and repeated that
which they were enjoined to say, it is related that the Pythian
prophetess spoke as follows: ‘The fated destiny it is im-
possible even for a god to escape. And Croesus paid the
debt due for the sin of his fifth ancestor, who being one of the
spearmen of the Heracleidai followed the treacherous device
of a woman, and having slain his master took possession of

BOOK I “47

his royal dignity, which belonged not to him of right. And
although Loxias eagerly desired that the calamity of Sardis
might come upon the sons of Croesus and not upon Crcesus
himself, it was not possible for him to draw the Destinies
aside from their course; but so much as these granted he
brought to pass, and gave it as a gift to Croesus: for he put
off the taking of Sardis for three years; and let Croesus be
assured that he was taken prisoner later by these years than the
fated time: moreover secondly, he assisted him when he was
about to be burnt. And as to the oracle which was given,
Croesus finds fault without good ground: for Loxias told him
beforehand that if he should march upon the Persians he
should destroy a great empire: and he upon hearing this, if
he wished to take counsel well, ought to have sent and asked
further whether the god meant his own empire or that of
Cyrus: but as he did not comprehend that which was uttered
and did not ask again, let him pronounce himself to be the
cause of that which followed, To him αἷ5ο 105 when he con-
sulted the Oracle for the last time Loxias said that which he
said concerning a mule; but this also he failed to compre-
hend: for Cyrus was in fact this mule, seeing that he was
born of parents who were of two different races, his mother
being of nobler descent and his father of less noble: for she
was a Median woman, daughter of Astyages the king of the
Medes, but he was a Persian, one of a race subject to the
Medes, and being inferior in all respects he was the husband
of one who was his royal mistress.” Thus the Pythian pro-
phetess replied to the Lydians, and they brought the answer
back to Sardis and reported it to Croesus ; and he, when he
heard it, acknowledged that the fault was his own and not
that of the god. With regard then to the empire of Croesus
and the first conquest of Ionia, it happened thus,

92. Now there are in Hellas many other votive offerings
made by Croesus and not only those which have been men-
tioned : for first at Thebes of the Boeotians offerings of
there is a tripod of gold, which he dedicated to Creesus (besides
the Ismenian Apollo; then at Ephesos there those mentioned
are the golden cows and the greater number
of the pillars of the temple; and in the temple of Athené
Pronaia at Delphi a large golden shield. These were still

48 HERODOTUS

remaining down to my own time, but others of his votive offer-
ings have perished : and the votive offerings of Croesus at Bran-
chidai of the Milesians were, as I am told, equal in weight
and similar to those at Delphi. Now those which he sent to
Delphi and to the temple of Amphiaraos he dedicated of his
own goods and as first-fruits of the wealth inherited from his
father ; but the other offerings were made from the substance
of a man who was his foe, who before Croesus became king
had been factious against him and had joined in endeavouring
to make Pantaleon ruler of the Lydians. Now Pantaleon was
ason of Alyattes and a brother of Croesus, but not by the
same mother, for Croesus was born to Alyattes of a Carian
woman, but Pantaleon of an Ionian. And when Croesus had
gained possession of the kingdom by the gift of his father, he
put to death the man who opposed him, drawing him upon
the carding-comb ; and his property, which even before that
time he had vowed to dedicate, he then offered in the manner
mentioned to those shrines which have been named. About
his votive offerings let it suffice to have said so much.
93. Of marvels to be recorded the land of Lydia has no
great store as compared with other lands,’ excepting the
Marvels of the gold-dust which 15 carried down from Tmolos ;
land of Lydia. but one work it has to show which is larger
far than any other except only those of Egypt
and Babylon: for there is there the sepulchral monument
of Alyattes the father of Croesus, of which the base is
made of large stones and the rest of the monument is of
earth piled up. And this was built by contributions of those
who practised trade and of the artisans and the girls who
plied their traffic there; and still there existed to my own
time boundary-stones five in number erected upon the
monument above, on which were carved inscriptions telling
how much of the work was done by each class; and upon
measurement it was found that the work of the girls was the
greatest In amount. For the daughters of the common
people in Lydia practise prostitution one and all, to gather
for themselves dowries, continuing this until the time when
they marry ; and the girls give themselves away in marriage.
Now the circuit of the monument is six furlongs and two
hundred feet, and the breadth is thirteen hundred feet.}®

BOOK I 49

And adjoining the monument is a great lake, which the
Lydians say has a never-failing supply of water, and it is called
the lake of Gyges.1 Such is the nature of this monument.
94. Now the Lydians have very nearly the same customs
as the Hellenes, with the exception that they prostitute their
female children; and they were the first of customs of the
men, so far as we know, who struck and used Lydians, and their
coin of gold or silver; and also they were the ventions.
first retail-traders. And the Lydians themselves say that the
games which are now in use among them and among the
Hellenes were also their invention. These they say were in-
vented among them at the same time as they colonised
Tyrsenia,}® and this is the account they give of them :—In
the reign of Atys the son of Manes their king there came to be
a grievous dearth over the whole of Lydia; and the Lydians
for a time continued to endure it, but afterwards, as it did not
cease, they sought for remedies; and one devised one thing
and another of them devised another thing. And then were
discovered, they say, the ways of playing with the dice and
the knucklebones and the ball, and all the other games ex-
cepting draughts (for the discovery of this last is not claimed
by the Lydians), These games they invented as a resource
against the famine, and thus they used to do :—on one of
the days they would play games all the time in order that
they might not feel the want of food, and on the next they
ceased from their games and had food: and thus they went
on for eighteen years. As however the evil did not slacken but
pressed upon them ever more and more, therefore their king
divided thewhole Lydian people into two parts, and he appointed
by lot one part to remain and the other to go forth from the
land ; and the king appointed himself to be over that one of
the parts which had the lot to stay in the land, and his son to be
over that which was departing ; and the name of his son was
Tyrsenos. So the one party of them, having obtained the lot
to go forth from the land, went down to the sea at Smyrna
and built ships for themselves, wherein they placed all the
movable goods which they had and sailed away to seek for
means of living and a land to dwell in; until after passing by
many nations they came at last to the land of the Ombricans,!
and there they founded cities and dwell up to the present
VOL. I E

Assyrian
supremacy
about 1229-
700 B.C.

50 HERODOTUS

time: and changing their name they were called after the
king’s son who led them out from home, not Lydians but
Tyrsenians, taking the name from him.

The Lydians then had been made subject to the Persians
as I say: 95, and after this our history proceeds to inquire
The history of about Cyrus, who he was who destroyed the
Cyrus,—and first empire of Croesus, and about the Persians, in
οὗ the teedom what manner they obtained the lead of Asia.
οἱ tne ieeees) EF ollowing then the report of some of the Per-
sians,—those I mean who do not desire to glorify the history
of Cyrus but to speak that which is in fact true,—according to
their report, I say, I shall write; but I could set forth also
other forms of the story in three several ways.

The Assyrians ruled Upper Asia?! for five hundred and
twenty years, and from them the Medes were the first who
made revolt. These having fought for their freedom with the
Assyrians proved themselves good men, and thus they pushed
off the yoke of slavery from themselves and were set free ; and
after them the other nations also did the same as the Medes:
and when all on the continent were thus independent, they re-
turned again to despotic rule as follows :—96. There appeared
among the Medes a man of ability whose name was Deiokes,
and this man was the son of Phraortes. This Deiokes, having
formed a desire for despotic power, did thus :—-whereas the
Medes dwelt in separate villages, he, being even before that
time of great repute in his own village, set himself to practise
just dealing much more and with greater zeal than before ;
and this he did although there was much lawlessness through-
out the whole of Media, and although he knew that injustice
is ever at feud with justice. And the Medes of the same
village, seeing his manners, chose him for their judge. So he,
since he was aiming at power, was upright and just, and doing
thus he had no little praise from his fellow-citizens, insomuch
that those of the other villages learning that Deiokes was a
man who more than all others gave decision rightly, whereas
before this they had been wont to suffer from unjust judgments,
themselves also when they heard it came gladly to Deiokes
to have their causes determined, and at last they trusted
the business to no one else. 97. Then, as more and more

BOOK I sr

continually kept coming to him, because men learnt that his
decisions proved to be according to the truth, Deiokes perceiving
that everything was referred to himself would no longer sit in
the place where he used formerly to sit in public to determine
causes, and said that he would determine causes no more, for
it was not profitable for him to neglect his own affairs and to
determine causes for his neighbours’ all through the day. So
then, smce robbery and lawlessness prevailed even much
more in the villages than they did before, the Medes having
assembled together in one place considered with one another
and spoke about the state in which they were: and I sup-
pose the friends of Deiokes spoke much to this effect:
‘Seeing that we are not able to dwell in the land under
the present order of things, let us set up a king from among
ourselves, and thus the land will be well governed and we
ourselves shall turn to labour, and shall. not be ruined
by lawlessness.” By some such words as these they per-
suaded themselves to have a king. 98. And | |
when they straightway proposed the question ot Agbatena, Ὲ
whom they should set up to be king, Deiokes

was much put forward and commended by every one, until
at last they agreed that he should be their king. And he
bade them build for him a palace worthy of the royal dignity
and strengthen him with a guard of spearmen. And the
Medes did so: for they built him a large and strong palace in
that part of the land which he told them, and they allowed
him to select spearmen from allthe Medes. And when he had
obtained the rule over them, he compelled the Medes to make
one fortified city and pay chief attention to this, having
less regard to the other cities. And as the Medes obeyed
him in this also, he built large and strong walls, those which
are now called Agbatana, standing in circles one within
the other. And this wall is so contrived that one circle is
higher than the next by the height of the battlements alone.
And to some extent, I suppose, the nature of the ground, seeing
that it is on a hill, assists towards this end ; but much more
was it produced by art, since the circles are in all seven in
number.4! And within the last circle are the royal palace and
the treasure-houses. The largest of these walls is in size about
equal to the circuit of the wall round Athens ; and of the first

Deiokes king
of the Medes
about 709
B.C.

52 HERODOTUS

circle the battlements are white, of the second black, of the
third crimson, of the fourth blue, of the fifth red: thus are
the battlements of all the circles coloured with various tints,
and the two last have their battlements one of them overlaid
with silver and the other with gold. 99. These walls then
Deiokes built for himself and round his own palace, and the
people he commanded to dwell round about the wall. And
after all was built, Deiokes established the rule, which he was
the first to establish, ordaining that none should enter into the
presence of the king, but that they deal with him always through
messengers ; and that the king should be seen by no one; and
moreover that to laugh or to spit in presence is unseemly, and
this last for every one without exception"? Now he surrounded
himself with this state 118 to the end that his fellows, who had
been brought up with him and were of no meaner family nor
behind him in manly virtue, might not be grieved by seeing him
and make plots against him, but that being unseen by them he
might be thought to be of different mould. 100. Having set
these things in order and strengthened himself in his despot-
ism, he was severe in preserving justice ; and the people used
to write down their causes and send them in to his presence,
and he determined the questions which were brought in to him
and sent them out again. Thus he used to do about the judg-
ment of causes ; and he also took order for this, that is to say,
if he heard that any one was behaving in an unruly manner,
he sent for him and punished him according as each act of
wrong deserved, and he had watchers and listeners about all
the land over which he ruled.
101. Deiokes then united the Median race alone, and was
ruler of this: and of the Medes there are the tribes which
here follow, namely, Busai, Paretakenians, Struchates, Arizan-
tians, Budians, Magians: the tribes of the Medes are so many
Wars of the in number. 102. Now the son of Deiokes was
Medes with the Phraortes, who when Deiokes was dead, having
Assyrians. been king for three-and-fifty years, received the
power in succession ; and having received it he was not satis-
fied to be ruler of the Medes alone, but marched upon the
Persians ; and attacking them first before others, he made these
first subject to the Medes. After this, being ruler of these two
nations and both of them strong, he proceeded to subdue

BOOK I 53

Asia going from one nation to another, until at last he
marched against the Assyrians, those Assyrians I mean who
dwelt at Nineveh, and who formerly had been rulers of the
whole, but at that time they were left without support their
allies having revolted from them, though at home they were
prosperous enough,“4 Phraortes marched, I say, against these,
and was both himself slain, after he had reigned two-and-
twenty years, and the greater part of his army was destroyed.

103. When Phraortes had brought his life to an end, Kyaxares K

the son of Phraortes, the son of Deiokes, received the power.
This king is said to have been yet much more warlike than his
forefathers ; and he first banded the men of Asia into sepa-
rate divisions, that is to say, he first arrayed apart from one
another the spearmen and the archers and the horsemen, for
before that time they were all mingled together without distinc-
tion. This was he who fought with the Lydians when the day
became night as they fought, and who also united under his
rule the whole of Asia above the river Halys.¥5 And having
gathered together all his subjects he marched upon Nineveh
to avenge his father, and also because he desired to con-
quer that city. And when he had fought ἃ. battle with the
Assyrians and had defeated them, while he was sitting down
before Nineveh there came upon him a great army of
Scythians,"* and the leader of them was Madyas the son of
Protothyas, king of the Scythians. These had | oo. οἵ
invaded Asia after driving the Kimmerians out the Scythians,
of Europe, and in pursuit of them as they fled who ruled Asia
they had come to the land of Media. 104. ror eightand-
νὸν ς : y years,
Now from the Maiotian lake to the river Phasis
and to the land of the Colchians is a journey of thirty days for
one without encumbrance ;!!7 and from Colchis it is not far to
pass over to Media, for there is only one nation between them,
the Saspeirians, and passing by this nation you are in Media.
However the Scythians did not make their invasion by this
way, but turned aside from it to go by the upper road 118 which
is much longer, keeping Mount Caucasus on their right hand.
Then the Medes fought with the Scythians, and having been
worsted in the battle they lost their power, and the Scythians
obtained rule over all Asia. 105. Thence they went on to invade
Egypt ; and when they were in Syria which is called Palestine,

yaxares
became king
634 B.C.

Astyages
became king
594 B.C.

54 HERODOTUS

Psammetichos king of Egypt met them ; and by gifts and en-
treaties he turned them from their purpose, so that they should
not advance any further: and as they retreated, when they came
to the city of Ascalon in Syria, most of the Scythians passed
through without doing any damage, but a few of them who had
stayed behind plundered the temple of Aphrodité Urania.
Now this temple, as I find by inquiry, is the most ancient of
all the temples which belong to this goddess; for the temple
in Cyprus was founded from this, as the people of Cyprus
themselves report, and it was the Phenicians who founded the
temple in Kythera, coming from this land of Syria. So these
Scythians who had plundered the temple at Ascalon, and
their descendants for ever, were smitten by the divinity!® with
a disease which made them women instead of men: and the
Scythians say that it was for this reason that they were diseased,
and that for this reason travellers who visit Scythia now, see
among them the affection of those who by the Scythians are
called Znareés.

106. For eight-and-twenty years then the Scythians were
rulers of Asia, and by their unruliness and reckless behaviour
everything was ruined ; for on the one hand they exacted that
in tribute from each people which they laid upon them,™ and
apart from the tribute they rode about and carried off by force
the possessions of each tribe. Then Kyaxares with the Medes,
having invited the greater number of them to a banquet, made
them drunk and slew them; and thus the Medes recovered
their power, and had rule over the same nations as before ;
and they also took Nineveh,—the manner how it was taken I
shall set forth in another history,!“—and made the Assyrians
subject to them excepting only the land of Babylon.

107. After this Kyaxares died, having reigned forty years
including those years during which the Scythians had rule, and

Astyages and Astyages son of Kyaxares received from him
his daughter the kingdom. To him was born a daughter
Mandané, = whom he named Mandané; and in his sleep
it seemed to him that there passed from her so much water
as to fill his city and also to flood the whole of Asia. This
dream he delivered over}”* to the Magian interpreters of
dreams, and when he heard from them the truth at each point
he became afraid. And afterwards when this Mandané was

BOOK I 55

of an age to have a husband, he did not give her in marriage
to any one of the Medes who were his peers, because he feared
the vision ; but he gave her to a Persian named Cambyses,
whom he found to be of a good descent and of a quiet dis-
position, counting him to be in station much below a Mede of
middle rank. 108. And when Mandané was
married to Cambyses, in the first year Astyages Who), being
saw another vision. It seemed to him that Cambyses a
from the womb of this daughter a vine grew, Persian, became
and this vine overspread the whole of Asia. Crus of
Having seen this vision and delivered it to the

interpreters of dreams, he sent for his daughter, being then
with child, to come from the land of the Persians. And when
she had come he kept watch over her, desiring to destroy that
which should be born of her; for the Magian interpreters of
dreams signified to him that the offspring of his daughter
should. be king in his room. Astyages then desiring to guard
against this, when Cyrus was born, called Harpagos, a man
who was of kin to him and whom he trusted above all the
other Medes, and had made him manager of all his affairs ;
and to him he said as follows: “Neglect not by any means,
Harpagos, the matter which I shall lay upon thee to do, and
beware lest thou set me aside,“ and choosing the advantage
of others instead, bring thyself afterwards to destruction.
Take the child which Mandané bore, and carry it to thy house
and slay it; and afterwards bury it in whatsoever manner thou
thyself desirest.” To this he made answer: “Ὁ king, never
yet at any past time didst thou discern in me an offence against
thee, and I keep watch over myself also with a view to the
time that comes after, that I may not commit any error towards
thee. If it is indeed thy pleasure that this should so be done,
my service at least must be fitly rendered.” 109. How A

Thus he made answer, and when the child had desiring clay
been delivered to him adorned as for death, Cyrus gave charge
Harpagos went weeping to his house. And ἰο Harbagos for
having come thither he related to his wife all ~~

the words which had been spoken by Astyages. And she said to
him: ‘“ Now, therefore, what is it in thy mind to do?” and he
made answer: “ Not according as Astyages enjoined : for not
even if he shall come to be yet more out of his senses and more

56 HERODOTUS

mad than he now is, will I agree to his will or serve him in
such a murder as this. And for many reasons I will not slay
the child; first because he is akin to me, and then because
Astyages is old and without male issue, and if after he is
dead the power shall come to this his daughter, whose son he
is now desiring to slay through me, does not the greatest of
dangers then await me? ΤῸ secure me, this child must die ;
but one of the servants of Astyages must be the slayer of it,

How Cyrus was 2nd not one of mine.” 110. Thus he spoke,
brought up by a and straightway sent a messenger to that one of
herdsman, the herdsmen of Astyages who he knew fed his
herds on the pastures which were most suitable for his pur-
pose, and on the mountains most haunted by wild beasts.
The name of this man was Mitradates, and he was married to
one who was his fellow-slave ; and the name of the woman to
whom he was married was Kyno in the tongue of the Hellenes
and in the Median tongue Spaco, for what the Hellenes call
kyna (bitch) the Medes call spaca. Now, it was on the
skirts of the mountains that this herdsman had his cattle-
pastures, from Agbatana towards the North Wind and towards
the Euxine Sea. For here in the direction of the Saspeirians
the Median land is very mountainous and lofty and thickly
covered with forests; but the rest of the land of Media is
all level plain. So when this herdsman came, being sum-
moned with much urgency, Harpagos said these words:
*‘ Astyages bids thee take this child and place it on the most
desolate part of the mountains, so that it may perish as quickly
as possible. And he bade me say to thee that if thou do not
kill it, but in any way shalt preserve it from death, he will
slay thee by the most evil kind of destruction: 1325 and I have
been appointed to see that the child 1s laid forth.” 111.
Having heard this and having taken up the child, the herds-
man went back by the way he came, and arrived at his dwell-
ing. And his wife also, as it seems, having been every day on
the point of bearing a child, by a providential chance brought
her child to the birth just at that time, when the herdsman was
gone to the city. And both were in anxiety, each for the other,
the man having fear about the child-bearing of his wife, and
the woman about the cause why Harpagos had sent to summon
her husband, not having been wont to do so aforetime. So as

BOOK I 57

soon as he returned and stood before her, the woman seeing
him again beyond her hopes was the first to speak, and asked
him for what purpose Harpagos had sent for him so urgently.
And he said: ‘ Wife, when I came to the city I saw and heard
that which I would I had not seen, and which I should wish
had never chanced to those whom we serve. For the house of
Harpagos was all full of mourning, and I being astonished
thereat went within: and as soon as I entered I saw laid out to
view an infant child gasping for breath and screaming, which
was adorned with gold ornaments and embroidered clothing :
and when Harpagos saw me he bade me forthwith take up the
child and carry it away and lay it on that part of the
mountains which is most haunted by wild beasts, saying that
it was Astyages who laid this task upon me, and using to me
many threats, if I should fail to do this. And I took it up
and bore it away, supposing that it was the child of some one
of the servants of the house, for never could I have supposed
whence it really was ; but I marvelled to see it adorned with
gold and raiment, and I marvelled also because mourning was
made for it openly in the house of Harpagos. And straight-
way as we went by the road, I learnt the whole matter from
the servant who went with me out of the city and placed in
my hands the babe, namely that it was in truth the son of
Mandané the daughter of Astyages, and of Cambyses the son
of Cyrus, and that Astyages bade slay it. And now here it is.”
112. And as he said this the herdsman uncovered it and
showed it to her. And she, seeing that the child was large
and of fair form, wept and clung to the knees of her husband,
beseeching him by no means to lay it forth. But he said that
he could not do otherwise than so, for watchers would come
backwards and forwards sent by Harpagos to see that this was
done, and he would perish by a miserable death if he should
fail to do this. And as she could not after all persuade her
husband, the wife next said as follows: “Since then I am
unable to persuade thee not to lay it forth, do thou this which
I shall tell thee, if indeed it needs must be seen laid forth.
I also have borne a child, but I have borne it dead. Take
this and expose it, and let us rear the child of the daughter
of Astyages as if it were our own. Thus thou wilt not be
found out doing a wrong to those whom we serve, nor shall we

58 HERODOTUS

have taken ill counsel for ourselves; for the dead child will
obtain a royal burial and the surviving one will not lose his
life.” 118. To the herdsman it seemed that, the case stand-
ing thus, his wife spoke well, and forthwith he did so. The
child which he was bearing to put to death, this he delivered
to his wife, and his own, which was dead, he took and placed
in the chest in which he had been bearing the other; and
having adorned it with all the adornment of the other child,
he bore it to the most desolate part of the mountains and
placed it there. And when the third day came after the child
had been laid forth, the herdsman went to the city, leaving
one of his under-herdsmen to watch there, and when he came
to the house of Harpagos he said that he was ready to display
the dead body of the child; and Harpagos sent the most
trusted of his spearmen, and through them he saw and buried
the herdsman’s child. This then had had burial, but him who
was afterwards called Cyrus the wife of the herdsman had
received and was bringing him up, giving him no doubt some
other name, not Cyrus.
114. And when the boy was ten years old, it happened with
regard to him as follows, and this made him known. He was
playing in the village in which were these
stalls for oxen, he was playing there, I say,
. with other boys of his. age in the road. And
the boys in their play chose as their king this one who
was called the son of the herdsman: and he set some of
them to build palaces and others to be spearmen of his guard,
and one of them no doubt he appointed to be the eye of the
king, and to one he gave the office of bearing the mess-
ages,!#44 appointing a work for each one severally. Now one
of these boys who was playing with the rest, the son of
Artembares a man of repute among the Medes, did not do
that which Cyrus appointed him to do; therefore Cyrus bade
the other boys seize him hand and foot,!® and when they
obeyed his command he dealt with the boy very roughly,
scourging him. But he, so soon as he was let go, being made
much more angry because he considered that he had been
treated with indignity, went down to the city and complained
to his father of the treatment which he had met with from
Cyrus, calling him not Cyrus, for this was not yet his name,

but at length
was discovered,

BOOK I 59

but the son of the herdsman of Astyages. And Artembares
in the anger of the moment went at once to Astyages, taking
the boy with him, and he declared that he had suffered things
that were unfitting and said: “Ὁ king, by thy slave, the son
of a herdsman, we have been thus outraged,” showing him
the shoulders of hisson. 115. And Astyages having heard and
seen this, wishing to punish the boy to avenge the honour of
Artembares, sent for both the herdsman and his son. And
when both were there present, Astyages looked at Cyrus and
said: “ Didst thou dare, being the son of so mean a father as
this, to treat with such unseemly insult the son of this man
who is first in my favour?” And he replied thus: “ Master,
I did so to him with right. For the boys of the village, of
whom he also was one, in their play set me up as king over them,
for I appeared to them most fitted for this place. Now the
other boys did what was commanded them, but this one dis-
obeyed and paid no regard, until at last he received the
punishment due. If therefore for this I am worthy to suffer
any evil, here I stand before thee.” 116, While the boy
thus spoke, there came upon Astyages a sense of recognition
of him, and the lineaments of his face seemed to him to
resemble his own, and his answer appeared to be some-
what over free for his station, while the time of the laying
forth seemed to agree with the age of the boy. Being
struck with amazement by these things, for a time he was
speechless; and having at length with difficulty recovered
himself, he said, desiring to dismiss Artembares, in order that
he might get the herdsman by himself alone and examine him :
“ Artembares, I will so order these things that thou and thy
son shall have no cause to find fault ;” and so he dismissed
Artembares, and the servants upon the command of Asty-
ages led Cyrus within. And when the herdsman was left
alone with the king, Astyages being alone with him asked
whence he had received the boy, and who it was who had
delivered the boy to him. And the herdsman said that he
was his own son, and that the mother was living with him
still as his wife. But Astyages said that he was not well
advised in desiring to be brought to extreme necessity, and
as he said this he made a sign to the spearmen of his guard
to seize him. So he, as he was being led away to the

60 HERODOTUS

torture,!* then declared the story as it really was; and
beginning from the beginning he went through the whole,
telling the truth about it, and finally ended with entreaties,
asking that he would grant him pardon.

117. So when the herdsman had made known the truth,
Astyages now cared less about him, but with Harpagos he was
very greatly displeased and bade his spearmen summon him.
And when Harpagos came, Astyages asked him thus: “By what
death, Harpagos, didst thou destroy the child whom I delivered
to thee, born of my daughter?” and Harpagos, seeing that the
herdsman was in the king’s palace, turned not to any false way
of speech, lest he should be convicted and found out, but said
as follows: ‘‘O king, so soon as I received the child, I took
counsel and considered how I should do according to thy
mind, and how without offence to thy command I might
not be guilty of murder against thy daughter and against
thyself. I did therefore thus :—I called this herdsman and
delivered the child to him, saying first that thou wert he
who bade him slay it—and in this at least I did not lie, for
thou didst so command. I delivered it, I say, to this man
commanding him to place it upon a desolate mountain, and
to stay by it and watch it until it should die, threatening him
with all kinds of punishment if he should fail to accomplish
this, And when he had done that which was ordered and the
child was dead, I sent the most trusted of my eunuchs and
through them I saw and buried the child. Thus, O king, it
happened about this matter, and the child had this death which
The vengeance I say.” 118. So Harpagos declared the truth,

of Astyageson and Astyages concealed the anger which he
Harpagos. kept against him for that which had come to
pass, and first he related the matter over again to Harpagos
according as he had been told it by the herdsman, and after-
wards, when it had been thus repeated by him, he ended
by saying that the child was alive and that that which had
come to pass was well, “for,” continued he, “I was greatly
troubled by that which had been done to this child, and I
thought it no light thing that I had been made at variance
with my daughter. ‘Therefore consider that this is a happy
change of fortune, and first send thy son to be with the boy
who is newly come, and then, seeing that I intend to make

BOOK I 61

a sacrifice of thanksgiving for the preservation of the boy to
those gods to whom that honour belongs, be here thyself to
dine with me.” 119. When Harpagos heard this, he did
reverence and thought it a great matter that his offence had
turned out for his profit and moreover that he had been
invited to dinner with happy augury ; 157 and so he went to
his house. And having entered it straightway, he sent forth
his son, for he had one only son of about thirteen years old,
bidding him go to the palace of Astyages and do whatsoever
the king should command; and he himself being overjoyed
told his wife that which had befallen him. But Astyages,
when the son of Harpagos arrived, cut his throat and divided
him limb from limb, and having roasted some pieces of the
flesh and boiled others he caused them to be dressed for
eating and kept them ready. And when the time arrived for
dinner and the other guests were present and also Harpagos,
then before the other guests and before Astyages himself were
placed tables covered with flesh of sheep; but before Har-
pagos was placed the flesh of his own son, all but the head
and the hands and the feet,!% and these were laid aside
covered up in a basket. Then when it seemed that Harpagos
was satisfied with food, Astyages asked him whether he had
been pleased with the banquet ; and when Harpagos said that
he had been very greatly pleased, they who had been com-
manded to do this brought to him the head of his son covered
up, together with the hands and the feet ; and standing near
they bade Harpagos uncover and take of them that which he
desired. So when Harpagos obeyed and uncovered, he saw
the remains of his son; and seeing them he was not overcome
with amazement but contained himself: and Astyages asked
him whether he perceived of what animal he had been eating
the flesh: and he said that he perceived, and that whatsoever
the king might do was well pleasing to him. Thus having
made answer and having taken up the parts of the flesh which
still remained he went to his house ; and after that, I suppose,
he would gather all the parts together and bury them.

120. On Harpagos Astyages laid this penalty ; and about
Cyrus he took thought, and summoned the same men of the
Magians who had given judgment about his dream in the
manner which has been said: and when they came, Astyages

62 HERODOTUS

asked how they had given judgment about his vision ; and they
spoke according to the same manner, saying that the child
How Cyrus came must have become king if he had lived on and
to his father’s had not died before. He made answer to them
house and there thus: “The child is alive and not dead : 139 and
grew tomanhood. while he was dwelling in the country, the boys
of the village appointed him king; and he performed com-
pletely all those things which they do who are really kings ;
for he exercised rule, appointing to their places spearmen
of the guard and doorkeepers and bearers of messages and all
else. Now therefore, to what does it seem to you that these
things tend?” The Magians said: “If the child is still alive
and became king without any arrangement, be thou confident
concerning him and have good courage, for he shall not be
ruler again the second time; since some even of our oracles
have had but small results, and that at least which has to
do with dreams comes often in the end to a feeble accomplish-
ment.” Astyages made answer in these words: “I myself
also, O Magians, am most disposed to believe that it is so,
namely that since the boy was named king the dream has had
its fulfilment and that this boy is no longer a source of danger
to me. Nevertheless give counsel to me, having well con-
sidered what is likely to be most safe both for my house and
for you.” Replying to this the Magians said: “To us also, O
king, it is of great consequence that thy rule should stand
firm; for in the other case it is transferred to strangers,
coming round to this boy who is a Persian, and we being
Medes are made slaves and become of no account in the eyes
of the Persians, seeing that we are of different race; but while
thou art established as our king, who art one of our own nation,
we both have our share of rule and receive great honours
from thee. ‘Thus then we must by all means have a care of
thee and of thy rule. And now, if we saw in this anything to |
cause fear, we would declare all to thee beforehand: but as
the dream has had its issue in a trifling matter, both we
ourselves are of good cheer and we exhort thee to be so like-
wise: and as for this boy, send him away from before thine
eyes to the Persians and to his parents.” 121. When
he heard this Astyages rejoiced, and calling Cyrus spoke to him
thus: “My son, I did thee wrong by reason of a vision

BOOK I 63

of a dream which has not come to pass, but thou art yet alive
by thine own destiny; now therefore go in peace to the
land of the Persians, and I will send with thee men to conduct
thee : and when thou art come thither, thou shalt find a father
and a mother not after the fashion of Mitradates the herds-
man and his wife.” 122. Thus having spoken Astyages sent
Cyrus away; and when he had returned and come to the
house of Cambyses, his parents received him; and after that,
when they learnt who he was, they welcomed him not a little,
for they had supposed without doubt that their son had
perished straightway after his birth; and they inquired in
what manner he had survived. And he told them, saying that
before this he had not known but had been utterly in error ;
on the way, however, he had learnt all his own fortunes: for
he had supposed without doubt that he was the son of the
herdsman of Astyages, but since his journey from the city
began he had learnt the whole story from those who con-
ducted him. And he said that he had been brought up by
the wife of the herdsman, and continued to praise her
throughout, so that Kyno was the chief person in his tale.
And his parents took up this name from him, and in order
that their son might be thought by the Persians to have been
preserved in a more supernatural manner, they set on foot a
report that Cyrus when he was exposed had been reared by a
bitch : 132. and from that source has come this report.

123. Then as Cyrus grew to be a man, being of all those
of his age the most courageous and the best beloved, Har-
pagos sought to become his friend and sent him gifts, because
he desired to take vengeance on Astyages. For he saw not
how from himself, who was in a private station, punishment
should come upon Astyages; but when he saw Cyrus grow-
ing up, he endeavoured to make him an ally, finding a like-
ness between the fortunes of Cyrus and his own. And even
before that time he had effected something; for Astyages
being harsh towards the Medes, Harpagos communicated
severally with the chief men of the Medes, and persuaded
them that they must make Cyrus their leader and cause
Astyages to cease from being king. When he had effected
this and when all was ready, then Harpagos wishing to make
known his design to Cyrus, who lived among the Persians,

64 HERODOTUS

could do it in no other way, seeing that the roads were
watched, but devised a scheme as follows :—he made ready a
hare, and having cut open its belly but without pulling off any
of the fur, he put into it, just as it was, a piece of paper,
having written upon it that which he thought good ; and then
he sewed up again the belly of the hare, and giving nets as if
he were a hunter to that one of his servants whom he trusted
most, he sent him away to the land of the Persians, enjoining
him by word of mouth to give the hare to Cyrus, and to tell
him at the same time to open it with his own hands and let
How Cyrus by no one else be present when he did so. 124.
suggestion of Lhis then was accomplished, and Cyrus having
Harpagos caused received from him the hare, cut it open; and
the Persiansto having found within it the paper he took and
revolt read it over. And the writing said this: “Son
of Cambyses, over thee the gods keep guard, for otherwise
thou wouldst never have come to so much good fortune.
Do thou therefore take vengeance on Astyages who is
thy murderer, for so far as his will is concerned thou art
dead, but by the care of the gods and of me thou art still
alive; and this I think that thou hast long ago learnt from
first to last, both how it happened about thyself, and also what
things I have suffered from Astyages, because I did not slay
thee but gave thee to the herdsman. If therefore thou wilt
be guided by me, thou shalt be ruler of all that land over
which now Astyages is ruler. Persuade the Persians to revolt,
and march an army against the Medes: and whether I shall
be appointed leader of the army against thee, or any other of
the Medes who are in repute, thou hast what thou desirest ;
for these will be the first to attempt to destroy Astyages,
revolting from him and coming over to thy party. Consider
then that here at least all is ready, and therefore do this and
do it with speed.” 125. Cyrus having heard this began to
consider in what manner he might most skilfully persuade the
Persians to revolt, and on consideration he found that this was
the most convenient way, and so in fact he did :—He wrote
first on a paper that which he desired to write, and he made
an assembly of the Persians. ‘Then he unfolded the paper
and reading from it said that Astyages appointed him com-
mander of the Persians ; ‘and now, O Persians,” he continued,

BOOK I 65

“1 give you command to come to me each one with a reaping-
hook.” Cyrus then proclaimed this command. (Now there
are of the Persians many tribes, and some of them Cyrus
gathered together and persuaded to revolt from the Medes,
namely these, upon which all the other Persians
depend, the Pasargadai, the Maraphians and ey Persinas)
the Maspians, and of these the Pasargadai are

the most noble, of whom also the Achaimenidai are a clan,
whence are sprung the Perseid 186 kings. But other Persian
tribes there are, as follows :—the Panthaliaians, the Derusiaians
and the Germanians, these are all tillers of the soil ; and the
rest are nomad tribes, namely the Daoi, Mardians, Dropicans
and Sagartians.) 126. Now there was a certain region of the
Persian’ land which was overgrown with thorns, extending
some eighteen or twenty furlongs in each direction ; and when
all had come with that which they had been before com-
manded to bring, Cyrus bade them clear this region for cultiva-
tion within one day: and when the Persians had achieved
the task proposed, then he bade them, come to him on the next
day bathed and clean. Meanwhile Cyrus, having gathered
together in one place all the flocks of goats and sheep and
the herds of cattle belonging to his father, slaughtered them
and prepared with them to entertain the host of the Persians,
and moreover with wine and other provisions of the most
agreeable kind. So when the Persians came on the next
day, he made them recline in a meadow and feasted them.
And when they had finished dinner, Cyrus asked them
whether that which they had on the former day or that which
they had now seemed to them preferable. They said that
the difference between them was great, for the former day had
for them nothing but evil, and the present day nothing but
good. ‘Taking up this saying Cyrus proceeded to lay bare
his whole design, saying: ‘Men of the Persians, thus it is
with you. If ye will do as I say, ye have these and ten
thousand other good things, with no servile labour ; but if ye
will not do as I say, ye have labours like that of yesterday in-
numerable. Now therefore do as I say and make yourselves
free: for I seem to myself to have been born by providential
fortune to take these matters in hand; and I think that ye
are not worse men than the Medes, either in other matters

VOL. I F

66 HERODOTUS

or in those which have to do with war. Consider then that
this is so, and make revolt from Astyages forthwith.”

127. So the Persians having obtained a leader willingly
attempted to set themselves free, since they had already for a
long time been indignant to be ruled by the
Medes: but when Astyages heard that Cyrus
was acting thus, he sent a messenger and sum-
moned him; and Cyrus bade the messenger report to
Astyages that he would be with him sooner than he would
himself desire. So Astyages hearing this armed all the
Medes, and blinded by divine providence he appointed
Harpagos to be leader of the army, forgetting what he had
done to him. Then when the Medes had marched out and
began to fight with the Persians, some of them continued the
battle, namely those who had not been made partakers in the
design, while others went over to the Persians; but the
greater number were wilfully slack and fled. 128. So when
the Median army had been shamefully dispersed, so soon as
Astyages heard of it he said, threatening Cyrus: “ But not
even so shall Cyrus at least escape punishment.” Thus hav-
ing spoken he first impaled the Magian interpreters of dreams
who had persuaded him to let Cyrus go, and then he armed
those of the Medes, youths and old men, who had been left
behind in the city. These he led out and having engaged battle
with the Persians he was worsted, and Astyages himself was
taken alive, and he lost also those of the Medes whom he
had led forth, 129. Then when Astyages was a prisoner,
Harpagos came and stood near him and rejoiced over him
and insulted him; and besides other things which he said to
grieve him, he asked him especially how it pleased him to be a
slave instead of a king, making reference to that dinner at
which Astyages had feasted him with the flesh of his own
son./ He looking at him asked him in return whether he
claimed the work of Cyrus as his own deed: and Harpagos
said that since he had written the letter, the deed was justly
his. ‘Then Astyages declared him to be at the same time the
most unskilful and the most unjust of men ; the most unskilful
because, when it was in his power to become king (as it was,
if that which had now been done was really brought about by
him), he had conferred the chief power on another, and the

Cyrus, defeating
Astyages,

BOOK I 67

most unjust, because on account of that dinner he had re-
duced the Medes to slavery. For if he must needs confer
the kingdom on some other and not keep it himself, it was
more just to give this good thing to one of the Medes rather
than to one of the Persians; whereas now the Medes, who
were guiltless of this, had become slaves instead of masters,
and the Persians who formerly were slaves of the Medes had
now become their masters. 1380. Astyages then, having been
king for five-and-thirty years, was thus caused pecame king of
to cease from being king; and the Medes the Medes and
stooped under the yoke of the Persians because Persians.

of his cruelty, after they had ruled Asia above the river Halys
for one hundred and twenty-eight years, except during that
period for which the Scythians had rule. Afterwards how-
_ ever it repented them that they had done this, and they re-
volted from Dareios, and having revolted they were subdued
again, being conquered in a battle. At this time then, I say, in
the reign of Astyages, the Persians with Cyrus rose up against
the Medes and from that time forth were rulers of Asia: but
as for Astyages, Cyrus did no harm to him besides, but kept
him with himself until he died. Thus born and bred Cyrus
- became king; and after this he subdued Croesus, who was
the first to begin the quarrel, as I have before said; and having
subdued him he then became ruler of all Asia.

181. These are the customs, so far as I know, which
the Persians practise :—Images and temples and altars they
do not account it lawful to erect, nay they even Customs of the
charge with folly those who do these things; Persians, both
and this, as it seems to me, because they do in Tegardto
not account the gods to be in the likeness of “°°”
men, as do the Hellenes. But it is their wont to per-
form sacrifices to Zeus going up to the most lofty of the
mountains, and the whole circle of the heavens they call
Zeus: and they sacrifice to the Sun and the Moon and the
Earth, to Fire and to Water and to the Winds: these are the
only gods to whom they have sacrificed ever from the first ; but
they have learnt also to sacrifice to Aphrodité Urania, having
learnt it both from the Assyrians and the Arabians; and the
Assyrians call Aphrodité Mylitta, the Arabians Alitta,44 and

Cyrus be-
came
559 B.C.

68 HERODOTUS

the Persians Mitra. 1382. Now this is the manner of sacrifice
for the gods aforesaid which is established . among the
Persians :—they make no altars neither do they kindle fire ;
and when they mean to sacrifice they use no libation nor
music of the pipe nor chaplets 137 nor meal for sprinkling ; 1%
but when a man wishes to sacrifice to any one of the gods,
he leads the animal for sacrifice to an unpolluted place and
calls upon the god, having his #@7a‘5°4 wreathed round gener-
ally with a branch of myrtle. For himself alone separately the
man who sacrifices may not request good things in his prayer,
but he prays that it may be well with all the Persians and
with the king ; for he himself also is included of course in the
whole body of Persians. And when he has cut up the
victim into pieces and boiled the flesh, he spreads a layer of
the freshest grass and especially clover, upon which he places
forthwith all the pieces of flesh; and when he has placed
them in order, a Magian man stands by them and chants
over them a theogony (for of this nature they say that their in-
cantation is), seeing that without a Magian it is not lawful for
them to make sacrifices. Then after waiting a short time the
sacrificer carries away the flesh and uses it for whatever
purpose he pleases. 188. And of all days their wont is
to honour most that on which they were born, each one:
on this they think it right to set out a feast
more liberal than on other days; and in this
feast the wealthier of them set upon the table
an ox or a horse or a camel or an ass, roasted whole in an
oven, and the poor among them set out small animals in
the same way. They have few solid dishes,“ but many
served up after as dessert, and these not in a single course;
and for this reason the Persians say that the Hellenes leave
off dinner hungry, because after dinner they have nothing
worth mentioning served up as dessert, whereas if any good
dessert were served up they would not stop eating so soon.
To wine-drinking they are very much given, and it is not per-
mitted to ἃ man to vomit or to make water in presence of
another. Thus do they provide against these things; and they
are wont to deliberate when drinking hard about the most im-
portant of their affairs, and whatsoever conclusion has pleased
them in their deliberation, this on the next day, when they are

and other
matters.

BOOK I 69

sober, the master of the house in which they happen to be
when they deliberate lays before them for discussion: and if
it pleases them when they are sober also, they adopt it, but if
it does not please them, they let it go: and that on which
they have had the first deliberation when they are sober, they
consider again when they are drinking. 134, When they
meet one another in the roads, by this you may discern
whether those who meet are of equal rank,—for instead of
greeting by words they kiss one another on the mouth; but
if one of them is a little inferior to the other, they kiss one
another on the cheeks, and if one is of much less noble rank
than the other, he falls down before him and does worship to
him. And they honour of all most after themselves those
nations which dwell nearest to them, and next those which dwell
next nearest, and so they go on giving honour in proportion
to distance ; and they hold least in honour those who dwell
furthest off from themselves, esteeming themselves to be by
far the best of all the human race in every point, and thinking
that others possess merit according to the proportion which Is .
here stated,!#! and that those who dwell furthest from them-
selves are the worst. And under the supremacy of the Medes
the various nations used also to govern one another according
to the same rule as the Persians observe in giving honour,!*
the Medes governing the whole and in particular those who
dwelt nearest to themselves, and these having rule over
those who bordered upon them, and those again over the
nations that were next to them: for the race went forward
thus ever from government by themselves to government
through others. 135. The Persians more than any other
men admit foreign usages; for they both wear the Median
dress judging it to be more comely than their own, and also
for fighting the Egyptian corslet: moreover they adopt all
kinds of luxuries when they hear of them, and in particular
they have learnt from the Hellenes to have commerce with
boys. ‘They marry each one several lawful wives, and they
get also a much larger number of concubines. 186. It is
established as a sign of manly excellence next after excel-
lence in fight, to be able to show many sons; and to those
who have most the king sends gifts every year: for they con-
sider number to be a source of strength. And they educate

70 HERODOTUS

their children, beginning at five years old and going on till
twenty, in three things only, in riding, in shooting, and in
speaking the truth: but before the boy is five years old he
does not come into the presence of his father, but lives with
the women ; and it is so done for this reason, that if the child
should die while he is being bred up, he may not be the cause
of any grief to his father. 187. I commend this custom of
theirs, and also the one which is next to be mentioned, namely
that neither the king himself shall put any to death for one
cause alone, nor any of the other Persians for one cause alone
shall do hurt that is irremediable to any of his own servants;
but if after reckoning he find that the wrongs done are more
in number and greater than the services rendered, then only
he gives vent to his anger. Moreover they say that no one
ever killed his own father or mother, but whatever deeds have
been done which seemed to be of this nature, if examined
must necessarily, they say, be found to be due either to
changelings or to children of adulterous birth ; for, say they,
it is not reasonable to suppose that the true parent would be
killed by his own son. 188. Whatever things it is not lawful
for them to do, these it is not lawful for them even to speak
of: and the most disgraceful thing in their estimation is to
tell a lie, and next to this to owe money, this last for many
other reasons, but especially because it is necessary, they say,
for him who owes money, also sometimes to tell lies: and
whosoever of the men of the city has leprosy or whiteness of
skin, he does not come into a city nor mingle with the other
Persians ; and they say that he has these diseases because he
has offended in some way against the Sun: but a stranger who
is taken by these diseases, in many regions they drive out of
the country altogether, and also white doves, alleging against
them the same cause. And into a river they neither make
water nor spit, neither do they wash their hands in it, nor
allow any other to do these things, but they reverence rivers
very greatly. 189, This moreover also has chanced to them,
which the Persians have themselves failed to notice but I
have not failed to do so :—their names, which are formed to
correspond with their bodily shapes or their magnificence of
station, end all with the same letter, that letter which the
Dorians call saz and the Ionians sigma; with this you will

BOOK I 7"

find, if you examine the matter, that all the Persian names
end, not some with this-and others with other letters, but all
alike.

140. So much I am able to say for certain from my own
knowledge about them: but what follows is reported about
their dead as a secret mystery and not with clearness, namely
that the body of a Persian man is not buried until it has been
torn by a bird or a dog. (The Magians I know for a cer-
tainty have this practice, for they do it openly.) However
that may be, the Persians cover the body with wax and then
bury it in the earth. Now the Magians are
distinguished in many ways from other men, as
also from the priests in Egypt: for these last esteem it a matter
of purity to kill no living creature except the animals which
they sacrifice ; but the Magians kill with their own hands all
creatures except dogs and men, and they even make this a
great end to aim at, killing both ants and serpents and all
other creeping and flying things. About this custom then be
it as it was from the first established ; and I return now to the
former narrative.!“

The Magians,

141. The Ionians and Aiolians, so soon as the Lydians
had been subdued by the Persians, sent messengers to Cyrus
at Sardis, desiring to be his subjects on the
same terms as they had been subjects of Croesus. Flow the Tonians
And when he heard that which they proposed a message to
to him, he spoke to them a fable, saying that a Cyrus and after-
certain player on the pipe saw fishes in the sea χαῖρ as
and played on his pipe, supposing that they
would come out to land; but being deceived in his expectation,
he took a casting-net and enclosed a great multitude of the
fishes and drew them forth from the water: and when he saw
them leaping about, he said to the fishes: “Stop dancing I
pray you now, seeing that ye would not come out and dance
before when I piped.” Cyrus spoke this fable to the Ionians
and Aiolians for this reason, because the Ionians had refused
to comply before, when Cyrus himself by a messenger re-
quested them to revolt from Croesus, while now when the
conquest had been made they were ready to submit to Cyrus.
Thus he said to them in anger, and the Ionians, when they

72 HERODOTUS

heard this answer brought back to their cities, put walls round
about them severally, and gathered together to the Panionion,
all except the men of Miletos, for with these alone Cyrus
had sworn an agreement on the same terms as the Lydian had
granted. ‘The rest of the Ionians resolved by common con-
sent to send messengers to Sparta, to ask the Spartans to help
the Ionians.

142. These Ionians to whom belongs the Panionion had
the fortune to build their cities in the most favourable posi-
tion for climate and seasons of any men whom
we know: for neither the regions above Ionia
nor those below, neither those towards the East
nor those towards the West,! produce the same results as
Ionia itself, the regions in the one direction being oppressed
by cold and moisture, and those in the other by heat and
drought. And these do not use all the same speech, but
have four different variations of language.1#? First of their
cities on the side of the South lies Miletos, and next to
it Myus and Priené. These are settlements made in Caria,
and speak the same language with one another; and the
following are in Lydia,—Ephesos, Colophon, Lebedos, Teos,
Clazomenai, Phocaia: these cities resemble not at all those
mentioned before in the speech which they use, but they agree
one with another. There remain besides three Ionian cities,
of which two are established in the islands of Samos and
Chios, and one is built upon the mainland, namely Erythrai:
now the men of Chios and of Erythrai use the same form of
language, but the Samians have one for themselves alone.
Thus there result four separate forms of language.

148, Of these Ionians then those of Miletos were sheltered
from the danger, since they had sworn an agreement; and those
of them who lived in islands had no cause
of fear, for the Phenicians were not yet subjects
of the Persians and the Persians themselves
were not sea-men. Now these }4 were parted off from the
other Jonians for no other reason than this:—The whole
Hellenic nation was at that time weak, but of all its races the
Tonian was much the weakest and of least account: except
Athens, indeed, it had no considerable city. Now the other
Tonians, and among them the Athenians, avoided the name, not

The cities of the
Ionians,

and the Ionian
race in general.

BOOK I 3

wishing to be called Ionians, nay even ΠΟῪ I perceive that the
greater number of them are ashamed of the name: but these
twelve cities not only prided themselves on the name but
established a temple of their own, to which they gave the name
of Panionion, and they made resolution not to grant a share in
it to any other Ionians (nor indeed did any ask to share it
except those of Smyrna); 144, just as the Dorians of that
district which is now called the Five Cities 159 but was formerly
called the Six Cities,™° take care not to admit any of the
neighbouring Dorians to the temple of Triopion, and even
exclude from sharing in it those of their own body who
commit any offence as regards the temple. For example, in the
games of the Triopian Apollo they used formerly to set bronze
tripods as prizes for the victors, and the rule was that those
who received them should not carry them out of the temple
but dedicate them then and there to the god. There was a man
then of Halicarnassos, whose name was Agasicles, who being
a victor paid no regard to this rule, but carried away the
tripod to his own house and hung it up there upon a nail. On
this ground the other five cities, Lindos, Ialysos and Cameiros,
Cos and Cnidos, excluded the sixth city Halicarnassos from
sharing in the temple. 145. Upon these they laid this penalty:
but as for the Ionians, I think that the reason why they made
of themselves twelve cities and would not receive any more
into their body, was because when they dwelt in Peloponnesus
there were of them twelve divisions, just as now there are
twelve divisions of the Achaians who drove the Ionians out:
for first, (beginning from the side of Sikyon) comes Pellené,
then Aigeira and Aigai, in which last is the river Crathis with
a perpetual flow (whence the river of the same name in Italy
received its name), and Bura and Heliké, to which the
Tonians fled for refuge when they were worsted by the
Achaians in fight, and Aigion and Rhypes and Patreis and
Phareis and Olenos, where is the great river Peiros, and Dymé
and Tritaieis, of which the last alone has an inland position.4®!
These form now twelve divisions of the Achaians, and in former
times they were divisions of the Ionians, 146. For this reason
then the Ionians also made for themselves twelve cities ; for at
any rate to say that these are any more Ionians than the
other Jonians, or have at all a nobler descent, is mere folly,

4 HERODOTUS

considering that a large part of them are Abantians from
Eubcea, who have no share even in the name of Ionia, and
Minyai of Orchomenos have been mingled with them, and
Cadmeians and Dryopians and Phokians who seceded from
their native State and Molossians and Pelasgians of Arcadia
and Dorians of Epidauros and many other races have been
mingled with them ; and those of them who set forth to their
settlements from the City Hall of Athens and who esteem
themselves the most noble by descent of the Ionians, these, I
say, brought no women with them to their settlement, but took
Carian women, whose parents they slew: and on account of
this slaughter these women laid down for themselves a rule,
imposing oaths on one another, and handed it on to their
daughters, that they should never eat with their husbands, nor
should a wife call her own husband by name, for this reason,
because the Ionians had slain their fathers and husbands
and children and then having done this had them to wife.
This happened at Miletos. 147. Moreover some of them set
Lykian kings over them, descendants of Glaucos and Hippolo-
chos, while others were ruled by Cauconians of Pylos, descendants
of Codros the son of Melanthos, and others again by princes of
these two races combined. Since however these hold on to
the name more than the other Ionians, let them be called, if
they will, the Ionians of truly pure descent ; but in fact all are
Tonians who have their descent from Athens and who keep the
feast of Apaturia; and this all keep except the men of Ephesos
and Colophon: for these alone of all the Ionians do not keep the
Apaturia, and that on the ground of some murder committed.
148. Now the Panionion is a sacred place on the north side of
Mycalé, set apart by common agreement of the Ionians for
Poseidon of Heliké 1; and this Mycalé is a promontory of
the mainland running out Westwards towards Samos, where
the Ionians gathering together from their cities used to hold a
festival which they called the Panionia. (And not only the
feasts of the Ionians but also those of all the Hellenes equally
are subject to this rule, that their names all end in the same
letter, just like the names of the Persians.) 18

These then are the Ionian cities: 149, and those of Aiolia
are as follows:—Kymé, which is called Phriconis, Larisai,
Neon-teichos, Temnos, Killa, Notion, Aigiroéssa, Pitané, Aig-

BOOK I 75

αἰαὶ, Myrina, Gryneia ; these are the ancient cities of the Aio-
lians, eleven in number, since one, Smyrna, was severed from
them by the Ionians; for these cities, that is 7

those on the mainland, used also formerly to apes of the

be twelve in number. And these Aiolians had

the fortune to settle in a land which is more fertile than
that of the Ionians but in respect of climate less favoured.1*
150. Now the Aiolians lost Smyrna in the following manner :—
certain men of Colophon, who had been worsted in party strife
and had been driven from their native city, were received there
for refuge : and after this the Colophonian exiles watched for
a time when the men of Smyrna were celebrating a festival to
Dionysos outside the walls, and then they closed the gates
against them and got possession of the city. After this, when
the whole body of Aiolians came to the rescue, they made an
agreement that the Ionians should give up the movable goods,
and that on this condition the Aiolians should abandon
Smyrna. When the men of Smyrna had done this, the remain-
ing eleven cities divided them amongst themselves and made
them their own citizens. 151. These then are the Aiolian
cities upon the mainland, with the exception of those situated
on Mount Ida, for these are separate from the rest. And of
those which are in the islands, there are five in Lesbos, for the
sixth which was situated in Lesbos, namely Arisba, was enslaved
by the men of Methymna, though its citizens were of the
same race as they; and in Tenedos there is one city, and
another in what are called the “ Hundred Isles.” Now the
Lesbians and the men of Tenedos, like those Ionians who dwelt
in the islands, had no cause for fear; but the remaining cities
came to a common agreement to follow the Ionians whither-
soever they should lead.

152. Now when the messengers from the Ionians and
Aiolians came to Sparta (for this business was carried out
with speed), they chose before all others to 5. cont fom
speak for them the Phocaian, whose name was the lonians and
Pythermos. He then put upon him a purple Aiolians to
cloak, in order that as many as possible of the SPatt
Spartans might hear of it and come together, and having been
introduced before the assembly 166 he spoke at length, asking
the Spartans to help them. The Lacedemonians however

76 HERODOTUS

would not listen to him, but resolved on the contrary not to
help the Ionians. So they departed, and the Lacedemonians,
and from the having dismissed the messengers of the Ionians,
Spartansto | sent men notwithstanding in a ship of fifty oars,
Cyrus. to find out, as I imagine, about the affairs of
Cyrus and about Ionia. These when they came to Phocaia
sent to Sardis the man of most repute among them, whose
name was Lacrines, to report to Cyrus the saying of the
Lacedemonians, bidding him do hurt to no city of Hellas,
since they would not permit it. 168, When the herald had
spoken thus, Cyrus is said to have asked those of the Hellenes
whom he had with him, what men the Lacedemonians were
and how many in number, that they made this proclamation
to him; and hearing their answer he said to the Spartan
herald: ‘Never yet did I fear men such as thése, who have
a place appointed in the midst of their city where they
gather together and deceive one another by false oaths: and
if I continue in good health, not the misfortunes of the
Ionians will be for them a subject of talk, but rather their
How Cyrus own.” These words Cyrus threw out scornfully
departed with With reference to the Hellenes in general,
Croesus from because they have got for themselves 4 markets
Sardis, and practise buying and selling there ; for the
Persians themselves are not wont to use markets nor have
they any market-place at all. After this he entrusted Sardis
to Tabalos a Persian, and the gold both of Croesus and of
the other Lydians he gave to Pactyas a Lydian to take charge
of, and himself marched away to Agbatana, taking with him
Croesus and making for the present no account of the Ionians.
For Babylon stood in his way still, as also the Bactrian nation
and the Sacans and the Egyptians ; and against these he meant
to make expeditions himself, while sending some other com-
mander against the Ionians.

154. But when Cyrus had marched away from Sardis,
Pactyas caused the Lydians to revolt from Tabalos and from
Of the revolt Cyrus. This man went down to the sea, and
which was stirred having in his possession all the gold that there
up by Pactyas. had been in Sardis, he hired for himself mer-
cenaries and persuaded the men of the sea-coast to join his
expedition. So he marched on Sardis and besieged Tabalos,

BOOK I 77

having shut him up in the citadel. 155. Hearing this on his
way, Cyrus said to Croesus as follows: ‘‘ Croesus, what end
shall I find of these things which are coming to pass? The
Lydians will not cease as it seems, from giving The counsel
trouble to me and from having it themselves. οἵ Croesus
I doubt me if it were not best 157 to sell them ‘2ereupon,
all as slaves; for as it is, I see that I have done in like
manner as if one should slay the father and then spare his
sons: just so I took prisoner and am carrying away thee, who
wert much more than the father of the Lydians, while to the
Lydians themselves I delivered up their city ; and can I feel
surprise after this that they have revolted from me?” Thus he .
said what was in his mind, but Croesus answered him as
follows, fearing lest he should destroy Sardis: “O king, that
which thou hast said is not without reason; but do-not thou
altogether give vent to thy wrath, nor destroy an ancient city
which 15 guiltless both of the former things and also of those
which have come to pass now: for as to the former things it
was I who did them and I bear the consequences heaped
upon my head ; 108 and as for what is now being done, since
the wrongdoer is Pactyas to whom thou didst entrust the
charge of Sardis, let him pay the penalty. But the Lydians
I pray thee pardon, and lay upon them commands as fol-
lows, in order that they may not revolt nor be a cause of
danger to thee :—send to them and forbid them to possess
weapons of war, but bid them on the other hand put on tunics
under their outer garments and be shod with buskins, and
proclaim to them that they train their sons to play the lyre
and the harp and to be retail-dealers ; and soon thou shalt
see, O king, that they have become women instead of men, so
that there will be no fear that they will revolt from thee.” 156.
Croesus, I say, suggested to him this, perceiving
that this was better for the Lydians than to be ae aazares
reduced to slavery and sold; for he knew that to do to the
if he did not offer a sufficient reason, he Lydians accord-
would not persuade Cyrus to change his mind, ing to this
and he feared lest at some future time, if they
should escape the present danger, the Lydians might revolt
from the Persians and be destroyed. And Cyrus was greatly
pleased with the suggestion made and slackened from his

78 HERODOTUS

wrath, saying that he agreed with his advice. Then he called
Mazares a Mede, and laid charge upon him to proclaim to
the Lydians that which Croesus suggested, and moreover to
sell into slavery all the rest who had joined with the Lydians
in the expedition to Sardis, and finally by all means to bring
Pactyas himself alive to Cyrus.

157. Having given this charge upon the road, he con-
tinued his march to the native land of the Persians; but
The flicht of Pactyas hearing that an army was approach-
Pactyas to ing to fight against him was struck with fear
Kymé, andof and fled away forthwith to Kymé. Then
that which the = Mazares the Mede marched upon Sardis with
men of Kymé did. certain portion of the army of Cyrus, and as
he did not find Pactyas or his followers any longer at Sardis,
he first compelled the Lydians to perform the commands of
Cyrus, and by his commands the Lydians changed the whole
manner of their life. After this Mazares proceeded to send
messengers to Kymé bidding them give up Pactyas: and
the men of Kymé resolved to refer to the god at Branchidai
the question what counsel they should follow. For there was
there an Oracle established of old time, which all the Ionians
and Aiolians were wont to consult; and this place is in the
territory of Miletos above the port of Panormos. 158. So —
the men of Kymé sent messengers to the Branchidai 168 to
inquire of the god, and they asked what course they should
take about Pactyas so as to do that which was pleasing to the
gods. When they thus inquired, the answer was given them
that they should deliver up Pactyas to the Persians: and
the men of Kymé, having heard this answer reported, were
disposed to give him up. Then when the mass of the people
were thus disposed, Aristodicos the son of Heracleides, a man
of repute among the citizens, stopped the men of Kymé from
doing so, having distrust of the answer and thinking that those
sent to inquire were not speaking the truth; until at last
other messengers were sent to the Oracle to ask a second
time about Pactyas, and of them Aristodicos was one. 159.
When these came to Branchidai, Aristodicos stood forth from
the rest and consulted the Oracle, asking as follows : Lord,!™
there came to us as a suppliant for protection Pactyas the
Lydian, flying from a violent death at the hands of the

BOOK I 79

Persians ; and they demand him from us, bidding the men of
Kymé give him up. But we, though we fear the power of
the Persians, yet have not ventured up to this time to deliver
to them the suppliant, until thy counsel shall be clearly mani-
fested to us, saying which of the two things we ought to do.”
He thus inquired, but the god again declared to them the
same answer, bidding them deliver up Pactyas to the Persians.
Upon this Aristodicos with deliberate purpose did as follows:
_ —he went all round the temple destroying the nests of the
sparrows 161 and of all the other kinds of birds which had
been hatched on the temple: and while he was doing this, it
is said that a voice came from the inner shrine directed to
Aristodicos and speaking thus: ‘‘Thou most impious of men,
why dost thou dare to do this? Dost thou carry away by
force from my temple the suppliants for my protection?” And
Aristodicos, it is said, not being at all at a loss replied to this:
‘Lord, dost thou thus come to the assistance of thy suppliants,
and yet biddest the men of Kymé deliver up theirs?” and the
god answered him again thus: “Yea, I bid you do so, that
ye may perish the more quickly for your impiety; so that ye
may not at any future time come to the Oracle to ask about
delivering up of suppliants.” 160. When the men of Kymé
heard this saying reported, not wishing either to be destroyed
by delivering him up or to be besieged by keeping him with
them, they sent him away to Mytilené. Those of Mytilené
however, when Mazares sent messages to them, were preparing
to deliver up Pactyas for a price, but what the price was I
cannot say for certain, since the bargain was never completed ;
for the men of Kymé, when they learnt that this was being
done by the Mytilenians, sent a vessel to Lesbos and con-
veyed away Pactyas to Chios. After this he How P

was dragged forcibly from the temple of Athené ja. a leneth
Poliuchos by the Chians and delivered up: and surrendered by
the Chians delivered him up receiving Atarneus ue cians, and
in return, (now this Atarneus is a region of “™ “7*t ΡΠ δ
Mysia 162 opposite Lesbos). So the Persians having received
Pactyas kept.him under guard, meaning to produce him before
Cyrus. And a long time elapsed during which none of the
Chians either used barley-meal grown in this region of Atar-
neus, for pouring out in sacrifice to any god, or baked cakes for

80 HERODOTUS

offering of the corn which grew there, but all the produce of
this land was excluded from every kind of sacred service.

161. The men of Chios then had delivered up Pactyas ;
and after this Mazares made expedition against those who
had joined in besieging Tabalos: and first he
Death of Mazares. reduced to slavery those of Priené, then he over-
ran the whole plain of the Maiander making spoil of it for his
army, and Magnesia in the same manner: and straightway
Harpagos in after this he fell sick and died. 162. After he
Ionia, who went was dead, Harpagos came down to take his
Be against place in command, being also a Mede by race,

oe (this was the man whom the king of the Medes
Astyages feasted with the unlawful banquet, and who helped to
give the kingdom to Cyrus). This man, being appointed com-
mander then by Cyrus, came to Ionia and proceeded to take
the cities by throwing up mounds against them: for when he
had enclosed any people within their walls, then he threw up
mounds against the walls and took their city by storm ; and
the first city of Ionia upon which he made an attempt was
Phocaia.

163. Now these Phocaians were the first of the Hellenes
who made long voyages, and these are they who discovered the
The voyages of Adriatic and Tyrsenia and Iberia and Tartessos:
the Phocaians in and they made voyages not in round ships, but
former times. ἴῃ vessels of fifty oars. These came to Tar-
tessos and became friends with the king of the Tartessians
whose name was Arganthonios: he was ruler of the Tartessians
for eighty years and lived in all one hundred and twenty. With
this man, I say, the Phocaians became so exceedingly friendly,
that first he bade them leave Ionia and dwell wherever they
desired in his own land ; and as he did not prevail upon the
Phocaians to do this, afterwards, hearing from them of the
Mede how his power was increasing, he gave them money to
build a wall round about their city: and he did this without
sparing, for the circuit of the wall is many furlongs 168 in extent,
and it is built all of large stones closely fitted together.

164, The wall of the Phocaians was made in this manner :
and Harpagos having marched his army against them began
to besiege them, at the same time holding forth to them pro-
posals and saying that it was enough to satisfy him if the Pho-

BOOK I 81

caians were willing to throw down one battlement of their wall
and dedicate one single house.1 But the Phocaians, being very
greatly grieved at the thought of subjection, said prow thePhocaians,
that they wished to deliberate about the matter leaving their city,

for one day and after that they would give sated totheisland
their answer ; and they asked him to withdraw ° 7"

his army from the wall while they were deliberating. Har-
pagos said that he knew very well what they were meaning
to do, nevertheless he was willing to allow them to deliberate.
So in the time that followed, when Harpagos had withdrawn
his army from the wall, the Phocaians drew down their fifty-
oared galleys to the sea, put into them their children and
women and all their movable goods, and besides them the
images out of the temples and the other votive offerings
except such as were made of bronze or stone or consisted
of paintings, all the rest, I say, they put into the ships, and
having embarked themselves they sailed towards Chios; and
the Persians obtained possession of Phocaia, the city being
deserted of the inhabitants. 165. But as for the Phocaians,
since the men of Chios would not sell them at their request
the islands called Oinussai, from the fear lest these islands
might be made a seat of trade and their island might be shut
out, therefore they set out for Kyrnos:!© for in Kyrnos
twenty years before this they had established a city named
Alalia, in accordance with an oracle, (now Arganthonios by
that time was dead). And when they were setting out for
Kyrnos they first sailed in to Phocaia and slaughtered the
Persian garrison, to whose charge Harpagos had delivered
the city; then after they had achieved this they made
solemn imprecations on any one of them who should be
left behind from their voyage, and moreover they sank a mass
of iron in the sea and swore that not until that mass should
appear again on the surface} would they return to Phocaia.
However as they were setting forth to Kyrnos, more than half of
the citizens were seized with yearning and regret for their city
and for their native land, and they proved false to their oath
and sailed back to Phocaia. But those of them who kept the
oath still, weighed anchor from the islands of Oinussai and
sailed. 166. When these came to Kymos, for five years they
dwelt together with those who had come thither before, and

VOL. L G

82 HERODOTUS

they founded temples there. Then, since they plundered the
property of all their neighbours, the Tyrsenians and Cartha-
ginians 167 made expedition against them by
agreement with one another, each with sixty,
ships. And the Phocaians also manned their
vessels, sixty in number, and came to meet the enemy
in that which 15 called the Sardinian sea: and when they
encountered one another in the sea-fight the Phocaians
won a kind of Cadmean victory, for forty of their ships were
destroyed and the remaining twenty were disabled, having
had their prows bent aside. So they sailed in to Alalia and
took up their children and their women and their other pos-
sessions as much as their ships proved capable of carrying,
and then they left Kyrnos behind them and sailed to Rhegion.
167. But as for the crews of the ships that were destroyed, the
Carthaginians and Tyrsenians obtained much the greater number
of them,6 and these they brought to land and killed by stoning.
After this the men of Agylla found that everything which passed
by the spot where the Phocaians were laid after being stoned,
became either distorted, or crippled, or paralysed, both small
cattle and beasts of burden and human creatures: so the men
of Agylla sent to Delphi desiring to purge themselves of the
offence ; and the Pythian prophetess bade them do that which
the men of Agylla still continue to perform, that is to say, they
make great sacrifices in honour of the dead, and hold at the
place a contest of athletics and horse-racing. These then of
the Phocaians had the fate which I have said; but those
of them who took refuge at Rhegion started from thence and
took possession of that city in the land of Oinotria which now
is called Hyelé. This they founded having learnt from a
man of Poseidonia that the Pythian prophetess by her answer
meant them to found a temple to Kyrnos, who was a hero, and
not to found a settlement in the island of Kyrnos.1®
168. About Phocaia in Ionia it happened thus, and nearly
the same thing also was done by the men of Teos: for as soon
That the men of 85 Harpagos took their wall with a mound, they
Teos also left their embarked in their ships and sailed straightway
Aon sailed to for Thrace ; and there they founded the city of
Abdera, which before them Timesios of Clazo-
menai founded and had no profit therefrom, but was driven

and what befell
them there.

BOOK I 83

out by the Thracians ; and now he is honoured as a hero by
the Teians in Abdera.

169. These alone of all the Ionians left their native cities
because they would not endure subjection: but the other
Tonians except the Milesians did indeed contend pow Harpagos
in arms with Harpagos like those who left their conquered all the
homes, and proved themselves brave men, fight- Cities of Ionia ex-
ing each for his own native city ; but when they “? ting Miletos.
were defeated and captured they remained all in their own
place and performed that which was laid upon them: but the
Milesians, as I have also said before, had made a sworn agree-
ment with Cyrus himself and kept still. Thus for the second
time Ionia had been reduced to subjection. And when Har-
pagos had conquered the Ionians on the mainland, then the
Ionians who dwelt in the islands, being struck with fear by
these things, gave themselves over to Cyrus.

170. When the Ionians had been thus evilly entreated
but were continuing still to hold their gatherings as before at
the Panionion, Bias a man of Priené set forth of the counsel
to the Ionians, as I am informed, a most given by Bias to
profitable counsel, by following which they ‘he Jonians.
might have been the most prosperous of all the Hellenes. He
urged that the Ionians should set forth in one common ex-
pedition and sail to Sardinia, and after that found a single city
for all the lonians: and thus they would escape subjection and
would be prosperous, inhabiting the largest of all islands and
being rulers over others ; whereas, if they remained in Ionia,
he did not perceive, he said, that freedom would any longer
exist forthem. This was the counsel given by Bias of Priené
after the Ionians had been ruined; but a good counsel too
was given before the ruin of Ionia by Thales a man of Miletos,
who was by descent of Phenician race. He advised the Ionians
to have one single seat of government,!” and that this should
be at Teos (for Teos, he said, was in the centre of Ionia), and
that the other cities should be inhabited as before, but
accounted just as if they were demes.

These men?! set forth to them counsels of the kind which I
have said: 171, but Harpagos, after subduing 4, Caians
Ionia, proceeded to march against the Carians
and Caunians and Lykians, taking also Ionians and Aiolians

84 HERODOTUS

to help him. Of these the Carians came to the mainland from
the islands ; for being of old time subjects of Minos and being
called Leleges, they used to dwell in the islands, paying
no tribute, so far back as I am able to arrive by hearsay,
but whenever Minos required it, they used to supply his ships
with seamen: and as Minos subdued much land and was
fortunate in his fighting, the Carian nation was of all nations
by much the most famous at that time together with him.
And they produced three inventions of which the Hellenes
adopted the use; that is to say, the Carians were those who
first set the fashion of fastening crests on helmets, and of
making the devices which are put upon shields, .and these
also were the first who made handles for their shields, whereas
up to that time all who were wont to use shields carried them
without handles and with leathern straps to guide them, having
them hung about their necks and their left shoulders. Then
after the lapse of a long time the Dorians and Ionians drove
the Carians out of the islands, and so they came to the main-
land. With respect to the Carians the Cretans relate that
it happened thus; the Carians themselves however do not
agree with this account, but suppose that they are dwellers
on the mainland from the beginning,!’? and that they went
always by the same name which they have now: and they
point as evidence of this to an ancient temple of Carian Zeus
at Mylasa, in which the Mysians and Lydians share as being
brother races of the Carians, for they say that Lydos and
Mysos were brothers of Car; these share in it, but those who
being of another race have come to speak the same language
as the Carians, these have no share init. 172.
It seems to me however that the Caunians are
dwellers there from the beginning, though they say themselves
that they came from Crete: but they have been assimilated to
the Carian race in language, or else the Carians to the
Caunian race, I cannot with certainty determine which.
They have customs however in which they differ very much
from all other men as well as from the Carians ; for example
the fairest thing in their estimation is to meet together in
numbers for drinking, according to equality of age or friend-
ship, both men, women, and children ; and again when they
had founded temples for foreign deities, afterwards they changed

The Caunians,

BOOK I 85

their purpose and resolved to worship only their own native
gods, and the whole body of Caunian young men put on their
armour and made pursuit as far as the borders of the
Calyndians, beating the air with their spears; and they said
that they were casting the foreign gods out of the land.
Such are the customs which these have. 178, ., | Lykians,
The Lykians however have sprung originally
from Crete (for in old time the whole of Crete was possessed
by Barbarians): and when the sons of Europa, Sarpedon and
Minos, came to be at variance in Crete about the kingdom,
Minos having got the better in the strife of parties drove out
both Sarpedon himself and those of his party: and they
having been expelled came to the land of Milyas in Asia, for
the land which now the Lykians inhabit was anciently called
Milyas, and the Milyans were then called Solymoi. Now while
Sarpedon reigned over them, they were called by the name
which they had when they came thither, and by which the
Lykians are even now called by the neighbouring tribes,
namely Termilai; but when from Athens Lycos the son of
Pandion came to the land of the Termilai and to Sarpedon, he
too having been driven out by his brother namely Aigeus, then
by the name taken from Lycos they were called after a time
Lykians. The customs which these have are partly Cretan
and partly Carian ; but one custom they have which is peculiar
to them, and in which they agree with no other people, that
is they call themselves by their mothers and not by their
fathers; and if one asks his neighbour who he is, he will
state his parentage on the mother’s side and enumerate his
mother’s female ascendants : and if a woman who is a citizen
marry a slave, the children are accounted to be of gentle birth ;
but if a man who is a citizen, though he were the first man
among them, have a slave for wife or concubine, the children
are without civil rights.

174. Now the Carians were reduced to subjection by
Harpagos without any brilliant deed displayed either by the
Carians themselves or by those of the Hellenes yyat δὴ these and
who dwell in this land. Of these last there are also the Cnidians
besides others the men of Cnidos, settlers from Submitted to
Lacedemon, whose land runs out into the Os
sea,1’8 being in fact the region which is called Triopion,

86 HERODOTUS

beginning from the peninsula of Bybassos: and since all the
land of Cnidos except a small part is washed by the sea (for
the part of it which looks towards the North is bounded by
the Gulf of Keramos, and that which looks to the South by
the sea off Symé and Rhodes), therefore the men of Cnidos
began to dig through this small part, which is about five
furlongs across, while Harpagos was subduing Ionia, desiring
to make their land an island: and within the isthmus all
was theirs! for where the territory of Cnidos ends in the
direction of the mainland, here is the isthmus which they
were digging across. And while the Cnidians were working
at it with a great number of men, it was perceived that the
men who worked suffered injury much more than might have
been expected and in a more supernatural manner, both in
other parts of their bodies and especially in their eyes, when
the rock was being broken up; so they sent men to ask the
Oracle at Delphi what the cause of the difficulty was. And
the Pythian prophetess, as the men of Cnidos themselves
report, gave them this reply in trimeter verse :—

‘* Fence not the place with towers, nor dig the isthmus through ;
Zeus would have made your land an island, had he willed.”

When the Pythian prophetess had given this oracle, the men
of Cnidos not only ceased from their digging but delivered
themselves to Harpagos without resistance, when he came
against them with his army.

175. There were also the Pedasians, who dwelt in the
inland country above Halicarnassos ; and among these, when-
ever anything hurtful is about to happen either to them-
selves or to their neighbours, the priestess of Athené has
a great beard: this befell them three times. These of all
about Caria were the only men who held out for any time
against Harpagos, and they gave him trouble more than any
other people, having fortified a mountain called Lidé.

176. After a time the Pedasians were conquered; and
the Lykians, when Harpagos marched his army into the
plain of Xanthos, came out against him?5> and fought, few
against many, and displayed proofs of valour; but being
defeated and confined within their city, they gathered
together into the citadel their wives and their children, their

BOOK I 87

property and their servants, and after that they set fire to this
citadel, so that it was all in flames, and having done so and
sworn terrible oaths with one another, they went forth against
the enemy!” and were slain in fight, that is to say all the
men of Xanthos: and of the Xanthians who now claim to be
Lykians the greater number have come in from abroad, except
only eighty households; but these eighty households hap-
pened at that time to be away from their native place, and
so they escaped destruction. ‘Thus Harpagos obtained pos-
session of Xanthos, and nearly in the same way he got possession
of Caunos, for the men of Caunos imitated in most respects
the behaviour of the Lykians.

177. So Harpagos was conquering the coast regions of Asia;
and Cyrus himself meanwhile was doing the same in the upper
parts of it, subduing every nation and passing
over none. Now most of these actions I shall That Cyrus in the
pass over in silence, but the undertakings which dued Upper Asia.
gave him trouble more than the-rest and which
are the most worthy of note, of these I shall make mention.

178. Cyrus, so soon as he had made subject to himself all
other parts of the mainland, proceeded to attack the Assyrians.
Now Assyria has doubtless many other great The chief city of
_ Cities, but the most famous and the strongest, the Assyrians,
and the place where the seat of their monarchy ‘ht is Babylon.
had been established after Nineveh was destroyed, was
Babylon ; which was a city such as I shall say.—It lies in
a great plain, and in size it is such that each face measures
one hundred and twenty furlongs,!” the shape of the whole
being square ; thus the furlongs of the circuit of the city amount
in all to four hundred and eighty. Such is the size of the city
of Babylon, and it had magnificence greater than all other
cities of which we have knowledge. First there runs round it
a trench deep and broad and full of water; then a wall fifty
royal cubits in thickness and two hundred cubits in height:
now the royal cubit is larger by three fingers than the common
cubit.178 179. I must also tell in addition to this for what
purpose the earth was used, which was taken out of the
trench, and in what manner the wall was made. As they dug
the trench they made the earth which was carried out of the

88 HERODOTUS

excavation into bricks, and having moulded enough bricks
they baked them in kilns; and then afterwards, using hot
asphalt for mortar and inserting reed mats at every thirty
courses of brickwork, they built up first the edges of the
trench and then the wall itself in the same manner: and at
the top of the wall along the edges they built chambers of one
story facing one another ; and between the rows of chambers
they left space to drive a four-horse chariot. In the circuit
of the wall there are set a hundred gates made of bronze
throughout, and the gate-posts and lintels likewise. Now
there is another city distant from Babylon a space of eight
days’ journey, of which the name is Is; and there is a river
there of no great size, and the name of the river is also Is,
and it sends its stream into the river Euphrates. This river
Is throws up together with its water lumps of asphalt in
great abundance, and thence was brought the asphalt for the
wall of Babylon. 180. Babylon then was walled in this
manner ; and there are two divisions of the city; for a river
whose name is Euphrates parts it in the middle. This flows
from the land of the Armenians and is large and deep and
swift, and it flows out into the Erythraian sea. The wall
then on each side has its bends?” carried down to the river,
and from this point the return walls stretch along each bank
of the stream in the form of a rampart of baked bricks: and
the city itself is full of houses of three and four stories, and
the roads by which it is cut up run in straight lines, including
the cross roads which lead to the river; and opposite to each
road there were set “gates in the rampart which ran along the
river, as many in number as the ways,'® and these also were
of bronze and led like the ways 181 to the river itself. 181. This
wall then which I have mentioned is as it were a cuirass 1°?
for the town, and another wall runs round within it, not much
weaker for defence than the first but enclosing a smaller
space.48 And in each division of the city was a building in
the midst, in the one the king’s palace of great extent and
strongly fortified round, and in the other the temple of Zeus
Belos with bronze gates, and this exists still up to my time
and measures two furlongs each way,!* being of a square
shape: and in the midst of the temple!® is built a solid
tower measuring a furlong both in length and in breadth, and

BOOK I 89

on this tower another tower has been erected, and another
again upon this, and so on up to the number of eight towers.
An ascent to these has been built running outside round about
all the towers ; and when one reaches about the middle of the
ascent one finds a stopping-place and seats to rest upon, on.
which those who ascend sit down and rest: and on the top of
the last tower there is a large cell,!* and in the cell a large
couch is laid, well covered, and by it is placed a golden table:
and there is no image there set up nor does any human being
spend the night there except only one woman of the natives
of the place, whomsoever the god shall choose from all the
women, as say the Chaldeans who are the priests of this
god. 182. These same men say also, but I do not believe
them, that the god himself comes often to the cell and rests
upon the couch, as happens likewise in the Egyptian Thebes
according to the report of the Egyptians, for there also a
woman sleeps in the temple of the Theban Zeus (and both
these women are said to abstain from commerce with men),
and as happens also with the prophetess 131 of the god in
Patara of Lykia, whenever there is one, for there is not always
an Oracle there, but whenever there is one, then she is shut
up during the nights in the temple within the cell. 188.
There is moreover in the temple at Babylon another cell
below, wherein is a great image of Zeus sitting, made of gold,
and by it is placed a large table of gold, and his footstool and
seat are of gold also; and, as the Chaldeans reported, the
weight of the gold of which these things are made is eight
hundred talents. Outside this cell is an altar of gold; and
there is also another altar of great size, where full-grown
animals 188 are sacrificed, whereas on the golden altar it is not
lawful to sacrifice any but young sucklings only: and also on
the larger altar the Chaldeans offer one thousand talents of
frankincense every year at the time when they celebrate the
feast in honour of this god. There was moreover in these
precincts still remaining at the time of Cyrus, a statue
twelve cubits high, of gold and solid. This I did not myself
see, but that which is related by the Chaldeans I relate.
Against this statue Dareios the son of Hystaspes formed a
design, but he did not venture to take it: it was taken how-
ever by Xerxes the son of Dareios, who also killed the priest

Nitocris
queen about
600 B.C.

90 HERODOTUS

when he forbade him to meddle with the statue. This
temple, then, is thus adorned with magnificence, and there
are also many private votive-offerings.
184. Of this Babylon, besides many other rulers, of whom
I shall make mention in the Assyrian history, and who added
The queens of improvement to the walls and temples, there
Babylon, namely were also two who were women. Of these,
Semiramis and the one who ruled first, named Semiramis,
; who lived five generations before the other,
produced banks of earth in the plain which are a sight worth
seeing ; and before this the river used to flood like a sea over
The works of the whole plain. 185, The queen who lived
Nitocris, °" after her time, named Nitocris, was wiser than
she who had reigned before; and in the first
place she left behind her monuments which I shall tell of;
then secondly, seeing that the monarchy of the Medes was
great and not apt to remain still, but that besides other

cities even Nineveh had been captured by it, she made pro-

vision against it in so far as she was able. First, as regards
the river Euphrates which flows through the midst of their
city, whereas before this it flowed straight, she by digging
channels above made it so winding that it actually comes
three times in its course to one of the villages in Assyria ;
and the name of the village to which the Euphrates comes is
Ardericca ; and at this day those who travel from this Sea of
ours to Babylon, in their voyage down the river Euphrates 1395
arrive three times at this same village and on three separate
days. This she did thus; and she also piled up a mound
along each bank of the river, which is worthy to cause wonder
for its size and height : and at a great distance above Babylon,
she dug a basin for a lake, which she caused to extend along
at a very small distance from the river,!® excavating it every-
where of such depth as to come to water, and making the
extent such that the circuit of it measured four hundred and
twenty furlongs: and the earth which was dug out of this ex-
cavation she used up by piling it in mounds along the banks
of the river : and when this had been dug by her she brought
stones and set them all round it asa facing wall. Both these
two things she did, that is she made the river to have a wind-
ing course, and she made the place which was dug out all into

BOOK I 9g!

ἃ swamp, in order that the river might run more slowly,
having its force broken by going round many bends, and
that the voyages might be winding to Babylon, and after
the voyages there might succeed a long circuit of the pool.
These works she carried out in that part where the entrance
to the country was, and the shortest way to it from Media, so
that the Medes might not have dealings with her kingdom and
learn of her affairs.

186. These defences she cast round her city from the depth ;
and she made the following addition which was dependent upon
them :—The city was in two divisions, and the river occupied
the space between ; and in the time of the former rulers, when
any one wished to pass over from the one division to the other,
he had to pass over in a boat, and that, as I imagine, was trouble-
some: she however made provision also for this ; for when she
was digging the basin for the lake she left this other monu-
ment of herself derived from the same work, that is, she caused
stones to be cut of very great length, and when the stones
were prepared for her and the place had been dug out, she
turned aside the whole stream of the river into the place which
she had been digging; and while this was being filled with water,
the ancient bed of the river being dried up in the meantime, she
both built up with baked bricks after the same fashion as the
wall the edges of the river, where it flows through the city, and
the places of descent leading from the small gateways to the
river ; and also about the middle of the city, as I judge, with
the stones which she had caused to be dug out she proceeded
to build a bridge, binding together the stones with iron and
lead: and upon the top she laid squared timbers across, to
remain there while it was daytime, over which the people of
Babylon made the passage across; but at night they used to
take away these timbers for this reason, namely that they
might not go backwards and forwards by night and steal from
one another: and when the place dug out had been made
into a lake full of water by the river, and at the same time
the bridge had been completed, then she conducted the
Euphrates back into its ancient channel from the lake, and so
the place dug out being made into a swamp was thought to
have served a good purpose, and there had been a bridge
set up for the men of the city.

92 HERODOTUS

187. This same queen also contrived a snare of the follow-
ing kind :—Over that gate of the city through which the
The strange greatest number of people passed she set up
manner of her for herself a tomb above over the very gate
burial, itself. And on the tomb she engraved writing
which said thus: “If any of the kings of Babylon who come
after me shall be in want of wealth, let him open my tomb and
take as much as he desires ; but let him not open it for any
other cause, if he be not in want; for that will not be
well,” 191 This tomb was undisturbed until the kingdom came
to Dareios ; but to Dareios it seemed that it was a monstrous
thing not to make any use of this gate, and also, when there
was money lying there, not to take it, considering that the
money itself invited him to do so. Now the reason why he
would not make any use of this gate was because the corpse
would have been above his head as he drove through. He
then, I say, opened the tomb and found not indeed money
but the corpse, with writing which said thus: “If thou hadst
not been insatiable of wealth and basely covetous, thou wouldest
not have opened the resting-places of the dead.”

188. This queen then is reported to have been such
as I have described: and it was the son of this woman,
How Cyrus bearing the same name as his father, Laby-
marched against netos, and being ruler over the Assyrians,
Babylon and against whom Cyrus was marching. Now the
avided the river oreat king makes his marches not only well

”_ furnished 192 from home with provisions for
his table and with cattle, but also taking with him water from
the river Choaspes, which flows by Susa, of which alone and of
no other river the king drinks: and of this water of the
Choaspes boiled, a very great number of waggons, four-wheeled
and drawn by mules, carry a supply in silver vessels, and
go with him wherever he may march at any time 189.
Now when Cyrus on his way towards Babylon arrived at the
river Gyndes,—of which river the springs are in the mountains
of the Matienians, and it flows through the Dardanians and
runs into another river, the Tigris, which flowing by the city
of Opis runs out into the Erythraian Sea,—when Cyrus, I say,
was endeavouring to cross this river Gyndes, which is a navi-
gable stream, then one of his sacred white horses in high spirit

BOOK I 93

and wantonness went into the river and endeavoured to cross,
but the stream swept it under water and carried it off forth-
with. And Cyrus was greatly moved with anger against the river
for having done thus insolently, and he threatened to make
it so feeble that for the future even women would cross it
easily without wetting the knee. So after this threat he ceased
from his march against Babylon and divided his army into two
parts ; and having divided it he stretched lines and marked out
straight channels,!*8 one hundred and eighty on each bank of
the Gyndes, directed every way, and having disposed his army
along them he commanded them to dig: so, as a great multi-
tude was working, the work was completed indeed, but they
spent the whole summer season at this spot working.

190. When Cyrus had taken vengeance on the river
Gyndes by dividing it into three hundred and sixty channels,
and when the next spring was just beginning, then at length
he continued his advance upon Babylon: and the men of
Babylon had marched forth out of their city and were awaiting
him. So when in his advance he came near to the city,
the Babylonians joined battle with him, and having been
worsted in the fight they were shut up close within their city.
But knowing well even before this that Cyrus was not apt to
remain still, and seeing him lay hands on every nation equally,
they had brought in provisions beforehand! for very many
years. So while these made no account of the siege, Cyrus
was in straits what to do, for much time went by and his
affairs made no progress onwards. 191. There-
fore, whether it was some other man who
suggested it to him when.he was in a strait
what to do, or whether he of himself perceived what he
ought to do, he did as follows:— The main body of his
army he posted at the place where the river runs into the
city, and then again behind the city he set others, where the
river issues forth from the city ; and he proclaimed to his army
that so soon as they should see that the stream had become
passable, they should enter by this way into the city. Having
thus set them in their places and in this manner exhorted them
he marched away himself with that part of his army which was
not fit for fighting: and when he came to the lake, Cyrus also did
the same things which the queen of the Babylonians had done

The taking of
Babylon.

94 HERODOTUS

as regards the river and the lake ; that is to say, he conducted
the river by a channel into the lake, which was at that time
a swamp, and so made the former course of the river passable
by the sinking of the stream. When this had been done in
such a manner, the Persians who had been posted for this very
purpose entered by the bed of the river Euphrates into Baby-
lon, the stream having sunk so far that it reached about to
the middle of a man’s thigh. Now if the Babylonians had
had knowledge of it beforehand or had perceived that which
was being done by Cyrus, they would have allowed 196 the
Persians to enter the city and then destroyed them miserably ;
for if they had closed all the gates that led to the river and
mounted themselves upon the ramparts which were carried
along the banks of the stream, they would have caught them
as it were in a fish-wheal: but as it was, the Persians came
upon them unexpectedly; and owing to the size of the city
(so it is said by those who dwell there) after those about the
extremities of the city had suffered capture, those Babylonians
who dwelt in the middle did not know that they had been
captured ; but as they chanced to be holding a festival, they went
on dancing and rejoicing during this time until they learnt the
truth only too well.

Babylon then had thus been taken for the first time: 192,
and as to the resources of the Babylonians how great they are,
The great wealth I shall show by many other proofs and among
of the Baby- them also by this:—For the support of the
lonians, great king and his army, apart from the regular
tribute the whole land of which he is ruler has been distri-
buted into portions. Now whereas twelve months go to make
up the year, for four of these he has his support from the
territory of Babylon, and for the remaining eight months from
the whole of the rest of Asia; thus the Assyrian land is in
regard to resources the third part of all Asia: and the govern-
ment, or satrapy as it is called by the Persians, of this terri-
tory is of all the governments by far the best; seeing that
when Tritantaichmes son of Artabazos had this province from
the king, there came in to him every day an artad full of
silver coin (now the avtaé is a Persian measure and holds more
than the medimnos of Attica! by three Attic choinikes) ; and of
horses he had in this province as his private property, apart from

BOOK I 95

the horses for use in war, eight hundred stallions and sixteen
thousand mares, for each of these stallions served twenty mares :
of Indian hounds moreover such a vast number were kept that
four large villages in the plain, being free from other contribu-
tions, had been appointed to provide food for the hounds.
198. Such was the wealth which belonged to
the ruler of Babylon. Now the land of the
Assyrians has but little rain ; and this little gives
nourishment to the root of the corn, but the crop is ripened and
the ear comes on by the help of watering from the river, not as in
Egypt by the coming up of the river itself over the fields, but the
crop is watered by hand or with swing-buckets. For the whole
Babylonian territory like the Egyptian is cut up into channels,
and the largest of the channels is navigable for ships and runs
in the direction of the sunrising in winter from the Euphrates to
another river, namely the Tigris, along the bank of which lay |
the city of Nineveh. This territory is of all that we know the
best by far for producing corn :' as to trees,!™ it does not
even attempt to bear them, either fig or vine or olive, but for
producing corn it is so good that it returns as much as two-
hundred-fold for the average, and when it bears at its best it pro-
duces three-hundred-fold. The leaves of the wheat and barley
there grow to be full four fingers broad; and from millet and
sesame seed how large a tree grows, I know myself but shall not
record, being well aware that even what has already been said
relating to the crops produced has been enough to cause disbelief
in those who have not visited the Babylonian land. They use
no oil of olives, but only that which they make of sesame seed ;
and they have date-palms growing over all the plain, most of them
fruit-bearing, of which they make both solid food and wine and
honey ; and to these they attend in the same manner as to fig-
trees, and in particular they take the fruit of those palms which
the Hellenes call male-palms, and tie them upon the date-bear-
ing palms, so that their gall-fly may enter into the date and ripen
it and that the fruit of the palm may not fall off: for the male-
palm produces gall-flies in its fruit just as the wild-fig does.
194, But the greatest marvel of all the things in the land
after the city itself, to my mind is this which I am about to tell :
Their boats, those I mean which go down the river to Baby-
lon, are round and all of leather: for they make ribs for them

and the fruitful-
ness of their land.

96 | HERODOTUS

of willow which they cut in the land of the Armenians who dwell
above the Assyrians, and round these they stretch hides which
serve as a covering outside by way of hull, not
making broad the stern nor gathering in the prow
to a point, but making the boats round like a
shield: and after that they stow the whole boat with straw and
suffer it to be carried down the stream full of cargo ; and for the
most part these boats bring down casks of palm-wood ™ filled
with wine. The boat is kept straight by two steering-oars and
two men standing upright, and the man inside pulls his oar
while the man outside pushes. These vessels are made both
of very large size and also smaller, the largest of them having
a burden of as much as five thousand talents’ weight ; 9? and in
each one there is a live ass, and in those of larger size several.
So when they have arrived at Babylon in their voyage and
have disposed of their cargo, they sell by auction the ribs of the
boat and all the straw, but they pack the hides upon their asses
and drive them off to Armenia: for up the stream of the river it
_ isnot possible by any means to sail, owing to the swiftness of the
current ; and for this reason they make their boats not of timber
but of hides. Then when they have come back to the land of
the Armenians, driving their asses with them, they make other
boats in the same manner. 195. Such are
their boats; and the following is the manner
of dress which they use, namely a linen tunic
reaching to the feet, and over this they put on another of
wool, and then a white mantle thrown round, while they
have shoes of a native fashion rather like the Boeotian slip-
pers. They wear their hair long and bind their heads round
with fillets,2°? and they are anointed over the whole of their
body with perfumes. Each man has a seal and a staff carved
by hand, and on each staff is carved either an apple or a rose or
a lily or an eagle or some other device, for it is not their custom
to have a staff without a device upon it.
196. Such is the equipment of their bodies: and the
customs which are established among them are as follows, the
Thei wisest in our opinion being this, which I am in-
both good formed that the Enetoi in Illyria also have. In
every village once in each year it was done
as follows:—When the maidens grew” to the age for

The boats on the
river Euphrates.

* The dress of the
Babylonians.

BOOK I 97

marriage, they gathered these all together and brought them in
a body to one place, and round them stood a company of men :
and the crier caused each one severally to stand up, and pro-
ceeded to sell them, first the most comely of all, and after-
wards, when she had been sold and had fetched a large sum
of money, he would put up another who was the most comely
after her: and they were sold for marriage. Now all the
wealthy men of the Babylonians who were ready to marry vied
with one another in bidding for the. most beautiful maidens ;
those however of the common sort who were ready to marry
did not require a fine form, but they would accept money to-
gether with less comely maidens. For when the crier had
made an end of selling the most comely of the maidens, then
he would cause to stand up that one who was least shapely, or
any one of them who might be crippled in any way, and he
would make proclamation of her, asking who was willing for
least gold to have her in marriage, until she was assigned to
him who was willing to accept least: and the gold would be
got from the sale of the comely maidens, and so those of
beautiful form provided dowries for those which were unshapely
or crippled ; but to give in ‘marriage one’s own daughter to
whomsoever each man would, was not allowed, nor to carry
off the maiden after buying her without a surety; for it was
necessary for the man to provide sureties that he would marry
her, before he took her away; and if they did not agree well
together, the law was laid down that he should pay back the
money. It was allowed also for any one who wished it to
come from another village and buy. This then was their most
honourable custom ; it does not however still exist at the pre-
sent time, but they have found out of late another way, in
order that the men may not ill-treat them or take them to
another city: 2 for since the time when being conquered they
were oppressed and ruined, each one of the common people
when he is in want of livelihood prostitutes his female children.

197. Next in wisdom to that, is this other custom which
was established 2 among them :—they bear out the sick into
the market-place; for of physicians they make no use. So
people come up to the sick man and give advice about his
disease, if any one himself ever suffered anything like that
which the sick man has, or saw any other who had suffered it ;

VOL. I H

98 HERODOTUS

and coming near they advise and recommend those means by
which they have themselves got rid of a like disease or seen
some other get rid of it: and to pass by the sick man in
silence is not permitted to them, nor until one has asked what
disease he has.

198. They bury their dead in honey, and their modes of
lamentation are similar to those used in Egypt. And when-
ever a Babylonian man has intercourse with his
wife, he sits by incense offered, and his wife
does the same on the other side, and when it is morning they
wash themselves, both of them, for they will touch no vessel
until they have washed themselves: and the Arabians do likewise
in this matter.

199. Now the most shameful of the customs of the
Babylonians is as follows:—Every woman of the country

and bad, [081 sit down in the precincts*” of Aphro-

dité once in her life and have commerce with
a man who is a stranger: and many women who do not
deign to mingle with the rest, because they are made arrogant
by wealth, drive to the temple with pairs of horses in covered
carriages, and so take their place, and a large number of
attendants follow after them ; but the greater number do thus :
—in the sacred enclosure of Aphrodité sit great numbers of
women with a wreath of cord about their heads ; some come
and others go; and there are passages in straight lines going
between the women in every direction,™® through which the
strangers pass by and make their choice. Here when a
woman takes her seat she does not depart again to her house
until one of the strangers has thrown a silver coin into her
lap and has had commerce with her outside the temple, and
after throwing it he must say these words only: “I demand
thee in the name of the goddess Mylitta”:2 now Mylitta is
the name given by the Assyrians to Aphrodité: and the silver
coin may be of any value; whatever it is she will not refuse
it, for that is not lawful for her, seeing that this coin is made
sacred by the act: and she follows the man who has first thrown,
and does not reject any: and after that she departs to her
house, having acquitted herself of her duty to the goddess,”
nor will you be able thenceforth to give any gift so great as to
win her. So then as many as have attained to beauty and

indifferent,

BOOK I 99

stature 2/1 are speedily released, but those of them who are un-
shapely remain there much time, not being able to fulfil the
law ; for some of them remain even as much as three or four
years: and in some parts of Cyprus too there is a custom
similar to this.

200. These customs then are established among the
Babylonians: and there are of them three tribes 212 which
eat nothing but fish only: and when they have της oo. caters
caught them and dried them in the sun they
do thus,—they throw them into brine, and then pound them
with pestles and strain them through muslin ; and they have
them for food either kneaded into a soft cake, or baked like
bread, according to their liking.

_ 201. When this nation also had been subdued by Cyrus,
he had a desire to bring the Massagetai into subjection to
himself, This nation is reputed to be both powcymsdesired
great and warlike, and to dwell towards the East to go against the
and the sunrising, beyond the river Araxes and Massagetai.

over against 743 the Issedonians: and some also say that this
nation is of Scythian race. 202. Now the Araxes
is said by some to be larger and by others to be
smaller than the Ister: and they say that there are many islands
in it about equal in size to Lesbos, and in them people dwelling
who feed in the summer upon roots of all kinds which they dig
up; and certain fruits from trees, which have been discovered
by them for food, they store up, it is said, in the season when
they are ripe and feed upon them in the winter. Moreover it is
said that other trees have been discovered by them which yield
fruit of such a kind that when they have assembled together in
companies in the same place and lighted a fire, they sit round
in a circle and throw some of it into the fire, and they smell
the fruit which is thrown on, as it burns, and are intoxicated
by the scent as the Hellenes are with wine, and when more of
the fruit is thrown on they become more intoxicated, until at
last they rise up to dance and begin to sing. This is said to
be their manner of living: and as to the river Araxes, it flows
from the land of the Matienians, whence flows the Gyndes
which Cyrus divided into the three hundred and sixty channels,
and it discharges itself by forty branches, of which all except
one end in swamps and shallow pools ;.and among them they

The river Araxes,

100 HERODOTUS

say that men dwell who feed on fish eaten raw, and who are
wont to use as clothing the skins of seals: but the one remain-
ing branch of the Araxes flows with unimpeded course into the
Caspian Sea.

208. Now the Caspian Sea is apart by itself, not having
connection with the other Sea: for all that Sea which the
and the Seacalleq Hellenes navigate, and the Sea beyond the
Caspian, into _— Pillars, which is called Atlantis, and the Ery-
which this river thraian Sea are in fact all one, but the Caspian

is separate and lies apart by itself. In length
it is a voyage of fifteen days if one uses oars,“ and in
breadth, where it is broadest, a voyage of eight days. On the
side towards the West of this Sea the Caucasus runs along
by it, which is of all mountain-ranges both the greatest in
extent and the loftiest: and the Caucasus has many various
races of men dwelling in it, living for the most part on
the wild produce of the forests; and among them there are
said to be trees which produce leaves of such a kind that
by pounding them and mixing water with them they paint
figures upon their garments, and the figures do not wash
out, but grow old with the woollen stuff as if they had been
woven into it at the first: and men say that the sexual inter-
course of these people is open like that of cattle. 204.
On the West then of this Sea which is called Caspian the
Caucasus is the boundary, while towards the East and the
rising sun a plain succeeds which 15 of limitless extent to the
view. Of this great plain then the Massagetai occupy a
large part, against whom Cyrus had become eager to march ;
for there were many strong reasons which incited him to it
and urged him onwards,—first the manner of his birth, that is
to say the opinion held of him that he was more than a mere
mortal man, and next the success which he had met with 74
in his wars, for whithersoever Cyrus directed his march, it was

impossible for that nation to escape. 205. Now

envoys re the ruler of the Massagetai was a woman, who
ae oe he was queen after the death of her husband, and
.. her name was Tomyris. To her Cyrus sent
(named'Tomyris). nd wooed her, pretending that he desired to
have her for his wife: but Tomyris understanding that he was
wooing not herself but rather the kingdom of the Massagetai,

BOOK 1 ΙΟῚ

rejected his approaches: and Cyrus after this, as he made no
progress by craft, marched to the Araxes and proceeded to
make an expedition openly against the Massagetai, forming
bridges of boats over the river for his army to cross, and
building towers upon the vessels which gave them passage
across the river,

206. While he was busied about this labour, Tomyris sent
a herald and said thus: “‘O king of the Medes, cease to
press forward the work which thou art now
pressing forward; for thou canst not tell whether which the eueen
these things will be in the end for thy advan- Tomyris sent to
tage or no; cease to do so, I say, and be cys, ane ne
king over thine own people, and endure to 4, Lydian.
see us ruling those whom we rule. Since
however I know that thou wilt not be willing to receive
this counsel, but dost choose anything rather than to be at
rest, therefore if thou art greatly anxious to make trial of
the Massagetai in fight, come now, leave that labour which
thou hast in yoking together the banks of the river, and
cross over into our land, when we have first withdrawn three
days’ journey from the river: or if thou desirest rather to
receive us into your land, do thou this same thing thyself.”
Having heard this Cyrus called together the first men among
the Persians, and having gathered these together he laid the
matter before them for discussion, asking their advice as to
which of the two things he should do: and their opinions all
agreed in one, bidding him receive Tomyris and her army into
his country, 207. But Croesus the Lydian, being present
and finding fault with this opinion, declared an opinion
opposite to that which had been set forth, saying as follows :
“Ὁ king, I told thee in former time also, that since Zeus had
given me over to thee, I would avert according to my power
whatever occasion of falling I might see coming near thy
house : and now my sufferings, which have been bitter,”#® have
proved to be lessons of wisdom to me. If thou dost suppose
that thou art immortal and that thou dost command an army
which is also immortal, it will be of no use for me to declare
to thee my judgment; but if thou hast perceived that thou
art a mortal man thyself and dost command others who are so
likewise, then learn this first, that for the affairs of men there

Expedition

against the
assagetai

529 B.C,

102 | HERODOTUS

is a revolving wheel, and that this in its revolution suffers
not the same persons always to have good fortune. I there-
fore now have an opinion about the matter laid before us,
which is opposite to that of these men: for if we shall con-
sent to receive the enemy into our land, there is for thee
this danger in so doing :—if thou shalt be worsted thou wilt
lose in addition all thy realm, for it is evident that if the
Massagetai are victors they will not turn back and fly, but will
march upon the provinces of thy realm; and on the other
hand if thou shalt be the victor, thou wilt not be victor so fully
as if thou shouldest overcome the Massagetai after crossing
over into their land and shouldest pursue them when they fled.
For against that which I said before I will set the same again
here, and say that thou, when thou hast conquered, wilt march
straight against the realm of Tomyris. Moreover besides that
which has been said, it is a disgrace and not to be endured
that Cyrus the son of Cambyses should yield to a woman and
so withdraw from her land. Now therefore it seems good to me
that we should cross over and go forward from the crossing
as far as they go in their retreat, and endeavour to get the
better of them by doing as follows :—The Massagetai, as I am
informed, are without experience of Persian good things, and
have never enjoyed any great luxuries. Cut up therefore cattle
without stint and dress the meat and set out for these men
a banquet in our camp: moreover also provide without stint
bowls of unmixed wine and provisions of every kind; and
having so done, leave behind the most worthless part of thy
army and let the rest begin to retreat from the camp towards
the river: for if I am not mistaken in my judgment, they
when they see a quantity of good things will fall to the feast,
and after that it remains for us to display great deeds.”
208. These were the conflicting opinions; and Cyrus,
letting go the former opinion and choosing that of Croesus,
How Cyrus gave notice to Tomyris to retire, as he was in-
passed over the tending to cross over to her. She then pro-
river Araxes, —_ ceeded to retire, as she had at first engaged to
do, but Cyrus delivered Croesus into the hands of his son Cam-
byses, to whom he meant to give the kingdom, and gave him
charge earnestly to honour him and to treat him well, if the
crossing over to go against the Massagetai should not be

BOOK I 103

prosperous. Having thus charged him and sent these away
to the land of the Persians, he crossed over the river both
himself and his army. 209, And when he had ana of the vision .
passed over the Araxes, night having come on which he saw in
he saw a vision in his sleep in the land of the ‘leep.
Massagetai, as follows :—in his sleep it seemed to Cyrus that
he saw the eldest of the sons of Hystaspes having upon his
shoulders wings, and that with the one of these he overshadowed
Asia and with the other Europe. Now of Hystaspes the son
of Arsames, who was a man of the Achaimenid clan, the
eldest son was Dareios, who was then, I suppose, a youth of
about twenty years of age, and he had been left behind in the
land of the Persians, for he was not. yet of full age to go out
to the wars. So then when Cyrus awoke he considered with
himself concerning the vision: and as the vision seemed to
him to be of great import, he called Hystaspes, and having
taken him apart by himself he said: “ Hystaspes, thy son has
been found plotting against me and against my throne: and.
how I know this for certain I will declare to thee :—The gods
have a care of me and show me beforehand all the evils that
threaten me. So in the night that is past while sleeping
I saw the eldest of thy sons having upon his shoulders wings,
and with the one of these he overshadowed Asia and with the
other Europe. To judge by this vision then, it cannot be
but that he is plotting against me. Do thou therefore go by
the quickest way back to Persia and take care that, when I
return thither after having subdued these regions, thou set
thy son before me to be examined.” 210. Cyrus said thus
supposing that Dareios was plotting against him; but in fact
the divine powers were showing him beforehand that he
was destined to find his end there and that his kingdom was
coming about to Dareios. To this then Hystaspes replied as
follows : “Ο king, heaven forbid 2” that there should be any
man of Persian race who would’ plot against thee, and if
there be any, I pray that he perish as quickly as may be ; seeing
that thou didst make the Persians to be free instead of slaves,
and to rule all nations instead of being ruled ‘by others. And
if any vision announces to thee that my son is planning
rebellion against thee, I deliver him over to thee to do with
him whatsoever thou wilt.” 211. Hystaspes then, having made

104 HERODOTUS

answer with these words and having crossed over the Araxes,
was going his way to the Persian land to keep watch over his
son Dareios for Cyrus; and Cyrus meanwhile
went forward and made a march of one day
from the Araxes according to the suggestion of
Croesus. After this when Cyrus and the best part of the army”®
of the Persians had marched back to the Araxes, and those who
were unfit for fighting had been left behind, then a third part of
_ the army of the Massagetai came to the attack and proceeded
to slay, not without resistance,”!® those who were left behind of
the army of Cyrus ; and seeing the feast that was set forth, when
they had overcome their enemies they lay down and feasted,
and being satiated with food and wine they went to sleep.
Then the Persians came upon them and slew many of them,
and took alive many more even than they slew, and among
these the son of the queen Tomyris, who was leading the
army of the Massagetai; and his name was Spargapises.
212. She then, when she heard that which had come to pass
concerning the army and also the things concerning her son,
sent a herald to Cyrus and said as follows: ‘Cyrus, in-
satiable of blood, be not elated with pride by this which has
come to pass, namely because with that fruit of the vine,
with which ye fill yourselves and become so mad that as the
wine descends into your bodies, evil words float up upon its
stream,—because setting a snare, I say, with such a drug as
this thou didst overcome my son, and not by valour in fight.
Now therefore receive the word which I utter, giving thee
good advice :—Restore to me my son and depart from this
land without penalty, triumphant over a third part of the
army of the Massagetai: but if thou shalt not do so, I swear
to thee by the Sun, who is lord of the Massagetai, that surely
I will give thee thy fill of blood, insatiable as thou art.” 218.
When these words were reported to him Cyrus made no ac-
count of them; and the son of the queen Tomyris, Sparga-
pises, when the wine left him and he learnt in what evil case
he was, entreated Cyrus that he might be loosed from his chains
and gained his request, and then so soon as he was loosed ~
and had got power over his hands he put himself to death.
214. He then ended his life in this manner ; but Tomyris, as
Cyrus did not listen to her, gathered together all her power

The war with the
Massagetai,

BOOK I 105

and joined battle with Cyrus. This battle of all the battles
fought by Barbarians I judge to have been the fiercest, and I
am informed that it happened thus :—first, it is said, they stood
apart and shot at one another, and afterwards when their
arrows were all shot away, they fell upon one another and en-
gaged in close combat with their spears and daggers ; and so
they continued to be in conflict with one

another for a long time, and neither side would 274 ΠΟΥ Cyrus
flee ; but at last the Massagetai got the better

in the fight: and the greater part of the Persian army was
destroyed there upon the spot, and Cyrus himself brought his
life to an end there, after he had reigned in all thirty years
wanting one. Then Tompyris filled a skin with human blood
and had search made among the Persian dead for the corpse
of Cyrus: and when she found it, she let his head down into
the skin and doing outrage to the corpse she said at the same
time this: “Though I yet live and have overcome thee in
fight, nevertheless thou didst undo me by taking my son with
craft: but I according to my threat will give thee thy fill of
blood.” Now as regards the end of the life of Cyrus there
are many tales told, but this which I have related is to my
mind the most worthy of belief.

215. As to the Massagetai, they wear a dress which is
similar to that of the Scythians, and they have a manner of
life which is also like theirs; and there are of the manners and
them horsemen and also men who do not ride customs of the
on horses (for they have both fashions), and Massagetai.
moreover there are both archers and spearmen, and their custom
it is to carry battle-axes ; and for everything they use either
gold or bronze, for in all that has to do with spear-points or
arrow-heads or battle-axes they use bronze, but for head-dresses
and girdles and belts round the arm-pits 22 they employ gold as
ornament: and in like manner as regards their horses, they
put breast-plates of bronze about their chests, but on their
bridles and bits and cheek-pieces they employ gold. Iron
however and silver they use not at all, for they have them not
in their land, but gold and bronze in abundance. 216. These
are the customs which they have :—Each marries a wife, but
they have their wives in common ; for that which the Hellenes
say that the Scythians do, is not in fact done by the Scythians

106 HERODOTUS

but by the Massagetai, that is to say, whatever woman a man of
the Massagetai may desire he hangs up his quiver in front of the
waggon and has commerce with her freely. They have no pre-
cise limit of age laid down for their life, but when a man be-
comes very old, his nearest of kin come together and slaughter
him solemnly 7” and cattle also with him ; and then after that
they boil the flesh and banquet upon it. This is considered by

them the happiest lot ; but him who has ended his life by dis-

ease they do not eat, but cover him up in the earth, counting

it a misfortune that he did not attain to being slaughtered.

They sow no crops but live on cattle and on fish, which last
they get in abundance from the river Araxes ; moreover they
are drinkers of milk. Of gods they reverence the Sun alone,

and to him they sacrifice horses: and the rule*™ of the

sacrifice is this :—to the swiftest of the gods they assign the
swiftest of all mortal things, :

NOTES TO BOOK I

The thick numbers indicate the chapters; the others refer to the corre-
sponding numbers given in the text. When Greek words are quoted at the
beginning of a note with a square bracket thus, ὑπεισδὺς], it is meant that
the text is uncertain. —_ .

CHAP. NOTE - ΝΕ
Preface 1. Ἡροδότου ᾿Αλικαρνησσέος ἱστορίης ἀπόδεξις ἦδε, ὡς κιτιλ, The
meaning of the word ἱστορίη passes gradually from ‘‘ research” or
‘inquiry’ to ‘‘ narrative,’ ‘‘history’’; cp. vii. 96. Aristotle in

quoting these words writes Θουρίου for ᾿Αλικαρνησσέος (‘‘ Herodotus

. of Thurii'’), and we know from Plutarch that this reading existed
in his time as a variation.

— 2. Probably ἔργα may here mean enduring monuments like the

. pyramids and the works at Samos, cp, i. 93, ii. 35, εἴς, ; in that
case τά τε ἄλλα refers back to τὰ γενόμενα, though the verb éro-
λέμησαν derives its subject from the mention of Hellenes and
Barbarians in the preceding clause.

2. 54. Many Editors have ‘‘ with the Phenicians,” on the authority of some
inferior MSS. and of the Aldine edition.

— 4. ἁρπαγῆς.

5.. 4a. ‘‘thus or in some other particular way.”

6. 5. Συρίων, see ch. 72. Herodotus perhaps meant to distinguish Σύριοι
from Σύροι, and to use the first name for the Cappadokians and
the second for the people of Palestine, cp. ii, 104; but they are

. naturally confused in the MSS.
— 6. ἐξ ἐπιδρομῆς ἁρπαγή.
9. 7. τῆς ἀνοιγομένης θύρης, ‘‘ the door that is opened. "
10. 8. Or ‘‘ because she was ashamed.”

»--

NOTES TO BOOK I 107

CHAP.

11.
12.

48.
49.

NOTE

9. φοιτᾶν.

10. ὑπεισδὺς] : Stein adopts the conjecture ὑπεκδὺς, ‘‘slipping out of
his hiding-place,”’

τι, This last sentence is by many regarded as an interpolation, The
line referred to is Οὔ μοι τὰ Γύγεω τοῦ πολυχρύσον μέλει.

12. See ν, 92.

13. 2.¢. like other kings of Lydia who came after him.

14. Κολοφῶνος τὸ dorv,as opposed apparently to the acropolis, cp. viii. 51.

15. See ch. 73..

16. ὁ καὶ ἐσβάλλων τηνικαῦτα és τὴν Μιλησίην τὴν στρατιήν : an allusion
apparently to the invasions of the Milesian land at harvest time,
which are described above. All the operations mentioned in the
last chapter have been loosely ascribed to Alyattes, and a correc-
tion is here added to inform the reader that they belong equally
to his father. It will hardly mend matters much if we take 6
Λυδός in ch, 17 to include both father and son.

17. διδάξαντα.

18. This name is applied by Herodotus to the southern part of the
peninsula only.

19. Tarentum.

20. ἐν τοῖσι ἑδωλίοισι properly ‘‘ benches,” but probably here the
raised deck at the stern.

21. ob μέγα] : many of the MSS. have μέγα.

22. στάδιοι : furlongs of about 606 English feet.

23. τῷ ἐπιλόγῳ. ᾿

24. This list of nations is by some suspected as an interpolation ; ; see
Stein's note on the passage.

25. σοφισταί : cp. ii. 49, and iv. 95.

26. ἔθετο.

27. ὀλβιώτατον.

28. σταδίους.

29. ῥώμην : many of the MSS, have γνώμην, ‘* good disposition.”

30. Ζ,4. their mother: but some understand it to mean the goddess.

31. ἐν τέλεϊ τούτῳ ἔσχοντο.

32. ἀνόλβιοι.

33. εὐτυχέες.

34. ἄπηροΞ] : the MSS. have ἄπειρος.

35. αἰχμῇ σιδηρέῃ βληθέντα. . ᾿

36. ‘in the house of Croesus.”

37. ᾿Επίστιον.

38. ‘Eratphiov.

39. ovyypapapevous, z.e. have it written down by the “«ροφήτης {see vii.
ΤΙ and viii. 37), who interpreted and put into regular verse the
inspired utterances of the prophetess (πρόμαντι3).

40. ἐς τὸ μέγαρον.

41. οἷδα δ᾽ ἐγώ : oracles often have a word of connection such as δέ or
ἀλλά at the beginning (cp. ch. 55, 174, etc.), which may indicate
that they are part of a larger connected utterance.

42. Cp. vii. 178 and ix. gr. (41 accept the omen.”’)

43. See viii. 134.

44.

καὶ τοῦτον } 2.6. Amphiatacs : many Editors retain the reading of the
ine edition, καὶ τοῦτο, ‘‘that in this too he had found a true
Oracle.”’

108

HERODOTUS

CHAP. NOTE

50.

45-
46.

47.
48.
49.
50,
5%.

52.

ἡμιπλίνθια, the plinth being supposed to be square,

ἑξαπάλαιστα, the palm being about three inches, cp. ii. 149.

ἀπέφθου χρυσοῦ, "' refined gold.”

τρίτον ἡμιτάλαντον) : the MSS, have τρία ἡμιτάλαντα, which has
been corrected partly on the authority of Valla's translation.

‘‘white gold.”

Arranged evidently in stages, of which the highest consisted of the
4 half-plinths of pure gold, the second of 15 half-plinths, the third
of 35, the fourth of 63, making 117 in 411 : see Stein’s note,

ἕλκων σταθμὸν elvaroy ἡμιτάλαντον καὶ ἔτι δυώδεκα μνέας. The
μνέα (mina) is 15.2 oz., and 60 of them go to a talent.

ἐπὶ τοῦ προνηίου τῆς γωνίης, cp. viii. 122 : the use of ἐπί seems to
suggest some kind of raised corner-stone upon which the offerings
stood.

. The ἀμφορεύς is about 9 gallons,

. Cp. iii. 41.

- περιρραντήρια.

- χεύματα, which some translate ‘‘ jugs” or ‘* bowls.”

. ὑμῖν, as if both Oracles were being addressed together.

ie, Delphi.

. ἐνεφορέετο, ‘‘he filled himself with it.”

60. Κρηστῶνα)] : Niebuhr would read Κρότωνα (Croton or Cortona in

62a.

63.
64.
6s.
66.
67.

68.
69.

70.

σι.
72.

Etruria), partly on the authority of Dionysius: see Stein's note.
Two of the best MSS. are defective in this part of the book.

. See ii. sr and vi. 137.
. αὔξηται és πλῆθος τῶν ἐθνέων πολλῶν : ‘‘ has increased to a multi-

tude of its races, which are many."’ Stein and Abicht both venture
to adopt the conjecture Πελασγῶν for πολλῶν, ‘‘ Pelasgians especi-
ally being added to them, and also many other Barbarian nations.”

πρὸς δὴ ὧν ἔμοιγε δοκέει) : the MSS. have ἐμοί re. Some Editors
read ὡς δὴ ὧν (Stein πρόσθε δὲ ὧν) for πρὸς δὴ ὧν. This whole
passage is probably in some way corrupt, but it can hardly be
successfully emended.

z.é. as it is of the Hellenic race before it parted from the Pelasgian
and ceased to be Barbarian.

κατεχόμενόν τε καὶ διεσπασμένον . . . ὑπὸ Πεισιστράτον. Peisis-
tratos was in part at least the cause of the divisions.

«ταράλων.

ὑπερακρίων.

τούτους] : some read by conjecture τριηκοσίους, ‘‘ three hundred,”’

the number which he actually had according to Polyzenus, i. 21.

δορυφόροι, the usual word for a body-guard.

κεριελαυνόμενος δὲ τῇ στάσι : Stein says ‘‘ harassed by attacks of
his own party,” but the passage to which he refers in ch. 61, καταλ-
λάσσετο τὴν ἔχθρην τοῖσι στασιώτῃσι, may be referred to the quarrel
made with his party by Megacles when he joined Peisistratos.

More literally, ‘‘ since from ancient time the Hellenic race had been
marked off from the Barbarians as being more skilful and more
freed from foolish simplicity, (and) since at that time among the
Athenians, who are accounted the first of the Hellenes in ability,
these men devised a trick as follows.”

The cubit is reckoned as 24 finger-breadths, z.e. about 18 inches.

So Rawlinson.

CHAP. NOTE
61. 73.
62. 74.
— 75:
— ° 76.
64. 77
65. 772.
66. 78
— 79
— 80
67. 81
— 82
68. 83.
70. 84.
72. 85.
— 86.
18. 87.
74. 88.
— 89.
75. go.
76. ο1.

NOTES TO BOOK 1 109

See v. 70.

διὰ ἔνδεκάτου ἔτεος. Not quite thiesameas διὰ ἔνδεκα ἐτέων (‘' after
an interval of eleven years '’) ; rather ‘‘ in the eleventh year” (7.e.
κε after an interval of ten years "’).

θείῃ πομπῇ χρεώμενος.

For ᾿Ακαρνὰν it has been suggested to read ᾿Αχαρνεὺς, because this
man is referred to as an Athenian by various writers. However
Acarnanians were celebrated for prophetic power, and he might be
called an Athenian as resident with Peisistratos at Athens.

. Or ‘‘for that part of the land from which the temple could be

seen,” but cp. Thuc. iii. 104. In either case the meaning is the
same, .

ἐνωμοτίας καὶ τριηκάδας καὶ συσσίτια, The ἐνωμοτία was the primary
division of the Spartan army : of the τριηκάς nothing is known for
certain.

. κιβδήλῳ, properly ‘‘ counterfeit”: cp. ch. 75.
; σχοίνῳ διαμετρησάμενοι : whether actually, for the purpose of distri-

buting the work among them, or because the rope which fastened
them together lay on the ground like a measuring-tape, is left
uncertain.

. Cp. ix. 70.
. ἐπιτάρροθοςς. Elsewhere (that is in Homer) the word always means

‘* helper,’’ and Stein translates it so here, ‘‘ thou shalt be protector
and patron of Tegea” (in the place of Orestes). Mr. Woods
explains it by the parallel of such phrases as Δαναοῖσι μάχης
ἐπιτάρροθοι, to mean ‘‘thou shalt be a helper (of the Lacede-
monians) in the matter of Tegea,” but this perhaps would be a
form of address too personal to the envoy, who is usually addressed
in the second person, but only as representative of those who sent
him. The conjectural reading ἐπιτάρροθον ἕξεις, ‘‘thou shalt
have him as a helper against Tegea,’’ is tempting.

. ἀγαθοεργῶν.

This was to enable him the better to gain his ends at Tegea.

Cp. ch. 51, note.

See ch. 6.

εὐζώνῳ ἀνδρί : cp. ch. 104 and ii. 34. The word εὔζωνος is used of
light-armed troops ; Hesychius says, ed{wvos, μὴ ἔχων φορτίον.

ὀργὴν οὐκ ἄκρος] : this is the reading of all the best MSS., and
it is sufficiently supported by the parallel of v. 124, ψυχὴν οὐκ
ἄκρος. Most Editors however have adopted the reading ὀργὴν
ἄκρος, as equivalent to ἀκράχολος, ““ quick-tempered.”

It has been suggested by some that this clause is not genuine. It
should not, however, be taken to refer to the battle which was
interrupted by the eclipse, for (x) that did not occur in the period
here spoken of ; (2) the next clause is introduced by δέ (which can
hardly here stand for γάρ) ; (3) when the eclipse occurred the fight-
ing ceased, therefore it was no more a γυκτομαχίη than any other
battle which is interrupted by darkness coming on.

See ch. 188. Nadunita was his true name.

See ch. 107 ff.

Not ‘‘ somewhere near the city of Sinopé,” for it must have been
at a considerable distance and probably far inland. Sinopé itself
is at least fifty miles to the west of the Halys, I take it to mean

110 HERODOTUS

CHAP. NOTE
that Pteria was nearly due south of Sinopé, z.e. that the nearest
road from Pteria to the sea led to Sinopé. Pteria no doubt was
the name of a region as well as of a city.

76. 92. ἀναστάτους ἐποίησε.

77. 93. This is the son of the man mentioned in ch. 74.

— 94. ὃς ἣν αὐτοῦ gewexds. Stein translates ‘‘so much of it as was mer-
cenary,” but it may be doubted if this is possible. Mr, Woods,
‘which army of his was a foreign one."’

80. 95. Μητρὸς Δινδυμήνης, 1.4. Kybele: the mountain is Dindymos in
Phrygia.

82. 96. z.¢. the whole strip of territory to the West of the peninsula of
Argolis, which includes Thyrea and extends southwards to Malea:
‘* westwards as far as Malea” would be absurd.

84. 97. οὗτος] : a conjectural emendation of αὐτός.

— 98. αὐτός] : some MSS, read ὁ αὐτός, ‘‘ this same man.”

86. 99. ἀνενεικάμενον, nearly equivalent to ἀναστενάξαντα (cp. Hom. 1], xix.
314), μνησάμενος δ᾽ ἀδινῶς ἀνενείκατο φωνῆσέν re. Some translate
it here, ‘‘ he recovered himself,” cp. ch, 116, ἀνενειχθείς,

89. 100. ὑβρισταί.

— 101. στροήσουσι] : a conjectural emendation of ποιήσουσι, adopted in
most of the modern editions,

90. 102. τοῦτο ὀνειδίσαι} : or τούτων ὀνειδίσαι, ‘‘ to reproach the god with
these things."’ The best MSS. have τούτῳ.

91. 103. τῷ καὶ. .. εἶπε τὰ εἶπε Λοξίας x.7.\.]: various emendations have

. been proposed. If any one is to be adopted, the boldest would
perhaps be the best, τὸ δὲ καὶ... εἶπε Λοξίας.

98. 104. οἷά τε καὶ ἄλλη χώρη, ‘‘ such as other lands have,"

— 105. στάδιοι &€ καὶ δύο πλέθρα.

— 106. πλέθρα τρία καὶ δέκα.

--- 107. Γυγαίη.

94. 108, Or ‘ Tyrrhenia.”’

— 109. Or “ Umbnians."’

95. 110. τῆς ἄνω ᾿Ασίης, i.e. the parts which are removed from the Medi-
terranean.

98. 111. Ζ.6. nature would not be likely to supply so many regularly ascending
circles, Stein alters the text so that the sentence runs thus, ‘‘ and
whereas there are seven circles in all, within the last is the royal

palace,’ etc.

99. 112, 2.4. ‘‘to laugh or to spit is unseemly for those in presence of the
king, and this last for all, whether in the presence of the king or
not.’ Cp. Xen. Cyrop, i, 2.16, αἰσχρὸν μὲν γὰρ ἔτι καὶ viv ἐστι
Πέρσαις καὶ τὸ ἀπτοπτύειν καί τὸ ἀπομύττεσθαι, (quoted by Stein,
who however gives a different interpretation).

— 113. ταῦτα δὲ περὶ ἑωντὸν ἐσέμψυνε : the translation given is that of Mr.
Woods.

102. 114. ἄλλως μέντοι ἑωντῶν εὖ ἥκοντες : the translation is partly due to

Mr. Woods.

108. 115. 2.4. East of the Halys: see note on ch. 95.

— 116. See iv, 12.

104. 117. Cp. ch. 72.

— 118, τὴν κατύπερθε ὁδόν, ἰ.4. further away from the Euxine eastwards.
105. 119. ὁ θεός.

106. 120. χωρὶς. μὲν γὰρ φόρων] : many Editors substitute φόρον for φόρων,

CHAP.

137.
138.

140.
142.

NOTES TO BOOK I 1

ΝΟΤΕ
but φόρων may stand if taken not with χωρίς but with τὸ ἑκάστοισι
ἐπέβαλλον.

121. Cp. ch. 184, ‘‘ the Assyrian history.”

122, ὑπερθέμενος), a conjectural emendation of ὑποθέμενος, cp. ch. 108
where the MSS. give ὑπερθέμενος, (the Medicean with two written
above as a correction).

123. Or ‘‘ expose me to risk,” ‘‘ stake my safety.”

. 124. Or ‘‘ thou wilt suffer the most evil kind of death": cp, ch. 167.

124a. τὰς ἀγγελίας φέρειν, 1.6. to have the office of ἀγγελιηφόρος (ch.
120) or ἐσαγγελεύς (iii. 84), the chamberlain through whom com-
munications passed.

125. διαλαβεῖν. So translated by Mr. Woods.

126. és τὰς ἀνάγκας, ‘to the necessity,” mentioned above.«

127. Or ‘‘ to celebrate good fortune.”’

128. ἀκρέων χειρῶν τε καὶ ποδῶν : cp. ii. 121 (¢), ἀποταμόντα ἐν τῷ
Guy τὴν χεῖρα.

129. ἔστι τε ὁ wais καὶ περίεστι. So translated by Mr. Woods.

130. ἦρχε) : a few inferior MSS. have εἶχε, which is adopted by several
Editors.

131. παρὰ σμικρὰ . . . κεχώρηκε, ‘‘ have come out equal to trifles.”

132. κύων : cp. ch. 110.

133. σύ νυν], answering to σὲ γὰρ Geol ἐπορέουσι : the MSS. and some
Editors read σὺ viv. -

134. 1.4. of the race of Perses: see vii. 61.

. 135. ‘‘how his change from a throne to slavery was as compared with

that feast, etc.,” z.e. what did he think of it as a retribution.

. 136. Seech. 106. The actual duration of the Median supremacy would

be therefore a hundred years.

. 136a. This is by some altered to ‘‘ Alilat,’’ by comparison of iii. 8.

137. στέμμασι, z.e. the chaplets wound round with wool which were
worn at Hellenic sacrifices.

138. οὐλῇσι.

138a. Cp. vii. 61.

139. σίτοισι : perhaps ‘‘ plain dishes."’

140. προσκυνέει, 1.6. kisses his feet or the ground.

141. τὸν λεγόμενο»], a correction of τῷ λεγομένῳ: (The Medicean MS.
has τῶι λεγομένωι like the rest, not τῶι λεγομένω, as stated by
Stein. )

142. ἐχομένων, κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν δὴ Adyov]: the MSS. and most Editors
have ἐχομένων. κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν δὲ λόγον ; ‘‘and this same rule
the Persians observe in giving honour.”. This, however, makes it
difficult (though not impossible) to refer τὸ ἔθνος in the next clause
to the Medes, and it can hardly be referred to the Persians, who
certainly had not the same system of government. Perhaps how-
ever we may translate thus, ‘‘ for each race extended forward
thus their rule or their deputed authority.”

143. Cp. vii. 194.

144. πολλοὶ] : omitted, or corrected variously, by Editors. There is,
perhaps, something wrong about the text in the next clause also,
for it seems clear that white doves were not objected to by the
Persians. See Stein’s note,

145. See ch. 95. .

146. These words, “ neither those towards the East nor those towards

HERODOTUS

NOTE

the West”’ have perhaps been interpolated as an explanation of τὰ
ἄνω and τὰ κάτω. As an explanation they can hardly be correct,
but the whole passage is vaguely expressed.

147. τρόπους τέσσερας παραγωγέων.

148. 2.6. the Asiatic Ionians who had formed a separate confederacy.
Some understand it to mean the Milesians, but this would give no
satisfactory connection with what follows.

. 149. πενταπόλιος.

150. ἑξαπόλιος.

. 151 pecdyao. Several of the other cities are at some distance from the

coast, but the region is meant in each. case rather than the city
(hence such forms as Tpcrasées).

152. Ἑλικωνίῳ.

153. This is condemned as an interpolation by some Editors.

154. ὡρέων δὲ ἥκουσαν οὐκ ὁμοίως.

155. καταστάς : cp. iii. 46.

156. κτησάμενοι] : Stein reads στησάμενοι by conjecture: cp. vi. 58.

157. φροντίζω μὴ ἄριστον F. The translation is Rawlinson’s.

158. κεφαλῇ ἀναμάξας : cp. Hom. Od. xix. 92.

. 159. ἐς τοὺς Βραγχίδας, é.e. the priests of the temple. The name of the

place (Βραγχίδαι) is feminine, cp. ch. 92.

. 160. ὦναξ, addressing Apollo.

τότ. ἐξαίρεε τοὺς στρούθους x.t.\. The verb is one which is commonly
used of the destruction and depopulation of cities, cp. ch. 176.

(Stein. )
162. τοῦ δὲ ᾿Αταρνέος τούτου ἐστὶ χῶρος τῆς Μυσίης.
163. οὐκ ὀλίγοι στάδιοι. ᾿

164. κατιρῶσαι, 1.64. dedicate it to the king as a token of submission.

165. 2.64. Corsica,

166. ἀναφανῆναι)ὔ : the MSS. have ἀναφῆναι, which can only be trans-
lated by supplying τὸν πόντον from κατεπόντωσαν, ‘‘ till the sea
produced it again,” but this is hardly satisfactory.

167. Καρχηδόνιοι.

168 ἔλαχόν τε αὐτῶν πολλῷ πλείους. Several Editors suppose that
words have been lost or that the text is corrupt. I understand it
to mean that many more of them fell into the hands of the enemy
than were rescued by their own side. Some translate ‘‘ divided
most of them by lot”’ ; but this would be διέλαχον, and the pro-.
ceeding would have no object if the prisoners were to be put to
death at once, For σλείους Stein reads πλείστους.

169. τὸν Κύρνον. . . κτίσαι ἥρων ἐόντα, ἀλλ’ ob τὴν νῆσον.

170, βουλευτήριον.

171. οὗτοι] : the MSS, have οὕτω.

172. αὐτόχθονας ἠπειρώτας.

173. Many Editors insert of before τῆς χώρης τῆς σφετέρης and alter
the punctuation accordingly.

174. Or ‘‘all their land came within the isthmus."

175. ἐπεξιόντες) : the MSS. have ὑπεξιόντες, which Mr. Woods explains
to mean ‘‘ coming forth suddenly.”

176. ἐπεξελθόντες] : the MSS. have ὑπεξελθόντες.

177. σταδίων, and so throughout.

178. The ‘‘royal cubit" appears to have measured about twenty-one
inches.

NOTES ΤῸ BOOK I 113

CHAP. NOTE

180.

181.

179. τοὺς dyxGvas, the walls on the North and South of the city, called
so because built at an angle with the side walls.

180. λαῦραι, ‘‘ lanes.”

181. καὶ αὐταί, but perhaps the text is not sound.

182. θώρηξ, as opposed to the inner wall, which would be the κιθών
(cp. vii. 139).

183. oreivérepov : Mr. Woods says ‘‘ of less thickness,’’ the top of the
wall being regarded as a road.

184. δύο σταδίων πάντη, t.e. 404 yards square.

185. τοῦ ἱροῦ, z.e. the sacred precincts ; cp. ἐν τῷ τεμένεϊ τούτῳ.

186. νηός, the inner house of the temple.

. 187. πρόμαντις.
.: χϑ8, τὰ τέλεα τῶν προβάτων.

189. ‘‘at that time.”

1894, καταπλέοντες τὸν Εὐφρήτην] : the MSS, have καταπλέοντες ἐς τὸν
E. (It is not true, as stated by Abicht, that the Medicean MS.
omits és.)

190. ὀλίγον τι παρατείνουσα ἀπὸ τοῦ ποταμοῦ.

. 191. οὐ yap ἄμεινον, an Epic phrase, cp. iii. 71 and 82.

192. ἐσκευασμέν ο5], a conjectural emendation of ἐσκευασμένοισι, | “ with
provisions well prepar .

. 193. Karérewe oxoworevéas ὑποδέξας διώρυχας. Stein understands

karérewe τὴν στρατιήν (resumed afterwards by διατάξας), ‘‘ he ex-
tended his army, having first marked out channels straight by lines.”
194. προεσάξαντο, from προεσάγω : it may be however from προσάττω,
“4 they had heaped together provisions for themselves beforehand.”

. 195. τὴν στρατιὴν ἅπασαν. Stein thinks that some correction is needed.

196. of δ᾽ dy περιιδόντες x.7..]: the MSS. have οὐδ᾽ ἃν περιιδόντες,
‘they would not even have allowed them to enter the city (from
the river),"’ but the negative is awkward referring to the participle
alone, and the admission of the enemy to the river-bed within the
city would have been an essential part of the scheme, not to be
omitted in the description.

197. The Attic medimnos (=48 chointkes) was rather less than 12 gallons.

. 198. τὸν τῆς Δήμητρος καρπόν. -

199. Stein supposes that words have fallen out before τὰ γὰρ δὴ ἄλλα
δένδρεα, chiefly because some mention of the palm-trees might
have been expected here.

. 200. φοινικηίους] : some Editors (following Valla) have altered this to

φοινικηίου (‘‘ casks of palm-wine”’), but it is not likely that palm-
wine would have been thus imported, see ch. 193.

201. καὶ ὁ μὲν ἔσω ἕλκει τὸ πλῆκτρον ὁ δὲ ἔξω WOE. I take it to
mean that there is one steering-oar on each side, and the ‘‘ inside"’
is the side nearer to the bank of the river. The current would
naturally run faster on the ‘‘outside”’ and consequently would
tend to turn the boat round, and therefore the inside oarsman pulls
his oar constantly towards himself and the outside man pushes his
oar from himself (2.6. backs water), to keep the boat straight.
Various explanations are given. Stein takes ἔσω, ἔξω with the
verbs, ‘‘ one draws the oar towards himself, the other pushes it
from himself.” Mr. Woods understands that only one oar is used
at a time and by two men looking different ways, of whom ὁ μὲν
ἔσω is he who stands nearest to the side of the boat.

VOL. I I

HERODOTUS

E
. If the talents meant are Euboic, this would be about 170 tons.

. μίτρῃσι : cp. vii. 62.

. ws ἂν al παρθένοι ywolaro, equivalent to ὅσαι ἀεὶ παρθένοι γινοίατο,

which Stein suggests as a correction.

. This sentence, ‘‘in order that—city,” is thought by Stein to be

either interpolated or misplaced.

. κατεστῆἥκεε)] : some Editors adopt the correction xaréornxe, ‘‘is

established.”

. Ἱρόν, afterwards called τέμενος.
. πάντα τρόπον . ὁδῶν] : some MSS. have ὁδὸν for ὁδῶν, and ὁδὸν

ἔχουσι might perhaps mean “afford a passage.”’ (The reading
of the Medicean MS. is ὁδῶν.)

. “1 call upon Mylitta against thee;"’ or perhaps, ‘‘I call upon

Mylitta to be favourable to thee.”

. ἀποσιωσαμένη τῇ θεῷ.

. εἴδεός τε ἑπαμμέναι εἰσὶ καὶ μεγάθεος.

. πατριαί.

. ἀντίον.

. That is perhaps, ‘‘if one rows as well as sails,’’ using oars when

the wind is not favourable, cp. ii. 11.

. γενομένη], or γινομένη, ‘‘ which he met with.”
. ἐόντα dxdpira]: most of the MSS. have τὰ ἐόντα ἀχάριτα, with

which reading the sentence would be, ‘‘the sufferings which I
have, have proved bitter lessons of wisdom to me.”

. μὴ εἴη.
. τοῦ καθαροῦ στρατοῦ, perhaps ‘‘the effective part,” without the

encumbrances, cp. iv. 135.

. ἀλεξομένους.

. σαγάρις νομίζοντες ἔχειν : cp. iv. 5.

. μασχαλιστῆρας.

. θύουσι.

. vduos]: the conjecture νόος, ‘‘meaning,’’ which is adopted by

many Editors, may be right; but νόμος seems to mean the
‘‘customary rule’’ which determines this form of sacrifice, the
rule namely of ‘‘ swift to the swift.”’

BOOK II
THE SECOND BOOK OF THE HISTORIES, CALLED EUTERPE

1. WHEN Cyrus had brought his life to an end, Cambyses
received the royal power in succession, being the son of Cyrus
and of Cassandané the daughter of Pharnaspes, That, cyrus

for whose death, which came about before his being dead, Cam-
own, Cyrus had made great mourning himself byses aus son
and also had proclaimed to all those over whom ang purposed to
he bore rule that they should make mourning march against
for her: Cambyses, I say, being the son of this Esypt.

woman and of Cyrus, regarded the Ionians and Aiolians as
slaves inherited from his father; and he proceeded to march
an army against Egypt, taking with him as helpers not only
the other nations of which he was ruler, but also those of
the Hellenes over whom he had power besides.

2. Now the Egyptians, before the time when Psam-
metichos! became king over them, were wont to suppose that
they had come into being first of all men;
but since the time when Psammetichos having King Pseamen
become king desired to know what men had tichos once made
come into being first, they suppose that the to discover which
Phrygians came into being before themselves, Νὴ 51} mations is
but they themselves before all other men. Now
Psammetichos, when he was not able by inquiry to find out
any means of knowing who had come into being first of all
men, contrived a device of the following kind :—Taking two
new-born children belonging to persons of the common sort
he gave them to a shepherd to bring up at the place where his
flocks were, with a manner of bringing up such as I shall say,

Psamme-
tichos be-
came king
about 670
B.C.

116 HERODOTUS

charging him namely that no man should utter any word in
their presence, and that they should be placed by themselves
in a room where none might come, and at the proper time he
should bring to them she-goats, and when he had satisfied
them with milk he should do for them whatever else was
needed. These things Psammetichos did and gave him this
charge wishing to hear what word the children would let break
forth first, after they had ceased from wailings without sense.
And accordingly so it came to pass; for after a space of two
years had gone by, during which the shepherd went on acting
so, at length, when he opened the door and entered, both the
children fell before him in entreaty and uttered the word Jdekos,
stretching forth their hands. Αἱ first when he heard this the
shepherd kept silence; but since this word was often repeated,
as he visited them constantly and attended to them, at last he
declared the matter to his master, and at his command he
brought the children before his face. Then Psammetichos
having himself also heard it, began to inquire what nation of
men named anything Jedos, and inquiring he found that the
Phrygians had this name for bread. In this manner and guided ἢ
by an indication such as this, the Egyptians were brought to
allow that the Phrygians were a more ancient people than
themselves. 3. That so it came to pass I heard from the
priests of that Hephaistos who dwells at Memphis ;? but the
Hellenes relate, besides many other idle tales, that Psamme-
tichos cut out the tongues of certain women and then caused
the children to live with these women.

With regard then to the rearing of the children they related
so much as I have said: and I heard also other things at
That the Author Memphis when I had speech with the priests of
of this History | Hephaistos. Moreover I visited both Thebes
had his informa- and Heliopolis® for this very cause, namely
tion from the . .
priests of Mem- because I wished to know whether the priests
phis, Heliopolis, at these places would agree in their accounts
and Thebes. = with those at Memphis; for the men of Helio-
polis are said to be the most learned in records of the Egypt-
ians. ‘Those of their narrations which I heard with regard
to the gods I am not earnest to relate in full, but I shall
name them only,* because I consider that all men are equally
ignorant of these matters: and whatever things of them I

BOOK II 117

may record, I shall record only because I am compelled by
the course of the story. 4 But as to those matters
which concern men, the priests agreed with one another
in saying that the Egyptians were the first of
all men on earth to find out the course of the
year, having divided the seasons into twelve
parts to make up the whole; and this they said they found
out from the stars: and they reckon to this extent more
wisely than the Hellenes, as it seems to me, inasmuch as the
Hellenes throw in an intercalated month every other year, to
make the seasons right, whereas the Egyptians, reckoning the
twelve months at thirty days each, bring in also every year five
days beyond the number, and thus the circle of their seasons
is completed and comes round to the same point whence it
set out. They said moreover that the Egyptians were the first
who brought into use appellations for the twelve gods and the
Hellenes took up the use from them; and that they were the
first who assigned altars and images and temples to the gods, and
who engraved figures on stones; and with regard to the greater
number of these things they showed me by actual facts that
they had happened so. They said also that the first man ®
who became king of Egypt was Min;’ and that in his time
all Egypt except the district of Thebes ὃ was a swamp, and
none of the regions were then above water which now lie
below the lake of Moiris, to which lake it is a voyage of seven
days up the river from the sea: 5, and I thought that they
said well about the land; for it is manifest in

truth even to a person who has not heard it Eoyot with the
beforehand but has only seen, at least if he have measurement of
understanding, that the Egypt to which the it, and that it is
Hellenes come in ships is a land which has in Part the gift
been won by the Egyptians as an addition, and
that it is a gift of the river: moreover the regions which lie
above this lake also for a distance of three days’ sail, about .
which they did not go on to say anything of this kind, are
nevertheless another instance of the same thing: for the nature
of the land of Egypt is as follows :—First when you are still
approaching it in a ship and are distant a day’s run from the
land, if you let down a sounding-line you will bring up mud
and will find yourself in eleven fathoms. This then so far

The discoveries
of the Egyptians.

118 HERODOTUS

shows that there is a silting forward of the land. 6. Then
secondly, as to Egypt itself, the extent of it along the sea
is sixty schoines, according to our definition of Egypt as ex-
tending from the Gulf of Plinthiné to the Serbonian lake,
along which stretches Mount Casion; from this lake then ®
the sixty schoines are reckoned: for those of men who are
poor in land have their country measured by fathoms, those
who are less poor by furlongs, those who have much land by
parasangs, and those who have land in very great abundance
by schotnes: now the parasang is equal to thirty furlongs, and
each schotne, which is an Egyptian measure, is equal to sixty
furlongs. So there would be an extent of three thousand six
hundred furlongs for the coast-land of Egypt.® 7. From
thence and as far as Heliopolis inland Egypt is broad, and
the land is all flat and without springs of water +4 and formed
of mud: and the road as one goes inland from the sea to
Heliopolis is about the same in length as that which leads
from the altar of the twelve gods at Athens to Pisa and the
temple of Olympian Zeus: reckoning up you would find the
difference very small by which these roads fail of being equal
in length, not more indeed than fifteen furlongs ; for the road
from Athens to Pisa wants fifteen furlongs of being fifteen
hundred, while the road to Heliopolis from the sea reaches
that number completely. 8. From Heliopolis however, as you
go up, Egypt is narrow; for on the one side a mountain-range
belonging to Arabia stretches along by the side of it, going
in a direction from the North towards the midday and the
South Wind, tending upwards without a break to that which is
called the Erythraian Sea, in which range are the stone-quarries
which were used in cutting stone for the pyramids at Memphis.
On this side then the mountain ends where I have said, and
then takes a turn back ;}!2 and where it is widest, as I was
informed, it is a journey of two months across from East to
West ; and the borders of it which turn towards the East are
said to produce frankincense. Such then is the nature of this
mountain-range ; and on the side of Egypt towards Libya
another range extends, rocky and enveloped in sand: in this
are the pyramids, and it runs in the same direction as those
parts of the Arabian mountains which go towards the mid-
day. So then, I say, from Heliopolis the land has no longer

BOOK II [19

a great extent so far as it belongs to Egypt,!* and for about
four! days’ sail up the river Egypt properly so called is narrow:
and the space between the mountain-ranges which have been
mentioned is plain-land, but where it is narrowest it did not
seem to me to exceed two hundred furlongs from the Arabian
mountains to those which are called the Libyan. After this again
Egypt is broad. 9. Such is the nature of this land: and from
Heliopolis to Thebes is a voyage up the river of nine days, and
the distance of the journey in furlongs is, four thousand eight
hundred and sixty, the number of schoines being eighty-one. If
these measures of Egypt in furlongs be put together, the result
is as follows :—I have already before this shown that the dis-
tance along the sea amounts to three thousand six hundred
furlongs, and I will now declare what the distance is inland
from the sea to Thebes, namely six thousand one hundred and
twenty furlongs: and again the distance from Thebes .to the city
called Elephantiné is one thousand eight hundred furlongs.
10. Of this land then, concerning which I have spoken, it
seemed to myself also, according as the priests said, that the
greater part had been won as an addition by the Egyptians ;
for it was evident to me that the space between the afore-
said mountain-ranges, which lie above the city of Memphis,
- once was a gulf of the sea, like the regions about Ilion and
Teuthrania and Ephesos and the plain of the Maiander, if it
be permitted to compare small things with great; and small
these are in comparison, for of the rivers which heaped up the
soil in those regions none is worthy to be compared in volume
with a single one of the mouths of the Nile, which has five
mouths.45 Moreover there are other rivers also, not in size
at all equal to the Nile, which have performed great feats; of
which I can mention the names of several, and especially the
Achelods, which flowing through Acarnania and so issuing
out ‘into the sea has already made half of the Echinades from
islands into mainland. 14. Now there is in the land of
Arabia, not far from Egypt, a gulf of the sea running in from
that which is called the Erythraian Sea, very long and narrow,
as Iam about to tell. With respect to the length of the voyage
along it, one who set out from the innermost point to sail out
through it into the open sea, would spend forty days upon the
voyage, using oars ;16 and with respect to breadth, where the

120 HERODOTUS

gulf is broadest it is half a day’s sail across: and there is in it
an ebb and flow of tide every day. Just such another gulf I
suppose that Egypt was, and that the one ran in towards
Ethiopia from the Northern Sea, and the other, the Arabian,
of which I am about to speak,” tended from the South towards
Syria, the gulfs boring in so as almost to meet at their extreme
points, and passing by one another with but a small space left
between. If then the stream of the Nile should turn aside
into this Arabian gulf, what would hinder that gulf from being
filled up with silt as the river continued to flow, at all events
within a period of twenty thousand years? indeed for my
part I am of opinion that it would be filled up even within
ten thousand years. How, then, in’ all the time that has
elapsed before I came. into being should not a gulf be filled up
even of much greater size than this by a river so great and
so active? 12. As regards Egypt then, I both believe
those who say that things are so, and for myself also I
am strongly of opinion that they are so; because I have
observed that Egypt runs out into the sea further than the
adjoining land, and that shells are found upon the mountains
of it, and an efflorescence of salt forms upon the surface, ‘so
that even the pyramids are being eaten away by it, and more-
over that of all the mountains of Egypt, the range which lies
above Memphis is the only one which has sand: besides
which I notice that Egypt resembles neither the land of
Arabia, which borders upon it, nor Libya, nor yet Symnia
(for they are Syrians who dwell in the parts of Arabia lying
along the sea), but that it has soil which is black and
easily breaks up,!® seeing that it is in truth mud and silt
brought down from Ethiopia by the river: but the soil of
Libya, we know, is reddish in colour and rather sandy,
while that of Arabia and Syria is somewhat clayey and
rocky. 48, The priests also gave me a strong proof
concerning this land. as follows, namely that in the reign of
king Moiris, whenever the river reached a height of at least.
eight cubits 2° it watered Egypt below Memphis; and not yet
nine hundred years had gone by since the death of Moiris,
when I heard these things from the priests: now however,
unless the river rises to sixteen cubits, or fifteen at the least,
it does. not go over the land. JI think too that those

BOOK 77 121

Egyptians who dwell below the lake of Moiris and especially
in that region which is called the Delta, if that land continues
to grow in height according to this proportion and to increase
similarly in extent,4 will suffer for all remaining time, from
the Nile not overflowing their land, that same thing which
they themselves said that the Hellenes would at some time
suffer :. for hearing that the whole land of the Hellenes has rain
and is not watered by rivers as theirs is, they said that the
Hellenes would at some time be disappointed of a great hope
and would suffer the ills of famine. This saying means that if
the god 33 shall not send them rain, but shall allow drought to
prevail for a long time, the Hellenes will be destroyed by
hunger ; for they have in fact no other supply of water to save
them ‘except from Zeus alone. 14. This has been rightly said
by the Egyptians with reference to the Hellenes: but now let
me tell how matters are with the Egyptians themselves in their
turn. If, in accordance with what I before said, their land
below Memphis (for this is that which is increasing) shall con-
tinue to increase in height according to the same proportion
as In past time, assuredly those Egyptians who dwell here will
suffer famine, if their land shall not have rain nor the river be
able to go over their fields. It is certain however that now
they gather in fruit from the earth with less labour than any
other men and also with less than the other Egyptians; for
they have no labour in breaking up furrows with a plough nor
in hoeing nor in any other of those labours which other men
have about a crop; but when the river has come up of itself
and watered their fields and after watering has left them again,
then each man sows his own field and turns into it swine, and
when he has trodden the seed into the ground by means of the
swine, after that he waits for the harvest; and when he has
threshed the corn by means of the swine, then he gathers it in.
15. If we desire to follow the opinions of the Ionians as
regards Egypt, who say that the Delta alone. opinion of the
is Egypt, reckoning its sea-coast to be from Jonjians, who say
the watch-tower called of Perseus to the fish- that nothing ἰδ.
curing houses of Pelusion, a distance of forty peypt but the
schoines, and counting it to extend inland as
far as the city of Kercasoros, where the Nile divides and
runs to Pelusion and Canobos, while as for the rest of Egypt,

122 ᾿ HERODOTUS

they assign it partly to Libya and partly to Arabia,—if, I say,
we should follow this account, we should thereby declare that
in former times the Egyptians had no land to live in; for, as
we have seen, their Delta at any rate is alluvial, and has
appeared (so to speak) lately, as the Egyptians themselves say
and as my opinion is. If then at the first there was no land
for them to live in, why did they waste their labour to. prove
that they had come into being before all other men? They
needed not to have made trial of the children to see what
language they would first utter. However I am not of
opinion that the Egyptians came into being at the same time
as that which is called by the Ionians the Delta, but that they
existed always ever since {πΠ6΄ human race came into being,
and that as their land advanced forwards, many of them
were left in their first abodes and many came down gradually
to the lower parts. At least it is certain that in old times
Thebes had the name of Egypt, and of this 23 the circumfer-
ence measures six thousand one hundred and twenty furlongs.
16. If then we judge aright of these matters, the opinion
of the Ionians about Egypt is not sound:
but if the judgment of the Ionians is right,
I declare that neither the Hellenes nor the
Ionians themselves know how to. reckon since they say
that the whole earth is made up of three divisions, Europe,
Asia, and Libya: for they ought to count in addition to these
the Delta of Egypt, since it belongs neither to Asia nor to
Libya ; for at least it cannot be the river Nile by this reckon-
ing which divides Asia from Libya,“ but the Nile is cleft at
the point of this Delta so as to flow round it, and the result is
that this land would come between Asia and Libya.*
17. We dismiss then the opinion of the Ionians, and ex-
press a judgment of our own on this matter also, that Egypt 15
all that land which is inhabited by Egyptians,
ofterpt ον just as Kilikia is that which is inhabited by
Kilikians and Assyria that which is inhabited
by Assyrians, and we know of no boundary properly speak-
ing between Asia and Libya except the borders of Egypt.
If however we shall adopt the opinion which is commonly
held' by the Hellenes, we shall suppose that the whole of
Egypt, beginning from the Cataract and the city of Elephan-

and that this
opinion is not just.

BOOK II 123

tiné, is divided into two parts and that it thus partakes of both
the names, since one side will thus belong to Libya and the
other to Asia; for the Nile from the Cataract onwards flows
to the sea cutting Egypt through in the midst; and as far as
the city of Kercasoros the Nile flows in one single stream, but
from this city onwards it is parted into three ways; and one,
which is called the Pelusian mouth, turns towards the East ;
the second of the ways goes towards the West, and this is
called the Canobic mouth ; but that one of the ways which is
straight runs thus,—when the river in its course downwards
comes to the point of the Delta, then it cuts the Delta through
the midst and so issues out to the sea. In this we have*’ a
portion of the water of the river which is not the smallest nor
the least famous, and it is called the Sebennytic mouth.
There are also two other mouths which part off from the Seben-
nytic and go to the sea, and these are called, one the Saitic,
the other the Mendesian mouth. The Bolbitinitic and Bucolic
mouths, on the other hand, are not natural but made by digging.
18. Moreover also the answer given by the Oracle of Ammon
bears witness in support of my opinion that Egypt is of the
extent which I declare it to be in my account; and of this
answer I heard after I had formed my own opinion about Egypt.
For those of the city of Marea and of Apis, dwelling in the
parts of Egypt which border on Libya, being of opinion them-
selves that they were Libyans and not Egyptians, and also
being burdened by the rules of religious service, because they
desired not to be debarred from the use of cows’ flesh, sent to
Ammon saying that they had nought in common with the
Egyptians, for they dwelt outside the Delta and agreed with
them in nothing ; and they said they desired that it might be
lawful for them to eat everything without distinction. The
god however did not permit them to do so, but said that that
land was Egypt which the Nile came over and watered, and
that those were Egyptians who dwelling below the city of
Elephantiné drank of that river. Thus was it answered to
them by the Oracle about this: 19, and the Nile, when it is in
flood, goes over not only the Delta but also of the land
which is called Libyan and of that which is called Arabian
sometimes as much as two days’ journey on each side, and
at times even more than this or at times less.

124 HERODOTUS

As regards the nature of the river, neither from the priests
nor yet from any other man was I able to obtain any know-
The river Nile,— ledge: and I was desirous especially to learn
and first a ques- from them about these matters, namely why the
tion discussed of Nile comes down increasing in volume from the
the cause of the ς
overflowing of | Summer solstice onwards for a hundred days,
this river inthe and then, when it has reached the number of
summer season. these days, turns and goes back, failing in its
stream, so that through the whole winter season it con-
tinues to be low, and until the summer solstice returns.
Of none of these things was I able to receive any account
from the Egyptians, when I inquired of them what power
the Nile has whereby it is of a nature opposite to that of all
other rivers. And I made inquiry, desiring to know both
this which I say and also why, unlike all other rivers, it does
not give rise to any breezes blowing from it. 20. However
some of the Hellenes who desired to gain distinction for
cleverness have given an account of this water in three differ-
ent ways: two of these I do not think it worth while even to
speak of except only to indicate their nature ; of which the one
says that the Etesian Winds are the cause that makes the river
rise, by preventing the Nile from flowing out into the sea.
But often the Etesian Winds fail and yet the Nile does the
same work as it is wont to do; and moreover, if these were
the cause, all the other rivers also which flow in a direction
opposed to the Etesian Winds ought to have been affected in
the same way as the Nile, and even more, in as much as they
are smaller and present to them a feebler flow of stream: but
there are many of these rivers in Syria and many also in Libya,
and they are affected in no such manner as the Nile. 21. The
second way shows more ignorance than that which has been
mentioned, and it is more marvellous to tell ;* for it says that
the river produces these effects because it flows from the Ocean,
and that the Ocean flows round the whole earth. 22. The
third of the ways is much the most specious, but nevertheless
it is the most mistaken of all: for indeed this way has no more
truth in it than the rest, alleging as it does that the Nile flows
from melting snow; whereas it flows out of Libya through the
midst of the Ethiopians, and so comes out into Egypt. How
then should it flow from snow, when it flows from the hottest

BOOK II 125

parts to those which are cooler? And indeed most of the
facts are such as to convince a man (one at least who is
capable of reasoning about such matters), that it is not at all
likely that it flows from snow.” The first and greatest evi-
dence is afforded by the winds, which blow hot from these
regions ; the second is that the land is rainless always and
without frost, whereas after snow has fallen rain must necessarily
come within five days, so that if 1t snowed in those parts rain .
would fall there ; the third evidence is afforded by the people
dwelling there, who are of a black colour by reason of the burn-
ing heat. Moreover kites and swallows remain there through
the year and do not leave the land; and cranes flying from the
cold weather which comes on in the region of Scythia come
regularly to these parts for wintering: if then it snowed ever so
little in that land through which the Nile flows and in which it
has its rise, none of these things would take place, as necessity
compels us toadmit. 28. As for him who talked about the
Ocean, he carried his tale into the region of the unknown, and
so he need not be refuted ;® since I for my part know of no
river Ocean existing, but I think that Homer or one of the
poets who were before him invented the name and introduced
it into his verse.

24. If however after I have found fault with the opinions
proposed, I am bound to declare an opinion of my own about
the matters which are in doubt, I will tell what to my mind
is the reason why the Nile increases in the summer. In the
winter season the Sun, being driven away from his former path
through the heaven 51 by the stormy winds, comes to the upper
parts of Libya. If one would set forth the matter in the
shortest way, all has now been said ; for whatever region this god
approaches most and stands directly above, this it may reason-
ably be supposed is most in want of water, and its native
streams of rivers are dried up most. 25. However, to set it
forth at greater length, thus it is:—the Sun passing in his
course by the upper parts of Libya, does thus, that is to say,
since at all times the air in those parts is clear and the country
is warm, because there are no cold winds,* in passing through
it the Sun does just as he was wont to do in the summer, when
going through the midst of the heaven, that is he draws to him-
self the water, and having drawn it he drives it away to the

126 HERODOTUS

upper parts of the country, and the winds take it up and
_ scattering it abroad melt it into rain; so it is natural that the

winds which blow from this region, namely the South and
South-west Winds, should be much the most rainy of all the
winds. I think however that the Sun does not send away
from himself all the water of the Nile of each year, but that he
also lets some remain behind with himself. Then when the
winter becomes milder, the Sun returns back again to the midst
of the heaven, and from that time onwards he draws equally
from all rivers ; but in the meanwhile they flow in large volume,
since water of rain mingles with them in great quantity, be-
cause their country receives rain then and is filled with torrent
streams. In summer however they are weak, since not only
the showers of rain fail then, but also they are drawn by the
Sun.” The Nile however, alone of all rivers, not having rain and
being drawn by the Sun, naturally flows during this time of
winter in much less than its proper volume, that is much
less than in summer;* for then it is drawn equally with
all the other waters, but in winter it bears the burden alone.
Thus I suppose the Sun to be the cause of these things. 26.
He also is the cause in my opinion that the air in these parts
is dry, since he makes it so by scorching up his path through
the heaven : ** thus summer prevails always in the upper parts
of Libya. If however the station of the seasons had been
changed, and where now in the heaven are placed the North
Wind and winter, there was the station of the South Wind and
of the midday, and where now is placed the South Wind, there
was the North, if this had been so, the Sun being driven from
the midst of the heaven by the winter and the North Wind
would go to the upper parts of Europe, just as now he comes
to the upper parts of Libya, and passing in his course through-
out the whole of Europe I suppose that he would do to the
Ister that which he now works upon the Nile. 27. As to the
breeze, why none blows from the river, my opinion is that from
very hot places it is not natural that anything should blow, and
that a breeze is wont to blow from something cold.

28. Let these matters then be as they are and as they
were at the first: but as to the sources of the Nile, not one
either of the Egyptians or of the Libyans or of the Hellenes,
who came to speech with me, professed to know anything,

BOOK II 127

except the scribe of the sacred treasury of Athené at the city
of Sais in Egypt. To me however this man seemed not to
be speaking seriously when he said that he had

certain knowledge of it ; and he said as follows, As to the Sources
namely that there were two mountains of which

the tops ran up to a sharp point, situated between the city of
Syené, which is in the district of Thebes, and Elephantiné, and
the names of the mountains were, of the one Crophi and of the
other Mophi. From the middle between these mountains flowed
(he said) the sources of the Nile, which were fathomless in
depth, and half of the water flowed to Egypt and towards the
North Wind, the other half to Ethiopia and the South Wind.
As for the fathomless depth of the source, he said that
Psammetichos king of Egypt came to a trial of this matter ;
for he had a rope twisted of many thousand fathoms and let it
down in this place, and it found no bottom. By this the
scribe (if this which he told was really as he said) gave me
to understand ® that there were certain strong eddies there
and a backward flow, and that since the water dashed against
the mountains, therefore the sounding-line could not come to
any bottom when it was let down. 29. From ang the course of
no other person was I able to learn anything the river so far
about this matter; but for the rest I learnt so 25 it may be
much as here follows by the most diligent in- ascertained.
quiry ;*° for I went myself as an eye-witness as far as the city
of Elephantiné and from that point onwards I gathered know-
ledge by report. From the city of Elephantiné as one goes up
the river there is country which slopes steeply ; so that here
one must attach ropes to the vessel on both sides, as one
fastens an ox, and so make one’s way onward ; and if the rope
break, the vessel is gone at once, carried away by the violence
of the stream. Through this country it is a voyage of about
four days in length, and in this part the Nile is winding like
the river Maiander, and the distance amounts to twelve
schoines, which one must traverse in thismanner. ‘Then you
will come to a level plain, in which the Nile flows round an
island named Tachompso. (Now in the regions above Ele-
phantiné there dwell Ethiopians at once succeeding, who also
‘occupy half of the island,®” and Egyptians the other half.) Ad-
joining this island there is a great lake, round which dwell

128 HERODOTUS

Ethiopian nomad tribes; and when you have sailed through this
you will come to thé stream of the Nile again, which flows into
this lake. After this you will disembark and make a journey
by land of forty days; for in the Nile sharp rocks stand forth
out of the water, and there are many reefs, by which it is
not possible for a vessel to pass. Then after having passed
through this country in the forty days which I have said, you
will embark again in another vessel and sail for twelve days ;
‘and after this you will come to a great city called Meroé.
This city is said to be the mother-city of all the other Ethio-
plans: and they who dwell in it reverence of the gods Zeus
and Dionysos alone, and these they greatly honour; and they
have an Oracle of Zeus established, and make warlike marches
whensoever this god commands them by prophesyings and to
whatsoever place he commands. 80. Sailing from this city you
will come to the “ Deserters ” in another period of time equal
to that in which you came from Elephantiné to the mother-city
of the Ethiopians. Now the name of these “ Deserters” is
Asmach, and this word signifies, when translated into the
tongue of the Hellenes, ‘‘those who stand on the left hand of
the king.” These were two hundred and forty thousand
Egyptians of the warrior class, who revolted and went over to
these Ethiopians for the following cause :—lIn the reign of
Psammetichos garrisons were set, one towards the Ethiopians
at the city of Elephantiné, another towards the. Arabians and
Assyrians at Daphnai of Pelusion, and another towards Libya at
Marea : and even in my own time the garrisons of the Persians
too are ordered in the same manner as these were in the reign
of Psammetichos, for both at Elephantiné and at Daphnai the
Persians have outposts. The Egyptians then of whom I speak
had served as: outposts for three years and no one felieved
them from their guard ; accordingly they took counsel together,
and adopting a common plan they all in.a body revolted from
Psammetichos and set out for Ethiopia. Hearing this Psam-
metichos set forth in pursuit, and when he came up with them
he entreated them much and endeavoured to persuade them
not to desert the gods of their country and their children and
wives: upon which it is said that one of them pointed to his
privy member and said that wherever this was, there would
they have both children and wives. When these came to

BOOK Il 129

Ethiopia they gave themselves over to the king of the
Ethiopians ; and he rewarded them as follows :—there were
certain of the Ethiopians who had come to be at variance with
him; and he bade them drive these out and dwell in their
land. So since these men settled in the land of the Ethio-
pians, the Ethiopians have come to be of milder manners, from
having learnt the customs of the Egyptians.

81. The Nile then, besides that part of its course which is
in Egypt, is known as far as a four months’ journey by river
and land: for that is the number of months which are found
by reckoning to be spent in going from Elephantiné to these
‘‘ Deserters”: and the river runs from the West and the setting
of the sun. But what comes after that point no one can clearly
say; for this land is desert by reason of the burning heat. 82.
Thus much however I heard from men of Kyrené, who told
me that they had been to the Oracle of Ammon, 6,1... which was
and had come to speech with Etearchos king related by Ftear-
of the Ammonians: and it happened that after chos king of the
speaking of other matters they fell to discourse certain Kyrenians
about the Nile and how no one knew the sources
of it ; and Etearchos said that once there came to him men of the
Nasamonians (this is a Libyan race which dwells in the Syrtis,
and also in the land to the East of the Syrtis reaching to no great
distance), and when the Nasamonians came and were asked by
him whether they were able to tell him anything more than he
knew about the desert parts of Libya, they said that there had
been among them certain sons of chief men, who were of unruly
disposition; and these when they grew up to be men had devised
various other extravagant things and also they had told off by
lot five of themselves to go to see the desert parts of Libya and
to try whether they could discover more than those who had
previously explored furthest: for in those parts of Libya
which are by the Northern Sea, beginning from Egypt and
going as far as the headland of Soloeis, which is the extreme
point of Libya, Libyans (and of them many races) extend
along the whole coast, except so much as the Hellenes and
Phenicians hold; but in the upper parts, which lie above the
sea-coast and above those people whose land comes down
to the sea, Libya is full of wild beasts; and in the parts above
the land of wild beasts it is full of sand, terribly waterless and

VOL. I K

130 HERODOTUS

utterly desert. These young men then (said they), being sent
out by their companions well furnished with supplies of water
and provisions, went first through the inhabited country, and
after they had passed through this they came to the country of
wild beasts, and after this they passed through the desert, mak-
ing their journey towards the West Wind; and having passed
through a great tract of sand in many days, they saw at last trees
growing in a level place; and having come up to them, they
were beginning to pluck the fruit which was upon the trees:
but as they began to pluck it, there came upon them small
men, of less stature than men of the common size, and these
seized them and carried them away; and neither could the
Nasamonians understand anything of their speech nor could
those who were carrying them off understand anything of the
speech of the Nasamonians : and they led them (so it was said)
through very great swamps, and after passing through these they
came to a city in which all the men were in size like those who
carried them off and in colour of skin black; and by the city
ran a great river, which ran from the West towards the sun-
The Author's ‘Sing, and in it were seen crocodiles. 88. Of
opinion, that the the account given by Etearchos the Ammonian
course of the Nile let so much suffice as is here said, except that,
net that of as the men of Kyrené told me, he alleged that

the Nasamonians returned safe home, and that
the people to whom they had come were all wizards. Now this
river which ran by the city, Etearchos conjectured to be the Nile,
and moreover reason compels us to think so; for the Nile flows
from Libya and cuts Libya through in the midst, and as I conjec-
ture, judging of what is not known by that which is evident to
the view, it starts at a distance from its mouth equal to that of
the Ister: for the river Ister begins from the Keltoi and the
city of Pyrené and so runs that it divides Europe in the
midst (now the Keltoi are outside the Pillars of Heracles and
border upon the Kynesians, who dwell furthest towards the
sunset of all those who have their dwelling in Europe); and
the Ister ends, having its course through the whole of Europe,
by flowing into the Euxine Sea at the place where the
Milesians have their settlement of Istria. 84. Now the
Ister, since it flows through land which is inhabited, is known
by the reports of many ; but of the sources of the Nile no one

BOOK 77 131

can give an account, for the part of Libya through which it
flows is uninhabited and desert. About its course however
so much as it was possible to learn by the most diligent in-
quiry has been told ; and it runs out into Egypt. Now Egypt
lies nearly opposite to the mountain districts of Kilikia; and
from thence to Sinopé, which lies upon the Euxine Sea, is a
journey in the same straight line of five days for a man with-
out encumbrance ;3’4 and Sinopé lies opposite to the place
where the Ister runs out into the sea: thus I think that the
Nile passes through the whole of Libya and is of equal measure
with the Ister.

Of the Nile then let so much suffice as has been said.
35. Of Egypt however I shall make my re- 654. Ἰαπά of
port at length, because it has wonders more in kpypt itself, and
number than any other land, and works too that no land can
it has to show as much as any land, which are S2OW 50 many
beyond expression great: for this reason then
more shall be said concerning it.

The Egyptians in agreement with their climate, which is
unlike any other, and with the river, which shows a nature
different from all other rivers, established for prowthis land and
themselves manners and customs in a way its people differ
opposite to other men in almost all matters ; fom all others.
for among them the women frequent the, market and carry
on trade, while the men remain at home and weave; and
whereas others weave pushing the woof upwards, the Egyptians
push it downwards: the men carry their burdens upon their
heads and the women upon their shoulders: the women make
water standing up and the men crouching down: they ease them-
selves in their houses and they eat without in the streets, alleging
as reason for this that it is right to do secretly the things that
are unseemly though necessary, but those which are not un-
seemly, in public: no woman is a minister either of male or
female divinity, but men of all, both male and female: to sup-
port their parents the sons are in no way compelled, if they do
not desire to do so, but the daughters are forced to do so, be
they never so unwilling. 86, The priests of the gods in other
lands wear long hair, but in Egypt they shave their heads:
among other men the custom is that in-mourning those whom

132 HERODOTUS

the matter concerns most nearly have their hair cut short,
but the Egyptians, when deaths occur, let their hair grow long,
both that on the head and that on the chin, having before
been close shaven: other men have their daily living sepa-
rated from beasts, but the Egyptians have theirs together with
beasts: other men live on wheat and on barley, but to any one
of the Egyptians who makes his living on these it is a great
reproach ; they make their bread of maize,*® which some call
spelt :89 they knead dough with their feet and clay with their
hands, with which also they gather up dung: and whereas other
men, except such as have learnt otherwise from the Egyptians,
have their members as nature made them, the Egyptians
practise circumcision : as to garments, the mem wear two each
and the women but one: and whereas others make fast the
rings and ropes of the sails outside the ship, the Egyptians do
this inside: finally in the writing of characters and reckoning
with pebbles, while the Hellenes carry the hand from the left to
the right, the Egyptians do this from the right to the left ; and
doing so they say that they do it themselves rightwise and the
Hellenes leftwise: and they use two kinds of characters for
writing, of which the one kind 15 called sacred and the other
common,”
87. They are religious excessively beyond all other men,
and with regard to this they have customs as follows :—they
The religion of rink from cups of bronze and rinse them out
the Egyptians,— every day, and not some only do this but all:
and first of their they wear garments of linen always newly washed,
purifications, ° . .
and this they make a special point of prac-
tice: they circumcise themselves for the sake of cleanliness,
preferring to be clean rather than comely. The priests shave
then of their | themselves all over their body every other day, so .
priests. that no lice or any other foul thing may come to
be upon them when they minister to the gods; and the priests
wear garments of linen only and sandals of papyrus, and any
other garment they may not take nor other sandals; these
wash themselves in cold water twice in the day and twice again
in the night; and other religious services they perform (one
may almost say) of infinite number.*! They enjoy also good
things not a few, for they do not consume or spend anything
of their own substance, but there is sacred bread baked for

BOOK II 133

them and they have each great quantity of flesh of oxen
and geese coming in to them each day, and also wine of
grapes is given to them; but it is not permitted to them to
taste of fish: beans moreover the Egyptians do not at all sow
in their land, and those which grow they neither eat raw nor
boil for food; nay the priests do not endure even to look
upon them, thinking this to be an unclean kind of pulse: and
there is not one priest only for each of the gods but many,
and of them one is chief-priest, and whenever a priest dies his
son is appointed to his place.

88. The males of the ox kind they consider to belong to
Epaphos, and on account of him they test them in the follow-
ing manner :—If the priest sees one single black
hair upon the beast he counts it not clean for
sacrifice; and one of the priests who 15 appointed for the
purpose makes investigation of these matters, both when the
beast is standing upright and when it is lying on its back, draw-
ing out its tongue moreover, to see if it is clean in respect of
the appointed signs, which I shall tell of in another part of
the history :42 he looks also at the hairs of the tail to see
if it has them growing in the natural manner: and if it be
clean in respect of all these things, he marks it with a piece of
papyrus, rolling this round the horns, and then when he has
plastered sealing-earth over it he sets upon it the seal of his
signet-ring, and after that they take the animal away. But for
one who sacrifices a beast not sealed the penalty appointed
is death. 39. In this way then the beast is tested ; and their
appointed manner of sacrifice is as follows :—they lead the
sealed beast to the altar where they happen to be sacrificing,
and then kindle a fire: after that, having poured libations of
wine over the altar so that it runs down upon the victim and
having called upon the god, they cut its throat, and having
cut its throat they sever the head from the body. The body
then of the beast they flay, but upon the head * they make
many imprecations first, and then they who have a market and
Hellenes sojourning among them for trade, these carry it to the
market-place and sell it, while they who have no Hellenes
among them cast it away into the river: and this is the form
of imprecation which they utter upon the heads, praying
that if any evil be about to befall either themselves who

Their sacrifices,

134 HERODOTUS

are offering sacrifice or the land of Egypt in general, it may
come rather upon this head. Now as regards the heads
of the beasts which are sacrificed and the pouring over
them of the wine, all the Egyptians have the same customs
equally for all their sacrifices; and by reason of this custom
none of the Egyptians eat of the head either of this or
of any other kind of animal: 40, but the manner of disem-
bowelling the victims and of burning them is appointed
among them differently for different sacrifices; I shall speak
however of the sacrifices to that goddess whom they regard as
the greatest of all, and to whom they celebrate the greatest
feast.—When they have flayed the bullock and made impreca-
tion, they take out the whole of its lower entrails but leave in
the body the upper entrails and the fat ; and they sever from it
the legs and the end of the loin and the shoulders and the
neck: and this done, they fill the rest of the body of the
animal with consecrated** loaves and honey and raisins and figs
and frankincense and myrrh and every other kind of spices, and
having filled it with these they offer it, pouring over it great
abundance of oil. They make their sacrifice after fasting, and
while the offerings are being burnt, they all beat themselves for
mourning, and when they have finished beating themselves
they set forth as a feast that which they left unburnt of the
sacrifice. 41. The clean males then of the ox kind, both
full-grown animals and calves, are sacrificed by all the Egyp-
Cows are not tians; the females however they may not sacri-
sacrificed, being fice, but these are sacred to Isis; for the figure of
saree to the Isis is in the form of a woman with cow’s horns,
ὃ "just as the Hellenes present Io in pictures, and
all the Egyptians without distinction reverence cows far more
than any other kind of cattle; for which reason neither man
nor woman of Egyptian race would kiss a man who is a
Hellene on the mouth, nor will they use a knife or roasting-
spits or a caldron belonging to a Hellene, nor taste of
the flesh even of a clean animal if it has been cut with the
knife of a Hellene. And the cattle of this
kind which die they bury in the following
manner :—the females they cast into the river,
but the males they bury, each people in the suburb of their
town, with one of the horns, or sometimes both, protruding to

The burial of
cattle,

BOOK 77 135

mark the place; and when the bodies have rotted away and
the appointed time comes on, then to each city comes a boat®
from that which is called the island of Prosopitis (this is in
the Delta, and the extent of its circuit is nine schoines). In
this island of Prosopitis is situated, besides many other cities,
that one from which the boats come to take up the bones of
the oxen, and the name of the city is Atarbechis, and in it
there is set up a holy temple of Aphrodité. From this city
many go abroad in various directions, some to one city and
others to another, and when they have dug up the bones of the
oxen they carry them off, and coming together they bury them
in one single place. In the same manner as they bury the
oxen they bury also their other cattle when they die ; for about
them also they have the same law laid down, and these also
they abstain from killing.

42. Now all who have a temple set up to the Theban
Zeus or who are of the district of Thebes, these, I say, all
sacrifice goats and abstain from sheep: for ἴῃς ξαρήδος of
not all the Egyptians equally reverence the sheep and goats,
same gods, except only Isis and Osiris (who and especially of
they say is Dionysos), these they all reverence a festival of

ἡ eus at Thebes.

alike: but they who have a temple of Mendes

or belong to the Mendesian district, these abstain from goats
and sacrifice sheep. Now the men of Thebes and those
who after their example abstain from sheep, say that this
custom was established among them for the cause which
follows :—Heracles (they say) had an earnest desire to see
Zeus, and Zeus did not desire to be seen of him; and at
last when Heracles was urgent in entreaty Zeus contrived this
device, that is to say, he flayed a ram and held in front of
him the head of the ram which he had cut off, and he put on
over him the fleece and then showed himself to him. Hence
the Egyptians make the image of Zeus with the face of a ram;
and the Ammonians do so also after their example, being settlers
both from the Egyptians and from the Ethiopians, and using a
language which is a medley of both tongues: and in my
opinion it is from this god that the Ammonians took the name
which they have, for the Egyptians call Zeus Amun. The
Thebans then do not sacrifice rams but hold them sacred for
this reason ; on one day however in the year, on the feast of

116 HERODOTUS

Zeus, they cut up in the same manner and flay one single ram
and cover with its skin the image of Zeus, and then they bring
up to it another image of Heracles. This done, all who. are in
the temple beat themselves in lamentation for the ram, and then
they bury it in a sacred tomb.

43. About Heracles I heard the account given that he was
of the number of the twelve gods; but of the other Heracles
Η whom the Hellenes know I was not able to

eracles of the .

Egyptians, and hear in any part of Egypt: and moreover to
that he isnot prove that the Egyptians did not take the name
of Ampbitrye _ of Heracles from the Hellenes, but rather the

' Hellenes from the Egyptians,—that is to say
those of the Hellenes who gave the name Heracles to the son
of Amphitryon,—of that, I say, besides many other evidences
there is chiefly this, namely that the parents of this Heracles,
Amphitryon and Alcmené, were both of Egypt by descent,*®
and also that the Egyptians say that they do not know the
names either of Poseidon or of the Dioscuroi, nor have these
been accepted by them as gods among the other gods; whereas
if they had received from the Hellenes the name of any
divinity, they would naturally have preserved the memory of
these most of all, assuming that in those times as now some
of the Hellenes were wont to make voyages * and were sea-
faring folk, as I suppose and as my judgment compels me to
think ; so that the Egyptians would have learnt the names of
these gods even more than that of Heracles. In fact however
Heracles is a very ancient Egyptian god; and (as they say
themselves) it is seventeen thousand years to the beginning of
the reign of Amasis from the time when the twelve gods, of
whom they count that Heracles is one, were begotten of the
eight gods. 44. I moreover, desiring to know something
certain of these matters so far as might be, made a voyage also
to Tyre of Phenicia, hearing that in that place there was a
holy temple of Heracles; and I saw that it was richly fur-
nished with many votive offerings besides, and especially there
were in it two pillars,*” the one of pure gold and the other of
an emerald stone of such size as to shine by night: * and
having come to speech with the priests of the god, I asked
them how long time it was since their temple had been
set up: and these also I found to be at variance with the

BOOK II 137

Hellenes, for they said that at the same time when Tyre was
founded, the temple of the god also had been set up, and that
it was a period of two thousand three hundred years since
their people began to dwell at Tyre. I saw also at Tyre
another temple of Heracles, with the surname Thasian ; and I
came to Thasos also and there I found a temple of Heracles
set up by the Phenicians, who had sailed out to seek for
Europa and had colonised Thasos ; and these things happened
full five generations of men before Heracles the son of
Amphitryon was born in Hellas. So then my inquiries show
clearly that Heracles is an ancient god, and those of the
Hellenes seem to me to act most rightly who have two
temples of Heracles set up,-and who sacrifice to the one
as an immortal god and with the title Olympian, and make
offerings of the dead 99 to the other asa hero. 45. Moreover,
besides many other stories which the Hellenes tell without due
consideration, this tale is especially foolish which they tell
about Heracles, namely that when he came to Egypt, the
Egyptians put on him wreaths and led him forth in procession
to sacrifice him to Zeus ; and he for some time kept quiet, but
when they were beginning the sacrifice of him at the altar, he
betook himself to prowess and slew them all. I for my part
am of opinion that the Hellenes when they tell this tale are
altogether without knowledge of the nature and customs of the
Egyptians ; for how should they for whom it is not lawful to
sacrifice even beasts, except swine ™® and the males of oxen
and calves (such of them as are clean) and geese, how should
these sacrifice human beings? Besides this, how is it in
nature possible that Heracles, being one person only and
moreover a man (as they assert), should slay many myriads ?
Having said so much of these matters, we pray that we may
have grace from both the gods and the heroes for our speech.
46. Now the reason why those of the Egyptians whom I
have mentioned do not sacrifice goats, female or male, is this :—
the Mendesians count Pan to be one of the "τη h
. . e reason why
eight gods (now these eight gods they say came goats are not
into being before the twelve gods), and the sacrificed by
painters and image-makers represent in painting Sepetane.
and in sculpture the figure of Pan, just as the
. Hellenes do, with goat’s face and legs, not supposing him to be

138 HERODOTUS

really like this but to resemble the other gods; the cause how-
ever why they represent him in this form I prefer not to say.
The Mendesians then reverence all goats and the males more
than the females (and the goatherds too have greater honour
than other herdsmen), but of the goats one especially is rever-
enced, and when he dies there is great mourning in all the
Mendesian district: and both the goat and Pan are called in
the Egyptian tongue Mendes. Moreover in my lifetime there
happened in that district this marvel, that is to say a he-goat
had intercourse with a woman publicly, and this was so done
that all men might have evidence of it.

47, The pig is accounted by the Egyptians an abominable
animal ; and first, if any of them in passing by touch a pig, he
goes into the river and dips himself forthwith in
the water together with his garments ; and then
too swineherds, though they be native Egyptians,
unlike all others do not enter any of the temples in Egypt, nor is
anyone willing to give his daughter in marriage to one of them
or to take a wife from among them; but the swineherds both
give in marriage to one another and take from one another.
Now to the other gods the Egyptians do not think it right to

but they are Sacrifice swine ; but to the Moon and to Diony-
sacrificed to 505 alone at the same time and on the same
eon and full-moon they sacrifice swine, and then eat their
yes: flesh: and as to the reason why, when they abo-

minate swine at all their other feasts, they sacrifice them at this,
there is a story told by the Egyptians ; and this story I know,
but it is not a seemly one for me to tell. Now the sacrifice of
the swine to the Moon is performed as follows :—when the priest
has slain the victim, he puts together the end of the tail and the
spleen and the caul, and covers them up with the whole of the
fat of the animal which is about the paunch, and then he offers
them with fire; and the rest of the flesh they eat on that day
of full moon upon which they have held the sacrifice, but on
Thefestival of 22Y day after this they will not taste of it: the
Dionysos and poor however among them by reason of the
the images which scantiness of their means shape pigs of dough
mey carry in his and having baked them they offer these as a
P sacrifice. 48, Then for Dionysos on the eve of
the festival each one kills a pig by cutting its throat before his

Swine are un-
clean ;

᾽
-.
ὦ -

BOOK II 139

own doors, and after that he gives the pig to the swineherd who
sold it to him, to carry away again ; and the rest of the feast
of Dionysos is celebrated by the Egyptians in the same way as
by the Hellenes in almost all things except choral dances, but
instead of the phallos they have invented another contrivance,
namely figures of about a cubit in height worked by strings,
which women carry about the villages, with the privy member
made to move and not much less in size than the rest of the
body: and a flute goes before and they follow singing the
praises of Dionysos. As to the reason why the figure has this
member larger than is natural and moves it, though it moves
no other part of the body, about this there is a sacred story
told. 49. Now I think that Melampus the that the worship
son of Amytheon was not without knowledge of this god came
of these rites of sacrifice, but was acquainted 0 Fellas from
with them: for Melampus is he who first set ~°?”
forth to the Hellenes the name of Dionysos and the manner
of sacrifice and the procession of the phal/os. Strictly speak-
ing indeed, he when he made it known did not take in
the whole, but those wise men who came after him made it
known more at large. Melampus then is he who taught of
the phallos which is carried in procession for Dionysos, and
from him the Hellenes learnt to do that which they do. I
say then that Melampus being a man of ability contrived for
himself an art of divination, and having learnt from Egypt he
taught the Hellenes many things, and among them those that
concern Dionysos, making changes in some few points of
them: for I shall not say that that which is done in worship
of the god in Egypt came accidentally to be the same with
that which is done among the Hellenes, for then these rites
would have been in character with the Hellenic worship and
not lately brought in; nor certainly shall I say that the
Egyptians took from the Hellenes either this or any other
customary observance: but I think it most probable that
Melampus learnt the matters concerning Dionysos from
Cadmos the Tyrian and from those who came with him from
Phenicia to the land which we now call Beeotia.

50. Moreover the naming δ᾽ of almost all the gods has
come to Hellas from Egypt: for that it has come from the
Barbarians I find by inquiry is true, and I am of opinion that

140 HERODOTUS

most probably it has come from Egypt, because, except in the
case of Poseidon and the Dioscuroi (in accordance with that
as also thenam- Which I have said before), and also of Hera and
ing of most gods, Hestia and Themis and the Charites and Ner-
but not ofall. αἷάς, the Egyptians have had the names of all
the other gods in their country for all time. What I say here
is that which the Egyptians say themselves: but as for the gods
whose names they profess that they do not know, these I think
received their naming from the Pelasgians, except Poseidon ;
but about this god the Hellenes learnt from the Libyans, for
no people except the Libyans have had the name of Poseidon
from the first and have paid honour to this god always. Nor,
it may be added, have the Egyptians any custom of worshipping
heroes. 541. These observances then, and others besides these
which I shall mention, the Hellenes have adopted from the
Egyptians ; but to make, as they do, the images of Hermes
with the phallos they have learnt not from the Egyptians but
from the Pelasgians, the custom having been received by the
Athenians first of all the Hellenes and from these by the rest ;
for just at the time when the Athenians were beginning to
rank among the Hellenes, the Pelasgians became dwellers
with them in their land, and from this very cause it was
that they began to be counted as Hellenes. Whosoever has
been initiated in the mysteries of the Cabeiroi, which the Samo-
thrakians perform having received them from the Pelasgians,
that man knows the meaning of my speech; for these very
Pelasgians who became dwellers with the Athenians used to
dwell before that time in Samothraké, and from them the
Samothrakians received their mysteries. So then the Athen-
ians were the first of the Hellenes who made the images of
Hermes with the phallos, having learnt from the Pelasgians ;
and the Pelasgians told a sacred story about it, which is
set forth in the mysteries in Samothraké. 52. Now the
Pelasgians formerly were wont to make all their sacrifices
calling upon the gods in prayer, as I know from that which I
heard at Dodona, but they gave no title or name to any of
them, for they had not yet heard any, but they called them
gods (θεούς) from some such notion as this, that they had set
(θέντες) in order all things and so had the distribution of every- _
thing. Afterwards when much time had elapsed, they learnt

BOOK Il 141

from Egypt the names of the gods, all except Dionysos, for his
riame they learnt long afterwards; and after a time the Pelasgians
consulted the Oracle at Dodona about the names, for this
prophetic seat is accounted to be the most ancient of the
Oracles which are among the Hellenes, and at that time it was
the only one. So when the Pelasgians asked the Oracle at
Dodona whether they should adopt the names which had come
from the Barbarians, the Oracle in reply bade them make use
of the names. From this time they sacrificed using the names
of the gods, and from the Pelasgians the Hellenes afterwards
received them: 58, but whence the several gods had their
birth, or whether they all were from the beginning, and of what
form they are, they did not learn till yesterday, as it were, or
the day before: for Hesiod and Homer I suppose were four
hundred years before my time and not more, and these are
they who made a theogony for the Hellenes and gave the
titles to the gods and distributed to them honours and arts,
and set forth their forms: but the poets who are said to have
been before these men were really in my opinion after them.
Of these things the first are said by the priestesses of Dodona,
and the latter things, those namely which have regard to
Hesiod and Homer, by myself.

54. As regards the Oracles both that among the Hellenes
and that in Libya, the Egyptians tell the following tale. The
priests of the Theban Zeus told me that two 1, Get
women in the service of the temple had been pogona in Hellas,
carried away from Thebes by Phenicians, and and of Ammon in
that they had heard that one of them had been [Mbya, that both
sold to go into Libya and the other to the BYP
Hellenes ; and these women, they said, were they who first
founded the prophetic seats among the nations which have been
named: and when I inquired whence they knew so perfectly of
this tale which they told, they said in reply that a great search
had been made by the priests after these women, and that they
had not been able to find them, but they had heard afterwards
this tale about them which they were telling. 55. This I
heard from the priests at Thebes, and what follows is said by
the prophetesses ὅ2 of Dodona. ‘They say that two black
doves flew from Thebes in Egypt, and came one of them to
Libya and the other to their land. And this latter settled

142 HERODOTUS

upon an oak-tree®’ and spoke with human voice, saying
that it was necessary that a prophetic seat of Zeus should be
established in that place; and they supposed -that that was
of the gods which was announced to them, and made one
accordingly : and the dove which went away to the Libyans,
they say, bade the Libyans make an Oracle of Ammon; and
this also is of Zeus. ‘The priestesses of Dodona told me
these things, of whom the eldest was named Promeneia,
the next after her Timareté, and the youngest Nicandra ;
and the other people of Dodona who were engaged about the
temple gave accounts agreeing with theirs. 56. I however
have an opinion about the matter as follows :—If the Phe-
nicians did in truth carry away the consecrated women and
sold one of them into Libya and the other into Hellas, I
suppose that in the country now called Hellas, which was
formerly called Pelasgia, this woman was sold into the land
of the Thesprotians; and then being a slave there she set
up a sanctuary of Zeus under a real oak-tree ;°* as indeed
it was natural that being an attendant of the sanctuary of
Zeus at Thebes, she should there, in the place to which she
had come, have a memory of him; and after this, when she
got understanding of the Hellenic tongue, she established an
Oracle, and she reported, I suppose, that her sister had been
sold in Libya by the same Phenicians by whom she herself
had been sold. 57. Moreover, I think that the women were
called doves by the people of Dodona for the reason that they
were Barbarians and because it seemed to them that they
uttered voice like birds; but after a time (they say) the dove
spoke with human voice, that is when the woman began to
speak so that they could understand ; but so long as she spoke
a Barbarian tongue she seemed to them to be uttering voice
like a bird: for if it had been really a dove, how could it
speak with human voice? And in saying that the dove was
black, they indicate that the woman was Egyptian. The ways
of delivering oracles too at Thebes in Egypt and at Dodona
closely resemble one another, as it happens, and also the
method of divination by victims has come from Egypt.

58. Moreover, it is true also that the Egyptians were the
first of men who made solemn assemblies® and processions and
approaches to the temples,®* and from them the Hellenes have

BOOK II 143

learnt them, and my evidence for this is that the Egyptian
celebrations of these have been held from a very ancient time,
whereas the Hellenic were introduced 5 but lately. 59. The
Egyptians hold their solemn assemblies not The religious
once in the year but often, especially and with assemblies of the
the greatest zeal and devotion ® at the city of Psyptians,
Bubastis for Artemis, and next at Busiris for Isis ; for in this
last-named city there is a very great temple of Isis, and this city
stands in the middle of the Delta of Egypt ; now Isis is in the
tongue of the Hellenes Demeter: thirdly, they have a solemn
assembly at the city of Sais for Athené, fourthly at Heliopolis
for the Sun (Helios), fifthly at the city of Buto in honour of
Leto, and sixthly at the city of Papremis for Ares. 60.
Now, when they are coming to the city of | Βαραείίς
Bubastis they do as follows :—they sail men
and women together, and a great multitude of each sex in
every boat; and some of the women have rattles and rattle
with them, while some of the men play the flute during the
whole time of the voyage, and the rest, both women and men,
sing and clap their hands; and when as they sail they come
opposite to any city on the way they bring the boat to land,
and some of the women continue to do as I have said, others
cry aloud and jeer at the women in that city, some dance, and
some stand up and pull up their garments. This they do by
every city along the river-bank; and when they come to
Bubastis they hold festival celebrating great sacrifices, and
more wine of grapes is consumed upon that festival than
during the whole of the rest of the year. To this place (so
say the natives) they come together year by year © even to the
number of seventy myriads °* of men and women, besides
children. 61. Thus it is done here; and how
they celebrate the festival in honour of Isis
at the city of Busiris has been told by me before: for, as I
said, they beat themselves in mourning after the sacrifice, all
of them both men and women, very many myriads of people ;
but for whom they beat themselves it is not permitted to me
by religion to say: and so many as there are of the Carians
dwelling in Egypt do this even more than the Egyptians
themselves, inasmuch as they cut their foreheads also with
knives ; and by this it is manifested that they are strangers and

at Busiris,

144 HERODOTUS

not Egyptians. 62. At the times when they gather together
at the city of Sais for their sacrifices, on a certain night δ
they all kindle lamps many in number in the |
open air round about the houses; now the
. lamps are saucers full of salt and oil mixed,
and the wick floats by itself on the surface, and this burns
during the whole night; and to the festival is given the
name Lychnocata (the lighting of lamps). Moreover those of
the Egyptians who have not come to this solemn assembly
observe the night of the festival and themselves also light
lamps all of them, and thus not in Sais alone are they lighted,
but over all Egypt: and as to the reason why light and
honour are allotted to this night,®* about this there is a
at Heliopolis, sacred story told. 68. To Heliopolis and Buto
Buto, Papremis they go year by year and do sacrifice only: but at
(where μεῖς s a Papremis they do sacrifice and worship as else-
fight with clubs). where, and besides that, when the sun begins
to go down, while some few of the priests are occupied with
the image of the god, the greater number of them stand in the
entrance of the temple with wooden clubs, and other persons
to the number of more than a thousand men with purpose to
perform a vow, these also having all of them staves of wood,
stand in a body opposite to those: and the image, which is in
a small shrine of wood covered over with gold, they take out on
the day before to another sacred building. The few then who
have been left about the image, draw a wain with four wheels,
which bears the shrine and the image that is within the shrine,
and the other priests standing in the gateway try to prevent it
from entering, and the men who are under a vow come to the
assistance of the god and strike them, while the others defend
themselves. Then there comes to be a hard fight with
staves, and they break one another’s heads, and I am of
opinion that many even die of the wounds they receive; the
Egyptians however told me that no one died. This solemn
assembly the people of the place say that they established
for the following reason :—the mother of Ares, they say, used
to dwell in this temple, and Ares, having been brought up
away from her, when he grew up came thither desiring to visit
his mother, and the attendants of his mother’s temple, not
having seen him before, did not permit him to pass in, but

at Sais (with the
festival of lamps),

BOOK 77 145

kept him away ; and he brought men to help him from another
city and handled roughly the attendants of the temple, and
entered to visit his mother. Hence, they say, this exchange
of blows has become the custom in honour of Ares upon his
festival.

64. The Egyptians were the first who made it a point of
religion not to lie with women in temples, nor to enter
into temples after going away from women
without first bathing: for almost all other men Beypiane con-
except the Egyptians and the Hellenes lie cerning their
with women in temples and enter into ἃ temples (wherein
temple after going away from women without ey agree νὴ
bathing, since they hold that there is no differ-
ence in this respect between men and beasts: for they say that
they see beasts and the various kinds of birds coupling together
both in the temples and in the sacred enclosures of the gods ;
if then this were not pleasing to the god, the beasts would
not do so.

65. Thus do these defend that which they do, which
by me is disallowed: but the Egyptians are excessively
careful in their observances, both in other te animals of
matters which concern the sacred rites and Egypt, and that
also in those which follow :—Egypt, though it they are all
borders upon Libya,®* does not very much an
abound in wild animals, but such as they have are one and
all accounted by them sacred, some of them living with men
and others not. But if I should say for what reasons the sacred
animals have been thus dedicated, I should fall into discourse
of matters pertaining to the gods, of which I most desire
not to speak ; and what I have actually said touching slightly
upon them, I said because I was constrained by necessity.
About.these animals there is a custom of this kind :—persons
have been appointed of. the Egyptians, both men and women,
to provide the food for each kind of beast separately, and their
office. goes down from father to son ; and those who dwell in
the various cities perform vows to them thus, that is, when they
make a vow to the god to whom the animal belongs, they
shave the head of their children either the whole or the half or
the third part of it, and then set the hair in the balance against
silver, and whatever it weighs, this the man gives to the person

VOL. I L

146 HERODOTUS

who provides for the animals, and she cuts up fish of equal
value and gives it for food to the animals. Thus food for their
support has been appointed : and if any one kill any of these
animals, the penalty, if he do it with his own will, is death, and
if against his will, such penalty as the priests may appoint: but
whosoever shall kill an ibis or a hawk, whether it be with his
will or against his will, must die. 66. Of the
animals that live with men there are great num-
bers, and would be many more but for the accidents which
befall the cats. For when the females have produced young
they are no longer in the habit of going to the males, and
these seeking to be united with them are not able. To this end
then they contrive as follows,—they either take away by force
or remove: secretly the young from the females and kill them
(but after killing they do not eat them), and the females being
deprived of their young and desiring more, therefore come to
the males, for it is a creature that is fond of its young. More-
over when a fire occurs, the cats seem to be divinely possessed ; 4
for while the Egyptians stand at intervals and look after the
cats, not taking any care to extinguish the fire, the cats slipping
through or leaping over the men, jump into the fire ; and when
this happens, great mourning comes upon the Egyptians. And
in whatever houses a cat has died by a natural death, all those
who dwell in this house shave their eyebrows only, but those
in whose houses a dog has died shave their whole body and
also their head. 67. The cats when they are
dead are carried away to sacred buildings in
the city of Bubastis, where after being embalmed
they are buried; but the dogs they bury each people in their
own city in sacred tombs; and the ichneumons are buried
just in the same way as the dogs. ‘The shrew-mice however
and the hawks they carry away to the city of Buto, and the
ibises to Hermopolis ;® the bears (which are not commonly
seen) and the wolves, not much larger in size than foxes, they
bury on the spot where they are found lying.

68. Of the crocodile the nature is as follows :—during the
four most wintry months this creature eats nothing: she has
four feet and is an animal belonging to the
land and the water both; for she produces and
hatches eggs on the land, and the most part of the day she re-

Cats.

The burial of
animals in Egypt.

The Crocodile,

BOOK II 147

mains upon dry land, but the whole of the night in the river,
for the water in truth is warmer than the unclouded open air and
the dew. Of all the mortal creatures of which we have know-
ledge this grows to the greatest bulk from the smallest begin-
ning ; for the eggs which she produces are not much larger
than those of geese and the newly-hatched young one is in pro-
portion to the egg, but as he grows he becomes as much as
seventeen cubits long and sometimes yet larger. He has eyes
like those of a pig and teeth large and tusky, in proportion to the
size of his body; but unlike all other beasts he grows no
tongue, neither does he move his lower jaw, but brings the
upper jaw towards the lower, being in this too unlike all other
beasts. He has moreover strong claws and a scaly hide upon
his back which cannot be pierced; and he is blind in the
water, but in the air he is of very keen sight. Since he has his
living in the water he keeps his mouth all full within of leeches ;
and whereas all other birds and beasts fly from him, the
trochilus is a creature which is at peace with him, seeing that
from her he receives benefit; for the crocodile having come
out of the water to the land and then having opened his
mouth (this he is wont to do generally towards the West
Wind), the trochilus upon that enters into his mouth and
swallows down the leeches, and he being benefited is pleased
and does no harm to the trochilus. 69. Now for some of the
Egyptians the crocodiles are sacred animals, and for others not
so, but they treat them on the contrary as enemies : those how-
ever who dwell about Thebes and about the lake of Moiris
hold them to be most sacred, and each of these two peoples
keeps one crocodile selected from the whole number, which has
been trained to tameness, and they put hanging ornaments of
molten stone and of gold into the ears of these and anklets
round the front feet, and they give them food appointed and
victims of sacrifices and treat them as well as possible while
they live, and after they are dead they bury them in sacred
tombs, embalming them: but those who dwell about the city
of Elephantiné even eat them, not holding them to be sacred.
They are called not crocodiles but champsat, and the Ionians
gave them the name of crocodile, comparing their form to that
of the crocodiles (lizards) which appear in their country in
the stone walls. 70. There are many ways in use of catching

148 HERODOTUS

them and of various kinds: I shall describe that which to me

seems the most worthy of being told. A man puts the back

of a pig upon a hook as bait, and lets it go into

and Dow they the middle of the river, while he himself upon

' the bank of the river has a young live pig,

which he beats ; and the crocodile hearing its cries makes for

the direction of the sound, and when he finds the pig’s back

he swallows it down: then they pull, and when he is drawn

out to land, first of all the hunter forthwith plasters up his eyes

with mud, and having so done he very easily gets the mastery
of him, but if he does not do so he has much trouble.

71. The river-horse is sacred in the district of Papremis,
but for the other Egyptians he is not sacred ; and this is the
appearance which he presents : he is four-footed,
cloven-hoofed like an ox,® flat-nosed, with a
mane like a horse and showing teeth like tusks,
with a tail and voice like a horse, and in size as large as the
largest ox; and his hide is so exceedingly thick that when it

and other has been dried shafts of javelins are made of it.

animals of the 72, There are moreover otters in the river,

river. which they consider to be sacred ; and of fish
also they esteem that which is called the /efidofos to be sacred,
and also the eel; and these they say are sacred to the Nile:
and of birds the fox-goose.

78. There is also another sacred bird called the phoenix
which I did not myself see except in painting, for in truth he

The Phenix Comes to them very rarely, at intervals, as the
(seen but once People of Heliopolis say, of five hundred years ;
in five hundred and these say that he comes regularly when his
years), and how father dies; and if he be like the painting, he
father. is of this size and nature, that is to say, some
of his feathers are of gold colour and others red,

and in outline and size he is as nearly as possible like an eagle.
This bird they say (but I cannot believe the story) contrives
as follows :—setting forth from Arabia he conveys his father,
they say, to the temple of the Sun (Helios) plastered up in
myrrh, and buries him in the temple of the Sun ; and he con-
veys him thus :—he forms first an egg of myrrh as large as he
is able to carry, and then he makes trial of carrying it, and
when he has made trial sufficiently, then he hollows out the

The Hippo-
potamus,

BOOK II 149

egg and places his father within it and plasters over with other
myrrh that part of the egg where he hollowed it out to put
his father in, and when his father is laid in it, it proves (they
say) to be of the same weight as it was; and after he has
plastered it up, he conveys the whole to Egypt to the temple
of the Sun. Thus they say that this bird does.

74. There are also about Thebes sacred serpents, not at
all harmful to men, which are small in size and have two horns
growing from the top of the head: these they
bury when they die in the temple of Zeus, for
to this god they say that they are sacred. 768.
There is a region moreover in Arabia, situated nearly over
against the city of Buto, to which place I came to inquire
about the winged serpents: and when I came
thither I saw bones of serpents and spines in
quantity so great that it is impossible to make report of the
number, and there were heaps of spines, some heaps large and
others less large and others smaller still than these, and these
heaps were many in number. This region in which the spines
are scattered upon the ground is of the mature of an entrance
from a natrow mountain pass to a great plain, which plain
adjoins the plain of Egypt; and the story goes that at the
beginning of spring winged serpents from Arabia fly towards
Egypt, and the birds called ibises meet them at the entrance
to this country and do not suffer the serpents to go by but kill
them. On account of this deed it is (say the Arabians) that
the ibis has come to be greatly honoured by the Egyptians,
and the Egyptians also agree that it is for this reason that they
honour these birds. 76. The outward form of the ibis is
this :—it is a deep black all over, and has legs 4...
like those of a crane and a very curved beak,
and in size it is about equal to a rail: this is the appearance
of the black kind which fight with the serpents, but of those
which most crowd round men’s feet (for there are two several
kinds of ibises) the head is bare and also the whole of the throat,
and it is white in feathering except the head and neck and the
extremities of the wings and the rump (in all these parts of
which I have spoken it is a deep black), while in legs and in
the form of the head it resembles the other. As for the serpent
its form is like that of the watersnake; and it has wings not

Serpents, as well
other

as winged.

150 HERODOTUS

feathered but most nearly resembling the wings of the bat. Let
so much suffice as has been said now concerning sacred animals.

77. Of the Egyptians themselves, those who dwell in the
part of Egypt which is sown for crops” practise memory more
Habits of the than any other men and are the most learned in
Egyptians of history by far of all those of whom I have had
the Corn-land, experience: and their manner of life is as fol-
lows :—For three successive days in each month they purge,
hunting after health with emetics and clysters, and they think
that all the diseases which exist are produced in men by the
food on which they live: for the Egyptians are from other
causes also the most healthy of all men next after the Libyans
(in my opinion on account of the seasons, because the seasons
do not change, for by the changes of things generally, and
especially of the seasons, diseases are most apt to be produced
in men), and as to their diet, it is as follows :—they eat bread,
making loaves of maize, which they call 2y//est¢is, and they use
habitually a wine made out of barley, for vines they have not
in their land.’ Of theu fis some they dry in the sun and then
eat them without cooking, others they eat cured in brine. Of
birds they eat quails and ducks and small birds without cook-
ing, after first curing them; and everything else which they
have belonging to the class of birds or fishes, except such
as have been set apart by them as sacred, they eat roasted
or boiled. 78. In the entertainments of the rich among
them, when they have finished eating, a man bears round
a wooden figure of a dead body in a coffin, made as like
the reality as may be both by painting and carving, and
measuring about a cubit or two cubits ‘each way ;® and this
he shows to each of those who are drinking together, say-
ing: ‘When thou lookest upon this, drink and be merry, for
thou shalt be such as this when thou art dead.” Thus they
do at their carousals. 79. The customs which they practise
and that they ἴδ derived from their fathers and they do not
follow no foreign acquire others in addition; but besides other
usages, however customary things among them which are worthy
thew appear to of mention, they have one song, that of Linos,
e contrary. : . ον
the same who is sung of both in Phenicia and
in Cyprus and elsewhere, having however a name different

BOOK II 151

according -to the various nations. This song agrees exactly
with that which the Hellenes sing calling on the name of
Linos,® so that besides many other things about which I wonder
among those matters which concern Egypt, I wonder especially
about this, namely whence they got the song of Linos.” It
is evident however that they have sung this song from im-
memorial time, and in the Egyptian tongue Linos is called
Maneros. The Egyptians told me that he was the only son
of him who first became king of Egypt, and that he died before
his time and was honoured with these lamentations by the
Egyptians, and that this was their first and only song. 80. In
another respect the Egyptians are in agreement with some of
the Hellenes, namely with the Lacedemonians, but not with
the rest, that is to say, the younger of them when they meet
the elder give way and move out of the path, and when their
elders approach they rise out of their seat. In this which
follows however they are not in agreement with any of the
Hellenes,—instead of addressing one another in the roads
they do reverence, lowering their hand down to their knee.
81. They wear tunics of linen about their legs with fringes,
which they call calastris ; above these they have
garments of white wool thrown over: woollen
garments however are not taken into the temples, nor are they
buried with ‘them, for this is not permitted by religion. In
these points they are in agreement with the observances called
Orphic and Bacchic (which are really Egyptian), and also
with those of the Pythagoreans, for one who takes part in
these mysteries is also forbidden by religious rule to be
buried in woollen garments ; and about this there is a sacred
story told.

82. Besides these things the Egyptians have found out also
to what god each month and each day belongs, and what
fortunes a man will meet with who is born on
any particular day, and how he will die, and prodigiee and
what kind of a man he will be: and these in-
ventions were taken up by those of the Hellenes who occupied
themselves about poesy. Portents too have been found out by
them more than by all other men besides; for when a
portent has happened, they observe and write down the
event which comes of it, and if ever afterwards anything re- |

Dress.

152 HERODOTUS

sembling this happens, they believe that the event which comes
of it will be similar. 83. Their divination is
ordered thus :—the art is assigned not to any
man but to certain of the gods, for there are in their land
Oracles of Heracles, of Apollo, of Athené, of Artemis, of Ares,
and of Zeus, and moreover that which they hold most in honour
of all, namely the Oracle of Leto which is in the city of Buto.
The manner of divination however 15 not established among
them according to the same fashion everywhere, but is different
in different places. 84. The art of medicine
among them is distributed thus :—each physician
is a physician of one disease and of no more; and the whole
country is full of physicians, for some profess themselves to be .
physicians of the eyes, others of the head, others of the teeth,
others of the affections of the stomach, and others of the more
obscure ailments.

85. Their fashions of mourning and of burial are these :—
Whenever any household has lost a man who is of any regard
amongst them, the whole number of women of
that house forthwith plaster over their heads or
even their faces with mud. Then leaving the corpse within the
house they go themselves to and fro about the city and beat
themselves, with their garments bound up by a girdle ”
and their breasts exposed, and with them go all the women
who are related to the dead man, and on the other side the
men beat themselves, they too having their garments bound up
by a girdle ; and when they have done this, they then convey
the body to the embalming. 86. In this occu-
pation certain persons employ themselves
regularly and inherit this as a craft. These,
whenever a corpse Is conveyed to them, show to those who
brought it wooden models of corpses made like reality by
painting, and the best of the ways of embalming they say is
that of him whose name I think it impiety to mention when
speaking of a matter of such a kind ; ἴ8. the second which they
show is less good than this and also less expensive ; and the
third is the least expensive of all. Having told them about
this, they inquire of them in which way they desire the
corpse of their friend to be prepared. Then they after they
have agreed for a certain price depart out of the way, and the

Divination.

Medicine.

Funerals,

and embalming
of the dead.

BOOK II 153

others being left behind in the buildings embalm according to
the best of these ways thus :—First with a crooked iron tool
they draw out the brain through the nostrils, extracting it partly
thus and partly by pouring in drugs ; and after this with a sharp
stone of Ethiopia they make a cut along the side and take
out the whole contents of the belly, and when they have cleared
out the cavity and cleansed it with palm-wine they cleanse it
again with spices pounded up: then they fill the belly with
pure myrrh pounded up and with cassia and other spices
except frankincense, and sew it together again. Having so
- done they keep it for embalming covered up in natron for
seventy days, but for a longer time than this it is not permitted
to embalm it; and when the seventy days are past, they
wash the corpse and roll its whole body up in fine linen” cut
into bands, smearing these beneath with gum,” which the
Egyptians use generally instead of glue. Then the kinsfolk
receive it from them and have a wooden figure made in the
shape of a man, and when they have had this made they
enclose the corpse, and having shut it up within, they store it
then in a sepulchral chamber, setting it to stand upright against
the wall. 87. Thus they deal with the corpses which are pre-
pared in the most costly way; but for those who desire the
middle way and wish to avoid great cost they prepare the corpse
as follows :—having filled their syringes with the oil which is
got from cedar-wood, with this they forthwith fill the belly of
the corpse, and this they do without having either cut it open
or taken out the bowels, but they inject the oil by the breech,
and having stopped the drench from returning back they keep
it then the appointed number of days for embalming, and on
the last of the days they let the cedar oil come out from the
belly, which they before put in; and it has such power that it
brings out with it the bowels and interior organs of the body
dissolved ; and the natron dissolves the flesh, so that there
is left of the corpse only the skin and the bones. When they
have done this they give back the corpse at once in that
condition without working upon it any more. 88. The third
kind of embalming, by which are prepared the bodies of those
who have less means, is as follows:—they cleanse out the
belly with a purge and then keep the body for embalming during
the seventy days, and at once after that they give it back to the

154 HERODOTUS

bringers to carry away. 89. The wives of men of rank when
they die are not given at once to be embalmed, nor such
women as are very beautiful or of greater regard than others,
but on the third or fourth day after their death (and not before)
they are delivered to the embalmers. They do so about this
matter in order that the embalmers may not abuse their women,
for they say that one of them was taken once doing so to the
corpse of a woman lately dead, and his fellow-craftsman gave
information. 90. Whenever any one, either of the Egyptians
themselves or of strangers, is found to have been carried off by
a crocodile or brought to his death by the river itself, the
people of any city by which he may have been cast up on
land must embalm him and lay him out in the fairest way they
can and bury him in a sacred burial-place, nor may any of his
relations or friends besides touch him, but the priests of the
Nile themselves handle the corpse and bury it as that of one
who was something more than man.

91. Hellenic usages they will by no means follow, and to
speak generally they follow those of no other men whatever.
That atChem- his rule is observed by most of the Egyptians ;
mis they havea but there is a large city named Chemmis in the
temple of Perseus Theban district near Neapolis, and in this city
and a contest of ‘ 4
athletes, unlike there is a temple of Perseus the son of Danaé
the other which is of a square shape, and round it grow
Egyptians. date-palms: the gateway of the temple is built
of stone and of very great size, and at the entrance of it
stand two great statues of stone. Within this enclosure is a
temple-houseӎ and in it stands an image of Perseus. These
people of Chemmis say that Perseus is wont often to appear
in their land and often within the temple, and that a sandal
which has been worn by him is found sometimes, being in
length two cubits, and whenever this appears all Egypt
prospers. This they say, and they do in honour of Perseus
after Hellenic fashion thus,—they hold an athletic contest,
which includes the whole list of games, and they.offer in prizes
cattle and cloaks and skins: and when I inquired why to
them alone Perseus was wont to appear, and wherefore they
were separated from all the other Egyptians in that they held
an athletic contest, they said that Perseus had been born of
their city, for Danaos and Lynkeus were men of Chemmis and

BOOK II 155

had sailed to Hellas, and from them they traced a descent and
came down to Perseus: and they told me that he had come to
Egypt for the reason which the Hellenes also say, namely to
bring from Libya the Gorgon’s head, and had then visited
them also and recognised all his kinsfolk, and they said that
he had well learnt the name of Chemmis before he came to
Egypt, since he had heard it from his mother, and that
they celebrated an athletic contest for him by his own com-
mand.

92. All these are customs practised by the Egyptians who
dwell above the fens: and those who are settled in the
fen-land have the same customs for the most
part as the other Egyptians, both in other fhe Hapits of
matters and also in that they live each with one the Fen-land,
wife only, as do the Hellenes ; but for economy (with the plants
in respect of food they have invented these and fish which
things besides :—when the river has become that Jana).
full and the plains have been flooded, there
grow in the water great numbers of lilies, which the Egyp-
tians call /ofos; these they cut with a sickle and dry in
the sun, and then they pound that which grows in the
middle of the lotos and which is like the head of a poppy,
and they make of it loaves baked with fire. The root also of
this lotos is edible and has a rather sweet taste: ” it is round
in shape and about the size of an apple. There are other
lilies too, in flower resembling roses, which also grow in the
river, and from them the fruit is produced in a separate vessel
springing from the root by the side of the plant itself, and
very nearly resembles a wasp’s comb: in this there grow
edible seeds in great numbers of the size of an olive-stone, and
they are-eaten either fresh" or dried. Besides this they pull
up from the fens the papyrus which grows every year, and
the upper parts of it they cut off and turn to other uses, but
that which is left below for about a cubit in length they eat
or sell: and those who desire to have the papyrus at its very
best bake it in an oven heated red-hot, and then eat it.
Some too of these people live on fish alone, which they dry
in the sun after having caught them and taken out the entrails,
and then when they are dry, they use them for food.

98. Fish which swim in shoals are not much produced in

156 HERODOTUS

the rivers, but are bred in the lakes, and they do as follows :—
When there comes upon them the desire to breed, they swim
out in shoals towards the sea; and the males lead the way
shedding forth their milt as they go, while the females, coming
after and swallowing it up, from it become impregnated: and
when they have become full of young in the sea they swim up
back again, each shoal to its own haunts. The same however
no longer lead the way as before, but the lead comes now to
the females, and they leading the way in shoals do just as
the males did, that is to say they shed forth their eggs by a
few grains at a time,’ and the males coming after swallow
them up. Now these grains are fish, and from the grains
which survive and are not swallowed, the fish grow which
afterwards are bred up. Now those of the fish which are
caught as they swim out towards the sea are found to be
rubbed on the left side of the head, but those which are
caught as they swim up again are rubbed on the right side.
This happens to them because as they swim down to the sea
they keep close to the land on the left side of the river, and
again as they swim up they keep to the same side, ap-
proaching and touching the bank as much as they can, for
fear doubtless of straying from their course by reason of the
stream. When the Nile begins to swell, the hollow places of
the land and the depressions by the side of the river first
begin to fill, as the water soaks through from the river, and
so soon as they become full of water, at once they are all filled
with little fishes ; and whence these are in all likelihood pro-
duced, I think that I perceive. In the preceding year, when
the Nile goes down, the fish first lay eggs in the mud and
then retire with the last of the retreating waters; and when
the time comes round again, and the water once more comes
over the land, from these eggs forthwith are produced the
fishes of which I speak.

94, Thus it is as regards the fish. And for anointing
those of the Egyptians who dwell in the fens use oil from
the castor-berry,”’ which oil the Egyptians call 44, and thus
they do :—they sow along the banks of the rivers and pools
these plants, which in a wild form grow of themselves in the
land of the Hellenes; these are sown in Egypt and produce
berries in great quantity but of an evil smell ; and when they

BOOK II 157

have gathered these, some cut them up and press the oil from
them, others again roast them first and then boil them down
and collect that which runs away from them. The oil is fat
and not less suitable for burning than olive-oil, but it gives forth
a disagreeable smell. 95. Against the gnats, which are very
abundant, they have contrived as follows :—those who dwell
above the fen-land are helped by the towers, to which they
ascend when they go to rest; for the gnats by reason of the
winds are not able to fly up high: but those who dwell in the
fen-land have contrived another way instead of the towers, and
this it is :—-every man of them has got a casting net, with which
by day he catches fish, but in the night he uses it for this
purpose, that is to say he puts the casting-net round about
the bed in which he sleeps, and then creeps in under it and
goes to sleep: and the gnats, if he sleeps rolled up in a
garment or a linen sheet, bite through these, but through the
net they do not even attempt to bite.

96. Their boats with which they carry cargoes are made
of the thorny acacia, of which the form is very like that of the
Kyrenian lotos, and that which exudes from it οἱ the boats
is gum. From this tree they cut pieces of which they use
wood about two cubits in length and arrange ™ EsyPt.
them like bricks, fastening the boat together by running a
great number of long bolts through the two-cubit pieces ; and
when they have thus fastened the boat together, they lay cross-
pieces ®! over the top, using no ribs for the sides; and within
they caulk the seams with papyrus. They make one steering-
oar for it, which is passed through the bottom of the boat ;
and they have a mast of acacia and sails of papyrus. These
boats cannot sail up the river unless there be a very fresh wind
blowing, but are towed from the shore : down-stream however
they travel as follows :—they have a door-shaped crate made of
tamarisk wood and reed mats sewn together, and also a stone
of about two talents weight bored with a hole; and.of these
the boatman lets the crate float on in front of the boat, fast-
ened with a rope, and the stone drag behind by another rope.
The crate then, as the force of the stream presses upon it, goes
on swiftly and draws on the δαγῆς (for so these boats are called),
while the stone dragging after it behind and sunk deep in the
water keeps its course straight. These boats they have in great

158 HERODOTUS

numbers and some of them carry many thousands of talents’
burden.

97. When the Nile comes over the land, the cities alone
are seen rising above the water, resembling more nearly
and how they sail than anything else the islands in the Egean
when the river sea; for the rest of Egypt becomes a sea and
overflows its the cities alone rise above water. Accordingly,
banks. .

whenever this happens, they pass by water not

now by the channels of the river but over the midst of the
plain: for example, as one sails up from Naucratis to Memphis
the passage is then close by the pyramids, whereas the usual
passage is not the same even here,® but goes by the point of
the Delta and the city of Kercasoros ; while if you sail over
the plain to Naucratis from the sea and from Canobos, you
will go by Anthylla and the city called after Archander. 98.
Of these Anthylla is a city of note and is especially assigned
to the wife of him who reigns over Egypt, to supply her with
sandals, (this is the case since the time when Egypt came to
be under the Persians): the other city seems to me to have its
name from Archander the son-in-law of Danaos, who was the
son of Phthios, the son of Achaios ; for it is called the City of
Archander. There might indeed be another Archander, but
in any case the name is not Egyptian.

99. Hitherto my own observation and judgment and in-
quiry are the vouchers for that which I have said; but from
this point onwards I am about to tell the history of Egypt
according to that which I heard, to which will be added also
something of that which I have myself seen.

Of Min, who first became king of Egypt, the priests said
that on the one hand he banked off the site of Memphis from

the river: for the whole stream of the river

the kings ry Of used to flow along by the sandy mountain-range
Egypt, and that on the side of Libya, but Min formed by em-
the first king bankments that bend of the river which lies
(after we £45) to the South about a hundred furlongs above
Memphis, and thus he dried up the old stream

and conducted the river so that it flowed in the middle be-
tween the mountains: and even now this bend of the Nile
is by the Persians kept under very careful watch, that it may

BOOK II 159

flow in the channel to which it is confined,® and the bank is
repaired every year ; for if the river should break through and
overflow in this direction, Memphis would be in danger of
being overwhelmed by flood. When this Min, who first
became king, had made into dry land the part which was
dammed off, on the one hand, I say, he founded in it that
city which is now called Memphis ; for Memphis too is in the
narrow part of Egypt ;* and outside the city he dug round it
on the North and West a lake communicating with the river,
for the side towards the East is barred by the Nile itself. Then
secondly he established in the city the temple of Hephaistos
a great work and most worthy of mention. 100. After this
man the priests enumerated to me from a ,,_y.

. er him came
papyrus roll the names of other kings, three 330 (a queen
hundred and thitty in number ; and in all these among them) of
generations of men eighteen were Ethiopians, © Role except-

. . ing the last.

one was a woman, a native Egyptian, and the

rest were men and of Egyptian race: and the name of the
woman who reigned was the same as that of the Babylonian
queen, namely Nitocris. Of her they said that desiring to take
vengeance for her brother, whom the Egyptians had slain when
he was their king and then, after having slain him, had given
his kingdom to her,—desiring, I say, to take vengeance for
‘him, she destroyed by craft many of the Egyptians. For she
caused to be constructed a very large chamber under ground,
and making as though she would handsel it but in her mind
devising other things, she invited those of the Egyptians whom
she knew to have had most part in the murder, and gave a
great banquet. Then while they were feasting, she let in the
river upon them by a secret conduit of large size. Of her
they told no more than this, except that, when this had been
accomplished, she threw herself into a room full of embers,
in order that she might escape vengeance. 101. As for the
other kings, they could tell me of no great works which had
been produced by them, and they said that they had no
renown ® except only the last of them, Moiris: he (they said)
produced as a memorial of himself the gateway of the temple
of Hephaistos which is turned towards the North Wind, and
dug a lake, about which I shall set forth afterwards how
many furlongs of circuit it has, and in it built pyramids of the

160 HERODOTUS

size which I shall mention at the same time when I speak of
the lake itself. He, they said, produced these works, but of
the rest none produced any.
102. Therefore passing these by I shall make mention of
the king who came after these, whose name was Sesostris. He
_ (the priests said) first of all set out with ships
Sncjuests his of war from the Arabian gulf and subdued
’ those who dwelt by the shores of the Eryth-
raian Sea, until as he sailed he came to a sea which
could no further be navigated by reason of shoals: then
secondly, after he had returned to Egypt, according to
the report of the priests he took a great army®™ and
marched over the continent, subduing every nation which
stood in his way: and those of them whom he found valiant
and fighting desperately for their freedom, in their lands he
set up pillars which told by inscriptions his own name and
the name of his country, and how he had subdued them
by his power; but as to those of whose cities he obtained
possession without fighting or with ease, on their pillars he
inscribed words after the same tenor as he did for the nations
which had shown themselves courageous, and in addition he
drew upon them the hidden parts of a woman, desiring to
signify by this that the people were cowards and effeminate.
103. Thus doing he traversed the continent, until at last
he passed over to Europe from Asia and subdued the
Scythians and also the Thracians. These, I am of opinion,
were the furthest 857 people to which the Egyptian army came,
for in their country the pillars are found to have been set up,
but in the land beyond this they are no longer found. From
this point he turned and began to go back ; and when he came
to the river Phasis, what happened then I cannot say for cer-
tain, whether the king Sesostris himself divided off a certain
portion of his army and left the men there as settlers in the
land, or whether some of his soldiers were wearied by his dis-
tant marches and remained by the river Phasis. 104, For the
and thatthe people of Colchis are evidently Egyptian, and
Colchians are of this I perceived for myself before I heard it
Egyptian race. from others. So when I had come to consider
the matter I asked them both ; and the Colchians had remem.
brance of the Egyptians more than the Egyptians of the Col-

BOOK II 161

chians; but the Egyptians said they believed that the
Colchians were a portion of the army of Sesostris. That this
was so I conjectured myself not only because they are dark-
skinned and have curly hair (this of itself amounts to nothing,
for there are other races which are so), but also still more be-
cause the Colchians, Egyptians, and Ethiopians alone of all
the races of men have practised circumcision from the first.
The Phenicians and the Syrians ® who dwell in Palestine confess
themselves that they.have learnt it from the Egyptians, and the
Syrians 89 about the river Thermodon and the river Parthenios,
and the Macronians, who are their neighbours, say that they have
learnt it lately from the Colchians. These are the only races
of men who practise circumcision, and these evidently practise
it in the same manner as the Egyptians. Of the Egyptians
themselves however and the Ethiopians, I am not able to say
which learnt from the other, for undoubtedly it is a most
ancient custom ; but that the other nations learnt it by inter-
course with the Egyptians, this among others is to me a strong
proof, namely that those of the Phenicians who have inter-
course with Hellas cease to follow the example of the Egyptians
in this matter, and do not circumcise their children. 105.
Now let me tell another thing about the Colchians to show how
they resemble the Egyptians :—they alone work flax in the
same fashion as the Egyptians,” and the two nations are like
one another in their whole manner of living and also in their
language: now the linen of Colchis is called by the Hellenes
Sardonic, whereas that from Egypt is called Egyptian. 106.
The pillars which Sesostris king of Egypt set
up in the various countries are for the most
part no longer to be seen extant; but in Syria
Palestine I myself saw them existing with the inscription upon
them which I have mentioned and the emblem. Moreover in
Ionia there are two figures of this man carved upon rocks, one
on the road by which one goes from the land of Ephesos to
Phocaia, and the other on the road from Sardis to Smyrna. In
each place there is a figure of a man cut in the rock, of four
cubits and a span in height, holding in his right hand a spear
and in his left a bow and arrows, and the other equipment which
he has is similar to this, for it is both Egyptian and Ethiopian :
and from the one shoulder to the other across the breast runs
VOL. I M

Figures of Sesos-
tris cut in rocks.

162 HERODOTUS

an inscription carved in sacred Egyptian characters, saying thus,
“This land with my shoulders I won for myself.” But who he
is and from whence, he does not declare in these places, though
in other places he has declared this. Some of those who have
seen these carvings conjecture that the figure is that of Mem-
non, but herein they are very far from the truth.

107. As this Egyptian Sesostris was returning and bringing
back many men of the nations whose lands he had subdued,
when he came (said the priests) to Daphnai inthe
district of Pelusion on his journey home, his brother
to whom Sesostris had entrusted the charge of
Egypt invited him and with him his sons to a feast ; and then
he piled the house round with brushwood and set it on fire:
and Sesostris when he discovered this forthwith took counsel
with his wife, for he was bringing with him (they said) his
wife also ; and she counselled him to lay out upon the pyre
two of his sons, which were six in number, and so to make a
bridge over the burning mass, and that they passing over their
bodies should thus escape. This, they said, Sesostris did, and
two of his sons were burnt to death in this manner, but the rest
got away safe with their father. 108. Then Sesos-
tris, having returned to Egypt and having taken
vengeance on his brother, employed the multi-
tude which he had brought in of those whose lands he had sub-
dued, as follows :—these were they who drew the stones which
in the reign of this king were brought to the temple of
Hephaistos, being of very great size ; and also these were com-
pelled to dig all the channels which now are in Egypt; and
thus (having no such purpose) they caused Egypt, which before
was all fit for riding and driving, to be no longer fit for
this from thenceforth: for from that time forward Egypt,
though it is plain land, has become all unfit for riding and
driving, and the cause has been these channels, which are many
and run in all directions. But the reason why the king cut up
the land was this, namely because those of the Egyptians who
had their cities not on the river but in the middle of the
country, being in want of water when the river went down
from them, found their drink brackish because they had it
from wells. 109. For this reason Egypt was cut up: and
they said that this king distributed the land to all the

His return to
Egypt,

and how he made
canals,

BOOK IT 163

Egyptians, giving an equal square portion to each man, and
from this he made his revenue, having appointed
them to pay a certain rent every year: and if the
river should take away anything from any man’s
portion, he would come to the king and declare that which had
happened, and the king used to send men to examine and to find
out by measurement how much less the piece of land had be-
come, in order that for the future the man might pay less, in pro-
portion to the rent appointed: and I think that
thus the art of geometry was found out and after-
wards came into Hellas also. For as touching
the sun-dial ®! and the gnomon 53 and the twelve divisions of the
day, they were learnt by the Hellenes from the Babylonians.
110. He moreover alone of all the Egyptian sjatues of Sesos-
kings had rule over Ethiopia; and he left as tris, his wife, and

memorials of himself in front of the temple of bis sons. |
Hephaistos two stone statues of thirty cubits each, representing
himself and his wife, and others of twenty cubits each represent-
ing his four sons: and long afterwards the priest of Hephaistos
refused to permit Dareios the Persian to set up a statue of him-
self in front of them, saying that deeds had not been done by
him equal to those which were done by Sesostris the Egyptian ;
for Sesostris had subdued other nations besides, not fewer than
he, and also the Scythians ; but Dareios had not been able to
conquer the Scythians: wherefore it was not just that he
should set up a statue in front of those which Sesostris had
dedicated, if he did not surpasshim in his deeds, Which speech,
they say, Dareios took in good part.

111. Now after Sesostris had brought his life to an end, his
son Pheros, they told me, received in succession the kingdom,
and he made no warlike expedition, and more-
over it chanced to him to become blind by reason p neros the next
of the following accident :—when the river had
come down in flood rising to a height of eighteen cubits, higher
than ever before that time, and had gone over the fields, a wind
fell upon it and the river became agitated by waves: and this
king (they say) moved by presumptuous folly
took a spear and cast it into the midst of the bow te was struck
eddies of the stream; and immediately upon
this he had a disease of the eyes and was by it made blind. For

and also divided
the land,

(whence arose
geometry).

164 HERODOTUS

ten years then he was blind, and in the eleventh year there
came to him an oracle from the city of Buto saying that the
time of his punishment had expired, and that he should see
again if he washed his eyes with the water of a woman who
had accompanied with her own husband only and had not had
knowledge of other men: and first he made trial of his own
wife, and then, as he continued blind, he went
on to try all the women in turn; and when he
had at last regained his sight he gathered
together all the women of whom he had made trial,
excepting her by whose means he had regained his sight, to one
city which now is named Erythrabolos,* and having gathered
them to this he consumed them all by fire, as well as the city
itself; but as for her by whose means he had regained his
sight, he had her himself to wife. Then after he had escaped
the malady of his eyes he dedicated offerings at each one of the
temples which were of renown, and especially (to mention only
that which is most worthy of mention) he dedicated at the
temple of the Sun works which are worth seeing, namely two
obelisks of stone, each of a single block, measuring in length a
hundred cubits each one and in breadth eight cubits.
112. After him, they said, there succeeded to the throne a
man of Memphis, whose name in the tongue of the Hellenes
Proteus of was Proteus; for whom there is now a sacred
Memphis the enclosure at Memphis, very fair and well
next king. = ordered, lying on that side of the temple of
Hephaistos which faces the North Wind. Round about this
enclosure dwell Phenicians of Tyre, and this whole region is
called the Camp of the Tyrians.™ Within the enclosure of Pro-
The temple of teus there is a temple called the temple of the
the ‘‘foreign ‘‘ foreign Aphrodité,” which temple I conjecture
Aphrodite,” 0 be one of Helen the daughter of Tyndareus,
not only because I have heard the tale how Helen dwelt with
Proteus, but also especially because it is called by the name of
the “foreign Aphrodité,” for the other temples of Aphrodité
and how Helen Which there are have none of them the addi-
came to Egypt, tion of the word “foreign” to the name.
and there was 118, And the priests told me, when I in-
stayed. quired, that the things concerning Helen hap-
pened thus :—Alexander having carried off Helen was sailing

but at length re-
covered his sight.

BOOK II 165

away from Sparta to his own land, and when he had come to
the Egean Sea contrary winds drove him from his course to
the Sea of Egypt; and after that, since the blasts did not
cease to blow, he came to Egypt itself, and in Egypt to that
which is now named the Canobic mouth of the Nile and to
Taricheiai. Now there was upon the shore, as still there is
now, a temple of Heracles, in which if any man’s slave take
refuge and have the sacred marks set upon him, giving him-
self over to the god, it is not lawful to lay hands upon him ;
and this custom has continued still unchanged from the begin-
ning down to my own time. Accordingly the attendants of
Alexander, having heard of the custom which existed about the
temple, ran away from him, and sitting down as suppliants of
the god, accused Alexander, because they desired to do him
hurt, telling the whole tale how things were about Helen and
about the wrong done to Menelaos; and this accusation they
made not only to the priests but also to the warden of this
river-mouth, whose name was Thonis. 114. Thonis then
having heard their tale sent forthwith a message to Proteus at
Memphis, which said as follows: ‘There hath come a stranger,
a Teucrian by race, who hath done in Hellas an unholy deed ;
for he hath deceived the wife of his own host, and is come hither
bringing with him this woman herself and very much wealth,
having been carried out of his way by winds to thy land.®
Shall we then allow him to sail out unharmed, or shall we first
take away from him that which he brought with him?” In
reply to this Proteus sent back a messenger who said thus :
‘Seize this man, whosoever he may be, who has done im-
piety to his own host, and bring him away into my presence,
that I may know what he will find to say.” 115. Hearing
this, Thonis seized Alexander and detained his ships, and after
that he brought the man himself up to Memphis and with him
Helen and the wealth he had, and also in addition to them
the suppliants. So when all had been conveyed up thither,
Proteus began to ask Alexander who he was and from whence
he was voyaging ; and he both recounted to him his descent
and told him the name of his native land, and moreover
related of his voyage, from whence he was sailing. After
this Proteus asked him whence he had taken Helen; and
when Alexander went astray in his account and did not speak

166 HERODOTUS

the truth, those who had become suppliants convicted him of
falsehood, relating in full the whole tale of the wrong done.
At length Proteus declared to them this sentence, saying,
“ Were it not that I count it a matter of great moment not to
slay any of those strangers who being driven from their course
by winds have come to my land hitherto, I should have taken
vengeance on thee on behalf of the man-of Hellas, seeing that
thou, most base of men, having received from him hospitality,
didst work against him a most impious deed. For thou didst
go in to the wife of thine own host; and even this was not
enough for thee, but thou didst stir her up with desire and
hast gone away with her like a thief. Moreover not even this
by itself was enough for thee, but thou art come hither with
plunder taken from the house of thy host. Now therefore
depart, seeing that I have counted it of great moment not to
be a slayer of strangers. This woman indeed and the wealth
which thou hast I will not allow thee to carry away, but I shall
keep them safe for the Hellene who was thy host, until he come
himself and desire to carry them off to his home; to thyself
however and thy fellow-voyagers I proclaim that ye depart from
your anchoring within three days and go from my land to some
other ; and if not, that ye will be dealt with as enemies.”

116. This the priests said was the manner of Helen’s
coming to Proteus ; and I suppose that Homer also had heard
this story, but since it was not so suitable to the composition
of his poem as the other which he followed, he dismissed it
finally, making it clear at the same time that he was acquainted
with that story also: and according to the manner in which he
described 57 the wanderings of Alexander in the Iliad (nor did
he elsewhere retract that which he had said) it is clear that
when he brought Helen he was carried out of his course, wander-
ing to various lands, and that he came among other places to
Sidon in Phenicia. Of this the poet has made mention in the
“ prowess of Diomede,” and the verses run thus : 98

‘* There she had robes many-coloured, the works of women of Sidon, _
Those whom her son himself the god-like of form Alexander

Carried from Sidon, what time the broad sea-path he sailed over
Bringing back Helené home, of a noble father begotten.”

And in the Odyssey also he has made mention of it in these
verses : 9

"BOOK II 167

“4 Such had the daughter of Zeus, such drugs of exquisite cunning,
Good, which to her the wife of Thon, Polydamna, had given,
Dwelling in Egypt, the land where the bountiful meadow produces
Drugs more than all lands else, many good being mixed, many evil.’

And thus too Menelaos says to Telemachos : 100

‘* Still the gods stayed me in Egypt, to come back hither desiring,
Stayed me from voyaging home, since sacrifice due I performed not.”

In these lines he makes it clear that he knew of the wandering
of Alexander to Egypt, for Syria borders upon Egypt and the
Phenicians, of whom is Sidon, dwell in Syria. 117. By these
lines and by this passage 101 it is also most clearly shown that
the “ Cyprian Epic” was not written by Homer but by some
other man: for in this it is said that on the third day after
leaving Sparta Alexander came to Ilion bringing with him
Helen, having had a “ gently-blowing wind and a smooth sea,”
whereas in the Iliad it says that he wandered from his course
when he brought her.

118. Let us now leave Homer and the “Cyprian” Epic ;
but this I will say, namely that I asked the priests whether it
is but an idle tale which the Hellenes tell of that which they
say happened about Ilion; and they answered me thus, saying
that they had their knowledge by inquiries from Menelaos
himself. After the rape of Helen there came indeed, they.
said, to the Teucrian land a large army of Hellenes to
help Menelaos; and when the army had come out of the
ships to land and had pitched its camp there, they sent mess-
engers to Ilion, with whom went also Menelaos himself; and
when these entered within the wall they demanded back
Helen and the wealth which Alexander had stolen from
Menelaos and had taken away ; and moreover they demanded
satisfaction for the wrongs done: and the Teucrians told the
same tale then and afterwards, both with oath and without
oath, namely that in deed and in truth they had not Helen
nor the wealth for which demand was made, but that both
were in Egypt ; and that they could not justly be compelled
to give satisfaction for that which Proteus the king of Egypt
had. The Hellenes however thought that they were being
mocked by them and besieged the city, until at last they took
it; and when they had taken the wall and did not find Helen,
but heard the same tale as before, then they believed the former

168 HERODOTUS

tale and sent Menelaos himself to Proteus. 119. And Mene-
laos having come to Egypt and having sailed up to Memphis,
told the truth of these matters, and not only found great enter-
tainment, but also received Helen unhurt, and all his own
wealth besides. Then however, after he had been thus dealt
with, Menelaos showed himself ungrateful to the Egyptians ;
for when he set forth to sail away, contrary winds detained
him, and as this condition of things lasted long, he devised an
impious deed ; for he took two children of natives and made
sacrifice of them. After this, when it was known that he had
done so, he became abhorred, and being pursued he escaped ~
and got away in his ships to Libya; but whither he went be-
sides after this, the Egyptians were not able to tell. Of these
things they said that they found out part by inquiries, and the
rest, namely that which happened in their own land, they
related from sure and certain knowledge.

120. Thus the priests of the Egyptians told me; and I
myself also agree with the story which was told of Helen,
adding this consideration, namely that if Helen
had been in Ilion she would have been given
up to the Hellenes, whether Alexander con-
sented or no; for Priam assuredly was not so mad, nor yet
the others of his house, that they were desirous to run risk of
ruin for themselves and their children and their city, in order
that Alexander might have Helen as his wife: and even sup-
posing that during the first part of the time they had been
so inclined, yet when many others of the Trojans besides
were losing their lives as often as they fought with the Hellenes,
and of the sons of Priam himself always two or three or even
more were slain when a battle took place (if one may trust at
all to the Epic poets),—-when, I say, things were coming thus
to pass, I consider that even if Priam himself had had Helen
as his wife, he would have given her back to the Achaians, if
at least by so doing he might be freed from the evils which
oppressed him. Nor even was the kingdom coming to
Alexander next, so that when Priam was old the government
was in his hands; but Hector, who was both older and more
of a man than he, would certainly have received it after the
death of Priam; and him it behoved not to allow his brother
to go on with his wrong-doing, considering that great evils were

Proofs of this
story.

ΤΟ ΝῊΡ ΝΞ . ΜΝ bd

BOOK il ) 169

coming to pass on his account both to himself privately and
in general to the other Trojans. In truth however they lacked
the power to give Helen back; and the Hellenes did not
believe them, though they spoke the truth; because, as I declare
my opinion, the divine power was purposing to cause them.
utterly to perish, and so make it evident to men that for great
wrongs great also are the chastisements which come from the
gods. And thus have I delivered my opinion concerning these
matters.

121. After Proteus, they told me, Rhampsinitos received in
succession the kingdom, who left as a memorial of himself that
gateway to the temple of Hephaistos which is Rhampsinit
turned towards the West, and in front of the jing eno was
gateway he set up two statues, in height five-and- richer than all
twenty cubits, of which the one which stands thers who came
on the North side is called by the Egyptians ‘er
Summer and the one on the South side Winter; and to that
- one which they call Summer they do reverence and make
offerings, while to the other which is called Winter they do
the opposite of these things. (@) This king, they said, got
great wealth of silver, which none of the kings born after
him could surpass or even come near to; and wishing to
store his wealth in safety he caused to be built a chamber
of stone, one of the walls whereof was towards the outside of
his palace: and the builder of this, having a design against it,
contrived as follows, that is, he disposed one of of the thieves
the stones in such a manner that it could be who robbed the
taken out easily from the wall either by two king's treasury.
men or even by one. So when the chamber was finished, the
king stored his money in it, and after some time the builder,
being near the end of his life, called to him his sons (for he
had two) and to them he related how he had contrived in
building the treasury of the king, and all in forethought for
them, that they might have ample means of living. And when
he had clearly set forth to them everything concerning the
taking out of the stone, he gave them the measurements, saying
that if they paid heed to this matter they would be stewards
of the king’s treasury. So he ended his life, and his sons
made no long delay in setting to work, but went to the palace
by night, and having found the stone in the wall of the chamber

170 HERODOTUS

they dealt with it easily and carried forth for themselves great

quantity of the wealth within. (6) And the king happening to
open the chamber, he marvelled when he saw the vessels
falling short of the full amount, and he did not know on
whom he should lay the blame, since the seals were un-
broken and the chamber had been close’ shut; but when
upon his opening the chamber a second and a third time the
money was each time seen to be diminished, for the thieves
did not slacken in their assaults upon it, he did as follows :—
having ordered traps to be made he set these round about the
vessels in which the money was; and when the thieves had
come as at former times and one of them had entered, then
so soon as he came near to one of the vessels he was straight-
way caught in the trap: and when he perceived in what evil
case he was, straightway calling his brother he showed him
what the matter was, and bade him enter as quickly as possible
and cut off his head, for fear lest being seen and known he
might bring about the destruction of his brother also. And to
the other it seemed that he spoke well, and he was persuaded
and did so; and fitting the stone into its place he departed
home bearing with him the head of his brother. (ὃ Now when
it became day, the king entered into the chamber and was very
greatly amazed, seeing the body of the thief held in the trap
without his head, and the chamber unbroken, with no way to
come in by or go out: and being at a loss he hung up the dead
body of the thief upon the wall and set guards there, with charge
if they saw any one weeping or bewailing himself to seize him
and bring him before the king. And when the dead body had
been hung up, the mother was greatly grieved, and speaking
with the son who survived she enjoined him, in whatever way
he could, to contrive means by which he might take down and
bring home the body of his brother; and if he should neglect
to do this, she earnestly threatened that she would go and give
information to the king that he had the money. (4) So as the
mother dealt hardly with the surviving son, and he though
saying many things to her did not persuade her, he contrived
for his purpose a device as follows :—Providing himself with
asses he filled some skins with wine and laid them upon the
asses, and after that he drove them along: and when he came
Opposite to those who were guarding the corpse hung up, he

BZ...

BOOK II 171

drew towards him two or three of the necks! of the skins
and loosened the cords with which they were tied. Then
when the wine was running out, he began to beat his head
and cry out loudly, as if he did not know to which of the
asses he should first turn ; and when the guards saw the wine
flowing out in streams, they ran together to the road with
drinking vessels in their hands and collected the wine that was
poured out, counting it so much gain; and he abused them
all violently, making as if he were angry, but when the guards
tried to appease him, after a time he feigned to be pacified
and to abate his anger, and at length he drove his asses out
of the road and began to set their loads right. Then more
talk arose among them, and one or two of them made jests at
him and brought him to laugh with them ; and in the end he
made them a present of one of the skins in addition to what
they had. Upon that they lay down there without more ado,
being minded to drink, and they took him into their company
and invited him to remain with them and join them in their
drinking: so he (as may be supposed) was persuaded and
stayed. Then as they in their drinking bade him welcome in
a friendly manner, he made a present to them also of another
of the skins; and so at length having drunk liberally the
guards became completely intoxicated ; and being overcome
by sleep they went to bed on the spot where they had
been drinking. He then, as it was now far on in the night,
first took down the body of his brother, and then in mockery
shaved the right cheeks of all the guards; and after that he
put the dead body upon the asses and drove them away home,
-having accomplished that which was enjoined him by his
mother. (e) Upon this the king, when it was reported to him
that the dead body of the thief had been stolen away, displayed
great anger ; and desiring by all means that it should be found
out who it might be who devised these things, did this (so
at least they said, but I do not believe the account),—he
caused his own daughter to sit in the stews, and enjoined her
to receive all equally, and before having commerce with any
one to compel him to tell her what was the most cunning and
what the most unholy deed which had been done by him in
all his life-time ; and whosoever should relate that which had
happened about the thief, him she must seize and not let him

172 HERODOTUS

go out. Then as she was doing that which was enjoined by
her father, the thief, hearing for what purpose this was done
and having a desire to get the better of the king in resource,
did thus :—from the body of one lately dead he cut off the
arm at the shoulder and went with it under his mantle: and
having gone in to the daughter of the king, and being asked that
which the others also were asked, he related that he had done
the most unholy deed when he cut off the head of his brother,
who had been caught in a trap in the king’s treasure-chamber,
and the most cunning deed in that he made drunk the
guards and took down the dead body of his brother hanging
up; and she when she heard it tried to take hold of him, but
the thief held out to her in the darkness the arm of the corpse,
which she grasped and held, thinking that she was holding the
arm of the man himself; but the thief left it in her hands and
departed, escaping through the door. (/) Now when this
also was reported to the king, he was at first amazed at the
ready invention and daring of the fellow, and then afterwards
he sent round to all the cities and made proclamation granting
a free pardon to the thief, and also promising a great reward
if he would come into his presence. The thief accordingly
trusting to the proclamation came to the king, and Rhamp-
sinitos greatly marvelled at him, and gave him this daughter
of his to wife, counting him to be the most knowing of all
men; for as the Egyptians were distinguished from all other
men, so was he from the other Egyptians.

122. After these things they said this king went down
alive to that place which by the Hellenes is called Hades, and
That Rhamp- __ there played at dice with Demeter, and in some
sinitos descended throws he overcame her and in others he was
to Hades, and of overcome by her; and he came back again
which they having as a gift from her a handkerchief of
observe in gold: and they told me that because of the
memory of this. going down of Rhampsinitos the Egyptians
after he came back celebrated a feast, which I know of my own
knowledge also that they still observe even to my time; but
whether it is for this cause that they keep the feast or for some
other, I am not able to say. However, the priests weave a
robe completely on the very day of the feast, and forthwith they
bind up the eyes of one of them with a fillet, and having led

BOOK II 173

him with the robe to the way by which one goes to the temple
of Demeter, they depart back again themselves. This priest,
they say, with his eyes bound up is led by two wolves to the
temple of Demeter, which is distant from the city twenty
furlongs, and then afterwards the wolves lead him back
again from the temple to the same spot. 128. peter of the
Now as to the tales told by the Egyptians, Egyptians con-
any man may accept them to whom such things Cering the soul
appear credible ; as for me, it is to be under-° ον
stood throughout the whole of the history } that I write by
hearsay that which 1s reported by the people in each place.
The Egyptians say that Demeter and Dionysos are rulers of
the world below; and the Egyptians are also the first who re-
ported the doctrine that the soul of man is immortal, and that
when the body dies, the soul enters into another creature which
chances then to be coming to the birth, and when it has gone
the round of all the creatures of land and sea and of the air, it
enters again into a human body as it comes to the birth; and
that it makes this round in a period of three thousand years.
This doctrine certain Hellenes adopted, some earlier and
some later, as if it were of their own invention, and of these
men I know the names but I abstain from recording them.
124. Down to the time when Rhampsinitos was king, they
told me there was in Egypt nothing but orderly rule, and
Egypt prospered greatly ; but after him Cheops cheops and his
became king over them and brought them ' oppression, with
to every kind of evil: for he shut up all the re pueing of
temples, and having first kept them from sacri- > pe
fices there, he then bade all the Egyptians work for him. So
some were appointed to draw stones from the stone-quarries in
the Arabian mountains to the Nile, and others he ordered to
recelve the stones after they had been carried over the river in
boats, and to draw them to those which are called the Libyan
mountains ; and they worked by a hundred thousand men at a
time, for each three months continually. Of this oppression there
passed ten years while the causeway was made by which they
drew the stones, which causeway they built, and it is a work
not much less, as it appears to me, than the pyramid ; for the
length of it is five furlongs 105 and the breadth ten fathoms and
the height, where it is highest, eight fathoms, and it is made

174 HERODOTUS

of stone smoothed and with figures carved upon it. For this,
they said, the ten years were spent, and for the underground
chambers on the hill upon which the pyramids stand, which he
caused to be made as sepulchral chambers for himself in an
island, having conducted thither a channel from the Nile. For
the making of the pyramid itself there passed a period of twenty
years; and the pyramid is square, each side measuring eight
hundred feet, and the height of it is the same. It is built of
stone smoothed and fitted together in the most perfect manner,
not one of the stones being less than thirty feet in length.
125. This pyramid was made after the manner of steps, which
some call “rows ”% and others “‘ bases :” 107 and when they had
first made it thus, they raised the remaining stones with machines
made of short pieces of timber, raising them first from the
ground to the first stage of the steps, and when the stone
got up to this it was placed upon another machine standing
on the first stage, and so from this it was drawn to the second
upon another machine ; for as many as were the courses of the
steps, 50 many machines there were also, or perhaps they
transferred one and the same machine, made so as easily to be
carried, to each stage successively, in order that they might
take up the stones ; for let it be told in both ways, according
as it is reported. However that may be, the highest parts of
it were finished first, and afterwards they proceeded to finish
that which came next to them, and lastly they finished the
parts of it near the ground and the lowest ranges. On the
pyramid it is declared in Egyptian writing how much was spent
on radishes and onions and leeks for the workmen, and if I
rightly remember that which the interpreter said in reading to
me this inscription, a sum of one thousand six hundred talents
of silver was spent ; and if this is so, how much besides 15 likely
to have been expended upon the iron with which they worked,
and upon bread and clothing for the workmen, seeing that
they were building the works for the time which has been
mentioned and were occupied for no small time besides, as I
suppose, in the cutting and bringing of the stones and in
working at the excavation under the ground? 126. Cheops
moreover came, they said, to such a pitch of wickedness, that
being in want of money he caused his own daughter to sit in
the stews, and ordered her to obtain from those who came a

BOOK II 175

certain amount of money (how much it was they did not tell
me); and she not only obtained the sum appointed by her
father, but also she formed a design for herself privately to leave
behind her a memorial, and she requested each man who came
in to her to give her one stone upon her building: and of
these stones, they told me, the pyramid was built which stands
in front of the great pyramid in the middle of the three,!%®
each side being one hundred and fifty feet in length.

127. This Cheops, the Egyptians said, reigned fifty years ;
and after he was dead his brother Chephren succeeded to the
kingdom. This king followed the same manner
of dealing as the other, both in all the rest and Oyen and his
also in that he made a pyramid, not indeed
attaining to the measurements of that which was built by the
former (this I know, having myself also measured it), and
moreover 109 there are no underground chambers beneath nor
does a channel come from the Nile flowing to this one as to the
_ other, in which the water coming through a conduit built for it
flows round an island within, where they say that Cheops him-
self is laid: but for a basement he built the first course of
Ethiopian stone of divers colours ; and this pyramid he made
forty feet lower than the other as regards size, building it
close to the great pyramid. These stand both upon the same
hill, which is about a hundred feet high. And Chephren they
said reigned fifty and six years. 128. Here "
then they reckon one hundred and six years, tone of
during which they say that there was nothing
but evil for the Egyptians, and the temples were kept closed
and not opened during all that time. These kings the
Egyptians by reason of their hatred of them are not very
willing to name; nay, they even call the pyramids after the
name of Philitis!44 the shepherd, who at that time pastured
flocks in those regions, 129. After him, they
said, Mykerinos became king over Egypt, who ΝΜ Mod wale
was the son of Cheops; and to him his father’s
deeds were displeasing, and he both opened the temples and
gave liberty to the people, who were ground down to the last
extremity of evil, to return to their own business and to their
sacrifices: also he gave decisions of their causes juster than
those of all the other kings besides. In regard to this then

176 HERODOTUS

they commend this king more than all the other kings who had
arisen in Egypt before him; for he not only gave good decisions,
but also when a man complained of the decision, he gave him
recompense from his own goods and thus satisfied his desire.
But while Mykerinos was acting mercifully to his subjects and
practising this conduct which has been said, calamities befell
him, of which the first was this, namely that his
daughter died, the only child whom he had in
his house: and being above measure grieved
by that which had befallen him, and desiring to bury his daughter
in a manner more remarkable than others, he made a cow of
wood, which he covered over with gold, and then within it he
buried this daughter who, as I said, had died. 180. This
and of the cow COW was not covered up in the ground, but it
within which he might be seen even down to my own time in
laid her corpse. the city of Sais, placed within the royal palace
in a chamber which was greatly adorned; and they offer
incense of all kinds before it every day, and each night a lamp
burns beside it all through the night. Near this cow in
another chamber stand images of the concubines of Myker-
inos, as the priests at Sais told me; for there are in fact
colossal wooden statues, in number about twenty, made with
naked bodies ; but who they are I am not able to say, except
only that which is reported. 181. Some however tell about
this cow and the colossal statues the following tale, namely
that Mykerinos was enamoured of his own daughter and after-
wards ravished her; and upon this they say that the girl
strangled herself for grief, and he buried her in this cow; and
her mother cut off the hands of the maids who had betrayed
the daughter to her father ; wherefore now the images of them
have suffered that which the maids suffered in their life. In thus
saying they speak idly, as it seems to me, especially in what
they say about the hands of the statues; for as to this, even
we ourselves saw that their hands had dropped off from lapse
of time, and they were to be seen still lying at their feet even
down to my time. 182. The cow is covered up with a crim-
son robe, except only the head and the neck, which are seen,
overlaid with gold very thickly ; and between the horns there
is the disc of the sun figured in gold. The cow is not stand-
ing up but kneeling, and in size it is equal to a large living

His daughter's
death,

BOOK If 177

cow. Every year it is carried forth from the chamber, at those
times, I say, the Egyptians beat themselves for that god whom
I will not name upon occasion of such a matter ; at these
times, I say, they also carry forth the cow to the light of day,
for they say that she asked of her father Mykerinos, when she
was dying, that she might look upon the sun once in the
year.
133. After the misfortune of his daughter it happened, they
said, secondly to this king as follows :—An oracle came to
him from the city of Buto, saying that he was ἕπῃ ογαοῖα which
destined to live but six years more, in the foretold his death
seventh year to end his life: and he being to Mykerinos,
indignant at it sent to the Oracle a reproach and of that which
. . . ς 6 did thereupon,
against the god," making complaint in reply
that whereas his father and uncle, who had shut up the
temples and had not only not remembered the gods, but also
had been destroyers of men, had lived for a long time, he him-
self, who practised piety, was destined to end his life so soon:
and from the Oracle there came a second message, which said
that it was for this very cause that he was bringing his life
to a swift close 48; for he had not done that which it was
appointed for him to do, since it was destined that Egypt
should suffer evils for a hundred and fifty years, and the two
kings who had arisen before him had perceived this, but he had
not. Mykerinos having heard this, and considering that this
sentence had been passed upon him beyond recall, procured
many lamps, and whenever night came on he lighted these and
began to drink and take his pleasure, ceasing neither by day
nor by night ; and he went about to the fen-country and to the
woods and wherever he heard there were the most suitable
places for enjoyment. This he devised (having a mind to
prove that the Oracle spoke falsely) in order that he might
have twelve years of life instead of six, the nights being
turned into days. |
134. This king also left behind him a pyramid, much
smaller than that of his father, of a square ,, 0g
shape and measuring on each side three hun- falsely reported
dred feet lacking twenty, built moreover of to be built by
Ethiopian stone up to half the height. This 5odop's.
pyramid some of the Hellenes say was built by the courtesan

VOL. I N

178 HERODOTUS

Rhodopis, not therein speaking rightly: and besides this it is
evident to me that they who speak thus do not even know who
Rhodopis was, for otherwise they would not have attributed
to her the building of a pyramid like this, on which have been
spent (so to speak) innumerable thousands of talents: more-
over they do not know that Rhodopis flourished in the reign
of Amasis, and not in this king’s reign; for Rhodopis lived very
many years later than the kings who left behind them these
pyramids. By descent she was of Thrace, and she was a slave
of Iadmon the son of Hephaistopolis a Samian, and a fellow-
slave of Esop the maker of fables; for he too was once the
slave of Iadmon, as was proved especially by this fact, namely
that when the people of Delphi repeatedly made proclamation
in accordance with an oracle, to find some one who would take
up 444 the blood-money for the death of Esop, no one else
appeared, but at length the grandson of Iadmon, called Iadmon
also, took it up ; and thus it is shown that Esop too was the slave
of Iadmon. 1385. As for Rhodopis, she came
to Egypt brought by Xanthes the Samian, and
having come thither to exercise her calling she
was redeemed from slavery for a great sum by a man of
Mytilené, Charaxos son of Scamandronymos and brother of
Sappho the lyric poet. Thus was Rhodopis set free, and she
remained in Egypt and by her beauty won so much liking that
she made great gain of money for one like Rhodopis,!> though
not enough to suffice for the cost of such a pyramid as this.
In truth there is no need to ascribe to her very great riches, con-
sidering that the tithe of her wealth may still be seen even to this
time by any one who desires it: for Rhodopis wished to leave
behind her a memorial of herself in Hellas, namely to cause
a thing to be made such as happens not to have been thought
of or dedicated in a temple by any besides, and to dedicate
this at Delphi as a memorial of herself. Accordingly with the
tithe of her wealth she caused to be made spits of iron of
size large enough to pierce a whole ox, and many in number,
going as far therein as her tithe allowed her, and she sent them to
Delphi: these are even at the present time lying there, heaped
all together behind the altar which the Chians dedicated, and
just opposite to the cell of the temple.® Now at Naucratis,
as it happens, the courtesans are rather apt to win credit 9.17 for

Of Rhodopis the
courtesan.

BOOK II 179

this woman first, about whom the story to which I refer is told,
became so famous that all the Hellenes without exception came
to know the name of Rhodopis, and then after her one whose
name was Archidiché became a subject of song all over Hellas,
though she was less talked off than the other. As for
Charaxos, when after redeeming Rhodopis he returned back
to Mytilené, Sappho in an ode violently abused him.!®& Of
Rhodopis then I shall say no more.

186. After Mykerinos the priests said “Asychis became
king of Egypt, and he made for Hephaistos the temple gate-
way 19 which is towards the sunrising, by far
the most beautiful and the largest of the gate- eet the next
ways; for while they all have figures carved
upon them and innumerable ornaments of building 129 besides,
this has them very much more than the rest. In this king’s
reign they told me that, as the circulation of money was very slow,
a law was made for the Egyptians that a man
might have that money lent to him which he
needed, by offering as security the dead body of his father ;
and there was added moreover to this law another, namely that
he who lent the money should have a claim also to the whole
of the sepulchral chamber belonging to him who received it,
and that the man who offered that security should be subject
to this penalty, if he refused to pay back the debt, namely that
neither the man himself should be allowed to have burial,
when he died, either in that family burial-place or in any other,
nor should he be allowed to bury any of his kinsmen whom he
lost by death. This king desiring to surpass the kings of
Egypt who had arisen before him left as a
memorial of himself a pyramid which he made
of bricks, and on it there is an inscription carved in stone and
saying thus: ‘“ Despise not me in comparison with the pyramids
of stone, seeing that I excel them as much as Zeus excels the
other gods; for with a pole they struck into the lake, and
whatever of the mud attached itself to the pole, this they
gathered up and made bricks, and in such manner they
finished me.”

Such were the deeds which this king performed: 1387, and
after him reigned a blind man of the city of Anysis, whose
name was Anysis. In his reign the Ethiopians and Sahacds

his laws,

his pyramid.

180 HERODOTUS

the king of the Ethiopians marched upon Egypt with a great
host of men; so this blind man departed, flying to the fen-
se ae country, and the Ethiopian was king over Egypt
ey bind who for fifty years, during which he performed deeds
That Sabacds as follows:—-whenever any man of the Egyp-
raed of er opia tians committed any transgression, he would
blind king and never put him to death, but he gave sen-
reigned fifty years tence upon each man according to the great-
in Egypt. ness of the wrong-doing, appointing them
to work at throwing up an embankment before that city
from whence each man came of those who committed
wrong. ‘Thus the cities were made higher still than before ;
for they were embanked first by those who dug the channels
in the reign of Sesostris, and then secondly in the reign of
the Ethiopian, and thus they were made very high: and while
other cities in Egypt also stood 131 high, I think in the town at
Bubastis especially the earth was piled up. In this city
there is a temple very well worthy of mention, for though
there are other temples which are larger and built with more
cost, none more than this is a pleasure to the eyes. Now
Bubastis in the Hellenic tongue is Artemis, 138,
and her temple is ordered thus :—Except the
entrance it is completely surrounded by water ;
for channels come in from the Nile, not joining one another,
but each extending as far as the entrance of the temple, one
flowing round on the one side and the other on the other side,
each a hundred feet broad and shaded over with trees ; and the
gateway has a height of ten fathoms, and it is adorned with
figures six cubits high, very noteworthy. This temple is in the
middle of the city and is looked down upon from all sides as
one goes round, for since the city has been banked up to a
height, while the temple has not been moved from the place
where it was at the first built, it is possible to look down into
it: and round it runs a stone wall with figures carved upon it,
while within it there is a grove of very large trees planted round
a large temple-house, within which is the image of the goddess :
and the breadth and length of the temple is a furlong every
way. Opposite the entrance there is a road paved with stone
for about three furlongs, which leads through the market-place
towards the East, with a breadth of about four hundred feet ;

The temple
at Bubastis.

rn “παι ἐπ OT 7 EO ».- σ-------ὀ-ῤ ne iio, ——
- - --.
- πὶ - -ος -ς

| BOOK II 181

and on this side and on that grow trees of height reaching to
heaven: and the road leads to the temple of Hermes.
This temple then is thus ordered.

139. The final deliverance from the Ethiopian came about
(they said) as follows :—he fled away because he had seen in
his sleep a vision, in which it seemed to him pow the Ethio-
that a man came and stood by him and coun- pian left Egypt of
selled him to gather together all the priests own will
in Egypt and cut them asunder in the midst. Having seen this
dream, he said that it seemed to him that the gods were fore-
showing him this to furnish an occasion against him,!™ in order
that he might do an impious deed with respect to religion, and so
receive some evil either from the gods or from men: he would
not however do so, but in truth (he said) the time had
expired, during which it had been prophesied to him that
he should rule Egypt before he departed thence. For when
he was in Ethiopia the Oracles which the Ethiopians consult
had _ told him that it was fated for him to rule Egypt fifty
years: since then this time was now expiring, and the vision
of the dream also disturbed him, Sabacos departed out of
Egypt of his own free will. ,

140. Then when the Ethiopian had gone away out of
Egypt, the blind man came back from the fen-country and
began to rule again, having lived there during
fifty years upon an island which he had made by
heaping up ashes and earth: for whenever any
of the Egyptians visited him bringing food, according as
it had been appointed to them severally to do without the
knowledge of the Ethiopian, he bade them bring also some
ashes for their gift. This island none was able to find
before Amyrtaios; that is, for more than seven hundred
years #4 the kings who arose before Amyrtaios were not able
to find it. Now the name of this island is Elbo, and its size
is ten furlongs each way.

141. After him there came to the throne the priest of
Hephaistos, whose name was Sethds. This man, they said,
neglected and held in no regard the warrior Sethds king,
class of the Egyptians, considering that he who was priest
would have no need of them; and besides οἵ Hephaistos,
other slights which he put upon them, he also took from them

and the blind
king returned.

Invasion of
Sanacharib

182 HERODOTUS

the yokes of corn-land!” which had been given to them
and how the 88 ἃ special gift in the reigns of the former
army would not kings, twelve yokes to each man. After this,
serve him. Sanacharib king of the Arabians and of the
Assyrians marched a great host against Egypt. Then the
warriors of the Egyptians refused to come to the rescue, and
the priest, being driven into a strait, entered into the sanctuary
of the temple! and bewailed to the image of the god the
danger which was impending over him; and as he was thus
lamenting, sleep came upon him, and it seemed to him in his
vision that the god came and stood by him and
od prayer to the encouraged him, saying that he should suffer no
Sanacharib with evil if he went forth to meet the army of the
the Arabians and Arabians; for he would himself send him
to fight. was pu" helpers. Trusting in these things seen in sleep,
he took with him, they said, those of the Egyptians
who were willing to follow him, and encamped in Pelusion,
for by this way the invasion came: and not one of the warrior
class followed him, but shop-keepers and artisans and men
of the market. Then after they came, there swarmed by
night upon their enemies mice of the fields, and ate up
their quivers and their bows, and moreover the handles of
their shields, so that on the next day they fled, and being
without defence of arms great numbers fell. And at the pre-
sent time this king stands in the temple of Hephaistos in stone,
holding upon his hand a mouse, and by letters inscribed he
says these words: ‘“ Let him who looks upon me learn to fear
the gods.”

142. So far in the story the Egyptians and the priests
were they who made the report, declaring that from the first king
The generations Gown to this priest of Hephaistos who reigned
of kings and last, there had been three hundred and forty-
priests in Egypt, one generations of men, and that in them there
had been the same number of chief-priests and of kings: but
three hundred generations of men are equal to ten thousand
years, for a hundred years is three generations of men ; and in
the one-and-forty generations which remain, those I mean
which were added to the three hundred, there are one .
thousand three hundred and forty years. ‘Thus in the period
of eleven thousand three hundred and forty years they said

BOOK II 183

that there had arisen no god in human form; nor even
before that time or afterwards among the remaining kings who
arose in Egypt, did they report that anything of that kind had
come to pass. In this time they said that the sun had moved
four times from his accustomed place of rising, and where he
now sets he had thence twice had his rising, and in the place
from whence he now rises he had twice had his setting ; 13] and
in the meantime nothing in Egypt had been changed from its
usual state, neither that which comes from the earth nor that
which comes to them from the river nor that which concerns
diseases or deaths. 148, And formerly when Hecataios the
historian was in Thebes, and had traced his descent and con-
nected his family with a god in the sixteenth generation
before, the priests of Zeus did for him much the same as they
did for me (though I had not traced my descent). They led
ine into the sanctuary of the temple, which is of great size, and
they counted up the number, showing colossal wooden statues
in number the same as they said; for each chief-priest there
sets up in his lifetime an image of himself: accordingly the
priests, counting and showing me these, declared to me that
each one of them was a son succeeding his own father, and
they went up through the series of images from the image
of the one who had died last, until they had} declared this of
the whole number. And when Hecataios had traced his
descent and connected his family with a god in the sixteenth
generation, they traced a descent in opposition to his, besides
their numbering, not accepting it from him that a man had
been born from a god; and they traced their counter-descent
thus, saying that each one of the statues had been pivomzs son
of péromis, until they had declared this of the whole three hun-
dred and forty-five statues, each one being surnamed fsromis ;
and neither with a god nor a hero did they connect their descent.
Now /ivomis means in the tongue of Hellas “ honourable and
goodman.” 144, From their declaration then ana that before

it followed, that they of whom the images were these Egypt was

had been of form like this, and far removed "led by the gods.
from being gods: but in the time before these men they
said that gods were the rulers in Egypt, not mingling 1 with
men, and that of these always one had power at a time; and
the last of them who was king over Egypt was Oros the son

184 HERODOTUS

of Osiris, whom the Hellenes call Apollo: he was king over
Egypt last, having deposed Typhon. Now Osiris in the
tongue of Hellas is Dionysos. |

145. Among the Hellenes Heracles and Dionysos and Pan
are accounted the latest-born of the gods; but with the Egyp-
tians Pan is a very ancient god, and he is one
of those which are called the eight gods, while
Heracles 15 of the second rank, who are called
the twelve gods, and Dionysos is of the third rank, namely of
those who were barn of the twelve gods. Now as to Heracles
I have shown already how many years old he is according
to the Egyptians themselves, reckoning down to the reign of
Amasis, and Pan is said to have existed for yet more years than
these, and Dionysos for the smallest number of years as com-
pared with the others ; and even for this last they reckon down
to the reign of Amasis fifteen thousand years. This the Egyp-
tians say that they know for a certainty, since they always kept
a reckoning and wrote down the years as they came. Now the
Dionysos who is said to have been born of Semelé the daughter
of Cadmos, was born about sixteen hundred years before my
time, and Heracles who was the son of Alcmené, about nine
hundred years, and that Pan who was born of Penelopé, for of
her and of Hermes Pan is said by the Hellenes to have been
born, came into being later than the wars of Troy, about eight
hundred years before my time. 146. Of these two accounts
every man may adopt that one which he shall find the more
credible when he hears it. I however, for my part, have
already declared my opinion about them.” For if these
also, like Heracles the son of Amphitryon, had appeared
before all men’s eyes and had lived their lives to old age in
Hellas, I mean Dionysos the son of Semelé and Pan the son
of Penelopé, then one would have said that these also 139 had
been born mere men, having the names of those gods who
had come into being long before: but as it is, with regard to
Dionysos the Hellenes say that as soon as he was born Zeus
sewed him up in his thigh and carried him to Nysa, which is
above Egypt in the land of Ethiopia; and as to Pan, they can-
not say whither he went after he was born. Hence it has
become clear to me that the Hellenes learnt the names of
these gods later than those of the other gods, and trace their

The age of cer-
tain of the gods.

BOOK II 185

descent as if their birth occurred at the time when they first
learnt their names,

Thus far then the history is told by the Egyptians them-
selves; 147, but I will now recount that which other nations
also tell, and the Egyptians in agreement with the others, of
that which happened in this land: and there will be added to
this also something of that which I have myself seen.

Being set free after the reign of the priest of Hephaistos,
the Egyptians, since they could not live any time without a
king, set up over them twelve kings, having ΝΕ
divided all Egypt into twelve parts. These Eeyot kings in
made intermarriages with one another and
reigned, making agreement that they would not put down
one another by force, nor seek to get an advantage over
one another, but would live in perfect friendship: and
the reason why they made these agreements, guarding them
very strongly from violation, was this, namely that an oracle
had been given to them at first when they began to exer-
cise their rule, that he of them who should pour a libation
with a bronze cup in the temple of Hephaistos, should be king
of all Egypt (for they used to assemble together in all the
temples). 148, Moreover they resolved to wy apyrinth
join all together and leave a memorial of them- _
selves; and having so resolved they caused to be made a
labyrinth, situated a little above the lake of Moiris and nearly
opposite to that which is called the City of Crocodiles. This
I saw myself, and I found it greater than words can say.
For if one should put together and reckon up all the buildings
and all the great works produced by Hellenes, they would
prove to be inferior in labour and expense to this labyrinth,
though it is true that both the temple at Ephesos and that at
Samos are works worthy of note. The pyramids also were
greater than words can say, and each one of them is equal to
many works of the Hellenes, great as they may be; but the
labyrinth surpasses even the pyramids. It has twelve courts
covered in, with gates facing one another, six upon the North
side and six upon the South, joining on one to another, and
the same wall surrounds them all outside ; and there are in it
two kinds of chambers, the one kind below the ground and
the other above upon these, three thousand in number, of

186 HERODOTUS

each kind fifteen hundred. ‘The upper set of chambers we
ourselves saw, going through them, and we tell of them having
looked upon them with our own eyes; but the chambers
under ground we heard about anly; for the Egyptians who
had charge of them were not willing on any account to show
them, saying that here were the sepulchres of the kings who
had first built this labyrinth and of the sacred crocodiles.
Accordingly we speak of the chambers below by what we
received from hearsay, while those above we saw ourselves and
found them to be works of more than human greatness. For
the passages through the chambers, and the goings this way and
that way through the courts, which were admirably adorned,
afforded endless matter for marvel, as we went through from a
court to the chambers beyond it, and from the chambers to
colonnades, and from the colonnades to other rooms, and then
from the chambers again to other courts. Over the whole of
these is a roof made of stone like the walls; and the walls are
covered with figures carved upon them, each court being sur-
rounded with pillars of white stone fitted together most per-
fectly ; and at the end of the labyrinth, by the corner of it,
there is a pyramid of forty fathoms, upon which large figures
are carved, and to this there is a way made under ground.
149. Such is this labyrinth: but a cause for marvel even
greater than this is afforded by the lake, which is called the
lake of Moiris, along the side of which this
labyrinth is built. The measure of its circuit
is three thousand six hundred furlongs 151 (being
sixty schoines), and this is the same number of furlongs as the
extent of Egypt itself along the sea. The lake lies extended
lengthwise from North to South, and in depth where it is
deepest it is fifty fathoms. That this lake is artificial and
formed by digging is self-evident, for about in the middle of
the lake stand two pyramids, each rising above the water to a
height of fifty fathoms, the part which is built below the water
being of just the same height; and upon each is placed a
colossal statue of stone sitting upon a chair. Thus the
pyramids are a hundred fathoms high; and these hundred
fathoms are equal to a furlong of six hundred feet, the fathom
being measured as six feet or four cubits, the feet being four
palms each, and the cubits six. The water in the lake does not

The lake of
Moiris.

BOOK II 187

come from the place where it is, for the country there is very
deficient in water, but it has been brought thither from the
Nile by a canal: and for six months the water flows into the
lake, and for six months out into the Nile again; and when-
ever it flows out, then for the six months it brings into the
royal treasury a talent of silver a day from the fish which are
caught, and twenty pounds 155 when the water comes in. 150.
The natives of the place moreover said that this lake had an
outlet under ground to the Syrtis which is in Libya, turning
towards the interior of the continent upon the Western side
and running along by the mountain which is above Memphis.
Now since I did not see anywhere existing the earth dug out
of this excavation (for that was a matter which drew my atten-
tion), I asked those who dwelt nearest to the lake where the
earth was which had been dug out. These told me to
what place it had been carried away; and I readily believed
them, for I knew by report that a similar thing had been done
at Nineveh, the city of the Assyrians. There certain thieves
formed a design once to carry away the wealth of Sardana-
pallos son of Ninos, the king, which wealth was very great and
was kept in treasure-houses under the earth. Accordingly
they began from their own dwelling, and making estimate of
their direction they dug under ground towards the king’s
palace ; and the earth which was brought out of the excavation
they used to carry away, when night came on, to the river
Tigris which flows by the city of Nineveh, until at last they
accomplished that which they desired. Similarly, as I heard,
the digging of the lake in Egypt was effected, except that it
was done not by night but during the day; for as they dug
the Egyptians carried to the Nile the earth which was dug out ;
and the river, when it received it, would naturally bear it away
and disperse it. Thus is this lake said to have been dug out.
151. Now the twelve kings continued to rule justly, but
in course of time it happened thus:—After sacrifice in the
temple of Hephaistos they were about to make prow psamme-
libation on the last day of the feast, and the tichos became
chief- priest, in bringing out for them the ing ofall Egypt.
golden cups with which they had been wont to pour liba-
tions, missed his reckoning and brought eleven only for
the twelve kings. ‘Then that one of them who was standing

Psamme-

tichos be-
came king
about 670
B.C.

188 HERODOTUS

last in order, namely Psammetichos, since he had no cup
took off from his head his helmet, which was of bronze,
and having held it out to receive the wine he proceeded to
make libation: likewise all the other kings were wont to
wear helmets and they happened to have them then. Now
Psammetichos held out his helmet with no treacherous mean-
ing; but they taking note of that which had been done by
Psammetichos and of the oracle, namely how it had been
declared to them that whosoever of them should make
libation with a bronze cup should be sole king of Egypt,
recollecting, I say, the saying of the Oracle, they did not
indeed deem it right to slay Psammetichos, since they found.
by examination that he had not done it with any forethought,
but they determined to strip him of almost all his power and
to drive him away into the fen-country, and that from the
fen-country he should not hold any dealings with the rest
of Egypt. 152. This Psammetichos had formerly been a
fugitive from the Ethiopian Sabacés who had killed his father
Necés, from him, I say, he had then been a fugitive in Syria ;
and when the Ethiopian had departed in consequence of the
vision of the dream, the Egyptians who were of the district
of Sais brought him back to his own country. Then after-
wards, when he was king, it was his fate to be a fugitive a
second time on account of the helmet, being driven by the
eleven kings into the fen-country. So then holding that he
had been grievously wronged by them, he thought how he might
take vengeance on those who had driven him out: and when
he had sent to the Oracle of Leto in the city of Buto, where
the Egyptians have their most truthful Oracle, there was given
to him the reply that vengeance would come when men of
bronze appeared from the sea. And he was strongly dis-
posed not to believe that bronze men would come to help
him ; but after no long time had passed, certain Ionians and
Carians who had sailed forth for plunder were compelled to
come to shore in Egypt, and they having landed and being
clad in bronze armour, one of the Egyptians, not having
before seen men clad in bronze armour, came to the fen-land
and brought a report to Psammetichos that bronze men had
come from the sea and were plundering the plain. So he,
perceiving that the saying of the Oracle was coming to pass,

BOOK II 189

dealt in a friendly manner with the Ionians and Carians, and
with large promises he persuaded them to take his part.
Then when he had persuaded them, with the help of those
Egyptians who favoured his cause and of these foreign mercen-
aries he overthrew the kings. 158. Having
thus got power over all Egypt, Psammetichos
made for Hephaistos that gateway of the temple at Memphis
which is turned towards the South Wind; and he built a court
for Apis, in which Apis is kept when he appears, opposite to
the gateway of the temple, surrounded all with pillars and
covered with figures ; and instead of columns there stand to
support the roof of the court colossal statues twelve cubits
high. Now Apis is in the tongue of the Hellenes Epaphos.
154. To the Ionians and to the Carians who.
had helped him Psammetichos granted portions
of land to dwell in, opposite to one another
with the river Nile between, and these were called “ Encamp-
ments :” 183 these portions of land he gave them, and he paid
them besides all that he had promised: moreover he placed
with them Egyptian boys to have them taught the Hellenic
tongue ; and from these, who learnt the language thoroughly;
are descended the present class of interpreters in Egypt.
Now the Ionians and Carians occupied these portions of land
for a long time, and they are towards the sea a little below the
city of Bubastis, on that which is called the Pelusian mouth
of the Nile. These men king Amasis afterwards removed
from thence and established them at Memphis, making them
into a guard for himself against the Egyptians: and they
being settled in Egypt, we who are Hellenes know by inter-
course with them the certainty of all that which happened in
Egypt beginning from king Psammetichos and afterwards ;
for these were the first men of foreign tongue who settled in
Egypt: and in the land from which they were removed there
still remained down to my time the sheds where their ships
were drawn up and the ruins of their houses.

Thus then Psammetichos obtained Egypt : 155, and of the
Oracle which is in Egypt I have made mention often before
this, and now I will give an account of it, seeing that it Is
worthy to be described. This Oracle which is in Egypt is
sacred to Leto, and it is established in a great city near that

His buildings,

and his
mercenaries.

190 HERODOTUS

mouth of the Nile which is called Sebennytic, as one sails up the
river from the sea; and the name of this city
where the Oracle is found is Buto, as I have said
before in mentioning it. In this Buto there is
a temple of Apollo and Artemis ; and the temple-house 153 of
Leto, in which the Oracle is, is both great in itself and has a
gateway of the height of ten fathoms: but that which caused me
most to marvel of the things to be seen there, I will now tell.
There is in this sacred enclosure a house ™ of Leto made of
one single stone as regards both height and length, and of
which all the walls are in these two directions equal, each
being forty cubits; and for the covering in of the roof there
lies another stone upon the top, the cornice measuring four
cubits. 156. This house then of all the things that were
to be seen by me in that temple is the most marvellous, and
among those which come next 15 the island called Chemmis.
This is situated in a deep and broad lake by the side of the
temple at Buto, and it is said by the Egyptians that this island
is a floating island. I myself did not see it either floating
about or moved from its place, and I feel surprise at hearing
of it, wondering if it be indeed a floating island. In this island
of which I speak there is a great temple-house ™ of Apollo,
and three several altars are set up within, and there are planted
in the island many palm-trees and other trees, both bearing fruit
and not bearing fruit. And the Egyptians, when they say that it
is floating, add this story, namely that in this island, which
formerly was not floating, Leto, being one of the eight gods
who came into existence first, and dwelling in the city of Buto
where she has this Oracle, received Apollo from Isis as a
charge and preserved him, concealing him in the island which
is said now to be a floating island, at that time when Typhon
came after him seeking everywhere and desiring to find the son
of Osiris. Now they say that Apollo and Artemis are children
of Dionysos and of Isis, and that Leto became their nurse and
preserver ; and in the Egyptian tongue Apollo is Oros, Demeter
is Isis, and Artemis is Bubastis. From this story and from no
other AEschylus the son of Euphorion took 136 this which I shall
say, wherein he differs from all the preceding poets ; he repre-
sented namely that Artemis was the daughter of Demeter.
For this reason then, they say, it became a floating island.

The Oracle of the
Egyptians at Buto.

BOOK IT 191

Such is the story which they tell; 157, but as for Psamme-
tichos, he was king over Egypt for four-and-fifty years, of which
for thirty years save one he was sitting before
Azotos, a great city of Syria, besieging it, until se son siege
at last he took it: and this Azotos of all cities
about which we have knowledge held out for the longest time
under a siege.

158. The son of Psammetichos was Necos, and he be-
came king of Egypt. ‘This man was the first who attempted
the channel leading to the Erythraian Sea, Neoss king, and
which Dareios the Persian afterwards com- of the canal which
pleted: the length of this is a voyage of four 5¢ began to dig.
days, and in breadth it was so dug that two triremes could go
side by side driven by oars; and the water is brought into it
from the Nile. The channel is conducted a little above the
city of Bubastis by Patumos the Arabian city, and runs into
the Erythraian Sea: and it is dug first along those parts of the
_ plain of Egypt which lie towards Arabia, just above which
run the mountains which extend opposite Memphis, where
are the stone-quarries,—along the base of these mountains
the channel is conducted from West to East for a great way ;
and after that it is directed towards a break in the hills and
tends from these mountains towards the noon-day and the
South Wind to the Arabian gulf. Now in the place where the
journey is least and shortest from the Northern to the Southern
Sea (which is also called Erythraian), that is from Mount
᾿ Casion, which is the boundary between Egypt and Syria, the
distance is exactly 157 a thousand furlongs to the Arabian
gulf; but the channel is much longer, since it is more wind-
ing; and in the reign of Necos there perished while digging
it twelve myriads 1815. of the Egyptians. Now Necds ceased
in the midst of his digging, because the utterance of an
Oracle impeded him, which was to the effect that he was
working for the Barbarian: and the Egyptians call all men
Barbarians who do not agree with them in speech. 159.
Thus having ceased from the work of the
channel, Necos betook himself to waging wars,
and triremes were built by him, some for the
Northern Sea and others in the Arabian gulf for the Erythraian
Sea ; and of these the sheds are still to be seen. These ships

His fleet and
wars.

Apries be-
came king
580 B.C.

192 HERODOTUS

he used when he needed them; and also on land Necos en-
gaged battle at Magdolos with the Syrians, and conquered
them ; and after this he took Cadytis, which is a great city of
Syria : and the dress which he wore when he made these con-
quests he dedicated to Apollo, sending it to Branchidai of the
Milesians. After this, having reigned in all sixteen years, he
brought his life to an end, and handed on the kingdom to
Psammis his son. |

160. While this Psammis was king of Egypt, there came

to him men sent by the Eleians, who boasted that they ordered
the contest at Olympia in the most just and
reat King. honourable manner possible and thought that
not even the Egyptians, the wisest of men,
could find out anything besides, to be added to their rules.
Now when the Eleians came to Egypt and said that for
which they had come, then this king called together those
of the Egyptians who were reputed the wisest, and when the
Egyptians had come together they heard the Eleians tell of all
that which it was their part to do in regard to the contest; and
when they had related everything, they said that they had
come to learn in addition anything which the Egyptians
might be able to find out besides, which was juster than this.
They then having consulted together asked the Eleians
whether their own citizens took part in the contest ; and they
said that it was permitted to any one who desired it, both of
their own people and of the other Hellenes equally, to take
part in the contest: upon which the Egyptians said that in so
ordering the games they had wholly missed the mark of justice ;
for it could not be but that they would take part with the man
of their own State, if he was contending, and so act unfairly
to the stranger: but if they really desired, as they said, to order
the games justly, and if this was the cause for which they had
come to Egypt, they advised them to order the contest so as
to be for strangers alone to contend in, and that no Eleian
should be permitted to contend. Such was the suggestion
made by the Egyptians to the Eleians.

161. When Psammis had been king of Egypt for only six
years and had made an expedition to Ethiopia
and immediately afterwards had ended his life,
Apries the son of Psammis received the kingdom in succession.

Then Apries.

BOOK II 193

This man came to be the most prosperous of all the kings up
to that time except only his forefather Psammetichos ; and he
reigned five-and-twenty years, during which he led an army
against Sidon and fought a sea-fight with the king of Tyre.
Since however it was fated that evil should come upon him, it
came byoccasion of a matter which I shall relate at greater length
in the Libyan history, and at present but shortly. Apries
having sent a great expedition against the Kyrenians, met with
correspondingly great disaster ; and the Egyptians considering
him to blame for this revolted from him, supposing that Apries
had with forethought sent them out to evident calamity, in
order (as they said) that there might be a slaughter of them,
and he might the more securely rule over the other Egyptians,
Being indignant at this, both these men who had returned from
the expedition and also the friends of those who had perished
made revolt openly. 162. Hearing this Apries
sent to them Amasis, to cause them to cease by
persuasion ; and when he had come and was
seeking to restrain the Egyptians, as he was speaking and tell-
ing them not to do so, one of the Egyptians stood up behind
him and put a helmet! upon his head, saying as he did
so that he put it on to crown him king. And to him this
that was done was in some degree not unwelcome, as he
proved by his behaviour ; for as soon as the revolted Egyptians
had set him up as king, he prepared to march against Apries :
and Apries hearing this sent to Amasis one of the Egyptians who
were about his own person, a man of reputation, whose name
was Patarbemis, enjoining him to bring Amasis alive into his
presence. When this Patarbemis came and summoned
Amasis, the latter, who happened to be sitting on horseback,
lifted up his leg and behaved in an unseemly manner,!* bid-
ding him take that back to Apries. Nevertheless, they say,
Patarbemis made demand of him that he should go to the
king, seeing that the king had sent to summon him; and he
answered him that he had for some time past been preparing
to do so, and that Apries would have no occasion to find fault
with him, for he would both come himself and bring others
with him. Then Patarbemis both perceiving his intention
from that which he said, and also seeing his preparations,
departed in haste, desiring to make known as quickly as
VOL, I O

The revolt
against Apries,

194 HERODOTUS

possible to the king the things which were being done: and
when he came back to Apries not bringing Amasis, the king
paying no regard to that which he said,/*! but being moved by
violent anger, ordered his ears and his nose to be cut off.
And the rest of the Egyptians who still remained on his side,
when they saw the man of most repute among them thus
suffering shameful outrage, waited no longer but joined the
others in revolt, and delivered themselves over to Amasis.
163. Then Apries having heard this also, armed his foreign
mercenaries and marched against the Egyptians: now he had
about him Carian and Ionian mercenaries to the number of
thirty thousand ; and his royal palace was in the city of Sais,
of great size and worthy to be seen. So Apries and his army
were going against the Egyptians, and Amasis and those with
him were going against the mercenaries ; and both sides came
to the city of Momemphis and were about to make trial of
one another in fight.
164. Now of the Egyptians there are seven classes, and
of these one class is called that of the priests, and another that
of the warriors, while the others are the cow-
, herds, swineherds, shopkeepers, interpreters,
᾿ and boatmen. This is the number of the classes
of the Egyptians, and their names are given them from the
occupations which they follow. Of them the warriors are
called Calasirians and Hermotybians, and they are of the fol-
lowing districts,#"—for all Egypt is divided into districts.
and especially the 165. The districts of the Hermotybians are
two classes of | those of Busiris, Sais, Chemmis, Papremis, the
warriors, with = island called Prosopitis, and the half of Natho,
their districts, __of these districts are the Hermotybians,
who reached when most numerous the number of sixteen
myriads.'#4 Of these not one has learnt anything of
handicraft, but they are given up to war entirely. 166.
Again the districts of the Calasirians are those of Thebes,
Bubastis, Aphthis, Tanis, Mendes, Sebennytos, Athribis,
Pharbaithos, Thmuis Onuphis, Anytis, Myecphoris,—this last
is on an island opposite to the city of Bubastis, These are
the districts of the Calasirians ; and they reached, when most
numerous, to the number of five-and-twenty myriads 142 of
men; nor is it lawful for these, any more than for the others,

The classes of
the Egyptians,

BOOK IT 195

to practise any craft; but they practise that which has to do
with war only, handing down the tradition from father to son.
167. Now whether the Hellenes have learnt this also from
the Egyptians, I am not able to say for certain, since I
see that the Thracians also and Scythians and Persians and
Lydians and almost all the Barbarians esteem those of their
citizens who learn the arts, and the descendants of them, as less
honourable than the rest ; while those who have got free from
all practice of manual arts are accounted noble, and especially
those who are devoted to war: however that may be, the
Hellenes have all learnt this, and especially the Lacede-
monians; but the Corinthians least of all cast slight upon
those who practise handicrafts.

168. The following privilege was specially granted to
this class and to none others of the Egyptians except the
priests, that 1s to say, each man had twelve
yokes}48 of land specially granted to him free
from imposts: now the yoke of land measures a hundred
Egyptian cubits every way, and the Egyptian cubit is, as it
happens, equal to that of Samos. This, I say, was a special
privilege granted to all, and they also had certain advantages
in turn and not the same men twice ; that is to say, a thousand
of the Calasirians and a thousand of the Hermotybians acted
as body-guard to the king during each year 44; and these had
besides their yokes of land an allowance given them for each
day of five pounds weight!“ of bread to each man, and two
pounds of beef, and four half-pints!“ of wine. This was the

and privileges.

allowance given to those who were serving as the king’s body- |

guard for the time being.

169. So when Apries leading his foreign mercenaries, and
Amasis at the head of the whole body of the Egyptians, in their
approach to one another had come to the city πῆς μαίῆς be-
of Momemphis, they engaged battle: and tween Apries and
although the foreign troops fought well, yet Amasis at the
being much inferior in number they were OP ae ic
worsted by reason of this. But Apries is said no
to have supposed that not even a god would be able to cause
him to cease from his rule, so firmly did he think that it was
established. In that battle then, I say, he was worsted, and
being taken alive was brought away to the city of Sais, to that

Amasis be-
came king
570 B.C.

196 HERODOTUS

which had formerly been his own dwelling but from thenceforth
was the palace of Amasis. There for some time he was kept in
the palace, and Amasis dealt well with him; but at last, since
the Egyptians blamed him, saying that he acted not rightly in
keeping alive him who was the greatest foe
amass king at both to themselves and to him, therefore he
delivered Apries over to the Egyptians; and
they strangled him, and after that buried him in the burial-
place of his fathers: this is in the temple of Athené, close
to the sanctuary, on the left hand as you enter. Now
the men of Sais buried all those of this district who had
been kings, within the temple; for the tomb of Amasis
also, though it is further from the sanctuary than that of
Apries and his forefathers, yet this too is within the court of
the temple, and it consists of a colonnade of stone of great
size, with pillars carved to imitate date-palms, and other-
wise sumptuously adorned; and within the colonnade are
double doors, and inside the doors a sepulchral chamber.
170. Also at Sais there is the burial-place of
him whom I account it not pious to name in
connexion with such a matter, which is in the
temple of Athené behind the house of the goddess,!# stretch-
ing along the whole wall of it; and in the sacred enclosure
stand great obelisks of stone, and near them is a lake adorned
with an edging of stone and fairly made in a circle, being in
size, as it seemed to me, equal to that which is called the
‘Round Pool” }47 in Delos. 171. On this
lake they perform by night the show of his
sufferings, and this the Egyptians call Mysteries.
Of these things I know more fully in detail how they take
place, but I shall leave this unspoken ; and of the mystic rites
of Demeter, which the Hellenes call ¢hesmophoria, of these also,
although I know, I shall leave unspoken all except so much as
piety permits me to tell. The daughters of Danaos were they
who brought this rite out of Egypt and taught it to the women
of the Pelasgians ; then afterwards when all the inhabitants of
Peloponnese were driven out by the Dorians, the rite was lost,
and only those who were left behind of the Peloponnesians
and not driven out, that is to say the Arcadians, preserved it.
172. Apries having thus been overthrown, Amasis became

The temple at
Sais,

and the Mysteries
᾿ there performed.

BOOK II 197

king, being of the district of Sais, and the name of the city
whence he was is Siuph. Now at the first yheanswer which
the Egyptians despised Amasis and held him Amasis made to

in no great regard, because he had been a man bis disparagers.

of the people and was of no distinguished family ; but after-
wards Amasis won them over to himself by wisdom and not
wilfulness. Among innumerable other things of price which
he had, there was a foot-basin of gold in which both Amasis
himself and all his guests were wont always to wash their feet.
This he broke up, and of it he caused to be made the image
of a god, and set it up in the city, where it was most con-
venient ; and the Egyptians went continually to visit the image
and did great reverence to it. Then Amasis, having learnt that
which was done by the men of the city, called together the
Egyptians and made known to them the matter, saying that
the image had been produced from the foot-basin, into which
formerly the Egyptians used to vomit and make water, and in
which they washed their feet, whereas now they did to it great
reverence ; and just so, he continued, had he himself now fared,
as the foot-basin ; for though formerly he was a man of the
people, yet now he was their king, and he bade them accord-
ingly honour him and have regard for him.
178. In such manner he won the Egyptians to
himself, so that they consented to be his sub-
jects ; and his ordering of affairs was this :—In the early morn-
ing, and until the time of the filling of the market he did with
a good will the business which was brought before him; but
after this he passed the time in drinking and in jesting at his
boon-companions, and was frivolous and playful. And his
friends being troubled at it admonished him in some such words
as these: “O king, thou dost not rightly govern thyself in thus
letting thyself descend to behaviour so trifling; for thou
oughtest rather to have been sitting throughout the day stately
upon a stately throne and administering thy business ; and so
the Egyptians would have been assured that they were ruled
by a great man, and thou wouldest have had a better report:
but as it is, thou art acting by no means in a kingly fashion.”
And he answered them thus: “They who have bows stretch
them at such time as they wish to use them, and when they
have finished using them they loose them again ; } for if they

His habits and
character.

198 HERODOTUS

were stretched tight always they would break, so that the men
would not be able to use them when they needed them. So
also is the state of man: if he should always be in earnest
and not relax himself for sport at the due time, he would
either go mad or be struck with stupor before he was aware ;
and knowing this well, I distribute a portion of the time to
each of the two ways of living.” Thus he replied to his
friends. 174. It is said however that Amasis, even when he
was in a private station, was a lover of drinking and of jesting,
and not at all seriously disposed ; and whenever his means of
livelihood failed him through his drinking and luxurious living,
he would go about and steal; and they from whom he stole
would charge him with having their property, and when he
denied it would bring him before the judgment of an Oracle,
whenever there was one in their place; and many times he
was convicted by the Oracles and many times he was absolved :
and then when finally he became king he did as follows :—as
many of the gods as had absolved him and pronounced him
not to be a thief, to their temples he paid no regard, nor gave
anything for the further adornment of them, nor even visited
them to offer sacrifice, considering them to be worth nothing
and to possess lying Oracles ; but as many as had convicted
him of being a thief, to these he paid very great regard, con-
sidering them to be truly gods, and to present Oracles which did
not lie. 175. First in Sais he built and com-
pleted for Athené a temple-gateway which is a
great marvel, and he far surpassed herein all who had done
the like before, both in regard to height and greatness, so large
are the stones and of such quality. Then secondly he dedi-
cated great colossal statues and man-headed sphinxes very
large, and for restoration he brought other stones of mon-
strous size. Some of these he caused to be brought from
the stone-quarries which are opposite Memphis, others of
very great size from the city of Elephantiné, distant a
voyage of not less than twenty days from Sais: and of them
all I marvel most at this, namely a monolith chamber which
he brought from the city of Elephantiné ; and they were three
years engaged in bringing this, and two thousand men were
appointed to convey it, who all were of the class of boatmen.
Of this house the length outside is one-and-twenty cubits, the

His buildings,

BOOK IT 199

breadth is fourteen cubits, and the height eight. These are
the measures of the monolith house outside ; but the length
inside is eighteen cubits and five-sixths of a cubit,!“® the breadth
twelve cubits, and the height five cubits. This lies by the
side of the entrance to the temple; for within the temple
they did not draw it, because, as it is said, while the house was
being drawn along, the chief artificer of it groaned aloud,
seeing that much time had been spent and he was wearied by
the work ; and Amasis took it to heart as a warning and did
not allow them to draw it further onwards. Some say on the
other hand that a man was killed by it, of those who were
heaving it with levers, and that it was not drawn in for that
reason. 176. Amasis also dedicated in all the
other temples which were of repute, works which
are worth seeing for their size, and among them also at
Memphis the colossal statue which lies on its back in front of
the temple of Hephaistos, whose length is five-and-seventy
feet ; and on the same base made of the same stone ™ are set
two colossal statues, each of twenty feet in length, one on this
side and the other on that side of the large statue.5! There
is also another of stone of the same size in Sais, lying in the
same manner as that at Memphis. Moreover Amasis was he
who built and finished for Isis her temple at Memphis, which
is of great size and very worthy to be seen.

177. In the reign of Amasis it is said that Egypt became more
prosperous than at any other time before, both in regard to that
which comes to the land from the river and in
regard to that which comes from the land to its Je Prosperity
inhabitants, and that at this time the inhabited
towns in it numbered in all twenty thousand. It was Amasis
too who established the law that every year each one of the
Egyptians should declare to the ruler of his district, from what
source he got his livelihood, and if any man did not do this
or did not make declaration of an honest way of living, he
should be punished with death. Now Solon the Athenian
received from Egypt this law and had it enacted for the
Athenians, and they have continued to observe it, since it is a
law with which none can find fault.

178. Moreover Amasis became a lover of the Hellenes ;
and besides other proofs of friendship which he gave to several

and offerings.

200 HERODOTUS

among them, he also granted the city of Naucratis for those
of them who came to Egypt to dwell in; and to those who
His fri . did not desire to stay, but who made voyages
is friendship . .
with Hellenes, thither, he granted portions of land to set up
and their trad- altars and make sacred enclosures for their gods.
wg: Place of Their greatest enclosure and that one which
ucratis. . °
has most name and is most frequented 15
called the Hellenion, and this was established by the follow-
ing cities in common :—of the Ionians Chios, Teos, Phocaia,
Clazomenai, of the Dorians Rhodes, Cnidos, Halicarnassos,
Phaselis, and of the Aiolians Mytilené alone. To these
belongs this enclosure and these are the cities which appoint
superintendents of the port; and all other cities which claim
a share in it, are making a claim without any right. Besides
this the Eginetans established on their own account a sacred
enclosure dedicated to Zeus, the Samians one to Hera, and the
Milesians one to Apollo. 179. Now in old times Naucratis
alone was an open trading-place, and no other place in Egypt :
and if any one came to any other of the Nile mouths, he was
compelled to swear that he came not thither of his own will,
and when he had thus sworn his innocence he had to sail with
his ship to the Canobic mouth, or if it were not possible to
sail by reason of contrary winds, then he had to carry his
cargo round the head of the Delta in boats to Naucratis: thus
highly was Naucratis privileged. 180. Moreover when the
The offering of Amphictyons had let out the contract for build-
Amasis tothe ing the temple which now exists at Delphi,
paler οὗ τς agreeing to pay a sum of three hundred talents,
P P (for the temple which formerly stood there had
been burnt down of itself), it fell to the share of the people of
Delphi to provide the fourth part of the payment ; and accord-
ingly the Delphians went about to various cities and collected
contributions. And when they did this they got from Egypt
as much as from any place, for Amasis gave them a thousand
talents’ weight of alum, while the Hellenes who dwelt in Egypt
gave them twenty pounds of silver.15
181. Also with the people of Kyrené Amasis made an
agreement for friendship and alliance; and he resolved too
to marry a wife from thence, whether because he desired to
have a wife of Hellenic race, or, apart from that, on account

BOOK IIT 201

of friendship for the people of Kyrené: however that may
be, he married, some say the daughter of Battos, others of
Arkesilaos,!™ and others of Critobulos,a man 4... ¢.. ashi
one is friendship

of repute among the citizens; and her name with Kyrené,
was Ladiké. Now whenever Amasis lay with her and how he
he found himself unable to have intercourse, marries a wife

. . ς . rom thence.
but with his other wives he associated as he was
wont ; and as this happened repeatedly, Amasis said to his
wife, whose name was Ladiké: ‘‘ Woman, thou hast given me
drugs, and thou shalt surely perish © more miserably than any
other woman.” ‘Then Ladiké, when by her denials Amasis was
not at all appeased in his anger against her, made a vow in her
soul to Aphrodité, that if Amasis on that night had intercourse
with her (seeing that this was the remedy for her danger), she
would send an image to be dedicated to her at Kyrené; and
after the vow immediately Amasis had intercourse, and from
thenceforth whenever Amasis came in to her he had intercourse
with her ; and after this he became very greatly attached to her.
And Ladiké paid the vow that she had made to the goddess ;
for she had an image made and sent it to Kyrené, and it was
still preserved even to my own time, standing with its face
turned away from the city of the Kyrenians. This Ladiké
Cambyses, having conquered Egypt and heard from her who
she was, sent back unharmed to Kyrené.

182. Amasis also dedicated offermgs in Hellas, first at
Kyrené an image of Athené covered over with gold and a
figure of himself made like by painting ; then in The offerings of
the temple of Athené at Lindos two images of Amasis to the
stone and a corslet of linen worthy to be seen ; tempics of
and also at Samos two wooden figures of him- “" ~~
self dedicated to Hera, which were standing even ‘to my own
time in the great temple, behind the doors. Now at Samos he
dedicated offerings because of the guest-friendship between
himself and Polycrates the son of Aiakes; at Lindos for
no guest-friendship but because the temple of Athené at
Lindos is said to have been founded by the daughters of
Danaos, who had touched land there at the time when they
were fleeing from the sons of Aigyptos. These offerings were
dedicated by Amasis; and he was the first of men who con-
quered Cyprus and subdued it so that it paid him tribute.

202
CHAP. NOTE
I,
8. 2.
-- 3
— 4.
-- 5
4 6
-- 7
-- 8
δ. 9
— 10
7. τι.
8. 12.
— 13.
— 14.
10. 15.
11. τό.
-- 17.
— 18.
12. 19.
18. 20.
-- 421.
— 22.
15. 23.
16. 24.

HERODOTUS

NOTES TO BOOK II

Some write ‘‘ Psammitichos’”’ with less authority.
τοῦ ἐν Μέμφι] : many Editors read ἐν Μέμφι, ‘‘ I heard at Memphis
from the priests of Hephaistos,” but with less authority.

. Ἡλίου πόλιν or ᾿Βλιούπολιν, cp. ἩἩλιουπολῖται below.

ἔξω ἢ τὰ οὐνόματα αὐτῶν μοῦνον. Some understand “them” to mean
‘the gods’’; rather perhaps the meaning is that accounts of
such things will not be related in full, but only touched upon.

. ἴσον περὶ αὐτῶν ἐπίστασθαι.
. ἄνθρωπον, emphatic, for the rulers before him were gods (ch. 144).
. Miwa]: others read Mfva, but the authority of the MSS. is strong

for Miva both here and in ch. gg.

. τοῦ Θηβαϊκοῦ νομοῦ, cp. ch. 164.
. ταύτης ὧν ἄπο]: some MSS. omit ἅπο, ‘‘ this then is the land for

which the sixty schotmes are reckoned.”

. For the measures of length cp. ch. 149. The furlong (στάδιον)

is equal to 100 fathoms (ὀργυιαί), t.e. 606 feet g inches.

Or ‘‘ without rain”: the word ἄνυδρος is altered by some Editors
to ἔνυδρος or εὔυδρος, ‘‘ well watered.”’

I have followed Stein in taking és τὰ εἴρηται with λῇγον, meaning
‘*at the Erythraian Sea,” ταύτῃ μέν being a repetition of τῇ μέν
above. The bend back would make the range double, and hence
partly its great breadth. Others translate, ‘‘ Here (at the quarries)
the range stops, and bends round to the parts mentioned (#.e. the
Erythraian Sea).”

ws εἶναι Αὐγύπτου : cp. iv. 81. Others translate, ‘‘ considering that
it belongs to Egypt’’ (a country so vast), z.e. ‘‘as measures go in
Egypt.” In any case Αἴγυπτος ἐοῦσα just below seems to repeat
the same meaning.

Some Editors alter this to ‘‘ fourteen.”

πενταστόμου : some less good MSS. have ἑπταστόμου, ‘‘ which has
seven mouths. ”’

See note on i. 203.

τὸν ἔρχομαι λέξων] : these words are by many Editors marked as
spurious, and they certainly seem to be out of place here.

κοῦ γε 64: ‘‘ where then would not a gulf be filled up?”’

καταρρηγνυμένην] : some Editors read κατερρηγμένην (‘‘ broken up
by cracks) ᾿᾿ from κατερρηγνυμένην, which is given by many MSS.

τοῦ. Or possibly ‘‘ with rock below,” in which case perhaps ὑποψαμμο-

τέρην would mean ‘‘ rather sandy underneath.”

We do not know whether these measurements are in the larger
Egyptian cubit of 21 inches or the smaller (equal to the ordinary
Hellenic cubit) of 18 inches, cp. i. 178.

καὶ τὸ ὅμοιον ἀποδιδῷ ἐς αὔξησιν, ‘‘and to yield the like return as
regards increased extent " (Mr. Woods); but the clause may be
only a repetition of the preceding one.

z.e. Zeus.

t.e. of the district of Thebes, the Thebais.

τῇ Λιβύῃ.

NOTES TO BOOK II 203

CHAP. NOTE

16. 25. The meaning seems to be this: ‘‘ The Ionians say that Egypt is the

21.

28.
29.

26.

27.
28.

29.

30.

21.
32.

33.
34.

35-
36.

37.

Delta, and at the same time they divide the world into three parts,
Europe, Asia, and Libya, the last two being divided from one
another by the Nile. Thus they have left out Egypt altogether ;
and either they must add the Delta as a fourth part of the world,
or they must give up the Nile as a boundary. If the name Egypt
be extended, as it is by the other Hellenes, to the upper course of
the Nile, it is then possible to retain the Nile as a boundary, say-
ing that half of Egypt belongs to Asia and half to Libya, and dis-
regarding the Delta (ch. 17). This also would be an error of
reckoning, but less serious than to omit Egypt altogether.’’ The
reasoning is obscure because it alludes to theories (of Hecataios
and other writers) which are presumed to be already known to the
reader.

Καταδούπων, z.e. the first cataract.

‘‘and it gives us here, etc.” (wapexduevos).

λόγῳ δὲ εἰπεῖν θωυμασιωτέρη. Or perhaps, ‘‘and it is more mar-
vellous, so to 5 "

τῶν τὰ πολλά ἐστι ἀνδρί γε κιτ.λ.}. I take τῶν to refer to the nature
of the country, as mentioned above; but the use of ὡς can hardly
be paralleled, and the passage probably requires correction. Some
Editors read τῶν τεκμήρια πολλά ἐστι k.7.X. ‘‘ wherein there are
many evidences to prove, etc.” Stein omits τῶν and alters the
punctuation, so that the clauses run thus, ‘‘ when it flows from the
hottest parts to those which for the most part are cooler? Fora
man who is capable of reasoning about such matters the first and
greatest evidence to prove that it is not likely to flow from snow,
is afforded by the winds, etc.”

οὐκ ἔχει ἔλεγχον, ‘‘ cannot be refuted’’ (because we cannot argue
with him), cp. Thuc. iii. 53, τὰ δὲ ψευδῆ ἔλεγχον ἔχει. Some
translate, ‘‘ does not prove his case.”

τῆς ἀρχαίης διεξόδου, ‘‘ his original (normal) course.”

οὐκ ἐόντων ἀνέμων ψυχρῶν] : the best MSS. read καὶ ἀνέμων
ψυχρῶν (‘‘and there are cold winds”’), which Stein retains, ex-
plaining that the cold North winds would assist evaporation.
αὐτὸς ἑωντοῦ ῥέει πολλῷ ὑποδεέστερος ἣ τοῦ θέρεος.

διακαίων τὴν διέξοδον αὐτῷ, t.e. τῷ ἠέρι. Some Editors read αὐτοῦ
(with inferior MSS.) or alter the word to ἑωυτοῦ.

‘*set forth, so far as I understood.”

ἐπὶ μακρότατον, ‘‘carrying the inquiry as far as possible,” cp. ch. 34.

I have little doubt that this means the island of Elephantiné ; for
at this point only would such a mixture of races be found. To
this the writer here goes back parenthetically, and then resumes
the account of the journey upwards from Tachompso. This view
is confirmed by the fact that Strabo relates the same thing with
regard to the island of Philai just above Elephantiné.

. Cp. i. 72, note 86.

. ὀλυρέων.

. feds.

. t.e, the hieratic and the demotic characters.

. μυρίας, ws εἰπεῖν λόγῳ.

. Referring apparently to iii. 28, where the marks of Apis are given,

Perhaps no animal could be sacrificed which had any of these marks,

204 HERODOTUS
CHAP. NOTE

39. 43. κεφαλῇ κείνῃ, ‘‘that head,” cp. κοιλίην κείνην in the next chapter.

40. 44. καθαρῶν.

41. 45. Bapis, cp. ch. 96.

43. 46. Or, ‘‘ descended from Aigyptos.”’

— 46a. Or, ‘‘ assuming that in those days as now, they were wont to make
voyages, and that some of the Hellenes were seafaring folk."

44. 47. στῆλαι, ‘upright blocks.”

— 48. λάμποντος τὰς νύκτας μέγαθος] : some Editors alter μέγαθος to
μεγάλως or μέγα φῶς.

— 49. ἐναγίζουσι.

45. το. ὑῶν] : some Editors read ὀίων ‘‘ sheep,” on the authority of one MS.

50. 51. τὰ οὐνόματα, which means here rather the forms of personification
than the actual names.

55. 52. al προμάντεις.

— 53.᾽ φηγόν.

56. 54. ὑπὸ φηγῷ πεφυκυίῃ, 1.6. the oak-tree of the legend was a real
growing tree, though the dove was symbolical.

58. 55. πανηγύριας.

— 56. rpocaywyds, with the idea of bringing offerings or introducing persons.

— 57. ἐποιήθησαν, ‘‘ were first celebrated,”’

59. 58. SoB. R.

60. 59. συμφοιτέουσι.

— 594. 2.e. 700,000.

61. 60. See ch, 4o.

62. 61. τῆσι θυσίῃσι, ἔν τινι νυκτί] : some MSS. give ἐν ry νυκτί : hence
several Editors read τῆς θυσίης ἐν τῇ νυκτί, ‘‘on the night of the
sacrifice.’

— 62. Or, ‘‘for what end this night is held solemn by lighting of lamps”’
(B. R.), making φῶς καὶ τιμήν one idea.

63. 63. ἀλεξομένους : this, which is adopted by most Editors, is the read-
ing of some less good MSS.; the rest have ἀλεξόμενοι, ‘‘ strike
them and defend themselves.’’

65. 632. ἐοῦσα ἡ Αὔγυπτος x.7.\.]: the MSS. have ἐοῦσα δὲ Αἴγυπτος:

Stein reads ἐοῦσα yap Αἴγυπτος.

66. 64. θεῖα πρήγματα καταλαμβάνει τοὺς αἰελούρους, which may mean
only, ‘‘a marvellous thing happens to the cats.”

67. 65. és Ἑρμέω πόλιν.

71. 66. δίχηλον, ὁπλαὶ Bods], ‘‘ he is cloven-footed, and his hoof is that of
an ox,”” The words ὁπλαὲ Bods are marked as spurious by Stein.

77. 67. 2.e. above the marshes, cp. ch. 92.

78. 68. πάντῃ, which by some is translated ‘‘taken all together,” ‘‘at
most.” Perhaps there is some corruption of text, and the writer
meant to say that it measured two cubits by one cubit.

79. 68a. The reading of the Medicean MS. is ἕν ἐστι, not ἔνεστι as hitherto

reported.

69. Or, ‘‘ calling the song Linos.”’

70. τὸν Λίνον ὁκόθεν ἔλαβον] : the MSS. have τὸ οὔνομα after ἔλαβον,
but this is omitted by almost all Editors except Stein, who justi-
fies it by a reference to ch. 50, and understands it to mean ‘‘ the
person of Linos.’’ No doubt the song and the person are here
spoken of indiscriminately, but this explanation would require the
reading τοῦ Λίνου, as indeed Stein partly admits by suggesting the
alteration.

_ —_——

-Q—

NOTES TO BOOK II 205

CHAP. NOTE

81. 71. The words ‘‘and Bacchic (which are really Egyptian),’’ are omitted
by several of the best MSS.

85. 72. ἐπεζωσμέναι.

86. 73. In connexion with death apparently, cp. ch, 132,170, Osiris is
meant,

— 74. σωδόνος βυσσίνης.

— 75. τῷ κόμμι.

91. 76. »

92. 77. Or, | ‘¢a pleasant sweet taste,”

— 78. ἁπαλά, ‘* soft.”’

98. 79. κατ᾽ ὀλίγους τῶν κέγχρων.

94. 8ο. ἀπὸ τῶν σιλλικυπρίων τοῦ καρποῦ.

96. 81. ζνγά, to tie the sides and serve as ἃ partial deck.

97. 82. ἔστι δὲ οὐδ᾽ obros]: a few MSS. have οὐκ instead of οὐδ᾽, and
most Editors follow them, The meaning however seems to be
that even here the course in time of flood is different, and much
more in the lower parts.

99. 83. ὡς ἀπεργμένος ῥέῃ]: the MSS. mostly have ws ἀπεργμένος ῥέει, in
place of which I have adopted the correction of Stein. Most
other Editors read ὃς ἀπεργμένος ῥέει (following a few inferior
MSS.), ‘‘the bend of the Nile which flows thus confined,”’

— 84. Not therefore in the Delta, to which in ch. 15 was assigned a later
origin than this.

101. 85. κατ᾽ οὐδὲν εἶναι λαμπρότητος]: Stein reads καὶ for κατ᾽, thus
making the whole chapter parenthetical, with ov γὰρ ἔλεγον
answered by παραμειψάμενος ὦν, a conjecture which is ingenious
but not quite convincing.

102. 86. στρατιὴν πολλὴν λαβών] : most of the MSS. have τῶν after πολ-
λήν, which perhaps indicates that some words are lost.

108. 87. καὶ xpoodrara]: many MSS. have καὶ οὐ mpoowrara, which is
defended by some Editors in the sense of a comparative, ‘‘ and’
not further.”’

104. 88. Σύροι in the better MSS. ; see note on i. 6.

— 89. Σύριοι.

105, 90. κατὰ ταὐτὰ] : the better MSS. have καὶ κατὰ ταὐτὰ, which might
be taken with what follows, punctuating after ἐργάζονται (as in the
Medicean MS.): “they and the Egyptians alone of all nations work
flax; and so likewise they resemble one another in their whole
manner of living.”

109. οἱ. πόλον, 1.6. the concave sun-dial, in shape like the vault of heaven.

— 92. The gnom6n would be an upright staff or an obelisk for observa-
tion of the length of the shadow.

111. 93. 2.4. Red Clod.

112. 94. Τυρίων στρατόπεδον, z.e. ‘‘the Tyrian quarter” of the town: cp.
ch. 154.

114. 95. τὴν σήν], or ταύτην, ‘‘this land.”

116. 96. és ὃ μετῆκε αὐτόν, ‘‘ until at last he dismissed it; but the con-
struction is very irregular, and there is probably some corruption
of text. Stein reads ἑκὼν by conjecture for és 8.

— 97. δῆλον δὲ κατά wep ἐποίησε) : a conjectural emendation of δῆλον

δε κατὰ yap ἐποίησε, which some Editors retain, translating thus,
‘‘and this is clear; for according to the manner in which Homer
described the wanderings of Alexander, etc., it is clear how, etc.”

206

CHAP. NOTE

116.

—

117.

121d. 102.

123.
124.

135.

139.

98.
99-

roo.
ror.

103.
104.
105.

. Σοῦ.

107.
108.
109.

11το.

111.
112.
113.

. 114.

115.

116,
117.
118.

. 119.

120.

. 121.

122.

HERODOTUS

Il. vi. 289. The sixth book is not ordinarily included in the Διομή-
deos ἀριστεία.

Od. iv. 227. These references to the Odyssey are by some
thought to be interpolations, because they refer only to the visit
of Menelaos to Egypt after the fall of Troy; but Herodotus is
arguing that Homer, while rejecting the legend of Helen’s stay
in Egypt during the war, yet has traces of it left in this later visit
to Egypt of Menelaos and Helen, as well as in the visit of Paris
and Helen to Sidon.

Od. iv. 351.

καὶ τόδε τὸ χωρίον} : probably τὸ χωρίον ought to be struck out:
‘‘this also is evident.”

ποδεῶνας, being the feet of the animals whose skins they were.

Cp. vii. 152.

ἐλάσαι, which may be intransitive, ‘‘ rushed into every kind of evil.”

στάδιοι.

κρόσσας. -

Bwpldas.

z.e. the three small pyramids just to the East of the great pyramid.

οὔτε γὰρ «.7.X., ‘for there are no underground chambers,” etc.
Something which was in the mind of the writer has been omitted
either by himself or his copyists, ‘‘and inferior to it also in other
respects, for,’’ etc. unless, as Stein supposes, we have here a later
addition thrown in without regard to the connexion.

τὠντὸ μέγαθος], ‘‘ as regards attaining the same size,’ but probably
the text is corrupt. Stein reads τὸ μέγαθος in his later editions.

Or, ‘‘ Philition.”

τῷ θεῷ, the goddess Leto, cp. i. 105.

συνταχύνειν αὐτὸν τὸν βίον} : some MSS. and Editors read αὐτῷ
for αὐτὸν, ‘‘ that heaven was shortening his life.”

More literally, ‘‘ bidding him take up the blood-money, who would.”
The people of Delphi are said to have put Esop to death and to
have been ordered by the Oracle to make compensation.

ws ἂν εἶναι ἹΡοδῶπιν] : so the MSS, Some Editors read ‘Podwrtos,
others ‘Podwae.

ἀντίον δὲ αὐτοῦ τοῦ νηοῦ.

ἐπαφρόδιτοι γίνεσθαι.

κατεκερτόμησέ μιν : Athenzeus says that Sappho attacked the mis-
tress of Charaxos ; but here μὲν can hardly refer to any one but
Charaxos himself, who doubtless would be included in the same
condemnation.

προπύλαια.

‘‘innumerable sights οὗ buildings.’’

tacoopévwy], ‘‘ posted,” like an army; but the text is probably
unsound: so also in the next line, where the better MSS. have μὲν
Βουβάστι πόλι, others ἡ ἐν Βουβάστι πόλις. Stein reads ἡ ἐν Bov-
βάστι πολι, ‘‘the earth at the city of Bubastis,” Perhaps ἡ ἐν
Βουβάστι πόλις might mean the town as opposed to the temple,
as Mr. Woods suggests.

Cp. ch, 161, ἐγένετο ἀπὸ προφάσιος, τὴν κατ. Δ. Perhaps however
πρόφασιν is here from προφαίνω (cp. Soph. Trach. 662), and it
means merely ‘‘ that the gods were foreshowing him this in order
that,’’ etc. So Stein.

NOTES TO BOOK II 207

x

CHAP. NOTE

140.

144.

146.

123.
124.

. 125.

126.

. 127.

128

120.

130.

. 131.

132.
133.

. 134.

135.

1536.
137.

2.6. for their customary gift or tribute to him as king.

The chronology is inconsistent, and some propose, without author-
ity, to read ‘‘ three hundred years,”

τὰς ἀρούρας, cp. ch. 168, where the ἄρουρα is defined as a hundred
Egyptian cubits square, about three-quarters of an acre.

és τὸ μέγαρον.

Not on two single occasions, but for two separate periods of time
i¢ was stated that the sun had risen in the West and set in the East;
which would involve four changes of the accustomed place of rising,
z.e, from East to West, then from West to East, then again from
East to West, and finally back to East again. This seems to be
the meaning attached by Herodotus to something which he was
told about astronomical cycles,

οὐκ ἐόντας]: this is the reading of all the best MSS., and also fits
in best with the argument, which is that in Egypt gods were quite
distinct from men. Most Editors however read οἰκέοντας on the
authority of a few MSS., ‘‘ dwelling with men.” (The reading
of the Medicean MS. is οὐκ ἐόντας, not ovKeoyras as stated by
Stein).

2.€. τ the Hellenes borrowed these divinities from Egypt, see ch.
43 ff. This refers to all the three gods above mentioned and not
(as Stein contends) to Pan and Dionysos only.

kal τούτους ἄλλους, 2.e. as well as Heracles; but it may mean
‘‘ that these also, distinct from the gods, had been born,’’ etc. The
connexion seems to be this: ‘‘ I expressed my opinion on all these
cases when I spoke of the case of Heracles ; for though the state-
ment there about Heracles was in one respect inapplicable to the
rest, yet in the main conclusion that gods are not born of men it
applies to all.”’

στάδιοι.

μνέας, of which 60 go to the talent.

Cp. ch. 112.

ynos.

I understand that each wall consisted of a single stone, which gave
the dimensions each way: ‘‘as regards height and length ” there-
fore it was made of a single stone. That it should have been a
monolith, except the roof, is almost impossible, not only because
of the size mentioned (which in any case is suspicious), but because
no one would so hollow out a monolith that it would be necessary
afterwards to put on another stone for the roof. The monolith
chamber mentioned in ch. 175, which it took three years to con-
vey from Elephantiné, measured only 21 cubits by 14 by 8. The
παρωροφίς or ‘‘ cornice” is not an ‘‘ eave projecting four cubits,”’
but (as the word is explained by Pollux) a cornice between ceiling
and roof, measuring in this instance four cubits in height and
formed by the thickness of the single stone : see Letronne, Re-
cherches pour servir, etc. p. 80 (quoted by Béhr).

ἥρπασε, ‘‘ took as plunder.”

ἀπαρτί] : this word is not found in any MS., but was read here
by the Greek grammarians,

1474. 1.6. 120,000,

138.
139.

Cp. iv. 159.
κυνέην, perhaps the royal helmet or Pschen?t, cp. ch. 151.

181.

HERODOTUS

NOTE

140. ἀπεματαίσε, euphemism for breaking wind.

141. οὐδένα λόγον αὐτῷ δόντα] : many Editors change αὐτῷ to ἑωυτῷ,
in which case it means ‘‘ taking no time to consider the matter,”
as elsewhere in Herodotus ; but cp. iii. 50 ἱστορέοντι λόγον οὐδένα
ἐδίδον.

142. νομῶν, and so throughout the passage.

142a. 2.€. 160,000.

1428, 1.6. 250,000.

143. ἄρουραι, cp. ch. 141.

144. ἕκαστον] : if ἕκαστοι be read (for which there is more MS. author-
ity) the meaning will be that ‘‘a thousand Calasirians and a
thousand Hermotybians acted as guards alternately, each for a
year,’’ the number at a time being 1000 not 2000.

144α. πέντε pyéas.

145. ἀρυστῆρες, Ξε κοτύλαι.

. 146. τοῦ νηοῦ.

147. ἡ τροχοειδὴς καλεομένη, ‘‘ the Wheel.”

. 148. The last words, ‘‘and when—again,” are not found in the best

MSS., and are omitted by Stein. However their meaning, if not
expressed, is implied.

149. ruyévos.

150. τοῦ αὐτοῦ ἐόντες λίθου] : some MSS. and many Editors have
Αἰθιοπικοῦ for τοῦ αὐτοῦ, ‘‘ of Ethiopian stone.’’ For ἐόντες the
MSS. have ἐόντος, which may be right, referring to τοῦ βάθρον
understood, ‘‘ the base being made of,” etc. ᾿

151, τοῦ μεγάλου], a conjecture founded upon Valla’s version, which
has been confirmed by a MS. The other MSS. have τοῦ μεγάρου,
which is retained by some Editors, ‘‘on each side of the sanctuary.”’

152. ‘‘ are claiming a share when no part in it belongs to them.”’

. 153. Or possibly of alum : but the gift seems a very small one in any

case. Some propose to read εἴκοσι μνέας χρυσοῦ.
154. Or, according to a few MSS., ‘‘ Battos the son of Arkesilaos.”’
¥55. ‘‘ thou hast surely perished.’”

BOOK III
THE THIRD BOOK OF THE HISTORIES, CALLED THALEIA

1. AcainstT this Amasis then Cambyses the son of Cyrus was
making his march, taking with him not only other nations
of which he was ruler, but also Hellenes, both Th h

Tonians and Aiolians:! and the cause of the king ‘Cambyses
expedition was as follows :—Cambyses sent an desired to march
envoy to Egypt and asked Amasis to give him his 28!nst Egypt.

daughter ; and he made the request by counsel of an Egyptian,
who brought this upon Amasis? having a quarrel with him for the
following reason :—at the time when Cyrus sent to Amasis and
asked him for a physician of the eyes, whosoever was the best
of those in Egypt, Amasis had selected him from all the physi-
cians in Egypt and had torn him away from his wife and children
and delivered him up to go to Persia. Having, I say, this cause
of quarrel, the Egyptian urged Cambyses on by his counsel
bidding him ask Amasis for his daughter, in order that he
might either be grieved if he gave her, or if he refused to give
her, might offend Cambyses. So Amasis, who was vexed by
the power of the Persians and afraid of it, knew neither how
to give nor how to refuse: for he was well assured that
Cambyses did not intend to have her as his wife but as a con-
cubine. So making account of the matter thus, he did as
follows :—there was a daughter of Apries the former king, very
tall and comely of form and the only person left of his house,
and her name was Nitetis. This girl Amasis adorned with
raiment and with gold, and sent her away to Persia as
his own daughter: but after a time, when Cambyses saluted
her calling her by the name of her father, the girl said to him :
“Ὁ king, thou dost not perceive how thou hast been deceived

VOL, I Pp

Cam
camyies
Egypt about
525 B.C.

210 HERODOTUS

by Amasis; for he adorned me with ornaments and sent me
away giving me to thee as his own daughter, whereas in truth I
am the daughter of Apries against whom Amasts rose up with
the Egyptians and murdered him, who was his lord and master.”
These words uttered and this occasion having arisen, led
Cambyses the son of Cyrus against Egypt, moved to very
great anger. 2. Such is the report made by the Persians ;
but as for the Egyptians they claim Cambyses as one of them-
- selves, saying that he was born of this very daughter of Apries ;
for they say that Cyrus was he who sent to Amasis for his
daughter, and not Cambyses. In saying this however they
say not rightly; nor can they have failed to observe (for
the Egyptians fully as well as any other people are acquainted
with the laws and customs of the Persians), first that it is not
customary among them for a bastard to become king, when
there is a son born of a true marriage, and secondly that
Cambyses was the son of Cassandané the daughter of Phar-
naspes, a man of the Achaimenid family, and not the son of
the Egyptian woman: but they pervert the truth of history,
claiming to be kindred with the house of Cyrus. Thus it is
with these matters; 8, and the following story is also told,
which for my part I do not believe, namely that one of the
Persian women came in to the wives of Cyrus, and when she
saw standing by the side of Cassandané children comely of
form and tall, she was loud in her praises of them, expressing
great admiration ; and Cassandané, who was the wife of Cyrus,
spoke as follows: ‘‘ Nevertheless, though I am the mother of
such children as these, Cyrus treats me with dishonour and
holds in honour her whom he has brought in from Egypt.”
Thus she spoke, they say, being vexed by Nitetis, and upon
that Cambyses the elder of her sons said: ‘ For this cause,
mother, when I am grown to be a man, I will make that
which is above in Egypt to be below, and that which is below
above.” ‘This he is reported to have said when he was per-
haps about ten years old, and the women were astonished by it :
and he, they say, kept it ever in mind, and so at last when he
had become a man and had obtained the royal power, he
made the expedition against Egypt.

4. Another thing also contributed to this expedition, which '
was as follows :—There was among the foreign mercenaries 3

BOOK IIT 211

of Amasis a man who was by race οὗ Halicarnassos, and his
name was Phanes, one who was both capable in judgment and
valiant in that which pertained to war. This Phanes, having
(as we may suppose) some quarrel with Amasis, fled away
from Egypt in a ship, desiring to come to speech with Cam-
byses: and as he was of no small repute among the mercen-
aries and was very closely acquainted with all the affairs of
Egypt, Amasis pursued him and considered it a matter of
some moment to capture him: and he pursued him by send-
ing after him the most trusted of his eunuchs with a trireme, who
captured him in Lykia; but having captured him he did not
bring him back to Egypt, since Phanes got the better of him
by cunning; for he made his guards drunk and escaped to
Persia. So when Cambyses had made his resolve to march
upon Egypt, and was in difficulty about the march, as to how
he should get safely through the waterless region, this man
came to him and besides informing of the other matters
of Amasis, he instructed him also as to the march, advising
him to send to the king of the Arabians and ask that he would
give him safety of passage through this region. 5. Now by
this way only is there a known entrance to That the
Egypt : for from Phenicia to the borders of the entrance to
city of Cadytis belongs to the Syrians* who are Egypt is by the
called of Palestine, and from Cadytis, which is sett only,

a city I suppose not much less than Sardis, from this city the
trading stations on the sea-coast as far as the city of Ienysos
belong to the king of Arabia, and then from Ienysos again the
country belongs to the Syrians as far as the Serbonian lake,
along the side of which Mount Casion extends towards the
Sea. After that, from the Serbonian lake, in which the
story goes that Typhon is concealed, from this point onwards
the land is Egypt. Now the region which lies between
the city of Ienysos on the one hand and Mount Casion and
the Serbonian lake on the other, which is of no small extent
but as much as a three days’ journey, is grievously destitute of
water. 6. And one thing I shall tell of, which and of the

few of those who go in ships to Egypt have manner in which
observed, and it is this :—into Egypt from all water is there
parts of Hellas and also from Phenicia are ‘tored-
brought twice every year earthenware jars full of wine, and

212 HERODOTUS

yet it may almost be said that you cannot see there one single
empty® wine-jar. In what manner then, it will be asked,
are they used up? This also I will tell. The head-man ®
of each place must collect all the earthenware jars from
his own town and convey them to Memphis, and those at
Memphis must fill them with water and convey them to
these same waterless regions of Syria: thus the jars which
come regularly to Egypt and are emptied’ there, are car-
ried to Syria to be added to that which has come before.
7. It was the Persians who thus prepared this approach to
The treaty made Egypt, furnishing it with water in the manner
by Cambyses | Which has been said, from the time when they
with the first took possession of Egypt: but at the time
Arabian, of which I speak, seeing that water was not yet
provided, Cambyses, in accordance with what he was told by
his Halicarnassian guest, sent envoys to the Arabian king and
from him asked and obtained the safe passage, having given him
pledges of friendship and received them from him in return.
and the manner 8. NOW the Arabians have respect for pledges of
of the Arabians friendship as much as those men in all the world
in making who regard them most; and they give them in the
pledges. following manner :—A man different from those
who desire to give the pledges to one another, standing in the
midst between the two, cuts with a sharp stone the inner parts
of the hands, along by the thumbs, of those who are giving the
pledges to one another, and then he takes a thread from the
cloak of each one and smears with the blood seven stones
laid in the midst between them ; and as he does this he calls
upon Dionysos and Urania. When the man has completed
these ceremonies, he who has given the pledges commends to
the care of his friends the stranger (or the fellow-tribesman, if he
is giving the pledges to one who is a member of his tribe), and
the friends think it right that they also should have regard for
the pledges given. Of gods they believe in Dionysos and Urania
alone: moreover they say that the cutting of their hair is done
after the same fashion as that of Dionysos himself; and they
cut their hair in a circle round, shaving away the hair of the
temples. Now they call Dionysos Orotalt® and Urania they
call Alilat.

9. So then when the Arabian king had given the pledge of

BOOK 77 213

friendship to the men who had come to him from Cambyses,
he contrived as follows:—he took skins of τον ter was
camels and filled them with water and loaded supplied to the
them upon the backs of all the living camels host of Cambyses
that he had; and having so done he drove Py the Arabian
them to the waterless region and there awaited ~
the army of Cambyses. This which has been related is the
more credible of the accounts given, but the less credible
must also be related, since it is a current account. There is
a great river in Arabia called Corys, and this runs out into the
Sea which is called Erythraian. From this river then it is said
that the king of the Arabians, having got a conduit-pipe made
by sewing together raw ox-hides and other skins, of such a
length as to reach to the waterless region, conducted the
water through these forsooth,® and had great cisterns dug in the
waterless region, that they might receive the water and preserve
it. Now it is a journey of twelve days from the river to this
waterless region ; and moreover the story says that he conducted
the water by three’ conduit-pipes te three different parts of it.
10. Meanwhile Psammenitos the son of Amasis was en-
camped at the Pelusian mouth of the Nile waiting for the
coming of Cambyses : for Cambyses did not find :
Amasis yet living when he marched upon Egypt, fon deed and. of
but Amasis had died after having reigned a prodigy which
forty and four years during which no great mis- scoured at
fortune had befallen him: and when he had ;
died and had been embalmed he was buried in the burial-place
in the temple, which he had built for himself.1!_ Now when
Psammenitos son of Amasis was reigning as king, there hap-
pened to the Egyptians a prodigy, the greatest that had ever
happened : for rain fell at Thebes in Egypt, where never before
had rain fallen nor afterwards down to my time, as the Thebans
themselves say ; for in the upper parts of Egypt no rain falls
at all: but at the time of which I speak rain fell at Thebes in
a drizzling shower.* 11. Now when the Per- ᾿
sians had marched quite through the waterless foseht eith the
region and were encamped near the Egyptians son of Amasis,
with design to engage battle, then the foreign named Psam-
mercenaries of the Egyptian king, who were
Hellenes and Carians, having a quarrel with Phanes because

214 HERODOTUS

he had brought against Egypt an army of foreign speech, con-
trived against him as follows :—Phanes had children whom he
had left behind in Egypt: these they brought into their camp
and into the sight of their father, and they set up a mixing-
bowl between the two camps, and after that they brought up the
children one by one and cut their throats so that the blood
ran into the bowl. Then when they had gone through the
whole number of the children, they brought and poured into
the bowl both wine and water, and not until the mercenaries
had all drunk of the blood, did they engage battle. Then
after a battle had been fought with great stubbornness, and
very many had fallen of both the armies, the Egyptians at
length turned to flight.

12. I was witness moreover of a great marvel, being in-
formed of it by the natives of the place; for of the bones

Of the skulls of SCattered about of those who fell in this fight,
those slain in each side separately, since the bones of the
this battle, Persians were lying apart on one side according
as they were divided at first, and those of the Egyptians on the
other, the skulls of the Persians are so weak that if you shall
hit them only with a pebble you will make a hole in them,
while those of the Egyptians are so exceedingly strong that you
would hardly break them if you struck them with a large stone.
The cause of it, they said, was this, and I for my part readily
believed them, namely that the Egyptians beginning from their
early childhood shave their heads, and the bone is thickened
by exposure to the sun: and this is also the cause of their not
becoming bald-headed ; for among the Egyptians you see fewer
bald-headed men than among any other race. This then is
the reason why these have their skulls strong; and the reason
why the Persians have theirs weak is that they keep them
delicately in the shade from the first by wearing “a@ras, that 15
felt caps. So far of this: and I sawalso a similar thing to this
at Papremis, in the case of those who were slain together with
Achaimenes the son of Dareios, by Inarés the Libyan.

18. The Egyptians when they turned to flight from the
battle fled in disorder: and they being shut up in Memphis,
Cambyses sent a ship of Mytilené up the river bearing a Per-
sian herald, to summon the Egyptians to make terms of sur-
render; but they, when they saw that the ship had entered

BOOK Ill 215

into Memphis, pouring forth in a body from the fortress 15 both
destroyed the ship and also tore the men in it limb from
limb, and so bore them into the fortress. After πον the
this the Egyptians being besieged, in course of Egyptians fled to
time surrendered themselves ; and the Libyans Memphis, and of
. their dealings
who dwell on the borders of Egypt, being with the herald
struck with terror by that which had happened whom Cambyses
to Egypt, delivered themselves up without S$
resistance, and they both laid on themselves a tribute and
sent presents: likewise also those of Kyrené and Barca, being
struck with terror equally with 156 the Libyans,
acted in a similar manner: and Cambyses Memphis end the
accepted graciously the gifts which came from presents which
the Libyans, but as for those which came from the neighbouring
the men of Kyrené, finding fault with them, as Cambyses,
I suppose, because they were too small in
amount (for the Kyrenians sent in fact five hundred pounds’
weight of silver), he took the silver by handfuls and scattered
it with his own hand among his soldiers.

14, On the tenth day after that on which he received the
surrender of the fortress of Memphis, Cambyses set the king
of the Egyptians Psammenitos, who had been The gishonour
king for six months, to sit in the suburb of the done to the
city, to do him dishonour,—him I say with other Esyptian king,

. and the vengeance
Egyptianshe set there, and he proceeded to make taken for those
trial of his spirit as follows :—having arrayed his slain with the
daughter in the clothing of a slave, he sent her berald.
forth with a pitcher to fetch water, and with her he sent also
other maidens chosen from the daughters of the chief men,
arrayed as was the daughter of the king: and as the maidens
were passing by their fathers with cries and lamentation, the
other men all began to cry out and lament aloud,’ seeing that
their children had been evilly entreated, but Psammenitos when
he saw it before his eyes and perceived it bent himself down
to the earth. Then when the water-bearers had passed by,
next Cambyses sent his son with two thousand Egyptians
besides who were of the same age, with ropes bound round
their necks and bits placed in their mouths; and these were
being led away to execution to avenge the death of the
Mytilenians who had been destroyed at Memphis with their —

216 HERODOTUS

ship: for the Royal Judges!” had decided that for each man
ten of the noblest Egyptians should lose their lives in retalia-
tion. He then, when he saw them passing out by him and
perceived that his son was leading the way 18 to die, did the
same as he had done with respect to his daughter, while the
other Egyptians who sat round him were lamenting and show-
ing signs of grief. When these also had passed by, it
chanced that a man of his table companions, advanced in
years, who had been deprived of all his possessions and had
nothing except such things as a beggar possesses, and was
asking alms from the soldiers, passed by Psammenitos the son
of Amasis and the Egyptians who were sitting in the suburb of
the city: and when Psammenitos saw him he uttered a great
cry of lamentation, and he called his companion by name and
beat himself upon the head. Now there were, it seems, men
set to watch him, who made known to Cambyses all that he
did on the occasion of each going forth: and Cambyses mar-
velled at that which he did, and he sent a messenger and
asked him thus: ‘“ Psammenitos, thy master Cambyses asks
thee for what reason, when thou sawest thy daughter evilly en-
treated and thy son going to death, thou didst not cry aloud
nor lament for them, whereas thou didst honour with these
signs of grief the beggar who, as he hears from others, is not
in any way related to thee.” Thus he asked, and the other
answered as follows: “Ο son of Cyrus, my own troubles were
too great for me to lament them aloud, but the trouble of my
companion was such as called for tears, seeing that he has
been deprived of great wealth, and has come to beggary upon
the threshold of old age.” When this saying was reported by
the messenger, it seemed to them! that it was well spoken ;
and, as is reported by the Egyptians, Croesus shed tears (for
he also, as fortune would have it, had accompanied Cambyses to
Egypt) and the Persians who were present shed tears also; and .
there entered some pity into Cambyses himself, and forthwith
he badethem save the life of the sonofPsammenitos from among
those who were being put to death, and also he bade them raise
Psammenitos himself from his place in the suburb of the city
and bring him into his own presence. 15. As for the son,
those who went for him found that he was no longer alive,
but had been cut down first of all, but Psammenitos himself

BOOK 17 217

they raised from his place and brought him into the presence
of Cambyses, with whom he continued to live for the rest of
his time without suffering any violence; and if psammenitos, not
he had known how to keep himself from med- able to stay still,
dling with mischief, he would have received caused his own
Egypt so as to be ruler of it, since the Persians

are wont to honour the sons of kings, and even if the kings
have revolted from them, they give back the power into the
hands of their sons. Of this, namely that it is their established
rule to act so, one may judge by many instances besides and
especially 39 by the case of Thannyras the son of Inards, who
received back the power which his father had, and by that of
Pausiris the son of Amyrtaios, for he too received back the
power of his father: yet it is certain that no men ever up to
this time did more evil to the Persians than Inards and
Amyrtaios. As it was, however, Psammenitos devised evil
and received the due reward: for he was found to be inciting
the Egyptians to revolt; and when this became known to
Cambyses, Psammenitos drank bull’s blood and died forthwith.
Thus he came to his end.

16. From Memphis Cambyses came to the city of Sais
with the purpose of doing that which in fact he did: for
when he had entered into the palaceof Amasis, he the gishonour
forthwith gave command to bring the corpse of done to the corpse
Amasis forth out of his burial-place ; and when of Amasis.
this had been accomplished, he gave command to scourge it
and pluck out the hair and stab it, and to do to it dishonour in
every possible way besides: and when they had done this too
until they were wearied out, for the corpse being embalmed
held out against the violence and did not fall to pieces in any
part, Cambyses gave command to consume it with fire, enjoin-
ing thereby a thing which was not permitted by religion: for
the Persians hold fire to be a god. To consume corpses with
fire then is by no means according tothe custom of either people,
of the Persians for the reason which has been mentioned, since
they say that it is not right to give the dead body of a man to
a god; while the Egyptians have the belief established that
fire is a living wild beast, and that it devours everything which
it catches, and when it is satiated with the food it dies itself to-
gether with that which it devours; but it is by no means their

Inards was
put to death
455 B.C.

218 HERODOTUS

custom to give the corpse of a man to wild beasts, for which
reason they embalm it, that it may not be eaten by worms
as it lies in the tomb. Thus then Cambyses was enjoining
them to do that which is not permitted by the customs of
either people. However, the Egyptians say that it was not
Amasis who suffered this outrage, but another of the Egyptians
who was of the same stature of body as Amasis; and that to
him the Persians did outrage, thinking that they were doing it
to Amasis: for they say that Amasis learnt from an Oracle that
which was about to happen with regard to himself after his
death ; and accordingly, to avert the evil which threatened to
come upon him, he buried the dead body of this man who was
scourged within his own sepulchral chamber near the doors,
and enjoined his son to lay his own body as much as possible
in the inner recess of the chamber. These injunctions, said to
have been given by Amasis with regard to his burial and with
regard to the man mentioned, were not in my opinion really
given at all, but I think that the Egyptians make pretence of
it from pride and with no good ground.
17. After this Cambyses planned three several expeditions,
one against the Carthaginians, another against the Ammonians,
How Cambyses and a third against the “‘ Long-lived ” Ethiopians,
planned to go Who dwell in that part of Libya which is by the
against three Southern Sea: and in forming these designs
several nations, he resolved to send his naval force against
and first how he
sent spies to the the Carthaginians, and a body chosen from his
Long-lived land-army against the Ammonians; and to the
Ethiopians. Ethiopians to send spies _ first, both to see
whether the table of the Sun existed really, which is said to
exist among these Ethiopians, and in addition to this to spy
out all else, but pretending to be bearers of gifts for their
king. 18. Now the table of the Sun is said to be as follows :—
there is a meadow in the suburb of their city full of flesh-meat
boiled of all four-footed creatures ; and in this, it 15 said, those
of the citizens who are in authority at the time place the flesh
by night, managing the matter carefully, and by day any man
who wishes comes there and feasts himself; and the natives
(it is reported) say that the earth of herself produces these
things continually. 19. Of such nature 15 the so-called table
of the Sun said to be. So when Cambyses had resolved

BOOK IIT 219

to send the spies, forthwith he sent for those men of the
Ichthyophagoi who understood the Ethiopian tongue, to come
from the city of Elephantiné: and while they were going to
fetch these men, he gave command to the fleet to sail against
Carthage: but the Phenicians said that they would not do so,
for they were bound not to do so by solemn vows, and they
would not be acting piously if they made expedition against
their own sons: and as the Phenicians were not willing, the
rest were rendered unequal to the attempt. Thus then the
Carthaginians escaped being enslaved by the Persians; for
Cambyses did not think right to apply force to compel the
Phenicians, both because they had delivered themselves over to
the Persians of their own accord and because the whole naval
force was dependent upon the Phenicians. Now the men
of Cyprus also had delivered themselves over to the Persians,
and were joining in the expedition against Egypt.

20. Then as soon as the Ichthyophagoi came to Cambyses
from Elephantiné, he sent them to the Ethiopians, enjoin-
ing them what they should say and giving them gifts
to bear with them, that is to say a purple garment, and a
collar of twisted gold with bracelets, and an alabaster box of
perfumed ointment, and a jar of palm-wine. Now these
Ethiopians to whom Cambyses was sending are said to be the
tallest and the most beautiful of all men; and besides other
customs which they are reported to have different from other
men, there is especially this, it is said, with regard to the royal
power,—whomsoever of the men of their nation they judge to
be the tallest and to have strength in proportion to his stature,
this man they appoint to reign over them. 21. So when
the Ichthyophagoi had come to this people they presented
their gifts to the king who ruled over them, and at the same
time they said as follows: “The king of the Persians Cam-
byses, desiring to become a friend and guest to thee, sent us
with command to come to speech with thee, and he gives thee
for gifts these things which he himself most delights to use.”
The Ethiopian however, perceiving that they had come as spies,
spoke to them as follows: ‘“ Neither did the king of the
Persians send you bearing gifts because he thought it a matter
of great moment to become my guest-friend, nor do ye speak
true things (for ye have come as spies of my kingdom), nor

220 HERODOTUS

again is he a righteous man; for if he had been righteous he
would not have coveted a land other than his own, nor would
he be leading away into slavery men at whose hands he has
received no wrong. Now however give him this bow and
speak to him these words: The king of the Ethiopians gives this
counsel to the king of the Persians, that when the Persians draw
their bows (of equal size to mine) as easily as I do this, then
he should march against the Long-lived Ethiopians, provided
that he be superior to them in numbers; but until that time he
should feel gratitude to the gods that they do not put it into
the mind of the sons of the Ethiopians to acquire another land
in addition to their own.” 22. Having thus said and having
unbent the bow, he delivered it to those who had come. Then
he took the garment of purple and asked what it was and how
it had been made: and when the Ichthyophagoi had told him
_ the truth about the purple-fish and the dyeing of the tissue, he
said that the men were deceitful and deceitful also were their gar-
ments. Then secondly he asked concerning the twisted gold
of the collar and the bracelets ; and when the Ichthyophagoi
were setting forth to him the manner in which it was fashioned,
the king broke into a laugh and said, supposing them to be
fetters, that they had stronger fetters than these in their
country. Thirdly he asked about the perfumed ointment, and
when they had told him of the manner of its making and of the
anointing with it, he said the same as he had before said about
the garment. Then when he came to the wine, and had
learned about the manner of its making, being exceedingly
delighted with the taste of the drink he asked besides what
food the king ate, and what was the longest time that a
Persian man lived. They told him that he ate bread, ex-
plaining to him first the manner of growing the wheat, and
they said that eighty years was the longest term of life appointed -
for a Persian man. In answer to this the Ethiopian said that
he did not wonder that they lived but a few years, when they
fed upon dung ; for indeed they would not be able to live even
so many years as this, if they did not renew their vigour with
the drink, indicating to the Ichthyophagoi the wine ; for in re-
gard to this, he said, his people were much behind the Persians.
23. Then when the Ichthyophagoi asked the king in return
about the length of days and the manner of life of his people,

BOOK lI 221

he answered that the greater number of them reached the age
of a hundred and twenty years, and some surpassed even this ;
and their food was boiled flesh and their drink was milk.
And when the spies marvelled at the number of years, he
conducted them to a certain spring, in the water of which they
washed and became more sleek of skin, as if it were a spring
of oil; and from it there came a scent as it were of violets :
and the water of this spring, said the spies, was so exceedingly
weak that it was not possible for anything to float upon it,
either wood or any of those things which are lighter than wood,
but they all went to the bottom. If this water which they
have be really such as it is said to be, it would doubtless be
the cause why the people are long-lived, as making use of it
for all the purposes of life. Then when they departed from
this spring, he led them to a prison-house for men, and there all
were bound in fetters of gold. Now among these Ethiopians
bronze is the rarest and most precious of all things. Then
when they had seen the prison-house they saw also the so-called
table of the Sun: 24, and after this they saw last of all their
receptacles of dead bodies, which are said to be made of
crystal in the following manner :—when they have dried the
corpse, whether it be after the Egyptian fashion or in some
other way, they cover it over completely with plaster #! and
then adorn it with painting, making the figure as far as possible
like the living man. After this they put about it a block of
crystal hollowed out ; for this they dig up in great quantity and
it is very easy to work: and the dead body being in the
middle of the block is visible through it, but produces no
unpleasant smell nor any other effect which is unseemly, and it
has all its parts visible like the dead body itself. For a year
then they who are most nearly related to the man keep the
block in their house, giving to the dead man the first share of
everything and offering to him sacrifices: and after this period
they carry it out and set it up round about the city.

25. After they had seen all, the spies departed to go back ;
and when they reported these things, forthwith Cambyses was
enraged and proceeded to march his army against the Ethio-
pians, not having ordered any provision of food nor considered
with himself that he was intending to march an army to the
furthest extremities of the earth; but as one who is mad

222 HERODOTUS

and not in his right senses, when he heard the report of the
Ichthyophagoi he began the march, ordering those of the
Of the march Hellenes who were present to remain behind
which he made in Egypt, and taking with him his whole land
βξαῖποὶ ene force: and when in the course of his march
sending tien alep he had arrived at Thebes, he divided off about
against the fifty thousand of his army, and these he
Ammonians. = enjoined to make slaves of the Ammonians
and to set fire to the seat of the Oracle of Zeus, but he himself
with the remainder of his army went on against the Ethiopians.
But before the army had passed over the fifth part of the way,
all that they had of provisions came to an end completely ; and
then after the provisions the beasts of burden also were eaten
up and came to an end. Now if Cambyses when he perceived
this had changed his plan and led his army back, he would
have been a wise man in spite of 32 his first mistake ; as it was
however, he paid no regard, but went on forward without
stopping. The soldiers accordingly, so long as they were able
to get anything from the ground, prolonged their lives by
eating grass; but when they came to the sand, some did a
fearful deed, that is to say, out of each company of ten they
selected by lot one of themselves and devoured him: and
Cambyses, when he heard it, being alarmed by this eating of
one another gave up the expedition against the Ethiopians
and set forth to go back again; and he arrived at Thebes
having suffered loss of a great number of his army. Then
from Thebes he came down to Memphis and allowed the
Hellenes to sail away home.

26. Thus fared the expedition against the Ethiopians:
and those of the Persians who had been sent to march
against the Ammonians set forth from Thebes and went on
their way with guides; and it is known that they arrived at
the city of Oasis, which is inhabited by Samians said to be of
the Aischrionian tribe, and is distant seven days’ journey from
Thebes over sandy desert: now this place is called in the
speech of the Hellenes the ‘Isle of the Blessed.” It is said
that the army reached this place, but from that point onwards,
except the Ammonians themselves and those who have heard
the account from them, no man is able to say anything
about them; for they neither reached the Ammonians nor

BOOK 717 223

returned back. This however is added to the story by the
Ammonians themselves:—they say that as the army was
going from this Oasis through the sandy desert to attack them,
and had got to a point about mid-way between them and the
Oasis, while they were taking their morning meal a violent
South Wind blew upon them, and bearing with it heaps of the
desert sand it buried them under it, and so they disappeared
and were seen no more. Thus the Ammonians say that it
came to pass with regard to this army.

27. When Cambyses arrived at Memphis, Apis appeared
to the Egyptians, whom the Hellenes call Epaphos: and
when he had appeared, forthwith the Egyp- he coming of
tians began to wear their fairest garments and Apis to the
to have festivities. Cambyses accordingly Peyptians, and

. ΜΗ . t which
seeing the Egyptians doing thus, and suppos- Cambyses said
ing that they were certainly acting so by way and did there-
of rejoicing because he had fared ill, called for “P°":
the officers who had charge of Memphis; and when they had
come into his presence, he asked them why when he was at
Memphis on the former occasion, the Egyptians were doing
nothing of this kind, but only now, when he came there after
losing a large part of his army. ‘They said that a god had
appeared to them, who was wont to appear at intervals of
long time, and that whenever he appeared, then all the
Egyptians rejoiced and kept festival. Hearing this Cam-
byses said that they were lying, and as liars he condemned
them to death. 28. Having put these to death, next he
called the priests into his presence; and when the priests
answered him after the same manner, he said that it should
not be without his knowledge if a tame god had come to the
Egyptians ; and having so said he bade the priests bring Apis
away into his presence: so they went to bring him. Now
this Apis-Epaphos is a calf born of a cow who after this is not
permitted to conceive any other offspring ; and the Egyptians
say that a flash of light comes down from heaven upon this
cow, and of this she produces Apis. This calf which is
called Apis is black and has the following
signs, namely a white square # upon the fore- ΣΝ ks of
head, and on the back the likeness of an eagle,
and in the tail the hairs are double, and on “ the tongue there

224 HERODOTUS

is a mark like a beetle. 29. When the priests had brought
Apis, Cambyses being somewhat affected with madness drew
his dagger, and aiming at the belly of Apis, struck his thigh :
then he laughed and said to the priests: ““O ye wretched
creatures, are gods born such as this, with blood and flesh,
and sensible of the stroke of iron weapons? Worthy indeed
of Egyptians is such a god as this. Ye however at least shall
not escape without punishment for making a mock of me.”
Having thus spoken he ordered those whose duty it was to
do such things, to scourge the priests without mercy, and to
put to death any one of the other Egyptians whom they should
find keeping the festival. ‘Thus the festival of the Egyptians
had been brought to an end, and the priests were being chastised,
and Apis wounded by the stroke in his thigh lay dying in the
The madness temple. 80. Him, when he ‘had brought his
of Cambyses, life to an end by reason of the wound, the
(who also before priests buried without the knowledge of Cam-
his right mind), byses: but Cambyses, as the Egyptians say,
and the things immediately after this evil deed became abso-
which he did, as lutely mad, not having been really in his right
kindred asto senses even before that time: and the first of
others. his evil deeds was that he put to death his
brother Smerdis, who was of the same father and the same
mother as himself. This brother he had sent away from Egypt
to Persia in envy, because alone of all the Persians he had
been able to draw the bow which the Ichthyophagoi brought
from the Ethiopian king, to an extent of about two finger-
breadths ; while of the other Persians not one had proved
able to do this. Then when Smerdis had gone away to Persia,
Cambyses saw a vision in his sleep of this kind :—it seemed
to him that a messenger came from Persia and reported that
Smerdis sitting upon the royal throne had touched the heaven
with his head. Fearing therefore with regard to this lest his
brother might slay him and reign in his stead, he sent Prex-
aspes to Persia, the man whom of all the Persians he trusted
most, with command to slay him. He accordingly went up to
Susa and slew Smerdis ; and some say that he took him out
to the chase and so slew him, others that he brought him to
the Erythraian Sea and drowned him.

31. This they say was the first beginning of the evil deeds

BOOK Lil 225

of Cambyses; and next after this he put to death his sister,
who had accompanied him to Egypt, to whom also he was
married, she being his sister by both parents. Now he took
her to wife in the following manner (for before this the
Persians had not been wont at all to marry their sisters) :-—
Cambyses fell in love with one of his sisters, and desired
to take her to wife; so since he had it in mind to do that
which was not customary, he called the Royal Judges and
asked them whether there existed any law which permitted him
who desired it to marry his sister. Now the Royal Judges
are men chosen out from among the Persians, and hold their
office until they die or until some injustice is found in them,
so long and no longer. ‘These pronounce decisions for the
Persians and are the expounders of the ordinances of their
fathers, and all matters are referred to them. So when
Cambyses asked them, they gave him an answer which was
both upright and safe, saying that they found no law which
permitted a brother to marry his sister, but apart from that
they had found a law to the effect that the king of the
Persians might do whatsoever he desired. Thus on the one
- hand they did not tamper with the law for fear of Cambyses,
and at the same time, that they might not perish themselves
In maintaining the law, they found another law beside that
which was asked for, which was in favour of him who wished
to marry his sisters. So Cambyses at that time took to wife
her with whom he was in love, but after no long time he took
another sister. Of these it was the younger whom he put
to death, she having accompanied him to Egypt. 32. About
her death, as about the death of Smerdis, two different stories
are told. The Hellenes say that Cambyses had matched a
lion’s cub in fight with a dog’s whelp, and this wife of his
was also a spectator of it; and when the whelp was being
overcome, another whelp, its brother, broke its chain and came
to help it ; and having become two instead of one, the whelps
then got the better of the cub: and Cambyses was pleased at
the sight, but she sitting by him began to weep; and
Cambyses perceived it and asked wherefore she wept; and
she said that she had wept when she saw that the whelp had
come to the assistance of its brother, because she remembered
Smerdis and perceived that there was no one who would come

VOL. I Q

226 HERODOTUS

to his 35 assistance. The Hellenes say that it was for this saying
that she was killed by Cambyses: but the Egyptians say that
as they were sitting round at table, the wife took a lettuce
and pulled off the leaves all round, and then asked her hus-
band whether the lettuce was fairer when thus plucked round
or when covered with leaves, and he said ‘‘ when covered
with leaves”: she then spoke thus: ‘ Nevertheless thou didst
once produce the likeness of this lettuce, when thou didst strip
bare the house of Cyrus.” And he moved to anger leapt upon
her, being with child, and she miscarried and died.

88. These were the acts of madness done by Cambyses
towards those of his own family, whether the madness was
produced really on account of Apis or from some other cause,
as many ills are wont to seize upon men; for it is said more-
over that Cambyses had from his birth a certain grievous malady,
that which is called by some the “sacred” disease :° and it was
certainly nothing strange that when the body was suffering from
a grievous malady, the mind should not be sound either. 34,
The following also are acts of madness which he did to the other
Persians :—To Prexaspes, the man whom he honoured most and
who used to bear his messages * (his son also was cup-bearer
to Cambyses, and this too was no small honour),—to him it
is said that he spoke as follows: ‘‘ Prexaspes, what kind of
a man do the Persians esteem me to be, and what speech
do they hold concerning me?” and he said: “ Master, in all
other respects thou art greatly commended, but they say that
- thou art overmuch given to love of wine.” Thus he spoke
concerning the Persians; and upon that Cambyses was roused
to anger, and answered thus: “It appears then that the Per-
sians say I am given to wine, and that therefore I am beside
myself and not in my right mind ; and their former speech then
was not sincere.” For before this time, it seems, when the Per-
sians and Croesus were sitting with him in council, Cambyses
asked what kind of a man they thought he was as compared
with his father Cyrus ;?” and they answered that he was better
than his father, for he not only possessed all that his father
had possessed, but also in addition to this had acquired Egypt
and the Sea. Thus the Persians spoke ; but Croesus, who was
present and was not satisfied with their judgment, spoke thus
to Cambyses: “Τὸ me, O son of Cyrus, thou dost not appear to

BOOK III 227

be equal to thy father, for not yet hast thou a son such as he
left behind him in you.” Hearing this Cambyses was pleased,
and commended the judgment of Croesus. 35. So calling to
mind this, he said in anger to Prexaspes: ‘‘ Learn then now
for thyself whether the Persians speak truly, or whether when
they say this they are themselves out of their senses: for if I,
shooting at thy son there standing before the entrance of
the chamber, hit him in the very middle of the heart, the
Persians will be proved to be speaking falsely, but if I miss,
then thou mayest say that the Persians are speaking the truth
and that Iam not in my right mind.” Having thus said he
drew his bow and hit the boy; and when the boy had fallen
down, it is said that he ordered them to cut open his body
and examine the place where he was hit; and as the arrow
was found to be sticking in the heart, he laughed and was
delighted, and said to the father of the boy: ‘ Prexaspes, it
has now been made evident, as thou seest, that I am not mad,
but that it is the Persians who are out of their senses; and
now tell me, whom of all men didst thou ever see before this
time hit the mark so well in shooting?” Then Prexaspes,
seeing that the man was not in his right senses and fearing
for himself, said: ‘ Master, I think that not even God himself
could have hit the mark so fairly.” Thus he did at that
time: and at another time he condemned twelve of the Per-
sians, men equal to the best, on a charge of no moment, and
buried them alive with the head downwards.

36. When he was doing these things, Croesus the Lydian
judged it right to admonish him in the following words: “O
king, do not thou indulge the heat of thy youth and passion
in all things, but restrain and hold thyself back: it is a good
thing to be prudent, and forethought is wise. Thou however
art putting to death men who are of thine own people, con-
demning them on charges of no moment, and thou art put-
ting to death men’s sons also. If thou do many such things,
beware lest the Persians make revolt from thee. As for me,
thy father Cyrus gave me charge, earnestly bidding me to
admonish thee, and suggest to thee that which I should find
to be good.” ‘Thus he counselled him, manifesting goodwill
towards him ; but Cambyses answered : ‘‘ Dost ¢ou venture to
counsel me, who excellently well didst rule thine own country,

228 HERODOTUS

and well didst counsel my father, bidding him pass over the
river Araxes and go against the Massagetai, when they were
willing to pass over into our land, and so didst utterly ruin
thyself by ill government of thine own land, and didst utterly
ruin Cyrus, who followed thy counsel. However thou shalt
not escape punishment now, for know that before this I had
very long been desiring to find some occasion against thee.”
Thus having said he took his bow meaning to shoot him, but
Croesus started up and ran out: and so since he could not
shoot him, he gave orders to his attendants to take and slay
him. The attendants however, knowing his moods, concealed
Croesus, with the intention that if Cambyses should change
his mind and seek to have Croesus again, they might produce
him and receive gifts as the price of saving his life; but if he
did not change his mind nor feel desire to have him back,
then they might kill him. Not long afterwards Cambyses did
in fact desire to have Croesus again, and the attendants per-
ceiving this reported to him that he was still alive: and
Cambyses said that he rejoiced with Croesus that he was still
alive, but that they who had preserved him should not get off
free, but he would put them to death: and thus he did.

37. Many such acts of madness did he both to Persians
and allies, remaining at Memphis and opening ancient tombs
and examining the dead bodies. Likewise also he entered
into the temple of Hephaistos and very much derided the
image of the god: for the image of Hephaistos very nearly
resembles the Phenician Patatcot, which the Phenicians carry
about on the prows of their triremes; and for him who has
not seen these, I will indicate its nature,—it is the likeness of
a dwarfish man. He entered also into the temple of the Cabeirol,
into which it is not lawful for any one to enter except the priest
only, and the images there he even set on fire, after much
mockery of them. Now these also are like the images of He-
phaistos, and it is said that they are the children of that god.

38. It is clear to me therefore by every kind of proof that
Cambyses was mad exceedingly ; for otherwise he would not
have attempted to deride religious rites and customary observ-
ances. For if one should propose to all men a choice, bid-
ding them select the best customs from all the customs that
there are, each race of men, after examining them all, would

BOOK III 229

select those of their own people ; thus all think that their own
customs are by far the best: and so it is not likely that any
but a madman would make a jest of such things. Now of the
fact that all men are thus wont to think about their customs,
we may judge by many other proofs and more especially by
this which follows :—Dareios in the course of his reign sum-
moned those of the Hellenes who were present in his land,
and asked them for what price they would consent to eat up
their fathers when they died ; and they answered that for no
price would they do so. After this Dareios summoned those
Indians who are called Callatians, who eat their parents, and
asked them in presence of the Hellenes, who understood what
was said by help of an interpreter, for what payment they
would consent to consume with fire the bodies of their fathers
when they died ; and they cried out aloud and bade him keep
silence from*such words. ‘Thus then these things are estab-
lished by usage, and I think that Pindar spoke rightly in his
verse, when he said that ‘of all things law is king.”

39. Now while Cambyses was marching upon Egypt, the
Lacedemonians also had made an expedition against Samos
and against Polycrates the son of Aiakes, who of potycrates the
had risen against the government and obtained son of Aiakes, that
rule over Samos. At first he had divided the he was despot of
State into three parts and had given a share to~ οι
his brothers Pantagnotos and Syloson; but afterwards he put
to death one of these, and the younger, namely Syloson, he
drove out, and so obtained possession of the whole of Samos,
Then, being in possession,” he made a guest-friendship with
Amasis the king of Egypt, sending him gifts and receiving
gifts in return from him. After this straightway within a short
period of time the power of Polycrates increased rapidly, and
there was much fame of it not only in Ionia, but of his good for-
also over the rest of Hellas: for to whatever tune and friend-
part he directed his forces, everything went Ship withAmasis,
fortunately for him: and he had got for himself a hundred
fifty-oared galleys and a thousand archers, and he plundered
from all, making no distinction of any; for it was his wont to
say that he would win more gratitude from his friend by
giving back to him that which he had taken, than by not

Polycrates
became
despot of
Samos about
§32 B.C.

210 HERODOTUS

taking at all.2° So he had conquered many of the islands
and also many cities of the continent, and besides other things
he gained the victory in a sea-fight over the Lesbians, as they
were coming to help the Milesians with all their forces, and
conquered them: these men dug the whole trench round the
wall of the city in Samos working in chains. 40. Now Amasis,

and how their 835 may be supposed, did not fail to perceive

league was at that Polycrates was very greatly fortunate, and 51

length broken. it was to him an object of concern; and as
much more good fortune yet continued to come to Polycrates,
he wrote upon a paper these words and sent them to Samos:
Amasis to Polycrates thus saith :—lIt is a pleasant thing
indeed to hear that one who is a friend and guest is faring
well; yet to me thy great good fortune is not pleasing, since I
know that the Divinity is jealous; and I think that I desire,
both for myself and for those about whom I have care, that in
some of our affairs we should be prosperous and in others
should fail, and thus go through life alternately faring 83 well
and 1ll, rather than that we should be prosperous in all things:
for never yet did I hear tell of any one who was prosperous in
all things and did not come to an utterly 88 evil end at the last.
Now therefore do thou follow my counsel and act as I shall
say with respect to thy prosperous fortunes. ‘Take thought
and consider, and that which thou findest to be most valued
by thee, and for the loss of which thou wilt most be vexed in
thy soul, that take and cast away in such a manner that it shall
never again come to the sight of men; and if in future from
that time forward good fortune does not befall thee in
alternation with calamities,*4 apply remedies in the manner by
me suggested.” 41. Polycrates, having read this and having
perceived by reflection that Amasis suggested to him good
counsel, sought to find which one of his treasures he would be
most afflicted in his soul to lose; and seeking he found this
which 1 shall say :—he had a signet which he used to wear,
enchased in gold and made of an emerald stone; and it was
the work of Theodoros the son of Telecles of Samos.® Seeing
then that he thought it good to cast this away, he did thus :—
he manned a fifty-oared galley with sailors and went on board
of it himself; and then he bade them put out into the deep sea.
And when he had got to a distance from the island, he took

BOOK III 231

off the signet-ring, and in the sight of all who were with him
in the ship he threw it into the sea. Thus having done he
sailed home ; and when he came to his house he mourned for
his loss. 42. But on the fifth or sixth day after these things it
happened to him as follows :—a fisherman having caught a large
and beautiful fish, thought it right that this should be given as
a gift to Polycrates. He bore it therefore to the door of the
palace and said that he desired to come into the presence of
Polycrates, and when he had obtained this he gave him the
fish, saying: “Ο king, having taken this fish I did not think
fit to bear it to the market, although I am one who lives by
the labour of his hands; but it seemed to me that it was
worthy of thee and of thy monarchy: therefore I bring it and
present it to thee.” He then, being pleased at the words
spoken, answered thus: “Thou didst exceedingly well, and
double thanks are due to thee, for thy words and also for thy
gift; and we invite thee to come to dinner.” The fisherman
then, thinking this a great thing, went away to his house; and
the servants as they were cutting up the fish found in its belly
the signet-ring of Polycrates. Then as soon as they had seen
it and taken it up, they bore it rejoicing to Polycrates,
and giving him the signet-ring they told him in what
manner it had been found: and he perceiving that
the matter was of God, wrote upon paper all that he
had done and all that had happened to him, and having
written he despatched it to Egypt. 48, Then Amasis, when
he had read the paper which had come from Polycrates, per-
ceived that it was impossible for man to rescue man from the
event which was to come to pass, and that Polycrates was
destined not to have a good end, being prosperous in all
things, seeing that he found again even that which he cast
away. Therefore he sent an envoy to him in Samos and said
that he broke off the guest-friendship ; and this he did lest
when a fearful and great mishap befell Polycrates, he might
himself be grieved in his soul as for a man who was his guest.

44, It was this Polycrates then, prosperous in all things,
against whom the Lacedemonians were making an expedition,
being invited by those Samians who afterwards settled at Ky-
donia in Crete, to come to their assistance. Now Polycrates
had sent an envoy to Cambyses the son of Cyrus without the

232 HERODOTUS

knowledge of the Samians, as he was gathering an army to go
against Egypt, and had asked him to send to him in Samos
Thecauseswhythe 2nd to ask for an armed force. So Cambyses
Lacedemonians hearing this very readily sent to Samos to
ought against ask Polycrates to send a naval force with him
olyerates, against Egypt: and Polycrates selected of the
citizens those whom he most suspected of desiring to rise
against him and sent them away in forty triremes, charging
Cambyses not to send them back. 45. Now some say that
those of the Samians who were sent away by Polycrates never
reached Egypt, but when they arrived on their voyage at
Carpathos,®’ they considered with themselves, and resolved not
to sail on any further: others say that they reached Egypt and
being kept under guard there, they made their escape from
thence. Then, as they were sailing in to Samos, Polycrates
encountered them with ships and engaged battle with them ;
and those who were returning home had the better and landed
in the island; but having fought a land-battle in the island,
they were worsted, and so sailed to Lacedemon. Some how-
ever say that those from Egypt defeated Polycrates in the
battle; but this in my opinion is not correct, for there would
have been no need for them to invite the assistance of the
Lacedemonians if they had been able by themselves to bring
Polycrates to terms. Moreover, it is not reasonable either,
seeing that he had foreign mercenaries and native archers very
many in number, to suppose that he was worsted by the
returning Samians, who were but few. Then Polycrates
gathered together the children and wives of his subjects and
confined them in the ship-sheds, keeping them ready so that, if
it should prove that his subjects deserted to the side of the
returning exiles, he might burn them with the sheds.

46. When those of the Samians who had been driven out
by Polycrates reached Sparta, they were introduced before the
magistrates and spoke at length, being urgent in their request.
The magistrates however at the first introduction replied that
they had forgotten the things which had been spoken at the
beginning, and did not understand those which were spoken
at the end. After this they were introduced a second time,
and bringing with them a bag they said nothing else but this,
namely that the bag was in want of meal: to which the others

BOOK III 233

replied that they had overdone it with the bag.8®& However,
they resolved to help them. 47. Then the Lacedemonians
prepared a force and made expedition to Samos, in repayment
of former services, as the Samians say, because the Samians
had first helped them with ships against the Messenians ; but
the Lacedemonians say that they made the expedition not so
much from desire to help the Samians at their request, as to take
vengeance on their own behalf for the robbery of the mixing-
bowl which they had been bearing as a gift to Croesus, and
of the corslet which Amasis the king of Egypt had sent as a
gift to them ; for the Samians had carried off the corslet also
in the year before they took the bowl; and it was of linen
with many figures woven into it and embroidered with gold
and with cotton ; and each thread of this corslet is worthy of
admiration, for that being itself fine it has in it three hundred
and sixty fibres, all plain to view. Such another as this more-
over is that which Amasis dedicated as an offering to Athené
at Lindos.

48. The Corinthians also took part with zeal in this expedi-
tion against Samos, that it might be carried out ; for there had
been an offence perpetrated against them also
by the Samians a generation before“ the time as also tne (with
of this expedition and about the same time as the history of
the robbery of the bowl. Periander the son of Periander and
Kypselos had despatched three hundred sons of SLycophren).
the chief men of Corcyra to Alyattes at Sardis
to be made eunuchs ; and when the Corinthians who were con-
ducting the boys had put in to Samos, the Samians, being
informed of the story and for what purpose they were being
conducted to Sardis, first instructed the boys to lay hold of the
temple of Artemis, and then they refused to permit the Cor-
inthians to drag the suppliants away from the temple: and as
the Corinthians cut the boys off from supplies of food, the
Samians made a festival, which they celebrate even to the
present time in the same manner: for when night came
on, as long as the boys were suppliants they arranged
dances of maidens and youths, and in arranging the dances
they made it a rule of the festival that sweet cakes of sesame
and honey should be carried, in order that the Corcyrean boys
might snatch them and so have support: and this went on so

Periander
reigned
625-585 B.C.

234 HERODOTUS

long that at last the Corinthians who had charge of the boys
departed and went away; and as for the boys, the Samians
carried them back to Corcyra. 49. Now, if after the death of
Periander the Corinthians had been on friendly terms with the
Corcyreans, they would not have joined in the expedition
against Samos for the cause which has been mentioned ; but
as it is, they have been ever at variance with one another since
they first colonised the island.*4 This then was the cause why
the Corinthians had a grudge against the Samians.

50. Now Periander had chosen out the sons of the chief
men of Corcyra and was sending them to Sardis to be made
eunuchs, in order that he might have revenge; since the
Corcyreans had first begun the offence and had done to
him a deed of reckless wrong. For after Periander had
killed his wife Melissa, it chanced to him to experience
another misfortune in addition to that which had happened
to him already, and this was as follows:— He had by
Melissa two sons, the one of seventeen and the other of
eighteen years. These sons their mother’s father Procles, who
was despot of Epidauros, sent for to himself and kindly enter-
tained, as was to be expected seeing that they were the sons
of his own daughter ; and when he was sending them back, he
said in taking leave of them: “Do ye know, boys, who it was
that killed your mother?” Of this saying the elder of them
took no account, but the younger, whose name was Lycophron,
was grieved so greatly at hearing it, that when he reached
Corinth again he would neither address his father, nor speak
to him when his father would have conversed with him, nor
give any reply when he asked questions, regarding him as the
murderer of his mother. At length Periander being enraged
with his son drove him forth out of his house. 51. And
having driven him forth, he asked of the elder son what his
mother’s father had said to them in his conversation. He
then related how Procles had received them in a kindly
manner, but of the saying which he had uttered when he
parted from them he had no remembrance, since he had taken
no note of it. So Periander said that it could not be but that
he had suggested to them something, and urged him further
with questions ; and he after that remembered, and told of this
also. Then Periander taking note of it ** and not desiring to

BOOK III 235

show any indulgence, sent a messenger to those with whom
the son who had been driven forth was living at that time, and
forbade them to receive him into their houses ; and whenever
having been driven away from one house he came to another,
he was driven away also from this, since Periander threatened
those who received him, and commanded them to exclude
him ; and so being driven away again he would go to another
house, where persons lived who were his friends, and they
perhaps received him because he was the son of Periander,
notwithstanding that they feared. 52. At last Periander made
a proclamation that whosoever should either receive him into
their houses or converse with him should be bound to pay a
fine 43 to Apollo, stating the amount that it should be. Accord-
ingly, by reason of this proclamation no one was willing either
to converse with him or to receive him into their house ; and
moreover even he himself did not think fit to attempt it, since
it had been forbidden, but he lay about in the porticoes
enduring exposure : and on the fourth day after this, Periander
seeing him fallen into squalid misery and starvation felt pity
for him ; and abating his anger he approached him and began
to say: ‘Son, which of these two is to be preferred, the
fortune which thou dost now experience and possess,“ or to
inherit the power and the wealth which I possess now, by
being submissive to thy father’s will? Thou however, being
my son and the prince* of wealthy Corinth, didst choose
nevertheless the life of a vagabond by making opposition and
displaying anger against him with whom it behoved thee
least to deal so; for if any misfortune happened in those
matters, for which cause thou hast suspicion against me, this
has happened to me first, and I am sharer in the misfortune
more than others, inasmuch as I did the deed 46 myself. Do
thou however, having learnt by how much to be envied is.
better than to be pitied, and at the same time what a grievous
thing it is to be angry against thy parents and against those
who are stronger than thou, come back now to the house.”
Periander with these words endeavoured to restrain him ; but
he answered nothing else to his father, but said only that he
ought to pay a fine to the god for having come to speech
with him. Then Periander, perceiving that the malady of
his son was hopeless and could not be overcome, despatched

Ἂς ~~" «

» 4

Om
ao “' ᾿

« Ss
236 HERODOTUS

a ship to Corcyra, and so sent him away out of his sight, for
he was ruler also of that island; and having sent him away,
Periander proceeded to make war against his father-in-law
Procles, esteeming him. most to blame for the condition in
which he was; and he took Epidauros and took also Procles
himself and made him a prisoner. 538. When however, as
time went on, Periander had passed his prime and perceived
within himself that he was no longer able to overlook and
manage the government of the State, he sent to Corcyra and
summoned Lycophron to come back and take the supreme
power; for in the elder of his sons he did not see the required
capacity, but perceived clearly that he was of wits too dull.
Lycophron however did not deign even to give an answer to
the bearer of his message. ‘Then Periander, clinging still in
affection to the youth, sent to him next his own daughter, the
sister of Lycophron, supposing that he would yield to her
persuasion more than to that of others; and she arrived there
and spoke to him thus: “ Boy, dost thou desire that both the
despotism should fall to others and also the substance of thy
father, carried off as plunder, rather than that thou shouldest
return back and possess them? Come back to thy home:
cease to torment thyself. Pride is a mischievous possession.
Heal not evil with evil. Many prefer that which is reasonable
to that which is strictly just; and many ere now in seeking
the things of their mother have lost the things of their
father. Despotism is an insecure thing, and many desire it:
moreover he is now an old man and past his prime. Give
not thy good things unto others.” She thus said to him the
most persuasive things, having been before instructed by her
father: but he in answer said, that he would never come to
Corinth so long as he heard that his father was yet alive.
When she had reported this, Periander the third time sent an
envoy, and said that he desired himself to come to Corcyra,
exhorting Lycophron at the same time to come back to Corinth
and to be his successor on the throne. The son having agreed
to return on these terms, Periander was preparing to sail to
Corcyra and his son to Corinth; but the Corcyreans, having
learnt all that had taken place, put the young man to death, in
order that Periander might not come to their land. For this
cause it was that Periander took vengeance on those of Corcyra.

BOOK 711 237

δ4. The Lacedemonians then had come with a great
armament and were besieging Samos; and having made an
attack upon the wall, they occupied the tower
which stands by the sea in the suburb of the
city, but afterwards when Polycrates came up
to the rescue with a large body they were driven away from
it. Meanwhile by the upper tower which is upon the ridge
of the mountain there had come out to the fight the foreign
mercenaries and many of the Samians themselves, and these
stood their ground against the Lacedemonians for a short
time and then began to fly backwards; and the Lacede-
monians followed and were slaying them. 655. Now if the
Lacedemonians there present had all of them been equal on
that day to Archias and Lycopas, Samos would have been
captured; for Archias and Lycopas alone rushed within the
wall together with the flying Samians, and being shut off from
retreat were slain within the city of the Samians. I myself
moreover had converse in Pitané (for to that deme he
belonged) with the third in descent from this Archias, another
Archias the son of Samios the son of Archias, who honoured
the Samians of all strangers most ; and not only so, but he said
that his own father had been called Samios because ἀξ father
Archias had died by a glorious death in Samos ; and he said
that he honoured Samians because his grandfather had been
granted a public funeral by the Samians. 56. The Lacede-
monians then, when they had been besieging ana how the
Samos for forty days and their affairs made no Lacedemonians
progress, set forth to return to Peloponnesus, departed with
But according to the less credible account which * "°°"
has been put abroad of these matters Polycrates struck in
lead a great quantity of a certain native coin, and having
gilded the coins over, gave them to the Lacedemonians, and
they received them and upon that set forth to depart. This
was the first expedition which the Lacedemonians (being
Dorians)*** made into Asia.

57. Those of the Samians who had made the expedition
against Polycrates themselves also sailed away, when the
Lacedemonians were about to desert them, and came to Siph-
nos: for they were in want of money, and the people of Siphnos
were then at their greatest height of prosperity and possessed

The fighting in
Samos,

238 HERODOTUS

wealth more than all the other islanders, since they had in
their island mines of gold and of silver, so that there is a
Of that which [ΘΒ dedicated at Delphi with the tithe of
those Samians the money which came in from these mines,
did who had re- and furnished in a manner equal to the wealth-
Polyaea iest of these treasuries: and the people used
to divide among themselves the money which
came in from the mines every year. So when they were establish-
ing the treasury, they consulted the Oracle as to whether their
present prosperity was capable of remaining with them fora
long time, and the Pythian prophetess gave them this reply :
‘But when with white shall be shining * the hall of the city 8 in Siphnos,
And when the market is white of brow, one wary is needed
Then, to beware of an army ® of wood and a red-coloured herald.”
Now just at that time the market-place and city hall 48 of the
Siphnians had been decorated with Parian marble. 58.
This oracle they were not able to understand either then at
first or when the Samians had arrived: for as soon as the
Samians were putting in ὅθ to Siphnos they sent one of their
ships to bear envoys to the city: now in old times’all
ships were painted with red, and this was that which the
Pythian prophetess was declaring beforehand to the Siphnians,
bidding them guard against the ‘“‘army of wood” and the
‘‘red-coloured herald.” The messengers accordingly came
and asked the Siphnians to lend them ten talents; and as
they refused to lend to them, the Samians began to lay waste
their lands: so when they were informed of it, forthwith the
Siphnians came to the rescue, and having engaged battle with
them were defeated, and many of them were cut off by the
Samians and shut out of the city; and the Samians after this
imposed upon them a payment of a hundred talents. 659.
Then from the men of Hermi6n they received by payment of
money the island of Hydrea, which is near the coast of
Peloponnese, and they gave it in charge to the Troizenians,
but they themselves settled at Kydonia which is in Crete, not
sailing thither for that purpose but in order to drive the
Zakynthians out of the island. Here they remained and were
prosperous for five years, so much so that they were the
builders of the temples which are now existing in Kydonia,
and also of the house of Dictyna.®! In the sixth year however

BOOK II 239

the Eginetans together with the Cretans conquered them in
a sea-fight and brought them to slavery; and they cut off the
prows of their ships, which were shaped like boars, and dedi-
cated them in the temple of Athené in Egina. This the
Eginetans did because they had a grudge against the Samians ;
for the Samians had first made expedition against Egina,
when Amphicrates was king in Samos, and had done much
hurt to the Eginetans and suffered much hurt also from them.
Such was the cause of this event: 60, and about the Samians
I have spoken at greater length, because they

have three works which are greater than any ane Breat works

others that have been made by Hellenes: first

a passage beginning from below and open at both ends, dug
through a mountain not less than a hundred and fifty
fathoms ©? in height; the length of the passage is seven
furlongs ὅ5 and the height and breadth each eight feet, and
throughout the whole of it another passage has been dug
twenty cubits in depth and three feet in breadth, through
which the water is conducted and comes by the pipes
to the city, brought from an abundant spring: and the
designer of this work was a Megarian, Eupalinos the son of
Naustrophos, This is one of the three; and the second is a
mole in the sea,about the harbour, going down to a depth of
as much as ™ twenty fathoms; and the length of the mole is
more than two furlongs. The third work which they have
executed is a temple larger than all the other temples of which
we know. Of this the first designer was Rhoicos the son of
Philes, a native of Samos. For this reason I have spoken at
greater length of the Samians.

61. Now while Cambyses the son of Cyrus was spending
a long time in Egypt and had gone out of his right mind,
- there rose up against him two brothers, Magians, HW

. ow two Ma-

of whom the one had been left behind by gians, brothers,
Cambyses as caretaker of his household. This raised revolt
man, I say, rose up against him perceiving that Sean Sonatin :
the occurrence of the death of Smerdis was Smerdis son
being kept secret, and that there were but few of Cyrus, who
of the Persians who were aware of it, while the ¥#5 444
greater number believed without doubt that he was still alive.

Revolt of the
Magians and
death of
Cambyses,
522 B.C.

240 HERODOTUS

Therefore he endeavoured to obtain the kingdom, and he
formed his plan as follows :—he had a brother (that one who,
as I said, rose up with him against Cambyses), and this man
in form very closely resembled Smerdis the son of Cyrus,
whom Cambyses had slain, being his own brother. He was
like Smerdis, I say, in form, and not only so but he had the
same name, Smerdis. Having persuaded this man that he
would manage everything for him, the Magian Patizeithes
brought him and seated him upon the royal throne: and
having so done he sent heralds about to the various provinces,
and among others one to the army in Egypt, to proclaim to
them that they must obey Smerdis the son of Cyrus for the
The news of this future instead of Cambyses. 62. So then the
brought to other heralds made this proclamation, and also
Cambyses, the one who was appointed to go to Egypt,
finding Cambyses and his army at Agbatana in Syria, stood
in the midst and began to proclaim that which had been com-
manded to him by the Magian. Hearing this from the
herald, and supposing that the herald was speaking the truth
and that he had himself been betrayed by Prexaspes, that is
to say, that when Prexaspes was sent to kill Smerdis he had
not done so, Cambyses looked upon Prexaspes and said:
“ Prexaspes, was it thus that thou didst perform for me the
thing which I gave over to thee to do?” and he said:
“ Master, the saying 1s not true that Smerdis thy brother has
risen up against thee, nor that thou wilt have any contention
arising from him, either great or small: for I myself, having
done that which thou didst command me to do, buried him
with my own hands. If therefore the dead have risen again
to life, then thou mayest expect that Astyages also the Mede
will rise up against thee; but if it is as it was beforetime,
there is no fear that any trouble shall spring up for you, at

least from him. Now therefore I ‘think it well that some -

should pursue after the herald and examine him, asking from
whom he has come to proclaim to us that we are to obey
Smerdis as king.” 638. When Prexaspes had thus spoken,
Cambyses was pleased with the advice, and accordingly the
herald was pursued forthwith and returned. Then when he
had come back, Prexaspes asked him as follows: ‘ Man, thou
sayest that thou art come as a messenger from Smerdis the

BOOK III 241

son of Cyrus: now therefore speak the truth and go away in
peace. I ask thee whether Smerdis himself appeared before
thine eyes and charged thee to say this, or some one of those
who serve him.” He said: “Smerdis the son of Cyrus I
have never yet seen, since the day that king Cambyses marched
to Egypt: but the Magian whom Cambyses appointed to be
guardian of his household, he, I say, gave me this charge, say-
ing that Smerdis the son of Cyrus was he who laid the com-
mand upon me to speak these things to you.” Thus he spoke
to them, adding no falsehoods to the first, and Cambyses said :
‘“‘ Prexaspes, thou hast done that which was commanded thee
like an honest man, and hast escaped censure; but who of
the Persians may this be who has risen up against me and
usurped the name of Smerdis?” He said: “I seem to
myself, O king, to have understanding of this which has come
to pass: the Magians have risen against thee, Patizeithes
namely, whom thou didst leave as caretaker of thy household,
and his brother Smerdis.” 64. Then Cambyses, when he
heard the name of Smerdis, perceived at once
the true meaning of this report and of the
dream, for he thought in his sleep that some
one had reported to him that Smerdis was sitting upon the
royal throne and had touched the heaven with his head: and
perceiving that he had slain his brother without need, he
began to lament for Smerdis; and having lamented for him
and sorrowed greatly for the whole mishap, he was leaping
upon his horse, meaning as quickly as possible to march his
army to Susa against the Magian; and as he leapt upon his
horse, the cap of his sword-sheath fell off, and the sword being
left bare struck his thigh. Having been wounded then in the
same part where he had formerly struck Apis the god of
the Egyptians, and believing that he had been struck with a
‘mortal blow, Cambyses asked what was the name of that town,
and they said “ Agbatana.” Now even before this he had
been informed by the Oracle at the city of Buto that in
Agbatana he should bring his life to an end: and he supposed
that he should die in old age at Agbatana in Media, where
was his chief seat of power; but the oracle, it appeared,
meant in Agbatana of Syria. So when by questioning now he
learnt the name of the town, being struck with fear both by

VOL. I R

and his death by
misadventure.

242 HERODOTUS

the calamity caused by the Magian and at the same time by
the wound, he came to his right mind, and understanding
the meaning of the oracle he said: “Here it is fated that
Cambyses the son of Cyrus shall end his life.” 65. So much
only he said at that time; but about twenty days afterwards
he sent for the most honourable of the Persians who were
with him, and said to them as follows: “Persians, it has
become necessary for me to make known to you the thing
which I was wont to keep concealed beyond all other things.
Being in Egypt I saw a vision in my sleep, which I would I
had never seen, and it seemed to me that a messenger came
from home and reported to me that Smerdis was sitting upon
the royal throne and had touched the heaven with his head.
Fearing then lest I should be deprived of my power by my
brother, I acted quickly rather than wisely ; for it seems that
it is not possible for man © to avert that which is destined to
come to pass. I therefore, fool that I was, sent away
Prexaspes to Susa to kill Smerdis; and when this great evil
had been done, I lived in security, never considering the
danger that some other man might at some time rise up
against me, now that Smerdis had been removed: and alto-
gether missing the mark of that which was about to happen, I
have both made myself the murderer of my brother, when there
was no need, and I have been deprived none the less of the
kingdom ; for it was in fact Smerdis the Magian of whom
the divine power declared to me beforehand in the vision
that he should rise up against me. So then, as I say, this
deed has been done by me, and ye must imagine that ye no
longer have Smerdis the son of Cyrus alive: but it is in truth
the Magians who are masters of your kingdom, he whom 1 left
as guardian of my household and his brother Smerdis. The
man then who ought above all others to have taken vengeance
on my behalf for the dishonour which I have suffered from
the Magians, has ended his life by an unholy death received
from the hands of those who were his nearest of kin; and
since he is no more, it becomes most needful for me, as the
thing next best of those which remain,®® to charge you, O
Persians, with that which dying I desire should be done for
me. This then I lay upon you, calling upon the gods of the
royal house to witness it,—upon you all and most of all upon

BOOK IIT 243

those of the Achaimenidai who are present here,—that ye do
not permit the return of the chief power to the Medes, but
that if they have acquired it by craft, by craft they be
deprived of it by you, or if they have conquered it by any
kind of force, by force and by a strong hand ye recover it.
And if ye do this, may the earth bring forth her produce and
may your wives and your cattle be fruitful, while ye remain
free for ever; but if ye do not recover the power nor attempt
to recover it, I pray that curses the contrary of these blessings
may come upon you, and moreover that each man of the
Persians may have an end to his life like that which has come
upon me.” Then as soon as he had finished speaking these
things, Cambyses began to bewail and make lamentation for
all his fortunes. 66. And the Persians, when they saw that
the king had begun to bewail himself, both rent the garments
which they wore and made lamentation without stint. After
this, when the bone had become diseased and the thigh had
mortified, Cambyses the son of Cyrus was carried off by the
wound, having reigned in all seven years and five months, and
being absolutely childless both of male and female offspring.
The Persians meanwhile who were present there were very
little disposed to believe ὅΤ that the power was in the hands of
the Magians: on the contrary, they were surely convinced
that Cambyses had said that which he said about the death
of Smerdis to deceive them, in order that all the Persians
might be moved to war against him, These then were surely
convinced that Smerdis the son of Cyrus was established to be
king; for Prexaspes also very strongly denied that he had
slain Smerdis, since it was not safe, now that Cambyses was
dead, for him to say that he had destroyed with his own hand
the son of Cyrus.

67. Thus when Cambyses had brought his life to an end,
the Magian became king without disturbance, usurping the
place of his namesake Smerdis the son of Cyrus ;
and he reigned during the seven months which τῆς rule of the

agian,
were wanting yet to Cambyses for the comple-
tion of the eight years: and during them he performed acts of
great benefit to all his subjects, so that after his death all those
in Asia except the Persians themselves mourned for his loss:
for the Magian sent messengers abroad to every nation over

244 HERODOTUS

which he ruled, and proclaimed freedom from military service
and from tribute for three years. 68. This pro-
clamation, I say, he made at once when he
established himself upon the throne: but in the
eighth month it was discovered who he was in the following
manner :—There was one Otanes the son of Pharnaspes, in
birth and in wealth not inferior to any of the Persians.
This Otanes was the first who had had suspicion of the
Magian, that he was not Smerdis the son of Cyrus but the
person that he really was, drawing his inference from these
facts, namely that he never went abroad out of the fortress,
and that he did not summon into his presence any of the
honourable men among the Persians: and having formed a
suspicion of him, he proceeded to do as follows :—Cambyses
had taken to wife his daughter, whose name was Phaidymé ;*8
and this same daughter the Magian at that time was keeping
as his wife and living with her as with all the rest also of the
wives of Cambyses. Otanes therefore sent a message to this
daughter and asked her who the man was by whose side she
slept, whether Smerdis the son of Cyrus or some other. She
sent back word to him saying that she did not know, for she had
never seen Smerdis the son of Cyrus, nor did she know other-
wise who he was who lived with her. Otanes then sent a
second time and said: “ If thou dost not thyself know Smerdis
the son of Cyrus, then do thou ask of Atossa who this man is,
with whom both she and thou live as wives; for assuredly
it must be that she knows her own brother.” 69. To this
the daughter sent back word: “I am not able either to
come to speech with Atossa or to see any other of the women
who live here with me; for as soon as this man, whosoever
he may be, succeeded to the kingdom, he separated us and
placed us in different apartments by ourselves.” When Otanes
heard this, the matter became more and more clear to him, and
he sent another message in to her, which said: ‘‘ Daughter, it
is right for thee, nobly born as thou art, to undertake any risk
which thy father bids thee take upon thee : for if in truth this
is not Smerdis the son of Cyrus but the man whom I suppose,
he ought not to escape with impunity either for taking thee to
his bed or for holding the dominion of Persians, but he
must pay the penalty. Now therefore do as I shall say.

and the plot
made by Otanes.

BOOK Ill 245

When he sleeps by thee and thou perceivest that he is sound
asleep, feel his ears; and if it prove that he has ears, then
believe that thou art living with Smerdis the son of Cyrus, but
1 not, believe that it is with the Magian Smerdis.” To this
Phaidymé sent an answer saying that, if she should do so, she
would run a great risk ; for supposing he should chance not to
have his ears, and she were detected feeling for them, she was
well assured that he would put her to death ; but nevertheless
she would do this. So she undertook to do this for her
father: but as for this Magian Smerdis, he had had his ears
cut off by Cyrus the son of Cambyses when he was king, for
some grave offence. This Phaidymé then, the daughter of
Otanes, proceeding to perform all that she had undertaken for
her father, when her turn came to go to the Magian (for the
wives of the Persians go in to them regularly each in her turn),
came and lay down beside him: and when the Magian was in
deep sleep, she felt his ears ; and perceiving not with difficulty
but easily that her husband had no ears, so soon as it became
day she sent and informed her father of that which had
taken place. ,

70. Then Otanes took to him Aspathines and Gobryas,§®
who were leading men among the Persians and also his own most
trusted friends, and related to them the whole matter: and
- they, as it then appeared, had suspicions also themselves that
it was so; and when Otanes reported this to them, they
readily accepted his proposals. Then it was resolved by them
that each one should associate with himself that man of the
Persians whom he trusted most; so Otanes brought in Inta-
phrenes,™ Gobryas brought in Megabyzos, and Aspathines
brought in Hydarnes. When they had thus become six,
Dareios the son of Hystaspes arrived at Susa, having come
from the land of Persia, for of this his father was governor.
Accordingly when he came, the six men of the Persians
resolved to associate Dareios also with themselves. 71.
These then having come together, being seven The debate of
In number, gave pledges of faith to one another the seven Persians
and deliberated together; and when it came to regarding the
Dareios to declare his opinion, he spoke to mannet of their
them as follows: “I thought that I alone knew ἢ δ:
this, namely that it was the Magian who was reigning as king and

246 HERODOTUS

SS
that Smerdis the son of Cyrus had brought his life to an end;
and for this very reason I am come with earnest purpose to con-
trive death for the Magian. Since however it has come to pass
that ye also know and not I alone, I think it well to act at
once and not to put the matter off, for that is not the better
way.” To this replied Otanes: ‘‘Son of Hystaspes, thou art
the scion of a noble stock, and thou art showing thyself, as it
seems, in no way inferior to thy father: do not however hasten
this enterprise so much without consideration, but take it up
more prudently ; for we must first become more in numbers,
and then undertake the matter.” In answer to this Dareios
said: ‘‘ Men who are here present, if ye shall follow the way
suggested by Otanes, know that ye will perish miserably ; for
some one will carry word to the Magian, getting gain thereby
privately for himself. Your best way would have been to do
this action upon your own risk alone ; but since it seemed good
to you to refer the matter to a greater number, and ye com-
municated it to me, either let us do the deed to-day, or be ye
assured that if this present day shall pass by, none other shall
prevent me ®! as your accuser, but I will myself tell these things
to the Magian.” 72. To this Otanes, when he saw Dareios in
violent haste, replied: “Since thou dost compel us to hasten the
matter and dost not permit us to delay, come expound to us
thyself in what manner we shall pass into the palace and lay
hands upon them: for that there are guards set in various
parts, thou knowest probably thyself as well as we, if not from
sight at least from hearsay ; and in what manner shall we pass
through these?” Dareios made reply with these words:
‘‘Otanes, there are many things in sooth which it is not
possible to set forth in speech, but only in deed; and other
things there are which in speech can be set forth, but from
them comes no famous deed. Know ye however that the
guards which are set are not difficult to pass: for in the first
place, we being what we are, there is no one who will not let us
go by, partly, as may be supposed, from having respect for us,
and partly also perhaps from fear ; and secondly I have myself a
most specious pretext by means of which we may pass by ; for I
shall say that I am just now come from the Persian land and
desire to declare to the king a certain message from my father :
for where it is necessary that a lie be spoken, let it be spoken ;

BOOK III ; 247

seeing that we all aim at the same object, both they who lie and
they who speak always the truth; those lie whenever they are
likely to gain anything by persuading with their lies, and these
tell the truth in order that they may draw to themselves gain
by the truth, and that things ®* may be entrusted to them more
readily. Thus, while practising different ways, we aim all at the
same thing. If however they were not likely to make any
gain by it, the truth-teller would lie and the liar would speak
the truth, with indifference. Whosoever then of the door-
keepers shall let us pass by of his own will, for him it shall be
the better afterwards ; but whosoever shall endeavour to op-
pose our passage, let him then and there be marked as our
enemy,® and after that let us push in and set about our work.”
78. Then said Gobryas: “ Friends, at what time will there be
a fairer opportunity for us either to recover our rule, or, if we
are not able to get it again, to die? seeing that we being
Persians on. the one hand lie under the rule of a Mede, a
Magian, and that too a man whose ears have been cut off.
Moreover all those of you who stood by the side of Cambyses
when he was sick remember assuredly what he laid upon the
Persians as he was bringing his life to an end, if they should
not attempt to win back the power ; and this we did not accept
then, but supposed that Cambyses had spoken in order to
deceive us. Now therefore I give my vote that we follow the
Opinion of Dareios, and that we do not depart from this as-
sembly to go anywhither else but straight to attack the Magian.”
Thus spoke Gobryas, and they all approved of this proposal.
74. Now while these were thus taking counsel together, it
was coming to pass by coincidence as follows :—The Magians
taking counsel together had resolved to join Prexaspes with
themselves as a friend, both because he had suffered grievous
wrong from Cambyses, who had killed his son by shooting
him, and because he alone knew for a certainty of the death
of Smerdis the son of Cyrus, having killed him with his own
hands, and finally because Prexaspes was in very great repute
among the Persians. For these reasons they summoned him
and endeavoured to win him to be their friend, engaging him
by pledge and with oaths, that he would assuredly keep to
himself and not reveal to any man the deception which had
been practised by them upon the Persians, and promising to

248 HERODOTUS

give him things innumerable ™ in return. After Prexaspes had
promised to do this, the Magians, having persuaded him so
far, proposed to him a second thing, and said that they would
call together all the Persians to come up to the wall of the
palace, and bade him go up upon a tower and address them,
saying that they were living under the rule of Smerdis the son
of Cyrus and no other. This they so enjoined because they
supposed © that he had the greatest credit among the Persians,
and because he had frequently declared the opinion that
Smerdis the son of Cyrus was still alive, and had denied that
he had slain him. 75. When Prexaspes said that he was
ready to do this also, the Magians having called together the
Persians caused him to go up upon a tower and bade him
address them. Then he chose to forget those things which
they asked of him, and beginning with Achaimenes he traced
the descent of Cyrus on the father’s side, and then, when he
came down to Cyrus, he related at last what great benefits
he had conferred upon the Persians; and having gone through
this recital he proceeded to declare the truth, saying that
formerly he kept it secret, since it was not safe for him to tell
of that which had been done, but at the present time he was
compelled to make it known. He proceeded to say how he
had himself slain Smerdis the son of Cyrus, being compelled
by Cambyses, and that it was the Magians who were now
ruling. Then he made imprecation of many evils on the
Persians, if they did not win back again the power and take
vengeance upon the Magians, and upon that he let himself fall
down from the tower head foremost. Thus Prexaspes ended
his life, having been throughout his time a man of repute.

76. Now the seven of the Persians, when they had resolved
forthwith to lay hands upon the Magians and not to delay,
_ made prayer to the gods and went, knowing nothing of that
which had been done with regard to Prexaspes: and as they were
going and were in the middle of their course, they heard that
which had happened about Prexaspes. Upon that they retired
out of the way and again considered with themselves, Otanes
and his supporters strongly urging that they should delay and
not set to the work when things were thus disturbed,® while
Dareios and those of his party urged that they should go
forthwith and do that which had been resolved, and not delay.

BOOK III 249

Then while they were contending, there appeared seven pairs
of hawks pursuing two pairs of vultures, plucking out their
feathers and tearing them. Seeing this the seven all approved
the opinion of Dareios and thereupon they went to the king’s
palace, encouraged by the sight of the birds. 77. When they
appeared at the gates, it happened nearly as The Magians
Dareios supposed, for the guards, having respect slain by the

for men who were chief among the Persians, Seve Persians.
and not suspecting that anything would be done by them of
the kind proposed, allowed them to pass in under the guiding
of heaven, and none asked them any question. ‘Then when
they had passed into the court, they met the eunuchs who bore
in the messages to the king; and these inquired of them for
what purpose they had come, and at the same time they
threatened with punishment the keepers of the gates for having
let them .pass in, and tried to stop the seven when they at-
tempted to go forward. ‘Then they gave the word to one
another and drawing their daggers stabbed these men there
upon the spot, who tried to stop them, and themselves went
running on towards the chamber of the men.™* 78, Now the
Magians happened both of them to be there within, consult-
ing about that which had been done by Prexaspes. So when
they saw that the eunuchs had been attacked and were crying
aloud, they ran back ® both of them, and perceiving that which
was being done they turned to self-defence: and one of them
got down his bow and arrows before he was attacked, while the
other had recourse to his spear. Then they engaged in combat
with one another; and that one of them who had taken up
his bow and arrows found them of no use, since his enemies
were close at hand and pressed hard upon him, but the other
defended himself with his spear, and first he struck Aspathines
in the thigh, and then Intaphrenes in the eye; and Intaphrenes
lost his eye by reason of the wound, but his life he did not
lose. These then were wounded by one of the Magians,
but the other, when his bow and arrows proved useless to
him, fled into a bedchamber which opened into the chamber
of the men, intending to close the door; and with him there
‘rushed in two of the seven, Dareios and Gobryas. And when
Gobryas was locked together in combat with the Magian,
Dareios stood by and was at a loss what to do, because it was

250 HERODOTUS

dark, and he was afraid lest he should strike Gobryas. Then
seeing him standing by idle, Gobryas asked why he did not
use his hands, and he said: “ Because I am afraid lest I
may strike thee:” and Gobryas answered: ‘“ Thrust with thy
sword even though it stab through us both.” So Dareios was
persuaded, and he thrust with his dagger and happened to
hit the Magian. 79. So when they had slain the Magians
and cut off their heads, they left behind those of their number
who were wounded, both because they were unable to go, and

also in order that they might take charge of the fortress, and the.

five others taking with them the heads of the Magians ran
with shouting and clashing of arms and called upon the other
Persians to join them, telling them of that which had been
done and showing the heads, and at the same time they pro-
ceeded to slay every one of the Magians who crossed their
path. So the Persians when they heard of that which had been
brought to pass by the seven and of the deceit of the Magians,
thought good themselves also to do the same, and drawing
their daggers they killed the Magians wherever they found one;
so that if night had not come on and stopped them, they
would not have left a single Magian alive. ‘This day the
Persians celebrate in common more than all other days, and
upon it they keep a great festival which is called by the
Persians the festival of the slaughter of the Magians,®’* on
which no Magian is permitted to appear abroad, but the
Magians keep themselves within their houses throughout
that day.

80. When the tumult had subsided and more than five
days had elapsed,® those who had risen against the Magians
The debate of the began to take counsel about the general state,
seven on forms and there were spoken speeches which some of
of government. the Hellenes do not believe were really uttered,
but spoken they were nevertheless. On the one hand Otanes
urged that they should resign the government into the hands
of the whole body of the Persians, and his words were as
follows : “ Τὸ me it seems best that no single one of us should
henceforth be ruler, for that is neither pleasant nor profitable.
Ye saw the insolent temper of Cambyses, to what lengths it
went, and ye have had experience also of the insolence of the
Magian : and how should the rule of one alone be a well-ordered

. £m

BOOK Jil 251
thing, seeing that the monarch may do what he desires without
rendering any account of his acts? Even the best of all men,
if he were placed in this position, would be caused by it to
change from his wonted disposition: for insolence is engendered
in him by the good things which he possesses, and envy 15
implanted in man from the beginning; and having these two
things, he has all vice: for he does many deeds of reckless
wrong, partly moved by insolence proceeding from satiety, and
partly by envy. And yet a despot at least ought to have
been free from envy, seeing that he has all manner of good
things. He is however naturally in just the opposite temper
towards his subjects; for he grudges to the nobles that they
should survive and live, but delights in the basest of the
citizens, and he is more ready than any other man to re-
ceive calumnies. Then of all things he is the most incon-
sistent ; for if you express admiration of him moderately, he
is Offended that no very great court is paid to him, whereas
if you pay court to him extravagantly, he is offended with you
for being a flatterer. And the most important matter of all
is that which I am about to say :—he disturbs the customs
handed down from our fathers, he is a ravisher of women, and
he puts men to death without trial. On the other hand the
rule of many has first a name attaching to it which is the
fairest of all names, that is to say ‘Equality’; next, the
multitude does none of those things which the monarch does:
offices of state are exercised by lot, and the magistrates are
compelled to render account of their action: and finally all
matters of deliberation are referred to the public assembly.
I therefore give as my opinion that we let monarchy go and
increase the power of the multitude; for in the many is con-
tained everything.”

81. This was the opinion expressed by Otanes ; but Mega-
byzos urged that they should entrust matters to the rule of a
few, saying these words: “ That which Otanes said in oppo-
sition to a tyranny, let it be counted as said for me also, but
in that which he said urging that we should make over the
power to the multitude, he has missed the best counsel: for
nothing is more senseless or insolent than a worthless crowd ;
and for men flying from the insolence of a despot to fall into
that of unrestrained popular power, is by no means to be

ψ

252 HERODOTUS

endured: for he, if he does anything, does it knowing what
he does, but the people cannot even know; for how can that
know which has neither been taught anything noble by others
nor perceived anything of itself,”1 but pushes on matters with
violent impulse and without understanding, like a torrent
stream? Rule of the people then let them adopt who are
foes to the Persians; but let us choose a company of the best
men, and to them attach the chief power; for in the number
of these we shall ourselves also be, and it is likely that the
resolutions taken by the best men will be the best.”

82. This was the opinion expressed by Megabyzos; and
thirdly Dareios proceeded to declare his opinion, saying:
“Τὸ me it seems that in those things which Megabyzos said
with regard to the multitude he spoke rightly, but in those
which he said with regard to the rule of a few, not rightly: for
whereas there are three things set before us, and each Is
supposed ” to be best in its own kind, that is to say a good
popular government, and the rule of a few, and thirdly the rule
of one, I say that this last is by far superior to the others ; for
nothing better can be found than the rule of an individual man
of the best kind ; seeing that using the best judgment he would
‘ be guardian of the multitude without reproach ; and resolutions
directed against enemies would so best be kept secret. In an
oligarchy however it happens often that many, while practising
virtue with regard to the commonwealth, have strong private
enmities arising among themselves; for as each man desires
to be himself the leader and to prevail in counsels, they come
to great enmities with one another, whence arise factions
among them, and out of the factions comes murder, and from
murder results the rule of one man; and thus it is shown in
this instance by how much that is the best. Again, when the
- people rules, it is impossible that corruption’ should not
arise, and when corruption thus arises in the commonwealth,
there arise among the corrupt men not enmities but strong ties
of friendship: for they who are acting corruptly to the injury
of the commonwealth put their heads together secretly to do so.
And this continues so until at last some one takes the leadership
of the people and stops the course of such men. By reason of
this the man of whom I speak is admired by the people, and
being so admired he suddenly appears as monarch. Thus he

BOOK 77 253

too furnishes herein an example to prove that the rule of one
is the best thing. Finally, to sum up all in a single word,
whence arose the liberty which we possess, and who gave it to
us? Was it a gift of the people or of an oligarchy or of a
monarch? I therefore am of opinion that we, having been
set free by one man, should preserve that form of rule, and in
other respects also that we should not annul the customs of
our fathers which are ordered well; for that is not the better
way.”

88. These three opinions then had been proposed, and
the other four men of the seven gave their assent to this
last. So when Otanes, who was desirous to give equality
to the Persians, found his opinion defeated, he spoke to
those assembled thus: ‘Partisans, it is clear that some one
of us must become king, selected either by casting lots, or
by entrusting the decision to the multitude of the Persians
and taking him whom it shall choose, or by some other means.
I therefore shall not be a competitor with you, for I do not
desire either to rule or to be ruled; and on this condition I
withdraw from my claim to rule, namely that I shall not be
ruled by any of you, either I myself or my descendants at any
future time.” When he had said this, the six made agreement
with him on those terms, and he was no longer a competitor with
them, but withdrew from the assembly ; and at the present time
this house remains free alone of all the Persian houses, and
submits to rule only so far as it wills to do so itself, not trans-
gressing the laws of the Persians.

84, The rest however of the seven continued to deliberate
how they should establish a king in the most just manner ; and
it was resolved by them that to Otanes and his
descendants in succession, if the kingdom should hone Kine by
come to any other of the seven, there should the virtue of his
be given as special gifts a Median dress every horse and of his
year and all those presents which are esteemed Gorse-keeper
among the Persians to be the most valuable: and
the reason why they determined that these things should be given
to him, was because he first suggested to them the matter and
combined them together. These were special gifts for Otanes ;
and this they also determined for all in common, namely that
any one of the seven who wished might pass in to the royal

Dareios king
§21 B.C,

254 HERODOTUS

palaces without any to bear in a message, unless the king
happened to be sleeping with his wife ; and that it should not
be lawful for the king to marry from any other family, but only
from those of the men who had made insurrection with him:
and about the kingdom they determined this, namely that
the man whose horse should first neigh at sunrise in the
suburb of the city when they were mounted upon their horses,
he should have the kingdom.

85. Now Dareios had a clever horse-keeper, whose name
was Oibares. To this man, when they had left their assembly,
Dareios spoke these words: “ Oibares, we have resolved to
do about the kingdom thus, namely that the man whose horse
first neighs at sunrise, when we are mounted upon our horses,
he shall be king. Now therefore, if thou hast any cleverness,
contrive that we may obtain this prize, and not any other man.”
Oibares replied thus: “ If, my master, it depends in truth upon
this whether thou be king or no, have confidence so far as
concerns this and keep a good heart, for none other shall be
king before thee; such charms have I at my command.”
Then Dareios said: “If then thou hast any such trick, it is time
to devise it and not to put things off, for our trial is to-morrow.”
Ojibares therefore hearing this did as follows :—when night
was coming on he took one of the mares, namely that one
which the horse of Dareios preferred, and this he led into the
suburb of the city and tied her up: then he brought to her the
horse of Dareios, and having for some time led him round her,
making him go close by so as to touch the mare, at last he let
the horse mount. 86. Now at dawn of day the six came to the
place as they had agreed, riding upon their horses ; and as they

‘rode through by the suburb of the city, when they came near the

place where the mare had been tied up on the former night,
the horse of Dareios ran up to the place and neighed; and
just when the horse had done this, there came lightning and
thunder from a clear sky: and the happening of these things
to Dareios consummated his claim, for they seemed to have
come to pass by some design, and the others leapt down from
their horses and did obeisance to Dareios, 87. Some say that
the contrivance of Oibares was this, but others say as follows
(for the story is told by the Persians in both ways), namely that
he touched with his hands the parts of this mare and kept his

BOOK 777 255

hand hidden in his trousers; and when at sunrise they were
about to let the horses go, this Oibares pulled out his hand
and applied it to the nostrils of the horse of Dareios ; and the
horse, perceiving the smell, snorted and neighed.

88. So Dareios the son of Hystaspes had been declared
king ; and in Asia all except the Arabians were his subjects,
having been subdued by Cyrus and again afterwards by
Cambyses. The Arabians however were never obedient to
the Persians under conditions of subjection, but had become
guest-friends when they let Cambyses pass by to Egypt: for
against the will of the Arabians the Persians would not be
able to invade Egypt. Moreover Darelos made the most noble
marriages possible in the estimation of the Persians; for he
married two daughters of Cyrus, Atossa and Artystoné, of
whom the one, Atossa, had before been the wife of Cambyses
her brother and then afterwards of the Magian, while Artystoné
was a virgin; and besides them he married the daughter of
Smerdis the son of Cyrus, whose name was Parmys; and he
also took to wife the daughter of Otanes, her who had
discovered the Magian ; and all things became filled with his
power. And first he caused to be made a carving in stone,
and set it up; and in it there was the figure of a man on
horseback, and he wrote upon it writing to this effect:
‘“‘Dareios son of Hystaspes by the excellence of his horse,”
mentioning the name of it, “and of his horse-keeper Oibares
obtained the kingdom of the Persians.”

89. Having so done in Persia, he established twenty pro-
vinces, which the Persians themselves call satrapies; and
having established the provinces and set over ἴῃς ι

. > . e satrapies
them rulers, he appomted tribute to come to (twenty in
him from them according to races, joining number) which
also to the chief races those who dwelt on Dareios ordained,

. . . . with the tribute
their borders, or passing beyond the immediate which was paid
neighbours and assigning to various races to him from
those which lay more distant. He divided the °°
provinces and the yearly payment of tribute as follows: and
those of them who brought in silver were commanded to
pay by the standard of the Babylonian talent, but those who
brought in gold by the Euboic talent; now the Babylonian
talent is equal to eight-and-seventy Euboic pounds.” For in

”

256 . HERODOTUS

the reign of Cyrus, and again of Cambyses, nothing was fixed
about tribute, but they used to bring gifts: and on account of
this appointing of tribute and other things like this, the Per-
sians say that Dareios was a shopkeeper, Cambyses a master,
and Cyrus a father; the one because he dealt with all his
affairs like a shopkeeper, the second because he was harsh and
had little regard for any one, and the other because he was
gentle and contrived for them all things good.

90. From the Ionians and the Magnesians who dwell
in Asia and the Alolians, Carians, Lykians, Milyans and
Pamphylians (for one single sum was appointed by him as
tribute for all these) there came in four hundred talents of
silver. This was appointed by him to be the first division.”
From the Mysians and Lydians and Lasonians and Cabalians
and Hytennians” there came in five hundred talents: this is
the second division. From the Hellespontians who dwell on
the right as one sails in and the Phrygians and the Thracians
who dwell in Asia and the Paphlagonians and Mariandynoi
and Syrians” the tribute was three hundred and sixty talents :
this is the third division. From the Kilikians, besides three
hundred and sixty white horses, one for every day in the
year, there came also five hundred talents of silver; of these
one hundred and forty talents were spent upon the horsemen
which served as a guard to the Kilikian land, and the remaining
three hundred and sixty came in year by year to Dareios : this
is the fourth division. 91. From that division which begins
with the city of Posideion, founded by Amphilochos the son of
Amphiaraos on the borders of the Kilikians and the Syrians,
and extends as far as Egypt, not including the territory of the
Arabians (for this was free from payment), the amount was
three hundred and fifty talents; and in this division are the
whole of Phenicia and Syria which is called Palestine and
Cyprus: this is the fifth division. From Egypt and the
Libyans bordering on Egypt, and from Kyrené and Barca, for
these were so ordered as to belong to the Egyptian division,
there came in seven hundred talents, without reckoning the
money produced by the lake of Moiris, that is to say from the
fish ;77 without reckoning this, I say, or the corn which was
contributed in addition by measure, there came in seven
hundred talents; for as regards the corn, they contribute by

BOOK 17 257
measure one hundred and twenty thousand bushels for the use
of those Persians who are established in the “ White Fortress ”
at Memphis, and for their foreign mercenaries : this is the sixth
division. The Sattagydai and Gandarians and Dadicans and
Aparytai, being joined together, brought in one hundred and
seventy talents: this is the seventh division. From Susa and the
rest of the land of the Kissians there came in three hundred: this
is the eighth division. 92. From Babylon and from the rest of
Assyria there came in to him a thousand talents of silver and
five hundred boys for eunuchs: this is the ninth division.
From Agbatana and from the rest of Media and the Paricanians
and Orthocorybantians, four hundred and fifty talents: this is
the tenth division. The Caspians and Pausicans” and Pan-
timathoi and Dareitai, contributing together, brought in two
hundred talents: this is the eleventh division. From the
Bactrians as far as the Aigloi the tribute was three hundred
and sixty talents: this is the twelfth division. 93. From
Pactyiké and the Armenians and the people bordering upon
them as far as the Euxine, four hundred talents: this is the
thirteenth division. From the Sagartians and Sarangians
and Thamanaians and Utians and Mycans and those who
dwell in the islands of the Erythraian Sea, where the king
settles those who are called the “ Removed,”® from all these
together a tribute was produced of six hundred talents: this is
the fourteenth division. The Sacans and the Caspians 81
brought in two hundred and fifty talents: this is the fifteenth
division. The Parthians and Chorasmians and Sogdians and
Areians three hundred talents: this is the sixteenth division.
94. The Paricanians and Ethiopians in Asia brought in four
hundred talents: this is the seventeenth division. To the
Matienians and Saspeirians and Alarodians was appointed a
tribute of two hundred talents: this is the eighteenth division.

To the Moschoi and Tibarenians and Macronians and Mossy-’

noicoi and Mares three hundred talents were ordered: this 15
the nineteenth division. Of the Indians the number is far
greater than that of any other race of men of whom we know ;
and they brought in a tribute larger than all the rest, that is to
say three hundred and sixty talents of gold-dust: this is the
twentieth division.

95. Now if wé compare Babylonian with Euboic talents, the

VOL. I Ss

rf

258 HERODOTUS

silver is found to amount to nine thousand eight hundred and

The reckoning eighty®* talents; and if we reckon the gold at

of the tribute thirteen times the value of silver, weight for

money. weight, the gold-dust is found to amount to
four thousand six hundred and eighty Euboic talents. These
being all added together, the total which was collected as
yearly tribute for Dareios amounts to fourteen thousand five
hundred and sixty Euboic talents: the sums which are less
than these 88 I pass over and do not mention.

96. This was the tribute which came in to Dareios from
Asia and from a small part of Libya: but as time went on,
other tribute came in also from the islands and from those
who dwell in Europe as far as Thessaly. This tribute the
king stores up in his treasury in the following manner :—he
melts it down and pours it into jars of earthenware, and
when he has filled the jars he takes off the earthenware jar
from the metal; and when he wants money he cuts off so
much as he needs on each occasion.

97. These were the provinces and the assessments of tribute :
and the Persian land alone has not been mentioned by me as

The nations paying a contribution, for the Persians have

which brought their land to dwell in free from payment. The

gifts in place following moreover had no tribute fixed for them

of tribute. to pay, but brought gifts, namely the Ethiopians
who border upon Egypt, whom Cambyses subdued as he
marched against the Long-lived Ethiopians, those * who dwell
about Nysa, which is called “sacred,” and who celebrate
the festivals in honour of Dionysos: these Ethiopians and
those who dwell near them have the same kind of seed as the
Callantian Indians, and they have underground dwellings.®
These both together brought every other year, and continue
to bring even to my own time, two quart measures® of un-
melted gold and two hundred blocks of ebony and five
Ethiopian boys and twenty large elephant tusks. The Col-
chians also had set themselves among those who brought
gifts, and with them those who border upon them extending as
far as the range of Caucasus (for the Persian rule extends as
far as these mountains, but those who dwell in the parts
beyond Caucasus toward the North Wind regard the Persians
no longer),—these, I say, continued to bring the gifts which

BOOK 117 259

they had fixed for themselves every four years®’ even down to |
my own time, that is to say, a hundred boys and a hundred
maidens, Finally, the Arabians brought a thousand talents of
frankincense every year. Such were the gifts which these
brought to the king apart from the tribute.

98. Now this great quantity of gold, out of which the
Indians bring in to the king the gold-dust which has been
mentioned, is obtained by them in a manner .
which I shall tell:—That part of the Indian “ "*™™*"™®
land which is towards the rising sun is sand; for of all
the peoples in Asia of which we know or about which any
certain report is given, the Indians dwell furthest away towards
the East and the sunrising; seeing that the country to the
East of the Indians is desert on account of the sand. Now
there are many tribes of Indians, and they do not agree with
one another in language ; and some of them are pastoral and
others not so, and some dwell in the swamps of the river 88
and feed upon raw fish, which they catch by fishing from boats
made of cane; and each boat is made of one joint of cane.
These Indians of which I speak wear clothing made of rushes:
they gather and cut the rushes from the river and then weave
them together into a kind of mat and put it on like a corslet.
99. Others of the Indians, dwelling to the East of these, are
pastoral and eat raw flesh: these are called Padaians, and
they practise the following customs :—whenever any of their
tribe falls ill, whether it be a woman or a man, if a man then
the men who are his nearest associates put him to death, say-
ing that he is wasting away with the disease and his flesh is
being spoilt for them : 89 and meanwhile he denies stoutly and
says that he is not ill, but they do not agree with him; and
after they have killed him they feast upon his flesh: but if it
be a woman who falls ill, the women who are her greatest
intimates do to her in the same manner as the men do in the
other case. For® in fact even if a man has come to old age
they slay him and feast upon him ; but very few of them come
to be reckoned as old, for they kill every one who falls into
sickness, before he reaches old age. 100. Other Indians have
on the contrary a manner of life as follows :—they neither kill
any living thing nor do they sow any crops nor is it their cus-
tom to possess houses ; but they feed on herbs, and they have

260 HERODOTUS

a grain of the size of millet, in a sheath, which grows of itself
from the ground; this they gather and boil with the sheath,
and make it their food: and whenever any of them falls into
sickness, he goes to the desert country and lies there, and
none of them pay any attention either to one who is dead or
to one who is sick. 101. The sexual intercourse of all these
Indians of whom I have spoken is open like that of cattle,
and they have all one colour of skin, resembling that of the
Ethiopians: moreover the seed which they emit is not white
like that of other races, but black like their skin; and the
Ethiopians also are similar in this respect. These tribes of
Indians dwell further off than the Persian power extends, and
towards the South Wind, and they never became subjects of
Dareios.

102. Others however of the Indians are on the borders of
the city of Caspatyros and the country of Pactyiké, dwelling to-

and of their wards the North! of the other Indians ; and they
strange manner of have a manner of living nearly the same as that
getting gold. = of the Bactrians: these are the most warlike of

the Indians, and these are they who make expeditions for the
gold. For in the parts where they live it is desert on account
of the sand ; and in this desert and sandy tract are produced
ants, which are in size smaller than dogs but larger than foxes,
for®2 there are some of them kept at the residence of the king
of Persia, which were caught here. These ants then make
their dwelling under ground and carry up the sand just in the
same manner as the ants found in the land of the Hellenes,
which they themselves ® also very much resemble in form ;
and the sand which is brought up contains gold. To obtain
this sand the Indians make expeditions into the desert, each
one having yoked together three camels, placing a female in
the middle and a male like a trace-horse to draw by each side.
On this female he mounts himself, having arranged carefully
that she shall be taken to be yoked from young ones, the more
lately born the better. For their female camels are not
inferior to horses in speed, and moreover they are much more
capable of bearing weights. 103. As to the form of the
camel, I do not here describe it, since the Hellenes for whom
I write are already acquainted with it, but I shall tell that
which is not commonly known about it, which is this :—the

BOOK III 261

camel has in the hind legs four thighs and four knees,®™ and
its organs of generation are between the hind legs, turned
towards the tail. 104, The Indians, I say, ride out to get the
gold in the manner and with the kind of yoking which I have
described, making calculation so that they may be engaged in
carrying it off at the time when the greatest heat prevails ; for
the heat causes the ants to disappear underground. Now
among these nations the sun is hottest in the morning hours,
not at midday as with others, but from sunrise to the time of
closing the market: and during this time it produces much
greater heat than at midday in Hellas, so that it is said that
then they drench themselves with water. Midday however has
about equal degree of heat with the Indians as with other men,
while after midday their sun becomes like the morning sun
with other men, and after this, as it goes further away, it pro-
duces still greater coolness, until at last at sunset it makes the
air very cool indeed. 105. When the Indians have come to
the place with bags, they fill them with the sand and ride
away back as quickly as they can, for forthwith the ants, per-
ceiving, as the Persians allege, by the smell, begin to pursue
them : and this animal, they say, is superior to every other
creature in swiftness, so that unless the Indians got a start in
their course, while the ants were gathering together, not one of
them would escape. So then the male camels, far they are
inferior in speed of running to the females, if they drag
behind are even let loose ® from the side of the female, one
after the other ;% the females however, remembering the young
which they left behind, do not show any slackness in their
course.” Thus it is that the Indians get most part of the
gold, as the Persians say ; there is however other gold also in
their land obtained by digging, but in smaller quantities.

106. It seems indeed that the extremities of the inhabited
world had allotted to them by nature the fairest things, just as
it was the lot of Hellas to have its seasons far ,,.

. at the extreme
more fairly tempered than other lands: for first, regions of the
India is the most distant of inhabited lands earth produce
towards the East, as I have said a little above, things. excellent
and in this land not only the animals, birds as
well as four-footed beasts, are much larger than in other
places (except the horses, which are surpassed by those of

262 HERODOTUS

Media called Nesaian), but also there is gold in abundance
there, some got by digging, some brought down by rivers, and
some carried off as I explained just now: and there also the
trees which grow wild produce wool which surpasses in beauty
and excellence that from sheep, and the Indians wear clothing
obtained from these trees. 107. Then again Arabia is the
furthest of inhabited lands in the direction of the midday,
and in it alone of all lands grow frankincense and myrrh and
cassia and cinnamon and gum-mastich. All these except myrrh
are got with difficulty by theArabians. Frankincense theycollect
by burning the storax, which is brought thence to the Hellenes by
the Phenicians, by burning this, I say, so as to produce smoke
they take it; for these trees which produce frankincense are
guarded by winged serpents, small in size and of various
colours, which watch in great numbers about each tree, of the
same kind as those which attempt to invade Egypt : 55. and
they cannot be driven away from the trees by any other thing
but only by the smoke of storax. 108. The Arabians say also
that all the world would have been by this time filled with
these serpents, if that did not happen with regard to them
which I knew happened with regard to vipers: and it seems
that the Divine Providence, as indeed was to be expected,
seeing that it is wise, has made all those animals prolific
which are of cowardly spirit and good for food, in order that
they may not be all eaten up and their race fail, whereas it
has made those which are bold and noxious to have small
progeny. For example, because the hare is hunted by every
beast and bird as well as by man, therefore it is so very prolific
as it is: and this is the only one of all beasts which becomes
pregnant again before the former young are born, and has in
its womb some of its young covered with fur and others bare ;
and while one is just being shaped in the matrix, another is being
conceived. Thus it is in this case; whereas the lioness, which is
the strongest and most courageous of creatures, produces one
cub once only in her life; for when she produces young she
casts out her womb together with her young ; and the cause of
it is this:—when the cub being within the mother ® begins
to move about, then having claws by far sharper than those of
any other beast he tears the womb, and as he grows larger he
proceeds much further in his scratching: at last the time of

BOOK ITI 263

birth approaches and there is now nothing at all left of it in
a sound condition. 109. Just so also, if vipers and the
winged serpents of the Arabians were produced in the ordinary
course of their nature, man would not be able to live upon the
earth ; but as it is, when they couple with one another and the
male is in the act of generation, as he lets go from him the
seed, the female seizes hold of his neck, and fastening on to
it does not relax her hold till she has eaten it through. The
male then dies in the manner which I have said, but the
female pays the penalty of retribution for the male in this
manner :—the young while they are still in the womb take
vengeance for their father by eating through their mother,
and having eaten through her belly they thus make their way
out for themselves. Other serpents however, which are not
hurtful to man, produce eggs and hatch from them a very
large number of offspring. Now vipers are distributed over
all the earth; but the others, which are winged, are found
in great numbers together in Arabia and in no other land:
therefore it is that they appear to be numerous. 110.
This frankincense then is obtained thus by the Arabians ;
and cassia is obtained as follows :—they bind up in cows’
hide and other kinds of skins all their body and their
face except only the eyes, and then go to get the cassia.
This grows in a pool not very deep, and round the pool and
In it lodge, it seems, winged beasts nearly resembling bats,
and they squeak horribly and are courageous in fight. These
they must keep off from their eyes, and so cut the cassia.
111. Cinnamon they collect in a yet more marvellous manner
than this ; for where it grows and what land produces it they are
not able to tell, except only that some say (and it is a probable
account) that it grows in those regions where Dionysos was
brought up; and they say that large birds carry those dried
sticks which we have learnt from the Phenicians to call
cinnamon, carry them, I say, to nests which are made of clay
and stuck on to precipitous sides of mountains, which man
can find no means of scaling. With regard to this then the
Arabians practise the following contrivance :—they divide up
the limbs of the oxen and asses that die and of their other
beasts of burden, into pieces as large as convenient, and
convey them to these places, and when they have laid them

264 HERODOTUS

down not far from the nests, they withdraw to a distance from
them: and the birds fly down and carry the limbs?” of the
beasts of burden off to their nests ; and these are not able to
bear them, but break down and fall to the earth ; and the men
come up to them and collect the cinnamon. Thus cinnamon
is collected and comes from this nation to the other countries
of the world. 112. Gum-mastich however, which the Arabians
call Jadanon, comes in a still more extraordinary manner ; for
though it is the most sweet-scented of all things, 1 comes in the
most evil-scented thing, since it is found in the beards of he-
goats, produced there like resin from wood: this is of use for
the making of many perfumes, and the Arabians use it more
than anything else as incense. 113. Let what we have said
suffice with regard to spices; and from the land of Arabia
there blows a scent of them most marvellously sweet. They
have also two kinds of sheep which are worthy of admiration
and are not found in any other land: the one kind has the
tail long, not less than three cubits in length; and if one
should allow them to drag these after them, they would have
sores 1°l from their tails being worn away against the ground ;
but as it 15, every one of the shepherds knows enough of
carpentering to make little cars, which they tie under the tails,
fastening the tail of each animal to a separate little car. The
other kind of sheep has the tail broad, even as much as a
cubit in breadth.

114. As one passes beyond the place of the midday, the
Ethiopian land is that which extends furthest of all inhabited
lands towards the sunset. This produces both gold in abund-
ance and huge elephants and trees of all kinds growing wild
and ebony, and men who are of all men the tallest, the most
beautiful and the most long-lived.

115. These are the extremities in Asia and in Libya;
but as to the extremities of Europe towards the West, I
am not able to speak with certainty: for neither do I accept
the tale that there is a river called in Barbarian tongue
Eridanos, flowing into the sea which lies towards the North
Wind, whence it is said that amber comes; nor do I
know of the real existence of “Tin islands”? from which
tin? comes to us: for first the name Eridanos itself de-
clares that it is Hellenic and that it does not belong to

BOOK 777 265

a Barbarian speech, but was invented by some poet; and
secondly I am not able to hear from any one who has been
an eye-witness, though I took pains to discover this, that
there is a sea on the other side of Europe. However that
may be, tin and amber certainly come to us from the ex-
tremity of Europe. 116. Then again towards the North of
Europe, there is evidently a quantity of gold by far larger
than in any other land: as to how it is got, here again I am
not able to say for certain, but it is said to be carried off from
the griffins by Arimaspians, a one-eyed race of men.!* But
I do not believe this tale either, that nature produces one-
eyed men which in all other respects are like other men.
However, it would seem that the extremities which bound
the rest of the world on every side and enclose it in the
midst, possess the things which by us are thought to be the
most beautiful and the most rare.

117. Nowthere is a plain in Asia bounded by mountains on
all sides, and through the mountains there are five clefts. This
plain belonged once to the Chorasmians, and it The tribute for
lies on the borders of the Chorasmians them- water (over and
selves, the Hyrcanians, Parthians, Sarangians, *bove the other).
and Thamanaians; but from the time that the Persians began
to bear rule it belongs to the king. From this enclosing
mountain of which I speak there flows a great river, and
its name is Akes. ‘This formerly watered the lands of these
nations which have been mentioned, being divided into five
streams and conducted through a separate cleft in the
mountains to each separate nation; but from the time that
they have come to be under the Persians, they have suffered
as follows :—the king built up the clefts irf the mountains and
set gates at each cleft ; and so, since the water has been shut
off from its outlet, the plain within the mountains is made
into a sea, because the river runs into it and has no way
out in any direction. ‘Those therefore who in former times
had been wont to make use of the water, not being able now-
to make use of it are in great trouble: for during the winter
they have rain from heaven, as also other men have, but in the
summer they desire to use the water when they sow millet
and sesame seed. So then, the water not being granted to
them, they come to the Persians both themselves and their

266 HERODOTUS

wives, and standing at the gates of the king’s court they cry
and howl; and the king orders that for those who need it
most, the gates which lead to their land shall be opened ; and
when their land has become satiated with drinking in the
water, these gates are closed, and he orders the gates to be
opened for others, that is to say those most needing it of the
rest who remain: and, as I have heard, he exacts large sums
of money for opening them, besides the regular tribute.

118. Thus it is with these matters: but of the seven men
who had risen against the Magian, it happened to one, namely
Intaphrenes, to be put to death immediately after
their insurrection for an outrage which I shall
relate. He desired to enter into the king’s palace
and confer with the king; for the law was in fact so, that those
who had risen up against the Magian were permitted to go in to
the king’s presence without any one to announce them, unless
the king happened to be lying with his wife. Accordingly In-
taphrenes did not think it fit that any one should announce his
coming ; but as he was one of the seven, he desired to enter.
The gatekeeper however and the bearer of messages en-
deavoured to prevent him, saying that the king was lying with
his wife: but Intaphrenes believing that they were not speak-
ing the truth, drew his sword!® and cut off their ears and
their noses, and stringing these upon his horse’s bridle he tied
them round their necks and so let them go. 119. Upon this
they showed themselves to the king and told the cause for
which they had suffered this ; and Dareios, fearing that the six
might have done this by common design, sent for each one
separately and made trial of his inclinations, as to whether he
approved of that which had been done: and when he was
fully assured that Intaphrenes had not done this in combina-
tion with them, he took both Intaphrenes himself and his
sons and all his kinsmen, being much disposed to believe
that he was plotting insurrection against him with the help of
his relations ;"and having seized them he put them in bonds
as for execution. Then the wife of Intaphrenes, coming con-
stantly to the doors of the king’s court, wept and bewailed
herself; and by doing this continually after the same manner
she moved Dareios to pity her. Accordingly he sent a
messenger and said to her: ‘‘Woman, king Dareios grants

The death of
Intaphrenes,

BOOK 117 267

to thee to save from death one of thy kinsmen who are lying
in bonds, whomsoever thou desirest of them all.” She then,
having considered with herself, answered thus: “If in truth
the king grants me the life of one, I choose of them all my
brother.” Dareios being informed of this, and marvelling at
her speech, sent and addressed her thus: ‘ Woman, the king
asks thee what was in thy mind, that thou didst leave thy
husband and thy children to die, and didst choose thy brother
to survive, seeing that he is surely less near to thee in blood
than thy children, and less dear to thee than thy husband.”
She made answer: “O king, I might, if heaven willed, have
another husband and other children, if I should lose these ;
but another brother I could by no means have, seeing that my
father and my mother are no longer alive. This was in my
mind when I said those words.” To Dareios then it seemed
that the woman had spoken well, and he let go not only him
for whose life she asked, but also the eldest of her sons,
because he was pleased with her: but all the others he slew.
One therefore of the seven had perished immediately in the
manner which has been related.

120. Now about the time of the sickness of Cambyses it
had come to pass as follows:—There was one Oroites, a
Persian, who had been appointed by Cyrus to pow the satrap
be governor of the province of Sardis. This Oroites plotted
man had set his desire upon an unholy thing ; 28ainst the life of
_ for though from Polycrates the Samian he had «°7°"
neither suffered anything nor heard any offensive word nor
even seen him before that time, he desired to take him and
put him to death for a reason of this kind, as most who report
the matter say :—while Oroites and another Persian whose
name was Mitrobates, ruler of the province of Daskyleion,!”
were sitting at the door of the king’s court, they came from
words to strife with one another; and as they debated their
several claims to excellence, Mitrobates taunting Oroites said:
“Dost shou 108 count thyself a man, who didst never yet
win for the king the island of Samos, which lies close to
thy province, when it is so exceedingly easy of conquest
that one of the natives of it rose up against the government
with fifteen men-at-arms and got possession of the island, and
is now despot of it?” Some say that because he heard this

268 HERODOTUS

and was stung by the reproach, he formed the desire, not so
much to take vengeance on him who had said this, as to bring
Polycrates to destruction at all costs, since by reason of him he
was ill spoken of: 121, the lesser number however of those
who tell the tale say that Oroites sent a herald to Samos to ask
for something or other, but what it was is not mentioned ; and
Polycrates happened to be lying down in the men’s chamber 1
of his palace, and Anacreon also of Teos«was present with
him: and somehow, whether it was by intention and because
he made no account of the business of Oroites, or whether
some chance occurred to bring it about, it happened that the
envoy of Oroites came into his presence and spoke with him,
and Polycrates, who chanced to be turned away 119 towards the
wall, neither turned round at all nor made any answer. 122.
The cause then of the death of Polycrates is reported in these
two different ways, and we may believe whichever of them
we please. Oroites however, having his residence at that
Magnesia which is situated upon the river Maiander, sent
Myrsos the son of Gyges, a Lydian, to Samos bearing a mess-
age, since he had perceived the designs of Polycrates. For
Polycrates was. the first of the Hellenes of whom we have
any knowledge, who set his mind upon having command of
the sea, excepting Minos the Cnossian and any other who
may have had command of the sea before his time. Of that
which we call mortal race Polycrates was the first ; and he
had great expectation of becoming ruler of Ionia and of the
islands. Oroites accordingly, having perceived that he had
this design, sent a message to him and said thus: ‘“‘Oroites to
Polycrates saith as follows: I hear that thou art making plans
to get great power, and that thou hast not wealth according
to thy high thoughts. Now therefore if thou shalt do as I
shall say, thou wilt do well for thyself on the one hand, and
also save me from destruction: for king Cambyses is planning
death for me, and this is reported to me so that I cannot
doubt it. Do thou then carry away out of danger both
myself and with me my wealth; and of this keep a part for
thyself and a part let me keep, and then so far as
wealth may bring it about, thou shalt be ruler of all
Hellas. And if thou dost not believe that which I say
about the money, send some one, whosoever happens to

BOOK III 269
be most trusted by thee, and to him I will show it.” 128.
Polycrates having heard this rejoiced, and was disposed
to agree ; and as he had a great desire, it seems, for wealth,
he first sent Maiandrios the son of Maiandrios, a native of
Samos who was his secretary, to see it: this man was the same
who not long after these events dedicated all the ornaments of
the men’s chamber!” in the palace of Polycrates, ornaments
well worth seeing, as an offering to the temple of Hera.
Oroites accordingly, having heard that the person sent to
examine might be expected soon to come, did as follows,
that is to say, he filled eight chests with stones except a
small depth at the very top of each, and laid gold above upon
the stones ; then he tied up the chests and kept them in readi-
ness. So Maiandrios came and looked at them and brought
back word to Polycrates : 124, and he upon that ana now
prepared to set out thither, although the diviners Polycrates was
and also his friends strongly dissuaded him lan and his
from it, and in spite moreover of a vision which yong NP:
his daughter had seen in sleep of this kind,—it seemed to her
that her father was raised up on high and was bathed by Zeus
and anointed by the Sun. Having seen this vision, she used
every kind of endeavour to dissuade Polycrates from leaving
his land to go to Oroites, and besides that, as he was going to
his fifty-oared galley she accompanied his departure with pro-
phetic words: and he threatened her that if he should return
safe, she should remain unmarried for long ; but she prayed that
this might come to pass, for she desired rather, she said, to be
unmarried for long than to be an orphan, having lost her
father. 125. Polycrates however neglected every counsel and
set sail to go to Oroites, taking with him, besides many others
of his friends, Demokedes also the son of Calliphon, a man of
Croton, who was a physician and practised his art better
than any other man of his time. Then when he armived at
Magnesia, Polycrates was miserably put to death in a manner
unworthy both of himself and of his high ambition: for
excepting those who became despots of the Syracusans, not
one besides of the Hellenic despots is worthy to be compared
with Polycrates in magnificence. And when he had killed
him in a manner not fit to be told, Oroites impaled his
body: and of those who accompanied him, as many as were

Death of
Polycrates
about 522
B.C.

270 HERODOTUS

Samians he released, bidding them be grateful to him that they
were free men ; but all those of his company who were either
aliens or servants, he held in the estimation of slaves and kept
them. Polycrates then being hung up accomplished wholly
the vision of his daughter, for he was bathed by Zeus when-
ever it rained, and anointed by the Sun, giving forth moist-
ure himself from his body.
126. To this end then came the great prosperity of Poly-
crates, as Amasis the king of Egypt had foretold to him:!!
The retribution Dut not long afterwards retribution overtook
which overtook Oroites in his turn for the murder of Polycrates.
Oroites. For after the death of Cambyses and the reign of
the Magians Oroites remained at Sardis and did no service to
the Persians, when they had been deprived of their empire by
the Medes; moreover during this time of disturbance he slew
Mitrobates the governor in Daskyleion, who had brought up
against him the matter of Polycrates as a reproach ; and he slew
also Cranaspes the son of Mitrobates, both men of repute among
the Persians: and besides other various deeds of insolence, once
when a bearer of messages had come to him from Dareios, not
being pleased with the message which he brought he slew him
as he was returning, having set men to lie in wait for him by
the way ; and having slain him he made away with the bodies
both of the man and of his horse. 127. Dareios accordingly,
when he had come to the throne, was desirous of taking ven-
geance upon Oroites for all his wrongdoings and especially for
the murder of Mitrobates and his son. However he did not
think it good to act openly and to send an army against him,
since his own affairs were still in a disturbed state1!? and he had
only lately come to the throne, while he heard that the strength of
Oroites was great, seeing that he had a bodyguard of a thousand
Persian spearmen and was in possession of the divisions!4®
of Phrygia and Lydia and Ionia. Therefore Dareios contrived
as follows :—having called together those of the Persians who
were of most repute, he said to them: “ Persians, which of you
all will undertake to perform this matter for me with wisdom, and
not by force or with tumult? for where wisdom is wanted,
there is no need of force. Which of you, I say, will either
bring Oroites alive to me or slay him? for he never yet did
any service to the Persians, and on the other hand he has done

BOOK 7177 271

to them great evil. First he destroyed two of us, Mitrobates
and his son ; then he slays the men who go to summon him,
sent by me, displaying insolence not to be endured. Before
therefore he shall accomplish any other evil against the Per-
sians, we must check his course by death.” 128. Thus
Dareios asked, and thirty men undertook the matter, each one
separately desiring to do it himself; and Dareios stopped their
contention and bade them cast lots: so when they cast lots,
Bagaios the son of Artontes obtained the lot from among them
all. Bagaios accordingly, having obtained the lot, did thus :—
he wrote many papers dealing with various matters and on them
set the seal of Dareios, and with them he went to Sardis.
When he arrived there and came into the presence of
Oroites, he took the covers off the papers one after another
and gave them to the Royal Secretary to read; for all the
governors of provinces have Royal Secretaries. Now Bagaios
thus gave the papers in order to make trial of the spearmen of
the guard, whether they would accept the motion to revolt from
Oroites ; and seeing that they paid great reverence to the
papers and still more to the words which were recited from
them, he gave another paper in which were contained these
words: ‘“ Persians, king Dareios forbids you to serve as guards
to Oroites:” and they hearing this lowered to him the points
of their spears. ‘Then Bagaios, seeing that in this they were
obedient to the paper, took courage upon that and gave the
last of the papers to the secretary; and in it was written:
“King Dareios commands the Persians who are in Sardis
to slay Oroites.” So the spearmen of the guard, when they
heard this, drew their swords and slew him forthwith. Thus
did retribution for the murder of Polycrates the Samian over-
take Oroites.

129. When the wealth of Oroites had come or had been
carried 116 up to Susa, it happened not long after, that king
Dareios while engaged in hunting wild beasts The mi

. ; . . - . e mishap of
twisted his foot in leaping off his horse, and it pareios when
was twisted, as it seems, rather violently, for the hunting, and the
ball of his ankle-joint was put out of the socket. physician Demo-

65.
Now he had been accustomed before to keep
about him those of the Egyptians who were accounted the first
in the art of medicine, and he made use of their assistance

272 HERODOTUS

then: but these by wrenching and forcing the foot made the
evil continually greater. For seven days then and seven nights
Dareios was sleepless owing to the pain which he suffered ;
and at last on the eighth day, when he was in a wretched
state, some one who had heard talk before while yet at Sardis
of the skill of Demokedes of Crotén, reported this to Dareios ;
and he bade them bring him forthwith into his presence. So
having found him somewhere unnoticed among the slaves of
Oroites, they brought him forth into the midst dragging fetters
after him and clothed in rags. 180. When he had been
placed in the midst of them, Dareios asked him whether he
understood the art; but he would not admit it, fearing lest, if
he declared himself to be what he was, he might lose for ever
the hope of returning to Hellas: and it was clear to Dareios
that he understood that art but was practising another,!> and
he commanded those who had brought him thither to produce
scourges and pricks. Accordingly upon that he spoke out, say-
ing that he did not understand it precisely, but that he had kept
company with a physician and had some poor knowledge of the
art. Then after this, when Dareios had committed the case to
him, by using Hellenic drugs and applying mild remedies after
the former violent means, he caused him to get sleep, and in a
short time made him perfectly well, though he had never hoped
to be sound of foot again. Upon this Dareios presented him
with two pairs of golden fetters ; and he asked him whether it
was by design that he had given to him a double share of his
suffering, because he had made him well. Being pleased by
this saying, Dareios sent him to visit his wives, and the eunuchs
in bringing him in said to the women that this was he who had
restored to the king his life. Then each one of them plunged
a cup into the gold-chest 14 and presented Demokedes with so
abundant a gift that his servant, whose name was Skiton,
following and gathering up the coins”? which fell from the
cups, collected for himself a very large sum of gold.

131. This Demokedes came from Crotén, and became the
associate of Polycrates in the following manner :—at Crot6n
he lived in strife with his father, who was of a harsh temper, and
when he could no longer endure him, he departed and came
to Egina. Being established there he surpassed in the first
year all the other physicians, although he was without

BOOR 777 273

appliances and had none of the instruments which are used in
the art. In the next year the Eginetan State engaged him for
a payment of one talent, in the third year he was engaged by
the Athenians for a hundred pounds weight of silver,!® and in
the fourth by Polycrates for two talents. Thus he arrived in
Samos ; and it was by reason of this man more than anything
else that the physicians of Croton got their reputation : for this
event happened at the time when the physicians of Crotén
began to be spoken of as the first in Hellas, while the Kyren-
ians were reputed to have the second place. About this same
time also the Argives had the reputation of being the first
musicians in Hellas,!!9

182. Then Demokedes having healed king Dareios had
a very great house in Susa, and had been made a table-com-
panion of the king; and except the one thing of returning to
the land of the Hellenes, he had everything. And first as
regards the Egyptian physicians who tried to heal the king before
him, when they were about to be impaled because they had
been proved inferior to a physician who was a Hellene, he asked
their lives of the king and rescued them from death: then
secondly, he rescued an Eleian prophet, who had accompanied
Polycrates and had remained unnoticed among the slaves.
In short Demokedes was very great in the favour of the king.

188. Not long time after this another thing came to pass
which was this :—Atossa the daughter of Cyrus and wife of
Dareios had a tumourupon her breast, which after- prow Demokedes,
wards burst and then was spreading further : and having healed
so long 85 it was not large, she concealed it and 4tossa,
said nothing to anybody, because she was ashamed ; but after-
wards when she was in evil case, she sent for Demokedes and
showed it to him: and he said that he would make her well,
and caused her to swear that she would surely do for him in
return that which he should ask of her; and he would ask, he
said, none of such things as are shameful. 184. .uocested through
So when after this by his treatment he had made her mouth to
her well, then Atossa instructed by Demokedes Pareios to make
uttered to Dareios in his bedchamber some such *" "?" Hells
words as these: “‘O king, though thou hast such great power,
thou dost sit still, and dost not win in addition any nation or
power for the Persians: and yet it is reasonable that a man

VOL. I T

274 HERODOTUS

who is both young and master of much wealth should be seen
to perform some great deed, in order that the Persians may
know surely that he is a man by whom they are ruled. It is
- expedient indeed in two ways that thou shouldest do so, both in
order that the Persians may know that their ruler is a man, and
in order that they may be worn down by war and not have
leisure to plot against thee. For now thou mightest display
some great deed, while thou art still young ; seeing that as the
body grows strong the spirit also grows strong with it, but as it
grows old the spirit grows old also with it, and is blunted for
every kind of action.” Thus she spoke according to instruc-
tions received, and he answered thus: “ Woman, thou hast said
all the things which I myself have in my mind to do; for I have
made the plan to yoke together a bridge from this continent to
the other and to make expedition against the Scythians, and
these designs will be by way of being fulfilled within a little
time.” Then Atossa said: “ Look now,—forbear to go first
against the Scythians, for these will be in thy power whenever
thou desirest: but do thou, I pray thee, make an expedition
against Hellas ; for I am desirous to have Lacedemonian women
and Argive and Athenian and Corinthian, for attendants, because
I hear of them by report: and thou hast the man who of all
men Is most fitted to show thee all things which relate to Hellas
and to be thy guide, that man, I mean, who healed thy foot.”
Dareios made answer: “ Woman, since it seems good to thee
that we should first make trial of Hellas, I think it better to send
first to them men of the Persians together with him of whom thou
speakest, to make investigation, that when these have learnt and
seen, they may report each several thing to us; and then I
shall go to attack them with full knowledge of all.”

185. Thus he said, and he proceeded to do the deed
as he spoke the word: for as soon as day dawned, he sum-
The spies which MOned fifteen Persians, men of repute, and
Dareios sent with bade them pass through the coasts of Hellas in
Demokedes to the company with Demokedes, and take care not

᾿ to let Demokedes escape from them, but bring
him back at all costs. Having thus commanded them, next he
summoned Demokedes himself and asked him to act as a guide
for the whole of Hellas and show it to the Persians, and then
return back: and he bade him take all his movable goods and

BOOK III 276

carry them as gifts to his father and his brothers, saying that he
would give him in their place many times as much ; and besides
this, he said, he would contribute to the gifts a merchant ship
filled with all manner of goods, which should sail with him.
Dareios, as it seems to me, promised him these things with no
crafty design ; but Demokedes was afraid that Dareios was
making trial of him, and did not make haste to accept all that
was Offered, but said that he would leave his own things
where they were, so that he might have them when he came
back; he said however that he accepted the merchant ship
which Dareios promised him for the presents to his brothers.
Dareios then, having thus given command to him also, sent
them away to the sea. 186. So these, when they had gone
down to Phenicia and in Phenicia to the city of Sidon, forth-
with manned two triremes, and besides them they also filled a
large ship of burden with all manner of goods. Then when
they had made all things ready they set sail for Hellas, and
touching at various places they saw the coast regions of it
and wrote down a description, until at last, when they had
seen the greater number of the famous places, they came to
Taras!” in Italy. There from complaisance 12: to Demo-
kedes Aristophilides the king of the Tarentines unfastened and
removed the steering-oars of the Median ships, and also con-
fined the Persians in prison, because, as he alleged, théy came
as spies. While they were being thus dealt with, Demokedes
went away and reached Croton ; and when he had now reached
his own native place, Aristophilides set the Persians free and
gave back to them those parts of their ships ang now Demo-
which he had taken away. 187. The Persians kedes escaped to
then sailing thence and pursuing Demokedes ot.
reached Croton, and finding him in the market-place they laid
hands upon him ; and some of the men of Croton fearing the
Persian power were willing to let him go, but others took hold
of him and struck with their staves at the Persians, who pleaded
for themselves in these words: ‘‘Men of Croton, take care
what ye are about: ye are rescuing a man who was a slave of
king Dareios and who ran away from him. How, think you,
will king Dareios be content to receive such insult ; and how
shall this which ye do be well for you, if ye take him away
from us? Against what city, think you, shall we make ex-

276 HERODOTUS

pedition sooner than against this, and what city before this
shall we endeavour to reduce to slavery?” Thus saying they
did not however persuade the men of Crotdn, but having had
Demokedes rescued from them and the ship of burden which
they were bringing with them taken away, they set sail to go back
to Asia, and did not endeavour to visit any more parts of
Hellas or to find out about them, being now deprived of their
guide. Thus much however Demokedes gave them as a
charge when they were putting forth to sea, bidding them say
to Dareios that Demokedes was betrothed to the daughter of
Milon: for the wrestler Milon had a great name at the king’s
court ; and I suppose that Demokedes was urgent for this
marriage, spending much money to further it, in order that
Dareios might see that he was held in honour also in his own
Of that which Country. 188. The Persians however, after they
afterwards befell had put out from CrotoOn, were cast away with
the Persians who their ships in Iapygia; and as they were remain-
came withhim. . . . .
ing there as slaves, Gillos a Tarentine exile
rescued them and brought them back to king Dareios. In
return for this Dareios offered to give him whatsoever thing he
should desire ; and Gillos chose that he might have the power
of returning to Taras, narrating first the story of his misfor-
tune: and in order that he might not disturb all Hellas, as
would be the case if on his account a great armament should
sail to invade Italy, he said it was enough for him that the
men of Cnidos should be those who brought him back, without
any others; because he supposed that by these, who were
friends with the Tarentines, his return from exile would most
easily be effected. Dareios accordingly having promised pro-
ceeded to perform; for he sent a messenger to Cnidos and
bade them bring back Gillos to Taras : and the men of Cnidos
obeyed Dareios, but nevertheless they did not persuade the
Tarentines, and they were not strong enough to apply force.
Thus then it happened with regard to these things; and these
were the first Persians who came from Asia to Hellas, and for
the reason which has been mentioned these were sent as spies.
189. After this king Dareios took Samos before all other
cities, whether of Hellenes or Barbarians, and for a cause
which was as follows:—-When Cambyses the son of Cyrus
was marching upon Egypt, many Hellenes arrived in Egypt,

BOOK ΠῚ 277

some, as might be expected, joining in the campaign to make
profit,!22 and some also coming to see the land itself; and
among these was Syloson the son of Aiakes ἴῃς cause wh
and brother of Polycrates, an exile from Samos. the Persians y
To this Syloson a fortunate chance occurred, fought against
which was this:—he had taken and put upon 54™°5.

him a flame-coloured mantle, and was about the market-
place in Memphis; and Dareios, who was then one of the
spearmen of Cambyses and not yet held in any great estima-
tion, seeing him had a desire for the mantle, and going up to
him offered to buy it. Then Syloson, seeing that Dareios
very greatly desired the mantle, by some divine inspiration
said: “TI will not sell this for any sum, but I will give it thee
for nothing, if, as it appears, it must be thine at all costs.”
To this Dareios agreed and received from him the garment.
140. Now Syloson supposed without any doubt that he had
altogether lost this by easy simplicity ; but when in course of
time Cambyses was dead, and the seven Persians had risen up
against the Magian, and of the seven Dareios had obtained
the kingdom, Syloson heard that the kingdom had come
about to that man to whom once in Egypt he had given the
garment at his request: accordingly he went up to Susa and
sat down at the entrance 128 of the king’s palace, and said that
he was a benefactor of Dareios. The keeper of the door
hearing this reported it to the king; and he marvelled at it
and said to him: ‘‘Who then of the Hellenes is my bene-
factor, to whom I am bound by gratitude? seeing that it is
now but a short time that I possess the kingdom, and as yet
scarcely one ! of them has come up to our court; and I may
almost say that I have no debt owing to a Hellene. Never-
theless bring him in before me, that I may know what he
means when he says these things.” Then the keeper of the
door brought Syloson before him, and when he had been set
in the midst, the interpreters asked him who he was and what
he had done, that he called himself a benefactor of the king.
Syloson accordingly told all that had happened about the
mantle, and how he was the man who had given it; to which
Dareios made answer: “O most noble of men, thou art
he who when as yet I had no power gavest me a gift, small it
may be, but nevertheless the kindness is counted with me to

278 HERODOTUS

be as great as if I should now receive some great thing from
some one. Therefore I will give thee in return gold and
silver in abundance, that thou mayest not ever repent that thou
didst render a service to Dareios the son of Hystaspes.” To
this Syloson replied: “To me, O king, give neither gold nor
silver, but recover and give to me my fatherland Samos, which
now that my brother Polycrates has been slain by Oroites is
possessed by our slave. This give to me without bloodshed
or selling into slavery.” 141. Dareios having heard this pre-
pared to send an expedition with Otanes as commander of it,
who had been one of the seven, charging him to accomplish
for Syloson all that which he had requested. Otanes then
went down to the sea-coast and was preparing the expedition.
142. Now Maiandrios the son of Maiandrios was holding
the rule over Samos, having received the government as a
Of Maiandrios, trust from Polycrates ; and he, though desiring
who was despot to show himself the most righteous of men, did
of Samos. not succeed in so doing: for when the death of
Polycrates was reported to him, he did as follows :—first he
founded an altar to Zeus the Liberator and marked out a sacred
enclosure round it, namely that which exists still in the suburb
of the city; then after he had done this he gathered together
an assembly of all the citizens and spoke these words: “ To me,
as ye know as well as I, has been entrusted the sceptre of
Polycrates and all his power; and now it is open to me to be
your ruler; but that for the doing of which I find fault with my
neighbour, I will myself refrain from doing, so far as I may:
for as I did not approve of Polycrates acting as master of men
who were not inferior to himself, so neither do I approve of
any other who does such things. Now Polycrates for his
part fulfilled his own appointed destiny, and I now give the
power into the hands of the people, and proclaim to you
equality. These privileges however I think it right to
have assigned to me, namely that from the wealth of Poly-
crates six talents should be taken out and given to me as
a special gift; and in addition to this I choose for myself
and for my descendants in succession the priesthood of Zeus
the Liberator, to whom I myself founded a temple, while I
bestow liberty upon you.” He, as I say, made these offers to
the Samians ; but one of them rose up and said: ‘“ Nay, but

BOOK 777 279

unworthy too art οι 136 to be our ruler, seeing that thou art
of mean birth and a pestilent fellow besides. Rather take
care that thou give an account of the money which thou hadst
to deal with.” 143. Thus said one who was a man of repute
among the citizens, whose name was Telesarchos; and
Maiandrios perceiving that if he resigned the power, some
other would be set up as despot instead of himself, did not
keep the purpose at all?’ of resigning it; but having retired
to the fortress he sent for each man separately, pretending
that he was going to give an account of the money, and so
seized them and put them in bonds. These then had been
put in bonds; but Maiandrios after this was overtaken by
sickness, and his brother, whose name was Lycaretos, expect-
ing that he would die, put all the prisoners to death, in order
that he might himself more easily get possession of the power
over Samos: and all this happened because, as it appears,
they did not choose to be free.

144. So when the Persians arrived at Samos bringing
Syloson home from exile, no one raised a hand against them,
and moreover the party of Maiandrios and
Maiandrios himself said that they were ready to How he was
retire out of the island under a truce. Otanes
therefore having agreed on these terms and having made a
treaty, the most honourable of the Persians had seats placed
for them in front of the fortress and were sitting there. 148.
Now the despot Maiandrios had a brother who was somewhat
mad, and his name was Charilaos. ‘This man for some offence
which he had committed had been confined in an under-
ground dungeon,!* and at this time of which I speak, having
heard what was being done and having put his head through
out of the dungeon, when he saw the Persians peacefully sit-
ting there he began to cry out and said that he desired to come
to speech with Maiandrios. So Maiandrios hearing his voice
bade them loose him and bring him into his presence ; and as
soon as he was brought he began to abuse and revile him,
trying to persuade him to attack the Persians, and saying
thus: “Thou basest of men, didst thou put me in bonds and
judge me worthy of the dungeon under ground, who am thine
own brother and did no wrong worthy of bonds, and when
thou seest the Persians casting thee forth from the land and

280 HERODOTUS

making thee homeless, dost thou not dare to take any revenge,
though they are so exceedingly easy to be overcome? Nay,
but if in truth thou art afraid of them, give me thy mercenaries
and I will take vengeance on them for their coming here; and
thyself I am willing to let go out of the island.” 146. Thus
spoke Charilaos, and Maiandrios accepted that which he said,
not, as I think, because he had reached such a height of folly
as to suppose that his own power would overcome that of the
king, but rather because he grudged Syloson that he should
receive from him the State without trouble, and with no injury
inflicted upon it. Therefore he desired to provoke the Persians
to anger and make the Samian power as feeble as possible
before he gave it up to him, being well assured that the
Persians, when they had suffered evil, would be likely to be
bitter against the Samians as well as against those who did the
wrong,!” and knowing also that he had a safe way of escape
from the island whenever he desired: for he had had a secret
passage made under ground, leading from the fortress to the
sea. Maiandrios then himself sailed out from Samos; but
Charilaos armed all the mercenaries, and opening wide the
gates sent them out upon the Persians, who were not ex-
pecting any such thing, but supposed that all had been
arranged: and the mercenaries falling upon them began to
slay those of the Persians who had seats carried for them 130
and were of most account. While these were thus en-
gaged, the rest of the Persian force came to the rescue, and
the mercenaries were hard pressed and forced to retire to the
fortress, 147. Then Otanes the Persian commander, seeing
that the Persians had suffered greatly, purposely forgot the
commands which Dareios gave him when he sent him forth,
not to kill any one of the Samians nor to sell any into slavery,
but to restore the island to Syloson free from all suffering of
calamity, — these commands, I say, he purposely forgot, and
gave the word to his army to slay every one whom they should
take, man or boy, without distinction. So while some of the
army were besieging the fortress, others were slaying every
one who came in their way, in sanctuary or out of sanctuary
equally. 148. Meanwhile Maiandrios had escaped from Samos
and was sailing to Lacedemon; and having come thither and
caused to be brought up to the city the things which he had

BOOK 7 281

taken with him when he departed, he did as follows :—first,
he would set out his cups of silver and of gold, and then while
the servants were cleaning them, he would be engaged in con-
versation with Cleomenes the son of Anaxandrides, then king
of Sparta, and would bring him on to his house; and when
Cleomenes saw the cups he marvelled and was astonished at
them, and Maiandrios would bid him take away with him as
many of them as he pleased. Maiandrios said this twice or
three times, but Cleomenes herein showed himself the most
upright of men; for he not only did not think fit to take that
which was offered, but perceiving that Maiandrios would make
presents to others of the citizens, and so obtain assistance for
himself, he went to the Ephors and said that it was better for
Sparta that the stranger of Samos should depart from Pelopon-
nesus, lest he might persuade either himself or some other man
of the Spartans to act basely. They accord- . 4 ine island
ingly accepted his counsel, and expelled given to Syloson
Maiandrios by proclamation. 149. As to (brother to the
Samos, the Persians, after sweeping the popula- Polyerates),
tion off (1,131. delivered it to Syloson stripped Ὁ

of men. Afterwards however the commander Otanes even
joined in settling people there, moved by a vision of a dream
and by a disease which seized him, so that he was diseased in
the genital organs.

150. After a naval force had thus gone against Samos,
the Babylonians made revolt, being for this exceedingly well
prepared ; for during all the time of the reign ἢν Babylon in
of the Magian and of the insurrection of the the meantime
seven, during all this time and the attendant ‘evolted.
confusion they were preparing themselves for the siege of
their city.: and it chanced by some means that they were not
observed to be doing this. Then when they made open
revolt, they did as follows :—after setting apart their mothers
first, each man set apart also for himself one woman, whom-
soever he wished of his own household, and all the remainder
they gathered together and killed by suffocation. Each man
set apart the one who has been mentioned to serve as a maker
of bread, and they suffocated the rest in order that they might.
not consume their provisions. 151. Dareios being informed
of this and having gathered together all his power, made

282 HERODOTUS

expedition against them, and when he had marched his army
up to Babylon he began to besiege them; but they cared
and of the siege NOthing about the siege, for the Babylonians

which Dareios used to go up to the battlements of the wall and

laid to the city. show contempt of Dareios and of his army by
gestures and by words; and one of them uttered this saying :
‘Why, O Persians, do ye remain sitting here, and not depart ?
For then only shall ye capture us, when mules shall bring
forth young.” ‘This was said by one of the Babylonians, not
supposing that a mule would ever bring forth young. 152.
So when a year and seven months had now passed by,
Dareios began to be vexed and his whole army with him,
not being able to conquer the Babylonians, And yet
Dareios had used against them every kind of device and
every possible means, but not even so could he con-
quer them, though besides other devices he had attempted
it by that also with which Cyrus conquered them; but the
Babylonians were terribly on their guard and he was not able
to conquer them. 158. Then in the twentieth month there
happened to Zopyros the son of that Mega-

thing which byzos who had been of the seven men who

chanced to slew the Magian, to this Zopyros, I say, son

Zopyros a noble of Megabyzos there happened a prodigy,—one

Persian, . .

of the mules which served as bearers of provi-

sions for him produced young: and when this was reported to
him, and Zopyros had himself seen the foal, because he did
not believe the report, he charged those who had seen it not
to tell that which had happened to any one, and he considered
with himself what to do. And having regard to the words
spoken by the Babylonian, who had said at first that when
mules should produce young, then the wall would be taken,
having regard (I say) to this ominous saying, it seemed to
Zopyros that Babylon could be taken: for he thought that
both the man had spoken and his mule had produced young
and the device by divine dispensation. 154. Since then it

whereby Babylon seemed to him that it was now fated that

was at length = Babylon should be captured, he went to Dareios

taken. and inquired of him whether he thought it a

matter of very great moment to conquer Babylon ; and hearing
in answer that he thought it of great consequence, he con-

BOOK III 283

sidered again how he might be the man to take it and how
the work might be his own: for among the Persians benefits
are accounted worthy of a very high degree of honour.2 He
considered accordingly that he was not able to make conquest
of it by any other means, but only if he should maltreat him-
self and desert to their side. So, making light esteem of him-
self, he maltreated his own body in a manner which could not
be cured ; for he cut off his nose and his ears, and shaved
his hair round in an unseemly way, and scourged himself,
and so went into the presence of Dareios. 155. And
Dareios was exceedingly troubled when he saw the man of
most repute with him thus maltreated; and leaping up from
his seat he cried aloud and asked him who was the person who
had maltreated him, and for what deed. He replied: “That
man does not exist, excepting thee, who has so great power as
to bring me into this condition; and not any stranger, O
king, has done this, but I myself to myself, accounting it a
very grievous thing that the Assyrians should make a mock of
the Persians.” He made answer: ‘‘Thou most reckless of
men, thou didst set the fairest name to the foulest deed when
thou saidest that on account of those who are besieged thou
didst bring thyself into a condition which cannot be cured.
How, O thou senseless one, will the enemy surrender to us
more quickly, because thou hast maltreated thyself? Surely
thou didst wander out of thy senses in thus destroying thy-
self.” And he said, “If I had communicated to thee that
which I was about to do, thou wouldst not have permitted
me to do it; but as it was, I did it on my own account.
Now therefore, unless something is wanting on thy part,
we shall conquer Babylon: for I shall go straightway as a
deserter to the wall; and I shall say to them that I suffered
this treatment at thy hands: and I think that when I have
convinced them that this is so, I shall obtain the command
of a part of their forces. Do thou then on the tenth day
from that on which I shall enter within the wall take of those
troops about which thou wilt have no concern if they be
destroyed,—of these, I say, set a thousand by 188 the gate of
the city which is called the gate of Semiramis; and after this
again on the seventh day after the tenth set, I pray thee, two
thousand by the gate which is called the gate of the Ninevites ;

284 HERODOTUS

and after this seventh day let twenty days elapse, and then
lead other four thousand and place them by the gate called
the gate of the Chaldeans: and let neither the former men
nor these have any weapons to defend them except daggers,
but this weapon let them have. Then after the twentieth day
at once bid the rest of the army make an attack on the wall
all round, and set the Persians, I pray thee, by those gates
which are called the gate of Belos and the gate of Kissia : for,
as I think, when I have displayed great deeds of prowess, the
Babylonians will entrust to me, besides their other things, also
the keys which draw the bolts of the gates. Then after that it
shall be the care of myself and the Persians to do that which
ought to be done.” 156. Having thus enjoined he proceeded
to go to the gate of the city, turning to look behind him as he
went, as if he were in truth a deserter ; and those who were set
in that part of the wall, seeing him from the towers ran down,
and slightly opening one wing of the gate asked who he was,
and for what purpose he had come. And he addressed them
and said that he was Zopyros, and that he came as a deserter
to them. The gate-keepers accordingly when they heard this
led him to the public assembly of the Babylonians; and
being introduced before it he began to lament his fortunes,
saying that he had suffered at the hands of Dareios that which
he had in fact suffered at his own hands, and that he had
suffered this because he had counselled the king to withdraw
his army, since in truth there seemed to be no means of
taking the town: “And now,” he went on to say, “I am
come for very great good to you, O Babylonians, but for very
great evil to Dareios and his army, and to the Persians, for
he shall surely not escape with impunity for having thus mal-
treated me; and I know all the courses of his counsels. 157.
Thus he spoke, and the Babylonians, when they saw the man
of most reputation among the Persians deprived of nose and
ears and smeared over with blood from scourging, supposing
assuredly that he was speaking the truth and had come to be
their helper, were ready to put in his power that for which
he asked them, and he asked them that he might command
a certain force. Then when he had obtained this from them,
he did that which he had agreed with Dareios that he would
do; for he led out on the tenth day the army of the Baby-

BOOK III 285

lonians, and having surrounded the thousand men whom he
had enjoined Dareios first to set there, he slew them. The
Babylonians accordingly, perceiving that the deeds which he
displayed were in accordance with his words, were very greatly
rejoiced and were ready to serve him in all things: and after
the lapse of the days which had been agreed upon, he again
chose men of the Babylonians and led them out and slew the
two thousand men of the troops of Dareios. Seeing this deed
also, the Babylonians all had the name of Zopyros upon their
tongues and were loud in his praise. He then again, after the
lapse of the days which had been agreed upon, led them out
to the place appointed, and surrounded the four thousand and
slew them. When this also had been done, Zopyros was
everything’ among the Babylonians, and he was appointed
both commander of their army and guardian of their walls.
158. But when Dareios made an attack according to the agree-
ment on every side of the wall, then Zopyros discovered all
his craft: for while the Babylonians, having gone up on the
wall, were defending themselves against the attacks of the
army of Dareios, Zopyros opened the gates called the gates of
Kissia and of Belos, and let in the Persians within the wall.
And of the Babylonians those who saw that which was done
fled to the temple of Zeus Belos, but those who did not see
remained each in his own appointed place, until at last they
also learnt that they had been betrayed.

159. Thus was Babylon conquered for the second time :
and Dareios when he had overcome the Babylonians, first took
away the wall from round their city and pulled down all the
gates; for when Cyrus took Babylon before this, he did neither
of these things: and secondly Dareios impaled the leading men
to the number of about three thousand, but to the rest of the
Babylonians he gave back their city to dwell in: and to provide
that the Babylonians should have wives, in order that their race
might be propagated, Dareios did as follows (for their own
wives, as has been declared at the beginning, the Babylonians
had suffocated, in provident care for their store of food) :—
he ordered the nations who dwelt round to bring women to
Babylon, fixing a certain number for each nation, so that the
sum total of fifty thousand women was brought together, and
from these women the present Babylonians are descended.

286 HERODOTUS

160. As for Zopyros, in the judgment of Dareios no one
of the Persians surpassed him in good service, either of those
who came after or of those who had gone before, excepting
Cyrus alone; for to Cyrus no man of the Persians ever yet
ventured to compare himself: and Dareios is said to have
declared often that he would rather that Zopyros were free
from the injury than that he should have twenty Babylons
added to his possession in addition to that one which he had.
Moreover he gave him great honours; for not only did he
‘give him every year those things which by the Persians are
accounted the most honourable, but also he granted him
Babylon to rule free from tribute, so long as he should live ;
and he added many other gifts. The son of this Zopyros was
Megabyzos, who was made commander in Egypt against the
Athenians and their allies; and the son of this Megabyzos was
Zopyros, who went over to Athens as a deserter from the
Persians.

NOTES TO BOOK III

CHAP, NOTE
1. 1x. See ii, 1.

— 2.”Apaow]. This accusative must be taken with ἔπρηξε. Some
Editors adopt the conjecture ’Aydot, to be taken with μεμφόμενος
as in ch. 4, ‘‘ did this because he had a quarrel with Amasis.”

3. See ii. 152, 154.

4. Σύρων see ii. 104.

5. xewdv]: most MSS. and many editions have κειμένον, ‘‘ laid up.”

6. δήμαρχον.

7. ἐξαιρέομενος : explained by some ‘‘ disembarked” or ‘‘ unloaded.”

8. Or ‘‘ Orotal.”

9. διὰ δὴ τούτων.

10. τριῶν], omitted by some good MSS.

10. 11. See ii. 169.

— 12. ἀλλὰ καὶ τότε ὕσθησαν al Θῆβαι ψακάδι.

18, 13. The so-called Λευκὸν τεῖχος on the south side of Memphis: cp.
ch. 91.

— 14. ὁμοίως καὶ] omitting ἅ.

— 15. πεντακοσίας μνέας.

14. 16. ἀνέκλαιον) : perhaps ἀντέκλαιον, which has most MS. authority,
may be right, ‘‘ answer their lamentations.”’

— 17. Seech. 31.

— 18. iryeduevov]: some Editors adopt the conjecture ἀγόμενον, ‘‘ was
being led.”

— 19. σφι]: so in the MSS.: some editions (following the Aldine) have ol.

15. 20. τῷ ΤΕ]: acorrection for τῷδε : some Editors read τῷδε, τῷ, ‘‘ by this,
namely by the case of,’’ etc.

leelleap

NOTES TO BOOK 717 287

CHAP. NOTE
21. ‘‘ gypsum.”’

25. 22. ἐπί, lit. ‘‘ after.”

28. 23. λευκὸν τετράγωνον] : 50 86 MSS. Some Editors, in order to bring
the statement of Herodotus into agreement with the fact, read
λευκόν τι τρίγωνον, ‘‘a kind of white triangle” : so Stein.

— 24. ἐπὶ]: this is altered unnecessarily by most recent Editors to ὑπὸ, on
the authority of Eusebius and Pliny, who say that the mark was
under the tongue.

$2. 25. ἐκείνῳ : some understand this to refer to Cambyses, ‘‘ that there
was no one now who would come to the assistance of Cam-
byses, if he were in trouble,” an office which would properly have
belonged to Smerdis, cp. ch. 65: but the other reference seems
more natural.

33. 26. Epilepsy or something similar.

34. 26a, Cp. note oni. 114.

— 27. πρὸς τὸν πατέρα [τελέσαι] Κῦρον): the word τελέσαι seems to
be corrupt. Stein suggests εἰκάσαι, ‘‘as compared with.” Some
Editors omit the word.

38. 28. νόμον πάντων βασιλέα φήσας εἶναι : but νόμος in this fragment of
Pindar is rather the natural law by which the strong prevail over
the weak,

39. 29. ἴσχων]: Stein reads by conjecture σχὼν, ‘‘having obtained
possession.”

— 30. μηδὲ]: Abicht reads μηδὲν by conjecture.

40. 31. ἀλλά, under the influence of the preceding negative.

— 32. πρήσσων refers grammatically only to αὐτός, and marks the refer-
ence as being chiefly to himself throughout the sentence.

— 33. πρόρριζος, ‘' by the roots.”

— 34. Toe τῇσι παθῇσι]: the MSS, mostly have τοι αὐταῖσι or τοιαύταισι.

41. 35. Seei. 51.

42. 36. és Αἴγυπτον ἐπέθηκε, ‘‘ delivered it (to a messenger to convey) to

t.’’

45. 37. The island of Carpathos, the modern Scarpanto.

46. 38. τῷ θυλάκῳ περιεργάσθαι : which is susceptible of a variety of mean-
ings. Ina similar story told of the Chians the Spartans are made
to say that it would have been enough to show the empty bag
without saying anything. (Sext. Empir. ii. 23.) Probably the
meaning here is that if they were going to say so much, they need
not have shown the bag, for the words were enough without the
sight of the bag: or it may be only that the words ὁ θύλακος were
unnecessary in the sentence 6 θύλακος ἀλφίτων δεῖται.

47. 39. Seei. 7o.

48. 40. γενεῇ]. To save the chronology some insert τρίτῃ before γενεῇ,
but this will be useless unless the clause κατὰ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον
τοῦ κρητῆρος τῇ ἁρπαγῇ be omitted, as it is also Proposed to do.
Periander is thought to have died about 585 B.c. ; but see v. 95.

49. 41. The MSS. add ἐόντες ἑωυτοῖσι, and apparently something has been
lost. Stein and others follow Valckenir in adding συγγενέες,
‘* are ever at variance with one another in spite of their kinship.’’

51. 42. νόῳ λαβών]: the MSS. have νόῳ λαβὼν καὶ τοῦτο.

δ2. 43. ἱρὴν ζημίην.

44. ταῦτα τὰ νῦν ἔχων πρήσσεις : the form of sentence is determined
by its antithesis to τὰ ἀγαθὰ τὰ νῦν ἐγὼ ἔχω.

288 HERODOTUS
CHAP. NOTE

52. 45. βασιλεύς, because already destined as his father’s successor.

— 46. σφεα]: the MSS.have o¢e here, and in the middle of the next chapter.

56. 46a. The Lacedemonians who were not Dorians had of course taken
part in the Trojan war.

57. 47. λευκὰ γένηται.

— 48. πρυτανήια.

— 49. λόχον.

58 50. προσῖσχον] : some read προσέσχον, ‘‘ had put in.”

59. 51. καὶ τὸν τῆς Δικτύνης νηόν] : omitted by some Editors.

60. 52. dpyuds.

— 53. στάδιοι.

— 54. καὶ]: the MSS. have κατὰ.

65. 55. ἐν τῇ yap ἀνθρωπηίῃ φύσι οὐκ ἐνῆν ἄρα.

— 56. Or possibly, ‘‘the most necessary of those things which remain to
be done, is this.”

66. 57. ἀπιστίη πολλὴ ὑπεκέχυτο, cp. ii. 152.

68. 58. Or perhaps Phaidymia.

70. 59. Γοβρύης], or Γωβρύης.

— 60. ᾿Ινταφρένεα)] : this form, which is given by at least one MS.
throughout, seems preferable, as being closer to the Persian name
which it represents, ‘‘ Vifidafrana,”’ cp. v.25. Most of the MSS.
have 'Ivragépvea.

71. 61. φθὰς ἐμεῦ.

72. 62. τι]: some MSS. have τις, ‘‘ in order that persons may trust (them-
selves) to them more.”’

— 63. #.e. ‘‘let him be killed on the spot.”

74. 64. τὰ πάντα μυρία, ‘‘ten thousand of every possible thing,” (or, ‘‘ of
all the usual gifts’’; cp. ch. 84 τὴν πᾶσαν δωρεήν).

— 65. δῆθεν.

76. 66. oldedyrwy τῶν πρηγμάτων : ‘‘ while things were swelling,” cp. ch.
127 : perhaps here, ‘‘ before things came to a head."’

77. 66a. dvdpewva, as in ch. 121.

78. 67. dvd re ἔδραμον πάλιν, ¢.e. they ran back into the room out of
which they had come to see what was the matter ; with this com-
municated a bedchamber which had its light only by the open door
of communication. °

79. 674. μαγοφόνια

80. 68. Or, ‘‘after it had lasted more than five days,” taking θόρυβος as
the subject of éyévero. The reason for mentioning the particular
number five seems to be contained in the passage quoted by Stein
from Sextus Empiricus, ἐντεῦθεν καὶ ol Περσῶν χαρίεντες νόμον
ἔχουσι, βασιλέως wap’ αὐτοῖς τελευτήσαντος πέντε τὰς ἐφεξῆς
ἡμέρας ἀνομίαν ἄγειν.

— 69. See vi. 43.

— 70. ἰσονομίη, ‘‘ equal distribution,” z.e. of civil rights.

81. 71. οὐδὲν οἰκήιον] : the MSS. have οὐδὲν οὐδ᾽ οἰκήικον, which might be
translated ‘‘ anything of its own either.”

82. 72. τῷ λόγῳ]: the MSS. have τῶν λέγω, ‘‘each of the things about

73-

which I speak being best in its own kind."’ The reading τῷ λόγῳ,
which certainly gives a more satisfactory meaning, is found in
Stobzeus, who quotes the passage.

κακότητα, aS opposed to the ἀρετή pfactised by the members of
an aristocracy.

CHAP.

97.

102.

NOT
. 74.

83.
84.

NOTES TO BOOK III 289

E
ὀκτὼ καὶ ἑβδομήκοντα μνέα5] : the MSS. have ἑβδομηκόντα μνέας

only, and this reading seems to have existed as early as the second
century of our era: nevertheless the correction is required, not
only by the facts of the case, but also by comparison with

ch. 95.
. νομός, and so throughout.
. or ‘‘ Hygennians.”’
. ἔν 6. the Cappadokians, see i, 6.
. See ii, 149.
. μυριάδας] : the MSS. have μυριάσι. With μυριάδας we must sup-

ply μεδίμνων. The μέδιμνος is really about a bushel and a half.

. Παυσίκαι}: some MSS. have Παυσοί.

. τοὺς ἀνασπάστους καλεομένους.

. Κάσπιοι] : some read by conjecture Κάσπειροι, others Κάσιοι.

. ὀγδώκοντα καὶ ὀκτακόσια καὶ εἰνακισχίλια] the MSS. have

τεσσεράκοντα καὶ πεντακόσια καὶ εἰνακισχίλια (9540), which is
irreconcilable with the total sum given below, and also with the
sum obtained by adding up the separate items given in Babylonian
talents, whether we reduce them by the proportion 70 : 60 given by
the MSS. in ch. 89, or by the true proportion 78:60. On the
other hand the total sum given below is precisely the sum of the
separate items (after subtracting the 140 talents used for the defence
of Kilikia), reduced in the proportion 78 : 60; and-this proves the
necessity of the emendation here (@w'x’ for 0¢ 4) as well as supply-
ing a strong confirmation of that adopted in ch. 89.

The reckoning throughout is in round numbers, nothing less than
the tens being mentioned. .

ot περί re Νύσην] : perhaps this should be corrected to of re περὶ
Νύσην, because the συναμφότεροι which follows seem to refer to

two separate peoples.

. The passage ‘‘these Ethiopians — dwellings” is marked by Stein

as doubtful on internal grounds. The Callantian Indians men-
tioned seem to be the same as the Callatians mentioned in ch. 38.

- χοίνικας.
. διὰ wevrernpléos.

z.e. the Indus.

. Either αὐτὸν τηκόμενον is to be taken absolutely, equivalent to

αὐτοῦ τηκομένον, and τὰ κρέα is the subject of διαφθείρεσθαι ; or

᾿ αὐτὸν is the subject and τὰ κρέα is accusative of definition,

‘‘ wasting away in his flesh.” Some MSS. have διαφθείρειν,
‘‘that he is spoiling his flesh for them."

. γὰρ] : some would read δὲ, ‘but the meaning seems to be, ‘this

is done universally, for in the case of weakness arising from old
age, the same takes place.”’

. πρὸς ἄρκτου τε καὶ βορέω ἀνέμου.
. This clause indicates the manner in which the size is so exactly

known.

. αὐτοὶ], z.e. in themselves as well as in their habits. Some MSS.

read τὸ for αὐτοὶ, which is adopted by several Editors ; others adopt
the conjecture αὐτοῖς.
#.e, two in each hind-leg,

. kal παραλύεσθαι) : καὶ is omitted in some MSS. and by some

Editors.

VOL. I U

200 HERODOTUS

CHAP. NOTE

105. 96. οὐκ ὁμοῦ]: some Editors omit οὐκ : the meaning seems to be that
in case of necessity they are thrown off one after another to delay
the pursuing animals,

— 97. The meaning of the passage is doubtful: possibly it should be
translated (omitting xat) ‘‘the male camels, being inferior in
speed to the females, flag in their course and are dragged along,
first one and then the other.”

107. 972. See ii. 75.

108. 98. μητρὶ] : the MSS, have μήτρῃ, ‘‘ womb,” but for this Herod. seems
to use the plural.

109. 99. μητέρα] : most MSS. have μήτραν.

111. roo. Most of the MSS, have αὐτῶν before τὰ μέλεα, which by some
Editors is omitted, and by others altered to αὐτίκα. If αὐτῶν is to
stand it must be taken with καταπετομένας, ‘‘ flying down upon
them,” and so it is punctuated in the Medicean MS.

113. τοι. ἕλκεα. There is a play upon the words ἐπελκειν and ἕλκεα which
can hardly be reproduced in translation.

115. 102. Κασσιτερίδας.

— 103. ὁ κασσίτερος.

116. 104. cp. iv. 13.

118. 105. ἀκινάκεα.

120. 106. This is the second of the satrapies mentioned in the list, see ch.
go, named from its chief town. Oroites also possessed himself
of the first satrapy, of which the chief town was Magnesia (ch.
122), and then of the third (see ch. 127).

— 107. The satrapy of Daskyleion is the third in the list, see ch. go.

— 108. σὺ γὰρ ἐν ἀνδρῶν λόγῳ. .

121. rog. Or, ‘‘ banqueting hall,”’ cp. iv. 95.

— I10. ἀπεστραμμένον : most of the MSS. have ἐπεστραμμένον, “" turned
towards (the wall).’’

125, τοῦ. ‘‘ whenever he (#.¢. Zeus) rained.”’

126. 111. This clause, ‘‘as Amasis the king of Egypt had foretold to him,”
is omitted in some MSS. and by some Editors.

127. 112. oldebyrwy ἔτι τῶν πρηγμάτων : cp. ch. 76.

— 113. 2.¢. satrapies: see ch. 89, 90.

129. 114. ἀπικομένων καὶ ἀνακομισθέντων : the first perhaps referring to the
slaves and the other to the rest of the property.

180. 115. 2.4. the art of evasion.

— 116. és τοῦ χρυσοῦ τὴν θήκην] : és is not in the MSS., which have gener-
ally τοῦ χρυσοῦ σὺν θήκῃ : one only has τοῦ χρυσοῦ τὴν θήκην.

-- 117. στατῆρας : ἐ.6. the στατὴρ Δαρεικός ‘‘ Daric,” worth about £1; cp.
note on vii. 28.

131. 118. ἑκατὸν μνέων, “ἃ hundred minae,” of which sixty go to the talent.

— 119. This passage, from ‘‘for this event happened” to the end of the
chapter, is suspected as an interpolation by some Editors, on
internal grounds.

186. x20. Tarentum. Italy means for Herodotus the southern part of the
peninsula only, .

— 121. ῥηστώνη9] : so one inferior MS,, probably by conjectural emenda-
tion: the rest have κρηστώνης. The Ionic form however of
ῥᾳστώνη would be ῥηιστώνη. Some would read χρηστώνης, a
word which is not found, but might mean the same as χρησ-
μοσύνης (ix. 33), ‘‘ in consequence of the veguest of Demokedes.”

NOTE
122.

. 123.

124.

. 125,

126.

127.

128.
129.
130.

» 131.

. 132.
. 133.

134.

NOTES TO BOOK Ill 291

κατ᾽ ἐμπορίην στρατευόμενοι] : some MSS, read κατ᾽ ἐμπορίην, ol
δὲ στρατενόμενοι, ‘‘some for trade, others serving in the army."

πρόθυρα.

ἥ τις ἢ οὐδείς.

ἰσονομίην : see ch. 80, note.

ἀλλ᾽ οὐδ᾽ ἄξιος εἷς σύ ye. Maiandrios can claim no credit or reward
for giving up that of which by his own unworthiness he would in
any case have been deprived.

οὐ δή τι]: some read οὐδ᾽ ἔτι or οὐ δὴ ἔτι, ‘‘no longer kept the
purpose.”

ἐν γοργύρῃ : the word also means a ‘‘ sewer” or ‘‘ conduit.”

προσεμπικρανέεσθαι ἔμελλον τοῖσι Σαμίοισι.

τοὺς διφροφορευμένους : a doubtful word : it seems to be a sort of
title belonging to Persians of a certain rank, perhaps those who
were accompanied by men to carry seats for them, the same as
the θρόνοι mentioned in ch. 144; or, ‘‘ those who were borne in
litters.”’

σαγηνεύσαντες : see vi. 31. The word is thought by Stein to have
been interpolated here.

Or, ‘‘are very highly accounted and tend to advancement.”

‘* opposite to.”

The words ‘‘and to the Persians” are omitted in some MSS,

The Scy-
thian expe-
dition about
515 B.C.

BOOK IV
THE FOURTH BOOK OF THE HISTORIES, CALLED MELPOMENE

1. AFTER Babylon had been taken, the march of Dareios
himself! against the Scythians took place: for now that Asia
How Dareios _ WS flourishing in respect of population, and
planned to march large sums were being gathered in as revenue,
against the Dareios formed the desire to take vengeance
Scythians, and upon the Scythians, because they had first in-

vaded the Median land and had overcome in
fight those who opposed them; and thus they had been the
beginners of wrong. The Scythians in truth, as I have before
said,? had ruled over Upper Asia® for eight-and-twenty years ;
for they had invaded Asia in their pursuit of the Kimmerians,
and they had deposed * the Medes from their rule, who had
rule over Asia before the Scythians came. Now when the
Scythians had been absent from their own land for eight-and-
twenty years, as they were returning to it after that interval of
time, they were met by a contest ® not less severe than that
which they had had with the Medes, since they found an army
of no mean size opposing them. For the wives of the Scythians,
because their husbands were absent from them for a long time,
had associated with the slaves. 2. Now the
Scythians put out the eyes of all their slaves
because of the milk which they drink ; and they
do as follows :—they take blow-pipes of bone just like flutes,
and these they insert in the vagina of the mare and blow with
their mouths, and others milk while they blow: and they say
that they do this because the veins of the mare are thus filled,
being blown out, and so the udder is let down. When they have
drawn the milk they pour it into wooden vessels hollowed out,

The slaves of the
Scythians,

BOOK IV 293

and they set the blind slaves in order about ® the vessels and
agitate the milk. Then that which comes to the top they skim
off, considering it the more valuable part, whereas they esteem
that which settles down to be less good than the other. For
this reason’ the Scythians put out the eyes of all whom they
catch ; for they are not tillers of the soil but nomads. 8. From
these their slaves then, I say, and from their wives had been
born and bred up a generation of young men, who having
learnt the manner of their birth set themselves to oppose
the Scythians as they were returning from the Medes. And
first they cut off their land by digging a broad trench ex-
tending from the Tauric mountains to the Maiotian lake, at
the point where® this is broadest ; then afterwards when the
Scythians attempted to invade the land, they took up a
position against them and fought; and as they fought many
times, and the Scythians were not able to get any advantage
in the fighting, one of them said: ‘‘What a thing is this that we
are doing, Scythians! We are fighting against our own slaves,
and we are not only becoming fewer in number ourselves by
being slain in battle, but also we are killing them, and so we
shall have fewer to rule over in future. Now therefore to me
it seems good that we leave spears and bows and that each one
take his horse-whip and so go up close to them: for so long as
they saw us with arms in our hands, they thought themselves
equal to us and of equal birth; but when they shall see that we
have whips instead of arms, they will perceive that they are our
slaves, and having acknowledged this they will not await our
onset.” 4, When they heard this, the Scythians proceeded to
do that which he said, and the others being panic-stricken by
that which was done forgot their fighting and fled. Thus the
Scythians had ruled over Asia ; and in such manner, when they
were driven out again by the Medes, they had returned to their
own land. For this Dareios wished to take vengeance upon
them, and was gathering together an army to go against them.

5. Now the Scythians say that their nation is the youngest
of all nations, and that this came to pass as follows :—The
first man who ever existed in this region, which then was
desert, was one named Targitaos: and of this Targitaos they
say, though I do not believe it for my part, however they say

204 HERODOTUS

the parents were Zeus and the daughter of the river Borys-
thenes. Targitaos, they report, was produced from some such
" origin as this, and of him were begotten three .
the Seybien of sons, Lipoxais and Arpoxais and the youngest
nation: and first Colaxais. In the reign of these® there came
the tale told by down from heaven certain things wrought of gold,
the Scythians a plough, a yoke, a battle-axe,!° and a cup, and
. fell in the Scythian land: and first the eldest
saw and came near them, desiring to take them, but the gold
blazed with fire when he approached it: then when he had
gone away from it, the second approached, and again it did the
same thing. These then the gold repelled by blazing with
fire ; but when the third and youngest came up to it, the flame
was quenched, and he carried them to his own house. The
elder brothers then, acknowledging the significance of this
thing, delivered the whole of the kingly power to the youngest.
6. From Lipoxais, they say, are descended those Scythians who
are called the race of the Auchatai; from the middle brother
Arpoxais those who are called Catiaroi and Traspians, and
from the youngest of them the “ Royal” tribe,!4 who are called
Paralatai: and the whole together are called, they say, Scolotoi,
after the name of their king ;}* but the Hellenes gave them
the name of Scythians. 7. Thus the Scythians say they were
produced; and from the time of their origin, that is to say from
the first king Targitaos, to the passing over of Dareios against
them, they say that there is a period of a thousand years and no
more. Now this sacred gold is guarded by the kings with the
utmost care, and they visit it every year with solemn sacrifices
of propitiation : moreover if any one goes to sleep while watch-
ing in the open air over this gold during the festival, the Scy-
thians say that he does not live out the year; and there is given
him for this so much land as he shall ride round himself on
his horse in one day. Nowas the land was large, Colaxais, they
say, established three kingdoms for his sons; and of these he
made one larger than the rest, and in this the gold is kept.
But as to the upper parts which lie on the North side of those
who dwell above this land, they say one can neither see nor
pass through any further by reason of feathers which are poured
down ; for both the earth and the air are full of feathers, and
this is that which shuts off the view.

BOOK IV 295

8. Thus say the Scythians about themselves and about the
region above them; but the Hellenes who dwell about the
Pontus say as follows :—Heracles driving the then that which
cattle of Geryones came to this land, then is reported by the
desert, which the Scythians now inhabit ; and Hellenes of the —
Geryones, says the tale, dwelt away from the Pontus.
region of the Pontus, living in the island called by the Hellenes
Erytheia, near Gadeira which is outside the Pillars of Heracles
by the Ocean.—As to the Ocean, they say indeed that it flows
round the whole earth beginning from the place of the sun-
rising, but they do not prove this by facts.—From thence
Heracles came to the land now called Scythia ; and as a storm
came upon him together with icy cold, he drew over him his lion’s
skin and went to sleep. Meanwhile the mares harnessed in his
chariot disappeared by a miraculous chance, as they were feed-
ing. 9. Then when Heracles woke he sought for them; and
having gone over the whole land, at last he came to the region
which is called Hylaia ; and there he found in a cave a kind of
twofold creature formed by the union of a maiden and a ser-
pent, whose upper parts from the buttocks upwards were those
of a woman, but her lower parts were those of a snake. Hayv-
ing seen her and marvelled at her, he asked her then whether
she had seen any mares straying anywhere ; and she said that
she had them herself and would not give them up until he lay
with her; and Heracles lay with her on condition of receiving
them. She then tried to put off the giving back of the mares,
desiring to have Heracles with her as long as possible, while he
on the other hand desired to get the mares and depart; and
at last she gave them back and said: ‘These mares when they
came hither I saved for thee, and thou didst give me reward
for saving them ; for I have by thee three sons. Tell me then,
what must I do with these when they shall be grown to man-
hood, whether shall I settle them here, for over this land I have
power alone, or send them away to thee?” She thus asked of
him, and he, they say, replied: “When thou seest that the
boys are grown to men, do this and thou shalt not fail of doing
right :—whichsoever of thei thou seest able to stretch this bow
as I do now, and to be girded ! with this girdle, him cause to
be the settler of this land; but whosoever of them fails in the
deeds which I enjoin, send him forth out of the land: and if

296 HERODOTUS

thou shalt do thus, thou wilt both have delight thyself and per-
form that which has been enjoined to thee.” 10. Upon this
he drew one of his bows (for up to that time Heracles, they
say, was wont to carry two) and showed her the girdle, and then
he delivered to her both the bow and the girdle, which had at
the end of its clasp a golden cup; and having given them he
departed. She then, when her sons had been born and had
grown to be men, gave them names first, calling one of them
Agathyrsos and the next Gelonos and the youngest Skythes ;
then bearing in mind the charge given to her, she did that which
was enjoined. And two of her sons, Agathyrsos and Gelonos,
not having proved themselves able to attain to the task set
before them, departed from the land, being cast out by her who
bore them; but Skythes the youngest of them performed the
task and remained in the land: and from Skythes the son of
Heracles were descended, they say, the succeeding kings of the
Scythians (Skythians): and they say moreover that it is by
reason of the cup that the Scythians still even to this day wear
cups attached to their girdles: and this alone his mother con-
trived for Skythes.'* Such is the story told by the Hellenes
who dwell about the Pontus.

11. There is however also another story which is as
follows, and to this I am most inclined myself. It is to the
Yet a third story effect that the nomad Scythians dwelling in
which seems to ASia, being hard pressed in war by the Massa-
the Author more getai, left their abode and crossing the river
to Ὀς βεϊϊονο ὀ Ataxes came towards the Kimmerian land (for

’ the land which now is occupied by the
Scythians is said to._have been in former times the land of the
Kimmerians) ; and the Kimmerians, when the Scythians were
coming against them, took counsel together, seeing that a
great host was coming to fight against them; and it proved that
their opinions were divided, both opinions being vehemently
maintained, but the better being that of their kings: for the
opinion of the people was that it was necessary to depart and
that they ought not to run the risk of fighting against so
many,'4 but that of the kings was to fight for their land
with those who came against them: and as neither the people
were willing by any means to agree to the counsel of the
kings nor the kings to that of the people, the people planned

BOOK IV 297

to depart without fighting and to deliver up the land to the
invaders, while the kings resolved to die and to be laid in
their own land, and not to flee with the mass of the people,
considering the many goods of fortune which they had
enjoyed, and the many evils which it might be supposed would
come upon them, if they fled from their native land. Having
resolved upon this, they parted into two bodies, and making
their numbers equal they fought with one another: and when
these had all been killed by one another’ hands, then the
people of the Kimmerians buried them by the bank of the
river Tyras (where their burial-place is still to be seen), and
having buried them, then they made their way out from the
land, and the Scythians when they came upon it found the
land deserted of its inhabitants. 12. And there are at the
present time in the land of Scythia Kimmerian walls, and a
Kimmerian ferry ; and there is also a region which is called
Kimmeria, and the so-called Kimmerian Bosphorus. It is
known moreover that the Kimmerians, in their flight to Asia
from the Scythians, also made a settlement on that peninsula
on which now stands the Hellenic city of Sinopé; and it is
known too that the Scythians pursued them and invaded the
‘land of Media, having missed their way; for while the Kim- .
merians kept ever along by the sea in their flight, the Scythians
pursued them keeping Caucasus on their right hand, until at
last they invaded Media, directing their course inland. This
then which has been told is another story, and it is common
both to Hellenes and Barbarians.

18. Aristeas however the son of Caystrobios, a man of
Proconnesos, said in the verses which he composed, that he
came to the land of the Issedonians being Of that which
possessed by Phcebus, and that beyond the aristeas wrote
Issedonians dwelt Arimaspians, a one-eyed race, concerning these
and beyond these the gold-guarding griffins, and 2245:
beyond them the Hyperboreans extending as far as the sea:
and all these except the Hyperboreans, beginning with the
Arimaspians, were continually making war on their neighbours,
and the Issedonians were gradually driven out of their country
by the Arimaspians and the Scythians by the Issedonians, and
so the Kimmerians, who dwelt on the Southern Sea, being
pressed by the Scythians left their land. Thus neither

298 HERODOTUS

does he agree in regard to this land with the report of the
Scythians,
14. As to Aristeas who composed” this, I have said
already whence he was; and I will tell also the tale which
I heard told about him in Proconnesos and
himself Kyzicos. They say that Aristeas, who was in
birth inferior to none of the citizens, entered
into a fuller’s shop in Proconnesos and there died; and the
fuller closed his workshop and went away to report the matter
to those who were related to the dead man. And when
the news had now been spread abroad about the city that
Aristeas was dead, a man of Kyzicos who had come from the
town of Artaké entered into controversy with those who said
so, and declared that he had met him going towards Kyzicos
and had spoken with him: and while he was vehement in
dispute, those who were related to the dead man came to the
fuller’s shop with the things proper in order to take up the
corpse for burial; and when the house was opened, Aristeas
was not found there either dead or alive. In the seventh year
after this he appeared at Proconnesos and composed those
verses which are now called by the Hellenes the Arimaspeia,
and having composed them he disappeared the second time.
15. So much is told by these cities; and what follows I
know happened to the people of Metapontion in Italy 16 two
hundred !’ and forty years after the second disappearance of
Aristeas, as I found by putting together the evidence at
Proconnesos and Metapontion. ‘The people of Metapontion
say that Aristeas himself appeared in their land and bade them
set up an altar of Apollo and place by its side a statue bearing
the name of Aristeas of Proconnesos; for he told them that
to their land alone of all the Italiotes!® Apollo had come,
and he, who now was Aristeas, was accompanying him, being
then a raven when he accompanied the god. Having said
this he disappeared ; and the Metapontines say that they sent
to Delphi and asked the god what the apparition of the man
meant: and the Pythian prophetess bade them obey the com-
mand of the apparition, and told them that if they obeyed, it
would be the better for them, They therefore accepted this
answer and performed the commands; and there stands a
statue now bearing the name of Aristeas close by the side of

BOOK IV 299

the altar dedicated to Apollo,” and round it stand laurel
trees; and the altar is set up in the market-place. Let this
suffice which has been said about Aristeas.

16. Now of the land about which this account has been
begun, no one knows precisely what lies beyond it: for I
am not able to hear of any one who alleges The tana of
that he knows as an eye-witness; and even Scythia and the
Aristeas, the man of whom I was making men- 8!0”s beyond,

. . . so far as anything
tion just now, even he, I say, did not allege, may be ascer-
although he was composing verse,#! that he tained about
went further than the Issedonians; but that the™-

which is beyond 39 them he spoke of by hearsay, and reported
that it was the Issedonians who said these things. So far
however as we were able to arrive at certainty by hearsay,
carrying inquiries as far as possible, all this shall be told.

17. Beginning with the trading station of the Borysthenites,
—for of the parts along the sea this is the central point of all
Scythia,—beginning with this, the first regions are occupied by
the Callipidai, who are Hellenic Scythians ; and above these
is another race, who are called Alazonians.2 These last and
the Callipidai in all other respects have the same customs as
the Scythians, but they both sow corn and use it as food, and
also onions, leeks, lentils and millet. Above the Alazonians
dwell Scythians who till the ground, and these sow their corn
not for food but to sell. Beyond them dwell the Neuroi ; and
beyond the Neuroi towards the North Wind is a region with-
out inhabitants, so far as we know. 18. These races are
along the river Hypanis to the West of the Borysthenes; but
after crossing the Borysthenes, first from the sea-coast is
Hylaia, and beyond this as one goes up the river dwell
agricultural Scythians, whom the Hellenes who live upon the
river Hypanis call Borysthenites, calling themselves at the
same time citizens of Olbia.2 These agricultural Scythians
occupy the region which extends Eastwards for a distance of
three days’ journey,™ reaching to a river which 15 called Pan-
ticapes, and Northwards for a distance of eleven days’ sail up
the Borysthenes. Then immediately beyond™ these begins
the desert 35 and extends for a great distance; and on the
other side of the desert dwell the Androphagoi,® a race apart by
themselves and having no connection with the Scythians.

200 HERODOTUS

Beyond them begins a region which is really desert and has
no race of men in it, so far as we know. 19. The region
which lies to the East of these agricultural Scythians,
after one has crossed the river Panticapes, is occupied
by nomad Scythians, who neither sow anything nor plough
the earth; and this whole region is bare of trees except
Hylaia. ‘These nomads occupy a country which extends to
_ the river Gerros, a distance of fourteen?’ days’ journey East-

wards. 20. Then on the other side of the Gerros we have
those parts which are called the “Royal” lands and those
Scythians who are the bravest and most numerous and who
esteem the other Scythians their slaves. These reach South-
wards to the Tauric land, and Eastwards to the trench which
those who were begotten of the blind slaves dug, and
to the trading station which is called Cremnoi™ upon the
Maiotian lake; and some parts of their country reach to the
river Tanais. Beyond™ the Royal Scythians towards the
North Wind dwell the Melanchlainoi,™ of a different race and
not Scythian. The region beyond the Melanchlainoi is
marshy and not inhabited by any, so far as we know.

21. After one has crossed the river Tanais the country
is no longer Scythia, but the first of the divisions belongs to
the Sauromatai, who beginning at the corner
of the Maiotian lake occupy land extend-
ing towards the North Wind fifteen days’
journey, and wholly bare of trees both cultivated and wild.
Above these, holding the next division of land, dwell the
Budinoi, who occupy a land wholly overgrown with forest
consisting of all kinds of trees. 22. Then beyond™ the
Budinoi towards the North, first there is desert for seven days’
The Thyssagetai journey ; and after the desert turning aside

᾿ somewhat more towards the East Wind we come
to land occupied by the Thyssagetai, a numerous people and
of separate race from the others. These live by hunting ; and
bordering upon them there are settled also in these same
regions men who are called Iyrcai, who also
live by hunting, which they practise in the fol-
lowing manner :—the hunter climbs up a tree and lies in wait
there for his game (now trees are abundant in all this country),
and each has a horse at hand, which has been taught to lie

The lands be-
yond Scythia.

The Iyreai.

BOOK lV 301

down upon its belly in order that it may make itself low, and
also a dog: and when he sees the wild animal from the tree, he
first shoots his arrow and then mounts upon his horse and pur-
sues it, and the dog seizes hold of it. Above these in a direc-
tion towards the East dwell other Scythians, who have revolted
from the Royal Scythians and so have come to this region.

28. As far as the country of these Scythians the whole
land which has been described is level plain and has a deep
soil; but after this point it is stony and rugged. The Arcippai
Then when one has passed through a great ~- © PPAlans
extent of this rugged country, there dwell in the skirts of lofty
mountains men who are said to be all bald-headed from
their birth, male and female equally, and who have flat noses
and large chins and speak a language of their own, using
the Scythian manner of dress, and living on the produce of
trees. The tree on the fruit of which they live is called the
Pontic tree, and it is about the size of a fig-tree: this bears a
fruit the size of a bean, containing a stone. . When the fruit
has ripened, they strain it through cloths and there flows from
it a thick black juice, and this juice which flows from it is
called as-chy. This they either lick up or drink mixed with
milk, and from its lees, that is the solid part, they make cakes
and use them for food; for they have not many cattle, since
the pastures there are by no means good. Each man has his
dwelling under a tree, in winter covering the tree all round
with close white felt-cloth, and in summer without it. These
are injured by no men, for they are said to be sacred, and
they possess no weapon of war. ‘These*are they who decide
the disputes arising among their neighbours ; and besides this,
whatsoever fugitive takes refuge with them is injured by no
one: and they are called Argippaians.™

24. Now as far as these bald-headed men there is abund-
antly clear information about the land and about the nations
on this side of them ; for not only do certain of the Scythians
go to them, from whom it is not difficult to get information,
but also some of the Hellenes who are at the trading-station
of the Borysthenes and the other trading-places of the Pontic
coast: and those of the Scythians who go to them transact
their business through seven interpreters and in seven different
languages, 25. So far as these, I say, the land is known; but

302 HERODOTUS

concerning the region to the North of the bald-headed men
no one can speak with certainty, for lofty and impassable moun-
tains divide it off, and no one passes over them.

Th i t

furtherthan orese However these bald-headed men say (though
towards the I do not believe it) that the mountains are
North, inhabited by men with goats’ feet; and that

after one has passed beyond these, others are found who sleep
through six’ months of the year. This I do not admit at all
as true. However, the country to the East of the bald-headed
men is known with certainty, being inhabited
by the Issedonians, but that which lies beyond
both the bald-headed men and the Issedonians
towards the North Wind is unknown, except so far as we know
it from the accounts given by these nations which have just been
mentioned. 26. The Issedonians are said to have these
customs :—when a man’s father is dead, all the
relations bring cattle to the house, and then
having slain them and cut up the flesh, they cut up also the
dead body of the father of their entertainer, and mixing all
the flesh together they set forth a banquet. His skull how-
ever they strip of the flesh and clean it out and. then gild it
over, and after that they deal with it as a sacred thing 51 and
perform for the dead man great sacrifices every year. This
each son does for his father, just as the Hellenes keep
the day of memorial for the dead.*2 In other respects how-
ever this race also is said to live righteously, and their women
have equal rights with the men. 27. These then also are
known’; but as to the region beyond” them,
it is the Issedonians who report that there are
there one-eyed men and gold-guarding griffins; and the
Scythians report this having received it from them, and from
the Scythians we, that is the rest of mankind, have got our
belief ; and we call them in Scythian language Arimaspians,
for the Scythians call the number one avima and the eye su.
28. This whole land which has been described is so ex-
ceedingly severe in climate, that for eight months of the year
there is frost so hard as to be intolerable ; and
during these if you pour out watér you will not
be able to make mud, but only if you kindle a
fire can you make it; and the sea is frozen and the whole of

and towards the
East.

Issedonians.

Arimaspians.

The cold climate
of Scythia.

BOOK IV 303

the Kimmerian Bosphorus, so that the Scythians who are
settled within the trench make expeditions and drive their
‘waggons over into the country of the Sindians. Thus it con-
tinues to be winter for eight months, and even for the remaining
four it is cold in those parts. This winter is distinguished in
its character from all the winters which come in other parts
of the world ; for in it there is no rain to speak of at the usual
season for rain, whereas in summer it rains continually ; and
thunder does not come at the time when it comes in other
countries, but is very frequent 8 in the summer; and if thunder
comes in winter, it is marvelled at as a prodigy: just so, if an
earthquake happens, whether in summer or in winter, it is
- accounted a prodigy in Scythia. Horses are able to endure
this winter, but neither mules nor asses can endure it at all,
whereas in other countries horses if they stand in frost lose
their limbs by mortification, while asses and mules endure it.
29. I think also that it is for this reason that the hornless
breed of oxen in that country have no horns growing; and
there is a verse of Homer in the Odyssey ** supporting my
opinion, which runs thus :—

‘* Also the Libyan land, where the sheep very quickly grow hornéd,”

for it is rightly said that in hot regions the horns come quickly,
whereas in extreme cold the animals either have no horns
growing at all, or hardly any.®

80. In that land then this takes place on account of the
cold; but (since my history proceeded from the first seek-
ing occasions for digression) ®* I feel wonder that in the
whole land of Elis mules cannot be bred, though that region
is not cold, nor is there any other evident cause. The Eleians
themselves say that in consequence of some curse mules are
not begotten in their land; but when the time approaches for
the mares to conceive, they drive them out into the neigh-
bouring lands and there in the land of their neighbours they
admit to them the he-asses until the mares are pregnant, and
then they drive them back.

81. As to the feathers of which the Scythians say that the
air is full, and that by reason of them they are not able either
to see or to pass through the further parts of the continent,
the opinion which I have is this :—in the parts beyond this

304 HERODOTUS

land it snows continually, though less in summer than in
winter, as might be supposed. Now whosoever has seen close
at hand snow falling thickly, knows what I mean without
further explanation, for the snow is like feathers: and on
account of this wintry weather, being such as I have said, the
Northern parts of this continent are uninhabitable. I think
therefore that by the feathers the Scythians and those who dwell
near them mean symbolically the snow. This then which has
been said goes to the furthest extent of the accounts given.
82. About a Hyperborean people the Scythians report
nothing, nor do any others of those who dwell in this
: region, unless indeed it be the Issedonians :
but in my opinion neither do these report any-
thing ; for if they did the Scythians also would
report it, as they do about the one-eyed people. Hesiod
however has spoken of Hyperboreans, and so also has Homer
in the poem of the ‘‘ Epigonoi,” at least if Homer was really
and their offer. the composer of that Epic. 33. But much more
ingssentto about them is reported by the people of Delos
Delos. than by any others. For these say that sacred
offerings bound up in wheat straw are carried from the land of
the Hyperboreans and come to the Scythians, and then from the |
Scythians the neighbouring nations in succession receive them
and convey them Westwards, finally as far as the Adriatic:
thence they are sent forward towards the South, and the people
of Dodona receive them first of all the Hellenes, and from
these they come down to the Malian gulf and are passed over
to Eubcea, where city sends them on to city till they come to
Carystos. After this Andros is left out, for the Carystians are
those who bring them to Tenos, and the Tenians to Delos.
Thus they say that these sacred offerings come to Delos; but
at first, they say, the Hyperboreans sent two maidens bearing
the sacred offerings, whose names, say the Delians, were
Hyperoché and Laodiké, and with them for their protection
the Hyperboreans sent five men of their nation to attend
them, those namely who are now called Perphereés and have
great honours paid to them in Delos. Since however the
Hyperboreans found that those who were sent away did not
return back, they were troubled to think that it would always
befall them to send out and not to receive back ; and so they

The Hyper-
boreans,

BOOK IV 305

bore the offerings to the borders of their land bound up in
wheat straw, and laid a charge upon their neighbours, bid-
ding them send these forward from themselves to another
nation, These things then, they say, come to Delos being
thus sent forward; and I know of my own knowledge that a
thing is done which has resemblance to these offerings, namely
that the women of Thrace and Paionia, when they sacrifice to
Artemis “the Queen,” do not make their offerings without
wheat straw. 84. These I know do as I have said ; and for
those maidens from the Hyperboreans, who died in Delos,
both the girls and the boys of the Delians cut off their hair :
the former before marriage cut off a lock and having wound it
round a spindle lay it upon the tomb (now the tomb is on
the left hand as one goes into the temple of Artemis, and over
‘it grows an olive-tree), and all the boys of the Delians wind
some of their hair about a green shoot of some tree, and they
also place it upon the tomb. 85. The maidens, I say, have
this honour paid them by the dwellers in Delos: and the
same people say that Argé and Opis also, being maidens,
came to Delos, passing from the Hyperboreans by the same
nations which have been mentioned, even before Hyperoché
and Laodiké. These last, they say, came bearing for
Eileithuia the tribute which they had laid upon themselves
for the speedy birth,®” but Argé and Opis came with the
divinities themselves, and other honours have been assigned
to them by the people of Delos: for the women, they say,
collect for them, naming them by their names in the hymn
which Olen a man of Lykia composed in their honour ; and
both the natives of the other islands and the Ionians have
learnt from them to sing hymns naming Opis and Argé and
collecting :—now this Olen came from Lykia and composed
also the other ancient hymns which are sung in Delos :—and
moreover they say that when the thighs of the victim are con-
sumed upon the altar, the ashes of them are used to cast upon
the grave of Opis and Argé. Now their grave is behind the
temple of Artemis, turned towards the East, close to the
banqueting hall of the Keians.

86. Let this suffice which has been said of the Hyper-
boreans ; for the tale of Abaris, who is reported to have been
a Hyperborean, I do not tell, namely 515 how he carried the

VOL, I x

206 HERODOTUS

arrow about over all the earth, eating no food. If however
there are any Hyperboreans, it follows that there are also
That the maps Hypernotians; and I laugh when I see that,
of the Earth are though many before this have drawn maps of
drawn absurdly the Earth, yet no one has set the matter forth
by most. in an intelligent way; seeing that they draw
Ocean flowing round the Earth, which is circular exactly as
if drawn with compasses, and they make Asia equal in size
to Europe. In a few words I shall declare the size of each
division and of what nature it is as regards outline.

87. The Persians inhabit Asia 83 extending to the Southern
Sea, which is called the Erythraian ; and above these towards
The true descrip. the North Wind dwell the Medes, and above
tion of the Earth the Medes the Saspeirians, and above the
and its divisions. Sasneirians the Colchians, extending to the
Northern Sea, into which the river Phasis runs. These
four nations inhabit from sea to sea. 88. From them West-
wards two peninsulas 89 stretch out from Asia into the sea,
and these I will describe. The first peninsula on the one of
its sides, that is the Northern, stretches along beginning from
the Phasis and extending to the sea, going along the Pontus
and the Hellespont as far as Sigeion in the land of Troy ; and
on the Southern side the same peninsula stretches from the
Myriandrian gulf, which lies near Phenicia, in the direc-
tion of the sea as far as the headland Triopion; and in
this peninsula dwell thirty races of men.. 39. This then is
one of the peninsulas, and the other beginning from the land
of the Persians stretches along to the Erythraian Sea, in-
cluding Persia and next after it Assyria, and Arabia after
Assyria: and this ends, or rather is commonly supposed to
end,* at the Arabian gulf, into which Dareios conducted a
channel from the Nile. Now in the line stretching to Phenicia
from the land of the Persians the country is broad and the
space abundant, but after Phenicia this peninsula goes by the
shore of our Sea along Palestine, Syria, and Egypt, where it
ends; and in it there are three nations only. 40. These are
the parts of Asia which tend towards the West from the
Persian land; but as to those which lie beyond the Persians
and Medes and Saspeirians and Colchians towards the East
and the sunrising, on one side the Erythraian Sea runs along

BOOK IV 307

by them, and on the North both the Caspian Sea and the
river Araxes, which flows towards the rising sun: and Asia is
inhabited as far as the Indian land; but from this onwards
towards the East it becomes desert, nor can any one say
what manner of land it is.

41. Such and so large is Asia: and Libya is included in
the second peninsula; for after Egypt Libya succeeds at once.
Now about Egypt this peninsula is narrow, for from our Sea
to the Erythraian Sea is a distance there of ten myriads of
fathoms,“! which would amount to a thousand furlongs; but
after this narrow part, the portion of the peninsula which is
called Libya is, as it chances, extremely broad.

42. I wonder then at those who have parted off and
divided the world into Libya, Asia, and Europe, since the
difference between these is not small; for in length Europe
extends along by both, while in breadth it is clear to me that it
is beyond comparison larger ;** for Libya furnishes proofs about
itself that it is surrounded by sea, except so much of it as
borders upon Asia; and this fact was shown by Necés king
of the Egyptians first of all those about whom we have
knowledge. He when he had ceased digging the channel *
which goes through from the Nile to the Arabian gulf, sent
Phenicians with ships, bidding them sail and come back
through the Pillars of Heracles to the Northern Sea and so
to Egypt. The Phenicians therefore set forth from the Ery-
thraian Sea and sailed through the Southern Sea; and when
autumn came, they would put to shore and sow the land,
wherever in Libya they might happen to be as they sailed,
and then they waited for the harvest: and having reaped
“the corn they would sail on, so that after two years had
elapsed, in the third year they turned through the Pillars of
Heracles and arrived again in Egypt. And they reported
a thing which I cannot believe, but another man may,
namely that in sailing round Libya they had the sun on their
right hand. 48. Thus was this country first known to be
what it is, and after this it is the Carthaginians who make
report of it; for as to Sataspes the son of Teaspis the Achai-
menid, he did not sail round Libya, though he was sent for
this very purpose, but was struck with fear by the length of
the voyage and the desolate nature of the land, and so re-

208 HERODOTUS

turned back and did not accomplish the task which his
mother laid upon him. For this man had outraged a daughter
of Zopyros the son of Megabyzos, a virgin; and then when he
was about to be impaled by order of king Xerxes for this
offence, the mother of Sataspes, who was a sister of Dareios,
entreated for his life, saying that she would herself lay upon
him a greater penalty than Xerxes; for he should be com-
pelled (she said) to sail round Libya, until in sailing round
it he came to the Arabian gulf. So then Xerxes having agreed
upon these terms, Sataspes went to Egypt, and obtaining a
ship and sailors from the Egyptians, he sailed to the Pillars
of Heracles; and having sailed through them and turned
the point of Libya which is called the promontory of
Soloeis, he sailed on towards the South. Then after he had
passed over much sea in many months, as there was needed
ever more and more voyaging, he turned about and sailed
back again to Egypt: and having come from thence into the
presence of king Xerxes, he reported saying that at the furthest
point which he reached he was sailing by dwarfish people, who
used clothing made from the palm-tree, and who, whenever they
came to land with their ship, left their towns and fled away to
the mountains: and they, he said, did no injury when they
entered into the towns, but took food“ from them only. And
the cause, he said, why he had not completely sailed round
Libya was that the ship could not advance any further but
stuck fast. Xerxes however did not believe that he was
speaking the truth, and since he had not performed the ap-
pointed task, he impaled him, inflicting upon him the penalty
pronounced before. A eunuch belonging to this Sataspes ran
away to Samos as soon as he heard that his master was dead,
carrying with him large sums of money; and of this a man of
Samos took possession, whose name I know, but I purposely
pass it over without mention.

44. Of Asia the greater part was explored by Dareios, who
desiring to know of the river Indus, which is a second river
producing crocodiles of all the rivers in the world,—to know,
I say, of this river where it runs out into the sea, sent
with ships, besides others whom he trusted to speak the
truth, Skylax also, a man of Caryanda. These starting from
the city of Caspatyros and the land of Pactyiké, sailed down

BOOK IV 309

the river towards the East and the sunrising to the sea;
and then sailing over the sea Westwards they came in the
thirtieth month to that place.from whence the king of the
Egyptians had sent out the Phenicians of whom I spoke be-
fore, to sail round Libya. After these had made their voyage
round the coast, Dareios both subdued the Indians and made
use of this sea. Thus Asia also, excepting the parts of it
which are towards the rising sun, has been found to be similar “
to Libya. 45. As to Europe however, it is clearly not known
by any, either as regards the parts which are towards the rising
sun or those towards the North, whether it be surrounded by
sea: but in length it is known to stretch along by both the
other divisions. And I am not able to understand for
what reason it is that to the Earth, which is one, three
different names are given derived from women, and why there
were set as boundaries to divide it the river Nile of Egypt
and the Phasis in Colchis (or as some say the Maiotian river
Tanais and the Kimmerian ferry) ; nor can I learn who those
persons were who made the boundaries, or for what reason they
gave the names. Libya indeed is said by most of the Hellenes to
have its name from Libya a woman of the country, and Asia
from the wife of Prometheus: but this last name is claimed
by the Lydians, who say that Asia has been called after Asias
the son of Cotys the son of Manes, and not from Asia the wife
of Prometheus ; and from him too they say the Asian tribe in
Sardis has its name. As to Europe however, it is neither known
by any man whether it is surrounded by sea, nor does it ap-
pear whence it got this name or who he was who gave it,
unless we shall say that the land received its name from
Europa the Tyrian ; and if so, it would appear that before this
it was nameless like the rest. She however evidently belongs
to Asia and did not come to this land which is now called by
the Hellenes Europe, but only from Phenicia to Crete, and
from Crete to Lykia. Let this suffice now which has been
said about these matters; for we will adopt those which are
commonly accepted of the accounts.

46. Now the region of the Euxine upon which Dareios
was preparing to march has, apart from the Scythian race, the
most ignorant nations within it of all lands: for we can neither
put forward any nation of those who dwell within the region

210 HERODOTUS

of Pontus as eminent in ability, nor do we know of any man
of learning“ having arisen there, apart from the Scythian
: nation and Anacharsis. By the Scythian race
awe hey ave hard one thing which is the most important of
to assail, both for all human things has been found out more
other reasons, = cleyerly than by any other men of whom we
know; but in other respects I have no great admiration for
them: and that most important thing which they have dis-
covered is such that none can escape again who has come to
attack them, and if they do not desire to be found, it is not
possible to catch them: for they who have neither cities
founded nor walls built, but all carry their houses with them
and are mounted archers, living not by the plough but by
cattle, and whose dwellings are upon cars, these assuredly are
and because of invincible and impossible to approach. 47. This
the great rivers they have found out, seeing that their land is
in their ἰαπά. syitable to it and at the same time the rivers
are their allies: for first this land is plain land and is grassy
and well watered, and then there are rivers flowing through it
not much less in number than the channels in Egypt. Of
these as many as are noteworthy and also can
be navigated from the sea, I will name: there
is Ister with five mouths, and after this Tyras,
Hypanis, Borysthenes, Panticapes, Hypakyris, Gerros and
Tanais. These flow as I shall now describe.

48. The Ister, which is the greatest of all the rivers which we
know, flows always with equal volume in summer and winter
alike. It is the first towards the West of all the
Scythian rivers, and it has become the greatest
of all rivers because other rivers flow into it.
And these are they which make it great :“°—five in number are
those ΕἾ which flow through the Scythian land, namely that
which the Scythians call Porata and the Hellenes Pyretos, and
besides this, Tiarantos and Araros and Naparis and Ordessos.
The first-mentioned of these is a great river lying towards the
East, and there it joins waters with the Ister, the second
Tiarantos is more to the West and smaller, and the Araros
and Naparis and Ordessos flow into the Ister going between
these two. 49. These are the native Scythian rivers which
join to swell its stream, while from the Agathyrsians flows the

The description
of these rivers,

and first of the
river Ister.

BOOK IV 311

Maris and joins the Ister, and from the summits of Haimos
flow three other great rivers towards the North Wind and fall
into it, namely Atlas and Auras and Tibisis. Through Thrace
and the Thracian Crobyzians flow the rivers Athrys and Noés
and Artanes, running into the Ister; and from the Paionians
and Mount Rhodopé the river Kios, cutting through Haimos
in the midst, runs into it also. From the IIlyrians the river
Angros flows Northwards and runs out into the Triballian
plain and into the river Brongos, and the Brongos flows into the
Ister ; thus the Ister receives both these, being great rivers.
From the region: which is above % the Ombricans, the river
Carpis and another river, the Alpis, flow also towards the
North Wind and run into it ; for the Ister flows in fact through
the whole of Europe, beginning in the land of the Keltoi, who
after the Kynesians dwell furthest towards the sun-setting of
all the peoples of Europe; and thus flowing through all
Europe it falls into the sea by the side of Scythia. 50. So
then it is because these which have been named and many
others join their waters together, that Ister becomes the greatest
of rivers ; since if we compare the single streams, the Nile is
superior in volume of water; for into this no river or spring
flows, to contribute to its volume. And the Ister flows at an
equal level always both in summer and in winter for some such
cause as this, as I suppose :—in winter it is of the natural
size, or becomes only a little larger than its nature, seeing that
this land receives very little rain in winter, but constantly has
snow ; whereas in summer the snow which fell in the winter, in
quantity abundant, melts and runs from all parts into the Ister.
This snow of which I speak, running into the river helps to
swell its volume, and with it also many and violent showers of
tain, for it rains during the summer: and thus the waters
which mingle with the Ister are more copious in summer than
they are in winter by about as much as the water which the Sun
draws to himself in summer exceeds that which he draws in
winter ; and by the setting of these things against one another
there is produced a balance ; so that the river is seen to be
of equal volume always.

51. One, I say, of the rivers which the Scythians have is the
Ister ; and after it the Tyras, which starts from the North and
begins its course from a large lake which is the boundary

312 HERODOTUS

between the land of the Scythians and that of the Neuroi.
At its mouth are settled those Hellenes who
are called Tyritai, 52. The third river is
the Hypanis, which starts from Scythia and flows from a
great lake round which feed white wild horses ;
and this lake is rightly called ‘Mother of
Hypanis.” From this then the river Hypanis takes its rise
and for a distance of five days’ sail it flows shallow and with
sweet water still; 4 but from this point on towards the sea for
four days’ sail it is very bitter, for there flows into it the water
of a bitter spring, which is so exceedingly bitter that, small as it
is, it changes the water of the Hypanis by mingling with it,
though that is a river to which few are equal in greatness.
This spring is on the border between the lands of the
agricultural Scythians and of the Alazonians, and the name of the
spring and of the place from which it flows is in Scythian
Exampaios, and in the Hellenic tongue Hierai Hodoi.” Now
the Tyras and the Hypanis approach one another in their
windings in the land of the Alazonians, but after this each
turns off and widens the space between them as they flow.
53. Fourth is the river Borysthenes, which is both the
largest of these after the Ister, and also in our opinion the most
serviceable not only of the Scythian rivers but
also of all the rivers of the world besides, except-
ing only the Nile of Egypt, for to this it is not possible to com-
pare any other river: of the rest however the Borysthenes is the
most serviceable, seeing that it provides both pastures which are
the fairest and the richest for cattle, and fish which are better
by far and more numerous than those of any other river, and
also it is the sweetest water to drink and flows with clear
stream, though others beside it are turbid, and along its banks
crops are produced better than elsewhere, while in parts
where it is not sown, grass grows deeper. Moreover at its
mouth salt forms of itself in abundance, and it produces
also huge fish without spines, which they call antacaiot, to be
used for salting, and many other things also worthy of wonder.
Now as far up as the region of the Gerrians,°! to which it is a
voyage of forty 5? days, the Borysthenes is known as flowing
from the North Wind; but above this none can tell through
what nations it flows: it is certain however that it runs through

The Tyras.

Hypanis,

Borysthenes.

BOOK IV 313

desert to the land of the agricultural Scythians; for these
Scythians dwell along its banks for a distance of ten days’ sail.
Of this river alone and of the Nile I cannot tell where the
sources are, nor, 1 think, can any of the Hellenes. When
the Borysthenes comes near the sea in its course, the Hypanis
mingles with it, running out into the same marsh ; 4 and the
space between these two rivers, which is as it were a beak of
land,® is called the point of Hippoles, and in it is placed a
temple of the Mother, and opposite the temple upon the
river Hypanis are settled the Borsythenites.

54. This is that which has to do with these rivers; and
after these there is a fifth river besides, called Panticapes.
This also flows δ6 both from the North and from
a lake, and in the space between this river
and the Borysthenes dwell the agricultural Scythians: it runs
out into the region of Hylaia, and having passed by this
it mingles with the Borysthenes. 55. Sixth Hypakyris.
comes the river Hypakyris, which starts from
a lake, and flowing through the midst of the nomad Scythians
runs out into the sea by the city of Carkinitis, skirting on its
right bank the region of Hylaia and the so-called racecourse
of Achilles. ὅθ. Seventh is the Gerros, which
parts off from the Borysthenes near about that
part of the country where the Borysthenes ceases to be
known,— it parts off, I say, in this region and has the same
name which this region itself has, namely Gerros; and as it
flows to the sea it borders the country of the nomad and that
of the Royal Scythians, and runs out into the Hypakyris.
57. The eighth is the river Tanais, which starts
in its flow at first from a large lake, and runs out
into a still larger lake called Maiotis, which is the boundary
between the Royal Scythians and the Sauromatai. Into this
Tanais falls another river, whose name is Hyrgis.

58. So many are the rivers of note with which the
Scythians are provided: and for cattle the grass which comes
up in the land of Scythia is the most productive of bile of any
grass which we know; and that this is so you may judge when
you open the bodies of the cattle.

59. Thus abundant supply have they of that which is most
important ; and as for the rest their customs are as follows.

Panticapes,

Gerros.

Tanais.

314 HERODOTUS

The gods whom they propitiate by worship are these only :—
Hestia most of all, then Zeus and the Earth, supposing that
Earth is the wife of Zeus, and after these
Apollo, and Aphrodité Urania, and Heracles,
and Ares. Of these all the Scythians have the
worship established, and the so-called Royal Scythians sacrifice
also to Poseidon. Now Hestia is called in Scythian Tabiti,
and Zeus, being most rightly named in my opinion, is called
Papaios, and Earth Api,” and Apollo Oitosyros,® and Aphro-
dité Urania is called Argimpasa,® and Poseidon Thagima-
sidas. It is not their custom however to make images, altars
or temples to any except Ares, but to him it is their custom
to make them. —

60. They have all the same manner of sacrifice established
for all their religious rites equally, and it is thus performed :-—
the victim itself stands with its fore-feet tied, and the sacrificing
priest stands behind the victim, and by pulling the end of the
cord he throws the beast down ; and as the victim falls, he calls
upon the god to whom he is sacrificing, and then at once
throws a noose round its neck, and putting a small stick into it
he turns it round and so strangles the animal, without either
lighting a fire or making any first offering from the victim or
pouring any libation over it: and when he has strangled it
and flayed off the skin, he proceeds to boil it. 61. Now as
the land of Scythia is exceedingly ill wooded, this contrivance
has been invented for the boiling of the flesh :—having flayed
the victims, they strip the flesh off the bones and then put
it into caldrons, if they happen to have any, of native make,
which very much resemble Lesbian mixing-bowls except that
they are much larger,—into these they put the flesh and boil it
by lighting under it the bones of the victim: if however they
have not at hand the caldron, they put all the flesh into
the stomachs of the victims and adding water they light
the bones under them; and these blaze up beautifully, and
the stomachs easily hold the flesh when it has been stripped
off the bones: thus an ox is made to boil itself, and the
other kinds of victims each boil themselves also. Then when
the flesh is boiled, the sacrificer takes a first offering of the
flesh and of the vital organs and casts it in front of him. And
they sacrifice various kinds of cattle, but especially horses.

The religion of
the Scythians.

BOOK IV 315

62. To the others of the gods they sacrifice thus and
tnese kinds of beasts, but to Ares as follows :—In each dis-
trict of the several governments © they have a temple of Ares
set up in this way :—bundles of brushwood are heaped up for
about three furlongs ® in length and in breadth, but less in
height ; and on the top of this there is a level square made,
and three of the sides rise sheer but by the remaining one side
the pile may be ascended. Every year they pile on a hundred
and fifty wagyon-loads of brushwood, for it is constantly settling
down by reason of the weather. Upon this pile of which I
speak each people has an ancient iron sword™ set up, and
this is the sacred symbol ® of Ares. To this sword they bring
yearly offerings of cattle and of horses; and they have the
following sacrifice in addition, beyond what they make to the
other gods, that is to say, of all the enemies whom they take
captive in war they sacrifice one man in every hundred, not
in the same manner as they sacrifice cattle, but in a different
manner: for they first pour wine over their heads, and after that
they cut the throats of the men, so that the blood runs into a
bowl; and then they carry this up to the top of the pile of
brushwood and pour the blood over the sword. This, I say,
they carry up; and meanwhile below by the side of the temple
they are doing thus :—they cut off all the right arms of the
slaughtered men with the hands and throw them up into the air,
and then when they have finished offering the other victims, they
go away; and the arm lies wheresoever it has chanced to fall,
and the corpse apart from it. 68. Such are the sacrifices
which are established among them; but of swine these make
no use, nor indeed are they wont to keep them at all in their
land.

64. That which relates to war is thus ordered with them :
—When a Scythian has slain his first man, he drinks some of his
blood : and of all those whom he slays in the
battle he bears the heads to the king ; for if he τα to wan m
has brought a head he shares in the spoil which
they have taken, but otherwise not. And he takes off the skin
of the head by cutting it round about the ears and then taking
hold of the scalp and shaking it off; afterwards he scrapes off
the flesh with the rib of an ox, and works the skin about with ©
his hands ; and when he has thus tempered it, he keeps it as a

316 HERODOTUS

napkin to wipe the hands upon, and hangs it from the bridle
of the horse on which he himself rides, and takes pride in
it; for whosoever has the greatest number of skins to wipe
the hands upon, he is judged to be the bravest man. Many
also make cloaks to wear of the skins stripped off, sewing them
together like shepherds’ coats of skins ;® and many take the
skin together with the finger-nails off the right hands of their
enemies when they are dead, and make them into covers for
their quivers : now human skin it seems is both thick and glossy
In appearance, more brilliantly white than almost any other
skin. Many also take the skins off the whole bodies of men
and stretch them on pieces of wood and carry them about on
their horses. 65. Such are their established customs about these
things ; and to the skulls themselves, not of all but of their
greatest enemies, they do thus :—the man saws off all below
the eyebrows and clears out the inside ; and if he is a poor man
he only stretches ox-hide round it and then makes use of it ;
but if he be rich, besides stretching the ox-hide he gilds it over
within, and makes use of it as a drinking-cup. They do this
also if any of their own family have been at variance with
them and the man gets the better of his adversary in trial
before the king ; and when strangers come to him whom
he highly esteems, he sets these skulls before them, and adds
the comment that they being of his own family had made
war against him, and that he had got the better of them ; and
this they hold to be a proof of manly virtue. 66. Once every
year each ruler of a district mixes in his own district a bowl
of wine, from which those of the Scythians drink by whom
enemies have been slain; but those by whom this has not
been done do not taste of this wine, but sit apart dishonoured ;
and this is the greatest of all disgraces among them: but
those of them who have slain a very great number of men,
drink with two cups together at the same time.

67. Diviners there are many among the Scythians, and
they divine with a number of willow rods in the following
manner :—they bring large bundles of rods,
and having laid them on the ground they unroll
them, and setting each rod by itself apart they prophesy ;
and while speaking thus, they roll the rods together again,
and after that they place them in order a second time one by

Their divinations.

BOOK IV 317

one.*? This manner of divination they have from their fathers :
but the Enareés or “man-women” ® say that Aphrodité gave
them the gift of divination, and they divine accordingly with
the bark of the linden-tree. Having divided the linden-bark
into three strips, the man twists them together in his fingers
and untwists them again, and as he does this he utters the
oracle. 68. When the king of the Scythians is sick, he sends
for three of the diviners, namely those who are most in repute,
who divine in the manner which has been said: and these
say for the most part something like this, namely that so and
so has sworn falsely by the hearth of the king, and they name
one of the citizens, whosoever it may happen to be: now
it is the prevailing custom of the Scythians to swear by
the hearth of the king at the times when they desire to swear
the most solemn oath. He-then who they say has sworn
falsely, is brought forthwith held fast on both sides ; and when
he has come the diviners charge him with this, that he is shown
by their divination to have sworn falsely by the hearth of the
king, and that for this reason the king is suffering pain: and he
denies and says that he did not swear falsely, and complains
indignantly : and when he denies it, the king sends for other
diviners twice 85 many in number, and if these also by look-
ing into their divination pronounce him guilty of having sworn
falsely, at once they cut off the man’s head, and the diviners
who came first part his goods among them by lot; but if the
diviners who came in afterwards acquit him, other diviners
come in, and again others after them. If then the greater
number acquit the man, the sentence ts that the first diviners
shall themselves be put to death. 69. They put them to
death accordingly in the following manner :—first they fill a
waggon with brushwood and yoke oxen to it; then having
bound the feet of the diviners and tied their hands behind
them and stopped their mouths with gags, they fasten them
down in the middle of the brushwood, and having set fire to it
they scare the oxen and let them go: and often the oxen are
burnt to death together with the diviners, and often they escape
after being scorched, when the pole to which they are fastened
has been burnt: and they burn the diviners in the manner-
described for other causes also, calling them false prophets.
Now when the king puts any to death, he does not leave alive

318 HERODOTUS

their sons either, but he puts to death all the males, not doing

Oaths. any hurt to the females. 70. In the following
manner the Scythians make oaths to whomso-
ever they make them :—they pour wine into a great earthen-
ware cup and mingle with it blood of those who are taking the
oath to one another, either making a prick with an awl or
cutting with a dagger a little way into their body, and then
they dip into the cup a sword and arrows and a battle-axe
and a javelin; and having done this, they invoke many curses
on the breaker of the oath, and afterwards they drink it off,
both they who are making the oath and the most honourable
of their company.

71. The burial-place of the kings is in the land of the
Gerrians, the place up to which the Borysthenes is navigable.
In this place, when their king has died, they
make a large square excavation in the earth ;
and when they have made this ready, they take up
the corpse (the body being covered over with wax and the belly
ripped up and cleansed, and then sewn together again, after it
has been filled with kyferos™ cut up and spices and parsley-seed
and anise), and they convey it in a waggon to another nation.
Then those who receive the corpse thus conveyed to them do
the same as the Royal Scythians, that is they cut off a part of
their ear and shave their hair round about and cut themselves
all over the arms and tear their forehead and nose and pass
arrows through their left hand. Thence they convey in the
waggon the corpse of the king to another of the nations over
whom they rule; and they to whom they came before accom-
pany them: and when they have gone round to all conveying
the corpse, then they are in the land of the Gerrians, who have
their settlements furthest away of all the nations over whom
they rule, and they have reached the spot where the burial-
place is. After that, having placed the corpse in the tomb
upon a bed of leaves, they stick spears along on this side and
that of the corpse and stretch pieces of wood over them, and
then they cover the place in with matting. Then they strangle
and bury in the remaining space of the tomb one of the king’s
mistresses, his cup-bearer, his cook, his horse-keeper, his
attendant, and his bearer of messages, and also horses, and a
first portion of all things else, and cups of gold ; for silver they

Burial of their
kings.

Se ᾿ ----------- ὕῳ-ἙαΝἢ-ὠν υὈΘὦὦ

BOOK IV 319

do not use at all, nor yet bronze.” Having thus done they all
join together to pile up a great mound, vying with one another
and zealously endeavouring to make it as large as possible.
72. Afterwards, when the year comes round again, they do as
follows :—they take the most capable of the remaining servants,
—and these are native Scythians, for those serve him whom
the king himself commands to do so, and his servants are not
bought for money,—of these attendants then they strangle fifty
and also fifty of the finest horses; and when they have taken out
their bowels and cleansed the belly, they fill it with chaff and
sew it together again. Then they set the half of a wheel upon
two stakes with the hollow side upwards, and the other half
of the wheel upon other two stakes, and in this manner they
fix a number of these; and after this they run thick stakes
through the length of the horses as far as the necks, and they
mount them upon the wheels; and the front pieces of wheel
support the shoulders of the horses, while those behind bear
up their bellies, going by the side of the thighs ; and both front
and hind legs hang in the air. On the horses they put bridles
and bits, and stretch the bridles tight in front of them and
then tie them up to pegs: and of the fifty young men who
have been strangled they mount each one upon his horse,
having first’! run a straight stake through each body along by
the spine up to the neck; and a part of this stake projects
below, which they fasten in a socket made in the other stake
that runs through the horse. Having set horsemen such as
I have described in a circle round the tomb, they then ride
away. 78. Thus they bury their kings; but as for the other
Scythians, when they die their nearest relations Burial of oth
carry them round laid in waggons to their among them,
friends in succession; and of them each one and purification
when he receives the body entertains those who @fter burial with
accompany it, and before the corpse they serve i>" of hemp-
up of all things about the same quantity as

before the others. Thus private persons are carried about for
forty days, and then they are buried: and after burying them
the Scythians cleanse themselves in the following way :—they
soap their heads and wash them well, and then, for their body,
they set up three stakes leaning towards one another and
about them they stretch woollen felt coverings, and when they

320 HERODOTUS

have closed them as much as possible they throw stones
heated red-hot into a basin placed in the middle of the stakes
and the felt coverings. 74. Now they have hemp growing in
their lend, which is very like flax except in thickness and in
height, for in these respects the hemp is much superior. This
grows both of itself. and with cultivation; and of it the
Thracians even make garments, which are very like those made
of flaxen thread, so that he who was not specially conversant
with it would not be able to decide whether the garments
were of flax or of hemp; and he who had not before seen stuff
woven of hemp would suppose that the garment was made of
flax. 75. The Scythians then take the seed of this hemp and
creep under the felt coverings, and then they throw the seed
upon the stones which have been heated red-hot: and it burns
like incense and produces a vapour so thick that no vapour-
bath in Hellas would surpass it: and the Scythians being
delighted with the vapour-bath howl like wolves.” This is to
them instead of washing, for in fact they do not wash their
bodies at all in water. Their women however pound with a
How their rough stone the wood of the cypress and
women cleanse cedar and frankincense tree, pouring in water
the skin of with it, and then with this pounded stuff,
omeesy’ which is thick, they plaster over all their body
and also their face; and not only does a sweet smell attach
to them by reason of this, but also when they take off the
plaster on the next day, their skin is clean and shining,

76. This nation also” is very averse to adopting strange
customs, rejecting even those of other tribes among them-
That the selves,’* but especially those of the Hellenes, as
Scythians abhor the history of Anacharsis and also afterwards of
foreign usages, Skyles proved.”> For as to Anacharsis first,
and especially when he was returning to the abodes of the
Hellenes, asis Scythians, after having visited many lands’
shown by the and displayed in them much wisdom, as he
ae οὗ sailed through the Hellespont he put in to

Kyzicos: and since he found the people of
Kyzicos celebrating a festival very magnificently in honour of
the Mother of the gods, Anacharsis vowed to the Mother
that if he should return safe and sound to his own land, he
would both sacrifice to her with the same rites as he saw the

BOOK IV 321

men of Kyzicos do, and also hold a night festival. So when
he came to Scythia he went down into the region called
Hylaia (this is along by the side of the racecourse of
Achilles and is quite full, as it happens, of trees of all kinds),
—into this, I say, Anacharsis went down, and proceeded to
perform all the ceremonies of the festival in honour of the
goddess, with a kettle-drum and with images hung about him-
self. And one of the Scythians perceived him doing this and
declared it to Saulios the king; and the king came himself
also, and when he saw Anacharsis doing this, he shot him with
an arrow and killed him. Accordingly at the present time if
one asks about Anacharsis, the Scythians say that they do not
know him, and for this reason, because he went out of his own
country to Hellas and adopted foreign customs. And as I
heard from Tymnes the steward”? of Ariapeithes, he was the
uncle on the father’s side of Idanthyrsos king of the Scythians,
and the son of Gnuros, the son of Lycos, the son of Sparga-
peithes. If then Anarcharsis was of this house, let him know
that he died by the hand of his brother, for Idanthyrsos was
the son of Saulios, and Saulios was he who killed Anacharsis,
77. However I have heard also another story, told by the
Peloponnesians, that Anacharsis was sent out by the king
of the Scythians, and so made himself a disciple of Hellas;
and that when he returned back he said to him that had sent
him forth, that the Hellenes were all busied about every kind of
cleverness except the Lacedemonians ; but these alone knew
how to exchange speech sensibly. This story however has
been invented 8 without any ground by the Hellenes them-
selves ; and however that may be, the man was slain in the
way that was related above.
78. This man then fared thus badly by reason of foreign
customs and communication with Hellenes; and very many
years afterwards Skyles the son of Ariapeithes
suffered nearly the same fate as he. For
Ariapeithes the king of the Scythians with other sons had
Skyles born to him: and he was born of a woman who was of
Istria, and certainly not a native of Scythia; and this mother
taught him the language and letters of Hellas, Afterwards
in course of time Ariapeithes was brought to his end by
treachery at the hands of Spargapeithes the king of the

VOL. I Y

and of Skyles.

-
-
-
πῶς

322 HERODOTUS

Agathyrsians, and Skyles succeeded to the kingdom ; and he
took not only that but also the wife of his father, whose name
was Opoia: this Opoia was a native Scythian and from her
was born Oricos to Ariapeithes. Now when Skyles was king
of the Scythians, he was by no means satisfied with the Scythian
manner of life, but was much more inclined towards Hellenic
ways because of the training with which he had been brought
up, and he used to do somewhat as follows :—When he came
with the Scythians in arms to the city of the Borysthenites
(now these Borysthenites say that they are of Miletos),—when
Skyles came to these, he would leave his band in the suburbs
of the city and go himself within the walls and close the gates.
After that he would lay aside his Scythian equipments and take
Hellenic garments, and wearing them he would go about in
the market-place with no guards or any other man accom-
panying him (and they watched the gates meanwhile, that
none of the Scythians might see him wearing this dress): and
while in other respects too he adopted Hellenic manners of life,
he used also to perform worship to the gods according to the
customs of the Hellenes. Then having stayed a month or
more than that, he would put on the Scythian dress and
depart. ‘This he did many times, and he both built for him-
self a house in Borysthenes and also took to it a woman of the

~ Race 3s his wife. 79. Since however it was fated that evil
shou:

happen to him, it happened by an occasion of this
kind :—he formed a desire to be initiated in the rites of
Bacchus-Dionysos, and as he was just about to receive 19 the
initiation, there happened a very great portent. He had in
the city of the Borysthenites a house of great size and built

‘with large expense, of which also I made mention a little

before this, and round it were placed sphinxes and griffins

of white stone: on this house Zeus [95 caused a bolt to fall;

and the house was altogether burnt down, but Skyles none
the less for this completed his initiation. Now the Scythians
make the rites of Bacchus a reproach against the Hellenes,
for they say that it is not fitting to invent a god like this, who
impels men to frenzy. So when Skyles had been initiated in
the rites of Bacchus, one of the Borysthenites went off 80 to the
Scythians and said: ‘“‘ Whereas ye laugh at us, O Scythians,
because we perform the rite of Bacchus and because the god

BOOK lV 323

seizes us, now this divinity has seized also your king; and he
is both joining in the rite of Bacchus and maddened by the
influence of the god. And if ye disbelieve me, follow and I
will show you.” ‘The chief men of the Scythians followed him,
and the Borysthenite led them secretly into the town and set
them upon a tower. So when Skyles passed by with the com-
pany of revellers, and the Scythians saw him joining in the rite
of Bacchus, they were exceedingly grieved at it, and they went
out and declared to the whole band that which they had seen.
80. After this whenSkyles was riding out again to his own abode,
the Scythians took his brother Octamasades for their leader,
who was a son of the daughter of Teres, and made insurrection
against Skyles. He then when he perceived that. which was
being done to his hurt and for what reason it was being done,
fled for refuge to Thrace; and Octamasades being informed
of this, proceeded to march upon Thrace. So when he had
arrived at the river Ister, the Thracians met him ; and as they
were about to engage battle, Sitalkes sent a messenger to
Octamasades and said: ‘“ Why must we make trial of one
another in fight? ‘Thou art my sister’s son and thou hast in
thy power my brother. Do thou give him back to me, and I
will deliver to thee thy brother Skyles: and let us not either of
us set our armies in peril, either thou or I.” Thus Sitalkes
proposed to him by a herald ; for there was with Octamasades
a brother of Sitalkes, who had gone into exile for fear of him.
And Octamasades agreed to this, and by giving up his own
mother’s brother to Sitalkes he received his brother Skyles in
exchange: and Sitalkes when he received his brother led him
away as a prisoner, but Octamasades cut off the head of Skyles
there upon the spot. Thus do the Scythians carefully guard
their own customary observances, and such are the penalties
which they inflict upon those who acquire foreign customs
beside their own.

81. How many the Scythians are I was not able to ascertain
precisely, but I heard various reports of the number: for
reports say boththat they are very many innumber ΄
and also that they are few, at least as regards
true Scythians.5! Thus far however they gave
me evidence of my own eyesight :—there is between the river
Borysthenes and the Hypanis a place called Exampaios, of

The number of
the Scythians.

324 HERODOTUS

which also I made mention somewhat before this, saying that
there was in it a spring of bitter water, from which the water
flows and makes the river Hypanis unfit to drink. In this
place there is set a bronze bowl, in size at least six times as
large as the mixing-bowl at the entrance of the Pontus, which
Pausanias the son of Cleombrotos dedicated : and for him who
has never seen that, I will make the matter clear by saying
that the bowl in Scythia holds easily six hundred amphors,®
and the thickness of this Scythian bowl is six fingers. This
then the natives of the place told me had been made of arrow-
heads: for their king, they said, whose name was Ariantas,
wishing to know how many the Scythians were, ordered all the
Scythians to bring one arrow-head, each from his own arrow,
and whosoever should not bring one, he threatened with death.
So a great multitude of arrow-heads was brought, and he
resolved to make of them a memorial and to leave it behind
him: from these then, they said, he made this bronze bowl
and dedicated it in this place Exampaios. 82.
The marvels of This is what I heard about the number of the
Scythians. Now this land has no marvellous
things except that it has rivers which are by far larger
and more numerous than those of any other land. One
thing however shall be mentioned which it has to show,
and which is worthy of wonder even besides the rivers and the
greatness of the plain, that is to say, they point out a foot-
print of Heracles in the rock by the bank of the river Tyras,
which in shape is like the mark of a man’s foot but in size is
two cubits long. This then is such as 1 have said; and I will
go back now to the history which I was about to tell at first.

88. While Dareios was preparing to go against the Scythians
and was sending messengers to appoint to some the furnishing
How Dareios Of ἃ land-army, to others that of ships, and to
gathered together others the bridging over of the Thracian Bos-
his army ane ect phorus, Artabanos, the son of Hystaspes and

brother of Dareios, urged him by no means to
make the march against the Scythians, telling him how diffi-
cult the Scythians were to deal with. Since however he did
not persuade him, though he gave him good counsel, he ceased
to urge; and Dareios, when all his preparations had been

BOOK IV 325

made, began to march his army forth from Susa. 84. Then
one of the Persians, Oiobazos, made request to Dareios that
as he had three sons and all were serving in the expedition,
one might be left behind for him: and Dareios said that as he
was a friend and made a reasonable request, he would leave
behind all the sons. So Oiobazos was greatly rejoiced, sup-
posing that his sons had been freed from service, but Dareios
commanded those who had the charge of such things to put
to death all the sons of Oiobazos. 85. These pyow he came to
then were left, having been slain upon the the Bosphorus,
spot where they were: and Dareios meanwhile with a description
set forth from Susa and arrived at the place on gtrait as of the
the Bosphorus where the bridge of ships had Pontus and
been made, in the territory of Calchedon ; and Propontis.

there he embarked in a ship and sailed to the so-called
Kyanean rocks, which the Hellenes say formerly moved back-
wards and forwards ; and taking his seat at the temple ® he
gazed upon the Pontus, which is a sight well worth seeing.
Of all seas indeed it is the most marvellous in its nature. The
length of it is eleven thousand one hundred furlongs,™ and the
breadth, where it is broadest, three thousand three hundred :
and of this great Sea the mouth is but four furlongs broad, and
the length of the mouth, that is of the neck of water which is
called Bosphorus, where, as I said, the bridge of ships had been
made, is not less than a hundred and twenty furlongs. This Bos-
phorus extends to the Propontis ; and the Propontis, being in
breadth five hundred furlongs and in length one thousand four
hundred, has its outlet into the Hellespont, which is but seven
furlongs broad at the narrowest place, though it is four hundred
furlongs in length: and the Hellespont runs out into that ex-
panse of seawhich is called the Egean. 86. These measurements
I have made as follows :—a ship completes on an average in a
long day a distance of seventy thousand fathoms, and in a night
sixty thousand. Now we know that to the river Phasis from the
mouth of the Sea (for it is here that the Pontus is longest) is
a voyage of nine days and eight nights, which amounts to one
hundred and eleven myriads ® of fathoms ; and these fathoms
are eleven thousand one hundred furlongs. Then from the
land of the Sindians to Themiskyra on the river Thermodon
(for here is the broadest part of the Pontus) it is a voyage of

226 HERODOTUS

three days and two nights, which amounts to thirty-three
myriads 86 of fathoms or three thousand three hundred furlongs.
This Pontus then and also the Bosphorus and the Hellespont
have been measured by me thus, and their nature is such as
has been said: and this Pontus also has a lake which has its
outlet into it, which lake is not much less in size than the
Pontus itself, and it 15 called Maiotis and “ Mother of the
Pontus.”

87. Dareios then having gazed upon the Pontus sailed
back to the bridge, of which Mandrocles a Samian had been
chief constructor; and having gazed upon the
Bosphorus also, he set up two pillars by it of
white stone with characters cut upon them, on
the one Assyrian and on the other Hellenic, being the names
of all the nations which he was leading with him: and he was
leading with him all over whom he was ruler. The whole
number of them without the naval force was reckoned to
be seventy myriads ® including cavalry, and ships had been
gathered together to the number of six hundred. These
pillars the Byzantians conveyed to their city after the events of
which I speak, and used them for the altar of Artemis Orthosia,
excepting one stone, which was left standing by the side of the
temple of Dionysos in Byzantion, covered over with Assyrian
characters. Now the place on the Bosphorus where Dareios
made his bridge is, as I conclude,®’* midway between Byzan-
tion and the temple at the mouth of the Pontus. 88. After
this Dareios being pleased with the floating bridge rewarded
the chief constructor of it, Mandrocles the Samian, with gifts
tenfold ;® and as an offering from these Mandrocles had a
painting made of figures to present the whole scene of the
bridge over the Bosphorus and king Dareios sitting in a promi-
nent seat and his army crossing over; this he caused to be
painted and dedicated it as an offering in the temple of Hera,
with the following inscription :

“4 Bosphorus having bridged over, the straits fish-abounding, to Hera
Mandrocleés dedicates this, of his work to record ;
A crown on himself he set, and he brought to the Samians glory,
And for Dareios performed everything after his mind.”
89. This memorial was made of him who constructed the
bridge: and Dareios, after he had rewarded Mandrocles

The bridge of the
Bosphorus,

BOOK IV 327

with gifts, passed over into Europe, having first commanded
the Ionians to sail into the Pontus as far as the river Ister,
and when they arrived at the Ister, there

to wait for him, making a bridge meanwhile and that of the
over the river; for the chief of his naval

force were the Ionians, the Aiolians and the Hellespontians.
So the fleet sailed through between the Kyanean rocks and
made straight for the Ister; and then they sailed up the
river a two days’ voyage from the sea and proceeded to make
a bridge across the neck, as it were, of the river, where the
mouths of the Ister part off. Dareios meanwhile, having
crossed the Bosphorus on the floating bridge, was advancing
through Thrace, and when he came to the sources of the river
Tearos he encamped for three days. 90. Now pow pareios
the Tearos is said by those who dwell near it to came to the river
be the best of all rivers, both in other respects 13 3105,

which tend to healing and especially for curing diseases of the
skin ® both in men and in horses: and its springs are thirty-
eight in number, flowing all from the same rock, of which
some are cold and others warm. The way to them is of equal
length from the city of Heraion near Perinthos and from
Apollonia upon the Euxine Sea, that is to say two days’
journey by each road. This Tearos runs into the river Con-
tadesdos and the Contadesdos into the Agrianes and the
Agrianes into the Hebros, which flows into the sea by the city
of Ainos. 91. Dareios then, having come to
this river and having encamped there, was
pleased with the river and set up a pillar there
also, with an inscription as follows: ‘‘ The head-springs of the
river Tearos give the best and fairest water of all rivers ; and
to them came leading an army against the Scythians the best
and fairest of all men, Dareios the son of Hystaspes, of the
Persians and of all the Continent king.” These were the
words which were there written.

92. Dareios then set out from thence and came to another
river whose name is Artescos, which flows through the land of
the Odrysians, Having come to this river he Ηἰς march from
did as follows :—he appointed a place for his that river to the
army and bade every man as he passed. out by !ster-
it place one stone in this appointed place: and when the army

and there set an
inscription.

328 HERODOTUS

had performed this, then he marched away his army leaving

Of the Getai, behind great mounds of these stones. 93. But

who believe in before he came to the Ister he conquered first

immortality. the Getai, who believe in immortality: for the
Thracians who occupy Salmydessos and are settled above the
cities of Apollonia and Mesambria, called the Kyrmianai 89 and
the Nipsaioi, delivered themselves over to Dareios without fight-
ing; but the Getai, who are the bravest and the most upright
in their dealings of all the Thracians, having betaken them-
selves to obstinacy were forthwith subdued. 94. And their
belief in immortality is of this kind, that is to say, they hold
that they do not die, but that he who is killed goes to Sal-
moxis,®! a divinity,®2 whom some of them call Gebeleizis ; and
at intervals of four years 38 they send one of themselves, whom-
soever the lot may select, as a messenger to Salmoxis, charging
him with such requests as they have to make on each occasion ;
and they send him thus :—certain of them who are appointed
for this have three javelins, and others meanwhile take hold on
both sides of him who is being sent to Salmoxis, both by his
hands and his feet, and first they swing him up, then throw him
into the air so as to fall upon the spear-points: and if when he
is pierced through he is killed, they think that the god is favour-
able to them; but if he is not killed, they find fault with the
messenger himself, calling him a worthless man, and then
having found fault with him they send another: and they
give him the charge beforehand, while he is yet alive. These
same Thracians also shoot arrows up towards the sky when.
thunder and lightning come, and use threats to the god, not
believing that there exists any other god except their own.
95. This Salmoxis I hear from the Hellenes who dwell about
the Hellespont and the Pontus, was a man, and he became a
slave in Samos, and was in fact a slave of Pythagoras the son
of Mnesarchos. ‘Then having become free he gained great
wealth, and afterwards returned to his own land: and as the
Thracians both live hardly and are rather simple-minded, this
Salmoxis, being acquainted with the Ionian way of living and
with manners more cultivated * than the Thracians were used
to see, since he had associated with Hellenes (and not only that
but with Pythagoras, not the least able philosopher® of the
Hellenes), prepared a banqueting-hall,% where he received and

π-" -παῖν Ἕ “ -------- -

BOOK IV 329

feasted the chief men of the tribe and instructed them mean-
while that neither he himself nor his guests nor their descendants
in succession after them would die; but that they would come

to a place where they would live for ever and have all things

good. While he was doing that which has been mentioned

. and was saying these things, he was making for himself mean-

while a chamber under the ground ; and when his chamber was
finished, he disappeared from among the Thracians and went
down into the underground chamber, where he continued to
live for three years: and they grieved for his loss and mourned
for him as dead. Then in the fourth year he appeared to the
Thracians, and in this way the things which Salmoxis said
became credible to them. 96. Thus they say that he did;
but as to this matter and the chamber under ground, I neither
disbelieve it nor do I very strongly believe, but I think that
this Salmoxis lived many years before Pythagoras. However, |
whether there ever lived a man Salmoxis, or whether he is
simply a native deity of the Getai, let us bid farewell to him
now.

97. These, I say, having such manners as I have said,
were subdued by the Persians and accompanied the rest of the
army : and when Dareios and with him the land- The crossing of
army arrived at the Ister, then after all had the Ister, and the
passed over, Dareios commanded the Ionians to advice of τοῦδ son
break up the floating bridge and to accompany” το a
him by land, as well as the rest of the troops which were in the
ships : and when the Ionians were just about to break it up and
to do that which he commanded, Coés the son of Erxander,
who was commander of the Mytilenians, said thus to Dareios,
having first inquired whether he was disposed to listen to an
opinion from one who desired to declare it: ‘‘O king, seeing
that thou art about to march upon a land where no cultivated
ground will be seen nor any inhabited town, do thou therefore

let this bridge remain where it is, leaving to guard it those

same men who constructed it. Then, if we find the Scythians
and fare as we desire, we have a way of return; and also even
if we shall not be able to find them, at least our way of return
is secured : for that we should be worsted by the Scythians in
fight I never feared yet, but rather that we might not be able to
find them, and might suffer some disaster in wandering about.

430 HERODOTUS

Perhaps some one will say that in speaking thus I am speaking
for my own advantage, in order that I may remain behind;
but in truth I am bringing forward, O king, the opinion which
I found best for thee, and I myself will accompany thee and
will not be left behind.” With this opinion Dareios was very
greatly pleased and made answer to him in these words:
‘Friend from Lesbos, when I have returned safe to my
house, be sure that thou appear before me, in order that I
may requite thee with good deeds for good counsel.” 98.
How the Ionians Having thus said and having tied sixty knots
remained to guard in a thong, he called the despots of the Ionians
the bridge. to speak with him and said as follows: “ Men
of Ionia, know that I have given up the opinion which I for-
merly declared with regard to the bridge; and do ye keep this
thong and do as I shall say :—so soon as ye shall have seen
me go forward against the Scythians, from that time begin,
and untie a knot on each day: and if within this time I am
not here, and ‘ye find that the days marked by the knots have
passed by, then sail away to your own lands. Till then, since
our resolve has thus been changed, guard the floating bridge,
showing all diligence to keep it safe and to guard it. And
thus acting, ye will do for me a very acceptable service.” Thus
said Dareios and hastened on his march forwards.

99. Now in front of Scythia in the direction towards the
568 57 lies Thrace; and where a bay is formed in this land,
The form and there begins Scythia, into which the Ister flows
measurement out, the mouth of the river being turned towards
of Scythia. the South-East Wind. Beginning at the Ister
then I am about to describe the coast land of the true Scythia,
with regard to measurement. At once from the Ister begins
this original land of Scythia, and it lies towards the midday
and the South Wind, extending as far as the city called
Carkinitis. After this the part which lies on the coast of the
same sea still,a country which is mountainous and runs out in
the direction of the Pontus, is occupied by the Tauric race, as
far as the peninsula which is called the “ Rugged Chersonese ” ;
and this extends to the sea which lies towards the East Wind :
for two sides of the Scythian boundaries lie along by the sea, one ~
by the sea on the South, and the other by that on the East, just

BOOK IV 331

as it is with Attica: and in truth the Tauroi occupy a part of
Scythia which has much resemblance to Attica; it is as if in
Attica another race and not the Athenians occupied the hill
region ® of Sunion, supposing: it to project more at the
point into the sea, that region namely which is cut off by a line
from Thoricos to Anaphlystos. Such I say, if we may be
allowed to compare small things such as this with great, is the
form of the Tauric land. For him however who has not
sailed along this part of the coast of Attica I will make it clear
by another comparison :—it is as if in lapygia another race and
not the Iapygians had cut off for themselves and were holding
that extremity of the land which is bounded by a line begin-
ning at the harbour of Brentesion and running to Taras. And
in mentioning these two similar cases I am suggesting many
other things also to which the Tauric land has resemblance.
100. After the Tauric land immediately come Scythians again,
occupying the parts above the Tauroi and the coasts of the
Eastern sea, that is to say the parts to the West of the Kim-
merian Bosphorus and of the Maiotian lake, as far as the river
Tanais, which runs into the corner of this lake. In the upper parts
which tend inland Scythia is bounded (as we know) 100 by the
Agathyrsians first, beginning from the Ister, then by the Neuroi,
afterwards by the Androphagoi, and lastly by the Melanchlainoi.
101. Scythia then being looked upon as a four-sided figure with
two of its sides bordered by the sea, has its border lines equal to
one another in each direction, that which tends inland and
that which runs along by the sea: for from the Ister to the
Borysthenes is ten days’ journey, and from the Borysthenes to
the Maiotian lake ten days’ more; and the distance inland to
the Melanchlainoi, who are settled above the Scythians, is a
journey of twenty days. Now I have reckoned the day’s
journey at two hundred furlongs:} and by this reckon-
ing the cross lines of Scythia! would be four thousand
furlongs in length, and the perpendiculars which tend inland
would be the same number of furlongs. Such is the size
of this land.

102. The Scythians meanwhile having considered with
themselves that they were not able to repel the army of
Dareios alone by a pitched battle, proceeded to send mess-

232 HERODOTUS

engers to those who dwelt near them: and already the
kings of these nations had come together and were taking
Howthe Scythians Counsel with one another, since so great an
sent messengers to army was marching towards them. Now those
ask help of their who had come together were the kings of the
neighbours, and . μ ° .
how the kings of 1001, Agathyrsians, Neuroi, Androphagoi,
those nations were Melanchlainoi, Gelonians, Budinoi and Sau-
met together. romatai, 103. Of these the Tauroi have the
following customs :—they sacrifice to the ‘‘ Maiden” both ship-
Th . wrecked persons and also those Hellenes whom
e Tauroi. . .

they can capture by putting out to sea against

them ;1°% and their manner of sacrifice is this :— when
they have made the first offering from the victim they |
strike his head with a club: and some say that they push the
body down from the top of the cliff (for it is upon a cliff that
the temple is placed) and set the head up on a stake; but
others, while agreeing as to the head, say nevertheless that the
body is not pushed down from the top of the cliff, but buried
in the earth. This divinity to whom they sacrifice, the Tauroi
themselves say is Iphigeneia the daughter of Agamemnon.
Whatsoever enemies they have conquered they treat in this
fashion :—each man cuts off a head and bears it away to
his house; then he impales it on a long stake and sets it up
above his house raised to a great height, generally above
the chimney ; and they say that these are suspended above as
guards to preserve the whole house. This people has its
living by plunder andwar. 104. The Agathyrsians
are the most luxurious of men and wear gold
ornaments for the most part: also they have promiscuous
intercourse with their women, in order that they may be
brethren to one another and being all nearly related may not
feel envy or malice one against another. In their other cus-
toms they have come to resemble the Thracians. 105. The
Neuroi practise the Scythian customs: and one
generation before the expedition of Dareios it
so befell them that they were forced to quit their land alto-
gether by reason of serpents: for their land produced serpents
in vast numbers, and they fell upon them in still larger
numbers from the desert country above their borders; until at
last being hard pressed they left their own land and settled

The Agathyrsians.

The Neuroi.

BOOK IV 333

among the Budinoi. These men it would seem are wizards ;

for it is said of them by the Scythians and by the Hellenes
who are settled in the Scythian land that once in every year
each of the Neuroi becomes a wolf for a few days and then
returns again to his original form. For my part I do not
believe them when they say this, but they say it nevertheless,
and swear it moreover. 106. The Androphagoi
have the most savage manners of all human
beings, and they neither acknowledge any rule of right nor
observe any customary law. They are nomads and wear
clothing like that of the Scythians, but have a language of their
own ; and alone of all these nations they are man-eaters. 107.
The Melanchlainoi wear all of them black cloth-

ing, whence also they have their name; and Tue Melan-
they practise the customs of the Scythians.

108. The Budinoi are a great and numerous The Budinoi and
race, and are all very blue-eyed and fair of Gomans.
skin: and in their land is built a city of wood, the name
of which is Gelonos, and each side of the wall is thirty fur-
longs in length and lofty at the same time, all being of wood ;
and the houses are of wood also and the temples ; for there are
in it temples of Hellenic gods furnished after Hellenic fashion
with sacred images and altars and cells, all of wood; and
they keep festivals every other year!®to Dionysos and cele-
brate the rites of Bacchus: for the Gelonians are originally
Hellenes, and they removed!™ from the trading stations on
the coast and settled among the Budinoi; and they use partly
the Scythian language and partly the Hellenic. The Budinoi
however do not use the same language as the Gelonians, nor is
their manner of living the same: 109, for the Budinoi are
natives of the soil and a nomad people, and alone of the
nations in these parts feed on fir-cones ; 107 but the Gelonians
are tillers of the ground and feed on corn and have gardens,
and resemble them not at all either in appearance or in com-
plexion of skin. However by the Hellenes the Budinoi also
are called Gelonians, not being rightly so called. Their land
is all thickly overgrown with forests of all kinds of trees, and
in the thickest forest there is a large and deep lake, and round
it marshy ground and reeds. In this are caught otters and
beavers and certain other wild animals with square-shaped

The Androphagoi.

224 HERODOTUS

faces. The fur of these is sewn as a fringe round their coats
of skin, and the testicles are made use of by them for curing
diseases of the womb.

110. About the Sauromatai the following tale is told :-—
When the Hellenes had fought with the Amazons,— now
The Sauromatai, the Amazons are called by the Scythians Ozor-
and whence they fata,!°S which name means in the Hellenic
are sprung. tongue “‘slayers of men,” for “man” they call
otor, and pafa means “to slay,”—then, as the story goes, the
Hellenes, having conquered them in the battle at the Ther-
modon, were sailing away and conveying with them in three
ships as many Amazons as they were able to take prisoners.
These in the open sea set upon the men and cast them out of
the ships ; but they knew nothing about ships, nor how to use
rudders or sails or oars, and after they had cast out the men
they were driven about by wave and wind and came to that part
of the Maiotian lake where Cremnoi stands ; now Cremnoi is in
the land of the free Scythians.% There the Amazons disem-
barked from their ships and made their way into the country,
and having met first with a troop of horses feeding they seized
them, and mounted upon: these they plundered the property of
the Scythians. 111. The Scythians meanwhile were not able
to understand the matter, for they did not know either their
speech or their dress or the race to which they belonged, but
were in wonder as to whence they had come and thought
that they were men, of an age corresponding to their appear-
ance: and finally they fought a battle against them, and
after the battle the Scythians got possession of the bodies of
the dead, and thus they discovered that they were women.
They took counsel therefore and resolved by no means to go
on trying to kill them, but to send against them the youngest
men from among themselves, making conjecture of the number
so as to send just as many men as there were women. These
were told to encamp near them, and do whatsoever they should
do ; if however the women should come after them, they were
not to fight but to retire before them, and when the women
stopped, they were to approach near and encamp. This plan
was adopted by the Scythians because they desired to have
children born from them. 112. The young men accordingly
were sent out and did that which had been commanded them :

BOOK IV 335

and when the Amazons perceived that they had not come to
do them any harm, they let them alone; and the two camps
approached nearer to one another every day: and the young
men, like the Amazons, had nothing except their arms and
their horses, and got their living, as the Amazons did, by hunt-
ing and by taking booty. 113. Now the Amazons at midday
used to scatter abroad either one by one or by two together,
dispersing to a distance from one another to ease them-
selves; and the Scythians also having perceived this did
the same thing: and one of the Scythians came near to
one of those Amazons who were apart by themselves, and
she did not repulse him but allowed him to lie with her:
and she could not speak to him, for they did not understand
one another’s speech, but she made signs to him with her
hand to come on the following day to the same place and to
bring another with him, signifying to him that there should be
two of them, and that she would bring another with her. The
young man therefore, when he returned, reported this to the
others ; and on the next day he came himself to the place and
also brought another, and he found the Amazon awaiting him
with another in her company. Then hearing this the rest of
the young men also in their turn tamed for themselves the
remainder of the Amazons; 114, and after this they joined
their camps and lived together, each man having for his wife
her with whom he had had dealings at first; and the men
were not able to learn the speech of the women, but the
women came to comprehend that of the men. So when they
understood one another, the men spoke to the Amazons as
follows: ‘“We have parents and we have possessions; now there-
fore let us no longer lead a life of this kind, but let us go away
to the main body of our people and dwell with them; and we
will have you for wives and no others.” They however spoke
thus in reply : ‘‘ We should not be able to live with your women,
for we and they have not the same customs. We shoot with
bows and hurl javelins and ride horses, but the works of
women we never learnt; whereas your women do none of
these things which we said, but stay in the waggons and work
at the works of women, neither going out to the chase nor
anywhither else. We therefore should not be able to live in
agreement with them: but if ye desire to keep us for your

436 HERODOTUS

wives and to be thought honest men, go to your parents and
obtain from them your share of the goods, and then let us go
and dwell by ourselves.” 115. The young men agreed and did
this ; and when they had obtained the share of goods which
belonged to them and had returned back to the Amazons, the
women spoke to them as follows: ‘‘ We are possessed by fear
and trembling to think that we must dwell in this place, having
not only separated you from your fathers, but also done great
damage to your land. Since then ye think it right to have us
as your wives, do this together with us,—come and let us
remove from this land and pass over the river Tanais and
there dwell.” 116. The young men agreed to this also, and
they crossed over the Tanais and made their way towards the
rising sun for three days’ journey from the Tanais, and also
towards the North Wind for three days’ journey from the
Maiotian lake: and having arrived at the place where they
are now settled, they took up their abode there: and from
thenceforward the women of the Sauromatai practise their
ancient way of living, going out regularly on horseback to the
chase both in company with the men and apart from them,
and going regularly to war, and wearing the same dress as the
men. 117. And the Sauromatai make use of the Scythian
tongue, speaking it barbarously however from the first, since
the Amazons did not learn it thoroughly well. As regards
marriages their rule is this, that no maiden is married until
she has slain a man of their enemies ; and some of them even
grow old and die before they are married, because they are
not able to fulfil the requirement of the law.

118. To the kings of these nations then, which have been
mentioned in order, the messengers of the Scythians came,
The speech of finding them gathered together, and spoke de-
the envoys of the Claring to them how the Persian king, after
Scythians to having subdued all things to himself in the
these kings, other continent, had laid a bridge over the neck
of the Bosphorus and had crossed over to that continent,
and having crossed over and subdued the Thracians, was
making a bridge over the river Ister, desiring to bring under
his power all these regions also. ‘‘ Do ye therefore,” they said,
“by no means stand aloof and allow us to be destroyed, but
let us become all of one mind and oppose him who is coming

BOOK IV 337

against us. If ye shall not do so, we on our part shall either

be forced by necessity to leave our land, or we shall stay in it
and make a treaty with the invader; for what else can we do
if ye are not willing to help us? and for you after this 110
it will be in no respect easier; for the Persian has come not
at all less against you than against us, nor will it content
him to subdue us and abstain from you. And of the truth
of that which we say we will mention a strong evidence: if the
Persian had been making his expedition against us alone, because
he desired to take vengeance for the former servitude, he ought
to have abstained from all the rest and to have come at once
to invade our land, and he would thus have made it clear to

all that he was marching to fight against the Scythians and not .

against the rest. In fact however, ever since he crossed
over to this continent, he has compelled all who came in his
way to submit to him, and he holds under him now not only
the other Thracians but also the Getai, who are our nearest
neighbours.” 119. When the Scythians pro-

posed this, the kings who had come from the and pow tey ἸΏ
various nations took counsel together, and their opinion, some
opinions were divided. The kings of the desiring to aid
Gelonians, of the Budinoi and of the Sauro- ee cythians,
matai agreed together and accepted the pro-
posal that they should help the Scythians, but those of the
Agathyrsians, Neuroi, Androphagoi, Melanchlainoi and Tauroi
returned answer to the Scythians as follows: “If ye had not
been the first to do wrong to the Persians and to begin war,
then we should have surely thought that ye were speaking
justly in asking for those things for which ye now ask, and
we should have yielded to your request and shared your
fortunes. As it is however, ye on the one hand made in-
vasion without us into their land, and bare rule over the
Persians for so long a time as God permitted you; and they
in their turn, since the same God stirs them up, are repay-
ing you with the like. As for us however, neither at that
time did we do any wrong to these men nor now shall we
attempt to do wrong to them unprovoked: if however the
Persians shall come against our land also, and do wrong first
to us, we also shall refuse to submit!4!:: but until we shall see
this, we shall remain by ourselves, for we are of opinion that

VOL. I Ζ

π᾿

338 HERODOTUS

the Persians have come not against us, but against those who
were the authors of the wrong.” 120. When the Scythians
heard this answer reported, they planned
How tne Ss not to fight a pitched battle openly, since
to fly before these did not join them as allies, but to retire
Dareios. before the Persians and to drive away their
cattle from before them, choking up with earth the wells and
the springs of water by which they passed and destroying the
grass from off the ground, having parted themselves for this into
two bodies ; and they resolved that the Sauromatai should be
added to one of their divisions, namely that over which Scopasis
was king, and that these should move on, if the Persian turned
in that direction, straight towards the river Tanais, retreating
before him by the shore of the Maiotian lake; and when the
Persian marched back again, they should come after and pur-
sue him. This was one division of their kingdom, appointed
to go by the way which has been said; and the other two of
the kingdoms, the large one over which Idanthyrsos was king,
and the third of which Taxakis was king, were to join together
in one, with the Gelonians and the Budinoi added to them,
and they also were to retire before the Persians one day’s
march in front of them, going on out of their way and doing
that which had been planned. First they were to move on
straight for the countries which had refused to give their
alliance, in order that they might involve these also in the
war, and though these had not voluntarily undertaken the war
with the Persians, they were to involve them in it nevertheless
against their will; and after that they were to return to their
own land and attack the enemy, if it should seem good to
them in council so to do.

121. Having formed this plan the Scythians went to meet the
army of Dareios, sending off the best of their horsemen before
them as scouts ; but all+!* the waggons in which
their children and their women lived they sent
on, and with them all their cattle (leaving only
so much as was sufficient to supply them with food), and
charged them that they should proceed continually towards
the North Wind. These, I say, were being carried on
before: 122, but when the scouts who went in front of the
Scythians discovered the Persians distant about three days’

Dareios pursuing
the Scythians

BOOK 1V 339

march from the Ister, then the Scythians having discovered
them continued to pitch their camp one day’s march in front,
destroying utterly that which grew from the ground : and when
the Persians saw that the horsemen of the Scythians had made
their appearance, they came after them following in their track,
while the Scythians continually moved on. After this, since
they had directed their march towards the first of the
divisions, the Persians continued to pursue towards the East
and the river Tanais ; and when the Scythians crossed over
the river Tanais, the Persians crossed over after them and
continued still to pursue, until they had passed quite through
the land of the Sauromatai and had come to that of the
Budinoi. 128. Now so long as the Persians were passing
through Scythia and the land of the Sauromatai, they had
nothing to destroy, seeing that the land was bare,!* but when
they invaded the land of the Budinoi, then they fell in with
the wooden wall, which had been deserted by the Budinoi and
left wholly unoccupied, and this they destroyed by fire. Having
done so they continued to follow on further in the track of the
enemy, until they had passed through the whole of this land
and had arrived at the desert. This desert region is occupied
by no men, and it lies above the land of the Budinoi, extend-
ing for aseven days’ journey ; and above this desert dwell the
Thyssagetai, and four large rivers flow from them through the
land of the Maiotians and run into that which is called the
Maiotian lake, their names being as follows,—Lycos, Oaros,
Tanais, Syrgis..4 124, When therefore Dareios came to the
desert region, he ceased from his course and
halted his army upon the river Oaros. Having
so done he began to build eight large fortifica-
tions at equal distances from one another, that is to say
about sixty furlongs, of which the ruins still existed down to
' my time; and while he was occupied in this, the Scythians
whom he was pursuing came round by the upper parts and
returned back to Scythia. Accordingly, since these had
altogether disappeared and were no longer seen by the Persians
at all, Dareios left those fortifications half anq returned
finished, and turning back himself began to go _ back again, still
towards the West, supposing that these were the . Pursuing.
whole body of the Scythians and that they were flying towards

came at length
to the desert,

340 HERODOTUS

the West. 125. And marching his army as quickly as pos-
sible, when he came to Scythia he met with the two divisions
of the Scythians together, and having fallen in with these he
continued to pursue them, while they retired out of his way
one day’s journey in advance: and as Dareios did not cease
to come after them, the Scythians according to the plan which
they had made continued to retire before him towards the
land of those who had refused to give their alliance, and first
towards that of the Melanchlainoi; and when Scythians and
Persians both together had invaded and disturbed these, the
Scythians led the way to the country of the Androphagoi ; and
when these also had been disturbed, they proceeded to the
land of the Neuroi ; and while these too were being disturbed,
the Scythians went on retiring before the enemy to the Aga-
thyrsians. The Agathyrsians however, seeing that their next
neighbours also were flying from the Scythians and had
been disturbed, sent a herald before the Scythians invaded
their land and proclaimed to the Scythians not to set foot
upon their confines, warning them that if they should attempt
to invade the country, they would first have to fight with them.
The Agathyrsians then having given this warning came out in
arms to their borders, meaning to drive off those who were
coming upon them; but the Melanchlainoi and Androphagoi
and Neuroi, when the Persians and Scythians together invaded
their land, did not betake themselves to brave defence but
forgot their former threat "δ and fled in confusion ever further
towards the North to the desert region. The Scythians how-
ever, when the Agathyrsians had warned them off, did not
attempt any more to come to these, but led the Persians from
the country of the Neuroi back to their own land.
126. Now as this went on for a long time and did not
cease, Dareios sent a horseman to Idanthyrsos king of the
Scythians and said as follows: “Thou most
em Darcos wondrous man, why dost thou fly for ever, when
sent tothe thou mightest do of these two things one ?—if
Scythian king, thou thinkest thyself able to make opposition to
my power, stand thou still and cease from wandering abroad,
and fight; but if thou dost acknowledge thyself too weak,
cease then in that case also from thy course, and come to
‘speech with thy master, bringing to him gifts of earth and of

BOOK IV 341

water.” 127. To this the king of the Scythians Idanthyrsos
made answer thus: “My case, O Persian,
stands thus:—Never yet did I fly because I
was afraid, either before this time from any other man, or
now from thee; nor have I done anything different now from
that which I was wont to do also in time of peace: and as to
the cause why I do not fight with thee at once, this also I will
declare to thee. We have neither cities nor land sown with
crops, about which we should fear lest they be captured or
laid waste, and so join battle more speedily with you; but
if it be necessary by all means to come to this speedily, know
that we have sepulchres in which our fathers are buried ; there-
fore come now, find out these and attempt to destroy them,
and ye shall know then whether we shall fight with you for the
sepulchres or whether we shall not fight. Before that however,
unless the motion comes upon us, we shall not join battle
with thee. About fighting let so much as has been said suffice ;
but as to masters, I acknowledge none over me but Zeus my
ancestor and Hestia the queen of the Scythians. To thee then
in place of gifts of earth and water I shall send such things as
it is fitting that thou shouldest receive; and in return for thy
saying that thou art my master, for that I say, woe betide
thee.” 6 This is the proverbial “saying of the Scythians,” 1!”
128. The herald then had departed to report this to
Dareios; and the kings of the Scythians, having heard
mention of subjection to a master, were filled with wrath.
They sent accordingly the division which was
appointed to be joined with the Sauromatai, Seytinone. of the
that division of which Scopasis was in com-
mand, bidding them come to speech with the [onians,
namely those who were guarding the bridge of the Ister, and
meanwhile they who were left behind resolved not to lead
the Persians wandering about any more, but to attack them
constantly as they were getting provisions. Therefore they
observed the soldiers of Dareios as they got provisions, and
did that which they had determined: and the cavalry of the
Scythians always routed that of the enemy, but the Persian
horsemen as they fled fell back upon the men on foot, and
these would come up to their assistance; and meanwhile
the Scythians when they had driven in the cavalry turned back,

and his reply.

342 HERODOTUS

fearing the men on foot. Also by night the Scythians used
to make similar attacks: 129, and the thing which, strange
to say, most helped the Persians and hindered the Scythians in
their attacks upon the camp of Dareios, I will mention, namely
the voice of the asses and the appearance of the mules; for
Scythia produces neither ass nor mule, as I have declared
before, nor is there at all in the Scythian country either ass or
mule on account of the cold. The asses accordingly by
riotously braying used to throw into confusion the cavalry of
the Scythians; and often, as they were in the middle of riding
against the Persians, when the horses heard the voice of the
asses they turned back in confusion and were possessed with
wonder, pricking up their ears, because they had never heard
such a voice nor seen the form of the creature before. 180.
So far then the Persians had the advantage for a small part
of the war.4® But the Scythians, whenever they saw that the
Persians were disquieted, then in order that they might remain
a longer time in Scythia and in remaining might suffer by
being in want of everything, would leave some of their
own cattle behind with the herdsmen, while they themselves
rode out of the way to another place, and the Persians
would come upon the cattle and take them, and having
taken them they were elated at what they had done. 131.
As this happened often, at length Dareios began to be in
straits; and the kings of the Scythians perceiv-
ing this sent a herald bearing as gifts to Dareios
a bird and a mouse and a frog and five arrows.
The Persians accordingly asked the bearer of the gifts as to the
meaning of the gifts which were offered; but he said that nothing
more had been commanded to him but to give them and. get
away as speedily as possible ; and he bade the Persians find
out for themselves, if they had wisdom, that which the gifts
were meant to express. 132. Having heard this the Persians
took counsel with one another ; and the opinion
of Dareios was that the Scythians. were giving
to him both themselves and also earth and
water, making his conjecture by this, namely that a mouse
is produced in the earth and feeds on the same produce
of the earth as man, and a frog in the water, while a bird
has great resemblance to a horse ;#® and moreover that in

Their gifts to
Dareios,

and the interpret-
ation of them.

BOOK IV 343

giving the arrows they were delivering up their own might in
battle. This was the opinion expressed by Dareios; but the
opinion of Gobryas, one of the seven men who killed the
Magian, was at variance with it, for he conjectured that the
gifts expressed this: ‘“SUnless ye become birds and fly up
to the heaven, O Persians, or become mice and sink down
under the earth, or become frogs and leap into the lakes, ye shall
not return back home, but shall be smitten by these arrows.”
133. The Persians then, I say, were making conjecture of
the gifts: and meanwhile the single division of the Scythians,
that which had been appointed at first to keep
guard along the Maiotian lake and then to go Soythians on.
to the Ister and come to speech with the deavoured to
Tonians, when they arrived at the bridge spoke ἃ5 persuade the
follows: “Ionians, we have come bringing you the badge
freedom, if at least ye are willing to listen to
us; for we are informed that Dareios gave you command to
guard the bridge for sixty days only, and then, if he had
not arrived within that time, to get you. away to your own
land. Now therefore, if ye do as we say, ye will be without
blame from his part and without blame also from ours:
stay the appointed days and then after that get you away.”
They then, when the Ionians had engaged themselves to do
this, hastened back again by the quickest way: 134, and
meanwhile, after the coming of the gifts to νον nareios at
Dareios, the Scythians who were left had arrayed jength resolved
themselves against the Persians with both foot to leave the
and horse, meaning to engage battle. Now Sevthians,
when the Scythians had been placed in battle- :
array, a hare darted through them into the space between the
two armies, and each company of them, as they saw the hare,
began to run after it. When the Scythians were thus thrown
into disorder and were raising loud cries, Dareios asked what
was this clamour arising from the enemy; and hearing that
they were running after the hare, he said to those men to whom
he was wont to say things at other times: “These men have
very slight regard for us, and I perceive now that Gobryas
spoke rightly about the Scythian gifts. Seeing then that now
I myself too think that things are so, we have need of good
counsel, in order that our retreat homewards may be safely

344 HERODOTUS

made.” To this replied Gobryas and said: “O king, even by
report I was almost assured of the difficulty of dealing with
these men ; and when I came I learnt it still more thoroughly,
since I saw that they were mocking us. Now therefore my
opinion is, that as soon as night comes on, we kindle the
camp-fires as we are wont to do at other times also, and de-
ceive with a false tale those of our men who are weakest to
endure hardships, and tie up all the asses and get us away,
before either the Scythians make for the Ister to destroy the
bridge or something be resolved by the Ionians which may be
our ruin.” 185. Thus Gobryas advised ; and
after this, when night came on, Dareios acted
on this opinion. Those of his men who'were
weakened by fatigue and whose loss was of least account,
these he left behind in the camp, and the asses also tied up:
and for the following reasons he left behind the asses and the
weaker men of his army,—the asses in order that they might
make a noise which should be heard, and the men really
because of their weakness, but on a pretence stated openly
that he was about to attack the Scythians with the effective
part of the army, and that they meanwhile were to be de-
fenders of the camp. Having thus instructed those who were
left behind, and having kindled camp-fires, Dareios hastened
by the quickest way towards the Ister: and the asses, having
no longer about them the usual throng,!” very much more for
that reason caused their voice to be heard ;1#! so the Scythians,
hearing the asses, supposed surely that the Persians were re-

and how he set
forth to the Ister;

which the maining in their former place. 136. But when
Scythiansalso it was day, those who were left behind per-
did, ceived that they had been betrayed by Dareios,

and they held out their hands in submission to the Scythians,
telling them what their case was; and the Scythians, when
they heard this, joined together as quickly as possible, that is to
say the two combined divisions of the Scythians and the single
division, and also the Sauromatai,!2* Budinoi, and Gelonians,
and began to pursue the Persians, making straight for the Ister :
but as the Persian army for the most part consisted of men
on foot, and was not acquainted with the roads (the roads
not being marked with tracks), while the Scythian army con-
sisted of horsemen and was acquainted with the shortest cuts

BOOK IV 345

upon the way, they missed one another and the Scythians
arrived at the bridge much before the Persians. Then having
learnt that the Persians had not yet arrived, μὰ arriving be-
they said to the Ionians who were in the ships: fore him spoke
“ Tonians, the days of your number are past, and with the Ionians
ye are not acting uprightly in that ye yet remain again οὗ breaking
ΝΕ 86.
waiting: but as ye stayed before from fear,
so now break up the passage as quickly as ye may, and de-
part free and unhurt,!% feeling thankfulness both to the gods
and to the Scythians: and him who was formerly your master
we will so convince, that he shall never again march with an
army upon any nation.” 137. Upon this the
Ionians took counsel together; and Miltiades [he Council of
the Athenian on the one hand, who was com- despots, and the
mander and despot of the men of the Chersonese advice of
in Hellespont, was of opinion that they should Μηδ αῖοΣ the
follow the advice of the Scythians and set Ionia
free: but Histiaios the Milesian was of the opposite opinion
to this; for he said that at the present time it was by means
of Dareios that each one of them was ruling as despot over
a city; and if the power of Dareios should be destroyed,
neither he himself would be able to bear rule over the
Milesians, nor would any other of them be able to bear rule
over any city; for each of the cities would choose to have
popular rather than despotic rule. When Histiaios declared
his opinion thus, forthwith all turned to this opinion, whereas at
the first they were adopting that of Miltiades. 138. Now these
were they who gave the vote between the two opinions, and
- were men of consequence in the eyes of the king,—first the
despots of the Hellespontians, Daphnis of Abydos, Hippoclos
of Lampsacos, Herophantos of Parion, Metrodoros of Pro-
connesos, Aristagoras of Kyzicos, and Ariston of Byzantion,
these were those from the Hellespont ; and from Ionia, Strattis
of Chios, Aiakes of Samos, Laodamas of Phocaia, and His-
tiaios of Miletos, whose opinion had been proposed in op-
position to that of Miltiades; and of the Aiolians the only
man of consequence there present was Arista-
goras of Kymé. 139. When these adopted the which they
opinion of Histiaios, they resolved to add to
it deeds and words as follows, namely to break up that part

346 HERODOTUS

of the bridge which was on the side towards the Scythians,
to break it up, I say, for a distance equal to the range of an
arrow, both in order that they might be thought to be doing
something, though in fact they were doing nothing, and for fear
that the Scythians might make an attempt using force and desir-
ing to cross the Ister by the bridge: and in breaking up that
part of the bridge which was towards Scythia they resolved to say
that they would do all that which the Scythians
the Seythions desired. This they added to the opinion pro-
posed, and then Histiaios coming forth from
among them made answer to the Scythians as follows: “ Scy-
thians, ye are come bringing good news, and it is a timely haste
that ye make to bring it; and ye on your part give us good
guidance, while we on ours render to you suitable service. For,
as ye see, we are breaking up the passage, and we shall show
all zeal in our desire to be free: and while we are breaking up
the bridge, it is fitting that ye should be seeking for those of
whom ye speak, and when ye have found them, that ye should
take vengeance on them on behalf of us as well as of your-
selves in such manner as they deserve.”

140. The Scythians then, believing for the second time
that the Ionians were speaking the truth, turned back to
How these failea make search for the Persians, but they missed
of finding the altogether their line of march through the
army of Dareios. Jang, Of this the Scythians themselves were
the cause, since they had destroyed the pastures for horses
in that region and had choked up with earth the springs
of water; for if they had not done this, it would have
been possible for them easily, if they desired it, to discover
the Persians: but as it was, by those things wherein they
thought they had taken their measures best, they failed of suc-
cess. The Scythians then on their part were passing through
those regions of their own land where there was grass for the
horses and springs of water, and were seeking for the enemy
there, thinking that they too were taking a course in their retreat
through such countryas this; while the Persians in fact marched
keeping carefully to the track which they had made before,
and so they found the passage of the river, though with
difficulty : 125 and as they arrived by night and found the
bridge broken up, they were brought to the extreme of fear,

BOOK IV 347

lest the Ionians should have deserted them. 141. Now there
was with Dareios an Egyptian who had a voice της coming of
louder than that of any other man on earth, and the Persians to
this man Dareios ordered to take his stand upon the Ister and
the bank of the Ister and to call Histiaios of thet crossing by
Miletos. He accordingly proceeded to do so; ee

and Histiaios, hearing the first hail, produced all the ships to
carry the army over and also put together the bridge. 142.
Thus the Persians escaped, and the Scythians

in their search missed the Persians the second How Dareios a
time also: and their judgment of the Ionians
is that on the one hand, if they be regarded as free men, they
are the most worthless and cowardly of all men, but on the
other hand, if regarded as slaves, they are the most attached
to their master and the least disposed to run away of all
slaves. This is the reproach which is cast against the Ionians
by the Scythians,

143. Dareios then marching through Thrace arrived at
Sestos in the Chersonese; and from that place, he passed
over himself in his ships to Asia, but to com- leaving Mega-
mand his army in Europe he left Megabazos pazos with
a Persian, to whom Dareios once gave honour command to
by uttering in the land of Persia! this say- subdue the
ing :—- Dareios was beginning to eat pome-
granates, and at once when he opened the first of them,
Artabanos his brother asked him of what he would desire to
have as many as there were seeds in the pomegranate: and
Dareios said that he would desire to have men like Megabazos
as many as that in number, rather than to have Hellas subject
to him. In Persia, I say, he honoured him by saying these
words, and at this time he left him in command with eight
myriads" of his army. 144, This Megabazos 1. κονίην of
uttered one saying whereby he left of himself yj, Megabazos
an imperishable memory with the peoples of concerning the
Hellespont: for being once at Byzantion he Oe oon
heard that the men of Calchedon had settled in
that region seventeen years before the Byzantians, and having
heard it he said that those of Calchedon at that time chanced
to be blind; for assuredly they would not have chosen the
worse place, when they might have settled in that which was

348 HERODOTUS

better, if they had not been blind. This Megabazos it was
who was left in command at that time in the land of the
Hellespontians, and he proceeded to subdue all who did not
take the side of the Medes.

145, He then was doing thus; and at this very same time

a great expedition was being made also against Libya, on an
That about this occasion which I shall relate when I have first
time there was related this which follows.— The children’s
made alsoan Children of those who voyaged in the Argo,
ein upon having been driven forth by those Pelasgians
and first the man. WhO catried away at Braurdn the women of the
ner in which the Athenians,—having been driven forth I say by
peenes cameto these from Lemnos, had departed and sailed to
mye Lacedemon, and sitting down on Mount Tay-
getos they kindled a fire. The Lacedemonians seeing this
sent a messenger to inquire who they were and from whence ;
and they answered the question of the messenger saying that
they were Minyai and children of the heroes who sailed in the
Argo, for 1238 these, they said, had put in to Lemnos and propa-
gated the race of which they sprang, The Lacedemonians having
heard the story of the descent of the Minyai, sent a second time
and asked for what purpose they had come into the country and
were causing a fire to blaze. They said that they had been
cast out by the Pelasgians, and were come now to the land of
their fathers,!” for most just it was that this should so be done;
and they said that their request was to be permitted to dwell
with these, having a share of civil rights and a portion allotted
to them of the land. And the Lacedemonians were content
to receive the Minyai upon the terms which they themselves
desired, being most of all impelled to do this by the fact that
the sons of Tyndareus were voyagers in the Argo. So having
received the Minyai they gave them a share of land and
distributed them in the tribes; and they forthwith made
marriages, and gave in marriage to others the women whom
they brought with them from Lemnos. 146. However, when
no very long time had passed, the Minyai forthwith broke out
into insolence, asking for a share of the royal power and also
doing other impious things: therefore the Lacedemonians
resolved to put them to death; and having seized them they

BOOK IV 349

cast them into a prison. . Now the Lacedemonians put to death
by night all those whom they put to death, but no man by
day. When therefore they were just about to kill them, the
wives of the Minyai, being native Spartans and daughters of
the first citizens of Sparta, entreated to be allowed to enter the
prison and come to speech every one with her own husband :
and they let them pass in, not supposing that any craft
would be practised by them. They however, when they had
entered, delivered to their husbands all the garments which
they were wearing, and themselves received those of their
husbands: thus the Minyai having put on the women’s clothes
went forth out of prison as women, and having escaped in this
manner they went again to Taygetos and sat down there.
147. Now at this very same time Theras the son of Autesion,
the son of Tisamenos, the son of Thersander, the son of
Polyneikes, was preparing to set forth from Lacedemon to.
found a settlement. This Theras, who was of pow Thera was
the race of Cadmos, was mother’s brother to colonised from
the sons of Aristodemos, Eurysthenes and Pro- 14cedemon.
cles ; and while these sons were yet children, Theras as their
guardian held the royal power in Sparta. When however his
nephews were grown and had taken the power into their
hands, then Theras, being grieved that he should be ruled by
others after he had tasted of rule himself, said that he would
not remain in Lacedemon, but would sail away to his kinsmen.
Now there were in the island which now is called Thera, but
formerly was called Callista, descendants of Membliaros the son
of Poikiles, a Phenician : for Cadmos the son of Agenor in his
search for Europa put in to land at the island which is now
called Thera ; and, whether it was that the country pleased him
when he had put to land, or whether he chose to do so for any
other reason, he left in this island, besides other Phenicians,
Membliaros also, of his own kinsmen. These occupied the
island called Callista for eight generations of men, before
Theras came from Lacedemon. 148. To these then, I say,
Theras was preparing to set forth, taking with him people from
the tribes, and intending to settle together with those who have
been mentioned, not with any design to drive them out, but on
the contrary claiming them very strongly as kinsfolk. And
when the Minyai after having escaped from the prison went

350 HERODOTUS

and sat down on Taygetos, Theras entreated of the Lacede-
monians, as they were proposing to put them to death, that
no slaughter might take place, and at the same time he.
engaged himself to take them forth out of the land. . The
Lacedemonians having agreed to this proposal, he sailed away
with three thirty-oared galleys to the descendants of Mem-
bliaros, not taking with him by any means all the Minyai,
but a few only; for the greater number of them turned
towards the land of the Paroreatai and Caucones, and having
driven these out of their country, they parted themselves into
six divisions and founded in their territory the following
towns,—Lepreon, Makistos, Phrixai, Pyrgos, Epion, Nudion:
of these the Eleians sacked the greater number within my
own lifetime. The island meanwhile got its name of Thera
after Theras 150 who led the settlement. 149. And since his
‘son said that he would not sail with him, therefore he said that
he would leave him behind as a sheep among wolves; and
in accordance with that saying this young man got the name

of Oiolycos,!*! and it chanced that this name prevailed over his
" former name: then from Oiolycos was begotten Aigeus, after
whom are called the Aigeidai, a powerful clan 153 in Sparta:
and the men of this tribe, since their children did not live to
grow up, established by the suggestion of an oracle a temple to
the Avenging Deities 188 of Laios and Cédipus, and after this.
the same thing was continued #4 in Thera by the descendants
of these men.

150. Up to this point of the story the Lacedemonians
agree in their report with the men of Thera; but in what is
How the men of to come it is those of Thera alone who report
Thera with Battos that it happened as follows. Grinnos the son
cate 6 of Aisanios, a descendant of the Theras who

has been mentioned, and king of the island of
Thera, came to Delphi bringing the offering of a hecatomb
from his State; and there were accompanying him, besides
others of the citizens, also Battos the son of Polymnestos, who
was by descent of the family of Euphemos 186 of the race of
the Minyai. Now when Grinnos the king of the Theraians was
consulting the Oracle about other matters, the Pythian pro-
phetess gave answer bidding him found a city in Libya; and
he made reply saying: “ Lord,}®’ I am by this time somewhat

BOOK IV 351

old and heavy to stir, but do thou bid some one of these
younger ones do this.” As he thus said he pointed towards
Battos. So far at that time: but afterwards when he had come
away they were in difficulty about the saying of the Oracle, neither
having any knowledge of Libya, in what part of the earth it was,
nor venturing to send out a colony to the unknown. 151.
Then after this for seven years there was no rain in Thera, and
in these years all the trees in their island were withered up
excepting one: and when the Theraians consulted the Oracle,
the Pythian prophetess alleged this matter of colonising Libya
to be the cause. As then they had no remedy for their evil,
they sent messengers to Crete, to find out whether any of the
Cretans or of the sojourners in Crete had ever come to Libya.
These as they wandered round about the country came also to
the city of Itanos, and there they met with a fisher for purple
named Corobios, who said that he had been carried away by
winds and had come to Libya, and in Libya to the island
of Platea. This man they persuaded by payment of money
and took him to Thera, and from Thera there set sail men to
explore, at first not many in number; and Corobios’ having
guided them to this same island of Platea, they left Corobios
there, leaving behind with him provisions for a certain number
of months, and sailed themselves as quickly as possible to make
report about the island to the men of Thera. 152. Since
however these stayed away longer than the time appointed,
Corobios found himself destitute; and after this a ship of
Samos, of which the master was Colaios, while sailing to Egypt
was carried out of its course and came to this island of Platea ;
and the Samians hearing from Corobios the whole story left
him provisions for a year. They themselves then put out to
sea from the island and sailed on, endeavouring to reach Egypt
but carried away continually by the East Wind; and as the
wind did not cease to blow, they passed through the Pillars of
Heracles and came to Tartessos, guided by divine providence.
Now this trading-place was at that time untouched by any, so
that when these returned back home they made profit from their
cargo greater than any other Hellenes of whom we have certain
knowledge, with the exception at least of Sostratos the son of
Laodamas the Eginetan, for with him it is not possible for
any other man to contend. And the Samians set apart six

352 HERODOTUS

talents, the tenth part of their gains, and had a bronze vessel
made like an Argolic mixing-bowl with round it heads of
griffins projecting in a row; and this they dedicated as an
offering in the temple of Hera, setting as supports under it
three colossal statues of bronze seven cubits in height, rest-
ing upon their knees. By reason first of this deed great
friendship was formed by those of Kyrené and Thera with
the Samians. 158. The Theraians meanwhile, when they
arrived at Thera after having left Corobios in the island,
reported that they had colonised an island on the coast of
Libya: and the men of Thera resolved to send one of every
two brothers selected by lot and men besides taken from all
the regions of the island, which are seven in number; and
further that Battos should be both their leader and their king.
Thus then they sent forth two fifty-oared galleys to Platea.
154, This is the report of the Theraians; and for the
remainder of the account from this point onwards the
The report made Theraians are in agreement with the men of
of thesameevents Kyrené: from this point onwards, I say, since
by the Kyrenians. in what concerns Battos the Kyrenians tell
by no means the same tale as those of Thera; for their
account is this :—There is in Crete a city called Οᾶχοϑβ 138. in
which one Etearchos became king, who when he had a
daughter, whose mother was dead, named Phronimé, took to
wife another woman notwithstanding. She having come in
afterwards, thought fit to be a stepmother to Phronimé in deed
as well as in name, giving her evil treatment and devising
everything possible to her hurt; and at last she brings against
her a charge of lewdness and persuades her husband that the
truth is so. He then being convinced by his wife, devised an
unholy deed against the daughter: for there was in Odxos one
Themison, a merchant of Thera, whom Etearchos took to him-
self as a guest-friend and caused him to swear that he would
surely serve him in whatsoever he should require: and when
he had caused him to swear this, he brought and delivered to
him his daughter and bade him take her away and cast her into
the sea. Themison then was very greatly vexed at the deceit
practised in the matter of the oath, and he dissolved his guest-
friendship and did as follows, that is to say, he received the girl
and sailed away, and when he got out into the open sea, to free

TEE Te ΡΝ ἫΝ EE τὸ _—_eE eee Ἑ Ἢ

BOOK lV 353
himself from blame as regards the oath which Etearchos had
made him swear, he tied her on each side with ropes and let
her down into the sea, and then drew her up and came to
Thera. 155. After that, Polymnestos,a man of repute among
the Theraians, received Phronimé from him and kept her as his
concubine ; and in course of time there was born to him from
her a son with an impediment in his voice and lisping, to whom,
as both Theraians and Kyrenians say, was given the name
Battos, but I think that some other name was then given,}%
and he was named Battos instead of this after he came to
Libya, taking for himself this surname from the oracle which
was given to him at Delphi and from the rank which he had
obtained ; for the Libyans call a king daftos: and for this
reason, I think, the Pythian prophetess in her prophesying
called him so, using the Libyan tongue, because she knew
that he would be a king in Libya. For when he had grown
to be a man, he came to Delphi to inquire about his voice ;
and when he asked, the prophetess thus answered him :

‘¢ For a voice thou camest, O Battos, but thee lord Phoebus Apollo
Sendeth as settler forth to the Libyan land sheep-abounding,”

just as if she should say using the Hellenic tongue, “For a
voice thou camest, O king.” He thus made answer: “ Lord,
I came to thee to inquire concerning my voice, but thou
answerest me other things which are not possible, bidding me
go as a Settler to Libya; but with what power, or with what
force of men should I go?” Thus saying he did not at all
persuade her to give him any other reply ; and as she was pro-
phesying to him again the same things as before, Battos de-
parted while she was yet speaking,!“ and went away to Thera.
156. After this there came evil fortune both to himself and to
the other men of Thera ; 141 and the Theraians, not understand-
ing that which befell them, sent to Delphi to inquire about the
evils which they were suffering: and the Pythian prophetess
gave them reply that if they joined with Battos in founding
Kyrené in Libya, they would fare the better. After this the
Theraians sent Battos with two fifty-oared galleys; and these
sailed to Libya, and then came away back to Thera, for they did
not know what else to do: and the Theraians pelted them with
missiles when they endeavoured to land, and would not allow

VOL. I . 2A

Kyrené
founded
about 630
B.C.

354 HERODOTUS

them to put to shore, but bade them sail back again. They
accordingly being compelled sailed away back, and they made
a settlement in an island lying near the coast of Libya, called,
as was said before, Platea. This island is said to be of the
same size as the now existing city of Kyrené.

157. In this they continued to dwell two years; but as
they had no prosperity, they left one of their number behind
and all the rest sailed away to Delphi, and
having come to the Oracle they consulted it,
saying that they were dwelling in Libya and that,
though they were dwelling there, they fared none the better :
and the Pythian prophetess made answer to them thus:

How Battos re-
moved to Aziris,

“« Better than I if thou knowest the Libyan land sheep-abounding,
Not having been there than I who have been, at thy wisdom I
wonder.”

Having heard this Battos and his companions sailed away
back again ; for in fact the god would not let them off from
the task of settlement till they had come to Libya itself: and
having arrived at the island and taken up him whom they had
left, they made a settlement in Libya itself at a spot opposite
the island, called Aziris, which is enclosed by most fair woods
on both sides and a river flows by it on one side. 158.
and then to the Jn this spot they dwelt for six years; and
spring called in the seventh year the Libyans persuaded
Apollo's fountain. them to leave it, making request and saying
that they would conduct them to a better region. So the
Libyans led them from that place making them start towards
evening ; and in order that the Hellenes might not see the
fairest of all the regions as they passed through it, they led
them past it by night, having calculated the time of daylight:
and this region is called Irasa. Then having conducted them
to the so-called spring of Apollo, they said, “ Hellenes, here
is a fit place for you to dwell, for here the heaven is pierced
with holes.”

159. Now during the lifetime of the first settler Battos,
who reigned forty years, and of his son Arkesilaos, who
reigned sixteen years, the Kyrenians continued
to dwell there with the same number as 142
when they first set forth to the colony; but in the time of

Kyrené.

BOOK IV 355

the third king, called Battos the Prosperous, the Pythian
prophetess gave an oracle wherein she urged the Hellenes in
general to sail and join with the Kyrenians in colonising Libya.
For the Kyrenians invited them, giving promise of a division
of land; and the oracle which she uttered was as follows :

‘¢ Who to the land much desiréd, to Libya, afterwards cometh,
After the land be divided,143 I say he shall some day repent it.”

Then great numbers were gathered at Kyrené, and the
Libyans who dwelt round had much land cut off from their
possessions ; therefore they with their king whose name was
Adicran, as they were not only deprived of their country but
also were dealt with very insolently by the Kyrenians, sent to
Egypt and delivered themselves over to Apries king of Egypt.
He then having gathered a great army of Egyptians, sent it
against Kyrené ; and the men of Kyrené marched out to the
region of Irasa and to the spring Thesté,!“* and there both
joined battle with the Egyptians and defeated them in the
battle: for since the Egyptians had not before made trial of
Hellenes in fight and therefore despised them, they were so
slaughtered that but few of them returned back to Egypt.
In consequence of this and because they laid the blame of it
upon Apries, the Egyptians revolted from him.

160. This Battos had a son called Arkesilaos, who first
when he became king made a quarrel with his own brothers,
until they finally departed to another region Barca
of Libya, and making the venture for them-
selves founded that city which was then and is now called
Barca; and at the same time as they founded this, they
induced the Libyans to revolt from the Kyrenians. After
this, Arkesilaos made an expedition against those Libyans
who had received them and who had also revolted from
Kyrené, and the Libyans fearing him departed and fled
towards the Eastern tribes of Libyans: and Arkesilaos followed
after them as they fled, until he arrived in his pursuit at
Leuc6n in Libya, and there the Libyans resolved to attack
him. Accordingly they engaged battle and defeated the
Kyrenians so utterly that seven thousand hoplites of the
Kyrenians fell there. After this disaster Arkesilaos, being sick
and having swallowed a potion, was strangled by his brother

This revolt
was in 570
B.C.

Arkesilaos
fled to Samos
about 530

B. Cc

356 HERODOTUS

Haliarchos,4 and Haliarchos was killed treacherously by

the wife of Arkesilaos, whose name was Eryxo. 161. Then
Battos the son of Arkesilaos succeeded to the
kingdom, who was lame and not sound in his
feet: and the Kyrenians with a view to the misfortune which
had befallen them sent men to Delphi to ask what form
of rule they should adopt, in order to live in the best
way possible ; and the Pythian prophetess bade them take to
themselves a reformer of their State from Mantineia of the
Arcadians. The men of Kyrené accordingly made request,
and those of Mantineia gave them the man of most repute
among their citizens, whose name was Demonax. This man
therefore having come to Kyrené and having ascertained all
things exactly,} in the first place caused them to have three
tribes, distributing them thus :—one division he made of the
Theraians and their dependants,!4’ another of the Pelopon-
nesians and Cretans, and a third of all the islanders.144 Then
secondly for the king Battos he set apart domains of land
and priesthoods, but all the other powers which the kings used
to possess before, he assigned as of public right to the people.
162. During the reign of this Battos things continued to

be thus, but in the reign of his son Arkesilaos there arose
Arkesilaos son of much disturbance about the offices of the State :
Battos the Lame, for Arkesilaos son of Battos the Lame and of
and bis mother Pheretimé said that he would not suffer it to
be according as the Mantineian Demonax had
arranged, but asked to have back the royal rights of his fore-
fathers. After this, stirring up strife he was worsted and
went as an exile to Samos, and his mother to Salamis in
Cyprus. Now at that time the ruler of Salamis was Euelthon,
the same who dedicated as an offering the censer at Delphi,
a work well worth seeing, which is placed in the treasury of
the Corinthians. To him having come, Pheretimé asked
him for an army to restore herself and her son to Kyrené.
Euelthon however was ready to give her anything else rather
than that; and she when she received that which he gave
her said that this too was a fair gift, but fairer still would be
that other gift of an army for which she was asking. As she
kept saying this to every thing which was given, at last Euel-
thon sent out to her a present of a golden spindle and distaff,

Battos the Lame.

BOOK IV 357

with wool also upon it: and when Pheretimé uttered again the
same saying about this present, Euelthon said that such things ©
as this were given as gifts to women and not an army. 168.
Arkesilaos meanwhile, being in Samos, was gathering every
one together by a promise of dividing land; and while a
great host was being collected, Arkesilaos set out to Delphi
to inquire of the Oracle about returning from exile: and the
Pythian prophetess gave him this answer: “ For four named
Battos and four named Arkesilaos, eight generations of men,
Loxias grants to you to be kings of Kyrené, but beyond this
he counsels you not even to attempt it. Thou however must
keep quiet when thou hast come back to thy land; and if
thou findest the furnace full of jars, heat not the jars
fiercely, but let them go with a fair wind: if however
thou heat the furnace fiercely, enter not thou into the place
flowed round by water; for if thou dost thou shalt die,
both thou and the bull which is fairer than all the rest.”
164, Thus the Pythian prophetess gave answer

to Arkesilaos; and he, having taken to him How Arkestiaos
those in Samos, made his return to Kyrené; with him the
and when he had got possession of the power, king of the Bar-
he did not remember the saying of the Oracle δι ταν his father-
but endeavoured to exact penalties from those

of the opposite faction for having driven him out. Of these
some escaped out of the country altogether, but some Arkesi-
laos got into his power and sent them away to Cyprus to be
put to death. These were driven out of their course to
Cnidos, and the men of Cnidos rescued them and sent them
away to Thera. Some others however of the Kyrenians fled
to a great tower belonging to Aglomachos a private citizen,
and Arkesilaos burnt them by piling up brushwood round.
Then after he had done the deed he perceived that the Oracle
meant this, in that the Pythian prophetess forbade him, if he
found the jars in the furnace, to heat them fiercely ; and
he voluntarily kept away from the city of the Kyrenians,
fearing the death which had been prophesied by the Oracle
and supposing that Kyrené was flowed round by water.!49 Now
he had to wife a kinswoman of his own, the daughter of the
king of Barca whose name was Alazeir: to him he came, and
men of Barca together with certain of the exiles from Kyrené,

358 HERODOTUS

perceiving him going about in the market-place, killed him,
and also besides him his father-in-law Alazeir. Arkesilaos
accordingly, having missed the meaning of the oracle, whether
with his will or against his will, fulfilled his own destiny.

165. His mother Pheretimé meanwhile, so long as
Arkesilaos having worked evil for himself dwelt at Barca, herself
Η͂ held the royal power of her son at Kyrené,

ow Pheretimé νος ἌΝ . ΜΡ
persuaded both exercising his other rights and also sitting
Aryandes the in council: but when she heard that her son
satrap of EeyPt had been slain in Barca, she departed and fled
ee to Egypt: for she had on her side services done
for Cambyses the son of Cyrus by Arkesilaos, since this was the
Arkesilaos who had given over Kyrené to Cambyses and had
laid a tribute upon himself. Pheretimé then having come to
Egypt sat down as a suppliant of Aryandes, bidding him help
her, and alleging as a reason that it was on account of his
inclination to the side of the Medes that her son had been
Of Aryandes, and Slain. 166. Now this Aryandes had been ap-
that which befell pointed ruler of the province of Egypt by Cam-
him afterwards. byses ; and after the time of these events he lost
his life because he would measure himself with Dareios. For
having heard and seen that Dareios desired to leave behind
him as a memorial of himself a thing which had not been made
by any other king, he imitated him, until at last he received
his reward: for whereas Dareios refined gold and made it as
pure as possible, and of this caused coins to be struck,
Aryandes, being ruler of Egypt, did the same thing with silver ;
and even now the purest silver is that which is called Aryandic.
Dareios then having learnt that he was doing this put him to
death, bringing against him another charge of attempting
Of the army rebellion. 167. Now at the time of which
which he sent, I speak this Aryandes had compassion on
which was in truth Pheretimé and gave her all the troops that were
for the conquest in Egypt, both the land and the sea forces, ap-
of Libya. oo . .
pointing Amasis a Maraphian to command the
land-army and Badres, of the race of the Pasargadai, to com-
mand the fleet: but before he sent away the army, Aryandes
despatched a herald to Barca and asked who it was who had
killed Arkesilaos ; and the men of Barca all took it upon them-
‘selves, for they said they suffered formerly many great evils at

BOOK IV 359

his hands. Having heard this, Aryandes at last sent away the
army together with Pheretimé. This charge then was the
pretext alleged ; but in fact the army was being sent out (as I
believe) for the purpose of subduing Libya: for of the Libyans
there are many nations of various kinds, and but few of them
were subject to the king, while the greater number paid no
regard to Dareios.

168. Now the Libyans have their dwelling as follows :—
Beginning from Egypt, first of the Libyans are settled the
Adyrmachidai, who practise for the most part the ΝΞ
same customs as the Egyptians, but wear cloth- The Pabyans in
rar : : : y
ing similar to that of the other Libyans. Their dwell: and first
women wear a bronze ring 150. upon each leg, those of the sea
and they have long hair on their heads, and S35"
when they catch their lice, each one bites her Adyrmachidal
own in retaliation and then throws them away. ‘These are the
only people of the Libyans who do this; and they alone dis-
play to the king their maidens when they are about to be
married, and whosoever of them proves to be pleasing to
the king is deflowered by him. These Adyrmachidai extend
along the coast from Egypt as far as the port which 15 called
Plynos. 169. Next after these come the Gili-
gamai,! occupying the country towards the
West as far the island of Aphrodisias. In the space within
this limit lies off the coast the island of Platea, where the
Kyrenians made their settlement; and on the coast of the
mainland there is Port Menelaos, and Aziris, where the
Kyrenians used to dwell. From this point begins the
silphion®2 and it extends along the coast from the island of
Platea as far as the entrance of the Syrtis. This nation
practises customs nearly resembling those of the rest. 170.
Next to the Giligamai on the West are the Asbystai
Asbystai : #58 these dwell above Kyrené, and
the Asbystai do not reach down to the sea, for the region along
the sea is occupied by the Kyrenians. ‘These most of all the
Libyans are drivers of four-horse chariots, and in the greater
number of their customs they endeavour to imi- Auschisai and
tate the Kyrenians. 171. Next after the Asbystai Bacales.
on the West come the Auschisai; these dwell above Barca and

Giligamai.

360 HERODOTUS

reach down to the sea by Euesperides: and in the middle of
the country of the Auschisai dwell the Bacales,}* a small tribe,
who reach down to the sea by the city of Taucheira in the
territory of Barca: these practise the same customs as those
above Kyrené. 172. Next after these Auschisai
towards the West come the Nasamonians, a
numerous race, who in the summer leave their flocks behind
by the sea and go up to the region of Augila to gather the
fruit of the date-palms, which grow in great numbers and very
large and are all fruit-bearing : these hunt the wingless locusts,

and they dry them in the sun and then pound them up, and
after that they sprinkle them upon milk and drink them. Their
custom is for each man to have many wives, and they make
their intercourse with them common in nearly the same manner
as the Massagetai,'°® that is they set up a staff in front of the
door and so have intercourse. When a Nasamonian man
marries his first wife, the custom is for the bride on the first
night to go through the whole number of the guests having
intercourse with them, and each man when he has lain with
her gives a gift, whatsoever he has brought with him from his
house. The forms of oath and of divination which they use
are as follows :—they swear by the men among themselves
who are reported to have been the most righteous and brave,

by these, I say, laying hands upon their tombs; and they divine
by visiting the sepulchral mounds of their ancestors and lying
down to sleep upon them after having prayed ; and whatsoever
thing the man sees in his dream, this he accepts. They
practise also the exchange of pledges in the following manner,

that is to say, one gives the other to drink from his hand, and
drinks himself from the hand of the other ; and if they have no
liquid, they take of the dust from the ground and lick it.

178. Adjoining the Nasamonians is the country of the
Psylloi. These have perished utterly in the following
manner:— The South Wind blowing upon
them dried up all their cisterns of water, and
their land was waterless, lying all within the Syrtis. They
then having taken a resolve by common consent, marched
in arms against the South Wind (I report that which is reported
by the Libyans), and when they had arrived at the sandy tract,
the South Wind blew and buried them in the sand. These

Nasamonians.

Psylloi.

wos

BOOK IV 361

then having utterly perished, the Nasamonians from that time
forward possess their land. 174. Above these Garamantians
towards the South Wind in the region of wild (who have no
beasts dwell the Garamantians,!5” who fly from WeaPons of war).
every man and avoid the company of all; and they neither
possess any weapon of war, nor know how to defend themselves
against enemies. 175. These dwell above the
Nasamonians; and next to the Nasamonians
along the sea coast towards the West come the Macai, who
shave their hair so as to leave tufts, letting the middle of their
hair grow long, but round this on all sides shaving it close to
the skin; and for fighting they carry shields made of ostrich
skins: Through their land the river Kinyps runs out into the
sea, flowing from a hill called the “ Hill of the Charites.” This
Hill of the Charites is overgrown thickly with wood, while the
rest of Libya which has been spoken of before is bare of
trees ; and the distance from the sea to this hill is two hundred
furlongs. 176. Next to these Macai are the Gin-
danes, whose women wear each of them a number
of anklets made of the skins of animals, for the following reason,
as it is said :—for every man who has commerce with her she
binds on an anklet, and the woman who has most is esteemed
the best, since she has been loved by the greatest number of
men. 177. In a peninsula which stands out
into the sea from the land of these Gindanes
dwell the Lotophagoi, who live by eating the fruit of the /otos
only. Now the fruit of the lotos is in size like that of the
mastich-tree, and in flavour 158 it resembles that of the date-
palm. Of this fruit the Lotophagoi even make for themselves
wine. 178. Next after the Lotophagoi along

the sea-coast are the Machlyans, who also Machiyane, ang
make use of the lotos, but less than those

above mentioned. ‘These extend to a great river named the
river Triton, and this runs out into ἃ great lake called
Tritonis, in which there is an island named Phla. About this
island they say there was an oracle given to the Lacedemonians
that they should make a settlement in it. 179, The following
story moreover is also told, namely that Jason, when the Argo
had been completed by him under Mount Pelion, put into
it a hecatomb and with it also a tripod of bronze, and

Macai.

Gindanes.

Lotophagoi.

362 HERODOTUS

sailed round Peloponnese, desiring to come to Delphi; and
when in sailing he got near Malea, a North Wind seized his
ship and carried it off to Libya, and before he caught sight
of land he had come to be in the shoals of the lake Tritonis.
Then as he was at a loss how he should bring his ship forth,
the story goes that Triton appeared to him and bade Jason
give him the tripod, saying that he would show them the right
course and let them go away without hurt : and when Jason con-
sented to it, then Triton showed them the passage out between
the shoals and set the tripod in his own temple, after having
first uttered a prophecy over the tripod 160 and having declared
to Jason and his company the whole matter, namely that when-
soever one of the descendants of those who sailed with him in
the Argo should carry away this tripod, then it was determined
by fate that a hundred cities of Hellenes should be established
about the lake Tritonis. Having heard this the native Libyans
concealed the tripod.

180. Next to these Machlyans are the Auseans. These
and the Machlyans dwell round the lake Tritonis, and the
river Triton is the boundary between them:
and while the Machlyans grow their hair long
at the back of the head, the Auseans do so in front. Ata
yearly festival of Athené their maidens take their stand
in two parties and fight against one another with stones
and staves, and they say that in doing so they are fulfilling
the rites handed down by their fathers for the divinity who
was sprung from that land, whom we call Athené: and those
of the maidens who die of the wounds recerved they call
“‘false-maidens.” But before they let them begin the fight
they do this :—all join together and equip the maiden who Is
judged to be fairest on each occasion, with a Corinthian helmet
and with full Hellenic armour, and then causing her to go up
into a chariot they conduct her round about the lake. Now I
cannot tell with what they equipped the maidens in old time,
before the Hellenes were settled near them ; but I suppose that
they used to be equipped with Egyptian armour, for it is from
Egypt that both the shield and the helmet have come to the
Hellenes, as I affirm. They say moreover that Athené is the
daughter of Poseidon and of the lake Tritonis, and that she
had some cause of complaint against her father and therefore

Auseans,

BOOK IV 363

gave herself to Zeus, and Zeus made her his own daughter.
Such is the story which these tell; and they have their inter-
course with women in common, not marrying ‘but having
intercourse like cattle: and when the child of any woman has
grown big, he is brought before a meeting of the men held
within three months of that time,!®! and whomsoever of the
men the child resembles, his son he is accounted to be.

181. Thus then have been mentioned those nomad
Libyans who live along the sea-coast : and above these inland
is the region of Libya which has wild beasts ;
and above the wild-beast region there stretches
a raised belt of sand, extending from Thebes of
the Egyptians to the Pillars of Heracles. In this belt at
intervals of about ten days’ journey there are fragments of salt
in great lumps forming hills, and at the top of each hill there
shoots up from the middle of the salt a spring of water cold
and sweet ; and about the spring dwell men, at the furthest
limit towards the desert, and above the wild-beast region.
First, at a distance of ten days’ journey from Thebes, are
the Ammonians, whose temple is derived from that of the
Theban Zeus, for the image of Zeus in Thebes
also, as I have said before,!® has the head of a
ram. These, as it chances, have also other water of a spring,
which in the early morning is warm; at the time when the
market fills, cooler; when midday comes, it is quite cold,
and then they water their gardens ; but as the day declines, it
abates from its coldness, until at last, when the sun sets, the
water is warm ; and it continues to increase in heat still more
until it reaches midnight, when it boils and throws up bubbles;
and when midnight passes, it becomes cooler gradually till
dawn of day. This spring is called the fountain of the Sun.

182. After the Ammonians, as you go on along the belt
of sand, at an interval again of ten days’ journey there
is a hill of salt like that of the Ammonians,
and a spring of water, with men dwelling about
it; and the name of this place is Augila. To this the
Nasamonians come year by year to gather the fruit of the
date-palms. 183. From Augila at a distance again of ten
days’ journey there is another hill of. salt and spring of
water and a great number of fruit-bearing date-palms, as

The Libyans of
the sand region:

The Ammonians.

Augila.

364 HERODOTUS

there are also in the other places: and men dwell here
who are called the Garamantians, a very great nation, who
carry earth to lay over the salt and then sow
crops. From this point is the shortest way to
the Lotophagoi, for from these it is a journey of thirty days
to the country of the Garamantians. Among them also are
produced the cattle which feed backwards; and they feed
backwards for this reason, because they have their horns bent
down forwards, and therefore they walk backwards as they
feed ; for forwards they cannot go, because the horns run into
the ground in front of them; but in nothing else do they
differ from other cattle except in this and in the thickness and
firmness to the touch 168 of their hide. These Garamantians
of whom I speak hunt the “ Cave-dwelling ” 165
Ethiopians with their four-horse chariots, for
the Cave-dwelling Ethiopians are the swiftest of foot of all
men about whom we hear report made: and the Cave-dwellers
feed upon serpents and lizards and such creeping things, and
they use a language which resembles no other, for in it they
squeak just like bats.

184, From the Garamantians at a distance again of ten
days’ journey there is another hill of salt and spring of water,
and men dwell round it called Atarantians, who
alone of all men about whom we know are
nameless ; for while all taken together have the name Ataran-
tians, each separate man of them has no name given to him.
These utter curses against the Sun when he is at his height,!®
and moreover revile him with all manner of foul terms,
because he oppresses them by his burning heat, both them-
selves and their land. After this at a distance again of ten
days’ journey there is another hill of salt and spring of water,
and men dwell round it. Near this salt hill
is ἃ mountain named Atlas, which is small in
circuit and rounded on every side; and so exceedingly lofty
is it said to be, that it is not possible to see its summits, for
clouds never leave them either in the summer or in the winter.
This the natives say is the pillar of the heaven. After this
mountain these men got their name, for they are called
Atlantians ; and it is said that they neither eat anything that
has life nor have any dreams.

Garamantians.

Troglodytes,

Atarantians.

Atlantians.

BOOK IV 365

185. As far as these Atlantians I am able to mention in
order the names of those who are settled in the belt of sand ;
but for the parts beyond these I can do so no
more. However, the belt extends as far as the
Pillars of Heracles and also in the parts outsidé them: and
there is a mine of salt in it at a distance of ten days’ journey
from the Atlantians, and men dwelling there; and these all
have their houses built of the lumps of salt, since these parts
of Libya which we have now reached?® are without rain;
for if it rained, the walls being made of salt would not be
able to last: and the salt is dug up there both white and
purple in colour! Above the sand-belt, in the parts
which are in the direction of the South Wind and towards the
interior of Libya, the country is uninhabited, without water
and without wild beasts, rainless and treeless, and there is no
trace of moisture in it.

186. I have said that from Egypt as far as the lake
Tritonis Libyans dwell who are nomads, eating flesh and
drinking milk ; and these do not taste at all of
the flesh of cows, for the same reason as the
Egyptians also abstain from it, nor do they keep
swine. Moreover the women of the Kyrenians too think it
not right to eat cows’ flesh, because of the Egyptian Isis,
and they even keep fasts and celebrate festivals for her; and
the women of Barca, in addition to abstaining from cows’
flesh, do not taste of swine either. 187. Thus it is with these
matters: but in the region to the West of lake Tritonis the
Libyans cease to be nomads, and they do not practise the
same customs, nor do to their children anything like that which
the nomads are wont to do; for the nomad Libyans, whether
all of them I cannot say for certain, but many of them, do as
follows :—when their children are four years old, they burn
with a greasy piece of sheep’s wool the veins in the crowns
of their heads, and some of them burn the veins of the
temples, so that for all their lives to come the cold
humour may not run down from their heads and do them
hurt: and for this reason it is (they say) that they are so
healthy ; for the Libyans are in truth the most healthy of all
races concerning which we have knowledge, whether for this
reason or not I cannot say for certain, but the most healthy

The land beyond.

Habits of the
nomad Libyans.

366 HERODOTUS

they certainly are: and if, when they burn the children, a con-
vulsion comes on, they have found out a remedy for this; for
they pour upon them the water of a he-goat and so save them.
I report that which is reported by the Libyans themselves.
188. The following is the manner of sacrifice which the
nomads have :—they cut off a part of the animal’s ear as a
first offering and throw it over the house,!® and having done
this they twist its neck. They sacrifice only to the Sun and
the Moon ; that is to say, to these all the Libyans sacrifice, but
those who dwell round the lake Tritonis sacrifice most of all
to Athené, and next to Triton and Poseidon. 189. It would
appear also that the Hellenes made the dress and the azgzs of
the images of Athené after the model of the Libyan women ;
for except that the dress of the Libyan women Is of leather,
and the tassels which hang from their aig/s are not formed of
serpents but of leather thongs, in all other respects Athené is
dressed like them. Moreover the name too declares that the
dress of the figures of Pallas has come from Libya, for the
Libyan women wear over their other garments bare goat-
skins (@geas) with tasselled fringes and coloured over with red
madder, and from the name of these goat-skins the Hellenes
formed the name aigis. I think also that in these regions
first arose the practice of crying aloud during the per-
formance of sacred rites, for the Libyan women do this very
well.”0 The Hellenes have learnt from the Libyans also the
yoking together of four horses. 190. The nomads bury those
who die just in the same manner as the Hellenes, except only
the Nasamonians: these bury bodies in a sitting posture,
taking care at the moment when the man expires to place him
sitting and not to let him die lying down on his back.’ They
have dwellings composed of the stems of asphodel entwined .
with rushes, and so made that they can be carried about.
Such are the customs followed by these tribes.

191. On the West of the river Triton next after the Auseans
come Libyans who are tillers of the soil, and whose custom it
The Libyanswho 18 to possess fixed habitations; and they are
till the ground: called Maxyans. They grow their hair long on
Maxyans. the right side of their heads and cut it short
upon the left, and smear their bodies over with red ochre.
These say that they are of the men who came from Troy.

BOOK IV. 367

This country and the rest of Libya which is towards the
West is both much more frequented by wild
beasts and much more thickly wooded than the
country of the nomads: for whereas the part
of Libya which Is situated towards the East, where the nomads
dwell, is low-lying and sandy up to the river Triton, that which
succeeds it towards the West, the country of those who till the
soil, is exceedingly mountainous and thickly-wooded and full
of wild beasts: for in the land of these are found both the
monstrous serpent and the lion and the elephant, and bears
and venomous snakes and horned asses, besides the dog-headed
men, and the headless men with. their eyes set in their breasts
(at least so say the Libyans about them), and the wild men
and wild women, and a great multitude of other beasts which
are not fabulous like these.1 192. In the land of the nomads
however there exist none of-these, but other
animals as follows :—white-rump antelopes,
gazelles, buffaloes, asses, not the horned kind
but others which go without water (for in fact these never
drink), oryes,!”2 whose horns are made into the sides of the
Phenician lyre (this animal is in size about equal to an
ox), small foxes, hyenas, porcupines, wild rams, wolves,!"8
jackals, panthers, boryes, land-crocodiles about three cubits in
length and very much resembling lizards, ostriches, and small
snakes, each with one horn: these wild animals there are in
this country, as well as those which exist elsewhere, except the
stag and the wild boar; but Libya has no stags nor wild boars
at all. Also there are in this country three kinds of mice, one
is called the “two-legged” mouse, another the zegeris (a
name which is Libyan and signifies in the Hellenic tongue
a “hill”), and a third the “ prickly ” mouse. 176 There are also
weasels produced in the s#/phion, which are very like those of
Tartessos. Such are the wild animals which the land of the
Libyans possesses, so far as we were able to discover by
inquiries extended as much as possible.

198. Next to the Maxyan Libyans are the Zauekes,1’5
whose women drive their chariots for them to
war. 194. Next to these are the Gyzantes,!”6
among whom honey is made in great quantity by bees, but in
much greater quantity still it is said to be made by men, who

Wild beasts
in this region.

and in the other
regions of Libya.

Zauekes.

268 HERODOTUS

work at it as a trade. However that may be, these all smear
themselves over with red ochre and eat mon-
keys, which are produced in very great numbers
upon their mountains. 195. Opposite these, as the Cartha-
ginians say, there lies an island called Kyrauis,
two hundred furlongs in length but narrow, to
which one may walk over from the mainland ;
and it is full of olives and vines. In it they say there is a
pool, from which the native girls with birds’ feathers smeared
over with pitch bring up gold-dust out of the mud. Whether
this is really so I do not know, but I write that which is
reported ; and nothing is impossible,!”” for even in Zakynthos
I saw myself pitch brought up out of a pool of water. There
are there several pools, and the largest of them measures
seventy feet each way and is two fathoms in depth. Into this
they plunge a pole with a myrtle-branch bound to it, and then
with the branch of myrtle they bring up pitch, which has the
smell of asphalt, but in other respects it is superior to the pitch
of Pieria. This they pour into a pit dug near the pool; and
when they have collected a large quantity, then they pour it
into the jars from the pit: and whatever thing falls into the
pool goes under ground and reappears in the sea, which is
distant about four furlongs from the pool. Thus then the
report about the island lying near the coast of Libya is also
probably enough true.
196. The Carthaginians say also this, namely that there
is a place in Libya and men dwelling there, outside the Pillars
ΝΕ of Heracles, to whom when they have come and
speech without -,ave taken the merchandise forth from their
ships, they set it in order along the beach and
embark again in their ships, and after that they raise a smoke;
and the natives of the country seeing the smoke come to the
sea, and then they lay down gold as an equivalent for the mer-
chandise and retire to a distance away from the merchandise.
The Carthaginians upon that disembark and examine it, and
if the gold is in their opinion sufficient for the value of the
- merchandise, they take it up and go their way ; but if not, they
embark again in their ships and sit there; and the others
approach and straightway add more gold to the former, until
they satisfy them: and they say that neither party wrongs the

Gyzantes.

Gold got from
- mud.

BOOK IV 369

other ; for neither do the Carthaginians lay hands on the gold
until it is made equal to the value of their merchandise, nor
do the others lay hands on the merchandise until the Cartha-
ginians have taken the gold.

197. These are the Libyan tribes whom we are able to
name; and of these the greater number neither now pay any
regard to the king of the Medes nor did they
then. Thus much also I have to say about this
land, namely that it 1s occupied by four races and no more,
so far as we know; and of these races two are natives of the
soil and the other two not so; for the Libyans and the Ethi-
opians are natives, the one race dwelling in the Northern
parts of Libya and the other in the Southern, while the
Phenicians and the Hellenes are strangers.

198. I think moreover that (besides other things) in good-
ness of soil Libya does not very greatly excel 118 as compared
with Asia or Europe, except only the region of
Kinyps, for the same name 15 given to the land
as to the river. ‘This region is equal to the best of lands in
bringing forth the fruit of Demeter,!” nor does it at all
resemble the rest of Libya ; for it has black soil and is watered
by springs, and neither has it fear of drought nor is it hurt by
drinking too abundantly of rain; for rain there is in this part
of Libya. Of the produce of the crops the same measures
hold good here as for the Babylonian land. And that is good
land also which the Euesperites occupy, for when it bears best
it produces a hundred-fold, but the land in the region of
Kinyps produces sometimes as much as three-hundred-fold.
199. Moreover the land of Kyrené, which is
the highest land of the part of -Libya which is
occupied .by nomads, has within its confines ,
three seasons of harvest, at which we may marvel: for the
parts by the sea-coasts first have their fruits ripe for reap-
ing and for gathering the vintage ; and when these have been
gathered in, the parts which lie above the sea-side places, those
situated in the middle, which they call the hills,!®° are ripe for
the gathering in; and as soon as this middle crop has been
gathered in, that in the highest part of the land comes to per-
fection and is ripe ; so that by the time the first crop has been
eaten and drunk up, the last is just coming in. Thus the har-

VOL. I 2B

Races of Libya.

Soil of Libya.

Harvests of
Kyrené.

Expedition
against
Barca about

370 HERODOTUS

vest for the Kyrenians lasts eight months. Let so much as has
been said suffice for these things.

200. Now when the Persian helpers of Pheretimé,!®! having
been sent from Egypt by Aryandes, had arrived at Barca, they
laid siege to the city, proposing to the inhabit-
ants that they should give up those who were
guilty of the murder of Arkesilaos: but as all
their people had taken a share in the guilt, they did not
accept the proposals. Then they besieged Barca for nine
months, both digging underground passages which led to the
wall and making vigorous attacks upon it. Now the passages
dug were discovered by a worker of bronze with a shield covered
over with bronze, who had thought of a plan as follows :—
carrying it round within the wall he applied it to the ground
in the city, and whereas the other places to which he applied
it were noiseless, at those places where digging was going
on the bronze of the shield gave a sound; and the men of
Barca would make a countermine there and slay the Persians
who were digging mines. This then was discovered as I
have said, and the attacks were repulsed by the men of Barca.
and the device 201. Then as they were suffering hardship fora
whereby that city long time and many were falling on both sides,
was taken. and especially on that of the Persians, Amasis
the commander of the land-army contrived as follows :—per-
ceiving that the Barcaians were not to be conquered by force
but might be conquered by guile, he dug by night a broad
trench and over it he laid timber of no great strength,
and brought earth and laid it above on the top of the
timber, making it level with the rest of the ground: then at
daybreak he invited the men of Barca to a parley; and they
gladly consented, and at last they agreed to make a treaty:
and the treaty they made with one another was on these terms,
the oaths being taken over the hidden trench, namely that so
long as this earth should continue to be as it was, so long the
oath should remain firm, and that the men of Barca should
promise to pay tribute of due amount to the king, and the
Persians should do no further violence to the men of Barca.}®
After the oath the men of Barca trusting to these engagements
both went forth themselves from their city and let any who

The war against
Barca,

BOOK IV 371

desired it of the enemy pass within their wall, having opened
all the gates; but the Persians first broke down the concealed
bridge and then began to run inside the city wall. And the
reason why they broke down the bridge which they had made,
was that they might keep their oaths, since they had sworn to
the men of Barca that the oath should remain firm continu-
ally for so long time as the earth should remain as it then was,
but after that they had broken it down, the oath no longer re-
mained firm. 202. Now the most guilty of
the Barcaians, when they were delivered to her
by the Persians, Pheretimé impaled in a ring
round about the wall; and she cut off the breasts of their wives
and set the wall round with these also in order: but the rest
of the men of Barca she bade the Persians carry off as spoil,
except so many of them as were of the house of Battos and
not sharers in the guilt of the murder ; and to these Pheretimé
gave the city in charge.

208. So the Persians having made slaves of the rest
of the Barcaians departed to go back: and when they ap-
peared at the gates of the city of Kyrené, the prow the Persians
Kyrenians let them go through their town in returning passed
order to avoid neglect of some oracle. Then as ‘rough Kyrene,
the army was going through, Badres the commander of the fleet
urged that they should capture the city, but Amasis the com-
mander of the land-army would not consent to it; for he said
that they had been sent against no other city of the Hellenes
except Barca. When however they had passed through and
were encamping on the hill of Zeus Lycaios, they repented
of not having taken possession of Kyrené; and they endea-
voured again to pass into it, but the men of Kyrené would
not allow them. Then upon the Persians, although no one
fought against them, there fell a sudden panic, and they ran
away for about sixty furlongs and then encamped. And when
the camp had been placed here, there came to it a mess-
enger from Aryandes summoning them back; so the Persians
asked the Kyrenians to give them provisions for their march
and obtained their request; and having re- and of their
ceived these, they departed to go to Egypt. march back to
After this the Libyans took them up, and killed E8yPt
for the sake of their clothes and equipment those of them who

The vengeance of
Pheretimé.

372 HERODOTUS

at any time were left or straggled behind, until at last they
came to Egypt.

204. This army of the Persians reached Euesperides, and
this was their furthest point in Libya: and those of the Bar-
The Barcaians Calans whom they had reduced to slavery they
transplanted to removed again from Egypt and brought them
Asia. to the king; and king Dareios gave them a
village in the land of Bactria in which to make a settlement.
To this village they gave the name of Barca, and it still con-
tinued to be inhabited by them even down to my own time, in
the land of Bactria.

205. Pheretimé however did not bring her life happily to
an end any more than they: for as soon as she had returned
from Libya to Egypt after having avenged her-
self on the Barcaians, she died an evil death,
having become suddenly full of worms while
yet alive: for, as it seems, too severe punishments inflicted by
men prove displeasing 188 to the gods. Such and so great was
the punishment inflicted by Pheretimé the wife of Battos on
the men of Barca.

The miserable end
of Pheretimé,

NOTES TO BOOK IV -
CHAP. NOTE

1. 1. Some enterprises had been entrusted to others, e.g. the attack on
Samos; but this had not been the case with the capture of
Babylon, therefore some Editors have proposed corrections, e.g. αὖ
τοῦ (Schweighduser), and αὐτίκα (Stein).

— 2 Seei, 106.

— 3. τῆς ἄνω ᾿Ασίης : this means Eastern Asia as distinguished from the
coasts of Asia Minor ; see i. 103 and 177.

— 4. καταπαύσαντες : the expression is awkward if meant to be
equivalent to καὶ κατέπαυσαν, but it is hardly improved by the
alteration to καταπαύσοντες. Perhaps the clause is out of place.

— 5. πόνος.

2. 6. περιστίξαντες] : so the two best MSS.; others have περιστήσαντες
or περιστήξαντε. The word περιστίξαντες would be from
περιστίχω, equivalent to περιστιχίζω, and it is acknowledged in
this sense by Hesychius.

— 7 The connexion is not clear either at the beginning of the chapter or
here. ‘This clause would seem to be a repetition of that at the
beginning of the chapter, and that which comes between should
be an explanation of the reason why the slaves are blinded. As
it stands, however, we can only refer it to the clause which follows,
οὐ yap ἀρόται εἰσὶ ἀλλὰ νομάδες, and even so there is no real

NOTES TO BOOK IV 373

CHAP.

NOTE
solution of the difficulty, for it is not explained why nomads
should have blind slaves, Perhaps the best resource is to
suppose that some part of the explanation, in connexion with the
manner of dealing with the milk, has been lost.

8. τῇ περ]: a conjectural emendation for 4 περ, ‘‘which is a very
great lake.”

9. ἐπὶ τούτων ἀρχόντων : the word ἀρχόντων is omitted in some MSS.
and by some Editors.

10. σάγαριν.

11. τοὺς βασιληίους) : so Wesseling. The MSS. have τοὺς βασιλέας,
‘‘the kings,” which may perhaps be used here as equivalent to
τοὺς βασιληίους) : some Editors, including Stein, adopt the con-
jecture τοῦ βασιλέος, ‘‘ from the youngest of them, who was king,
those who,”’ etc.

12. τοῦ βασιλέος] : some Editors read by conjecture Σκολότου βασιλέος,
‘‘ after their king Scolotos.”’

124. καταζωννύμενον)]: or κατὰ τἄδε ζωννύμενον, ‘‘girded in this
manner,”

13. μηχανήσασθαι τὴν μητέρα Σκύθῃ)]: the better MSS. read
μηχανᾶσθαι and Σκύθην : the meaning seems doubtful, and some
Editors would omit the clause as an interpolation.

14. πρὸς πολλοὺς δεόμενον] : the better MSS. read πρὸ πολλοῦ δεόμενα.
The passage has been emended in various ways, ἐ 9. πρὸς πολλοὺς
δέοι μένοντας (Buttmann), πρὸς πολλοὺς μένοντας (Bredow), πρὸ
σποδοῦ δεόμενον (Stein).

15. ποιήσας] : some authorities have εἴπας.

16. Italy means for Herodotus only the Southern part of the peninsula.

17. διηκοσίοισι] : so the best authorities ; others have τριηκοσίοισι.

18. ᾿Ιταλιωτέων, 1.6. Hellenic settlers in Italy.

19. τῷ ἀγάλματι τῷ ᾿Απόλλωνος: ἄγαλμα is used for anything dedicated
to a god, most commonly the sacred image,

20. κατύπερθε: ‘‘above,” 2.5. beyond them towards the North.
Similarly when dealingjwith Libya the writer uses the same word
of those further from the coast towards the South ; see ch. 174.

21. ἐν αὐτοῖσι τοῖσι ἔπεσι ποιέων : ‘‘even in the verses which he com-
posed,” in which he might be expected as a poet to go somewhat
beyond the literal truth.

22. Or, ‘‘ Alizonians.”’

23. ᾿Ολβιοπολίτας.

24. See ch, ΟῚ, where the day's journey is reckoned at 200 stades (23
English miles),

25. The meaning of ἔρημος here is not waste and barren land, but land
without settled inhabitants,

26. t.e. ‘‘ Man-eaters.”’

27. This is the reading of the MSS., but it is not consistent with the
distance given in ch. rox, nor with the actual facts : some Editors
therefore read ‘‘four'’ instead of ‘‘ fourteen.”

28. 1.4. ‘‘ Cliffs.”

29. 2.¢. ‘* Black-cloaks.”’

30. ᾿Αργιππαῖοι] : it is not certain that this is the form which ought to
be read here: Latin writers make the name ‘‘ Arimphaei,'’ and in
some MSS. it is given here as ᾽Οργεμπαῖοι.

31. ἀγάλματι.

HERODOTUS

. τὰ γενέσια.

. Or, ‘‘ violent.

. Od. iv. 85.

. ἢ φύοντα φύειν μόγις.

. προσθήκας, ‘‘ additions.’

. ἔν 6. of Apollo and Artemis.

. Omitting λέγων.

. The word ‘‘ Asia” is not contained in the MSS. and need not be

inserted in the text, but it is implied, if not expressed ; see chap. 41.

. ἀκταί.

. οὐ λήγουσα εἶ μὴ νόμῳ.

. 2.@. 100,000 fathoms, equivalent to 1000 stades ; see ii. 6, note ro.
. οὐδὲ συμβάλλειν ἀξέη.

. li. 158.

βῥωτὰ] : some MSS. have πρόβατα ‘* cattle.”

. ὅμοια παρεχομένη : the construction is confused, but the meaning is

that all but the Eastern parts are known to be surrounded by sea.

. λόγιο»] : some MSS. have λόγιμον, ‘‘ of reputation.”
. Stein reads εἰσὶ δὴ for εἰσὶ δὲ, and punctuates so that the meaning is,

‘‘it has become the greatest of all rivers in the following manner :—
besides other rivers which flow into it, those which especially
make it great are as follows.”

. πέντε μὲν of]: this perhaps requires emendation, but the corrections

proposed are hardly satisfactory, eg. πέντε μεγάλοι or πέντε
μόνοι.

. Or ‘'Skios”’: called by Thucydides ‘' Oskios”’ (ii. 96).
. ἔτι] : most of the MSS. give ἐστι, which is adopted by some

Editors.

. ‘Sacred Ways.”
. Γερρέων : in some MSS. Téppov, ‘‘ the region called Gerros.”’
. τεσσερἄκοντα] : some Editors have altered this number, but without

authority or sufficient reason.

. δι’ ἐρήμου : see note 25 on ch. 18. The region here spoken of is

that between the Gerrians and the agricultural Scythians.

. ἐς τὠντὸ ἕλος : 1.6. the Dnieper-Liman. (The Medicean and Flor-

entine MSS, read és τὸ ἕλος, not és τὸ τέλος, as hitherto reported. )

. ἐὸν ἔμβολον τῆς χώρης.
. Μητρὸς] : 1.6. the Mother of the gods, Kybelé, cp. ch. 76; some

less good authorities have Δήμητρος.

. ῥέει δὲ] : most MSS. have ῥέει μὲν γὰρ.

. Or, ‘‘ Apia.”’

. Or, ‘' Goitosyros.”’

. The MSS. have also ‘‘ Arippasa’’ and “" Artimpasa."’

. The authorities have also ‘‘ Thagimasa’’ and ‘‘ Thamimasidas.”

. τῶν ἀρχηίων : some read by conjecture ἐν τῷ apxnly, “' at the seat

of government,” or ‘‘in the public place.”

. ὅσον τ᾽ ἐπὶ σταδίους τρεῖς.

. ὑπὸ τῶν χειμώνων.

. ἀκινάκης.

. ἄγαλμα : see note 19 on ch. 15.

. κατά περ Balras.

. Or, ‘‘and put them together in one bundle.”
. See i. 105.

NOTES TO BOOK IV 375

CHAP. NOTE

71.

72.

75.

76.

69. κυπέρου : it is not clear what plant is meant.

70. 2.6. for this purpose. The general use of bronze is attested by
ch. 81. -

71. ὧδε ἀναβιβάζοντες, ἐπεὰν κιτιὰ : the reference of ὧδε is directly to
the clause ἐπεὰν ---- τραχήλου, though in sense it refers equally to
the following, κάτωθεν δὲ x.r.A4. Some Editors punctuate thus,
ὧδε ἀναβιβάζοντες" ἐπεὰν and omit δὲ after κάτωθεν, making the
reference of ὧδε to the latter clause alone.

72. ὠρύονται, as in iii. 117, but here they howl for pleasure.

73. Like the Egyptians for example, cp. ii. 91.

74. μήτε ye ὧν ἀλλήλων]: the MSS. have μή τί ye ὧν ἀλλήλων.
Most Editors read ἄλλων for ἀλλήλων and alter the other words in
various ways (μή rol ye ὧν, μὴ τοιγαρῶν etc), taking μὴ as
in μὴ ὅτι (ne dicam aliorum). The reading which I have adopted
is based on that of Stein, who reads μήτε τεῶν ἄλλων and
quotes viii. 142, οὔτε γε ἄλλοισι Ἑλλήνων οὐδαμοῖσι, ὑμῖν δὲ
δὴ καὶ διὰ πάντων ἥκιστα. With ἄλλων the meaning is, ‘‘ rejecting
those of other nations and especially those οὗ the Hellenes.”” For
the use of μή after φεύγειν cp. ii. ΟἹ.

75. Or, according to some MSS., ‘'as they proved in the case of
Anacharsis and afterwards of Skyles.”

76. γῆν πολλήν.

77. ἐπιτρόπου.

78. πέπλασται] : some authorities give πέπαισται, ‘‘ has been invented

as a jest.”’
79. ἐς χεῖρας ἄγεσθαι.
79a. ὁ θεός.

80. dtemphorevoe] : this or ἐπρήστευσε is the reading of most of the
MSS. The meaning is uncertain, since the word does not occur
elsewhere. Stein suggests that it may mean ‘‘ scoffed (at the
Scythians).”’ Various conjectures have been tried, e.g.
διεδρήστευσε, διεδρηπέτευσε, etc.

81, ws Σκύθας εἶναι : cp. ii. 8. Some (e.g. Dindorf and Bahr) trans-
late ‘‘considering that they are Scythians,”’ z.e, for a nation so
famous and so widely extended.

82. #.e. about 5300 gallons,

83. ἐπὶ τῷ ἱρῷ]: the MSS. mostly have ἐπὶ ἱρῷ, and Stein adopts the
conjecture ἐπὶ ply, ‘‘on a projecting point.’’ The temple would
be that of Zeds οὔριος mentioned in ch. 87. (In the Medicean
MS. the omitted { is inserted above the line defore the p, not
directly over it, as represented by Stein, and the accent is not
omitted. )

84. στάδιοι, and so throughout...

85. #.€. 1,110,000.

86. 1.4. 330,000,

862. στήλας, 1.6. ‘‘ square blocks"’; so also in ch. gr.

87. 2.€, 700,000.

87a. ws ἐμοὶ δοκέει συμβαλλομένῳ, (‘‘ putting the evidence together ’’).

88. πᾶσι δέκα : probably a loose expression like τὰ πάντα μυρία, iii. 74.

89. ψώρην, ‘‘ mange.”

90. Or (less probably) ‘‘ Skyrmiadai.”

QI. Σάλμοξιν] : some inferior MSS. have Ζάλμοξιν, or Ζάμολξιν, and
the spelling in other writers varies between these forms.

376

HERODOTUS

CHAP. NOTE

92.

112.
113.
114.

115.
116.
117.

118,
110.
120.
121.
122.

123.

. 124.

δαίμονα, sometimes used for deified men as distinguished from gods,
cp. ch. 103.

. διὰ πεντετηρίδος.

βαθύτερα.

. οὐ τῷ ἀσθενεστάτῳ σοφιστῇ. No depreciation seems to be intended

here.

. ἀνδρεῶνα.

t.e. the Mediterranean: or the passage may mean simply.
‘‘ Thrace runs out further into the sea than Scythia.”

. γουνόν.
. More literally, ‘‘ I say this, so far as it is allowed to compare, etc.

Such is the form of the Tauric land.”

. ἤδη. The Agathyrsians however have not been mentioned before

in this connexion.

στάδια.

τῆς Σκυθικῆς τὰ ἐπικάρσια, 1.6. the lines running from West to
East

. ἐπαναχθέντες} : so the Medicean MS. and another: the rest have

ἐπαναχθέντας. Some Editors read by conjecture ἀπενειχθέντας,
‘*cast away on their coast."’

. νηοῖσι.

. τριετηρίδας.

. Or, ‘‘ were driven out.”

. φθειροτραγέουσι.

. Or, ‘' Atorpata,”’ and ‘‘ aior" below.

. z.e, the Royal Scythians: see ch. 20.

. ἐπὶ τούτῳ], the reading of the Aldine edition. The MSS, have

ἐπὶ τοῦτος Stein suggests διὰ τοῦτο.

. οὐ πεισόμεθα7: some MSS. read οὐκ οἰσόμεθα. Editors have

emended by conjecture in various ways, eg. οὐ περιοψόμεθα,
‘we shall not allow it;" of ἐποισόμεθα or of ἐπεισόμεθα, ‘ we
shall go out to attack him ;’’ ἀπωσόμεθα, ‘' we shall repel him.”’

πάσας], or πᾶσαι, belonging to γυναῖκες.

χέρσου, ‘‘ dry.”

Perhaps the same as the ‘‘ Hyrgis’’ mentioned in ch. 57. Some
Editors read ‘‘ Hyrgis’’ in this passage.

See ch. 119.

κλαίειν λέγω.

τοῦτό ἐστι ἡ ἀπὸ Σκυθέων phos]: this refers to the last words,
κλαίειν λέγω. Most Editors have doubts about the genuineness of
the sentence, regarding it a marginal gloss which has crept into
the text ; but perhaps without sufficient reason.

Or, ‘‘ with some slight effect on the course of the war."’

See i, 216.

ἐρημωθέντες τοῦ ὁμίλου.

ἵεσαν τῆς φωνῆς. .

ἡ μία καὶ Σαυρομάται] : some Editors read ἡ μετὰ Σαυροματέων.
The MSS. give ἡ μία Σαυρομάται (some Σαυροματέων). Stein in-

. Serts καὶ,

χαίροντες ἐλεύθεροι.

The list includes only those who voted in favour of the proposal of
Histiaios (1.6. Miltiades is not included in it): hence perhaps
Stein is right in suggesting some change in the text, eg. oi

NOTES TO BOOK lV 377

CHAP. NOTE
διαφέροντές re τὴν ψῆφον πρὸς βασιλέος καὶ ἐόντες λόγου πλείστον.
-The absence of the name of Coés is remarked by several com-
mentators, who forget that he had accompanied Dareios: see
ch. 97.

140. 125. Or, ‘‘and even so they found the passage of the river with
difficulty. ”’

143. 126. ἐν Πέρσῃσι.

127. 2.€, 80,000,

. 128. yap]: some MSS, read δὲ ; so Stein and other Editors.

120. z.e. Castor and Polydeukes the sons of Tyndareus, who were
among the Argonauts.

130. Θήρα (genitive).

131. From &s ‘‘ sheep’’ and λύκος ‘* wolf” (δεν ἐν λύκοισι).

132. φυλή, the word being here apparently used loosely.

133. 'Epytwy.

134. μετὰ τοῦτο ὑπέμεινε τὠντὸ τοῦτο] : some Editors mark a lacuna
after ὑπέμεινε, or supply some words like συνέβη δὲ: ‘‘after this the
children survived, and the same thing happened also in Thera, etc.”

. 135. Or, ‘‘ Grinos.”’

136. Evg@nuldns]: the MSS. have Εὐθυμίδης : the correction is from
Pindar, Pyth. iv. 455.

137. ὦναξ, the usual form of address to Apollo; so in ch. 155.

138. Or, ‘‘ Axos,”

139. #.e. Aristoteles, Pind. Pyth. v. 87.

140. μεταξὺ ἀπολιπών.

141. Or, ‘‘it happened both to himself and to the other men of Thera
according to their former evil fortune ;'’ but this would presuppose
the truth of the story told in ch. 151, and παλίγκοτος may mean
simply ‘‘ adverse ” or ‘‘ hostile.’’

. 142. ἐόντες τοσοῦτοι ὅσοι x.t.X. They could hardly have failed to

increase in number, but no new settlers had been added.

143. ὕστερον ἔλθῃ yas ἀναδαιομένης, ‘‘ too late for the division of land."’

144. Or, ‘‘ Thestis.”

145. The MSS. give also ‘‘ Aliarchos "’ and ‘‘ Learchos,”’

146. μαθὼν ἕκαστα.

147. τῶν περιοίκων : ἐ.6. conquered Libyans,

148. νησιωτέων πάντων : i.e. natives of the Cyclades, cp. vi. 99.

149. ἀμφίρρυτον τὴν Κυρήνην εἷναι} : some Editors read by conjecture
τὴν ἀμφίρρυτον Κύρηνην εἶναι (or Κυρήνην τὴν ἀμφ. εἷναι), “" that
Kyrené was the place flowed round by water.”’

150. ψέλιον.

151, Or “" Giligammai."’

152. t.e. the plant so called, figured on the coins of Kyrené and Barca.

. 153. Or, ‘‘ Asbytai.”

154. 2.6. further from the coast, so κατύπερθε, ch. 174 etc., cp. ch, 16.

. 155. Or ‘‘ Cabales.”

156. See i, 216.

157. Distinct from the people of the same name mentioned in ch, 183:
those here mentioned are called ‘‘Gamphasantes” by Pliny.

158. γλυκύτητα, ‘‘ sweetness,”

159. ἄλλην re ἑκατόμβην καὶ δὴ καί.

160, ἐπιθεσπίσαντα τῳ τρίποδι, which can hardly mean ‘‘ prophesied
sitting upon the tripod.”

NOTE

161.

162.
163.
164.

165.
166.
167.
168.
169.
170.
171.

. 172.

173.
174.
175.
176.
177.
178.
170.
180,
181.

. 182.

183.
184.

HERODOTUS

Lit, ‘‘the men come together regularly to one place within three
months,’’ which seems to mean that meetings are held every three
months, before one of which the child is brought.

See ii, 42.

#.é. in the middle of the morning.

τρῖψιν : the ‘‘ feel” tothe touch: hence it might mean either hard-
ness or softness according to the context,

τρωγλοδύτας : ‘‘ Troglodytes.”’

ὑπερβάλλοντι, ‘‘ when his heat is greatest.”’

ἤδη.

Or ““τεά."

δόμον] : Reiske reads ὦμον by conjecture, ‘‘ over his shoulder.”’

Or (according to some MSS.), ‘‘ practise this much and do it well.’’

ἀκατάψευστα)] Several Editors have adopted the conjecture xard-
ψευστα, ‘‘ other fabulous beasts.’

ὄρυες : perhaps for Spvyes from ὄρυξ, a kind of antelope.

δίκτυες : the meaning is uncertain.

ἐχινέες, ‘‘urchins,”’

Or ‘‘ Zabykes,”’

Or ‘‘ Zygantes.”

εἴη δ' ἂν way: cp.v.9. Some translate, ‘‘and this might well be so.”

οὐδ᾽ ἀρετὴν εἶναί ris ἡ Λιβύη σπουδαΐη.

#.é. COM; Cp. i. 193.

βουνούς.

See ch. 167.

μηδὲν ἄλλο νεοχμοῦν κατὰ Βαρκαίους : cp. v. 19.

παραλαβόντες.

ἐπίφθονοι.

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