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ADVERTISEMENTS. 


Second  Edition. 


THE  KATIVE  CHIEFS  ANB 
THEIH  STATES- 


PRTCE  RUPEES  FIFE. 

Postage  Annas  Five. 

TIMES  OF  INDIA  OFFICE,  BOMBAY. 


2. 
3. 


4. 


5. 

6. 
7. 


CONTENTS  :• 
PART  L  (Statistical.) 

Rerised  List  of  Salates. 

Ftrll  Styles  and  Titles'  ^f  all  the  Soyereign 
Princes.  '• 

Tabular  Statement  giving  the  fallest 
statistical  information  regarding  e%  ery 
Sovereign  Prince  in  India  and  his 
State. 

Tabular  Statement  giving  similar  informa- 
tion regarding  all  the  petty  Chiefs 
and  great  Landed  Gentry  of  India. 

Genealogical  Tables  of  all  the  great 
Bnling  Houses  in  India. 

The  Roll  of  the  Star  of  India. 

The  Graded  List  of  the  Political  Service, 
showing  the  appointments  held  by 
Political  Officers  in  1877. 


PART  IL  (Nabkativb.) 

Brief  Historical  and   Descriptive  Accounts  of 

all  the  Native  States. 


APPENDICES. 
List  of  Chiefs  present  at  the  Imperial  Assem  • 
blago. 

'  Ex-Imperial  Family  of  Delhi. 
The  Family  of  the  Peishwa  and  its  Offshoots. 

Schedule  of  lapsed,  confiscated  and  annexed 
States,  "with  copious  index. 


ADVERTISEMENTS. 


^-^^ 


LIBRO     D'ORO. 


-I 


\ 

.1 

.1 
I 


List  of  Native  Princes  and  Chiefs 


PRESENT  AT  THE 


IMPERIAL  ASSEMBLA&E  AT  DELHI. 


Printed  in  Gold  and  Colours. 


Full  Clotb,  Rs.  2 ;  Postage  4  Annas. 


HEHOIRS  OF  A  JOURNALIST, 


Bt  J.  H.  STOCQUELER. 


The  aim  of  the  entire  production  has  been 
to  illustrate  the  scope  which  Journalism 
affords  for  the  exercise  of  the  energies 
and  intellect. 


Demy  8vo.  Cloth  Bound,  Rsk   2 : 


Postage  6  Annas. 


fiil-ir 


HISTORY 


oy 


THE  MAHEATTAS. 


VOL.  II. 


*  • 


I 


HlSTdBS^> 


OP 


THE   MAHEATTAS 


,;,..«T,r_,_ 


BY 


JAMES   GRANT   DUFF,   Esq., 

CAPTAIN     IN    THE   1ST   REGIMENT   OF  BOMBAY   NATIVE   INFANTRY, 
AND   LATE   POLITICAL   RESIDENT   AT   SATARA. 


FOURTH  EDITION. 
COMPLETE   IN   TWO   VOLUMES. 


VOL.     II.    . 


BOMBAY  : 
PUBLISHED  AT  THE  TIMES  OF  INDIA  OFFICE. 

LONDON  : 
121,  Fleet  Street,  E.G. 

.1878. 


BOMBATf 
PBXNTBD  AT  THB  TIMES  OF  IKDU  STEAM  PBIHTIKa  WORKS.     * 


CONTENTS 


OF 


THE    SECOND   VOLUME. 


CHAPTER  I. 

From  A.D.  1772  to  A.D.  1775. 

%  Page. 
The  Court  of  Directors  appoint  a  resident  envoy  to  Poena — 
intention  of  the  mission. — Capture  of  Baroach.^ — Besolution 
of  the  Bombay  government  upon  the  receipt  of  intelligence 
from  Poena  during  the  campaign  of  Bugonath  Bao  against 
Nizam  Ally. — Negotiations  with  Bugonath  Rao — Resolution 
to  support  him — he  refuses  to  accede  to  the  terms. — Capture 
of  Tannah.— 'Rugoba,  deserted  by  Sindia  and  Holkar,  renews 
the  negotiation  with  Bombay.— State  of  the  Gaekwar  family 
after  tbe  death  of  Dummajee. — ^Treaty  between  Rugoba  and 
the  English    1 

CHAPTER  II. 
A.D.  1775. 

Expedition  under  Colonel  Keating,  sails  for  Gnzerat— Defeat 
of  Rngonaih  Rao— flees  to  Surat^is  joined  by  Colonel 
Keating-Elands  at  Cambay — approbation  of  the  Bombay 
government— dissent  of  Mr.  Draper.— Instructions  to  Colonel 
Keating— ^he  forms  a  junction  with  Rugoba's  troops — march 
toNeriad — detail  of  operations — Colonel  Keating  negotiates — 
his  envoy  derided  and  insulted.— Rngonath  Rao  is  persuaded 
to  move  towards  the  Deccan.— Battle  of  Arass«— Surprise  at 


VI.  '  CONTENTS. 

Page. 
Bowpeer. — Treaty    with    Futih    Sing. — Prospects    of    the 
belligerents  at  the  close  of  the  season  .., 14 

CHAPTER  III. 

From  A.D.  1774  to  A.D.  1778. 

The  Supreme  Council  in  Bengal  assume  the  powers  of  general 
administration. — Correspondence  with  Bombay  relative  to 
their  late  proceedings — disapprove  of  the  connection  with 
Bugoba. — Death  of  Sabajee  Bhonslay. — Violent  condemna- 
tion of  the  Bombay  measures — peremptory  orders  in 
consequence. — Lieutenant-Colonel  Upton  despatched  to  Poena 
as  envoy  plenipotentiary. — Remonstrances  of  the  Bombay 
government— they  vindicate  their  conduct — their  belief  in 
Rugoba^s  innocence  accounted  for. — Reflections  on  the 
precipitate  interference  of  the  Supreme  Government — evils  of 
which  it  was  the  cause. — Mr.  Hastings*  opinion. — tetter  to 
Sukaram  Bappoo. — Colonel  Upton's  negotiations  broken  o£E — 
proceedings  at  Bengal  on  receipt  of  this  intelligence. — ^The 
ministers  in  the  meantime  sign  the  treaty  of  Poorundhur — its 
conditions — disappointment  and  indignation  of  the  Bombay 
government,— Offers  of  Rugoba. — Reprehensible  conduct  of 
the  Bombay  government. — Insurrection  of  the  impostor 
Suddaba. — The  Bombay  measures  approved  by  the  Court  of 
Directors — resolution  in  consequence — dissent  of  Mr.  Draper. 
— ^Motives  which  appear  to  have  actuated  the  Directors, — 
Progress  of  Suddaba-r-diafeat^Beizure— and  execution — 
Colonel  Upton  recalled*— Mr.  Mostyn  re-appointed  resident.— 
Evasive  conduct  of  the  ministry. — ^An  agent  of  the  French 
government  is  received  with  distinction  at  Poena. — ^The 
Concain  restored  to  order. — Conquests  of  Hyder. — Retrospec- 
tive view  of  the  history  of  Koiapoor. — Depredations  and 
piracies. — ^Progress  of  Hyder. — Successful  artifice  of  Hurry 
Punt  Phurkay.-^Death  of  Ram  Raja,  and  of  the  Pritee 
Needhee. — ^Affairs  of  Moodajee  Bhonslay-^and  of  Futih  Sing 
Gaekwar. — The  son  of  Trimbukjee  Raja  Bhonslay  is 
selected  as  raja  of  Satara. — Curious  artifice  of  the  Bramins 
with  regard  to  the  intermarriage  of  the  imprisoned  rajas 33 


CONTENTS.  Vll. 

CHAPTER  IV, 

Fbom  A.D.  1777  to  A.D.  1779. 

Page. 

Mr.  Hornby's  minute  respecting    Mahratta    afEairs.— French 
envoy,  St.  Lubin — account  of  his  proceedings  at  Poena. — 
Orders  from  the  Court  of  Directors  in  case  the  Poena  ministry 
should  not  fulfil  the  terms  of  the  treaty  of  Poorundhur. — 
Dissensions  of  the  ministry. — Application  for  the  restoration 
of  Rugoba  from  the  party  of  Moraba  Furnu wees.— Bengal 
government    assent   to    that    measure, — Six    battalions   of 
Bengal  sepoys  ordered  to  march  overland  to  Bombay. — ^Terras 
on  which  the  Bombay  government  agree  to  support  Moraba's 
party. — Consummate  artifice  of  Nana  Fumuwees. — Moraba's 
party  decline  the  restoration  of  Rugoba. — Return  of  Mahada- 
jee  Sindia  and  Hurry  Punt  Phurkay. — Faction  of  Moraba 
crushed. — Unshaken  constancy  of  Sukaram  Hurry. — Observa- 
tions respecting  the  march  of  the  Bengal  troops. — Further 
explanation  of  the  motives  which  actuated  the  Bombay 
government— resolve  to  attempt  the  restoration  of  Rugoba, — 
,    Preparations    of  Nana  Furnuwees.^The  governor-general 
intimates  his  intention  of  forming  an  alliance  with  Moodajee 
Bhonslay. — The  Bombay  government  adhere  to  their  resolu- 
tion.— ^Zeal  of  Mr.  Camac — judicious  counsel  of  Mr,  Draper. 
— Colonel  Charles  Egerton,   account  of. — Field  committee 
appointed — dilatory     preparations — advanced     detachment 
crosses  over  to  the  continent,  and  occupies  the  Bhore  Ghaut 
without  opposition. — Perverseness  of  Rugoba.— Embarkation 
— troops    land    at    Panwell — extraordinary    conduct    anid 
ignorance  of  Colonel  Egerton — unparalleled  dilatoriness  of 
the  advance. — Mahratta  proceedings — manifest   but  slight 
opposition — appear  in  force  at  Tullygaom-— bum  the  village 
— and   retire    before     the    British    troops. — The    English 
determine  on  retiring  from  Tullygaom — are  attacked  on  their 
retreat  to  Worgaom — ^gallant    conduct  oi  the  rear-guard 
under  Captain  Hartley. — Disgraceful  convention  of  Wurgfcom 
— ^Misconduct  of  the  committee. — Mr.  Camac  and  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Cockburn  are  dismissed  from  the  service. — Distress 
of  the  Bombay  government—observations  on  their  late  con- 


Vlll.  CONTENTS. 

Page, 
duct — Fortitude  and  ability  of  Governor  Hornby — his  review 
of  their  afEairs — ^revert  to  the  proceedings  of  the  Bengal 
troops. — Colonel  Leslie  removed  from  the  command — ^bnt  dies 
before  the  order  of  supersession  is  receive  d. — Colonel  Goddard 
assumes  the  command  and  continues  his  march. — ^Treacherous 
coduct  of  the  Mahrattas  at  Sagur — ^hospitality  and  kindness 
of  the  nabob  of  Bhopaul. — Negotiation  with  Moodajee 
Bhonslay — declines  entering  on  the  alliance. — General 
Gbddard,  on  learning  the  disaster  at  Wurgaom,  decides  on 
the  marching  straight  for  Surat — greateful  acknowledg- 
ments of  the  Bombay  government, — Mr.  Hornby  submits  a 
plan  of  operations. — The  negotiations  with  Poena  confided 
to  Colonel  Goddard. — Conduct  of  the  Bengal  government — 
judicious  observations  of  Mr.  Hastings  with  regard  to  the 
members  of  the  Bombay  council. — Goddard  appointed 
brigadier-general — remonstrances  of  the  Bombay  govern- 
ment.— Goddard  instructed  to  negotiate  a  peace,  or  eventually 
to  follow  the  plan  proposed  by  Mr.  Hornby, — ^Policy  of 
Mahadajee  Sindia — ^he  allows  Rugoba  to  escape — sacrifices 
Sukaram  Bappoo  and  Chintoo  Wittul  to  the  jealousy  of  Nana 
Furnuwees    63 

CHAPTER  V. 

From  A.D.  1779  to  A.D.  1782. 

Hyder  makes  himself  master  of  the  Mahratta  territory  south  of 
the  Eistna — ^his  jealousy  of  the  English — ^his  connection  with 
the  French. — The  English  expect  to  be  attacked  by  the 
French  on  the  west  coast  of  India. — Rugoba  received  by  the 
English. — Report  of  a  general  confederacy  against  the 
English. — ^The  British  government  acts  as  a  principal  in  the 
negotiation  with  the  Poena  state,  not  as  the  auxiliary  of 
Rugoba. — ^War  declared. — Capture  of  Dubhoy. — Alliance 
with  Futih  Sing  Gaekwar — terms. — Siege  and  storm  of 
Ahmedabad. — Sindia  and  Holkar  advance  against  Goddard. — 
Policy  of  Sindia.— Negotiation. — Goddard  partially  surprises 
Sindia's  camp.-— Operations  prolonged  in  Guzerat — reasons.— 
LieutenantrOoionel  Hartiiey  sent  down  to  assist  the  troops  in 
the  Concan*— Operations    in   that    quarter.— Ci^pture    and 


OONTSNTfl.  IZ. 

Page, 
defence  of  KaUian — reliered  by  Oolonel  Hartley. — Opif^tioiiB 
of  Captain  Popham'a  detaehment — Capture  of  lifBthar.— 
Surpriae  of  Gwalior. — Unaacceasfnl  atten^t  on  Mulltfngnrh. 
Distrees  of  the  Bombay  goYemment. — War  with  Hyder  Ally. 
— Admirable  condact  of  €k>vemor  Hornby. — Hartley  opens 
the  campaign  with  great  apirit^-^Siege  of  Baaaein. — ^The 
covering  army  ia  attacked  by  the  Mahrattaa, — ^Battle  of 
Doogaor. — Redaction  of  Baaaein. — ^Memoir  of  Colonel 
Hartley.— Eztenaiye  confederacy  against  the  British  govern- 
ment.— Peace  proi>08ed  to  the  Peishwa's  government  throngh 
Moodajee — who  decUnea  the  mediation,  in  consequence  of 
the  success  of  Hyder. — Proceedings  at  Bombay. — Goddard 
injadicionsly  takes  post  at  the  Bhore  Ghant. — Preparations 
of  the  Mahrattaa— they  act  vigorously  on  Goddard's  supplies 
— Goddard  retreats  to  Panwell  with  heavy  loss. — Proceedings 
of  the  Bengal  govemment.*-Operation8  of  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Camac's  detachment.— Camac  is  surrounded  by  Sindia 
— retreats — surprises  Sindia^s  camp — is  joined  by  Colonel 
Muir. — ^Negotiation  opened  by  Sindia  through  Colonel  Muir, 
— ^Moodajee  Bhonslay  sends  an  army  into  Kuttack. — Warren 
Hastings  purchasea  its  retreat,  and  detaches  Moodajee  from 
the  confederacy. — Instructions  to  General  Gk)ddard  for 
negotiating  at  Poena. — Extensive  plan  proposed  by  Goddard 
for  carryiig  on  the  war. — Peace  with  Sindia. — A  general 
treaty  of  peace  with  the  Mahrattas  concluded  at  Salbye 
through  Mahadajee  Sindia. — Delay  in  its  ratification.-^ 
Baroach  conferred  on  Sindia • Ill 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Fbom  A.D.  1773  to  A.D.  1784, 

AfEaira  at  the  imperial  court. — Nnjeef  Khan.— Shujah-ud- 
Do^nfih- dies — ^is  sacceeded  by  his  son  Asoph-ud-Dowlah« 
— ^Mujd-ud-Dowlah — his  intrigues  against  Nujeef  Ehan 
frustrated. — Nujeef  Ehan  establishes  a  paramount  authority, 
which  he  upholds  till  his  death. — His  adopted  son,  Afrasiab 
Khan,  obliged  to  relinquish  the  succession  to  Mirza  Shuffee 
— ^disputed  l^  Mohummud  Beg  Humadanee.— Miiza  8huffee 


X,  COKTXNTS. 

Page, 
assasfflnated.— Afrariab  Khan  resumea  hia  aitnation,  and 
contests  the  succession  with  Mohmnmnd  Beg.^— Treaty  of 
Salbye-^reasonsfor  the  delay  in  its  ratification  explained. — 
Mahadajee  Sindia  and  Nana  Fnmawees — ^their  respective 
Yiews.-^Hyder  Ally. — Proposal  for  invading  BengaL*^ 
Sindia's  reasons  for  desiring  the  friendship  of  the  English.— 
Policy  of  Nana  Fnmnwees. — Death  of  Hyder  Ally. — Batifica- 
tion  of  the  treaty. — Outrage  committed  by  the  Peishwa's 
admiral — Capture  of  the  English  ship  Banger. — ^Tippoo 
professes  to  acquiesce  in  the  terms  of  the  treaty,  but  continues 
the  war  against  the  English — ^Mahadajee  Sindia  threatens 
him  in  consequence. — A  separate  treaty  concluded  between 
the  English  and  Tippoo--<li8approved — ^but  confirmed  by  the 
governor-general — ^The  Court  of  Poena  afEect  to  consider  the 
separate  pacification  a  violation  of  the  treaty  of  Salbye. — 
Views  of  thie  Poena  and  Hyderabad  courts. — A  conference — 
claims  discussed. — Offensive  alliance  against  Tippoo  proposed. 
— Seedee  of  Jinjeera,-— Tippoo  insults  Nizam  Ally. — ^Pro- 
bability of  a  rupture.-^Ho8tilities  postponed. — ^Death  of 
Bugonath  Bao. — ^Intrigues  in  favour  of  his  son  Bajee  Bao. — 
Mahadajee  Sindia — his  proceedings • 163 

CHAPTEB  VII. 

A.D.  1784  AND  A.D.  1785. 

Factions  at  theimper\{d  court. — Escape  of  Mirza  Jewan  Bukht. 
— Afrasiab  Khan  negotiates  with  the  English. — ^Governor- 
general  declines  all  interference. — ^Afrasiab  Khan  has  recourse 
to  Mahadajee  Sindia. — Sindia's  progress  since  the  treaty  of 
Salbye. — Benoit  de  Boigne.— Sindia  accepts  the  invitation 
of  Afrasiab  E^han — marches  to  Agra. — Afrasiab  Ehan 
assassinated. — The  whole  power  falls  into  the  hands  of  Sindia 
— his  policy  in  regard  to  the  Peishwa. — ^The  emperor  confers 
on  him  the  command  of  the  army,  &c. — ^Mohomedan  chiefs 
submit. — The  Dooab  taken  possession  of. — Agra  and  Aligurh 
taken. — Effect  of  the  news  of  these  events  at  the  Poena  court, 
— ^Sindia,  intoxicated  by  his  success,  prefers  a  demand  on  the 
British  government  for  the  chouth  of   Bengal«-effect«*- 


O0STXMT8.  Zl. 

Page. 
Deteniiiiiation  oC  tiia  aotiiig  (^OTemor-genend  to  BMid  an 
envoy  to  the  Pekhwa'6  conrt. — Sindia*8  objeotionfl.— rA£aii» 
in  the  Deocui 178 

CHAPTEB  Vni- 

Fbom  A.D.  1784  to  A.D.  1787. 

Tippoo. — Nturgoond— origin  and  progress  of  the  dispute  respect- 
ing it. — ^Tij^o^s  treachery— takes  Norgoond— seizes  Eittoor 
— ^forcibly  converts  many  Hindoos. — Nana  Furnuwees  pro- 
poses an. alliance  with  the  English.— The  latter  less  solicitous 
to  co-operate  than  Nana  expected. — ^Nana  applies  to  the 
Portogaese.^-French  said  to  be  in  alliance  with  Tippoo. — 
Beported  alliance  between  the  Mahrattas  and  the  French. — 
British  resident  instructed  to  proceed  to  Poena. — ^Mr.  Mac- 
pherson^s  ofiEer  of  assisting  in  the  defence  of  the  Mahratta 
territory — ^rejected  by  Nana  Furnuwees. — Mahratta  army 
advances  to  form  a  junction  with  Nizam  Ally  and  Moodajee 
Bhonslay. — Moodajee  in  close  alliance  with  the  Poena  court. 
—Mahratta  and  Moghul  armies  unite — ^plan  of  operations; — 
Badamee  taken. — Nana  Furnni^ees  returns  to  Poena,  and 
Moodajee  Bhonslay  to  Nagpoor. — Holkar*s  proceedings. — 
Tippoo  attacks  Adonee — ^gallant  defence  till  relieved  by  the 
confederate8.^-Adonee  abandoned. — Gujendergurh  given  up 
to  Huiry  Punt. — Holkar  makes  a  sudden  march  to  Savanoor 
— his  object. — Bnrhan-ud-deen  attacks,  him — is  repulsed  by 
Holkar,  who  is  joined  by  the  nabob  of  Savanoor. — Hurry 
Punt's  operations. — Tippoo  unexpectedly  passes  the  Toong- 
buddra — operations  of  the  atmies.-rSavanoor  abandoned  by 
the  Mahrattas — Tippoo  takes  possession-:-proceeds  to  Benka- 
poor. — Hurry  Punt  takes  Seerhutty. — Feeble  operations  on 
both  sides. — Tippoo  suddenly  tenders  proposals  of  peace. — 
Peace  concluded. — ^Motives  elucidated. — Sindia 186 

CHAPTEB  IX. 

From  A.D.  1785  to  A.D.  1790. 

Sindia's  embarrassments — ^his  impolitic  conduct — seqnastrates 
many  of  the  jagheere—oonseqaent  enmity  of  the  Mahomedan 


Xll.  CONTJEMTS. 

Page* 
chiefs. — ^Mohammad  Beg  Htunadaiiee.'— Sindia  levies  tribute 
from  the  Bi^jpoois — ^the  Bajpoots  rev<dt-^attaok  and  rout 
Sindia*s  troops  under  EyajeePatelL^^india  takes  the  field — 
difficulties  of  the  crisis — endeavours  to  negotiate  with  the 
Bajpoots  without  success.—^Mohummud  Beg  and  his  nephew 
join  the  Rajpoots. — Battle  in  which  Mohummud  Beg  is  killed, 
but  victory  declares  for  the  Rajpoots. — ^The  emperor's  regular 
infantry,  with  80  pieces  of  cannon,  desert  Sindia  in  a  body, 
and  join  the  Rajpoots. — Sindia  evinces  great  fortitude  and 
conduct — retreats  unmolested  by  the  Rajpoots — followed  by 
Ismael  Beg— continues  his  retreat  to  Gwalior — applies  to 
Poona  for  aid. — Views  of  Nana  Fumuwees.-^Sindia's  exer- 
tions. — Able  defence  of  Agra  by  his  general,  Lucwa  Dada. — 
Qholam  Eawdir — takes  Aligurh — joins  Ismael  Beg  before 
Agra.^<  Jaths  obstruct  the  operations  of  the  sieze-^Sindia 
reinforces  the  Jaths. — Battle  near  Bhurtpoor,  in  which  the 
Mahrattas  and  Jaths  are  worsted. — Successful  diversion 
planned  by  Rannay  Khan. — The  battle  of  Agra,  in  which 
Ismael  Beg  is  totally  defeated. — Ismael  Beg  joins  Gholam 
Eawdir. — ^They  repair  to  Delhi. — Barbarities  perpetrated  by  ' 
Gholam  Eawdir. — ^Mahrattas  at  last  advance. — Gholam 
Eawdir  flees — is  pursued — ^taken — suffers  mutilation,  under 
which  he  dies. — ^Shah  Alum  restored  to  his  throne,  and  ^ndia 
recovers  his  ascendancy. — His  situation. — Changes  introduced 
in  the  coiistitution  of  his  army. — Gosaeens. — ^Himmut  Bnha« 
dur. — Regular  infantry. — Sindia's  views^— Transition  to 
Deccan  afiEairs 202 

CHAPTER  X. 

From  A.D.  1787  to  A.D,  1792. 

Tippoo  breaks  the  treaty  with  the  Peishwa — his  great  prepara- 
tions— supposed  by  the  English  to  be  intended  against  them. 
— ^Nana  Fumuwees  proposes  a  defensive  alliance,  which  is 
declined  by  Lord  Cornwallis. — ^Transactions  between  the 
British  authorities  and  Nizam  Ally. — Guntoor  given  up.— • 
Nizam  Ally  negotiates  with  the  English  and  with  Tippoo — 
results.— Lord  Comwallis's  letter  to  Nizam   Ally.— ^ppoo 


COMTINTS,  ZUJ. 

Page, 
conaiders  that  letter  tintamonnt  to  aa  offenaive  alliaDoe 
againat  him« — His  niuniooeaaful  attack  on  the  linea  of  Travaiin 
cofre. — ^Alliance  of  the  English,  the  Peishwa,  and  Nizam  Alljr 
against  Tippoo— 4ts  ierm8^-<-FirBt  campaign  of  the  English 
in  this  war  against  Tippoo, — Dilatory  proceedings  of  the 
allies. — ^A  British  detachment   joins    Poreshram    Bhow««— 
Mahrattas  cross  the  Eistna. — Moghnls  advance  to  lay  siege 
to  Eopanl  and  Bahadur  Benda. — ^The  Mahrattas  lay  siege  to 
Dharwar— operations.—" Dharwar  oapitalates  after  a  protreot? 
ed  siege — capitulation  infringed. — ^Lord  Gomwallis  assnmea 
command  of  the  British  army. — Capture  of   Bangalore.^- 
Mahratta  army  marches  fromPoona  under  Hurry  F^unt  Phurk^y* 
•^Sera  surrendered.— -The  Mahratta  armies  advance  to   jma 
the  British  and  Moghuls  before  Seringapatam. — Lord  Oom-  ' 
wallis.  defeats  Tippoo  at  Arikera,  but  is  compelled  to  abandon 
his  design  of  besieging  Seringapatam. — ^Distress  of  his  army 
—relieved  by  the  unexpected  junction  of  the  Mahrattaa — 
Various  operations.— A  party  of  Mahrattas  surprised  and  Cut 
ofE  by  Enmmnr-ud-deen. — ^Lord  Gomwallis  reduces  the  forts;  . 
between  Bangalore  and  Gurumcondah.— The  Moguls,  unable 
to  reduce  Gurumcondah,  leave  a  party  to  mask  it,  which  is 
surprised. — ^Pureshram  Show's  scheme  of  reducing  Bednore,    . 
— Battle  of  Simoga, — ^Admirable  conduct  of  Captain  Little. — ' 
Simoga  .capitulates.— Pureshram    Bhow   advances  towards    / 
Bednore,  but  retires  with  precipitation. — Operations  at  Serin- 
gapatam.— Peace  concluded  with  Tippoo. — Cause  of  Puresh- 
ram Bhow's  retreat  explained. — ^The  armies  return  to  their 
respective  territories,— Distress  of  Pureshram  Bhow's  army...  217 

CHAPTER  XI. 

Fbom  A.D.  1792  to  A.D.  1794; 

An  inquiry  into  the  reasons  which  induced  Lord  Comwfdlis  to 
refrain  from  subjugating  Tippoo's  territory  is  foreign 
to  the  object  of  this  work. — Opinion  of  the  Mahratta  . 
minist^s  on  this  subject.— :Mahadajee  Sindia*s  proposals 
at  the  time  of  forming  the  confederacy  against  Tippoo, 
to   which    Sindia    did    not   become    a    party«— Sindia's 


^ 


r 


XIV.  -  CONTENTS. 

P»ge. 
prooeedingB  in  Hindostan. — Battle  of  Patun.*— Ismael  Beg 
defeated — Rajpoots  continiie  the  war-*battle  of  Mairtar->- 
peace  with  the  Rajpoots. — ^Tfae  regular  infantxy  of  De 
Boigne. — Holkar  entertaiiis  the  Ohevalier  Dodrenec,  and 
raises  some  regular  corps. — ^Ali  Buhadur,  assisted  by 
Himmnt  Buhadur,  establishes  himself  in  Bnndelcand. — 
Sindia  moves  towards  Poona.*-*Sanm8es  with  regard  to 
his  intentions — declares  that  he  is  proceeding  as  bearer 
of  the  insignia  of  office  for  wnkeel-i-mootlnq  from  the 
emperor  to  the  Peishwa. — Q-rand  state  ceremony  on 
presenting  the  in8ignia.---Sindia  endeavoorsby  various  wajrs 
to  gain  the  confidence  of  the  young  Peishwa  to  the  prejudice 
of  Nana  Fnmuwees. — Discussions  respecting  the  affairs  of 
Hindostan. — ^Ismael  Beg  again  raises  disturbances,  but  his 
taken  prisoner  and  oonfinedfor  life  inthefort  of  Agra.— 
The  troops  of  Sindia  and  Holkar  commit  hostilities  against 
each  other—- obstinate  battle  of  Lukhairee-^Sindia's  troops 
victorious. — Consequences  at  Poena. — ^Hostilities  suspended 
in  Hindostan  by  orders  from  the  Peishwa  and  Sindia— -the 
latter  all  powerful  in  Hindostan — ^his  attempts  to  render 
himself  popular  in  the  Deccan — perseveres  in  his  endeavours 
to  supersede  Nana  Fumuwees  in  the  young  Peishwa's  favour. 
—Remarkable  explanation  betwixt  the  Peishwa  and  Nana«~* 
Views  of  Mahadajee  Sindia — his  death   .,.,  247 

CHAPTER  XII. 

A.D.   1794. 

Mahadajee  Sindia's  death  and  event  of  great  political  import- 
ance^— Review  of  his  policy  and  summary  of  his  character — 
is  succeed  by  his  grand-nephew,  Doulut  Rao.^Sindia's 
regular  infantry. — Opinions  of  many  Mahrattas  respecting 
that  force. — ^Holkar  long  averse  to  its  introduction.— Rughoo- 
jee  Bhonslay  had  no  infantry  disoiplined  by  European 
officers. — State  of  affairs  at  Nagpoor,  and  at  Baroda. — Govind 
Rao  Gaekwar  succeed  as  regent.— Piracy  on  the  coast  of 
Maharashtra. — The  Peishwa's  fleets — Angria  of  Eolabah.—  • 
Seedees  of  Jinjeera*-Revo    ions  and  events  in  that  statOi 


00NTXNT8. 

Page. 
Malwan,  and  Sawantwaree.--'Varioas  attmnpts  of  the  Bngliab 
to  Bappress  their  piraoiea,  and  those  of  the  raja  of  Kolapoor 
— never  completely  effeoled  nntil  the  year  1812 261 

CHAPTER  Xtn. 

A.D.  1794  AND  A.D.  1795. 

Reflections  on  the  preceding  details,  and  on  the  condition  of  tho 
Mahrattas  as  a  military  nation  at  this  period. — ^Their  ddms 
on  Nizam  AQy  occasion  a  temporary  union  of  the  chiefs. — 
Coarse  of  policy  adopted  by  the  English  in  the  negotiation 
whidi  preceded  the  war  between  the  Mahrattas  and  Nizam 
Ally. — ^Discussions  between  the  coorts  of  Poena  and  Hyder- 
abad— ^war  declared — assembly  of  the  armies  respectively— 
march  to  oppose  each  other — skirmish  in  which  the  Mogfauls 
obtain  some  advantage — ^battle  of  Kurdla— extraordinary 
discomfitnre  of  the  Moghol  army. — Sabmission  of  Nizam 
Ally,  who  surrenders  the  person  o^  bis  minister,  cedes  large 
trscts  of  territory,  and  promises  to  pay  three  crores  of  rupees. 
— Anecdote  of  the  young  Peishwa. — ^Nizam  Ally  offended  at 
the  nentralily  of  the  English,  whose  influence  at  Hyderabad 
is  likely  to  be  wholly  superseded  by  a  French  party.— 
Unexpected  rebellion  of  the  prince  Ali  Jah  occasions  the 
recall  of  the  English  battalions. — ^]nie  rebellion  suppressed  by 
the  exertions  of  M.  Raymond. — ^Movements  of  the  Mahrattas 
during  the  insurrection. — No  proof  of  their  having  been 
in  any  manner  accessory  to  the  rebellion. — ^Nana  Furnuwees 
at  the  summit  of  power,  when  his  anxiety  to  preserve  it  brings 
on  an  unforeseen  catastrophe 276 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

A.D.  1795  AND  A.D.  1796. 

Nana  Furnuwees — ^his  conduct  towards  Mahdoo  Rao— the  raja 
of  Satara— and  the  family  of  the  deceased  Rugonath  Rao.— 
The  sons  of  Rugonath  Rao  confined  in  the  fort  of  Sewneree* 
— Bajee  Rao  the  particular  object  of  Nana's  jealousy. — ^Bajee 
Rao's  character  at  this  period— his  aocomplishments.— The 


XTl.  OONTKNTB, 

Page, 
young  PeiahWa  deairons  of  cultivating  his  friendship — Nana 
advises  him  to  beware. — Bajee  Bao  corrupts  one  of  Nana's 
ageijitQ  and  opens  a  conununication  with  the  Peishwa — his 
insidious  messages. — Discovery — its  consequences. — Mahdoo 
Rao  throws  himself  from  the  terrace  of  his  palace,  and  dies. 
— ^Nana  endeavours  to  exclude  Bajee  Bao  from  the  succession. 
— Bajee  Bao  gains  over  Balloba  Tattya  and  Sindia  to  his 
intere8ts.r—Nana  Fnrnuwees  determines  on  anticipating 
Sindia,  and  brings  Bajee  Bao  to  Poena. — Sindia,  influenced  by 
his  minister,  marches  on  the  capital.-^Nana  withdraws  from  , 
Poona.-^Balloba  Tattya  resolves  to  set  aside  Bajee  Bao,  and 
raise  Ghimnajee  Appa  to  the  musnud,  with  Pureshram  Bhow 
as  his  minister. — ^Nana  Fumuwees,  being  consulted  by 
Pureshram  Bhow,  assents  with  seeming  cordiality  to  the 
proposal. — Nana's  proceedings. — Suspicious  of  Balloba 
Tattya^-^onspiracy  matured,  and  Bajee  Bao  confined. — 
Ghimnajee  Appa  declared  Peishwa. — Sindia's  pecuniary 
distress — ^pdan  for  alleviating  it — enlargement  of  Musheer- 
ooji-Moolk.^— The  new  administration  pretend  a  wish  that 
Nana  Fumuwees  should  take  a  principal  share  in  the  govern- 
ment.—Nana  discovers  their  treachery.— Desperate  situation 
of  Nana*-^evinces  great  ability  in  extricating  himself,  and 
cirotunventing  his  enemies. — His  interest  in  unison  with 
those  of  Bajee  Bao. — Bise  of  Ballajee  Eoonjur.— Nana  dis- 
closes a  part  of  his  plans  to  Bajee  Bao. — Bise  of  Shirzee  Bao 
Ghatgay. — Nana.  Fumuwees  gains  Sindia  to  his  views. — ^The 
imprudent  proceedings  of  Bajee  Bao's  party  bring  on  a 
premature. discovery  of  a  part  of  the  conspiracy! — Bajee  Bao 
«  seQt  pjE.  towards  .Hindostan-rrenters  into  a  compact  with 
Shirzee  Bao  Ghatgay. — Proceedings  at  Poona. — Schemes  of 
Nana  Fumuwees  matured — excites  the  raja  of  Kolapoorto 
fall  upon  the  districts  of  Pureshram  Bhow. — ^Treaty  of  Mhar. 
— ^Treaty  with  Bughoojee  Bhonslay. — Sindia  arrests  Balloba 
Tattya. — Puresiiram  Bhow,  accidentally  forewarned  of  his 
danger,  .flees  &om  Poona — is  overtaken  and  made  prisoner.—  . 
Nana  Fumuwees  obtains  the  guarantee  of  Nizam  Ally  and 
of  Sindia,  b^ore  trusting  himself  at  Poona.r— Bajee  Bao  pro- 
claimed Peifi^wa.^The  adoption  of  Ghimnajee  Appa  declared 


CONTENTS.  acvii. 

Page, 
illegal. — Chimtiajee  Appa  appointed  to  the  government  of 
GiiEerat,  with  Aba  Shelooknr  as  his  deputy    »  292 

CHAPTER  XV. 
A.D.  1797  AND  A.D.  1798. 

New  administration. — Army  in  a  disorderly  state. — Ahmed- 
nugur  made  over  to  Sindia,  and  the  conditions  of  the  treaty 
with  Rughoojee  Bhonslay  fulfilled. — Bajee  Rao  refuses  to 
ratify  the  treaty  with  Nizam  Ally. — Musheer-ool-Moolk 
suddenly  quits  Poena  in  consequence — Nana  Furnuwees 
endeavours  to  soothe  him — Bajee  Rao*s  policy. — Death  of 
Tookajee  Holkar — dispute  among  his  sons — Sindia  espouses 
the  cause  of  Khassee  Rao — ^Mulhar  Rao  killed,  and  the  hous^ 
of  Holkar  rendered  for  a  time  subservient  to  that  of  Sindia. 
— Sindia's  arbitrary  conduct. — Bajee  Rao  still  popular— his 
real  character  little  known — ^proposes  ridding  himself  of  both 
Nana  Furnuwees  and  Sindia — employs  the  latter  to  seize  the 
former,  and  Nana,  with  most  of  the  principal  ministers,  is 
thrown  into  confinement — the  property  of  Nana  and  his 
adherents  given  up  to  plunder >— outrage  and  alarms  at  Poena. 
— Amrut  Rao  becomes  prime  minister. — Sindia  espouses  the 
daughter  of  Ghatgay. — Ghatgay  becomes  Sindia's  prime 
minister — ^is  empowered  to  raise  the  money  secretly  promised 

^  by  Bajee  Rao,  by  plundering  the  inhabitants  of  f  oona — 
dreadful  cruelties. — ^Amrut  Rao  proposes  to  seize  and  confine 
Sindia — Bajee  Rao  approves.— DifEerences  with  Hyderabad 
revived. — Bajee  Rao  summons  Sindia  to  his  presence. — Bajee 
Rao's  weakness  and  treachery. — Affairs  of  Satara — a  force 
required  in  that  quarter. — Bajee  Rao's  troops  mutiny. — 
Pureshram  Bhow  enlarged — raises  troops — disperses  those  of 
the  raja,  but  afterwards  refuses  to  disband  his  army. — Bajee 
Bao  grants  him  a  pardon  313 

CHAPTER  XVL 

From  A.D.  1798  to  A.D.  1800. 

Disorders  increase  at  Poena. — The  Byes— commencement  of 
their  insurrection  against  Sindia — they  seek  protection  in  the 


XVJU.  CONTENTS. 

Page, 
camp  of  Amrut  Rao— negotiation.—- Atnrut  Bao's  troops 
treacherouBly  attacked.— Rapture  between  the  Peishwa  and 
Sindia. — ^The  Peishwa  negotiates  with  other  powers. — Sindia 
releases  Nana  Fumuwees. — Reconciliation  between  Sindia  and 
the  Peishwa. — Shirzee  Rao  Ghatgay  is  seized  and  confined  by 
Sindia's  orders. — ^The  onion  of  Bajee  Rao  and  Sindia 
strengthened  by  the  course  of  policy  adopted  by  the  English. — 
The  British  government  endeavours  to  negotiate  a  new  treaty 
with  Nizam  Ally  and  the  Mahrattas. — Nana  Fumuwees  is 
solicited  to  assume  charge  of  the  administration. — ^Nana, 
deceived  by  Bajee  Rao,  assumes  charge  without  the  guarantee 
be  had  at  first  demanded. — ^Treachery  of  Bajee  Rao — Nana's 
behaviour. — The  Peishwa's  agents  seized  and  confined. — ^New 
treaty  between  Nizam  Ally  and  the  "English — regarded  by  the 
Mahrattas  with  much  jealousy. — ^Nana's  advice. — Bajee  Rao's 
dissimulation. — Plan  of  a  confederacy  against  the  English, 
disconcerted  by  the  subversion  of  Tippoo's  government. — 
Orders  sent  by  the  Peishwa  for  the  advance  of  his  troops 
after  the  war  had  terminated. — Dispersion  of  the  followers 
of  Dhoondia  Waug. — Dhoondia  joins  the  raja  of  Kolapoor. — 
Remarks  on  the  conquest  of  Tippoo's  territory — partition — 
discussions  with  the  Poena  court. — New  treaty  between  the 
English  and  Nizam  Ally. — Affairs  of  Sindia — ^the  insurrec- 
tion of  the  Byes  becomes  extremely  formidable — ^by  the 
re-appointment  of  Balloba  Tattya  it  is  nearly  suppressed. — 
State  of  the  war  with  Kolapoor — ^Exploits  .of  Chitoor  Sing — 
proposed  plan  of  operations — Pureshram  Bhow  defeated  and 
killed — Kolapoor  besieged — siege  raised 326 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

From  A.D.  1800  to  A.D.  1802. 

Death  and  character  of  Nana  Fumuwees — afresh  dispute  between 
Sindia  and  the  Peishwa. — Balloba  ^attya's  confinement  and 
death — dreadful  executions  of  Dhondeba  and  Narain  Rao 
Bukhsee. — The  Peishwa's  plans  for  ruining  the  adherents  of 
Nana  Fumuwees  and  the  family  of  Pureshram  Bhow. — 
Sindia,  on  being  promised  the  jagheer  of  the  Putwordhmui 


GONTSNTB.  xix. 

Page, 
sends  a  force  into  their  districts. — ^Great  disorders — ^insar- 
rection  of  Dhoondia  Waag — suppressed  by  a  detachment  of 
British  troops. — State  of  affairs  at  Poena. — Bajee  Bao's 
situation  and  Tiews— critical  state  of  Sindia's  affairs  in 
Malwa. — Rise  and  progress  of  Jeswnnt  Rao  Holkar — Umeer 
Khan  joins  him — Jeswnnt  Bao  recognized  in  Malwa  as  the 
representative  of  his  nephew  Khundee  Bao — imbecility  of 
8india's  proceedings. — Sindia  induces  Holkar  to  attack  the 
Byes — marches  towards  Hindostan. — Holkar  cuts  off  two  of 
Sindia's  detachments — ^is  repulsed  by  Major  Brownrigg. — 
Events  at  Poona— execution  of  Wittojee  Holkar. — Shirjee 
Bao  Ghatgay  defeats  a  plot  against  him  in  a  singular  manner 
— he  is  order  to  join  Sindia— defeats  Jeswnnt  Bao  Holkar  at 
Indore,  which  he  plunders. — Sindia  injudiciously  gives 
Holkar  time  to  recover  himself. — Jeswunt  Bao  carries  the 
war  into  the  Deccan — ^his  successes  there— Sewdasheo  Bhow 
Bhaskur  sent  to  oppose  him. — ^The  Peiehwa's  couduct. — 
Battle  of  Poona — Holkar  is  victorious. — The  Peishwa  flees 
to  Singurh — and  sends  to  the  British  resident  a  preliminary 
engagement,  binding  himself  to  receive  a  subsidiary  force. — 
The  resident's  interview  with  Holkar. — The  Peishwa  pro- 
ceeds to  Bassein. — Affairs  in  Guzerat 349 

CHAPTER  XVm. 
From  A.D.  1793  to  A.D,  1803. 

Affairs  of  Baroda — war  between  Govind  Bao  Gaekwar  and 
Aba  Shelookur. — The  English  depose  the  nabob  of  Surat— 
they  are  promised  the  Gaekwa^jp  share  of  the  chouth  and  the 
district  of  Chourassy.— Gaekwar  reduces  Shelookur,  and 
obtains  the  Peishwa's  share  of  Guzerat  in  farm. — Death  of 
(jk)vind  Bao  Gaekwar — ^his  eldest  son  Annnd  Bao  succeeds  him 
— ^two  parties  in  the  government,  the  one  under  Bowjee 
Appajee,  the  other  under  Eanhojee  Rao  Gaekwar — both 
apply  to  the  British  government  for  aid — the  governor  of 
Bombay  supports  the  party  of  Bowjee  Appajee,  by  sending  a 
small  detachment  into  Guzerat  under  Major  Walker. — 
MuUiar  Bao  Gaekwar  attacks  the  British  troops^reinf  orce- 


CONTENTS. 

Page, 
ments  sent  into  Gozerat— Malhar  Rao  is  reduced.—- A  British  ' 
subsidiary  force  establislied  at  Baroda — embarrassed  state 
of  the  Finances — Shunkhera  reduced. — ^The  Arab  mercenaries 
oppose  the  projected  reforms. — Siege  and  surrender  of 
Baroda. — Kanhojee  Bao  Gaekwar  maintains  an  insurrection 
against  the  government. — Affair  of  Sawree — gallant  conduct 
of  Major  Holmes , 370 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

A.D.  1802  AND  A.D.  1803. 

Events  at  Poena. — ^Winaek  Rao,  the  son  of  Amrut  Rao,  is 
placed  on  themusnud  by  Holkar. — Treaty  of  Bassein. — Sindia 
and  Rughoojee  Bhonslay  unite  to  obstruct  the  objects  of  the 
treaty. — ^Advance  of  the  British  troops — return  of  the  Peishwa 
to  Poena. — ^Negotiation  with  the  confederates — ^preparations 
for  war — war  declared — capture  of  Ahmednugar — ^battle  of 
Assaye — Burhanpoor — ^Asseergurh. — Baroach  and  Pawungurh 
taken. — Of  the  war  in  Hindostan.-— Revert  to  General  de 
Boigne — ^his  opinions  and  those  of  his  successor. — ^Advance 
of  the  Bengal  army — afEair  of  Coel— storm  of  Alig^rh — suc- 
cessful attack  on  Shekoabad  by  M.  Flenry — ^battle  of  Delhi 
— ^battle  of  Agra — ^battle  of  Laswaree— conquest  of  Kuttack, 
and  of  Bundelcund. — Supplemental  articles  to  the  treaty  of 
Bassein. — Prosecution  of  the  war  in  the  Deccan — Captain 
Baynes*  defence — negotiations — ^battle  of  Argaom — siege  and 
storm  of  Gawelgurh — ^negotiations — ^treaty  of  Deogaom — 
treaty  of  Surjee  Anjengaom,  and  of  Burhanpoor — ^partition 
treaties — ^treaties  with  the  Rajpoots,  Jaths,  and  Ambajee 
Inglia 380 

CHAPTER  XX. 

A.D.  1804. 

Reflections  on  the  late  war. — Views  of  Jeswunt  Rao  Holkar. — 
Negotiations. — Lord  Lake  advances  against  Holkar,  preceded 
by  a  detachment  under  Colonel  Monson — Holkar  retires 
across  the  ChumbuL — ^Tonk-Rampoorahtakeui— •Umeer  Khan 


CONTENTfl, 

Page, 
cuts  off  part  of  a  detachment  in  Bandelcnnd. — Lord  Lake 
reinforces  Monson,  and  cantons  the  main  army  for  the  rains. 
•— Monson  advances — escalades  Hinglaisgurh — Holkar  cross 
the  Ghumbnl — ^Monson  hesitates— Holkar  attacks  him — 
Monson  retreats. — Bravery^-pirations^distresses — disasters 
—and  discomfiture  of  his  detachment — Holkar  inyades  Hin- 
dostan — Muttra  evacuated — ^is  repulsed  at  Delhi.— -Defence  of 
Colonel  Bum  at  Shamlee — Holkar  carries  his  depredations  into 
the|Dooab— is  pursued  by  Lord  Lake— battle  of  Deeg— surprise 
at  Furruckabad — storm  of  Deeg — Holkar^s  possessions  in  the 
Deccan  reduced — Indore  evacuated. — Lord  Lake  determines 
on  besieging  Bhnrutpoor — ^The  raja's  resolve 421 

CHAPTER  XXI. 

A,D.  1805  AND  A.D.  1806. 

The  siege  of  Bhnrutpoor  commences. — Holkar  andUmeer  Khan 
attempt  to  obstruct  the  operations. — Umeer  Khan  proceeds 
to  Bohilcund — ^is  pursued  by  General  Smith— defeated  and 
compelled  to  return  to  Bhumtpoor. — ^The  Jaths  repulse  the 
British  army  in  four  assaults. — ^The  raja  sues  for  peace — - 
terms  granted — principal  reasons  for  admitting  him  to  terms. 
— ^Disputes  with  Sindia. — ^The  Marquis  Cornwallis  returns  to 
Lidiaas  governor-general — his  views — death — is  succeeded 
by  Sir  George  Barlow. — Holkar  takes  the  route  of  the  Punjab  • 
— ^is  pursued  by  Lord  Lake, — Peace  with  Sindia — and  with 
Holkar.— System  of  policy  pursued  by  Sir  George  Barlow — 
remonstrances  of  Lord  Lake— declaratory  articles  annexed 
to  the  treaties — ^policy  of  the  British  government  towards  the 
Bajpoots — particularly  ungenerous  towards  the  raja  of 
Boondee. — ^Treaty  with  the  Gaekwar  ^ « 441 

CHAPTER  XXII. 
Feom  A.D.  1806  TO  A.D.  1814. 

Review  of  the  condition  of  the  Mahratta  states— and  of  the 
British  policy  in  regard  to  them. — Holkar's  proceedings — 
insanity-«confiiiemenlH»deathand  characteii^Begency  under 


ZZU.  CONTENTS. 

Page, 
the  control  of  Umeer  Khan — ^factions— embarrassments  and 
anarchy. — State  of  Sindia's  territory. — Death  of  Shirzee  lUio 
Ghatgay.— Affairs  of  Baghoojee  Bhonslay. — Rise  of  the 
Pindharees — ^their  mode  of  assembling  and  condncting  an 
expedition — ^their  progress — general  anarchy  in  Central  India 
— alarming  increase  of  predatory  power 459 

CHAPTER  XXIII. 

From  A.D.  1803  to  A.D.  1817. 

The  Peishwa^s  proceedings  after  being  re-established  on  his 
mosnud. — ^Appoints  Sewdasheo  Bhow  Mankesir  to  conduct 
affairs  with  the  British  residency. — Ingratitude  to  Ehundee 
Rao  Rastia — and  total  disregard  of  the  claims  of  the  former 
servants  of  the  state. — Appoints  Ballajee  Luximon  sur- 
soobehdar  of  Candeish  and  Buglana. — ^Treacherous  seizure 
and  murder  of  the  Bheels  at  Kopergaom. — Rebellion  of  the  ' 
Pritee  Needhee — suppressed  byBappooGokla,  whois  enriched 
in  consequence. — ^AppaDessaye  Nepankur — called  to  interfere 
in  the  wars  of  Kolapoor  and  Sawuntwaree.— Affairs  of  these 
petty  states. — Revert  to  affairs  at  Poena. — Collusion  of 
Sewdasheo  Mankesir  and  Ehoosroojee  Moodhee. — Mr. 
Elphinstone  is  appointed  resident. — Settlement  with  the  south- 
ern jagheerdars,  who  are  compelled  to  submit  to  the  Peishwa, 
— Suppression  of  piracy  in  the  Concan. — Treaties  with, 
Eolapo<»r  and  Sawuntwaree. — ^Exultation  of  the  Peishwa— he 
raises  a  brigade  of  regular  troops. — Accusations  against 
Ehoosroojee  Moodhee  by  Sewdasheo  Bhow  Mankesir. — ^Rise 
of  Trimbukjee  DaingHa. — Bajee  Rao  extends  his  views  of 
policy— recruits  his  army. — Conduct  of  Bappoojee  Sindia  in 
regard  to  the  surrender  of  Dharwar. — Trimbukjee  Dainglia 
becomes  prime  minister. — ^Mode  of  letting  the  districts  in 
farm. — Bajee  Rao^s  neglect  of  civil  government — amasses 
considerable  wealth — perseveres  in  sequestrating  jagheers. — 
Case  of  Mahdoo  Rao  Rastia. — Plan  of  an  extensive  con- 
federacy.— Endeavours  to  establish  an  ascendancy  in  Gnzerat. 
— Affairs  of  the  Baroda  government.— Able  management  of 
Lieutaaaat-Colonel    Walker.— Claims    of    the     Peishwa— 


coNTiN'i's.  zziil. 

Page. 
coanter-claiiDs  of  the  Qaekwar. — Attempt  at  adjustment- 
fails. — Gungadhar  Shastree  is  deputed  to  Poona-^progress  of 
his  mission — ^he  is  murdered  by  Trimbnkjee. — ^Trimbnkjee  • 
d^ivered  up  to  the  British  government— efEeots  his  escape 
from  confinement. — ^The  Peishwa  raises  troops  through 
Trimbukjee,  for  the  purpose  of  maintaining  war  secretly 
against  the  British  government. — Conduct  of  the  resident 
for  defeating  this  design. — ^The  troops  assembled  are  declared 
insurgents — ^persned,  and  attacked. — Intercourse  suspended,* 
— ^Proposed  preliminary  to  an  adjustment. — Bajee  Bao  denies 
all  knowledge  of  Trimbnkjee  or  his  adherents — Befuses  to 
comply  with  the  proposed  terms. -^Poona  surronnded. — ^The 
Peishwa  submits. — New  treaty 474 

CHAPTEB  XXIV. 

Fbom  A.D.  1814  TO  A.D.  1817. 

The  Marqnis  of  Hastings  assumes  charge  of  the  government  of 
British  India. — State  of  India  from  the  increase  of  predatory 
power — Patans  and  Pindharees. — Plan  for  improving  the 
defensive  military  positions — failure  of  the  negotiations  with 
Bhopaul  and  Jeypoor — defensive  alliance  embraced  by  Appa 
Sahiby  the  regent  at  Nagpoor. — Appa  Sahib  falls  into  the 
views  of  the  Poena  court — ^murders  Pursajee. — Progress  of 
the  Pindharees. — Plans  of  the  Marquis  of  Hastings  for  the 
suppression  of  the  predatory  system — apolitical  and  military 
arrangements. — Sindia  is  forced  into  the  governor-general's 
views. — Progress  of  the  negotiations  with  the  Bajpoots, 
Umeer  Bkhan,  the  chiefs  in  Bundelcund,  and  the  nabob  of 
Bhopaul 623 

CHAPTER  XXV. 

A.D.  1817  AND  A.D.  1818. 

The  Peishwa  proceeds  to  Punderpoor — ^pretended  reduction  of 
hia  military  establishment. — Poena  auxiliary  force. — Sir 
John  Malcolm,  political  agent  of  the  governor-general,  arrives 
at  Foona--^interview  with  the  Peishwa  atMaholy— is  deceived 


XXiv,  CONTENTS. 

Page, 
by  Bajee  Rao— system  recommended  in  consequence.-" 
Advance  of  the  divisions  of  the  Deocan  army. — The  Peishwa's 
proceedings  at  Maholy — ^invests  Bappoo  Gokla  with  full 
powersr-plan  for  corrupting  the  troops-^fidelity  of  the 
sepoys — ^murder  of  the  resident  prevented  by  Qokla. — 
Festival  of  the  Dussera — alarming  appearances  at  Poona — 
The  Peishwa  hesitates — arrival  of  the  European  regiment. — 
British  troops  take  up  a  new  position — are  suddenly  attacked 
by  the  Peishwa's  army — ^battle  of  Khirkee — ^residency 
plundered  and  burnt — ^violent  proceedings  of  the  Peishwa — 
remonstrances. — Interview  between  the  resident's  moonshee 
and  Gokla. — General  Smith  returns  to  Poona — ^flight  of  the 
Peishwa.— Poona  is  occupied — pursuit  of  the  Peishwa.T-^ 
Defence  of  Korygaom* — ^The  Peishwa  continues  his  flight — 
pursuit  taken  up  by  Gederal  Pritzler — resumed  by  General 
Smith. — Mr.  Elphinstone  is  appointed  commissioner,  and  two 
divisions  of  the'  army  of  the  Deccan  placed  at  his  disposal. 
— Capture  of  Satara. — Satara  proclamation — ^new  distribution 
of  the  force. — General  Smith  surprises  the  Peishwa's  army  at 
Ashtah — death  of  Gokla"-- rescue  of  the  raja  of  Satara« — 
Affairs  of  Nagpoor — ^treach^ous  attack  on  the  British  troops. 
— Battle  of  Seetabuldee— arrival  of  General  Doveton — Appa 
Sahib  surrenders  himself — ^his  guns  are  stormed  and  taken — 
attack  on  Nagpoor  repulsed — Arabs  capitulate. — Operations 
of  General  Hardyman,  and  reduction  of  the  northern  districts. 
— Appa  Sahib  is  reinstated. — Revert  to  affairs  in  Malwa  and 
Hindostan 538 

CHAPTER.  XXVI. 

A.D..1817  AND  A.D.  1818. 

Pindharees. — Divisions  close  in  upon  the  Durras  of  Eliureem 
Ehan  and  Wasil  Mohummud — ^pursuit  of  Oheetoo  by  Sir  J. 
Malcolm. — Cheetoo  is  protected  in  Holkar's  camp — ^hostile 
appearances. — General  Malcolm  forms  a  junction  with  Sir 
Thomas  Hislop — ^battle  of  Mehidpoor — ^treaty  with  Holkar. — 
Cheetoo  is  protected  by  Jeswunt  Rao  Bhow,  one  of  Sindia's 
generals. — Jeswunt  Rao  is  in  consequence  treated  as  an 


CONTENTS.  XXV. 

Page, 
enemy- — Camp  attacked  and  Jawud  stormed  by  General 
Browne— destruction  of  the  Darras  of  Wasil  Mohummud 
and  Ebureem  Kban  and  of  Gbeetoo — dispersion  of  the 
Findharees — and  dismemberment  of  the  Patan  association. — 
Treaties  with  the  Rajpoots. — Recompense  of  the  raja  of 
Boondee  and  nabob  of  Bhopaul, — Sir  John  Malcolm  appoint- 
ed to  the  government  of  Central  India. — Operations  in 
Bundelcnnd.- -Storm  of  Talnier. — Operations  against  the 
Peishwa. — Affairs  of  Sewnee. — Bajee  Rao  reduced  to  great 
distress — writes  to  Sir  J.  Malcolm,  who'  negotiates  with  him 
— interview — surrender — terms — remarks. — Seizure  of  Trim- 
bukjee. — Escape  of  Appa  Sahib. — Siege  and  capture  of 
Asseerguih.., ;, 580 

CHAPTER  XXVII. 

A.D.  1818  AND  A.D.  1819. 

The  final  reduction  and  settlement  of  the  Peishwa's  territory. — 
Capture  of  the  principal  forts  by  General  Pritzler. — ^The  raja 
of  Satara  placed  on  his  throne. — Success  of  Genera)  Munro— 
attack  and  dispersion  of  the  remaining  infantry  at  Sbolapoor. 
— Reduction  of  the  Concan  accomplished  by  the  Bombay 
government — appointment  of  ofiicers  to  the  civil  government 
of  the  country — instructions — ^procedure. — ^The  capttu*e  of 
Mallygaom  and  Prucheetgurh  completes  the  reduction  of  the 
Peishwa's  territory — mode  of  preventing  insurrection — of 
settling  the  Bheels — detection  of  a  conspiracy. — Claims — 
the  Nizam — ^jagheerdars. — Judicial  and  revenue  administra- 
tion---Punchayet8 — rewards — charitable  donations. — Hindoo 
college. — Remarks  on  the  settlement   602 


HISTOllY 


or 


THE   MAHRATTAS. 


CHAP.  L 
From  A.D.  1772  to  A.D.  1775. 

The  Court  of  Directors  appoint  a  resident  envoy  to  Poona — 
intention  of  that  mission. — Capture  of  Baroach, — Resolu^ 
tion  of  the  Bombay  government  upon  the  receipt  of 
intelligence  from  Poona  during  the  campaign  of  Rugonath 
Rao  against  Nizam  Ally. — Negotiations  tmth  Rugonath 
Rao — resolution  to  support  him — he  refuses  to  accede  to 
the  terms. — Capture  of  Tannah. — Rugoba^  deserted  by 
Sindia  and  Holkar^  renews  the  negotiation  vnth  Bombay. — 
State  of  the  Gaehwar  family  after  the  death  of  Dttmmajee. 
— Treaty  between  Eugoba  and  the  English* 

Ths  Court  of  Directors,  in  a  despatch  to  the  Presidency 

of  Bombay,  of  the  1st  of  April  1772, 
directed  that  a  resident  envoy  should  be 
appointed  to  the  l?eishwa's  court ;  and  Mr.  Thomas  Mostyn, 
of  the  Bombay  civil  service,  who  had  formerly  been  at 
Poona  in  the  situation  of  assistant  to  Mr.  Price's  mission, 
was  selected  by  the  Court  of  Directors  for  this  important 
duty. 

The  declared  intention  of  the  East  India  Company  in 
appointing  an  envoy  was  for  thej^urpose  of  aoquirijog. 

Vol.  II,— 1 


2  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  I. 

from  time  to  time,  upon  safe  and  honorable  terms^  sach 
privileges   and  rights  as  might  be  beneficial    to    their 
commerce,  and  of  security  to  thetf  possessions,  by  main- 
taining a  friendly  intercourse  with  all  the  native  powers ; 
but  carefully  abstaining  from  active  alliance  with  any. 
The  resideilt  tv^sCi  testnK!A^'to  cnrmmunioate  to  Madras 
and  Bengal  direof  afi  ihtellig^ee  he  coidd  prtxjtore  relative 
to  the  designs  of  the  Mahrattaa,  of  a  nature  likely  to  affect 
those  presidencies  ;  but  the  principal  objects  of  the  mission 
were  to  obtain  possession  ^f  the  isfeind  of  Salsette,  the  port 
of  Bassein,  and -the  amall  islands  of  £ennery,  Sog  Island, 
Elephanta,  and  Caranja.     (The  advantage  of  these  islands^ 
was  juiltly  considered  of  ..great  importanQe,  in  order  to 
piieclude  other  nations  from  having  access  to  the  spacious 
"^and  excellent  harbour  of   Bombay,    by    far    the    mo&t 
4x>mmodiaus  port  in  India. .  It  was  already  pelebr^d  for 
its  dockyard,  and  was  well  ada()ted  to  become  the  mart, 
(X^ot^only  fo|:  the  "supply  of  the  interior  of  Western  India^ 
rbut  tiie  omporium  of  the  trade  with  China^  the  coasts  of 
.JPersiii,  Arabia,  and  the   Red  Sea.      The  occupation  of 
.S^sfftte  likewise  secured  ^the  principal  inlet  ^o  the  Mabratta 
country,  for  woollens  and  other  staples  of  England,  which 
are  said  to  have  been  at  that  time  supplied,  to  the  amount 
of  14  lakhs 'G^  l*up4^s  untitlaUy.    Thie  espeukses  :of  the 
iBotnbaiy  estabKshmeiit  far  exce^ddd  th^  receipts,  and  it 
was'hop^'^at,  by  the  posfte^sic^  ofl&ose  places,  and  the 
IMahratta  i^hare  of  the't^veiltie^D^f  3«u?at^  the  baHtaoe  vo^uld 
fee  neatly  eq^l. 

'     Pet¥niisdi)3n  for  the'^n^oy^  i^einde  a^ 
^by^^Mieih&oiO' Rtto^;  ^fid  'Mr-.  Mo»tyn  ^i^tiyed  thintea few 
days  prior  to  that  Peishwa's  death  ;  otherwise,  it  was  Mr. 
<^eifi^t3hik-B<oi^i«iM^UlidiBUc<$)^itig> iid^^  would  not 


Some  time  elapsed  be&re  ajay  evt^nt '  fayoiirable  to  the 
views  of  ihe  C!omp^ny  <wcui?recl.     The  Pop^Wj  W^^^9J[f 
i^  eonaequmce^of  oectuMA  cliiitn$  c^n.tiii^J^^l^pV  ot^^f^^^ 
due  by  right,  of  pove^eiignty  to :  the;  gijve^a^pt,  of  &w^^% 
sent  a  fcarc^  just  he^re  tlw  r^ioi*  oi  they^^  177Jij  to., 
^force  the»r  dei^aikd;  hut,  af^  ^e    eo^i^^jl^ou   fi^iled^ 
prepamtionflk'weit^  ma<)e  for  the  rei<$]iK^)  of  .h<^s(^ili^  l^J^v  . 
the  xuOQaoieii.*    This  armament  Wa^  0Qtintfira)i%Q<jl;^   in . 
Qonse^uenoe  of  the  aw^al  of  the  Nahoh  «t.  Pomb^y,  whon^e, , 
object  appeal^  to  hav^  been  merely  W  obtain  a  CQee^tiQit  ; 
of  anus  by  trusitij^g  to  the  geili^erosity  of  the  EngUeh^  in. . 
bope^  that  the  cooAdenoe,  he  had  shi^wn  might,  (^pe^f^te  in , 
hie  favi^iur^  eithejr.  by  indueifUg  &k&  Bpt^ay  government 
to,  relifii^uiah  th^ir  daiuis,  pr  by  aflfordiipig  hiiaa  ti»ie  to. 
oementj  an  aUiAU<50  vith  the  family  of  (Jaek\irar..    A-  treaty  > 
xfra9  cx^npljideA  QUs.th^  3.Qtb  ^Novemher  at  Bowibay ;  but  as 
the  terms  did  npt  come  up  to  the  full  e^t^at  of  the  JJiTahob'a. 
hopeis,  th^r  English  <^hief  at  the  jPa;?o£iGh  f^^tory  vr^  ii^,  a 
i^rt^me  t?eate4  ^itli  great  disre^peot,  on  which  ho  was 
d^ir^d  toi  ?eti?0,  to  Sufat»    The  e;?^pedition,   as  before 
piHse9ted>.w«jS  oar;pi^d  into  effect ;  an^  Japo^h^  \^ifch  thp 
lo^  Qf  thfi- gal^nt  aftd    accomplished    G^efteral    David 
Wed4$)?hurnj  w«^, taken  by  ^torm  ot^  the  18th  Novomber. 
1773-^hQ  Qapfte/day  op  w^;i^h  Mfthdo^  EaO;  d^iedf,] 

Whdn  the  resident  at  Pppp^  w4»  %st  ^nt  for  on  bwii- 
nem  by  the  ne^  ,Pei^wa,  the  c^x^hftnge,  or  an  e<iuivalent 
for  BaiHiach,.  was  one  of  th^  few  thiuga  disouseed  i  but  no> 
offer  was  made,  which  could  .  lead  to  the  subject  most» 
iinporlaJalt  to  bis  inisaion* 

After  the  murder  of  Narain  RaiP^  duiriiig  the  p;70grea9!  of: 

Eugonath  Kao's  warfare ,  with  the  Ni^am 

A  D    I773»  ' 

in  the  neighbourhood  of  Beder^  the  reports 
circulated  by  his  ei^emies  ^f  his  p^'qbg^ble  d<e^^}  or  deposi- 


4  kiSTOttT  or  THE  MAfiHATfAS.  [CHAP.  t. 

tion  induced  the  Bombay  government  to  deliberate  on 
what  wonld  then  be  the  state  of  their  relations  with  the 
Mahrattas.  They  concluded  that  the  family  of  tiie  Peishwa, 
with  whom  only  they  had  existing  treaties,  mast  become 
ektinct  by  the  demise  of  Bugoba;  and  they  conceived 
that  their  engagements  with  the  Poena  govemmenfc  only 
existed  whilst  that  family  continued  at  the  head  of  the 
administration.  Accordingly,  without  farther  scruple,  they 
determined  that,  should  either  of  the  events  alluded  to  take 
«  place,  they  would  possess  themselves  of  Salsette  by  force 
of  arms.*  The  ready  credit  given  to  those  unfavourable 
rtunours  at  Bombay,  and  a  subsequent  hasty  belief  in  the 
rising  fortunes  of  Eugoba,  are  attributable  to  the  same 
bias — a  desire  of  the  president  and  council  to .  fulfil  the 
object  of  their  employers,  and  court  their  favour  by 
possessing  themselves,  and  that  too,  at  all  events,  of  the 
long-coveted  islands. 

When  Bugonath  Bao,  instead  of  marching  with  bold 

confidence  to  Poena,  shaped  his  coarse  to 
the  northward,  he  clearly  exposed  his 
situation  to  men  less  under  the  influence  of  intere»(sed 
hopes  than  the  members  of  the  Bombay  government,  and 
betrayed  his  alarm  to  the  resident  at  Poena  by  sending  sen 
agent  with  hurried  and  indefinite  applications  for  a  great 
deal  of  money  and  a  great  many  troops  ;t  which  only 
showed  that  he  stood  in  much  need  of  aid,  but  had  a  very 
confused  idea  of  what  plan  he  should  follow  to  olbtain  it, 
or  how  to  extricate  himself  from  difficulty. 

The  Bombay  government  were  willing  to  assist  him  with 
some  men,  conditionally  :  but  further  negotiation  through 
Mr.  Mostyn  at  Poena  could  not  be  prosecuted,  owing 

*  Bombay  Secret  Consultations. 

t  Mr.  Mo8tyn*B  lottenf.    (Bombay  Records.} 


C^kt.  t.]  NEOOttATIOKS  WITH  ftUOOKAfH  RAO.  5 

to  thd  distont  retreat  of  Bugoba,  who  ooniintied  bis 
marCsh'  as  fkr*  as  Malwa.  Hiere,  after  he  had  recnuttd 
Ma  forces,  he  determined  to  reeross  the  Nerlniddah,  and 
liccOrdMglj  adTaneed  to  a  position  on  the  Taptee,  where, 
as  ahready- Glided  to^  he  SMiewed  his  orerimresfo  the 
JBnglish  through  Mr.  Robert  Gambier,  the  acting  chief  or 
CiTil  govemor  of  Snrat.  His*  ag^it  informed  Mr.  Gambier 
ihat  Rugobft  was  deslrons  of  entering  on  a  treaty  for  the 
pari>dse  of  being  fiimi^ed  with  a  sufficient  force  ^  to  carry 
him  to  Pocma,  and  estsblish  him  in  the  government ;  for 
in^hieh  he  woald  defray  the  charges  of  the  expedition,  make 
very  considerable  grants  to  the  company,  and  enter  into 
any  ^terms  of  friendllhip  and  alliance  the  jn^esident  and 

council  at  Bombay  might  choose/'*    This 

■  September  6,  , ,  i  i        t\ 

acceptable  proposal  was  received  At  Bom- 
bay on  the  6th  September,  when  the  president  and  oomicil 
agreed  to  assist  Rugoba  with  all  the  troops  they  conld 
spare^  which,  induding  a  portion  of  artillery,  amounted  to 
about  2,500  men,  on  condition  that  he  shotild  advance  15 
or  20^ lakhs  of  rupees;  and,  on  being  established  iii  the 
govei^ment  at  Poena,  cede  to  the  honorable  company,  in 
perpetuity,  Salsette,  the  small  islands  contiguous  to 
Bombay,  and  Bassein  with  its  dependencies;  The  Mabratta 
share  of  revenue  in  Siirat  and  Baroach  was,  if  possible,  to 
be  obtisLined ;  and  also  protection  from  Mabratta  inroads 
into  the  Bengal  provinces,  and  the  posdessfi<^tis  of  the 
nabob  of  the  Camatic. 

The  original  of  the  above  resolution  is  signed  by 
Mr.  William  Hornby,  governor  and  president,  Mr.  Daniel 
Draper,  Mr.  William  Tayler,  of  the  civil  service,  and 
Mr.  John  Watson,  commodore  of  the  Bombay  marine,  who 

»  * 

*  Mr,  6ambier*B  letters.    (Bombay  Beoordt.) 


g  HISTQET  or  THB  XABltATTi^.  ['CH4F«.  h 

were  tbe  comnselldrs  pxietent'to  thait.  memorable  ocoa$io]^ 
In  the  eouraebf  the  cOnsuHatfon  adolib^  arosei  wbethe;r  tt^ 
pvesid^nb  and  members  had  ft  legal  xigbt  to  enter  on  any 
treaty  Ttcithout  the  eoiiciurreiice;of  the'  g^iYi9riiQr->ge9#rali^ 
eatinoil,  sa  ihe^operatiolQ  of  tbt  Adt  of:  Parlui^i^iMj  Qf  ^7,^^ 
whicb  rendered  the  presidencies  6f '  iMa^r^s  wid  :  Q^mb^jf 
snboardiiiate'to'  BoB^l^  was. to! (have,  e^ot.in  Xiidia  ff^m 
the  Ist  of  August^  but  as  inijimation  jbtad  na^  bf^  i>90piMQ<) 
of  the  arrival  of  tfeci  members  apjKWted  frQ|i|<  JSU^ope^ 
without  wbom  the^  supreme  p8adfoist)9»tiqry  eQuoieil  <  eQutd 
nbtbeooixstitatedy  th^r.  proeoeding^  ^on  inititw«^  4^1ibd|ia'' 
tioh,  was  deidmed  imolgfeetiQnable. 

The  offers  of '  Bageba^  howerer^ »  in  alnsweir '  tp  tb^ 
proposals  of  thfe  Bombay  goivammisnfc,!  fell  very  far  short 
of  what  Wad  expeeted**  H^  positively; refused  to  cede 
8a}8etite--«ra  eegaditicHar  s0  iwii$pensable,  that:S(r.  (^a^bier^ 
without  delay,  replied  to  bi^  prop9$als  in  sucl^  t^rmf  ai^  he 
eoneeivedrhim^f  ftntborisped  to  offer,  w^tJiQUt  vras^ng  the 
time  neoessai^y  for  ft  rc>f<prenioe  i^ ,  ij^inb^^y-rrpf  wbiob 
tb0  pretid^t  andf  ooi^ndl  apprpyed.  -Bt^goba  adhei^ed  tp 
bis  original  ded^U-flition  of  nQts  relinqwhing  .^t^a^ein,  wd 
galsette  i  he  also'  ^t^t^d  his  ina^bility  to  raise  the  large 
advance  of  ^$sb,  but  offered  to  ced€>  di^fariots  aftd  claiiRft  of 
wwh  greater.  valn0  in  Grn^w?itj  a^w^^^?^S>  ^  ^9  *Q 
^l^yen  lakbs '  ann  wUy ;  Uji  pay  six  lakbs^  of  xnp^e^  in 
Adyance,^afld  one  lakh  an^fft^hglf  inontblyj  for  the  e^FP^w? 

of  1,000  Em'opeans,  2,000  sepoys,  and  16  gun?.  Thp 
government  jagfepd  to.  part,  qf  tbesj?  propo.sHiona.; , and,  on 
condition  of  bi»,maldug, the  ci^^siqn  up  tp  18^  lakhs,,  tb^y 
ev^n  consented  to  >  waive  the,  gra^  p.cqW8ition  of  Salsette; 
but  at  this  ^t^e.  of  the*  negotiation  th^y  were  alarmed  by 

the  receipt  of  intelligence  from  their  envoy  at  Goa,  that 
the  Portuguese  goyernmiMit.. had  Pent  afojipidable  arma- 


€Hir.  1.3  BXFIDliriOK  iK6AIlK8T.  T^KMAB.  7 

meiit  from  Europe,  for  ibe  avowed  purpose  of  ceoorering 
their  lost  pocBessiona^  isidadi^g  ^Solseite  and  Baasein% 

Offers  to  snisroxder  4be  fort  of  Taonohy  hy  the  Mabratta 
ofikier  in  charge,  for  -timmxm  of  ;2',60,000  Bupee^  had 
been  made  Ao  Mh  HornlDrjr^.  ab'.eatiji  as  .  the  'preoeding 
iBootiiA  lof  February  or  Marcbj ,  at  a.  .iioJie.  when  ibe  greatest 
eonibsioB  prevailed  at  Foona^  and,  with,  the  oonlieDt .  of  his 
eouncil,  Mr.  Biornhj.. offered  one  lakh..  The  Mahratta 
awthocitieB  weredispeeed  t^  betrajri  tkefe  trust  for  1,20,000 
rapees,  whioh  'would  Jia.ve .  been  oompiiod  with,  but,  on 
considering  ItSie  istaite  of  ibe  Mafatatta  goveriiiiKent,  and  tho 
ptobftbility  of  obtaining^  possession  by  lother  n^eans,  ihe 
iMgotsatieiit  wjth.tbarkiUadaT:waft  suspended*  On  receipt, 
hQwe¥er,  of.the.'initeUigefeice  &om  O^a,  :the  scheme  was 
t^iewed,  and  Mh  Mo^tjoi  ^as  instruoted,  in  case  of  their 
obtaining  |)oi)tiession,  to  >  uaa;  every  possible  endeavour  to 
reconcile  it  to/iha.  ministeriai  party,  as  a  measure  df 
pt^eeaution  to  prevent,  the  (island  from  falling  into  tibe 
haniis  of  the  l^irtii^eae  ;  and  to  Bugoba  ainiilar  assu^ 
ranees  were  to  be  giv£9i.  In  .tiie  ineantinie,  information  of 
the  .pif^xaratiOns  ait  Goa-  had  ibeen  reccdved  at  Poena,  and 
had  ind!iK^Qdi4h0  mitiisterEi  .to  reinforce  .the  garrison  of 
Xan^ah^thr^QO  nlen .;  w^ioh/cireomstonce,  and  the  strict 
watch  Jk^  iip,j  effeotua%!  i  obstructed  the  designs  of  the 
Jii[ahratt;a.pt|rty  displ)sed!to  make  it  over. 

In^nse(]^eQii2e  Q?(thi&  disappointmsnt,  and  the  addhi- 
iifMif^obftsf^^^  with  IKhieh:  they,  sbdold. have  to  contend  in 
attempting  to  reduce  it  by  for^^,  ike  matter  was  again 

*.'     vv  '*.'       d<dibeB«S)ed  bmrthe  9th  December,  when 

,,;  .,    .  i jtl]#;^esiddnt  m  iCouQ^  oetennined,  at  lA 

events,  that  they  ought  to  anticipate  the  Portuguese.     An 

iexpediiwinj;cta«i»ti»g  of  15210  -EJiaropeans,  including  artiBery^ 

*l,t)00    s^poyls,  *  and    200*   gun-lascars,.  was  accoidingly 


9  .   HISTOBT  OF  THE  ICAH&iTTAS  [CHAP.I. 

prepared  under  the  command  of  Brigadier-General  Bobert 
Gordon ;  and  although  the  situatioii  of  Tannah  was  suob 
as  to  preclude  the  employment  of  the  larger  vessels  of  the 
company's  marine,  as  the  gOTemor  expressed  a  wish  tiasM 
Commodore  Watson  should  superintend  the  naval  part  of 
the  enterprize,  and  have  joint  authority  with  General 
Ghrdon,  the  commodore,  on  the  general's  acquiescence  in; 
the  arrangement,  cheerfuUy  complied.    The  .troops  pro^ 

ceeded  on  the  12th  of  December,  and  on 
the  ensuing  day  a  part  of  the  Portuguese 
fleet  anchored  in  the  mouth  of  the  harbour  of  Bombay,  and 
formally  protested  against  iiieir  proceedings.  The  presi- 
dent and  council  used  many  arguments  in  justification  of 
thdir    measures ;  .  they    declared    they  would  issue    no 

countermand,  and  batteries  were  opened 

against  Tannah  on  the  20th  December. 

On  the  eighth  day  ^e  breach  was  considered  practioaUe, 

but  it  was  necessary  to  fill  up  the  ditch  before  they  eould 

advance  to  the  assault.     They  attempted  this  operation  on 

T^o«.mw  97      ^®  ^^S^^  ^^  *^®  •  2^*^  December,  when 

UeoemDer  27.       ,,  />   •     i  .  .  .  ,     ,     . 

they  were  forced  to  retire  ivith  the  loss  of 
100  Europeans,  including  officers  killed  and  wounded ; 
but  next  evening  the  fort  was  carried  by  assault,  when 
the  soldiers,  exasperated  by  their  loss,  put  the  greater 
part  of  the  garrison  to  the  sword.  Among  the  sufferers 
at  Tannah  was  Commodore  John  Watson,  a  brave  and 
experienced  officer,  who  was  mortally  wounded*  on  the 
third  day.  of  the  siege. 

A  separate  detachment  under  the  .command  of  Ldeute-  ' 
nant-Oolonel  Keating  waa  sent  to  take  possession  of  the 

*  His  wounds  wexp  most  punf  al,  bat  mtb^  singnlftr  to  oocMioA 
death.  A  cannon-Bhot  struck  t&e  sand  close  to  him,  and  droTC  tha 
particles  into  hia  body. 


ankt,  t.l  sEdttsioH  of  holKAb  and  SINDU.  9 

fort  of  VefSora,  on  thd  nofihem  extremity  of  Salsett^.  The 
island  of  Oaranja  (or  Oorun,  according  to  the  Mahrattas) 
was  also  occtfpied,  and  the  whole  of  Salsette  reduced, 
before  New  Year's  tkif.* 

In  tile  meantime  the  negotiations  With  Bugoba  were 
continued^  but  the  ministers  having  secretly  engaged 
Sindia  and  Holkar  in  their  interests,  and  collected  an  army 
of  about  30,000  men,  quitted  Poorundhur  on  the  27th 
Kovember,  and  advanced  towards  the  Taptee.  Rugonath 
Rao  was  apprized  of  the  secession  of  Holkat  and  Sindia  in 
rafficient  time  to  escape  from  being  surrounded,  and,  hav«> 
Ing  thr6wn  a  strong  garrison  into  Talneir,  he  retired 
toward  Gtizerat ;  but^  in  consequence  of  the  advanced  statd 
of  the  pregnancy  of  his  wife  Anundee  Bye,  he  left  her  in 
the  fort  of  Dhar,  where  she  was  shortly  after  delivered  of 
Bajee  Rao  Rugonath,f  destined  to  become  the  last  of  the 
Peishwae; 

Rugobl  conttetied  Ms  rfetreat  towards  Baroda,  at  which 
'  ^  '  '  plaice  lie  arrived  on  the  3rd  January,  with 
•about  10,000  horse  and  400  infantry. 
Hurry  Punt  Phurkay,  after  reducing  Talneir,  was  sent  in 
pursuit  of  him  ;  but  Sukaram  Bappoo  and  Nana  Fumuwee^ 
returned  to  the  fort  of  Poorundhur,  where  all  affairs  eon-* 
tinned  to  be  isransacted* 

Rugoba's  design  in  retiring  to  Guzerat  was  obviously 
to  conclude  his  negotiation  with  the  English,  and  to  obtain 
.  the  aid  of  Clovind  Rao  Gaekwar.  The  latter,  at  the  period 
of  Rugoba's  arrival,  was  besieging  his  brother  Putih  Sing 
m  Biuroda,  assisted  by  his  uncle  Khundee  Rao  Gaekwar, 
jaghe6rdar  of  Neriad. 

The  reader  may  recollect  that  Govind  Rao  Gaekwar  was 

*  Bombay  Beoords. 

t  Mr.  Moatyn's  letter,  Mahratta  MSS.,  and  oral  information. 
Vol,  II,— 2 


t 


10  HISTORY  OP  THE  MAHBATTAS.  [OHAP.  1. 

I 

sent  by  his  father  Dommajee  to  support  Bugonath  Bao 
against  Mahdoo  Bao  in  the  rebellion  of  1768.  Shortly 
after  its  suppression,  Damn^ajee  died,  leaving  four  sons— 
Syajee,  Govind  Bao,  Manikjee,  and  Futih  Sing.  The  two 
last  were  the  youngest  and  full  brothers  by  the  third  wife. 
Syajee  was  the  eldest  son,  but  by  Dummajee's  second  wife. 
Govind  Bao  was  his  second  son,  but  by  the  first  married 
wife.  Such  a  claim  to  succession  as  that  of  Syajee  and 
Govind  Bao  always  occasions  disputes  among  Mahrattas,  as 
there  are  precedents  for  the  superiority  of  either  party. 
Govind  Bao  was  at  Poena  at  the  time  of  his  father's  death^ 
a  prisoner  at  large,  in  consequence  of  having  supported 
Bugonath  Bao.  His  claim  to  the  succession  and  to  his 
father's  rank  of  Sena  Khas  Kheyl  does  not,-  in  the  first 
instance,  appear  to  have  been  disputed.  Upon  his  paying 
a  fine  of  upwards  of  23  lakhs  of  rupees  for  his  •  late  delin- 
quency, a  nuzur  of  21  lakhs,  and  other  exaction^  amount- 
ing in  all  to  upwards  of  50^  lakhs  **  and  having  also 
agreed  to  pay  a  tribute  of  7,79,000  rupees  annually,  to 
keep  3,000  horse  constantly  in  the  service  at  Poena,  and 

*  The  following; is  the  exaot  account,  as.  extracted  from  thePoona 
Bta^  papers  :^- 

Bs. 

Tribofte  of  last  year  6,26,000 

Fine  for  non-attendance  in  1768 J....    23,26,000  ' 

Nazur,  for  conflrmation  in  the  title  .of  Sena- 

Khas  Khey),  with  tiie  districts  and  jagheer, 

according  to  ancient  custom  ;.    21,00,000 

Babey  babut»      1,00,000 

On  account  of  the  amount  leried,  in  addition 

to  the  assignment  given  ta  Mokhund  ELassee.  2,630 

50,52,680    0 

On  account  of  gold  received  in  part 8;716    2 

Rupees  60,48,914  14 

1  Probably  on  account  of  the  districts  conquered  from  Juwan  Murd 
Khan  Babey  by  Dommajee,  of  which  Bugonath  Bao  promised  to  exact 
no  share. 


• 


CHAP.'  I,]  STATE  iOf  THE  OAEKWAB  FAMILY.  H 

4^000  when  the  Peishwa  was  at  war,  the  title  and  posses- 
sions of  his  father  were  conferred  upon  Gx>vind  Bao. 

Syajee  Graekwar,  the  eldest  son,  was  an  idiot,  but  his 
youngest  brother,  Futih  Sing,  urged  the  claim  of  Byajee 
to  the  succession ;  and  in  the  year  17T1  Futih  Sing  came 
to  the  Peishwa's  court,  where  he  prosecuted  Syajee's  pre- 
tensions, and  at  last  succeeded.     Bam  Shastree  is  said  to 
haye  decided  the  suit  in  favour  of  Syajee  ;  and  as  Mahdoo 
Kao's  policy  was  directed  to  circumscribe  the  power  of  the 
Gaekwar  family,«he  could  not  have  taken  a  more  effectual 
means,  short  of  absolute  reduction,   than  that  which  he 
adopted  by  acceding  to  the  views  of  Futih  Sing  in  appoint- 
ing him  mootaliq  to  his  brother  Syajee,  now  Sena   Khas 
E^heyl,    which,   of  course,   occasioned    an    irreconcilable 
difference    between  Futih   Sing  and  Govind  Rao.     On 
representations,  probably,  of  the  necessity  of  keeping  his 
whole  force  in  Guzerat,  to  enable  him  to  resist  any  insur-^ 
rection  caused  by  the  partizans  of  his  brother  Gt)vind  Rao, 
Futih  Sing  was  permitted  to  withdraw  the  contingent  of 
horse,  on  agreeing  to  pay  at  the  rate  of  rupees  6,75,000  a 
yearduring  their  non-attendance.     But  Futih  Sing  had 
other  views*     In  his  own  schemes  for  supporting  Syajee, 
he  did  not  overlook  the  motrves.  which  induced   Mahdoo 
Bao  to  give  him  the  preference  as.mootaliq,  and  he  returned 
to  Baroday  determined  to  strengthen  himself  against   any 
designs  the  Peishwa  might  meditate.     For  this  purpose  he 
made  overtures  to  the  ,  Bombay,  goyernment  early  in  the 
year  1772,  offering  to  enter  on  an  offensive  and  defensive 
alliance,  on  terms  advantageous  to  the  company ;  but  his 
proposal,  was  rejected  as  at  vswiance  with  the  orders  of  the 
Court  of  Directors.     Eicept  a  short  contraxjt,  concluded 
witihi  Futih  Sing  by  Mr.  Price,  on  the  12th  January  1773, 
respecting,  the   Gaekwar's   dividend  of  the   revenues  of 


1%  BISTORT  OF  THV  HAHBATTA8.  [OHAP.  L 

Baroaeh,  which  was  to  continue  on  &e  same  footing  as 
when  under  the  govm'nment  of  the  nabob,  no  other  agree** 
inent  of  £|,ny  sort  existed  between  him  and  the  East  India 
Company, 

After  Narain  Bao's  murder,  and  Bugoba's  accession  to 
the  office  of  Peishwa,  Govind  Bao's  claim  was  again 
recognised,  and,  prior  to  Bugoba's  departure  for  the 
Carnatic,  whilst  his  army  was  encamped  at  Kulburga, 
Govind  Bao  was  invested  as  Sena  Khas  Kfaeyl,  and  imme^ 
diately  set  off  for  Guzerat  in  order  to  endeavour  to  wrest 
the  government  from  Futih  Sing.  From  that  time  the 
two  brothers  had  been  in  a  state  of  constant  warfare  until 
^ugonath  Bap's  arrival,  who,  as  already  noticed,  found 
Govind  Bao  engaged  in  the  siege  of  Baroda. 

As  soon  as  Bugoba  came  into  Guzerat,  he  renewed  the 
liQgotiation  with  Mr*  Gambier,  but  it  was  temporarily 
imp^^ed,  owing  to  a  misfortune  which  befel  his  accredited 
^glmty  Nowruttuqdass,  who  was  taken  prisoner  by  Futih 
Sing's  troops,  when  employed  with  a  party  pf  Govind 
Bao's  horse  in  raising  revenues  from  the  districts  south  of 
Surat  Various  drafts  for  a  treaty  had  been,  t^derdd  on 
both  sides,  and  much  time  lost  by  i^e  dilatory  preoisenessy* 
rather  ihm  the  indecision,  of  the  Bombay  goremment. 

The  treaty  wh«a  finally  conduded,  on  the 
6th  March,  consisted  of  16  articles,  by 
which  all  former  treaties  between  the  two  governments  were 
^nfirmed,  and  neither  party  was  to  assist  the  enemies  of 
the  other.  The  Bombay  government  engaged  to  send 
immediately  500  Europeans  and  1,000  sepoys,  with  a  due 
proportion  of  artillery,  to  assist  Bugoba^  and  pledge^ 
themselves  to  make  up  the  number  to  700  or  800  Euro- 
peans and  1,700  sepoys,  with  gun-lascars,  artificers,  and 
pioneerS;  the  whole  amounting  to  3,000  men.    Bugoba 


CHAP,  t.]       TBBATT  BETWMM  RUQOBA  AND  THE  BKOLISH.  13 

engaged  to  pay,  on  account  of  2,500  men,  one  lakh 
and  a  half  of  rupees  monthly,  with  a  proportionate 
increase  or  decrease  according  to  the  number  of  men  ; 
and,  as  a  security  for  the  payment,  he  made  over  tempora- 
rily the  districts  of  Amod,  Hansot,  Yersaul,  and  a  part  of 
Oklaseer.  He  ceded  in  perpetuity  Bassein  with  its 
dependencies,  the  island  of  Salsette  and  the  other  islands, 
the  districts  of  Jumbooseer,  Oolpar,  and  an  assignment  of 
75,000  rupees  annually  upon  Oklaseer^  the  whole  amount- 
ing to  19,2i5,000  rupees.  He  engaged  to  procure  the 
cession  of  the  Gaekwar's  share  of  the  Baroach  revenue, 
and  to  pay  all  e:spense9  the  company  might  incur  in 
obtaining  possession  of  the  specified  cessibtis,  which  were 
to  be  considered  as  belonging  to  them  from  the  date  of 
the  treaty.  As  Bugonath  Rao  was  destitute  of  other 
funds,  he  deposited  jewels,  valued  at  upwards  of  six  lakhs,* 
as  a  security  for  the  promised  advance,  pledging  himself 
to  redeem  them.  The  protection  of  the  compkujr's  pos^- 
sion  in  Bengal,  and  those  of  their  ally  the  nabob  of  Arcot, 
as  lon^  as  the  latter  adhered  to  the  existing  (sngagement 
with  the  Mahrattas,  was  also  provided  for ;  and  all,  British 
ships,  or  vessels  sailing  under  the  protection  of  the 
British  flag,  which  might  have ,  the  misfortune  to  be 
wrecked  on  the  Mahratta  ooaat,  were,  as  &lt  as  practicable, 
to  be  restored  to  the  owners,  together  with  such  cargoes 
and  stores  as  might  be  saved. 

Such  was  the  substance  of  a  treaty  between  the  Bom- 
^fty  government  and  Rugoba,  which  occasioned  infinite 
discussions  amongst  the  English  in  India  and  in  Europe, 
and  led  tc^  what  is  generally  termed  Ihe  first  Mahratta  war. 

*  About  2&  years  sf  terwftrda,  on  Bajee  Bfto*8  reslioratioxi  in  1809^ 
these  jewels  were  delivered  to  Iiim  as  a  free  gift  from  the  honorable 
company. 


14 


CHAP.    II.  . 
A.  D.  1776. 

Expedition^  under  Colonel  Keating^  sails  for  GuzeraU--^ 
Defeat  of  Rugonath  Rao—fiees  to  Surat^^  joined  by 
Colonel  Keating — lands,  at  Carnbay— approbation  of  the 
Bombay  government-^dissent  of  Mr,  Draper,, — InstnLC'- 
tions  to  Colonel  Keating — he  forms  a  junction  with 
Rugoba^s  troops — march  to  Neriqd. — detail  of  opera-, 
tions. — Colonel  Keating  negotiates — his  envoy  derided  anfiL 

.  insulted — Rugonath  Rao  is  persuaded  to  move  towards  tim 
Deccan. — Battle  ofArass.  — Surprise  .at  Bowpeer.-^  Treaty 
with  Futih  Sing. — Prospects  of  the  belligerents  •at  the  close 
of  the  season.  , 

•  ..     '  •  •  ■  •  •  ■  ■  •      •  •  ■    ■  .     . 

,  .  ... 

The  Bombay  government^  before  the  treaty  wais  finally 

pean  .artillery,:  350  European  infaatry,: 
800  sepoys,  and  160  gtln-lascars,  which,  with  their. 'dom- 
pletneht  of;  officers  and  non-commissioned  officers^  made^ 
up  the  1,500  men  for  in^ediate  service.  A  reinforce^ 
ment  was  to  follow  on  the  axrival  of  the  troops  expedbed 
from  Madras.         '  - 

.  Lieuteaant^Colonel  l^homas  Keating^  commandant  of 
the  artillery  and  engineers  under  the  Bombay  presidency, 
was  selected  for  the'.CK)Jni»Bgid  iii  \pref«reSQ^  .to  Colcjnel 
Egerton,  who  was  the  next  senior  officer  to  General 
Gordon,  but  whose  health  was  supposed  to  di8c(uaEfy  hiui 
for  active  service. 


OHAP.  U.3  DKfBAT  OF  RUGONATH  RAO.  15 

Lieutenant*Colonel  Keating's  detachment  sailed  from 

Bombay  in  the  end  of  February,  but  in 
tebmary.  ^^    ,neantime  the  army    under    Hurry 

Punt  Phurkay,  accompanied  by  a  part  of  the  troops  of 
Holkar  and  SindJa,  amounting  in  all  to  about  30,000  men, 
had  entered  Ouzerat  in  pursuit  ot  Bugonath  Rao,  which 
obliged  him  and  Qovind  Bao  to  raise  the  siege  of  Baroda, 
and  retire  beyond,  the  Myhie,  near  to  which,  at  the  village 

of.Wtissud,  he  was  encamped,  when,  on 
the  17th  February,  the  ministerial  army 
arrived  in  his  neighbourhood. 

According  to  a.  plan  suggested  by  the  local  knowledge  of 
Futih  Sing,  the  ministerial  army,  on  the  afbernoon  of  the 
same  day, .  suddeiidy  crossed  the  river  in  three  divisions  at 
separate  fprds  ;  and  whilst  Eugonaih  Rao's  army  was 
preparing  to  r^pel.the  centre  attack^  before  Govind  Bao 
and  Khun(Jee  Bao  G&ekV^aX)  who  .were  encamped  on  the 
plain  at  a  short  distance' in  the  reary  could  come  to  his 
assistance,  il^e  pther,.divii3ions  took. him  in  both  flanks  ;  a 
body  of  Arabs,  y^hpiii  he  hafl  lately  entertained,  refused  to 
fight  without  pay ;  l^^an^JOisciPhakray*  and  Sufcaram  Hurry, 
two  of  his  best  officers  were.wounded  in  the  commencement ; 
the.  groun^d  was  confined^  the.  confusion  universal,  and 
Bugoba,  fancying  that  .he  was  aboii^  to  be  seized  by  his  own 
troops^  suddenlysetoff  from  the  field  of  battle,  and.fled  with 
ftbout  1,000  horse  to  Oa;mbay.  The>  nabob  of  that  place, 
yho; .  had .  heforei  intended  to  unite  with  him,  was  now 
apprehensive  of  the  cqQsequences  of  affcmling  protection 
to  a  fugitive.  Rugoba,  therefore,  applied  to  Mr.'  Charles 
Malet,  at  that  time  ohic^  of  th^  English. factory,  who  had 

•    *  * 

*'  Maikiijee  Phakray  -vras  one  of  the  legitimate  Siildiad  Of  Kunneir- 
Isheiry.aQd  in  oo^sequenoewas  more  respected  among  tliQ  old  Silaliratta 
families  than  the  great  Mahadajee  Slndia.  We  shall  have  frequent 
oooa»6n  to  mention  Mi^nnajee  Sindia,  sumamed  Phakray,  or  the  heroic. 


16  fllStORT  QV  THB  «AHttAWA8.  [dtfAP.  th 

only  heard  by  common  report  of  tiie  pending  negotiation 
between  Bngonath  Rao  and  the  Bombay  gdvemment,  bnt 
readily  assisted  to  get  him  conveyed  to  Bhownuggur, 
whence  he  embarked  for  Sarat^  and  had  been  four  days,  at 
that  place,  when  the  ressels,  on  board  of  which  were 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Keating's    detachment,   anchored    at 

Surat  bar  on  the  27th  February.  In  the 
meantime  the  defeated  army  of  Rugoba, 
under  Gbvind  Rao  and  Khundee  Rao  Qaekwar,  Sewda-^ 
sheo  Ramchundur,  Mannajee  Phakray,  and  Sukaram 
Hurry,  retired  to  Kupperwunj,  and  thence  to  Pulhanpoor. 
For  the  purpose  of  forming  a  junction  with  those  chiefs, 
it  was  proposed  to  disembark  the  British  troops  at  Cambay. 
The  members  of  the  Bombay  government  approved  of  that 
plan,  with  the  exception  of  Mr^  Daniel  Draper,  one  of  the 

members  of  council,  who,  at  a  consultatioti 
on  the  7th  March,  dissented,  because,  as^ 
no  formal  change  or  ratification  of  the  treaty  had  taken 
place,  he  conceived  the  circumstances  to  be  so  much 
altered,  and  their  means  so  inadequate  to  thoend  proposed^ 
ilajai,  delay  was  both  justifiable  and  advisable,  at  least  until 
it  Qould  be  aso^rtained  what  number  of  Rugoba's  party 
^ftSi;lLtt£^ly  to  re-assemble,  and  what  resources  of  money 
astd  of '  troops  could  be  afforded  from  the  other  presiden- 
dm^i  iMr.  Drsqier  recommended  that  the  detachment 
s^£0«I4  rBmaiik>mth  Riigoba  at  Surat  to  protect  that  place' 
and  Baroaoh/iJD  give  donfidt^nc^  to  Iris  dause,  and,  ytith 
Bugoba's  concnnenoe^  to  mcsw^e  the  revenues  of  the  diar 
trticts  to  be  ceded« 

It  80.  happened  that  thio  treaty  was  signed  at  Surat  by^ 
Rugoba^on  the  6th  March-^the  day  before  this  dissent  was 
made;  but  the  president  and  the  other  members  at  once 
decided  that  it  was  more  advisable  to  proceed ;  in  abort, 


CHAP,  n]  THE  SNOLI8H.TAKB  TBI  FIXLD.  it 

that  inaction  would  be  tantamotmt  to  desertion  of  the 
cause,  and  equally  impolitic  and  spiritless.  Gkivernor 
Hornby  seems  to  hava  had  an*  idea  thai  hi»  1)^500  men 
might  overcome  the  whole  Mahratta  army;  nor  is  tbd 
confidence  and  inexperience  o(  Colonel  Keating  less  appa- 
rent, for,  on  meeting  tibe-  forlorn  Rugoba  at  Surat,  he 
congratulates  the  Bombay  goTemment  on*  their  good  for- 
tune at  finding  the  ex-Peishwa  so  entirely  dependent  on 
them  for  his  future  success.  The  British  detachment, 
accompanied  by  Bugoba,  proceeded  to  Cambay,  where  they 

landed  on  the*  17th*  March*;  Colonel  Keat- 
ing, however,  before  he  quitted  Surat,  pro- 
bably in  order  to  show  their  new  ally  his  alacrity — for 
it  could  be  attended  with  no  other  advantacre — commenced 
the  war  by  attacking  a  party  of  horse  belonging  to 
the  ministerial  army,  which  appeared  in  the  neighbour- 
hood. The  Mahrattas  withdrew  and  awaited  his 
embarkation,  when  they  tools  ample-  revenge,  by 
plundering  all  within  their  reacb  who*  acknowledged  the 
English  authority. 

Colonel  Keating-8  instructions  were  far  from:  precise,  but 
almost  exclusively  of  Bt  military  nature.  The  object  of 
the  expedition  which  he  was  appointed  to  command  was 
briefly  stated ;  he  wae  sent,  according  to  the  words,  "for- 
the  assistance  of  Bugoba  against  all  his  enemies^  the  minis- 
terial party  and  their  adherents  ;^  to  move  with>  his-  army, 
and  to  do  everything  for  bringing  the  war  to^a  speedy  and 
happy  issue,  that  he  (Bugoba)  may  desire,  and  which  he 
(Colonel  Keating)  may  think  the  force  under  his  command 
ab]e  to  effect.'^  Strict  discipline  among  his  troops,  and 
particular  attention  to  the  prejudices  of  the  iiatives ;  regular 
and  constant  information,  both  of  his  own  proceedings, 
and  of  the    views,  expectations,  and    designs    of   their 

Vol.  II.— 3 


18  HISTOKT  OF  THE  UJLBMATtAM,  [(MAf.  H. 

ally,  were  the  leading  points  partioiilarly  enjoined  by 
goyemment,  # 

Colonel  Keating,  was  not  anUi^rieed  to  at$t  in  ady  poli- 
tical capacity  beyond  the  tenor  of  tiieae  orders ;  but,  from 
an  injudicious  and  exoessive  zeal,  often  as  prejudicial  to 
the  public  service  as  its  opposite  defect,  be  was  ambitious 
of  distinguishing  himself  as  a  politician,  and  entered  into 
a  correspondence  with  Futih  Bing,  shorUy  after  he  landed 
at  Cambay,  for  the  purpose  of  detaching  him  from  the 
ministerial  party,  by  persuading  him ,  that  it  was  for  his 
benefit.  But  those  who  do  not  perceive  their  real  interest 
before  it  is  pointed  out  by  an  enemy^  are  not  likely  to  be 
convinced  by  mere  reasoning.  Colonel  Keating  had  no 
personal  knowledge  of  Futih  Sing,  no  direct  overtures 
had  been  made,  and  the  British  detadiment  bad  as  .yet 
gained  neither  advantage  nor  reputation,  toothing  under 
these  circumstancea  was  to  be  expected  from  negotiating, 
especially  with  a  Mahratta,  but  humiliation  and  disappoint- 
ment.^ Before  quittipg  Cambay,  Colonel  Keating's  detach- 
ment was  reinforced  by  the  arrival  of  two  companies  of 
European  grenadiers,  and  one  battalion  of  sepoys,  from 
Madras,  which  made  up  the  stipulated  complement  of 

2,500  men.     On  the  19th   of  April  the 
^^"^  ^^-  detachment  formed  a  junction  with  the 

fugitive  army  of  Bugoba  at  the  village  of  Durmuj,  eleven 
miles  north-east  from  Cambay,  where  Rugoba's  late  fol«^ 
lowers  assembled,  principally,  ^t  would  appear,  in  hopes  of 
receiving  their  arrears.  Mannajee  Phakray  and  Sukaram 
Hurry  were  offioers  of  reputation,  aud  faithful  to  Bugoba'd 
cause ;  but  their  own  &Ilowers,  amounting  to  6,000  or 
8,000>  were  without  pay,  mutinous  and  clamorous:  the 
whole  multitude  which  assembled,  in  their  camp,  estimated 
at  upwards  of  20,000    men,  were  worse  than   useless^ 


CHAP.  H.]  STRWQTH  OF  THE  MAHIATTA   ARMY.  19 

Colonel  Keating,  pleased  with  the  formidable  spectacle 
which  the  tents,  and  flags,  and  crowd  of  a  Mahratta  camp 
present,  congratniated  biiAself  and  the  presidency  on  their 
prospects,  but  in  the  same  despatch  earnestly  solicits  a 
supply  of  treasure,  and  informs  the  govemmtot  of  his 
having  advanced  what  he  conld  from  his  military 
chest,  that  the  spirit'  of  sueh  an  army  might  not 
be  damped. 

The  ministerial  party  had  succeeded  in  detaching  Khundee 
Hao  Gaekwar  from  the  cause  of  Bngoba,  but  were  consi<- 
derably  weakened  by  the  return  of  Holkar  and  Sindia, 
with  about  12,000  horse;  to  Malwa,  for  reasons  which  are 
nowhere  satisfactorily  shown.  Bugoba's  party  interpreted 
their  departure  as  a  secession  in  his  favour,  and  it  proba^- 
bly  did  proceed,  on  the  part  of-  Sindia,  from  his  being 
called  upon  by  Sukaram  Bappoo  to  account  for  arrears 
due  to  the  Peishwa — a  circumstance  to  which  may  be 
attributed  the  enmity  which  subsisted  between  Mahadajee 
Sindia  and 'Sukaram  even  after  this  period,  but  could  have 
oecasionedno  material  alteration  in  Sindia^s  policy,  as 
both  Sindia  and  Holkar  were  at  Poena  a  few  months  after- 
wards. 

It  was,  however,  confidently  asserted  by  Bugoba's  party 
that  Sindia  intended  to  join  them,  and  that  Holkar  would 
never  act  against  Mahadajee  Sindia.  The  whole  army 
under  Hurry  Punt,  when  joined' by  Futih  Sing,  amounted 
to  about  25,000  men,  of  which  5,000  were  infantry. 
Harry  Punt,  in  permitting  the  crowd  to  assemble  about 
Bn^oba  at  such  a  distance  from  the  capital,  after  the  seam>n 
when  the  revenues  were  collected,  and  when  the  rains 
might  be  expected  in  £he  course  of  six  weeks,  acted  more 
jndidloufily  than  if  lid  had  harassed  Im  own  troops  to  pre« 
vent  the  junction  c^  his  enemies. 


20  BISTORT  OF  TBS  MABBATTAS.  [CBAP«  n. 

On  the  23rd  of  April,  the  army  of  Rugobky  the  strength 

of  which  lay  in  the  British  detachment, 

April  23  .  ' 

moved  from  Durmuj  to  Wursura,  and 
from  thence  to  the  Saburmattee.  They  then  moved 
aiorthward  towards  Kaira,  but  did  not  reach  Mahtur,  a 
vilkge  30  ^miles  north  of  Cambay,  until  the  3rd  May. 

.  This  inactivity,  in  the  first  inslance,  was 

unavoidable ;  the  reinforcements  had  not 
arrived,  and  the  commissariat  of  the  Bombay  troops  was 
extremely  defective  ;  the  delay  in  advancing  was  attributed 
to  the  numerous  carts,  baggage,  and  bazar;  but,  no  doubt, 
was  partly  owing  to  the  want  ef  arrangement  on  the  part 
of  the  commanding  officer  ;  and,  above  all,  to  the  indecision 
of  Rugoba,  who  was  inclined  to  proceed  to  Ahmedabad 
and  remain  in  Guzerat  during  ihe  monsoon  ;  but  like 
Bombay  government  disapproved  of  (this  intention,  and 
strongly  recommended  him  to  push  on  to  Poona  at  once* 

Before  the  army  arrived  at  Mabtur,  they  had  two  partial 
actions  with  Hurry  Punt ;  the  first  took  place  on  the  28A. 
April,  sJt  the  village  of  Ussaumlee,  and  was  entirely 
maintainedby  the  EngUsh  detachment,  with  very  trifling 
loss  ;  the  second  was  four  days  afterwards,  when  50  or  60 
>of  Bugoba's  army  were  killed  or  wounded — a  loss  which 
dispirited  them  ever  after ;  but  the  enemy  experienced  a 
much  greater,  having  made  an  attempt  on  the  left  of  the 
English  line,  where  they  met  with  a  severe  repulse. 

Colonel  Seating,  at  length,  by  positive  orders  from 
Bombay,  prevailed  on  Bugoba  to  change  the  diiection  of 
Jiis  route,  and  proceed  towards  Poena.     They  accordingly 

moved  on  the  5th ;  and  before  they  reached 
May  .6.  Neriad,  on  the  8th,    were  again  twice 

opposed— K^nce  in  the  mode  usual  for 
Hahratta  horse,  and  a  second  time  in  the  same  manner, 


OHAF.  U.]  NSaOTIATIONS  BT  COLONEL  KKATINQ.  21 

bat  supported  by  some  pieces  of  cannon.  As  Neriad  was 
«  considerable  town  in  possession  of  Ehnndee  Rao 
Qaekwar^  Rugoba,  to  punish  his  defection,  and  administer 
to  his  own  neeessiiies,  imposed  a  contribution  of  60,000 
rupees :  but,  after  wasting  one  week,  he  could  only  collect 
40,000.  On  the  14tb  the  army  crept  forward  three  miles 
further  to  the  westward,  and  expected  to  haye  a  decisive 
ftction  at  ihe  Myhie  ;  as  it  was  known  in '  the  Mahratte 
camp  that  Hurry  Pont  Phurkay  had  received  orders  from 
Poena  to  attack  Rugoba  in  case  he  shenld  attempt  to  pass 
that  rivier. 

Colonel  Keating^  in  ihe  meantime,  had  continued  his 

correspeadence  with'Futih  Sing  Qaekwar;  and  although 

aware  that  it  had  been  disceYei«ed  by  Hurry  Punt  Phurkay 

from  the  first,  he  still  persuaded  himself  that  he  should  be 

able  to  bring  over  Futih  Sing.     He  even  entered  into  a 

treaty  oa  the  22nd  April,  secret  as  he  supposed,  and  as 

Futih   Sing  pretended  ;  and    Colonel    Keatirig    was  so 

credulous  as  to  send  an  agent,  Lkutenant  G-eorge  Lovibond, 

to  the  camp  of  Futih  Sing,  for  the  purpose  of  having  it 

ratified.     The  agent  was  very  grossly  insulted,  and  the 

mission  must  have  furnished  a  subject  for  ridicule  in  every 

Mahratta  Kutha  and  Ukhbar*  of  the  day.     But  Colonel 

Keating  knew  so  litde  of  the  people  as  to  be  insensible  of 

the  derision  to  which  his  notable  diplomacy  exposed  him. 

The  circumstances  of  Ihe  mission  are  too  chamctmstic  to 

be  passed  over.     The  agent,  attended  by  the  wukeel  of 

Futih  Sing,  was  carried  to  the  camp  of  Hurry  Punt ;  and, 

on  expressing  hia  snrprise  at  being  brought  there,  was 

merely  told  by  the  wukeri  that  his  master  had  joined. 

During  the  evening  some  inferior  people  about  Hurry  Punt 

*  TJkhbars  are  native  newspapers  ;  for  an  explanation  of  Kathas,  the 
Mader  maj  t<efer  to  page  17. 


22  BISTORT  OF  THB  MAItRATTAS.  [OHAP.  lU 

A3id  Vtxtih  Sing  were  sent  to  visit  tihie  British  envoy; 
Early  next  morning  the  wukeel  told  Mr.  Lovibond  diat  a 
tent  was  pitched  for  hia  reception,  where  he  must  m^eet 
Fntih  Sing  ftnd  his  dewsm  to  execute  the  treaty.  In  thift 
tent  he  was  kept  the  whole  day,  not  without  expressihg  his 
impatience ;  but  Mr.  Lovibond,  by  not  bursting  into  a 
passion,  which  would  be  expeoted  in  a  European,  probably 
disappointed  them  of  half  their  mirth.  At  last,  at  5  o'clock 
in  the  evening,  a  single  horseman  rOde  up  to  the  door  of 
the  tent,  and  desired  the  gentleman  to  follow  the  army^to 
Dubhaun.  On  his  complying,  the  palanquin  in-  which  he 
travelled  was  surrounded  by  a  party  of  Hurry  Punt's-  horse, 
and  he  was  thus  exposed  as  a  prisoner  to  their  whole  army« 
At  tibis  time  the  wukeel  coming  up,  with  much  seeming 
oou^rn,  confirmed  the  truth  of  his  being  a  .prisoner,  and 
earnestly  begged  of  him  to  save  his  master  by  destroying 
the  tneaty  and  his  other  credentials.  The  good«*natured 
Englishman  contrived  to  do  this  most  effectually,  and, 
after  the  horsemen  had  brought  him  to  the  middle  of  Futih 
Sing's  camp  bazar,  they  rode  off,  and  there  lefb.  him.  The 
wukeel  immediately  urged  him  not  to  lose  an  opportunity 
so  favourable,  but  to  follow  hiinv '  He  was  then  carried  to 
the  tent  of  the  dewan,  where,  aEer  one  hour,  came  Futih 
iiSng  .himself.  He  expressed  great  gratitude  for  the 
pr^aution  Mr.  Lovibond  had'  taken  in  bis  favour  by- 
destroying  the  treaty,  which  he  begged  to  excuse  himself 
fffom  renewing  at  that  time,  owing  to  the  vigilance  of 
Hurry  Punt  and  the  other  great  officers,  but^iiat  h6  would 
soon  be  able  to  elude  their  jealonsyi  and  make  his  esoape 
to  Baroda^*  The  envoy  6(  Cokmel  Keating,^  afber  halving 
i]m%.  fumtthed  eobject  for  what  would,  if  well  told,  oecasion 
as  much  laughter  to  Mahrattas  as  the  story  of  the  sleeper 

*  Mr.  LoTibood'B  letter  to  Colonel  Keating  is  oa  the  Bombay  Beoordi. 


GillF.  n.}  MAfiCH  or  the  8NOU8H  AMfT.  29 

awakened  among  Arafas^  was  escorted  badk  to  the  British 
eamp.  There  are  certain  kinds  of  ridieiile  wbioh  are 
peooliarly  i^tional,  and  the  iuU  fotce  of  this  impoature, 
practised  bj  two  personages  in  such  high  antfaority  as 
Fntih  Sing  and  Huriy  Pdnt  Fhnrkay,  would  probeblj^ 
from  its  seeming  puerility^  be  «t  that  time  little  understood^ 
except  by  Mahrattas ;  bnt  the  Bombay  gOTernment,  in 
their  judgment,  disapproved  of  Colonel  Keating's  proceed-* 
ings,  and  ordered  Mr.  Mostyn  to  join  his  army  for  the 
purppse  of  transacting  its  political  affairs.  The  troops^ 
however,  had  advanced  too  far  from  Cambay,  through  a 
hostile  country,  ta  enable  Mr.  Mostyn  to  overtake  them.    ' 

The  army,  after  paseang  Neriad,  continued  their  maroh 
towards  ihe  Myhie,  and  arrived  at  Nappar  on  the  17th* 

From  Neriad  their  route  lay  tbiough  a 
highly  cultivated  country,  ^Iqng  a  narrow, 
deep,  sandy  road,  which  only  admits  one  cart  abreast* 
being  enclosed  on  both  sides  by  high  mil^^bue^  hedges. 
Numerous  topes,  or  groves,  appear  in  every  direction ;  the 
country  (m»  both  sidss  is  generally  a  succession  of  enclosed 
fidds,  the.  borders  of  which  are  lined  by  stately  trees,  siLch 
as  the  mountain  neem^  the  tamarind,  the  moui*a,  and  the 
mango.  Gazerat,  from  Barreab  and  Qodra,  to  Katty  war^ 
18  in  general  a  perfect  flat ;  betiween  ^eriad  and  Hylne 
there  are  a  few  undulations,  which  add  ponsiderably  to 
the  beauty  of  the  country,  hut  tend  to  obstruct  the  progress 
of  an  army  by  confining  the  line  of  wheeled  carriage  to  the: 
barrow  road  just,  desmbed.  After  passing  Kappar  about 
a  mile  and  .  a  half,  the  country  opens  pn  a  fine  plain, 
interspersed  with  treesy  «x:tending  irom  Arass  to  near  the 
banl^  of  iJbe  liver,  which  are  full  of  extensive  luad  deep 
rarines^ 

Bngpba's  home^  afieir  tbeir:  first   skirmish  on  leaving 


H  HIST017  or  TH£  KAHBATTAS.  [CHAF.  IIL 

Cambay,  instead  of  acting  on  the  flanks,  ancb  guarding  the 
baggage^  nsed  constantly  to  intermix  vriiSi  it,  and,  with  the 
cliAracteristic  feeling  of  Mahratttas  depressed  by  previous 
disoomfltATd,  on  occasions  of  the  smallest  dan<ger  crowded  fop 
safety  toi^ards  tibe  British  detachment  Colonel  Keating,  at 
Bugoba*i^  request,  in  order  to  give  them*  a  little  confidence; 
had  formed  two  guards,  consisting  each  of  200  rank  and 
file,  100  Europeans,  and  100*  native  infantry,  supported  by 
two  guns.  One  of  these  guards  was  posted  in  the  rear, 
and  one  on  the  reverse  flank  of  tiie  whole  army  ;  the  front 
and  rear  of  the  British  detachment  were  composed  of 
European  grenadiers ;  and  the  orders  were,  that  in  case  of 
an  attack  on  the  flank,  the  rear-guard  should  move  to  its 
support,  whilst  the  division  of  gr^Mtdiers  occupied  theiv 
place  ;  but  in  case  the  attack  should  be  made  on  the  rear- 
guard, the  division  of  grenadiers  sboi^d  fall  back  and 
•  •  •  I 
jom  it. 

On  the  morning  of  the  18th  May,  when  marching  in 

this  order  towards  the  Myhie,  about  a  mile 
and  a  half  from  Nappar,  »  smart  canno* 
Bade  from  six  guns  suddenly  opened  on  their  rear  fron» 
behind  a  grove  on  the  left  side  of  the  road,  where  a  large 
body  of  the  enemy  were  advancing.  Colonel  Keating 
immediately  halted  the  line,  rode  back,  found  Captain 
Myers,  who  commanded  the  diviirion  of  gr^iadiers,  moving 
according  to  the  instructions,  and  having  ordered  down 
another  gun  and  a  howitzer,  soon  silenced  the  artillery  of 
the  enemy,  and  drove  back  the  advancing  body.  Two  of 
the  enemy^s  cannon  were  not  withdrawn  with  the  rest,  and 
Captain  Myers,  with:  some  of  the  other  pffioers,  proposed 
^^  having  a  dash  at  their  guns  ;''  to  which  Colonel  Keating 
assented,  and  sent  for  the  other  company  of  grenadiers. 
The  object  of  attack  was  in  an  enclosed  field,  the  road  to 


CHAP.  II.]  THB  BATTLE  OF  ARA88.  35 

which  was  of  the  same  kind  as  that  already  described^ 
between  two  high  miik-bnsh  hedges.  As  soon  as  both 
eompanies  of  grenadiers  were  formed  with  the  rear-gaard^ 
they  were  directed  to  advance  with  order  and  regnlarity — - 
an  injunction  which  Colonel  Keating  fonnd  it  necessary  to 
repeat;  Captain  Myers^  however^  again  quidg^ned  his 
pace,  until  he  got  near  the  guns.  He  ihen  halted,  and 
had  just  formed  for  the  attack,  when  a  body  of  the  enemy  *s 
horse  charged  him ;  but  beinoj  supported  by  the  artillery, 
which  Colonel  Keating  directed  in  person,  they  were 
driven  back  with  great  slaughter.  The  division  had 
re-formed  to  prosecute  their  object,  when  another  charge, 
more  desperate  than  the  first,  was  again  made  and  repulsed, 
though  many  of  the  grenadiers  were  cut  down,  and,  among 
the  rest,  the  gallant  captains,  Myers  and  Sef le.  This  wasi 
certainly  the  crisis  which  generally  gains  or  loses  an 
action  ;  Colonel  Keating  performed  the  duty  of  a  good 
captain  of  artillery,  but,  as  a  commander,  he  neglected  to 
support  his  exhausted  men  with  fresh  troops.  The  Mah- 
rattas  took  advantage  of  the  oversight,  placed  two 
elephants  to  block  up  the  narrow  road,  and,  being  encou- 
raged by  a  treacherous  carcoon  in  Rugoba's  army,  charged 
the  rear  of  the  division,  thus  completely  cut  off  from  the 
main  body.  But  the  troops,  as  yet  undismayed,  facing 
about,  attacked  and  routed  them.  By  this  time  a  body  of 
Arabs  and  Sindians  in  Rugoba's  army  were  advancing  in 
their  irregular  manner,  and  Rugoba's  horse,  by  careering 
about  between  the  advanced  body  and  the  British  line, 
occasioned  infinite  confusion,  and  could  scarcely  be  dis- 
tiiiguished  from  the  enemy,  who,  for  a  moment,  seemed  to 
have  relinquished  the  attack ;  when,  suddenly,  one  of  the 
companies  of  European  grenadiers,  without  any  apparent 
reason^  went  to  the  right-about,  and  retreated  at  a  quick 

Vol,  II.— 4 


26  BISTORT  OP  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  11 

pace;  this  retrograde  movement,  as  was  afterwards  dis- 
covered by  a  court  of  inquiry,  was  partly  the  fault  of  their 
pfHcer,  whose  word  of  command  to.  face  to  the  right,  for 
the  purpose  of  retiring,  was  mistaken  for  "rightabout 
face."  Without  orders  from  Colonel  Keating,  the  retreat 
was,  at  all  events,  inexcusable,  and,  as  might  have  been 
expected,  was  attended  with  disastrous  consequences. 
The  sepoys  immediately  fancied  themseU-es  defeated,  they 
also  turned,  and  the  rest  of  the  Europeans  followed  their 
example.  Some  order  was  preserved  until  they  gained  the 
milk-bush  hedges,  when,  in  spite  of  all  the  exertions  of 
their  ofHcers,  they  broke  their  ranks,  and  ran  towards  the 
line  in  the  greatest  confusion,  whilst  the  enemy  came 
amongst  them,  sword  in  hand,  and  made  a  great  slaughter. 
Colonel  Keating  in  vain  attempted  to  rally  the  grenadiers ; 
those  men  who  had  a  f^w  minutes  before  fought  with  all 
the  ardoTir  and  constancy  of  British  troops,  now  fled 
disgracefully  ;  but  the  support  of  the  line,  and  the  fire  of 
the  whole  artillery,  within  40  yards,  again  drove,  back  the 
Mahrattas,  who.  finally  sustained  a  severe- defeat.  Such 
was  the  battle  of  Arass;  and,  notwithstanding  the 
circumstances  aittending  it,  which  are  related  principally 
from  the  candid  narrative  of  Colonel  Keating,  it  is  a  victory 
recorded  by  the  best  of  testimony,  the  enemy,  in  terms 
highly  creditable.*  But  it  was  dearly  purchased.  The  loss 
on  the  part  of  Colonel  Keating's  detachment  amounted  to  222 
men,  of  whom  86  were  Europeans,  and  11  of  them  officers.'!' 

*  Mahratta  MSS. 

t  The  officers  killed  were  Captains  Myers  and  Serle  ;  Lieutenants 
Horrie,  Henry,  Prosser,  Anderson,  and  Young. 

The  officers  wounded  were  Captain  Frith,  Lieutenant  Dawson,  and 
Ensigns  Danon  and  Torin.  Bugoba's  Arabs  were  also  severe  sufferers, 
but  they  wreaked  their  vengeano^e  on  the  treacherous  oarcoon,  whom 
they  seized,  and,  contrary  to  Eugoba's  express  orders,  put  him  to 
instant  death,  by  literally  cutting  him  in  pieces  with  their  swords 


CHAP.  II.]  RETREAT  OF  THE  ENEMY'S  TROOPS.  27 

Colonel  Keating  arrived   at  Baroach  on  the  29th  May^ 

where  he  deposited  his  woulided.     On  the 
Jm^  g  '  8th  June  he  again  marched^  intending  to 

cross  the  Nerbuddah  ;  but  as  the  proposed 
ford  was  found  impracticable,  the  army  on  the  10th  moved 

Up  the  riVer  towards  Bowpeen  '  After  a 
march  of  about  20  miles,  at  five  o'clock  in 
the  evening,  Colonel  Eeatiug  received  intelligence  that 
Hurry  Punt  was  still  on  the  north  side  of  the  river,  about 
eight  or  ten  miles  further  on*  Having  now  less  respect  for 
his  enemy,  and  having  found  the  simple  secret  in  Mahtatta 
warfare  of  always  being  the  first  to  attack,  Colonel  Keating 
resolved  on  moving  forward,  as  soon  as  he  had  allowed  his 
men  some  refreshment.  Accordingly,  he  was  again  in 
motion  before  one  o'clock  in  the  morning  ;  but  the  troops 
of  Rugoba,  like  their  ill-omened  master,  whose  presence 
seemed  to  blight  the  fairest .  prospect  in  every  affair  in 
which  he  was  engaged,  on  this  occasion,  for  the  first  time 
since  their  former  slight  check,  stimulated  by  the  hope  of 
plunder,  and  elated  by  having  received  a  little  pay,  part  of 
a  lakh  of  rupees  adyanced  to  Rugoba  by  the  Baroach 
factory,  showed  an  inclinatioi^  to  advance,  crowded  the 
road,  broke  through  Colonel  Keating's  line  of  march  in 
several  places,  and  at  la^t  obliged  him  to  halt  till  daylight. 
The  enemy,  therefore,  saw  him  long  before  he  could  get 
near,  struck  their  camp  in  the  greatest  confusion,  threw 
their  guns  into  the  river^  sent  their  heavy  baggage  across 
the  Nerbuddah,  and  retreated  along  the  north. bank  with 
the  loss  of  an  elephant  and  few  camels,  which  were 
plundered  by  Rugoba's  horse.. 

Colonel  Keating's  intention  of  proceeding  to  the  south- 
ward, according  to  repeated  orders  from  Bombay, 
was  now  set  aside,  for   many  judicious  military  reasons 


gg  HISTOfRT  or  THK  UTAffRATTAS.  [cBAP,  IV 

urged  by  Rugoba,  of  which  the  presidency  afterwards 
approved ;  and  it  was  therefore  determined  to  retire  to* 
DabVy,  19  mfles  south-east  of  Baroda,  whilst  KugobaV 
tkroopd  were  encamped  at  Bheelapoor,  a  village  on  the 
Badhur,  between  these  places. 

Colonel  Keating  then  proposed  to  the  Bombay  Govern- 
ment,  art  the  repeated  solicitation  of  Govind  Bao  Qaekwar^ 
to  reduce  Baroda  as  soon  as  the  violence  of  the  monsoon 
abated,  to  which  tbey  assented.  In  the  meantime  pre^ 
parations  were  in  progress  at  the  presidency  for  the  purpose 
of  reinforcing  Colonel  Keating's  detachment,  replenishing^ 
their  ammunition,  4nd  completing  their  stores. 

Futih  Bingh  was  now  in  earnest  in  his  desire  to  enter 
into  a  treaty;  and  Colonel  Keating,  foreseeing  more 
advantage  to  the  cause  by  admitting  his  overtures  than  by 
reducing  him,  recommended  to  Bugoba  the  conclusion  of 
such  an  agreement  as  might  reconcile  Govind  Bao  to  the 
measure,  secure  the  alliance  of  Futih  Sing,  and  insure  relief 
to  Bugoba's  urgent  necessities  by  a  supply  of  treasure. 

Futih  Singh  agreed  to  furnish  3^,000  horse,  to  be  at  aH 
times  kept  at  Bugoba^s  service;  but,  if  required,  2,000 
more  were  to  be  provided,  for  wbidi  pay  was  to  be  allowed  r 
a  jagheer  of  three  lakhs,  which .  Futih  Singhy  by  bis- 
agreement  with  Mahdoo  Bao  Bullal,  was  bound  to  reserve 
in  Guzerat  for  his  brother  Govind  Bao,  was  no  longer  to 
be  required  ;  but,  in  lieu  of  it,  Bugonatb  Bao^  agreed  to- 
bestow  a  jagheer  of  ten  lakhs  on  Gfovind  Bao  Gfacekwar  in 
the  Deccan.  Twenty-six  lakhs  of  rupees  were  to  be  paid 
to  Bugoba  in  61  days ;  and  the  East  India  Company,  as 
guarantees  and  negotiators  between  the  parties,  were  to* 
receive  the  Gaekwur's  share  of  the  revenue  in  Baroach, 
and  several  villages  in  perpetuity,  estimated  at  (2,13,000)' 
two  lakhs  and  thirteen  thousand  rupees. 


CdAP.  n.]  TftEATir  WiTfi  rtTlH  6IK0.  30 

lids  paciflcatioii/  effected  through  Colonel  Keating'^a 
management,  was,  as  circttmstances  then  stood,  politic  ; 
for,  aliihoagh  Gk)yind  Bao  afterwards  seceded  from  the 
agreement,  he  declared  himself  satisfied  at  the  time.^ 

The  war,  thus  waged  in  Gn^ertit,  was  also  prosecated 

*  FitHn  Oolonel  Keatlog's  roportt  to  the  Bombay  gorenuneiit,  whidi 
are  mj  chief  authority  for  the  abovej  it  10  eyident  that  there  must  have 
been  considerable  modiflcatioD0  in  tbe  treaty  of  which  the  following 
production  is  the  only  copy  that  I  have  found  either  in  English  or 
Mahratta.  It  is»  howeTer^  from  very  high  autbority,  being  an  enclosure 
of  a  latter  of  39th  Janoary  1802  from  Mr.  Jonathan  Duncan,  whan 
governor  of  Bombay^  to  Sir  Barry  Close,  resident  at  Poena. 

"  Translate  of  the  copy  of  the  treaty  between  Rogonath  Bajeerao 
Pandit  Pardan  on  one  p«rt->  and  Fatty  bing  and  Seajee  Kao  Shuxnshec 
Bnhador  on  the  other  part 

That  Reajee  imd  Fntty  Sing  Shnmsber  Bahadur  had  disobeyed  ttod 
joined  with  the  rebels,  but  now  by  the  means  of  Colonel  Thomas  Keat-^ 
ingi  for  and  in  behalf  of  the  united  Eoglish  Bast  India  Company,  have, 
by  i^romifling  presants,  aooommodated  matters  with  Pundit  Putdan,  th« 
following  are  the  articles  of  the  Oaekwar's  proposals* : — 

Artide  I. — ^That  Seajee  and  Futty  Sing  Oaekwar  Shumsher  Buhadnr^ 
do  hereby  agree  lo  pay  tho  sum  of  eight  lakha.  of  rnpeee  every  yett  to^ 
the  Sbcar. 

II.  That  they  are  to  attend,  as  usual  with  a  troop  of  d,000  good  h&n^ 
And  meoi  whfoh  numher  is  not  to  be  lessened. 

III.  In  the  late  Madoo  Rao*s  time  they  used  to  pay  every  year  three 
lakhfl'Of  rupees  to  Govitid  Bao  Giek war  Sena  Keskel  Sbumsher  Buhadur^ 
which  gum  is  settled  not  to  be  paid  him  in  future,  about  which  Govind 
Bao  is  to  make  no  claim  against  Seajee  and  Futty  Sing. 

IV.  Conda  Bao  Oaekwar  Hemut  Bul^ur  i»  to  be  continued  on  the 
same  footing,  and  agreeable  to  the  agreement  made  in  the  time  of  the 
late  Bamaje^,  deoeased* 

V.  That  the  government  and  revenue  of  the  purgunnahs  of  Baroacfa 
have  been  wholly  ceded  to  the  company,  agreeable  to  the  agreement 
made  between  them  and  Sreemunt  Pundit  Purdan,  about  which  Seajee 
and  Futty  Sing  are  not  to  make  any  dispute. 

VI.  Tne  purgunnahs  Chiokaly  Veriow,  near  Surat,  and  Coral,  near 
the  Kerbuddah  riVer^  and  about  15  cose  distant  from  Baroaoh,  which 
together  make  three  purgunnahs^  the  Oaekwar  has  ceded  to  the  hono- 
rable oompan^r  f6r  ever,  on  account  of  the  peace  they  have  made  betw'een 
the  Oaekwar  and  Sreemunt  Punt  Pardan. 

VII.  I^bat  in  the  court  of  Sreemunt  Pant  Purdan  the  Oaekwar  must 
pay  a  due  intention  to  everything  thatisreasooable^  withont  having  any 
43ommunication  with  its  enemies. 

VIII.  That  for  the  confirmation  and  compliance  of  the  above  articles, 
the  honorable  company  stand  security,  and  should  the.  Oaekwars 
appear  any  way  false,  the  honorable  company  is  not  to  protect  them. 
Bugoba  is  also  to  fulfil  the  above  articles  without  any  difference. 


30  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHKATTAS.  [CHAP.   II* 

by  sea*  The  Mahratta  uavy  in  the  ministerisil  interest^  at 
the  commencement  of  the  war^  consisted  of  six  ships — one 
of  46  guns,  one  of  38,  one  of  32,  and  tvvo  of  26  guns,  with 
10  armed  vessels^  mounting  each  from  two  to  nine  guns^ 
beeiides  swivels.  This  fleet  was  njet  at  sea  by  Commodore 
John  Moor  in  the  Revenge^  frigate,  and  the  Bombat/y  grab. 
Though  the  Mahrattas  were  formidable  in  appearance,  the 
commodore  stood  down  to  attack  them,  when  they  bore 
away  with  all  sail  set ;  but  having  singled  out  their  krgest 
ship,  the  Shumsher  Jung^  of  46  guns,  both  the  English 
vessels  gave  her  chase,  and  at  last  the  grab,  being  an 
escellent  sailer,  brought  her  to  action.  The  Revenge  came 
up  to  the  a^s'stance  of  the  Bombai/y  and,  after  an  engage- 
ment of  three  hours,  the  Shumsher  Juvg  blew  up,  her  com- 
mander, with  most  of  the  crew,  perished,  and  the  ship  was 
totally  destroyed. 

On  the  side  of  Rugoba  everything  seemed-  favourable  ; 
elated  by  the  successful  exertions  of  his  allies,  be  presented 
the  company  with  the  permanent  cession  of  the  valuable 
districts  of  Hansot  and  Amod,  then  estimated  at  2,77,000 
rupees  of  annual  revenue.  The  whole  amount  acquired  by 
the  war,  including  cessions  by  Futih  Sing,  was-  valued  at 
24,15,000  rupees,  of  all  which  the  Bgimbay  government 
had  obtained  possession,  excepting  Bassein  and  its  depen- 
dencies* 

The  state  of  the  youtig  Peishwa's  aflfairs  wore  an  aspect 
proportionally  unpromising.  Hurry  Punt  Phurkay,  after 
the  surprise  at  Bowpeer,  left  Gunnesh  Punt  Beeray  in 
command  of  a  detachment  for  the  protection  of  Ahmedabad 
and  returned  to  the  Deccan  by  a  ford  about  100  miles 
alcove  where  his  heavy  baggage  had  crossed.  Sukaram 
Bappoo  and  Nana  Furnuwees  were  much  disheartened  in 
consequence  of  his  defeat,  and  dreaded  the  consequences 


CttAP.  11.]  POPULAR  PEELING  TOWARDS  RUGOBA.  31 

which  generally  follovv  disaster  in  India,  by  the  defection 
of  allies.    Moodajee  Bhbnslay  had,  a  few  montbd  before, 
prevailed  over  his  brother  Sabajee  ;  and  although,  whilst 
Rugonath  Rao  was  a  fugitive  in  Gusserat,  the  former  had 
solicited  and  dbtained,  through  Nana  Fumuwees,  from' 
the  young  Peishwa,  a  confirmation  of  the  rights  and  honors, 
of  iSena  Sahib  Soobeh  for  his  son  Rughoojee,  together  with 
such  privileges  for  himself  as  pertained  to  the  guardianship? 
yet  the  ministers  were  apprehensive  that  the  risiiig  fortunes 
of  Rugoba  would  ensure  him  the  support  of  ihe  raja  of 
Berar.     Several  men  of  consequence  aliready  began  to  turn 
their  eyes  on  Rugoba ;  and  Nizam  Ally,  in  hopes  of  being 
able  to  exact  something  additional  from  the  one  party  or 
the  other,  or  at  least  to  retain  what' he  had  already  reco- 
vered, opened  a  negotiatian  with   Rngoba,  which  greatly 
alarmed  the  ministers,  especially  as  this  death  of  Rookun- 
ud-Dowlah,  hajipening  about  this  period,  obstructed  th^r 
former  correct  intielligence  of  his  master's  real  •  designs. 
Nizam  Ally  augmented*  their  uncertainty  by  pretending  to 
disbelicTe  the  truth  of  Mahdoo  Rao   Narain's "  legitimacy, 
and  by  proposing,  ae  a  conciliatory  measure  to  aU  parties, 
that  Amriit  Rao,  the  adopted  son  of  Rugonath  Rao,  should 
be  made  Peishwa.  By  this  means  Nizam  Ally  exacted  a  fur- 
ther cession  from  the  ministers  of  nearly  18  lakhs  of  rupees* 
of  annual  revenue.     Great  promises  were  also  made  to 
Sindia   and    Holkar  ;  nor  did  any  sacrifice  that  could 
ensure  the  exclusion  of  Rugoba  appear  too  great  to  the  ruling 
Bramins  at  Poena.    The  cause  of  Rugoba  was   extremely 
unpopular ;  of  the  generality  of  the  Bramins  in  Poena, 
even  those  who  were  disposed  to  acquit  him  of  the   atro- 
city of  having  conspired  against  the  life  of  his  nephew, 

'*  He  obtained  rupees  17,84,576-8-0.    (State  accountfi,  Poona  Records.) 


32  filSTOBY  OF  THE  MAHRATTA'S.  [CHAP.  II. 

remembered  with  indignation  the  criminal  opposition  he 
had  always  sho'wn  to  the  wise  and  virtuous  Mahdoo  Bao  ;, 
they  reflected  with  regret  on  his  losses  to  the  state,  and  on 
die  linfortunaie  issue  of  all  his  measures ;  ,th^  weakness 
and  folly  of  his  whole  conduct  they  viewed  with  contempt ;. 
and  his  present  connection  with  the  usurping  and  impure 
Europeans  they  regarded  with  jealousy  and  detestation*, 
Others,  and  such  were  probably  the  majority  of  the  Mah* 
ratta  nation,  true  to  no  party,  and  guided  by  no  principle^ 
hitherto  considered  Eugoba  as  an  unfortunate  person,  with 
whom  it  was  unwise  to  be  connected ;.  but  the  defeat  of 
Hurry  Punt,  the .  subsequent  discomfiture  of  his  deputy 
Ounnesh  Punt  by  Ameen  Ehan,  an  officer  of  Bugoba,  the 
siegQ  of  Ahmedabad  carried  on  by  the  same  officer,  the 
pr^arations  of  the  English,  the  doubts  of  the  young 
P^ishwa's  legitim3.cy,  and  tihie  desire  of  many  of  the 
Mahratta  chiefs  to  become  independent  of  the  Bramio 
ministry,  occasioned  a  revolution  in  the  opinions  of  many^ 
^nd  an  anxiety  in  the  minds  of  all.  In  short,  such  wa» 
at  this  period  the  state  of  the  Mahratta  country,  that  it  is 
generally  believed  that  any  success  of  equal  importance  to 
that  at  Arass,  on  the  opening  of  the  expected  campaign^ 
would  have  brought  the  ministry  into  the  terms  of 
Bugonath  Bao  ;  and  as  the  fact  of  Mahdoo  Bao  Narain't^ 
legitimacy  would  have  been  proved  to  the  satisfaction  of 
the  English,  Bugoba  appeared  certain,  of  being  established 
as  regent  But  fortune  was  preparing  a  change  far  dif- 
ferent from  such  a  prospect* 


33 


CHAP.  III. 

From  A.D.  1774  to  A.D.  1778. 

The  supreme  coundlin  Bengal  assume  the  powers  of  general 
{idmmi8tration.^**Cofre8pondenee  with  Bombay  relative  to 
thdr  late  proceedings — disapprove  of  the  connection   uoith 
jRugoba. — Ihaik  of  Sabc^e  Bhonslay —  Violent  condemna- 
tion   of    the    Bombay  measures — peremptory    orders  in 
consequence, — Lieutenant- Colonel   Upton    despatched    to 
Po(ma  as-  envoy  plenipotentiary. — Remonstrances    of  the 
Bombay  govemm^ent'-^lliey  vindicate  their  conduct — their 
heluf  in  Rugbba^s  innocence  accounted  for, — Reflecfians  on 
the  precipitate  interference  of  the  supreme  government-^ 
'   evils  cf^fdch  it  was  the  cause. — Mr.  Hastings*  opinion — 
letteii"  to  Suharam  Bappoo. — Colonel  Upton* s  negotiation 
broken  off-^pr^ceedings  at  Bengal  on    receipt    of   this 
intdligenjce.-^The  ministers  in  the  meantime  sign  the  treaty 
of  Poorwndhur — its  conditions — disdppointment  and  indig- 
nation of  the  Bombay  government. — Ojfers  of  Rugoba — 
reprehensible  conduct  of  the  Bombay  government. — Insur- 
rection of  the  impostor  Suddaba. — TJie  Bombay  measures 
approved  by  the  Court  of  Directors — resolution  in  conse^ 
quence^—dissent  of  Mr.  Draper — motives  which  appear  to 
have  actuated  the  Directors. — Progress  of  Suddaba — defeat 
— seizure — and  execution' —  Colonel  Upton  recalled.— Mr. 
M^styn   re-appointed  resident. — Evasive  conduct  of  the 
mhnstry.^^An  agent  cffthe  French  government  is  received 

Vol.  II.— 5 


34  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP,  III. 

with  distinction  at  Poana. — The  Concan  restored  to  order. 
—  Conquests  of  Hyder. — Retrospective  view  of  tJie  history 
of  Kolapoor — depredations  and  piracies. — Progress  of 
Hyder. — Successful  artifice  of  Hun/hj  Punt  Phurkay, — 
Death  of  Ram  Raja,  and  of  the  PHtee  Needhee. — Affairs 
of  Moodajee  Bhonslay — and  of  Futih  Sing  Gaekwar^~ 
The  son  of  Trimbuckjee  Raja  Bhonslay  is  selected  as' raja 
ofSatara. — Curious  ai'tifice  of  the  Bramins  with  regard 
to  the  intermarriage  of  the  imprisoned  rajas. 

The  supreme  council  in  Bengal  assumed  the  powers  of 

general    administration  in  the  affairs  of 

A  D  1774 

British  India  on  the  20th  October  1774  ; 
and  during  the  ensuing  month  addressed  a  letter  to  the 
Bombay  government,  requiring  an  account  of  the  state  of 
that  presidency.  This  letter  was  received  at  Bombay  on 
the  7th  December ;  but  as  the  president  and  members 
were  then  in  the  midst  of  preparations  for  the  expedition 
to  Salsette,  they  deferred  the  consideration  of  the  Bengal 
letter  until  after  the  troops  had  proceeded  on  their  destina- 
tion, and  sent  no  reply  until  the  last  day  of  the  year. 

Three  months  afterwards,  or  on  the  31st  March,  the 
Bombay  government  further  reported  to  Bengal  their  pro- 
ceedings up  to  that  date.  But  early  in  February  intelli- 
gence of  the  siege  of  Tannah  reached  the  governor-general 
in  ^council,  by  the  way  of  Tellicherry  aad  Madras,  before 
they  received  the  reply  from  Bombay  of  the  31st 
Deceiriber.  IBblq  delay  oa  the  part  of  the  Bombay 
government, 'Certainly,  to  fiay  the  least,  wore  the  semblance 
•of  a  premeditated  evasion,  and,  as  new  authority  is  general- 

ly  tenacious,  itbe  governor-general     and 

council  uddressed  another  letter  on  the 

2rd  February,  ^censuring    the  Bombay  presidency    for 


CHAP,  in.]  DEATH  07  6ABAJEE  BH0N6LAT.  35 

having  gone  to  war  with  the  Mahrattas,  and  peremptorily 
requiring  immediate  and  special  information  of  the  causes 
and  motiyes  of  their  conduct.  On  the  21st  May  the  Bombay 
government  received  the  reply  to  their  first  letter  of  the 
31st  Decjember,  wherein  the  supreme  government  offeredl 
no  opinion  respecting  the  capture  of  Salsette,.  but  dis- 
approved of  the  intention  of  joining  Bugoba^  not  because- 
Sugoba  was  making  war  against  his  lawful'  prince,  and- 
was  generally  obnoxious  in  the  Msdiratta  couniry^  or 
because  the  Bombay  government  had  unjustly  espoused^ 
the  cause  of  a  manbrandedi  with  the  crime  of  munler— 
circumstances  of  which'  the  Bombay  government,  it  is . 
justice  to  them  to  say,,  were  never  well  informed^  and  of 
which  the  supreme*  government  were  ignorant" — ^bufc  they 
disapproved,  because,  to  use  Aeir  ownwords,  "ife  was- 
inconsistent  with  your  negotiations  iwith  themling  powers^ 
at  Poona,  and  with  the  authority  of  this  govemmenti"^ 
They  also  expressed  apprehensions  that  the  measure  might 
involve  them  in  hostilities  with  ^bajee  Bhonslay,  the 
enemy  of  Bugoba,  and  their  neighbour.  To  which  the 
Bombay  government  replied  tiiat  they  neither  have,  nor 
ever  had,  any  negotiations  with  the  ministry  at  Poona^ 
and  that  they  need  be  under  no  apprehension  in^  regard  to> 
Sabajee  Bhonslay,.  as  he  had  been*  killed  inaction'  by 
Moodajee,  the  friend  of  Bugoba^.  who*  was  now  Ae- 
acknowledged  guardian  of  Bughoojee,  and'  the  ruler  of 
Berar  ;  all  which  was  perfectly  true^ — victory  had  de- 
clared for  Sabajee;  Moodajee  was  surrounded^  by  his- 
brother's  troops,  and  on  the  point  of  being  made  prisoner^ 
when  Sabajee,  in  the  exultation*  of  the  moment,  drove  fais^ 
elephant  up  to  that  on  which  Moodajee  was  riding,  and 
called  out  to  hinj  to  submit.  Moodajee  replied  by  the 
discharge  of  a  pistol,  which  laid  his  br^other  dead,  and  left 


36  HISTOBY  OF  THE  MAHBATTA9.  [CHAP.  III. 

him  undisputed  regent  and  guardian  of  tb«,' young  Baghoo- 
jee,  who,  it  will  be  remembered,  was  his  son.* 

To  the  report  of  their  proceedings  up  to  the  31st  March^ 
the  B(imbay  government,  on  the  12th  August,  received  a 
replj  from  Bengal  dated  on  the  31st  Maj.  Long  before 
that  time  the  minds  of  the  president  and  members  of  the 
supreme  government  were  in  a  state  of  strong  excitement^ 
caused  by  those  well-known  controversies  between  Warren 
Hastings  and  his  council,  which  afterwards  occupied  so 
much  of  the  time  and  attention  of  the  British  Parliament. 
But  on  the  present  occasion,  president  and  members 
united  in  a  violent  condemnation  of  the  Bombay  measures; 
they  declared  the  treaty  with^  Bugoba  invalid,  and  the 
Mahratta  war  ^4mpolitic,  dangerous,  unauthorized,  and 
ui\just ;"  they  protested  against  the  Bombay  government 
for  all  consequences,  and  peremptorily  required  them  ^^  to  . 
withdraw  their  forces  to  their  own  garrisons,  in  whatso- 
ever state  their  affairs  might  be,  unless  their  safety  should 
be  endangered  by  an  instant  retreat."  The  governor- 
general  and  council  also  intimated  their  intention  of  send- 
ing an  agent  of  their  own  to  open  a  negotiation  with  the 
ruling  party  of  the  Mahratta  state,  anddesited  the  Bombay 
government  to  retain  possession  pf  Salsette  and  Bassein, 
but  on  no  account  to  form  any  treaty  without  their 
previous  sanction. 

The  Bombay  government  stated,  in  reply,  that  the 
negotiations,  which  led  to  the  measures  thus  hastily  con- 
demned, had  been  begun  before  the  cotitrolling  administra- 
tion was  formed;  they  defended  their  conduct  on  the 
grounds  of  the  necessity  of  determining  with  promptitude, 

*  Mabratta  MSS.  Where  I  do  not  expressly  aoknowledge  my  atttho- 
rUies  from  A.  D.  1774  to  1783,  I  beg  the  reader  to  understand  that 
1  write  irom  the  records  of  the  Bombay  government. 


CfiAP.   III.]  BOMBAY  AND  SUPREME  GOVENRMCNTS.  37 

and  recapitulated  their  reasons  for  deciding  and  acting  in 
the  manner  they  had  done;  pointed  otit  the  evils  prevented 
by  the  capture  of  Salsette,  and  ihe  fair  and  honorable 
advantages  sectired  to  their  employers  and  their  country 
by  the  treafy  with  Bugonath  Bao,  They  dwelt  on  the 
shame  and  degradation  which  must  be  the  consequence  of 
retracting  a  solidmn  treaty  in  support  of  ap  object  equally 
just  and  practicable,  and  pledged  themselves,  on  thehr  own 
responsibility,  to  fulfil  their  engagements.  They  sent  Mr. 
William  Tayler,  a  member  of  their  council,  to  Bengal,  who 
advocated  their  cause  with  much  ability  ;  and  his  report 
on  Bombay  affairs,  dated  9th  October  1775,  displays,  at 
that  early  period,  a  very  considerable  knowledge  of  the 
history  and  character  of  the  Mahrattas. 

The  supreme  government,  however,  adhered  to  their 
opinion  of  the  expediency  of  the  orders  which  they  had 
transmitted.  Lieutenant-Colonel  John  Upton,  of  the 
Bengal  establisbment^  was  selected  by  Mr.  Hastings  as 
envoy  plenipotentiary,  and  instructed  to  repair  to  Poena, 
and  conclude  a  treaty  between  the  Mahratta  state  and  the 
Bombay  government  The  president  and  council  of  that 
establishment^  being  excluded  from  all  participation, 
strongly  remonstrslted  against  this  proceeding  as  a  wanton 
degradation  c^  their  authority,  and  their  representations 
were  supported  with  energy  by  their  deputy  at  Bengal. 
"  I  trust,"  says  Mr.  Tayler,  **  that  it  will  appear  to  your 
Honors,  &c.,  that  at  the  time  it  pleased  the  wisdom  of 
Parliament  to  arm  you  with  controlling  power»  over  the 
presidencies,  it  was  by  no  means  their  intention  that  they 
should  appear  so  much  degraded,  and  so  contemptible  in 
the  eyes  of  the  native  government,  as  the  presidency  of 
Bombay  must  be  unless  you  will  commit  the  treaty  of 
peace  to  their  management. 


'38  mSTOBY  OP  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [cHAP;  111. 

*^Our  honorable  employers,  and  the.^hole  British 
nation,  may  be  naturally  led  to  suppose  that,  in  your 
opinion,  the  members  of  iliat  government  are  devoid,  in 
every  degree,  of  integrity  ahd  abilities,  which  would  be 
the  most  cruel  and  unjust  of  all  imputations;  for  lean 
dare  to  affirm,  not  a  person  who  concluded  that  treaty  was 
actuated  by  any  other  motive  than  their  obedience  and 
duty  to  their  employers,  whose  interests  appeared  to  them 
to  be  most  materially  benefited  by  their  engagements." 

Such  was  the  language  then  held  by  the  Bombay 
government,  with  apparent  sincerity  as  well  as  spirit,  and, 
as  far  as  we  have  yet  retailed  of  their  conduct  and  pro- 
spects, certainly  with  no  inconsiderable  degree  of  reason. 
It  must  be  recollected  that  the  president  and  members, 
throughout  the  whoje  of  the  rise  and  progress  of  their 
connection  with  Itugoba,  were  strongly  impressed  with 
the  belief  of  his  being  innocent  of  the  murder  of  his 
nephew.  Mbjxj  of  our  countrymen,  who,  by  long  resi- 
dence in  the  Deccau,  have  become  acquainted  with  the ' 
notoriety  of  the  fact,  althqugh  perhaps  represented  with 
exaggeration,  have,  from  this  <sircumstance  alone,  enter- 
tained strong  doubts  of  the  integrity  of  Mr.  Hornby  and 
his  council ;  and  some  inveigh,  with  a  feeling  far  from 
reprehensible,  against  Englishmen  who  could  seek  by  such 
an  instrument  to  attain  their  ends  and  gratify  their  ambi- 
tion. But  to  account  for  this  belief  on  the  part  of  the 
Bombay  government,  it  is  necessary  to  state  ihat  Sukaram 
Bapoo  was  originally  concerned  in  Rugoba's  conspiracy 
against  the  liberty,  though  not  the  life,  of  Narain  Bao. 
Alter  the  murder,  as  it  was  deemed  by  the  ministers 
generally — a  measure  of  prudence  to  affect  a  disbelief  of 
Bugonath  Bao's  participation — of  course  Sukaram  Bappoo 
had  stronger  reasons  than  any  of  them  for  professing  that 


CHAP.   III.]         THE  P0WIR8  OP  THE  SUPREME  COUNCIL.  39 

opinion.  It  was  this  impression,  from  the  reports  first 
circulated  at  Poona,  which  the  members  of  the  Bombay 
government  received  from  their  envoy,  Mr.  Mostyn ;  and 
before  it  was  possible  for  them  to  ascertain  the  real 
cirenmstances,  they  were  engaged  as  a  party  hostile  to  the 
ministers,  when  it  was  as  mnch  the  interest  of  the  one  to 
uphold  Bugoba's  innocence,  as  it  was  of  the  other  to 
aggravate  his  gnilt  Parties  so  influenced  diverge  from 
the  truth  in  all  countries,  more  especially  in  India,  where 
an  evidence  is  so  apt  to  suit  the  word  to  the  wish  of  his 
auditor.  The  same  reasons  operated  in  creating  a  belief 
that  the  child  named  Mahdoo  Rao  Narain  was  supposi- 
titious. 

The  Bengal  presidency,  where  they  had  Mahratta 
connections,  received  their  first  information  thronsh  the 
government  of  Sabajee  Bhonslay,  a  partizan  of  the 
ministers.  They  were  also,  no  doubt,  irritated  at  the 
neglect  of  their  orders,  and  the  apparent  contempt  of  their 
authority  ;  and  as  we  find  men,  in  all  situations,  too  often 
influenced  by  their  feelings  when  they  should  be  guided 
only  by  their  judgment,  we  may  suppose  that  they  saw, 
in  their  full  force,  the  evils  of  inordinate  ambition,  and  the 
wisdom  of  that  Parliament  which  had  so  opportunely 
vested  them  with  power  to  control  such  an  unjustifiable 
enterprize  by  interposing  in  behalf  of  justice  and  mode- 
ration. The  clause  in  the  Act  of  Parliament  was  not 
sufficiently  specific  ;  the  intention  of  establishing  a  uniform 
plan  of  action  with  respect  to  peace  and  war  required,  at 
a  distance  so  remote  as  India  from  England,  the  strongest 
authority  in  the  supreme  council;  but,  as  their  powers 
were  not  clearly  defined,  the  members  of  government 
should  have  perQeived  that  a  fimiL  but  calm  exercise  of 
power  for  a  long  period  T^as  the  best  way  of  establishing 


40  ^        HISTOEY  OF  THE  MAHBATTAS.  [CHAP.   III. 

an  efficient  control,  unless  tixey  could  obtain  an  amend- 
ment of  the  statute.  But  they  violently  stretched  their 
power'  in  support  of  what  they  deemed  propriety,  and 
issued  mandates  characteristic  of  an  inexperienced  and 
arbitrary  goTernment,  which,  to  gratify  temporary  resent- 
ments, or  forward  its  impatient  selfish  will,  weakens  much 
more  than  it  strengthens  the  efficiency  of  distant  authority. 

Mr.  Hornby  and  his  council  were  not  blameless,  even 
in  what  has  already  been  mentioned,  and  their  subsequent, 
conduct  accelerated  rather  than  averted  the  misfortunes 
which  ensued.  But  the  precipitate  interference  of  the 
governor-general  and  council  was  attended  by  effects 
pernicious  to  the  interests  of  their  country — effects  which, 
but  for  the  weiak  government  of  France,  might,  together 
with  the  loss  of  the  ^American  colonies,  have  ptoved  a 
fatal  blow  to  Great  Britain.  Confining  reflections,  how- 
ever, to  the  bofundary  of  Maharashtra,  suffice  it  to  say 
that  it  depressed  the  Bombay  presidency,  lowered  its 
political  importance,  and  obstructed  that  advancement 
and  prosperity  which,  from  its  situation  and  maritime 
advantages,  it  wouM  otherwise  naturally  have  attained  ; 
it  immediately  tended  to  slarengthen  the  ha^da  of  the 
ministers  at  Poorundhur,  and  it  xdtimately  cemented  the 
tottering  confedera<y  of  the  Mahrattas,  under  the  admi- 
nistration of  Nana  Fumuwees. 

The  pi-esident  and  council  of  Bombay,  on  receiving  the 
Bengal  order  of  the  Slst  May,  directed  an  immediate 
cessation  of  hostilities ;  and  as  soon  as  the  roads  permitted. 
Colonel  Keating,  accompanied  by  Bugoba,  returned 
towards  Surai  But  instead  of  strictly  retiring  within 
the  company's  districts.  Colonel  Keating,  on  the  earnest 
recommendatibn  of  Bugobn,  was  peirmitted  by  ihe  Bombay 
government  to  encamp  at  Karod,  a  village  about  25  miles 


OftAP.    lit.]  LKTTXR  TO  SUKABAM  BAPPOO.  41 

east  6f  Surtt,  which,  alihough  a  deviation  from  the  orders 

of  the  supreme  government,  was  afterwards  acknowledged 

,     _        as  a  useful  support  in  facilitating:  their. 

plaee  Colonel  Upton  arrived  on  the  28th  December. 

Mn  Hastings  was  sensible  (&at  the  condemnation  of 
the  JBombay  measures  was  unnecessarily  violent,  but 
be  had  been  one  of  the  first  to  recommend  a  oontroUmg 
authority  in  India,  which,  in  that  remote  empire,  con* 
Bidered  of  itself,  was  an  object  in  the  highest  degree 
important.  The  mandate  issued  was  now  irrevocable; 
Sukaram  Bappoo  had  been  informed,  by  a  letter  from  the. 
governor^general,  that  the  conduct  of  the  Bombay 
government  was  contrary  to  the  company's  order, 
^^  because  they  have  directed  all  their  officers  not  to  make 
any  war,  nor  enter  on  any  dispute.  My  employer,  the 
king  of  England,"'  says  the  governor-general,  ^^has 
directed  that  all  the  company's  governors  in  India  shoujid 
obtain  mine  and  my  council's  permission,  as  king's  gover- 
nor and  council  of  Bengal,  either  to  make  war  or  peace.'* 
la  8h<^,  th^t  he  had  therefore  issued  orders  to  desist  from 
hostilities,  requested  of  the  ministers  to  do  the  same,  and' 
intimated  his  intention  of  sending  an  envoy  to  negotiate  a 
peace.  If  the  governor-general  of  British  India  had  then 
said  ^^  to  dictate  a  peace,"  and  shown  a  determination  to 
maintain  that  ground,  however  bold  the  words  may  sound, 
he  would  probably,  at  that  moiiimt,  have  succeeded  with 
Sukaram  Ba{^>oo  and  Nana  f^umuwees. 

After  the  despatch  of  the  first  letters,  the  supreme 
government,  even  for  the  sake  of  consistency,  would  have 
been  obliged,  to  regulate  their  future  measures  by  the  tenor 
of  those  orders.  Advices  having  been  received  of  the 
successes  in   Guzerat^  it  seemed  not  improbable  that  a 

TOL.  II.— 6 


42  HISTOBY  OF  THJE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  III.  , 

Fevolution  might  have  taken  place  before  Colonel  Upton's 
arrival  at  Poena.  Adopting,  therefore,  the  same  equitable, 
principle  with  which  they  had  professed  to  set  out,  that  a 
substantive  state  has  a  right  to  make  any  change  in  its 
internal  government  which  only  affects  itself,  the  envoy 
vv^as  instructed  to  negotiate  a  peace  with  either  party  whom 
he  might  find, the  acknowledged  authority  in  the  empire.^ 
But  the  governor-general  and  council  had  in  effect  already 
become  parties;  and  the  members  of  the  Bombay 
government  who  felt  arid  wrote  as  if  the  supreme  govern- 
ment had  ranged  themselves  on  the  side  of  their,  enemies, 
remark,  with  some  justice,  in  one  of  their  despatches  to 
the  Court  of  Directors,  "  they  have  acknowledged  the 
legitimacy  of  the  government  of  the  ministers,  before  they 
could  have  any  Competent  knowledge  of  the  justice  of  their 
pretentions." 
The  ministers  soon  perceived  the  advantages  thus  placed 

in  their  hands ;  and  as  Bramins,  in  politics, 
misconstrue  moderation,  and  iattribute 
Concession  solely  to  fear,  they  assumed  a  high  tone  of 
demand  and  menace,  which  Colonel  Upton,  judging  by 
himself,  believed  to  be  firm  and  sincere.  The  supreme 
government  were  under  a  mistake  in  imagining  that 
Bassein  as  well  as  Salsette  was  in  possession  of  the  Bombay 
presidency.  The  envoy  was  enjoined  to  require  the  cession 
Ijoth  of  these  and  of  the  islands  in  Bombay  harbour,  and 
a}sp..of  the  Mahratta  shares  of  revenue  in  the  city  of 
Baroach,  with  such  other  advantages  for  the  company  as 
circumstances  might  enable  him  to  obtain. 

Colonel  Upton's  correspondence  bears  ample  testimony  of 
sincerity  and  moderation ;  but  he  was  ill-qualified  to  conduct 
a  negotiation  with  Mahratta  Bramins.  The.ministers  great- 
ly extolled  .  the  just  and.  honorable  motives  which  "  had 


CHAP.  HI.]     COLONEL  UPTON*S  NEGOTIATIONS  BROKEN  OFF.  4ft 

determined  the  great  governor  of  Calcutta  Jx)  order  peace  to 
be  concluded."     But  when  Colonel  Upton  proposed  retain-^ 
ing  Salsette,  £c.,  the  cession  of  Bassein,  and  the  revenues  of 
Baroach^thej  affected  to  consider  such  an  application  as  per-* 
fectlj  unauthorized,  and  pertinently  asked  the  envoy,  ^^  how 
the  Bengal  government,  who  had  so  justly  condemned  the 
war,  could  yet  be  so  ready  to   avail  themselves  of  its 
advantages/'     The  only  reply  to  this  was,  that  Balsette 
had  been  tak^n  possession  of  as  a  precautionary  measure, 
long  deemed  necessary  to  the  safety  of  Bombay,  and  the 
prosperity  of  its  commerce ;:  but  the  ministers  persisted  in 
iheir  language,  and  expressed  a  wish  "  that  they  had  not, 
on  a  supposed  confidence  -of  the  power  of  the  governor  of 
Calcutta  over  the  people  of  Bombay,  suspended  hostilities^ 
and  thereby,  at  an  enormous  expense,  maintained  a  vast 
army  inactive,  with  which  they  should  otherwise  long 
since  have   settled  the  business."     They   demanded   the- 
immediate  surrender  of  the  delinquent  Rugoba,  and  the- 
entire  restoration  of  the  territory  occupied  by  the  Bombay 
goveriiment  since  the  commencement  of  the  war,  on  whicb 
they  would,  as  a  favour  to  the  governor-general,  agree  to 
pay  12  lakhs  of  rupees,  in  order*  to  reimburse  the  East 
India  Company  for  the  expenses  incurred  by  the  Bombay 
government.     They  seconded  their  arguments  with  threats, 
and  mistook  the  mild  remonstrances   of  the  envoy  for 
timidity.     Colonel  Upton,  conceiving  the  negotiation  at  an 
end,  expressed  this  opinion  to  the  governor-general  and- 
council  in  a  letter,    dated   7th    Felwuary,    when   they 
immediately  determined  to  support  the  cause  of  Rugoba 
with  the   utmost    vigour.      They    prepared    troops   for 
embarkation,  ordered  a  large  supply   of  treasure  to  be 
transmitted  .to  Bombay,  and  directed  troops  to  be  sent  from 
Madras.     They  wrote  letters  to  Rugoba,  to  Nizam  Ally,. 


44  HISTORY  Of  TBS  MAHBATTAS.  [CIAP^  III* 

and  Hydef ;  and  ^Mode^voured,  in  the  same  manner^  ta 
indaoQ  Moodajee  Bhon$Uy,  Mahadajee  Sindia,  and  Tookajee 
Holkar  to  embrace  their  cause,  or  at  all  events  to  engage 
their  neuti^ality. 

The  fayourable  ^change  in  the  sentiments  of  the  Bengal 
goyetnment  towards  him$df  reached  Bugoba  almost  as 
soon  as  it  got  to  Bombay,  abd  raised  his  spirits  and 
expectations ;  but  the  ministeiB,  almost  immediately  after 
they  bad  carried  their  menaces  to  the  highest  pitch,  acceded 
at  once  to  the  greater  part  of  Colonel  Upton's  original 
demands,  and,  before  accounts  had  time  to  reach  Calcutta 
that  the  negotiation  was  broken  off,  the  treaty  of  Poorun- 
dhur  was  settled.  It  was  signed  on  the  Ist  March,  and 
consisted  of  19  articles,  but  two  of  them  were  afterwards 
erased  by  mutual  consent,  and  an  additional  clause  signed. 
The  treaty  was  made  by  Lieutenant-*Colonel  Upton  on  the 
part  of  the  company's  goyemment,  and  by  Sukaram 
Sappoo  and  Nana  Fumuwees  on  that  of  the  Peishwa's  ; 
bat  the  titles  of  Bao  Pandit  Furdhan  are  only  mentioned 
in  the  treaty,  the  name  of  the  Peishwa  haying  been  omitted. 

The  substance  of  the  articles  was  a  general  peace  between 
the  English  East  India  Company  and  the  Mahrattas. 
Salsette  to  be  retained  or  restored  at  the  pleasure  of  the 
goyernor-general  and  council ;  if  restored,  the  Peishwa's 
goyemment  agreed  to  relinquish  territory  worth  three 
lakhs  of  rupees  of  annual  reyenue  as  an  equiyalent.  To 
this  exchange  the  supreme  goyemment  could  not  be 
expected  to  accede,  although  Nana  Fumuwees  afterwards 
pretended  that  it  had  been  referred  with  perfect  oonfidenoe 
as  a  question  of  equity,  from  a  reliance  upon  the  justice  of 
Mr.  Hastings.  All  claims  on  the  reyenue  of  the  city  of 
Baroach,  togetlier  with  territory  in  its  neighbourhood, 
producing  three  lakhs  of  rupees,  was  ceded,  as  the  treaty 


CHAP.  HI.]  THE  TRRATY  OF  FOORUNDHUR.  45 

states,  ^^  by  Way  of  fri^id$hip  to  ijie  Sng^h  Company.'' 
Twelve  lakhs  of  tnpees  were  also  yieldod  in  payment  of 
the  expenses  incurred  by  the  Bombay  government  The 
cessions  made  by t  Futih  Sing  Gaekwar  were  to  be  restore 
to  him^  provided  it  caald  be .  proved  that  he  had  no 
authcM'ity  to  moke  such  <diena^on6  ivithout  the  consent  of 
the  Peishwa's  government;  The  treaty  between  the 
Bombay  govemmei^t  and  Bngoba  was  formally  annnlled. 
The  English  troops  to  tetnrii  to  their  garrisons,  and  the 
army  of  Bugoba;  to  be  disbanded  within  a  month,  A 
general  amnesty  tO:  b0  proelaimed  to  all  the  foUowelrs  of 
Bngoba,  four  orAy  exqeptedi  whoim  the  ministers  knew  to^ 
be  partionlarly  implicated  in  the  murder  of  Narain  Bao. 
If  Bugoiiath  Bao  should  refuse  to  disband  his  army,  the 
English  agreed  not  to ,  assist  him.  On  condition  of  his 
assenting  to  the  .prescribed  terms,  the  Peishwa  and  his 
ministers  consented  to  afford  him  an  establishment  of 
1,000  horse,  to  allow  him  300  domestics,  to  be  chosen  by 
himself,  and  to  pay  him  25,000.  rupees  monthly  for  his 
other  expenses,  but  his  residence  was  fixed  at  Kopergaum 
on  the  Godavery.  It  was  particularly  specified  that  no 
assistance  should  be  afforded  to  Bugonath  Bao,  or  to  any 
subject  or  servant  of  the  Peishw^  who  should  excite 
disturbance  or  rebellion  in  the  Mahratta  dominions.  The 
treaties  of  1739  and  1756,  and  all  other  agreements  not 
suspended  or  dissolved  by  the  present  articles,  were 
confirmed.  It  was  mutually  agreed  to  assist  the  crews 
and  restore  the  wrecks  and  cargoes  of  vessels  of  the 
respective  nations^  thrown  on  each  other's  coasts. 

Nothing  could  exceed  the  disappointment  of  the  Bombay 
government  when  they  learnt  the  terms  of  the  treaty. 
They  seemed  to  consider  their  own  interest  and  dignity 
sacrificed  to  a  jealous  assumption  of  authority.     They  had 


4g  HISTORY  OP  THE  MAHftATTAS.  [cflAP/lll/ 

no  power  t6  protest,  and  could  therefore  only  veiit  their 
indignation  by  eriteriug  dissents  on  their  owH'  records 
against  almost  every  article,  with  the  view  of  nltimately 
submitting  their '  objections  to  the  Cdurt  of  Directors.' 
They  certainly  had  causse  for  irritation  in  the  manner 
which  their  odndnct  had  been  condettined,  and  their  power' 
in  a  great  degree  suspended  ;  but  they  seem  to  have  been 
detei*niined  to  find  objections,  and  eveti  petulantly  hinted 
that  Colonel  Upton  must  haive  been  in  bodily  fear,  'or  he 
never  Would  have  consented  to  terms  so  derogatory  to  ihe 
English  nation :  they,  however,  with  more  propriefty,  ask — 
^Who  is  this  Bad  Pundit  Purdhan?  Why  is  his  name 
omitted  ?  If  Colonel  Upton  bas  had  proof  of  the  legitimacy 
of  the  child,  said  to  be  the  son  of  Narain  Rao,  why  is  that 
circumstance  left  in  doubt?  or  if  not  proved,  why  is 
Riigonath  Rao,  the  rightful  Peishwa,  wholly  excluded"  ?*  • 

Rugoba  could  never  entirely  comprehend  the  nature  of 
the  interference  on  the  part  of  the  governor-general  and 
council ;  but  under  a  supposition  that  it  arose  from  their 
diseming  the  advantages  he  had  granted  inadequate,  he 
proposed,  not  only  to  confirm  the;  treaty  of  Surat  by  a  new 
agreement  with  the  Bengal  government,  but,  with  the' 
single  exceptioii  of  Viziadroog  (Gheriah),'  to  cede  the 
whole  Concan,  to  put  the  company's  troops  in  possession 
of  one  of  the  passes  in  the  Qhauts,  to  purchase  annually 
10  lakhs  of  rupees'  worth  of  their  woollens  and  metals,  at 
an  advance  of  15  per  cent,  on  the  prime  cost,  including 
All  charges  ;  he  also  proposed  that  they  should  unite  to 
subdue  Nizain  Ally ;  and  made  several  other  offers,   of 

*  Although  the  oiroumstanoe  is  nowhere  explained  hy  the  Mabrattas^ 
£he  omission,  on  the  part  of  the  ministers,  of  the  name  of  Mahdoo  Rao 
Narain,  -wus  most  likely  a  precaution,  as,  in  case  of  the  child's  death,  it 
probably  ^as  their  intention  to  get  Gunga  ^ye  to  adopt  a  soiu 


CHAP.  JII.]  OFfBRS  OF  RUOOBA.  47 

wMoh,'  as  nolle  ooiild  be  accepted,  a  ftirtber  enmneraiion 
is  unnecessary,  but  one  inducement  wa»  too  remarkable  to 
be  passed  over,  as,  with  bis  Mahratta  ideas,  i  it  must  have 
appeared  ijoresistiUe.  Bngoba  offered  to  cede  10  per  cent* 
of  sXL  the  jagheers  in  the  Mahratta  empire ;  includiug, 
of  course,  the  Mahratta  possessions  in  the  Deecan,  and 
those  of  Holkar,  .Sindia^  and  Gaekwar.in  Hindostan  and 
Ghozer&t,  which '  woold  hare  placed  the  East  India  Oom« 
pauy,  witii  respect  to  those  jagheers^  precisely  on  th» 
footing  of  surd^hmoekb. 

Bxkgoba^  on  helaribg  of  the  terms  stipcdated  for  him  by 
the  treaty  declared  that  he  would  rather  maintain  the  war 
himsdf  than  submit  to  them.  He  pretended  to  have 
reemved  overtures  from  Bhowan  Bao,.Pritee  Heedhee,  and 
Dhonsa,^  one  of  the  officers  of  Nizam  Ally.  Mahadajee 
^india  had  ialways  sent  the  most  friendly  a^hranees  to 
Bugoba,  to  which  he  was  induoedy  partly  from  aimity  to 
Sokaram  Bappoo,  but  principally  in  order  topreservehisown 
oonsequence,  and'plao^  faimselfas  umpire  between  the  Sramin 
factioiis — ^a  sUilation  to  wfaidi  Mahadajee  Slndia,  with 
remarkablepolitical  sagacity,  early  aspired!  After  theterms: 
of  the  treaty  w^repromulgated,  he  continued  an  intercourse 
'vnih  Bugoba,  bot  avowed,  but  sufficiently  known  to  alarm 
the  mioistera.  Bugoba  however,  whatever  he  mighfe 
pretend,  was  not.  deceived  by  these!  professions;  noiie 
of  his  Indian  allies  affi)rded  him  any  substantialaid,  except- 
ing iHyder,  who  senA  him<  80,000  rupees  as  a  preisent.  f 

.     •     •  '        *  ".■■■.        •      '•' 

*  The  bye-name  by  whioH  Ibrahim  6e4;,Zafur-u<I-Dowlali  Sablt  Jung 
was  best  kiaowot  Dhonsa  is  th^  Hindoostanee  name  for  one  of^h^ 
drams  usually  carried  by  parties  of  horse. 

f  I^arge  sums  are  said  to  have  been  sent  by  Hyder  Ally  to  Bugoba,  but 
ezeeptthe82,000Fiipeesabote  mentioned, -no  other  money  appears  by 
the  Bombay  records  to  have  been  received,,  and  it  could  hardly  have 
escaped  the  vigilance  of  that  government,  at  a  time  when  they  had  the 
greatest  difficulty  in  supplying  evoa  a  pittance  to  BQgobA« 


48  HISTOBT  or  THE  MAH&ATTAS.  [CfiAP.  III. 

The  Bombay  goveminent.  magnified  everything  i^at 
could  tend  to  forward  their  own  riews^  or  verify  ilieir 
predictions.  Instead  of  siibmitting  as  becanie  tbem ; 
instead  of  using  every  endeavour  to  give  effect  to  the 
apirit  of  the  orders  from  the  supreme  government^  and  to 
a  Bolomn  engagement  under  tfae;constitiited  authorities  of 
liieir  country,  every  symptom,  of  eomitiotiony  and  every 
prospect  of  obstruotihg  the  treaty  of  Pobnmdbttr,  wad 
hailed  with  a  satisfaction  wihich  they  had  the  caution  not  to 
express,  but  scarcely  the  decency  to  ooaceal. 

An  impostor,  already  mentioned^'  who  had  assumed  the 
name  of  £ewdasheo  Ohimnajee,  eight  or  nine  years  after 
the  battle  of  Panniput,  was  made  prisoner  during  the  life- 
time  of  Mahdoo  Rao,  and,  after  being  confined  in  diftcfitenfi 
places,  was  finally  delivered  over  to  the  custody  of 
Bamchunder  J^aik  Paranspey,  soobehdar  of  Biitnaguiry, 
in  the  Concan.  Paranspey,  perceiving  the  distracted  state 
of  affairs  at  Poona,  the  dissensions  among  the  heads  of  tiie 
state,  and  the  probability  of  attaining  a  sovereignty  for 
himself  released  his  prisoner,  and  :  proclaimed  him  as 
Sewdasheo  Bab  Bhow,  unjustly  imprisoned  by  the  traitorous 
ministers.  The  impostor  is  known  to  have  been  a  Eanoja 
Bramin  from  Hindostan,  a  man  of  some  abilities,  and  of 
thie  same  caste  as  the  fainons  !^nvoe  Kulus  of  Sumbhajee. 
His  story  obtained  immiediaie  credence,  and  the  Bombay 
government^  to  whom  he  very  soon  sent  wukeels  and 
addressed  letters,  received  the  overiulfes  of  Suddab(»j  as 
they  called,  him, .  with  complacency^  and  were  evidently 
hopeful  that  this  fresh  insurrection  would  werk  in 
their  favour. 

Bugoba  from  the  date  of  the  treaty,  was  allowed  the 
space  of  one  month  to  disband  his  army — a  period  which 
was  afterwards  prolonged ;  but  perceiving  that  there  was 


CflAF.  in.]  .  RUOOCti  RETIRES  TO  aURAT.  49 

no  imm^iatd  chance  of  indbeiilg  the  ^gov^niar-genenil  to 
asBist  him,  he  asked  aad  obtained  i^  asylum  from  the 
Bombay  govemnient  in  Sur«fcy  where. he  was  admitted 
¥dth  mecely  hts  :baggag«[  ^nd  -200  domestic^*  From  Snrat 
fhe  Appealed  to  the  Co^rt  <^.  Dire^di^s^  and>  following  the 
escampte  of  his  brothetr,  @aUi^  J^o;  ad^reij^  a  letter  to 
the  king  of  England.  Colonel  Upton  remonstrated  agfunst 
ihe  breach  of  troaty  occasioned  by  the  protection,  affonlfd 
,tp  Bugoba,  The  iB<>mbay  g^veiepme^i  dsclared  it  no 
l)reach  of  the.  treaty;  ibbey  justi^d ,  thdr  conduct  on  a 
fordSier  Jetter  fr^m.^ngal,  dat^  \n  the  p^^peding  October^ 
whieh  permitted  th^i^  to  /ifford  an  a^f Iiw  tp  Bugoba,  in 
<ea0e  ^s  personal  sa&i^y  should  be.eqdfu^geired.;^  and  tl^ey 
declared  thjEtt;(i9tbij9g,bmt  absolute  necessity  should  compel 
them  to  give  up  the.  unfortunate  man  to  his  persecutors ; 
that  iColot^el'  Uptqn;  must  kiikoyir  liUle  of  Asiatics,  in  the 
sitoiyijcm  ..of  ftie  miiad^t^s^.  if  he  was  not  aware;  that,  until 
they  had  rid  themselves  of  so  just  an  object  of  dpead,,  tl^ey 
woM.  never  Qo^d^r .  them^ve^  s^fe^:  ^^  ^^  common 
hfiimapity,  as^  W:eU:^|r  the  law  of^%iM>J^  &nd  gpod  policy, 
dictated,  the.  ppoprietyiof  wl^at .  t^w^y ,  h^  4ftne^  even  if 
unsupported  by  authority  from  Beqgf^- 

Tbe.army  pf  Bugoba^befor^i^difh^i^^'^i'isncamped,  for 
a  short  time  after  the  final  period  allowed  h^d  expired) 
close  to  Swat,  waiting,  ^  tl^y  :s?pd,  for  the,  payment  of 
their  ,arjreai:s4  .  B^u^ry  Pi^ijb  Phurl^ay,  in  ;a  letter  to  Poena, 
intimated  his  intention  (i^f,  ticking  th^fu  ;  but,  from  the 
position  in  whlqh,  they  wereiiarftowed  to ,  ren^ain,  ^h©  could 
not  but  £^pprehend  that  the,  £I^g^§h  intende4  to  support 
them.  The  Bonibay  government,  .qn  tl^e  plea  of  appre* 
hending  danger  from,  the  contiguity  qf  the  conte]f;iding 
Mahratta.  armies,  but  in  reality  to  await  events^  threw  their 
field  army  into  Surat  and  Baroach. 

Vol.  II.— 7 


so  mmOHY  OF  THB  1UHIUTTA8.  [CHAP.  RL 

'  '  It  was  in  vain  that  Oolondl  Upton  doiiiplained,  or  thd 
liilnisters  threatened  in  consequence  of  itihese  proceedings ; 
^e  Bombay  government  paid  litde  attention  to  the  <me, 
and  they  treated  the  other  with  dcorn;  they  expresised 
H^eir  astonishment  and  sarprise  that  the  envoy  of  the 
'British  nation  shonld  ^fter  the  Mahratta  ministers  to 
declare  that  they  should  be  induced  to  follow  the  example 
t)f  Hyder,  who  had  secured  a  peace  on  terms  very  honor*- 
iable  to  himself,  and  that,  in  case  of  a  renewal  of  the  war, 
they  would  carry  fire  and  sword  to  every  part  of  the*  com-^ 
pany's  possessions  in  India.  Such  a  menaco  was  indeed 
derogatory  to  the  British  character,  and  highly  discredit"- 
able,  not  to  Colonel  Upton,  but  to  those  of  his  nation,  who^ 
by  a  perverse  conduct,  provoked  the  threat,  and  compelled 
their  envoy  to  admit  that  the  measures  they  pursued  were 
hot  regulated  in  that  spirit  of  good  faith  which  ghotAl 
certainly  have  actuated  them  from  the  moment  a  treaty 
was  concluded. 

The  language  used  in  vindication  of  the  protection 
afforded  to  Rugoba  was  specious.  The  measure  had  its 
supporters  in  the  council  at  Bengal,  but  the  majority 
condemned  it,  as  well  as  the  pernicious  nature  of "" 
the  opposition  which  was  praotfsed  by  the  Bombay 
government. 

Mr.  Hastings,  although  he  ratified  the  act  of  his  envoy, 
did  not  approve  of  the  treaty  of  Poorundhur,  as  terms 
more  suitable  might  have  been  obtained.  Several  of  the 
articles  were  certainly  far  froni  specific,  and  the  ministers 
afterwards  took  every  opportunity,  not  merely  of  putting 
the  most  constrained  interpretations  on  doubtful  passages, 
but  of  contravening  what  they  must  have  known  was 
really  intended,  in  the  articles  to  •  which  they  had 
subscribed.      The  consequence   was   that,   though  hosti*- 


CBAP.  in.]  APPROVAL  Of  THE  TBXATT  OF  flDBAT.  5t 

HtieB  hAd  had  oeaied,    peace  oonld  not  be  oomidered 
as  eBtaUished. 

Whibt  affairs  were  in  this  tmsettled  state,  a 
despatch  was  received  at  Bombajr,  on  the  20tk 
August,  from  the  Coiort  of  JDdreetprs,  dated  5th 
April  1776,  in  which  thegr  approiped,  ^^uilder  everf 
eiroumstance,"  of  the  treaty  of  Smrat;  and  veoom-* 
m^ded  that  the  Bombay  gOTemment  should  retain  posses-^ 
sion  of  the  districts  ceded.  It  being  likewise  known  thai^ 
prior  to  the  date  of  that  despatch,  the  Court  of  Directors 
had  received  information  of  Colonel  Upton's  being  deputed 
to  treat  with  the  ministers,  the  presid^it  and  council  of 
Bombay  at  first  came  to  a  resolution  of  keeping  possession 
of  all  such  districts  as  were  not  given  up.  This  determina-* 
tion  was  tantamount  to  a  renewal  of  the  war,  and  several 
of  the  members  stating  their  belief  that  very  great  com- 
modons  were  about  to  take  place,  in  which  their  own 
sa£^y  would  require  them  to  bear  an  ac^ve  part,  expressed 
their  ^satisfaction  at  having  obtained  this  tanction  to  their 
measures,  and  recommended  a  vigorous  proseontioB  of 
their  former  intentions.  But  Mr.  Draper,  who  was  not 
present  at  the  first  consultation,  entered  a  dissent,  which 
gave  a  different  interpretation  to  the  Court's  deq)atch,  anct 
induced  the  g&verhment  to  alter  their  resohition.  Mr.. 
Draper  was  of  (^nion  that  die  Court  of  Dire^rs,  only 
meant  that  they  should  retain  possession  whilst  the  nego^ 
tiation  by  Colonel  Upton  was  .  pending,  but  that,  after  a 
treaty  was  concluded,  under  the  sanction  of  the  governor^ 
general  and  conncfl^it  could  never  be  intended  that  the- 
iierms  should  not  be  exactly  fiilfiUed* 

The  Court  of  Directors  could  npt  be  insensible  to  the* 
advantage  of  a  supreme  authority  in  India  ;  but  the  oaor^ 
trol   over    themsdves,  established    by.  the  new  Act  of 


52  HIiTOBT  09  THX  SAHSATTAS.  [CHAP.  Ill* 

Parliament,  had  not  perhaps  quite  ceased  its  operation  on 
their  minds  ;  their  feelings  were  enlisted  against  the  inno-. 
vation,  and  the  natural  hias,  occasioned  by  a  prospect  of 
great  advantages  on.fhe  west:of  India  from  the  treaty  vritb 
Bugonath  Bao,  prevented  their  fnlly  perceiving  the  dan- 
gerous tendency  oif' supporting  ^liien  in  the  situation  of  the 
Bombay  govemment.  They  might  have  withdrawn  cen- 
sure from  them,  and  (Condemned  tihie  precipitancy'  of  the 
governor-general  and  council,  but  they  should  have  sup- 
ported constituted  authority,  and  insisted  on  an  adherence 
to  one  plan  and  one  interest.  I3ie  Court,  by  their  approval 
of  the  first  measures  of  the  Bombay  government,  encouraged 
the  members  to  persevere  in  their  covert  opposition,  when 
the  drcUmstanoes,  by  the  oonejusion  of  the  treaty  of 
Poorundhur,  were  entirely  changed. 

Before  the  opening  of;  the  season  the  pretended  Suddaba 
was  at  the  head  of  20,000  men,  and  hacl  got  possession  of 
npwards  of  20  forts  m  the  Concan.  A  very  .great  pro- 
portion of'ithe  vulgar  Ainong  the  Mahratta  population,  with 
whoon  impostors  of  that  descriptieB  are  always  demgerous, 
believed  that  he  was  the.real  Sewdasheo  Ohimnajee,  .and 
the. Bombay  government*  were. equally  convinced  of  the 
reality.  Th^y  oounteBanoed.hiis  cause  in  various  ways; 
add,  althou^  dtey'diQ  not' acttially  join  in  tbeiiiisuirreoT 
tibn^  they  periMitted  one  of  their  .surgeoihs  to  attend  and 
accompany  this  Suddaba,  and  Mn  !Dick,  the :  coxhraercial 
xeaadnnt  at  Fort  Victoria,  wasted  n  upon  .hini  to  pay  his 
respeets«.  After>  the  impostoi:!  haid  posbesseid : :  himself  of  ihe 
gteaber  .pafrt  of  the  Concan,. he  Ascended  the  Ghauts  in  th^ 
month  of  October.  H^'^as  dppbsad  at  the  Btiore'  Ghaut, 
and  Us  tMops  were  temporacily  (decked,  when  Jie  '  beaded 
4h0«  himself  with  apirit,v  and  speedily  carried)  the. pas8«^ 

'  ■■'-  *  Letter  from  Dr.  ^Iskemaii)  who  «awlb«^  action.  < 


O&AP,  tn.]  SEIZURE  AND  IfitlECCTlOM  OF  0UDDOBA.  5S 

The  fort;  of  Reijiimdie^  shortly  after  sent  him  offers  of 
sttbmissicm.  Pi^tended  orertinred  of  acbommodttion  were 
made  to  him  by  the  miniisters,  by  which  he  was  for  a 
short  time  aikuued^i  uniil  Itaijijee  Patell^-  one  of  Bindia^B 
offieeiby  and  Bbew  Biao  FfcanMif^  came  siiddetilj  iapan  him 
iw  tiiersieigkboi^rhood  of  R«^miabheey  .wUeii:his  whole' fioroai 
fled  precipkiately  inio  the  iJonoan, '  clbsetjr  pursned  by 
Sindia'e  troops;  Some  jof  thp  insiff^eii^  were  ahditered 
under  the  wallg  of  Ifannafa,  abd  the  impbstor,  i  having 
embarkikliat  B^appori,  fled  to  Bombay ,  wboiia'he  woiild 
have  be(^  allowed  to  land^  but  a«  Mr.  Hornby  was  absent 
oU'Siieette  at  tlie  time;  iht  pretended  Sewasheo  JEEao,  who 
probably  judged  it  better  to  make  another  efEoH.  l^efore 
finally  abandoning  his  party,  exoused  himself  from  landing, 
promised  to  oome  back:  on  thei  return  of  Mr.  Hornby^  and 
repaired  to  KolabaL  -  On  bia  arrival  ai  that  place,  he  was 
i^eized  and  confined  by  Rughoojee  Angria, .  to.  whom  the 
Bobibay  government  made  an  unsucdessfiil  appHealion  for 
his  release ;  but  Angria  conveyed  him  as  a  prisoner  to 
Poena,  where  he  was  bound  to  the  foot  of  an  elephant,  and 
trampled  to  death.*   « 

*  The  Bramins  of  Poona  have  two  stories  respecting  the  fate  of  this 
criminal,  both  intended  as  apologies  for  the'-ezecutibn  -of  -A  Biranlil 
ttmjerjat^ramin  goterait^nt.  One  is,  thi^trtl^e  in^postor  Ms  .not  a 
Bramin,  but  agpldsmit^  ;  and  the  other  i^  that  he  was  secretly  removed 
»'iidiB»^fed  inadangi8oli'atAiit&«dDtiggtt9^  trheM  he  was  starved  to 
de^.^b,  aiad  a  co^emn^  orifniiial,  by  trade  ^'goldsmith,  substitatlBd  to 
decReive  the' populace.  Starvation,  insulficient,  unwholesome  food,  and  a 
4am^ dungeon,  w«8  really:  the  plreadful  eicioutioo.  Ir^qu^ntlyi  redorvfd 
fotrj Bramins,  and  practised  by  the  Bramin  government  by  way  of  evad- 
itlg  therhiezpiaDle'sin  of  depriving  one  of  thatt  slsicred  class  df  Hfel 
^dngja^ •other. Stot^s  ra\s<)d by  the  Feishya8,.to  pf^^diae,  the  vulgac 
against  the  race  of  Sivajee,  it  was  pretended  that  the  boon  of  the  goddess 
Bhowati^Hhe  truN^  of  whith  no  one  ooiildF  deny,.  «lrhieh  grndt^d-tha 
Mahvatta  sovereignty  to  his  lineal  descendants -for  27  generations,,  had 
been  takiSnaway  because  Sivajee  kill^  two  Bramin  spies  With  hl6'6#n 
hmdy-  having  shot  them'  with  arrows,  .by  means  .of  Uiai)  anerring  laim 
which  was  one  of  the  gifts  of  the  goddess,  and  impiously  bit  them  in 
the  f ore'hesdi  right  through  the  distingui^ing^^  mark  of  jd^^ir-^stv.'   ' 


54  HurroBY  of  thr  mahrattas.  [chap.  iii.> 

The  countotanoe  shovm  td  the  Impostor  nfttotalljF,  occa-^ 
aioned  :Oonipbiiiita  {coin  th^  misistmiis^.  bat  their  remon*- 
stranees  heoama  aiali  more  strong  when  ikey  vaeeived 
kifocmation  that  Bagonath  SUo.  had^  on  .the.  11th  Novem<» 
ber^  repaired  to  Bomhajy  whare  he  had.  been  tebeiTed^  and* 
aaallowatieeaisttlednpoiithiaiioflQyOOO  ifupe^s  a  sKHHth^. 
Kagonaih  Bao  had,  m  the  taontii  of  August^  r^uaed  a 
fresh  o£fer  of  five  lakhs  of  rupees  aiuiiuifly  with  penms&ion 
ta  jReside  at'  Benjares,  \thieh  l^as  liiade  through  CotolMl 
Upton;  and. it  appeared tiiat he  had  quitted  Sotat-  as  if . 
he  had  intended  to  join,  the  pretended  Sewdasbeo  Bao>  but^ 
having  been  obliged  to  seric  shelter  in  the  fort  of  33Einrapoory' 
he  requested  of  the  commander  of  one  of  the  oompany'a 
emtiers  to  give  him  a  passage  to  Bombay,  which  the 
ofEcer  did  not  consider  it  proper  to  n^fuse. . 

At  laaty  Colonel  Upton  having  received  an  .<»rder  of 
reoalfrom  Bengal,  and  the  Bonlbay  government  having 
been  directed  to  send  a  resident  envoy  to  Poona,  Mr« 
Mosiyn  was  selected  by  them  for  this  purpose.  The 
ministera  objected  to  that  gentleman's  appointment^  as.ihey 
conceived  that  he  was  the  person  who  suggested  thd  eap^ 
ture  of  Salsette,  and  tiiat  he  was  their  enemy  ;  but  this 
objection  was  overruled. 

Mr.  Moslyn  was  of  opinion  that  the  Poona  ministers 
'  were  able  to  maintain  themselves  inpower^ 
and  that  the  object  of  the  British  govern- 
ment should  therefore  be  directed  to  keep  well  with  them 
whilst  they  could  support  an  efficient  authority.  He 
appears  to  have  had  a  sincere  desire  to  fulfil  the  conditions 
of  the  treaty,  and  to  settle  every  point  in  an  equitabhi 
manner ;  but  the  ministers  were  prejudiced  against  him, 
and  he  was  determined  to  uphold  the  dignity  of  his  situa- 
tion.   S^,  repaired  to  Poona  about  the  middle  of  March, 


CaiF.  la.]  BTASIVK  CQNBIDOT  OF  TBt  III1II8TET.  55 

and  immediately  entered  npon  Ae  a^aetoMBt:  of  the 
artideB)  which  remained  nearly  in  tbe  aane  mmctUdd  state 
aft  when  the  treafy  was  sigirad. 

It  #as  Evident  thAt  ^^  a  oonnlrf  of  thlne^  e^mpfale 
lakhs  of  rupees,'*  as  expressed  in  the  treaty^  mesini  twrih 
tory  prbdticing  annnaUy  a  reremiie  amounting  to  thrae 
htkhs  of  rupees  complete ;  bnt  the  Persian  wofd  kunud 
or  kamUy  which  was  innployed  to  express  ^  eocnplete/  is 
also  a  rereime  term  which,  Ihongh  yariodsiy  ezpUuned, 
inay  be  said  io  signify  the  highest  asseSMiieni  eyer  known 
to  have  been  fixed  ;  and  to  this  interpreitation  the  ministry 
adhered,  although  the  Bombay  goTemmentoflfered  to  aoe^ 
the  cession  at  an  armtge  of  a  certain  number  of  yeank; 

The  article  in  regard  to  Fntih  Sing  Qaekwar  was 
artfiilly  designed  on  the  part  of  the  ministers,  to  induce 

the  Gaekw:ar  to  declare  not  only  his  dependence  on  the 
Peishwa,  but Jhis  having  no  right  to  make  any  alienations 
or  to  (^ii^lude  any  treaty,  without  the  express  approbation 
bf  the  Mookh  Purdhan.  Putih  Sing  readity  abldiowledgecl 
his  dependence  ;*  but,  as  he '  perceived  the  design  of  the 
ministers,  he  evaded  the  other  concessions^  and  claimed 
restitution  firbm  the  ^mbay  government,  not' as  the 
ministers  wished,  but  because  Rugonath  Bao  had'faiM 
lo  perform  the  agreement  for  which  the  cessions  were 
made;  tfeese'and  soiive  other  points  continued  in  dispute; 
the  ministers  ofiered  to  settle  five  lakhs  of  rupees  to  bo 
paid  annually  to  Bugoba^  through  the  governor-general 
and  council,  provided. he  would  retire  t6  Benares.  But  a 
new. impediment  soon  presented  itself. 

*  This  acknowledgment  on  the  psrt  of  Fatih  Sing  was  not  an  admi^ 
Bloa  tiiat  he  bad  no  right  to  alienate  the  distriots ;  one  of  the  agree* 
menu  produced  by  the  miniiteni  rather  inferred  that  the  Qii^war*t 
ihare  of  Giuetat  was  at  his  own  di«|K>aaU  .  . 


56  HISm)ftY  OF  THE  MABRATTAS.  [CHAF.  IIL 

'  The  mere  suspicion  of  a  French  intrigilie  always  awak«- 
«&ed  );he  most  active  vigilance  of  the  Engiinb  government 
in  India,  and  an  ostensible  agecit  of  France,^  recbived  with 
diiftinetion  by  the  ministers  at  Poana^ — a  diatinctip];i  more 
{K^iniedly  marked  by  studied  negleot  ix)Wards  t)ie  JBi?!tish 
enyby-r— aroused  the  attention  of  titie  governo^genei'al ; 
and,  as  a  war  with  France  was  expected,  the  circif  mstapce 
liaturaUy  excited  very  considerable. anxiety. 

A' French  merchant  [ship  arrived  at  Ghoule  in,,  tlie  n^iddlie 
of.Mairohy  with  a  cargo  consisting  of  military  and.  marine 
stores,  doih,  and  other  staples  of  JSuropean  Exportation^ 
From  that  ship  several  Frenchmen  landed  and  proceeded 
towards  Poena.'  One  of  th^  stransge^s  had  annomic^ 
himself  as  ambassador  from  the  court  of  France,  and  in 
that  character  he  was  received  by  the  Mahratta  court  in 
thiEi  beginning  of  Mf^y.  *•  But  before  entering  on  the 
object  or  proceedings  of  this  misaiouji  which  are.  interwoven 
with  the  progress  of  the  British  nation  ip,  India,  and  are 
reserved  for  a  future.,  chapter^  it  is  requisite  to  mention  a 
few  circumstances  relative  to  Mahratta  history,  both  to 
account  for  what  may  immediately  follow^  and  to  presepre 
a  link  in  the  chain  of  pther  ev^its,  which  will  be  exjUained 
at  a  future  yeriodi 

The  peace  of  Poorundhur  was  of  the  greatest  conse- 
quence, to  the  ministers,  and  the  isuppressiop  of  the  insur- 
rection, under  the  pretended  Sewdasheo 
Rao,  added  materially  to  the  stability  of 
their  government ;  they  detached  Bhew  Rao  Yeswnnt 
Phansay  into  the  Concan,.  who  sp^dily  reduced  the  forts 
garrisoned  by  the  forces  of  the  lat6  insurgent ;  but  their 

*  Bombay  Reoordf ,  aiui  the  Sixth  Report  of  the  Committee  of  Seoreoy, 
from  wkioh  last,  for  the  ensuiBg  five  years,  there  is  very  complete 
informetiOD,  as  far  as  the  British  goTemment  was  oonoeraed. 


CHAP.   III.]  CONQUESTS  OF  HTDKR.  57 

affairs  to  the  southward  were  in  a  less  prosperous  state. 
Hyder  had  occupied  the  whole  of  the  Peishwa-s  districts 
south  of  the  Toongbuddra  ;  Bellary,  in  possession  of  a  chief 
originally  under  the  authority  of  Busalut  Jung,  had  been 
taken  by  treachery  ;  Qooty,  after  a  respectable  defence,  was 
also  acquired  in  a  dishonorable  manner,  and  Moorar  Bao 
Ghorepuray  was  shamefully  immured  in  the  noxious 
atmosphere  of  an  imhealthy  hill  fort,  where  he  perished. 
Under  a  pretended  authority  from  Rugonath  Bao,*  Hyder 
advanced  for  the  purpose  of  taking  possession  of  the  whole 
Mahratta  coimtry  to  the  southward  of  the  Kistna ;  and, 
before  the  rains  of  1776,  he  had  pushed  his  conquests  as 
far  as  the  territory  of  the  nabob  of  Savanoor,  but  withdrew 
the  greater  part  of  his  army  to  the  south  of  the  Toong- 
buddra during  the  monsoon.  The  ministers  sent  a  small 
force  under  Konier  Punt  Putwurdhun  to  drive  jffyder^ 
garrison  from  Savanoor ;  but  his  troops  were  defeated, 
and  Pandoorung  Punt  Putwurdhun,t  the  second-in- 
command,  was  taken  prisoner  by  Mohummud  Ally  and 
Bajee  Punt  Burway  ;J  the  former,  oiie  of  Hyder 's  officers, 
the  latter,  the  agent  of  Rugoba,  in  command  of  a  body  of 
auxiliary  Mahrattas,§  who  acted  in  concert  with  Hyder's 
troops.  In  the  tensuing  season,  the  troops  of  Nizam  Ally 
under  Ibrahim' Beg  (Dhonsa),  and  those  of  the  Mahratta 
ministers  under  Etireshram  Bhow  Putwurdhun,  took  the 
field  for  the  purpose  of  co-operating  against  Hyder  ;  but 

*  Colonel  Wilks  mentions  that  Hyder  sent  Rugonath  Rao  16  lakhs. of 
rupees  at  different  periods.  I  can  only  find  24,000  pagodas,  and,  as 
hefore  remarked,  I  scarcely  think  that  such  receipts  could  have  escaped 
the  notice  of  the  Bombay  government. 

f  Father  of  the  present  Chintamun  Rao. 

X  He  was  a  near  connection  of  Rugonath  Rao  by  his  first  Wife,  whose 
surname  was  Burway,  Anundee  Bye,  his  second  wife^  was  of  the  family 
of  Oak. 

§  Mahratta  MSS.,  Wilks. 
Vol.  II.— 8 


58  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHBATTAS.  [CHAP.  III. 

the  former  was  bribed,  and  the  latter  recrossed  the  Kistna 

without  riskinff  an  action.    Hurry  Punt 

A  D.  1777. 

Phurkay  after  the  rains  of  1777,  wa» 
detached  into  the  Oamatic  with  the  greater  part  of  the 
disposable  force ;  but  met  with  no  success.  Mannigee 
Phakray,  who  had  joined  the  army  of  the  Poena  ministry 
after  the  troops  of  his  master  Bugoba  were  disbanded  at 
Surat,  was  induced  by  Bajee  Punt  Burway  to.  unite  with 
Hyder,  and  many  of  the  Mahratta  mankurees  had  engaged 
to  accompany  him  ;*  but  Hurry  Punt  defeated  a  part  of 
the  scheme  for  corrupting  his  army,  by  an  able  retreat,t 
and  shortly  after  extinguished  the  treacherous  intrigues  of 
his  officers  by  seizing  Teswunt  Bao  Manay,  the  deshmookh 
of  Muswar,  a  powerful  chief,  and  blowing  him  from  a 
gun.*  But  besides  the  war  with  Hyder,  other  disturb- 
ances to  the  southward  demanded  the  attention  of  the 
ministers. 

Sumbhajee,  raja  of  Kolapoor,  the  last  of  the  lineal 
descendants  of  the  great  Sivajee,  died  in  December  1760 
without  issue.  About  two  years  afterwards,  his  widow  Jee- 
jee  Bye  adopted,  as  her  husband's  heir,  a  boy  named  Siva- 
jee, the  son  of  Shahjee  Bhonslay,  patell  of  the  village  of 
Kanwut,  in  the  district  of  Indapoor ;  And,  having  placed 
him  on  the  musnud,  conducted  the  affairs  of  the  principa- 
lity in  his  name.  Great  irregularities  took  place  during 
the  minority  of  Sivajee,  both  by  sea  and  land.  Piracy 
prevailed  to  an  extent  before  unknown  on  the  coast,  which 
induced  the  English  to  send  an  expedition  in  1765,  and 
reduce  both  Malwan  and  Bairee,  the  former  belonging  to 

*  Mahratta  MSS. 

t  Wilks.  Eyder  himself,  in  a  letter  to  the  Bomhay  government,  the 
known  friends  of  Bugoha,  gives  Hurry  Punt  no  credit  for  his  retreat, 
but  takes  abundance  to  himself,  by  representing  it  as  a  victory  he  had 
gained. 


CfliP.  in.]  THE  SEIGB  OF  DHlRWAR.  59 

Kolapoor,  and  the  lattet  to  Sawnntwaree.  The  reigniiig 
Peishwa,  Mahdoo  Rao  BuUal,  was  exasperated  against 
Kolapoor,  both  on  acconnt  of  plundering  incursions  into 
hifil  territones,  and  the  hereditary  connection  which  the 
Kolapoor  state  maintained  with  the  Nizam.  In  order  td 
drcutiiscribe  its  power  and  punish  its  aggressions,  Mahdoo 
Eao  dispossessed  the  raja  of  several  districts,  and  added 
them  to  the  jagheer  of  his  own  relations,  the  family  of 
Putwurdhun  ;  but  during  the  late  disturbances,  the  Kola- 
poor state,  having  embraced  the  cause  of  Bugonath  Rao, 
recovered  the  districts,  and  one  of  the  ministerial  officers, 
named  Ramchundur  Hurry,  in  attempting  to  re-occupy 
them.  Was  defeated  by  Yessajee  Sindia,  an  officer  of  the 
raja's.  Mahadajee  Sindia  was  therefore  sent  to  support 
Bamchundut  Hurry,  and  succeeded  in  restoring  order, 
lb  the  meantime  Hyder  reduced  Kopaul  and  Buhadur 

Benda,  and  in  the  end  of  April  forxnied  th€^ 
siege  of  Dharwar,    Hurry  Punt  proceieded 
to  Merich,  apparently  with  the  design  of  forming  a  junc- 
tion with  Mahadajee  Sindia  at  Kolapoor,  and  advancing  in^ 
concert  to  attack  Hyder.    Nothing  could  be  more  distant 
from  their  real  intentions ;  but  the  report  was  credited  by 
every  person,  excepting  Hurry  Punt,  Mahadajee  Sindia, 
and  Nana  Purnuwees.     Hyder  fully  believed  it ;  and  as 
Hurry  Punt's  army  w^aa  now  more  to  be  depended  upon, 
the  former  foresaw  that  he  should  be  compelled  to  recross 
theToongbuddra  as  soon  aath^Mahratta  generals  advanced. 
HcJ  therefore  used  every  endeavour  to  bring  about  an 
armistice;  but  Hurry  Punt  pretended  to  be  inflexible, 
until  Hyder  paid  him  a  large  sum  of  money,*  and  pur- 
€$hased  the  return  of  the  Mahrattas  to  their  capital — ^a 

*  Mahratta  MSS.    I  could  not  discover  the  amount  in  the  itate 
aeconntB,  nor  Is  the  sum  specified  in  the  Mahratta  MSS. 


60  HISTORY   OF  THE   MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  III. 

measure  which  on  their  part  had  become  absolutely  neces- 
sary ;  and  on  this  occasion  Hyder  was  outwitted. 
,  This  artifice  on  the  part  of  Hurry  Punt  is  connected 
with  a  stroke  of  poUcy  which  ranks  highin  Bramin  estima- 
tion, and  which  will  appear  in  the  course  of  our  narrative ; 
but  in  the  meantime,  that  we  may  not  lose  sight  of  the 
other  Mahratta  au,thorities  in  following  more  interesting 
events,  it  may  be  mentioned  that  the  pageant  prince, 
Ram  Raja,  worn  out  with  year^  and  infirmities,  died 
at  Satara  on  the  12th  December  1777.  Bhowan  Rao, 
Pritee  Needhee,  also  died  about  the  same  time,  and 
was  succeeded  by  his  son,  Pureshram  Sree  Newass, 
the  present  Pritee  Needhee,  bom  on  the  day  of  his 
father's  death. 

In  regard  to  affairs  in  Berar,  it  has  been  already  shown 
that  Moodajee,  after  the  fall  of  Sabajee  in  1775,  was 
acknowledged  regent.  But  Ibrahim  Beg  (Dhonsa),  the 
intimate  friend  of  Sabajee,  was  sent  by  Nizam  Ally,  as 
was  pretended,  to  avenge  his  fate,  but  in  fact  to  take 
advantage,  of  a  strong  party  against  Moodajee,  who,  con- 
scious of  inability  to  oppose  the  force  sent  against  him, 
surrendered  the  forts  of  Gawelgurh,  Nm^nalla,  Manikdroog, 
and  Cbunderpoor  as  the  price  of  peace.  Nizam  Ally, 
however,  restored  those  forts  shortly  afterwards,  on  the 
occasion  of  his  coming  to  Elichpoor,  when  Moodajee, 
accompam'ed  by  his  son,  Rughoojee,  Sena  Sahib  Soobeh, 
manifested  the  humblest  submission,  entered  into  an  agree- 
ment of  faithful  co-operation,  and  bound  himself  to  sup- 
press the  depredations  of  the  Goands,*  who  were  at  that 
time  troublesome  in  the  districts  of  Nizam  Ally.  A  like 
submissiye  demeanour  towards  the  Poona  durbar,  and  a 
bond  for  the  payment  of  10  lakhs  of  rupees,  obtained  a 
*  A  savage  race  inhabiting  the  wilds  of  Gondwaneh. 


CHAP.  III.]  8HA0   MAHABAJ.  Q\ 

confirmation  of  the  regency,  thrbngh  tb^  favour  of  Nana 
Furnuwees.  Sabajee  ;bad  always  kept  a  wukeel  at  Cal* 
cutta;  and  the  same  oti^tow  was  Ob^^rved  by  Moodajee, 
as  it  was  convenient  on  account  of  his  possessions  in 
Kuttack. .  The  governor-general^  however,  both  misunder- 
stood the  relative  situation  of  Moodajee  in  the  Mahratta 
empire,  and  over-estimated  his  power. 

Futih  Sing  Gaekwar,  in  February  1778,  after  having 
paid  up  arrears,  10^  lakhs  of  rupees  of  tribute,  one  lakh 
as  a  present  to  Sukaram  Bappoo  and  Nana  Fumuwees, 
besides  an  offering  to  the  state  of  five  lakhs  of  rupees,* 
was  appointed  Sena  Khas  Kheyl. 

Bam  Raja,  a  short  time  before  his  death,  had  adopted 
the  son  of  Trimbuckjee  Raja  Bhonslay,  a  patell  of  the 
village  of  Wawee,  and  a  descendant  of  Wittoojee,  the 
brother  of  Mallojee  and  uncle  of  Shahjee,  the  father  of 
the  great  Sivajee.  Trimbuckjee  Baja  commanded  a  body 
of  200  horse,  with  which  his  son  served  as  a  sillidar,  when 
selected  as  heir  to  a  throne  and  tenant  of  a  prison.  He 
was  styled  Shao  Maharaj.  During  the  time  of  Ballajee 
Bajee  Bao,  it  had  been  artfully  contrived  that  there  were 
only  a  few  families,  old,  but  of  no  power,  with  whom  the 
raja  of  the  Mahrattas  could  intermarry.  To  this  day  the 
raja  of  Satara  would  think  himself  degraded  by  a  marriage 
with  the  daughter  of  Nimbalkur  and  of  Jadow,  although 
from  them  Sivajee  was  descended  in  the  maternal  line. 
This  artifice,  which  may  have  been  managed  by 
bribing  the  Oopadheeas  and  Shastrees,  explains  the 
reason  why  it  is  scarcely  known  that  Shao  was  married, 
in  Aurungzebe's  camp,  to  a  daughter  of  Sindia  of 
Knnneirkheir. 

Records  of  facts,  except  receipts  and  accounts  in  their 

*  Poona  State  Acoounts. 


62  histout  or  the  mahkattas.  [chap.  hi. 

own  favottfy  would  often  have  prOTdd  iiioony0ni«nt  to  faith** 
less,  shifting,  time-serying  Bramini^ ;  but  it  is  not  improba* 
ble  that  their  pirejudice  against  all  oth^  hic^toricctl  rdcoiH) 
maj  originate  in  causes  of  rery  remote  date  connected 
with  the  foundation  of  their  religious  institutions. 


63 


CHAP.  IV. 


Fbom  a.  D.  1777  TO  A.  D.  1779. 


Mr.  Horribffi  minute  respecting  Mahratta  affaire. — French 
envoy  f  St.  Lubin-^aecovnt  of  his  proceedings  at  JPoona. — 
Orders  from  the  Court  of  Directors  in  ease  the  Poona 
ministry  should  not  fulfil  the  terms  of  the  treaty  of  Poo- 
rundhur.^ — Dissensions  of  the  ministry. — Application  for 
the  restoration  of  Mitgoba  from  the  party  of  Moraba 
Fumuwees. — Seagal  government  assent  to  that  measure. — 
Si^  battaliotia  of  Bengal  sepoys  ordered  to  march  overland 
to  Bombay. — Terms  on  which  the  Bombay  government 
agree  to  support  MordbcCs  party. — Consummaie  artifice  of 
Nana  Furnuwees. — Moraba  s  party  decline  the  restoration 
of  Rugoba. — Return  of  Mahadajee  Sindia  and  Hurry  Punt 
Phurkay — faction  of  Moraba  crushed — unshaken  constancy 
of  Sukaram  ffurry, — Observations  respecting  the  march 
of  the  Bengal  troops. — Furtlier  eaj>lanation  of  the  motives 
which  actuated  the  Bombay  government — resolve  to  attempt 
the  restoration  of  Rugoba. — Preparations  of  Nana  Furnu-- 
wees. — The  govemor-general  intimates  his  intention  of 
forming  an  aUifince  with  Moodajee  Bhonslay. — The 
Bombay  government  adhere  to  their  resolution. — Zeal  of 
Mr.    Camac — judicious  counsel  of  Mr.  Draper. — Colonel 


64  HISTORY  OF  TBB  MAHRATT^.  [CHAP.  IV. 

Charles  Egertan^  account  of, — Field  committee  appointed — 
dilatory  preparationB — advanced  detachment  crosses  over 
to  the  continent^  and  occupies  tlie  Shore  Ohaut  ttnthout 
opposition. —  Perverseness  of  Rugcha. — Embarkation — 
troops  land  at  Panwell — extraordinary  conduct  cmd  igno^ 
ranee  of  Colonel  Egerton — unparalleled  dUatoriness  of  tie 
advance, — Mahratta  proceedings — manifest  but  slighht 
opposition — appear  in  force  at  TuUygaom — bum  the 
village — and  retire  before  the  British  troops. — The  English 
determine  on  retiring  from  TuUygaom — are  attacked  on 
their  retreat  to  Wurgaom — gallant  conduct  of  the  rear 
guard  under  Captain  Hartley — disgraceful  convention  of 
Wurgaom. — Misconduct  of  the  committee. — Mr.  Camac 
and  Lieutenant-Colonel  Cookbum  are  dismissed  from  the 
service. — Distress  of  the  Bombaj/  goveimment — observations 
on  their  late  conduct — fortitude  and  ability  of  Governor 
Hornby — his  review  of  their  affairs — revert  to  the  proceed'- 
ings  of  the  Bengal  troops.— Colonel  Leslie  removed  from 
the  command — but  dies  before  the  order  of  supersession  is 
received. — Colonel  Ooddard  assumes  the  command  and 
continues  his  march — treacherous  conduct  of  the  Mahrattas 
at  Sagur-^hospitality  and  kindness  of  the  nabob  of 
Bhopaul. — Negotiation  with  Moodajee  Bhonslay — declines 
entering  on  the  alliance. —  6enei*al  Goddardy  on  learning 
the  disaster  at  Wurgaom^  decides  on  marching  straight  for 
Surat — grateful  acknowledgments  of  the  Bombay  govern- 
ment. — Mr.  Hornby  submits  a  plan  of  operations.— The 
negotiations  with  Poona  confided  to  Colonel  Goddard. — 
Conduct  of  the  Bengal  government— judicious  observations 
of  Mr.  Hastings  with  regard  to  the  mernbers  of  the  Bombay 
council. — Goddard  appointed  brigadier-general — remon^ 
strances  of  the  Bombay  government. — Goddard  instructed 
to  negotiate  a  peace^  or  eventually  to  follow  the  plan  pv- 


CHAP.   IV.]  THE  DEATH  OF  QUNGABAI.*  65 

posed  by  Mr,  Hornby. — Policy  of  Mahadajee  Sindia — he 
'  allows  RugobcL  to  escape — sacrifices  Sukaram  Bappoo  and 
Chintoo  Wittul  to  the  jealoTisy  of  Nana  Furnuwees. 

On  the  10th  of  October  1777,  Mr,  Hornby,  in  a  minute 

of  council,  entered  on  a  review  of  the 
Mahratta  affairs,  and  remarks  ''  that  they 
were  fast  verging  to  a  period  which  must  compel  the 
English  nation  either  to  take  some  active  and  decisive  part 
in  them,  or  relinquish,  for  ever,  all  hopes  of  bettering 
their  own  situation  on  the  west  of  India.''  He  lament* 
the  control  by  which  the  Bombay  presidency  was  fettered, 
remarks  the  secret  divisions  among  the  Mahratta  ministers, 
the.  views  of  Sindia  and  Holkar  to  their  own  aggrandiz^ 
ment,  the  successes  of  Hyder,  the  defection  of  the  Mah- 
ratta  chiefs,  and  the  demise  of  Gunga  Bye,  the  young 
Peishwa's  mother,  who  had  been  the  cause  of  her  own 
death.* 

The  French  ambassador  was  discovered  to  be  an  adven- 
turer named  St.  Lubin,  who,  after  imposing  on  the  Eng-  . 
lish  government  at  Madras,  went  home  to.  France,  where 
he  so  far  succeeded  in  deceiving  the  French  ministry  as  to 
obtain  an  authority  to  proceed  to  Poena,  and  ascertain 
what  advantages  could  be  gained  by  an  alliance  with  the 
Mahrattas.  St.  Lubin  endeavoured  to  obtain  the  cession 
of  the  port  of  Choule,  with  the  fort  of  Rewadunda ;  and 
in  order  to  induce  Nana  Furnuwees  to  enter  upon  an 
offensive  and  defensive  alliance,  jhe  offered  to  bring  2,500 
Europeans  to  support  the  ministry,  to  raise  and  discipline 
10,000  sepoys,  and  to  furnish  abundance  of  military  and 

*  This  event,  on  which  the  president  expresses  some  doubt,  was  really 
true.  Gunga  Bye  ygoA  the  cause  of  her  own  death,  by  having  taken 
medicine  for  the  purpose  of  concealiog  the  consequence  of  her  illicit 
intercourse  with  Nana  Furnuwees. 

Vol.  II.— 9 


gg  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTA9.  [CHAP.  IV* 

marine  stores*  He  affected  the  utmost  hori*or  at  the  con- 
duct of  the  Englisb  in  supporting  Bugoba ;  a  painting  had 
been  executed  under  his  direction  in  France,  to  represent 
the  cruel  and  barbarous  murder  of  Narain  Kao ;  and  this 
picture  he  exhibited  himself,  before  the  durbar,  in  a  burst 
of  grief,  which  drew  tears  from  some  of  the  spectators, 
whilst  in  others  it  excited  ridicule  or  contempt.  A  cheat 
in  the  character  of  a  European  gentleman  w,as  new  to  the 
Mahrattas,  but  the  discernment  of  Nana  FurnuWees  could 
not  have  been  even  temporarily  obscured  by  such  superfi- 
cial artifice.  It  is  probable  that,  in  the  great  encourage- 
ment he  aftected  to  give  St.  Lubin,  and  in  various  petty 
indignities  ofiered  to  the  British  envoy,  he  had  no  other 
object  than  to  excite  the  jealousy  of  the  English,  without 
being  aware  of  the  dangerous  nature  of  the  experiment 
on  which  he  ventured.  Nana  Fumuwees  was  inimical  to 
all  Europeans ;  but  the  despicable  conduct  of  St.  Lubin 
must  have  tended  to  lower  the  French  nation,  both  in  his 
estimation  and  that  of  the  Mahrattas  in  general.  Mr. 
♦  Bolts,  originally  in  the  company's  service  in  Bengal,  who 
was  in  Poena  at  the  same  time  as  an  avowed  agent  of  the 
house  of  Austria,  received  no  such  civilities.  Nana  pro- 
bably perceived  that  St.  Lubin  was  a  fitter  tool ;  and  Mr. 
Bolts,  who  was  early  dismissed,  might  have  viewed  that 
circumstance  as  complimentary  to  his  character.  The 
credulity  which  prevailed  on  the  continent  of  Europe 
respecting  India,  and  an  uncommon  plausibility  of  address^ 
had  enabled  St.  Lubin  to  impose  on  several  young  men, 
bne  of  them  an  Englishman,  and  some  of  them  of  good 
family  in  Prance,  whom  he  persuaded  to  embark  in  his 
enterprize.  But  unprincipled  men,  however  superior  they 
may  fancy  themselves,  have  generally  foibles  which  speedily 
discover  their  true  character;  and  those  of  St.  Lubin  seem 


CHAP.   IV.]  CHABACTSB  OF  THl  VRKKCH  KRTOT.  67 

to  have  been  egregious  vanity  and  excessive  irritability  of 
temper. 

Most  of  his  companions  were  estranged  frgm  him;  sns* 
picion  soon  brought  on  alteroation,  and  St.  Lubin  would 
have  murdered  them*  to  prevent  exposure  in  India,  and 
obstruction  to  his  hopes  fipom  France ;  but  they  sought 
and  obtained  protection  from  Mr.  Mostyn's  assistanti  Mr. 
Lewis,  daring  the  absence  of  the  former  at  Bombay.f 

*  The  attempt  ia  one  instance  la  clearly  proved  ;  he  fired  a  brace  of 
pistolB,  one  after  theother^  at  11,  de  Corcqlle,  within  fb  few  yardA ;  one 
ball  penetrated  his  clothes,  but  misled  him. 

f  Mr.  William  Gamut  Farmer,  of  the  Bombay  olvil  service,  happened 
to  be  at  Poona  for  thti  benefit  of  his  health,  and  took  that  opportunity 
of  ascertaining  the  views  of  the  French,  which  he  bom.manicated  to  the 
governor,  probably  for  his  private  information,  but,  as  it  contained 
useful  intelligenQ^,  it  was  put  up3n  record  ;  the  letter  was  dated  Poona, 
llth  November  1777.  ''This  St.  Lubin  is  a  most  perfect  adventurer, 
and  I  believe  has  cheated  even  the  ministry  of  France  in  this  business. 
He  introduced  himself  to  the  confidence  of  Monsieur  de  Sartine,  as  to 
Indian  matters,  by  a  memorial  he  presented  relative  to  this  country, 
which  Monsieur  de  Corcelle  assures  me  he  has  frequently  seen.  In  this 
memorial  he  has  not  forgot  himself.  He  has  made  himself  the 
generalissimo  at  one  time  of  Hyd^r'ti  army,  the  very  man  who  framed 
the  treaty  between  him  and  the  Mahrattas,  for  which  he  the  next  day 
received  two  lakhs  of  rupees ;  but  what  chiefly  introduced  him  to  this 
business  was  his  particular  intimacy  with  the  raja  of  the  Mahrattas. 
He  was  the  constant  companion  of  his  children,  used  to  learn  them  to 
ride — in  short,  he  had  not  in  the  world  a  better  friend  than  the  raja. 
There  certainl}  cduld  not  be  so  fit  a  man  in  France  to  send  out  to  sound 
the  ground  here  to  form  an  alliance  with  the  Mahratta  state,  if  circum- 
stances should  prove  favourable.  You  may  perfectly  judge  from  this, 
of  what  the  character  is  capable  of  in  the  way  of  representation. 

'*  Drunk  and  sober,  jointly  and  separately,  I  have  examined  all  the 
Frenchmen  with  whom  we  have  yet  had  connection,  that  is— Madjett ; 
Monsieur  de  Corcellf*,  who  was  to  have  been  made  engineer  by  St.  Lubin  ; 
and  Monsieur  de  Coronet,  the  captain  of  the  ship,  whom  I  found  means 
to  get  to  eat  soup  wiUi  us.  They  are  all  In  such  a  situation  with  respect 
to  Monsieur  St.  Lubin,  that  it  is  the  first  wish  of  their  lives  that  he 
may  prove  totally  a  counterfeit,  and  not  be  supported  by  the  infn'stry 
of  France;  for,  in  fact,  their  lives  may  perhaps  depend  on  Lubin*B 
reality,  and  the  justifying  his  conduct.  I  have  turned  the  matter  every 
way  to  persuade  them  that  he  was  a  counterfeit,  in  order  to  fish  out 
their  arguments  to  the  contrary ;  but  they  are  all  perfectly  convinced 
of  the  facts  mentioned  in  Madjett's  letter.  The  captain  of  the  ship 
confirmed  to  me  repeatedly  what  Madjett  had  often  mentioned,  that 
bis  owner  had  given  him  his  orders  relative  to  St.  Lubin,  in  consequence 
of  recommendations  from  Monsieur  de  Sartine,    They  all  agree  perfectly 


gg  BISTORT  OF  THS  MAHBATTA9.  [CHAP.  lY. 

The  encouragement  given  to  St.  Labin  by  Nana  Furnu- 
wees  might  have  had  the  effect  of  alarming  the  Bombay 
government^  and  inducing  them^  in  the  subordinate  situa- 
tion they  had  been  taught  to  consider  themselves,  to  accept 
the  stipulations  of  the  treaty  of  Poorundhur,  under  the 
disadvantages  which  the  ministers  would  have  imposed, 
had  they  not  been  uniformly  supported  by  the  Court  of 
Directors.  In  a  letter  from  that  body,  of  the  16th  April 
1777,  which  was  received  exactly  seven  months  afterwards, 
and  was  a  counterpart  of  a  despatch  previously  sent  to  the 

with  regard  to  the  ideas  eDtertained  of  him  at  Bordeaux  :  that  it  was 
first  talked  of  sending  oat  a  body  of  men  under  Monsieur  Dumas.  The 
faot  of  the  intelHgenoe  the  cap  fain  and  supercargo  received  at  Cochin, 
of  Lubio's  destination,  the  captain  confirmed  to  me.  Picot  and  Brian- 
court  acknowledged  him,  and  Briancourt  has  gene  so  far  as  to  request  the 
consulship  of  Oboul.  The  Count  de  Mendave,  a  man  of  good  family 
in  France,  who  has  been  seeking  bis  fortunes  in  this  country,  and  is 
now  with  Busalut  Jung,  heaM  of  him,  has  offered  to  join  him,  and 
makes  interest  for  a  good  employment  under  him ;  you  will  observe. 
Sir,  that  although  it  seems  de  Beloombe  disavows  him  as  an  ambassador 
from  the  king,  yet  he  takes  no  effectual  measures  to  remove  him  ;  and 
it  is  a  known  fact  that  St.  Lubin  sent  by  a  Frenchman  a  deepafch  to 
Beloombe  in  the  month  of  July  or  August  last.  They  all  perfectly 
agree  in  the  circumstance  of  the  summons  giv^n  to  attend  at  the  Nanah^ 
to  witness  the  treaty.  Nanah  was  sworn  by  his  Bramin,  and  St.  Lubln 
by  his  Padre,  and  Nanah  kept  the  book.  The  despatch  of  Monsieur 
Pascal  due  Santy  to  Surat,  in  order  to  carry  from  thence  his  despatches 
for  France,  is  certain.  We  have  learnt  by  a  Fr^hman,  lately  arrived 
here,  that  be  has  been  seen  at  Briancourt^s ;  aH  destination  via  Suez. 
This  Frenchman  says  that  he  wanted  to  take  his  passage  in  an  English 
Snow,  I  suppose  Barrington,  but  that  it  was  refused,  and  he  is  now  to 
go  in  a  vessel  belonging  to  a  black  man. 

"  You  see.  Sir,  how  much  Lubin  has  at  stake  by  the  total  defeat  of  all  his 
scheme^  perhaps  the  loss  of  life,  or  imprisonment,  if  these  fellows  fin^^^^ 
that  he  is  an  impostor^  everything,  therefore,  with  him  depends  on  hi'^V 
being  able  to  persuade  the  minister  to  hurry  out  a  body  of  men  iostantlj^^ 
on  the  receipt  of  his  despatches,  or  order  them  from  the  islands,    I 
leave  you.  Sir,  further  to  judge  what  he  is  capable  of,  when  he  has 
wrote  that  they  are  in  perfect  possession  of  the  port  and  harbour  of 
Choul ;  and,  to  make  the  possession  more  valuable,  he  wanted  the 
gentleman  who  took  the  draft  of  it  for  him,  to  f>ut  seven  fathom  water 
where  there  were  only  three  and  a  half.    The  flourishing  state  of  this 
country,  the  power  of  Nanah,  the  certain  destruction  of  the  English,  tho 
gr«at  skdvantage  to  France — ^all  these  he  has  dwelt  on,  as  I  am  well  assured, 
in  A  manner  that  cannot  fall  to  make  great  impressions  in  Franoe. 


CHAP.  lY.]  DISSSMS108&  OF  THE  UIMISTRY.  69 

Bengal  goyernmeat,  9  repetition  of  the  approval  of  their 
conduct,  and  of  regret  at  the  great  and  unnecessary 
sacrifice  made  by  the  treaty  of  Poorundhur,  was  still  more 
clearly  expressed  than  in  the  preceding  year.  The  Court, 
to  be  sure,  repeat  their  determination  to  adhere  to  that 
treaty  ;  but  should  its  conditions  not  be  fulfilled  by  the 
ministers,  they  authorize  an  alhauce  with  Bugoba,  on  the 
terms  of  the  treaty  of  Surat,  which  they  considered  more 
for  the  honor,  as  well  as  the  advantage,  of  the  company, 
than  that  which  was  concluded  by  Colonel  Upton. 

In  the  meantime,  dissensions  among  the  parties  at  Poona 

continued  to  increase.  Nana  Furnuweea 
despised  the  abilities  of  his  cousin,  but 
with  a  Bramin's  caution,  he  was  at  more  pains  to  conceal 
his  contempt  than  his  enmity.  Moraba  was  supported  by 
all  the  partizans  of  Rugoba,  particularly  Buchaba  Poorun- 
dhuree,  Sukaram  Hurry,  Chintoo  Wittul,  and  Wishnoo 
Nerher.  This  faction  gained  Tookajee  Holkar,  whose 
defection  from  the  cause  of  the.iiiinisters  became  avowed 
by  his  excusing  himself  when  ordered  to  support  Hurry 
Punt  Phurkay .  in  the  Carnatic.  The  English  envoy 
attributed  the  confidence  he  could  perceive  in  Nip^na  to  an 
assurance  of  support  from  France.  Immediately  after  the 
death  of  i&unga  Bye,  Sukaram  Bappoo  began  to  be  jealous 
of  his  hitherto  humble  colleague,  and  now  united,  but 
cautiously  and  with  no  decision,  in  a  plan  for  the  restora- 
tion of  Rugoba.  Moraba  mad^  the  proposal  to  Bombay, 
and  requested  that  the  government  would  immediately 
bring  Rugoba  to  Poona.  Preparations  were  accordingly 
begun,  and  the  president  and  council  determined  to  afford 
their  assistance  without  delay^  Their  resolve  was  approved 
by  the  supreme  government ;  and  it  was  determioied  at 
Bengal,  in  consequence  of  the  war  in  which  they  were 


70  HISTORY  OF  THE   MAHRATTA8.  [CHAP.   IV. 

about  to  engage  on  the  west  of  India,  as  well  as  the 
apprehended  schemes  of  the  French  in  the  same  quarter, 
to  support  the  Bombay  presidency  with  six  battalions  of 
sepojs,  and  a  proportionate  artillery,  from  the  Bengal 
establishment,  to  Which  some  cavalry  were  afterwards 
added.  This  force  was  directed  to  assemble  on  the  Jumna 
opposite  to  Kalpee  ;  the  command  was  given  to  Colonel 
Leslie,  and  he  was  directed  to  march  across  India  towards 
Bombay,  and  place  himself  under  the  orders  of  tl^at 
presidency. 

But  although  the  Bombay  government  agreed  to  aid  the 
scheme  of  Moraba,  it  was  with  a  proviso  that  Sukaram 
Bappoo,  the  principal  authority  in  signing  the  treaty  of 
Poorundhur,  should  state  in  writing  that  the  invitation  was 
made  at  his  desire.  This  decided  declaration,  Sukaram, 
unfortunately  for. himself,  refused,  and  the  plan  was  in 
consequence  suspended  ;  but  it  was  the  deliberate  opinion 
of  the  Bombay  government  that  their  own  safety  depended 
on  their  effecting  a  change  in  the  Poena  administration. 
The  complex  political  machine,  which  Nana  Furnuwees 
managed  on  this  emergency  with  consummate  artifice,  was 
at  first  a  little  deranged  by  a  premature  attempt  to 
apprehend  Moraba,  who  made  his  escape  from  Poena. 
This  exposure  would  have  disconcerted  most  men ;  but 
Nana,  through  Sukaram  Bappoo,  persuaded  his  cousin  to 
return,  and  it  was  agreed  that  a  new  ministry  should  be 
formed,  including  Moraba  and  Bujaba  Poorundhuree ; 
but  Bujaba  was  not  so  easily  persuaded,  and  Sukaram 
Hurry  nobly  declared  that  nothing  should  ever  induce  him 
to  abjure  the  cause  of  a  generous  master,  who  had  been 
his  protector  from  youth  to  manhood  ;  that  Rugonath  Rao 
was  a  soldier  ;  and  Nana,  a  cunning,  cowardly  courtier. 

Mor^ba's  party,  by  the  aid  of  Holkar's  troops,  obtained 


CHAP.    IV.  ARTIFICB  OF  NANA  FUBNUWBES.  71 

the  complete  ascendancy  ;  and  Nana,  who  was  obliged  to 
retire  to  Poorundhury  pretended  to  acquiesce  in  the  plan  for 
conducting  Bugoba  to  Poona,  on  condition  of  obtaining 
security  for  himself  and  property.  The  Bombay  govern- 
ment again  received  notice  to  prepare  ;  but  the  weak 
Moraba  imagined  that  he  had  attained  his  object,  and 
fancied  himself  at  the  head  of  the  administration.  Nana 
affected  his  usual  deference  for  Sukaram's  opinion,  and 
was*  scrupulously  respectful  to  his  cousin.  Consultations 
took  place  respecting  the  restoration  of  Bugonath  Bab,  and 
Moraba  began  to  perceive  the  force  of  Nana's  objections. 
He  could  not  but  recollect  that  when  Ke  was  minister  under 
Mahdoo  Bao,  the  conduct  of  Bugonath  Bao  had  invariably 
tended  to  dissension,  loss,  or  dishonor.  He  therefore, 
though  still  pretending  to  be  desirous  of  reinstating  Bugoba, 
began  to  evade  the  question  when  pressed  by  his  English 
friends. 

A  majority  of  the  council  in  Bombay,  seeing  that  their 
hopes  from  Moraba's  party  had  vanished,  soothing  them- 
selves with  the  hope  of  a  continuance  of  peace  with  France, 
and  with  an  idea  of  being,able,  through  Moraba,  to  destroy 
the  influence  of  the  French  at  Poena,  came  to  a  resolution, 
on  the  22nd  April,  of  countermanding  Colonel  Leslie's 
detachment ;  but  on  the  3rd  of  the  ensuing  month  they 
reversed  this  resolution,  for  reasons  which  will  be  explained, 
and  directed  Colonel  Leslie  to  advance. 

Moraba  had  given  Mr«  Mostyn  assurances  that  St.  Lubin 
should  be  dismissed  ;  but  his  departure  was  delayed  from 
day  to  day  ;  and  it  was  soon  discovered  that  St.  Lubin, 
by  Nana's  contrivance,  had  been  able  to  persuade  Moraba 
to  enter  into  his  views.  But,  in  effect,  notwithstanding 
appearances.  Nana  Furnuwees,  unless  when  under  the 
immediate  influence  of  fear,  would  have  been  the  greatest 


72  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  IV- 

obstacle  to  the  French  views,  had  they  ever  attempted  an 
establishment  in  the  Mahratta  country.  His  jealousy  of 
Europeans .  would  never,  have  admitted  a  French  force 
sufficiently  strong  even  for  the  expulsion  of  the  English 
from  the  small  settlement  of  Boboibay,  unless  he  could  have 
been  certain  of  crushing  them  afterwards.  Nana  Furnuwees 
never  entirely  believed  that  St.  Lubin  could  bring  troops  ; 
and  one  deception,  which  the  impostor  adopted  to  obtain 
credit,  by  writing  to  Goa  und  Damaun  for  permission  to 
pass  two  French  regiments  through  the  Portuguese  terri- 
tories, seems  only  to  have  succeeded  where  he  least  wished 
it — with  the  English,  by  whom  his  letters  were  inter- 
cepted. 

All  the  events  that  have  just  been  detailed  had  occurred 
by  the  time  Mahadajee  Sindia  and  Hurry  Punt  united  at 
Merich.  Both  these  officers  were  in  Nana's  interests ; 
and  the  well-concerted  plan  of  threatening  Hyder  during 
Nana's  danger  deceived  both  Hyder*  and  Moraba  ;  nor 
did  Moraba  awake  from  his  dream  of  security,  until  Hurry 
Punt  and  Mahadajee  Sindia,  arriving  by  different  routes, 
united  at  Poorundhur  on  the  8th  June.  Nana  re-assumed 
his  former  power,  occupied  the  principal  passes  in  the 
country  with  his  troops,  and,  tlirough  Sindia's  influence, 
seconded  by  a  bribe  of  nine  lakhs  of'nipees,  detached 
Holkar  from  the  confederacy.  Moraba  once  more  resorted 
to  negotiation  with  the  English  (the  detail  of  which  -will 
require  more  particular  notice)  ;  hut  the  opportunity  was 

lost.     On  the  11th  July  Moraba  was  seized 

^     *  by  a  party  of  horse  belonging  to  Mahadajee 

Sindia,  and  shortly  after  made  over  to  Nana,  by  whom  he 

*  This  circumstaooe,  already  noticed,  is  well  known  in  the  Mahratta 
country,  but  is  not  mentioned  in  any  English  reoord,  and  has  escaped 
the  notice  of  Colonel  Wilks, 


CVAP.   IT.]  C0N8TAX<nr  OP  8UKA&AM  RURRT.  73 

was  throtvn  ioto  confinement  ia  the  forireaa  of  Ahmednugur, 
The  whole  of  his  party  wece  arrested  except  Sukaram 
Bi^pOy  wfao^e^afinement -w^  only  reserved,  beoause  his 
being  ostensibly  at  liberty  was  esdeatial  in  regard  to  the 
teeiaty  with  the  English.  Bujaba  Poorundhuree  was 
throwil  into  the  fort  of  l^undun^  and  the  others  into 
dii&rent  hiU^&rta  in  the  Grbaots.  The  unshaken  constancy 
of  Shkar>am.  Harry  to  bi9  master  Rugoba  deserved  a  better 
fate.  He  was  chained  in  irons  so  heavy,  that,  although 
d  very  pciwOtful  tnan,  be  could  scarcely  lift  them  ;  his  food 
and  water  were  insuiSSQi^t  to  allay  his  hunger  or  to  quench 
his  thirst ;  but  he  suifviv^  14  months :  and  when  so 
emaciated  tliat  he  could  not  rise— ^^  My  strength  is  gone, 
and  my  life  is  gpi|ig/'  said  the  dying  enthusiast ;  ^^but 
when, voice  and  breath  fail,  my  fleshless  bones  shall  still 
shout  jRjigonath  Bao  I  Bu^nath  Baol"* 
.  IHie  deep  artifice  of  Nana  Furniiiwiees. had  succeeded  in 
baffling  the  designs  of  his  own  countrymen,  but  he  had 
still  tor  encoutitet  the  intellect  and  vigour  of  Englishmen. 
The  national  jealousy  he  had  Ventured  to  awal^e,  rose  with 
an  iaspect  which  terrified  him.  The  application  of  the 
resident  at  Poena  to  the .  ministei^,  and  to  Sindia  and 
Holkar,  fo^  passports  to  facilitate  the  march  of  a  body  of 
British  troops  from  the  east  to  the  west  of  India,  for  tlie. 
declared  purpose  of  coilnteraeting  the  designs.of  the  French, 
seems  at  first  to  have  been  viewed  by  the  Mahrattas  as  a< 
threat.  They  probably  consideired  tbat^  if  it  had  l^een 
intended  to.  send. troops  .to  Bombay,  they.woul(i  have  been 
embarked  from  tiie  coast  of  Malabar  or .  Colromandel,  an4 
^placed  ficom  Bengal— an  •  opisuoit  in,  which  many  com-* 

*  Sukarsna  Hurry  was  a  Puriroe,  and  is  not  a  singalar  inetance  of  the 
unsba^en  fidelity  of  that  clads  ia  the  history  of  Maharashtra.  His 
daughter  is  alive  in  Satara. 

Vol.  ii.— 10 


J 


Beu_ 


74  HIOTORT  OF  THE  MABBATTA8.  [CHAP.  IV. 

petent  jadgesy  among  our  own  countrymen ,  coincided  ; 
but  the  unfavourable  selBUM>n  of  the  year,  the  ill-treatment 
to  which  the  Bengal  depend  had  been  invariably  e^po^ 
on  board-ship,  and  perhaps,  though  never  avowed,  the 
grandeur  of  the  enterprise,  togeAer  with  some  idea 
entertained  by  Mr.  Hastings,  from  the  firiftt,  of  forming  an 
alliance  vnth  Moodajee  Bhonday,  were  the  motives  which 
influenced  the  governor-general  in  choosing  the  overland 
route. 

Although  the  choice  was  more  than  quedtionable  in  regard 
to  the  mere  military  aid  they  could  a£R^rd,  yet  tiie  political 
effect  was  very  considerable  ;  and  had  die  Deccan  become, 
as  the  Goromandel  coast  had  been,  die  dieatre  of  war  with 
France,  this  enterj^zing  march  would  have  proved  of 
much  importance  in  raising  friends  to  the  English,  and 
in  spreading  opinions  of  their  pow^,  essential  to  their  pre- 
servation. In  England^  however,  in  tiie  language  of  die  day, 
it  was  considered  one  <^  ^^  the  frantic  military  exploits"  of 
Mr.  Hastings  ;*  but  had  the  English  councils  in  India  not 
been,  at  various  periods,  guided  by  men  whose  viewa  and 
genius  went  far  beyond  the  ordinary  opinions  of  their 
contemporaries,  the  British  empire  in  India  might  never 
have  existed ;  nor  is  it  too  much  to  suppose  that.we  should, 
at  this  moment,  have  lamented  our  errors  in  the  overgrown 
prosperity  of  our  Eurc^)ean  riral,  the  exhaustion  of  our 
resources,  or  perhaps  the  annihilation  of  our  power. 

When  the  pk<esident  and  council  at  Bombay  accepted  the 
first  invitation  of  Moraba's  party,  the  supreme  govern- 
ment approved  of  their  having  done  so,  because  the 
principal  person  who  had  sigi^edthe  treaty  of  Poorundhur, 
the  articles  which  still  remained  unfolfilled^  was  one  of 
those  who  had  joined  in  the  application  ;  and  the  other 

^'  Mr.  Dondas's  8p«eoh  1782. 


CHAP.  IV.]  DSXAMSS  OF  THB  XNGU8U.  75 

party,  Nuta  ^omiuweeBy  not  only  obstrueted  the  fulfilment 
of  the  articles  oi  the  treaty,  but  was  aopposed  to  be 
negotiating,  if  lie  bad  not  actoarlly  coodadedy  a  secret 
agreement  with  ibe  French,  wbidi  tbrevtened  the  existence 
of  the  oompany 'e  poseeasioin  on  the  west  of  India  Under 
these  circnmstanoes,  in  a  despatch  elated  the  23rd  March, 
the  govemor<^eDeraI  and  oonndt  authorised  the  Bombay 
goretnment  ^^  to  assist  in  trask^nilliziiig  the  dissensionB  of 
the  Mahratta  state  ;'^  they  directed  that  in  whatever 
manner  the  ruling  party  dM»dd  choose  te  conduct  the 
administration,  personal  security  should  be  demanded  for 
Bngoba,  and  the  expenses  of  any  military  expedition  that 
might  be  required  should  be  borne  by  the  Mahratta 
goTemment.  Bassein,  and  sotae  territory  in  its  neigh- 
bourhood, were  to  be  demanded  in  exchange  for  Baroacb, 
whilst,  in  order  to  defeat  Hk  designs  of  the  French,  it  was 
ordered  that  there  should  be  an  express  stipulation, 
prevMiting  all  European  settlements  within  the  Mahratta 
territories,  unless  sanctioned  by  the  supreme  British 
government  in  India  ;  and  they  announced  that,  lest  the 
French  should  obstruct  these  objects.  Colonel  Leslie's 
detachment  would  take  the  field  for  the  support  of  the 
presidency  of  Bonibay. 

The  first  plan^  however,  having  been  defeated,  as  we  have 
seen,  by  the  apparent  reconciliation  of  the  ministers,  the 
Bombay  government,  for  the  reasons  already  enumerated, 
had  dropped  their  intentions  ;  but,  upon  receiving  the 
orders  of  the  S3rd  March,  they  deemed  th^nselves  autho- 
rized to  call  upon  the  new  administration,  to  know  whether 
or  not  they  held  the  Mahratta  state  bound  by  the  treaty 
of  Poomndhur,  and  to  demand  explicit  answers  on  the 
point  still  in  dispute.  Instructions  to  their  envoy  were 
addressed  to  that  efiect,  and  they  directed  him  to  remon- 


*J&  HISTORY  OF  THK  HAHIULTTAS.  ICHAP.  IV. 

Btrate  on  St.  Lubin's  being  dtill  kept  at  Poonta.  Nanfi 
Funrawees  perceived  that,  in  regard  ta  the  English,  he 
had  comnntted  himself  farther  than  he  had  ijitended  ^or 
might  be  enabled  to  retraot^  and  his  emnitj  had  been  too 
actively  exercised  against  Bngoba,  ever  te  hope  for  reoon*- 
'Ciliation'with  him  or  his  fxiends.  .  St.  Lubin  was  di^mssed 
early  in  the  month  of  July  before  Moraba  was  placed,  in 
confinement;  but  Ifana,  on  St.  Lnbin's  taking,  leave, 
although  be  entered  on  no  absolute  agreement,  was  at  that 
moment  sincere  in  his  assurances,  wh^en  he  declared,  thaii, 
if  the  envoy  could  bring  a  French  carps  io  his  aid,  he  would 
grant  his  nation  an  establishment  in  the  Mahratta  ten^i- 
tories.  .     i    ,  . 

8india  and  Holkar,  as  Mr.  Hastings  had  Ibretbld,  granted 
passports  for  Colonel  Leslie's  detachment,  because,  as  their 
territories  were  exposed  during  their  absenoe,  it  was  their 
object  that  the  British  troops,  if  they  came  by  that  route^ 
should  pass  as  friends.  The  ministers,  however,  observed 
to  Mr.  Mostyn  that,  as  the  detachment  was  sent  on  account 
of  the  French,  by  the  dismissal  of  the  envoy,  both.i;heir 
advance  and  their  passports  were  no  longer  necessary .; 
]Nana  at' the  same  time  sent  sectet  orders  to  the  Mahrattia 
officers,  and  to  the  rajas  in  Bundelcund,  to  oppose  Leslie's 
progress.  . .  .      . 

It  was  at  this  conjuncture  that  Moitaba's  party  made  a 
specific  application  to  Mr.  Mostyn,  wlneh  ^that  genUeman 
intended  to  carry  to  Bombay  hini»elf^  but  postponed  doing 
so  in  hopes  of  receiving  answers  to  the  denlands  whiehhad 
been  formally  mad^  on  the  Mahratta  government,  agree-^ 
ably  to  thie  authority  from  BengaL  A  part  x)f  Moraba's 
proposals  contained  satisfactory  assurances  ^n  evary  point 
referred ;  but  Nana,  who  was  fully  uppriied-  of  all  that 
was  goini]f  forward,  in  order  to  create  delay  kept   back  the 


CHAP.  IV.]  rugoba's  restoration  attempted.  77 

replies  of  the  acknowledged  and  execatire  aiithoritj  of  the 
state,  tiutil  Mr.  Mostyn  at  last  set  out  on  the  6th  July, 
when  Nana  sent  them  to  his  asastant^  Mr.  Lewis,  who 
transmitted  them  to  Bombay^ 

These  replies  positively  denied  having  entelred  on  any 
treaty  with  the  French,  but  in  g^ieral  they  were  merely 
a  brief  summarryof  the  arguments  they  had  befcnre  used 
in  their  interpretation  of  the  articles  of  the  treaty  of 
Poorundhar.  In  regard  to  tlie  important  question  of  whe- 
ther or  not  the  new  ministry  held  themselves  bocind  by 
that  treaty,  they  observed — *'  The  English  should  keep 
that  tr^ty  faithftdly,  when  they  should  do  the  same*'' 

Aboi^t  the  time  that  these  evasive  answers  were  received 
in  Bombay,  intelligence  arrived  of  tlie  war  wiiii  France, 
and  the  president  and  ooimcil,  after  deliberating  upon  the 
replies,  and  the  proposals  from  MoTaba's  party,  were  of 
opinion  ihat  the  former  were  a  violation  of « the  ti^aty  of 
Poonmdhur;  and  that  they  in  consequence,  under  the 
authority  granted  by  the  supreme  government  in  their 
dei^atch  of  the  2Srd  March^  were  a^  liberty  to  pursue  flueh 
xcieaEures  asimight  be  expedient  for  the  iubversioa  of  a 
party  in  tiie  Mahratta  state  decidedly  hostile  to  the*  EIng* 
lisb  nation  ;  and  extrtoiely  dang^ous  to  their  interest,,  in 
the  eve^t^ofimy  attempt  on  the  part  of  J'rance  a^gainst 
iXmi  possessions  on  the  we&t  of  India. 
.  ;.Tbey  therefore  resolved  to  mako  equitable  stipulations 
for  placing  Bugoba  in  the  regenoy,  but  trith  an  expresB 
proviso  tjiat  the  government  should  be  conducted  !in  the 
name  of  the  yaung  Peii^wa,  Mahdoo  Rao  Narain,  and 
thai  the  entire  powers  should  be  surrendered  to  him  on 
the  expiration  of  his  minority.^     The  whole  was  to  be 

^  By  Hindoo  law  the  age  is  IG  ;  wilh  the  Mahrattasthe  usage  is  from 
16  to  *J^  y^rs  of  age. ' 


78  HISTOHY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  IV, 

kept  seerei  until  the  openitig  of  the  aeason^  wheu  it  was 
intended  to  cariy  their  plans  into  effect  with  the  utmost 
vigour ;  and  in  the  meantime  they  directed  Colonel  Leslie, 
who  had  been  before  instructed  to  proceed  to  Suratj  to 
alter  his  route  and  march  on  Joonere^ 

But  they  had  scarbely  signed  their  resolution  when  they 
received  accounts  of  the  seizure  of  Moraba  aad.his  friends^ 
and  the  defection  of  Holkar — circumstances  whidi  d^troy- 
ed  the  par<7  of  Biigoba,  but  made  no  alteration  in. their 
plan,  which  they  determinad  to  prosecute  at  all  hazards. 

Kana  J'urnuwees  perceived  th&  gathering  ^torm,  and 
his  preparations  to  meet  it  were  iu  progress,  whilst  tbo^ 
ofthe  Bombay  gotremment  were  only  rejsolved.  To  prevent 
obstruction  from  Sukaram  .Bappoo,  he  was,  on  ike  plea  of 
great  age,  removed  from  the  administratiim,  and  guarded 
by  a  body  of  Sindia^s  troops,  who  were  placed  over  his 
person  and  house,  though  Nana  Fumawees  and  Sindia 
still  occasionally  pretended  to  be  guided  by  his  advice. 
Sillidars  were  recruited  all  over  the  country,  and  dtreoted 
to  assemble  at  the  Dussiera^  Vessels  in  the  different  ports 
were  refitted,  the  forts  were  provisioned  and  repaired^ 
fresh  instructions  were despatohed  to  harass  Leslie'smaroli, 
but  positive  orders  weie  also  sent  not  to  ayoinr  that  the  oppo* 
sition  was  made  by  authority  from  Poena.  An  agent  was 
sent  to  Bombay  to  amuse  the  government  by  making 
overtures  to  Bugobaybutthe  vigilance  of  Mr.  Lewis  had 
aj^rized  them  of  the  intention. 

Ill  the  end  of  August,  the  Bombay  government  for  the 
first  time  received  some  general  information  from  the 
governor-general  and  council  of  i^eir  intention  of  formmg 
an  alliance  with  Moodajee  Bhonsiay,  and  they  were 
directed  to  enter  on  no  engagement  hostile  to  tlie  govern- 
ment at  Poona,  excepting  such  as  was  absolutely  defensive. 


CHAP.  iV.]  ZlAL  OF  IIR.   CARNAC.  79 

Btit  on  this  the  .president,  and  the  majority  of  the  members 
of  council,  observed  that  Moodajee  was  so  whollj  uncon- 
nected with  their  design  »f  establishing  Bngoba  in  the 
regency,  that  this  intimation  onght  not  to  be  allowed  to 
interrupt  dieir  proceedings.     However,  up  to  the  lith  of 
October,  no  preparations  had  been  begun  at  Bombay,  and 
Mr.  John  Csmac,  one  of  the  members  of  oouncil,  and  the 
dedared  successor  of  G-oveztior  Hornby,  in  consequence  of 
the  delay,  submitted  a  minute,  urging  the  necessity  of 
vigorous  preparation,  and  representing  all  the   evils   of 
procrastination.     Mr.  Oarnac,  though  best  known  on  the 
west  of  India  in  his  civil  capacity,  was  originally  a  military 
officer  on  the  Bengal  establishment,  where  he  had  risen  to 
the  rank  of  brigadier-general,  and  been  distinguished  by 
his  services.     Mr.  Draper,  with  his  usual  deliberation,  and 
in  this  instance  with  the  clearest  judgment,  dissented  from 
Mr.  Oarnac's  {H'oposal,  because  it  was  impossible  for  them 
to  judge  what  might  be  the  object  o(  the  govemor-^general 
and  council  in  treating  with    Moodajee  Bfaonslay;   he 
perfectly  agreed   in  the    pmpriety  and   expediency    of 
removing  Nana  Furnuwees  when  it  could  be  effected  with 
certainty,  but  circumstances  had    materially  altered  at 
Pocma  since  their  first    resolutions.    Their  own    force, 
particularly  in  Europeans,  was  very  weak)  and  CDl<meI 
LesUe's  fiTtrong  reinforcement  was  still  at  a  great  distance  ; 
he  was  thereibre  of  opinion  that  a  delay  of  about  two 
months  ought  to  be  their  object     Alt  these  suggestions 
were  sound,  and  appar^:itiy  too  evident  to  be  disputed ; 
but  the  majority  of  the  members  of  the  Bombay  govenn 
ment  in  regard  to  Rugoba  were  precisely  as  described  by 
Mr.  Hastings-^^^  their  passions  were  enlisted  in  his  cause  ; 
it  was  in  effect  their  own.' '     Mr.  Camac,  whose  peculiar 
situation  m  having  superseded  Mr.  Draper  ought,  on 


60  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHBATTAS  [CHAP.  IV. 

every  view,  to  have  ensured  deliicacy  and  forbearance, 
scaro^ly  conoealed  bis  contempt  of  Mr.  Draper's  caution, 
and  strenuously  auppiyrted-  the  proposals  of  Grovemor 
Hornby.  .  It  was  the  opinion  of  the  majority  that  no  tima 
should  be  lost;  tha  French  might  probably  arriver^aa 
iA<?idQnt  the  truth  of  which  Mr.  Draper  admitted,  and 
that  too, .  he  observed,  '^  with .  their  garriisou  drained  of 
troops  and  Bombay  at  their  merey  f  ^  but  his  voice  was 
overruled,  and  Mr.  Oarnac's.  zeal  was  rewarded,  in  the 
(bst  instance,  by  being  appointed  president  of  a  committee 
to  settJb  the  preliminaries  with  Rugoba. 

The  Bombay  governmejit  had  lost  a  respectable  coun^ 
soUor  in  the  death  of  General  Robert  Gordon,  thei 
eonuuatiding  ofQcep  of  their,  forces.  He  was  aueceeded  by 
Colonel  Charles  Egerton,  an  officer  who  had  been  b^rpught 
uj>  ift  the  army  at  home,  uad,  had  served  on  the  contineQt 
of  Europe  •;  but  a  man  extremely  weak,  and  totally 
unaoquai9t0d  with  India,  its  natives,  or  its  warfare*  Gi9 
h0alth  Was  BO  infirto  ,m  to  render  hio)  unfit  for  active 
service  ;  but  as  he  had  h&m  befo^re  ^t  ajside  in  favour  of 
Colonel  Keating,  Mr.  Horaby  on :  the  pr^seiit  occasion, 
asse^t^'to  hi$k -being  appt>inted  to.  the: command. /  In  a 
cegu)ar.servioe,  ho we.ver,  it  sometimes  hjEtppens  that  men 
whose  rank  is  their  only  recommendation  may  be  cou'-r 
venient  commanders,  but  if  .their  intended  directors  prove 
deQcient  in  ability,  or: should  they  happen, to  fall.und^  an 
infUi^nce  contrary  to  what  has.  been  designed,  the  mis- 
fortune and  disgrace  that  may  result  from  siich  .selections 
ought  in  justice  to  be  attributed  to  those  oh  whom  the 
<^hoice  depends* 

Many  officers  of  rank,,  who  at  that  time  entered  the 
company's  service  at  an  advanced  period  of  life,  came,  to 
Jndia,  less  with  jaa  idea,  of  attaining  rank  or.  bonor^. than 


CHAP.   IV.]  A   FIBLD  COMMITTEE  APPOIKTED.  81 

of  making  fortunes  by  any  means.  Their  piety  was 
inadequate,  and  as  the  manner  of  regulating  the  supplies^ 
carriage^  and  equipment  of  an  army  was  without  system^ 
the  shameless  corruptioa  and  embezzlement  which  fre- 
quently prevailed,  dxcited  the  jealousy  of  the  governments, 
without  either  suggesting  efficient  checks,  or  engaging  by 
high  confidence  those  better  feelings,  which,  with  the  ideas 
commoQ  to  their  profession,  they  would  perhaps  in  most 
instances  have  retained. 

This  jealousy  was,  on  the  present  occasion,  one  cause  of 
the  appointment  of  two  members  of  council,  who,  together 
with  the  commanding  offieer,  formed  a  committee,  in  whom 
was  not  only  vested  the  political  authority,  but  ev^ry  other 
arrangeinent  for  conducting  Rugonath  Rao  to  Foona ; 
leaving  the  mere  detail  of  duty  and  of  march,  as  the  sole 
occupation,  separately  entrusted  to  the  senior  military 
officer  of  their  army. 

On  the  first  proposal  of  a  committee.  Colonel  Egerton 
assented  to  the  measure,  conceiving,  as  he  afterwards  ex- 
plained, that  it  was  intended  solely  for  the  purpose  of  settling 
the  pieliminary  arrangements  with  Bugoba ;  but  he  after- 
wards made  repeated  objections,  and  protested  against  the 
measure,  as  contrary  to  the  orders  of  the  Court  of  Directorsy 
and  derogatory  to  bis  situation  as  commanding  officer. 

The  basis  of  the  new  agreement  with  Rugonath  Rao 
differed  little  from  the  treaty  of  Surat,  as  far  as  the  com- 
pany were  concerned  ;  but,  in  regard  to  Rugoba,  it  was 
most  expressly  stated  that  th^  English  were  to  place  him 
at  Poena  as  regent,  and  in  other  respects  the  articles  were 
nearly  in  conformity  with  the  instructions  from  Bengal. 
As  the  Bombay  goremment  had  decided  contrary  to  the 
advice  of  Mr.  Draper,  it  might  have  been  expected  that 
they  would  have  used  despatch  in  sending  off  their  troops  ; 

Vol.  II.— U 


82  H18T0RT  OF  THE  MAHEATfAS.  [cllAF.  IT. 

but  thdr  preparations  were  extre?nely  dilatory.  At  last 
an  advanced  party,  consisting  of  six  companies  of  natire 
grenadiers  from  different  corps,  with  a  small  detail  of 
light  artillery,  embarked  from  Bombay  on  the  eyening  of 

ihe  22nd  November,  landed  at  Aptee,  and 
moved  forward  under  Captain  James 
Stewart,  who  took  possession  of  the  Bhore  Ghaut  without 
opposition,  and  encamped  at  the  village  of  Kundalla.  The 
advance  had  embarked  before  the  treaty  was  signed ;  and 
at  this  moment  an  unexpected  cause  of  delay  arose  from 
the  perverse  conduct  of  Rugoba,  who,  perceiving  that  the 
Bombay  government  had  gone  too  far  to  retract,  and  that 
his  concurrence  was  indispensable,  started  objections,  and 
pertinaciously  adhered  to  them  until  a  part  of  his  demands 
were  granted.  This  disposition  to  take  every  possible 
advantage  of  thpse  friends  who  had  done  so  much  to 
uphold  his  cause,  occasioned  considerable  vexation;  but 
for  the  present  this  disappointment  wias  forgotten  in  the 
animating  bustle  of  expected  service,  and  the  brilliant 
hopes  entertained  of  the  result. 

The  troops  embarked  at  Bombay  for  Panwell  on  the 
28rd,  took  possession  of  the  small  fort  of  Bellapoor,  and 
disembarked  at  Panwell  on  the  25th  of  November. 
Including  the  advance  under  Captain  Stewart,  and  a 
detachment  of  60  rank  and  file  left  at  Bellapoor,  the 
army  was  composed  of  591  Europeans,  2,278  native 
infantry,  and  500  gun-lascars;  the  whole,  officers 
included,  amounted  to  3,900  men.  ,  Preparations  suffix 
cient  to  have  enabled  the  commanding  officer  to  move 
from  Panwell  were  not  completed  for  several  days ; 
but  the  delay  which  afterwards  took  place  in  making 
roads,  and  in  the  observance  of  various  formalities,  was 
equally  unnecessary  and  inexcusable. 


CHAP.  IT.]  DVATB  OF  MR.  UOBTTN.  83 

A  proclamation  declaring  the  objecta  of  the  expedition 
was  issued  in  Rngoba's  name,  and  probkbly  intended  to  be 
disseminated  through  means  of  his  people.  When  the 
troops  first  entered  the  village  of  Pan  well,  the  carcoon  iii 
charge  of  it,  on  the  part  of  the  ministers,  retired.  Colonel 
Egerton  immediately  occupied  his  house  :  and  as  he  had 
received  two  copies  of  the  proclamation,  he  assembled  the 
inhabitants,  whom  he  describes  as  well  satisfied  with  the 
change  of  government  when  he  had  read  the  proclamation  ; 
and  he  was,  therefore,  not  a  little  surprised  on  finding 
intelligence,  had  reached  Bombay  that  the  inhabitants  were 
retiring  from  the  village,  and  that  a  complaint  had  been 
made  against  him  for  occuppng,  and  of  course  defiling,  a 
Bramin's  house.  This  accusation  Colonel  Egerton  r^elled 
by  declaring  that  he  was  actually  living  in  the  govern- 
ment-house^ it  never  appearing  to  enter  his  mind  that  the 
government  agent  was  a  Bramin.  It  may  seem  frivolous 
to  record  such  absurdities,  or  the  petty  disputes  of 
Mr.  Carnac  and  Colonel  Egerton,  which  commenced 
regardiQg  the  military  honors  to  be  paid  to  the  former. 
Unfortunately,  Mr.  Mostyn,  the  person  best  qualified  to 
direct  the  expedition,  was  taken  ill,  and,  without  once 
attending  the  committee,  returned  to  Bombay,  where  he 
died  on  the  1st  of  January.  Mr.  Camac  was  fully  sensible 
of  bis  loss ;  and  at  an  early  period  expressed  apprehen- 
sions of  the  great  discouragement  his  illness  might  prove 
to  the  Mahratta  party  still  inclined  to  the  cause  of  Bugoba. 

Colonel  Egerton,  on  Mr.  Mostyn's  being  taken  ill, 
declared  that  the  powers  of  the  committee  were  suspended  ; 
but  his  objections  were  overruled  by  an  order  from  Bombay, 
although  by  this  decision,  there  being  only  two  members, 
Mr.  Camac,  as  president  with  a  casting  vote,  became 
virtually  commander  of  the  army. 


g4  HISTORY  OF  THE   MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.   IV. 

The   whole   force,    accompanied   by    Ragoba,    Ararut 

iUo    (his    adopted   son),    and    a  few   straggling   horse 

that  had   joined    Hhem,    aseended  the    Ghauts   by    the 

23rd  of  December;  by   that  time   some 
December  23.  .•  i        i  •       •  i  •  i     i      ^  i  i 

partial     skirmishing    had     taken     place 

between  Captain  Stewart  and  small  parties  of  the  ienemy, 
in  which  the  "sepoys  showed  great  zeal.  Colonel  Egerton, 
at  ihe  top  of  the  Ghauts  divided  his  force  into  two 
brigades;  the  one  commanded  by  Lieutenant-Colonel  Cay, 
the  other  under  Lieutenant-Colonel  Cockbum,  still  reserv- 
ing the  advance  as  a  separate  corps  under  Captain  Stewart. 
These  three  divisions  advanced  alternately  atthe  rate  of  about 
three-quarters  of  a  mile  daily,  the  ma:rch  rarely  exceeding 
two  miles,  and  the  one  division  always  occupying  the 
ground  which  the  otiier  had  quitted.  In  this  manner,  in 
eleven  days  they  reached  JBLarlee,  a  village  eight  miles 
from  the  ground  which  Captain  Stewart  had  first  occupied. 
This  extraordin6,ry  mode  of  warfare,  which  the  command- 
ing officer  afterwards  declared  was  owing  to  want  of 
provisions  and  carriage  in  the  comtnissariat,  and  which 
Mr.  Camac  describes  as  what  Colonel  Egerton  might  have 
seen  in  Germany,  encouraged  the  6nemy, .  who  brought 
down  infantry,  rockets,  and  guns  to  harass  them  ;  but  they 
were  attacked  and  driven  back  on  ev^ry  occasion  with  the 
greatest  spirit.  During  the  march  from  Kiindalla  the 
army  lost  Lieutenant-Colonel  Cay,  an   excellent  officer, 

who  was  mortally  wounded  by  a  rocket 
Vn^'^^J!^!'       on  the  31st  of   Decwfnber;  but   at  the 

village  of  Karlee,  on  the  4th  of  January, 
Captain  Stewart,  who,  oin  the  present  and  several  other 
occasions,  had  distingoished  liitnself,  was  killed  by  a 
cannon-ball,  to  tlie  general  regret  of  the  army.  "  He 
was,'*    says  the   Bombay  government,   "  a   most  active, 


CBAP.   IV.]  MidRATTA  ARUT  AT  TULLTGAOM.  85 

^alktnt  and  judicious  oifSoer,  and  possessed  of  the  true 
military  spirit."  It  is  a  remarkable  fact  that  his  name  is  to 
&n  dskj  famdiar  in  th<i  M&hratta  centitry  by  the  appella- 
tion of  Siewatf  Phakrai/,  which  expresses  something  more 
than  the  galUnt  Stewart — a  circumstance  that  marks 
the  strong  impression  made  by  his  conduct ;  and  what 
soldier,  wherever  he  may  fall,  could  desire  a  nobler  epitaph, 
than  that  such  a  tradition  should  be  preserved  by  his 
enemies? 

The  dilatory  preparations  at  Bombay  afforded  Kana 
Fumuwees  ^nd  M ahadajee*  Sindia  ample  time  to  assemble 
the  army.  Sukaram  Bappoa's  restraint  was,  at  this  crisis, 
deemed  impolitic,  probably  from  the  same  cause  as  before 
— on  account  of  the  situation  in  which  he  stood  with  the 
British  government  as  one  of  the  two  ministers  who  con- 
cluded the  treaty  of  Poorufidhur ;  a  reconciliation  had 
therefore  been  brought  about,  and  he  ostensibly  resumed 
his  office  as  minister.  Hie  principal  part  of  the  military 
operations  wereintrust^  to  Mahadajee  Sindia,  Hurry  Punt 
Phurkay,  and  Tookajee  BTolkar.  'But  they  took  care  to 
place  Holkar,  of  whom  Nana  was  justly  suspicious,  in  a 
situation  fiom  which  he  would  have  found  it  extremely 
hazardous  to  effect  a  junction  with  Ril^oba.  The  whole 
Mahratta  army,  on  the  approach  of  the  English,  advanced 
to  TuUygaom.  Bhew  Rao  Yeswunt  Phansay,  with  seven 
guns,  4,000  infantry,  and  5,Oi)6  horse,  had  leen  sent  on 
some  time  befbl^ej  to  oppose  the  Bombay  trdo{js ;  and  it 
Was  wHh  Phansay's  party  that  the  skirmishes  had  hitherto 

been^aihtaibed.     On  the  6th  of  January 

'  Colonel  Egerton,  in  consequence  of  sicfk- 

ness,  was  obliged  to^  resign  the  command  of  the  *rmy, 

v^^hieh  devolvied  on   Lieutenant-Golonel    Cockbum  ;  but 

Colonel  Egerton  continued  a  member  of  the  committee,  as 


8$  BISTOaT  09  THE  MAHRATTAg.  [CHAF.  17. 

a  party  of  the  enemy  *s  horse  had  cut  ofF  the  oommuiuca^ 
tion  with  Bombay. 

On  the  9th  of  January  the  army  reached  Tnllygaomy 
where  the  Mahrattas  made  a  show  of  resiatonce ;  bat^  when 
the  line  advanced  in  order  of  battle,  they  retired.  The 
village  had  been  destroyed  by  order  of  Kana  Farnuweea, 
and  the  committee  heard  that  similar  orders  had  been  given 
for  burning  Chincbpre  and  Poena.  On  reoeiving  thia 
intelligence, » instead  of  pushing  forward  18  miles,  the 
distsmoe  between  Tnllygaom  and  the  capital^  the  apparent 
determination  of  the  enemy  alarmed  them  ;  and  Bugoba's 
assurance,  that  no  person  of  consequence  would  d^lare 
for  him  until  some  advantage  had  been  obtained,  H&d  quite 
a  contrary  effect  from  what  he  had  intended,  and,  instead 
of  being  animated  to  exertion,  the  committee  sank  into 
despondency.  With  18  days'  provisions  for  their  troops, 
they  in  the  same  breath  came  to  a  resolution,  first,  of 
negotiating  with  some  of  the  chiefs,  and  then  of  retreating. 
Mr.  Lewis,  who  had  remained  at  Po(ma  till  the  l^st  moment, 
;and  had  made  good  his  way  to  Bombay,  was  with  the 
army,  and  at  this  moment  assured .  the  committee  that  a 
party  of  horse  in  the  interests  of  Moraba  were  in  the 
Ooncan,  and  might  soon  be  expected  to  join  their  army  ; 
but  this  circumstance  wx^s  disregarded*  When  Mr.  Carnac 
proposed  a  retreat  to  Lieutenant-Colonel  Cockbum^  Cap^ 
tain  Hartley  1  and  Mr,  Holmes  of  the  civil  service,  were 
present,  and  both  these  gentlemen  ventured  to  suggest 
that  it  would  be  better  to  await  the  result  of  the.negotiar 
tion  where  they  then  were,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Cockbum, 
on  being  called  upon  for  his  opinion,  said  he  had  no  doiibt 
that  he  oould  carry  the  army  to  Poona>  but  apprehended 
the  impossibility  of  protecting  the  baggage,  provisions,  and 
cattle  ;  of  which  last,  of  bullocks  alone,  there  were  19,000. 


CHIP.  IV.]  THE  ENGLISH  ARHT  BBTISB.  87 

The  committee,  lioweVer,  determined  to  adhere  io  their  reiio* 
lution  of  retreating.  Bng(»iath  Rao,  whose  adviceatsnoh  a 
moment  was  of  great  importance,  eamteetlj  begged  of  them 
to  defer  their  resolution  ;  but  the  man  who  had  led  50,000 
horse  from  the  Nerbnddah  to  the  Attock  was  equally 
odious  to  his  countrymen  and  despicable  among  his  allies ; 
not  one  day  would  the  committee  delay  in  deference  to  his 
opinion  ;  and  at  eleven  o'clock  on  the  night  of  the  11th  of 
January,  the  heavy  guns  having  been  thrown  into  a  large 
tank,  and  a  quantity  of  stores  burnt,  an  army  of  2,600 
British  troops  began  its  retreat,  seereUy,  as  was  supposed, 
before  50,000  Mahrattas.* 

It  was  vainly  imagined  that  they  eould  make  one  march 
before  being  discovered  ;  and  when  the  advanced  goard^ 
under  Captain  Gordon,  was  fired  upon  by  a  party  of  horse 
at  two  o'clock  in  the  morning.  Colonel  Cockbum  conceived 
that  the  enemy  must  have  obtained  the  intelligence  from 
Kugonath  Rao,  The  army,  as  already  noticed,  was  divided 
into  two  brigades,  besides  six  companies  of  grenadier 
sepoys,  which  were  kept  distinct  as  a  reserve.  On  the 
present  occasion  the  two  brigades  were  united  under 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Cockbum^  having  a  strong  "Advanced 
guard  at  some  distance  vx  firont,  wiiJh  the  six  companies  of 
grenadier  sepoys  and  two  guns,  considerably  in  the  rear. 

On  the  death  of  Qaptain  Stewart,  Captain  James  Hartley 
was  selected  to  command  the  reserve. '  Captain  Hbrtley 
was  a  young  man,  who  had  been  in  the  company's  service 
14  years  ;  he  was  well  known  to  the  sepoys,  who  have 
much  discernment  in  the  character  of  their  officers,  and 
are  very  different  under  different  men ;  but  in  the  hour  of 

*  Mr.  Ldwifl  seems  to  have  estimated  them  at 'about  10,000  infantry 
i^ad  25,000  hoEse.  Xii€!ut#naDt-GoIoiiel  Cockbum  declares  there  were 
above  1201000  men.  Tbe  Mabrattas  Ibemselves  say  at  least  a  lakh,  and 
I  believe  there  may  hare  been  above  one-hall  of  that  number. 


9S  HISTORY  Of  THE  MARRATTA9.  [OHAP.  TV. 

need,  wbere  they  hkve  experienced  kindness,  and  seen 
their  commanders  worthy  of  confidence,  there  probably 
never  was  an  instance  of  misoonduct.  An  officer,  even  in 
a  subordinate  rank^  has  ojpben  a  charge  not  only  difflcnlt  in 
itself,  but  of  higher  national  importance  when  leading  the 
natives  of  India,  than  is  likely  to  fall  to  the  lot  of  a  junior 
officer  in  any  other  branch  of  the  British  service.  He  has 
not  merely  to  do  his  duty,  not  only  to  animate,  or,  what  is 
often  more  difficult,  to  restrain,  but  to  support  the  minds 
of  his  men,  and  inilise  his  own  spirit,  when  he  may  perceive 
them  despondent  or  disoontented. 

As  soon  as  Colonel  Oockburn  heard  the  firing  In  front, 
he  ordered  Major  Frederick  with  two  companies  of« 
Europeans  to  support  Captain  Gordon  ;  but  the  Mahrattas 
had  succeeded  in  plundering  a  park  of  the  baggage,  and 
in  a  very  short  time  the  rear  was  also  attacked.  The  army, 
however,  continued  to  move  on  till  daylight,  when  they 
found  themselves  completely  surrounded,  and  large  bodies 
of  horse  coming  on  as  if  to  charge  the  main  body ;  the 
troops  were  immediately  halted,  and  the  line  formed  ;  but 
the  strength  of  the  attack,  as  had  been  the  practice  in 
Deocan  warfare  since  the  days  of  Shah  Jehan,  was  made 
upon  the  rear.  Hartley's  sepoya  received  them  with  the 
greatest  animation  and  steadiness,  drove  them  back,  and 
were  with  difficulty  restrained  *  from  pursuing  them. 
Shortly  after  sunrise  the  attack  on  the  rear  was  renewed 
by  the  main  body  of  the  Mahratta  army,  consisting  of 
both  cavisilry  and  infantry  ;  and  their  gunS,  having  been 
brought  up,  opened  on  the  line,  but  the  heaviest  fire,  and 
the  brunt  of  the  onset,  was  still  in  the  rear.  The  gallant 
band  of  sepoys,  though  now  sore  pressed,  had  excellent 
European  officers,  and  not  only  stood  their  groiuid  with 
spirit,  but  fought  witli  perfect  enthusiasm. 


CHAP.  IV.]  ATTACK  UPON  THK  KNQU8|1«  89 

Captain  Hartley  sent  an  officer  to  Ideutenant^Colonel 
Cockbarn,  reqaesting  him  to  bring  up  the  main  body  to 
his  support ;  to  this  Oolonel  Gockburn  objected^  as  a  large 
body  of  horse  threatened  to  charge  .  his  left  in  case  he 
quitted  his  position ;  but:  he  directed  five  companies  of 
Europeans  and  two  compan&ea  of  sepoys  to.  suppert 
Captain  Hartley.  With  this  reinforcement.  Hartley,  hold* 
ing  possession  of  a  rising  ground,  sustained  the  whole 
weight  of  a  persevering  attack  with  the  steadiest  intrepidity. 
About  ten  o'clock  Colonel  Cockbum  had  sent  him 
peri^mptory  orders  to  retreat ;  but  fortunately,  Lieutenant 
Df^w^n,  who  was  charged  with  this  message,  met,  by  the  . 
\yay,  Lieutenant  Battray,  an  officer*  in  Captain  Hartley's 
confidence,  to  whom  he  communicated  his  errand,  when 
both  concurring  in  the  fatal  consequence  that  must  attend 
such  an  order,  Rattray  took  the  risk  of  stopping  the 
messenger,  of  explaining  to  Colonel  Cockburn,  as  if  from 
Capfcwn  Hartlej,  the  eflfects  of  retiring  under  soch  circum- 
stances,  and  of  begging  that  he  would  allow  Captain 
Hartley  to  await  a  more  favourable  opportunity.  To  this 
proposal  Colonel  Cockburn  ooiHiented  ;  before  noon,  how^ 
ever,  he  sent  Major  Frederick*  from  the  advance  to  the 
rear,  desiring  him  to  take  the  oommand,  but  not  to  depart 
from  the. disposition  previously  made  by  Captain  IJartley^ 

.Duriug  the  whole:  of  this  time  the  main  body  was 
p?irtially  engaged  :  principally  occupied  in  returning  the 
fire  of  the  Mahratta  artillery,  or  cannonading  such  of 
their  horse  as  ventured  within  range  of  the  guns.  The 
loss  hitherto,  except  at  the  position  occupied  by  Hartley^ 
was  very  inconsiderable,  and  the  fire  from  the  enemy  had 
slackened,  when,  about  one  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  Major 

*  Lieutenant  Rattray,  of  the  Bengal  establishment,  served  as  a  volun- 
teer with  one  of  Hartley *g  companies. 

Vol.  II.— 12 


1)0  Hi&rroftY  or  the  ttABRATTAs.  [chap.  it. 

t'l^^derick  was  ordered  to  retire  to  the  main  body,  which 
h#  effected  in  a  creditable  manner  ;  and  the  whole  moved 
towards  the  advanced  guard,  which  had  halted  at  the 
village  of  Wurgaom. 

The  baggage,  bazar,  and  camp^equipage,  ik>  useftil  to 
the  comfort  of  a^  Indian  army  when  successful,  becomes 
qnite  the  contrary  in  adversity;  and,  .on  the  present 
occasion,  the  proportion  was  immoderately  great.  The 
followers  had  quitted  the  flank  and  crowded  in  between 
the  divisions  of  the  troops,  so  as  greatly  to  impede  the 
retreat ;  about  three  o'clock,  in  the  afternoon,  when  they 
got  sufficiently  near  the  village,  the  followers  ran  forward 
and  pressed  towards  it,  to  seek  shelter  from  the  enemy'i» 
rocket^,  which  were  now  showered  upon  them.  This  press 
created  the  greatest  confusion;  the  enemy's  horse  took 
advantage  of  the  circumstance,  charged  through  the 
baggage  and  the  ranks,  and,  when  entering  the  village 
of  Wurgaom,  considerable  loss  was  sustained.  The  troops, 
however,  soon  extricated  themselves ;  the  horse  were 
driven  off,  the  guns  placed  in  commanding  situations,  and 
by  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  the  army  Had  some  respite* 

Early  on  the  ensuing  morning  the  enemy's 
>  guns  opened  on  the  village,  and  a  body  of 

infantry  advanced  to  attack  it.  They  were  repulsed,  but 
the  troojis  were  supposed,  by  some  of  the  officers,  to  be 
dispirited ;  doubts  of  their  being  able  to  retreat  began  to 
ba  expressed  ;  the  commanding  officer,  instead  of  crushing 
luch  dangerous  despondency,  if  whispered  in  his  presence, 
was  himself  infected  by  the  spreading  contagion.  Some 
desertions  had  taken  place,  and  alarming  reports  of  many 
more  were  circulated.  It  is  under  such  circumstances  that 
a  good  officer  of  sepoys  is  proved.  Captain  Hartley 
addressed  his  men  collectively  and  individually  ;  there  are 


CBJLP,  IV.]  NEGOTIATiairB  WITir  THE  MAHSATTAS.  ^1 

times  to  aasume  i2ie  ofBeer,  and  moments  where  tlM  office 
must  be  the  acquaiiitance  and  firiend.  Hartley  was  both 
respected  imd  beloved  ;  he  spoke  to  his  men }  his  oifioerA 
seconded  him ;  ftnd  the  desertions  from  his  corps  oeaded% 
On  the  13th,  the  total  loss  of  fighting  nlen  in  the  precede 
ing  day  was  found  to  amount  to  852^  of  whioh  56  were 
killed,  151  were  Wounded,  and  155r  itere  missiilg  ;  taaaj 
of  the  last  were  Supposed  to  have  deserted.  Among  the 
killed  and  wounded,  15  were  European  officers^  whosd 
presence,  even  on  oceasions  of  success,  is  of  great  donseM 
quence,  but  at  stich  A  time  it  is  invaluable  to  native  troopsu 

A  further  retreat  was  deemed  impracticable,  and 
Mr.  Parmer,  the- secretary  of  the  committee,  was  senttd 
negotiate  with  the  ministers.  They  i^  first  demanded  the 
surrender  of  Rugonath  Rao,  which  the  committee  would 
have  complied  with,  but  they  were  saved  from  this  disgrace 
by  his  having  entered  into  a  separate  agreement  y^iih 
Mahadajee  Sindia,  to  whom  he  afterwards  gave  himself  up^ 
Sindia  was  aiming  at  an  ascendancy  which:  Nana  Furour' 
wees  was  studiously  endeavouring  to  prevent ;  yet  each 
was  do  necessary  to  the  other  in  the  Mahratta  empire,  that^ 
although  their'  ultimate  views  were  at  varianoey  their, 
present  interests  were  in  union. 

The  ruling  party,  of  which  Nana  and  Sindia  were  now 
the  real  authorities,  insisted  on  the  committee's  entering 
on  a  treaty  for  the^  surrender  of  the  whole  <rf  the  territory, 
the  Bombay  government  had  acquired  sinoe  the  death  of 
Mahdoo  Rao  Bullal,  together  with  the  revenue  possessed 
by  the  compariy  in  Baroach  and  Surat,  which  the  Malurattais 
never  had  possessed..  Mr.  Farmery  who  was  compelled  tO 
write  mysteriously,  as  his  letters  to  the  committee  passed 
through  theJiawds  of  Nattia  and  Sindia,  expressed  himself 
by  saying — "  They  seem^  to  me  to  foel  themselves  in,  th%^ 


92  HISTOBT  OF  THE  MAHRATTAB.  [CfHAP.  IV. 

situation  with  respiect  to  ud  which  the  Turkish  vizier  felt 
himself  in  regard  to  Peter  the  first,  at  the  time  the  Empress 
Catherine  sent  her  jewels  to  the  vizier.' '  Lieutenant* 
Colonel  Cockbum  was  then  called  upon-  for  his  opinion  in 
writing,  when  he  declared  that  a  retreat  was  impracticable, 
and  that  he  could  not  charge  himself  With  such  a  respon- 
sibility. Captain  Hartlcly,  who  was  present  when  the 
declaration  was  made,  not  only  diffwed  from  Colonel 
Cockbum's  opinion,  but  showed  him  a  plan  by  which  il 
might  be  insured  ;  Lietttenant-Coldnel  Cockburn,  however, 
adhered  to  what  he  had  stated.  Mr.  Caraac,  as  he  after- 
wards.proved,  expresssed  an  opinion  at  the  time  that  he 
thought  the  retreat  might  be  accomplished,  and  that  it 
Ought  to  be  attempted  rather  than  submit  to  the  humiliat- 
ing terms  insisted  upon  ;  but  he  did  not  choose  to  press  it. 
As  such  was  Mr.  Camac's  opinion,  the  plea  of  delicacy^ 
or  deference  towards  the  military  authorities,  unfprtuaately 
for  him,  can  little  kvail ;  for,  as  he  ordered  the  retreat 
from  Tullygaom,  he  ought  to  have  adhered  to  thait  order, 
which,  however  injudicious  or  disastrous,  could  nojt  have 
proved  di^g^acefu^.  The  committee  replied  to  Mr.  Parmer's 
communication  by  desiring  him  to  inform  the  ministers 
that  they  had  no  power  to  eufter  on  any  treaty  without 
the  sanction  of  the  supreme  government.  ";Shovv  us 
then,"  said  Mahadajee  Sdndia,  when  this  message  /wa£f 
delivered,  "the  power  by  which  you  have  tak^n  upon  you 
to  break  the  treaty  concluded  by  Colonel  Upton," 

But,  immediately  after  the  committee  had  despatched 
the  reply  alluded  to,  which  was,  at  least,  dictated  in  the 
language  of  fair  dealing,  they  sent  Mr.  'Holmes  to  Mahada- 
jee Sindia,  invested  with  full  powier  to  conclude  a  treaty. 
Mr.  Camac  reconciled  himself  to  this  mea,»ure  by  the 
former    message    through   Mr.  Farmer,   from  which  he 


J 


CHAP«  IV J  NEOOmATIOHS  WITH  8INDU,  i3 

Argu^  ihat^if' the  ministers  mubinitted  >to  be  dupeel,'  it 
imtsi'be  their  own  fault ;  .aind  so  far  •from  intending  ihe 
good  faith  which  he  pledged^he.  afterivrards  dedaved  that 
he.  grateted  th^  poni^<^rs  to  Mr.  Hdhaes  .under  »  wwutal 
rM0»%a#toh.  that  they  ivirere  of  no  ralidiitiff'*  i 

The  aepavajbei- n^^btiaiticdl  iihiiB  i  opened  'wdtb  fibdia 
flfittei»d;hkn/0xdecdiki^yy'«nd  actoiidediimost  MiyTrath 
hill  ipkiukofi  ipdioy  $ ' .  bat:  no  efairilkion'  of.  joy  p^o^teted  ;hi8 
taUngl  ejrecj  ^advantage'  pf  itiiB'  Ehg!iahy:ais  fiir>  a)S;^aa 
odhaisteBtiwkh/the  ooatrQl  he'Bomr.had^  and  was  determined 
tor  fire88PVB^:Howr  *  iSand  Funm^oeeB. '  >  Mr.  'Holmes,  defctkd 
thatieiriry'fliihgiiMd  to  .be  i^estored  to  the  Mahrattas  as 
hdldsni9B3/^Tbe'eoi]hmitfte&wer».obHgea,!oii  the  spot^ 
io'itsendi  an!  iNsd^i  conntearmandnig  theradvanne  'ef/*4he 
Ban^  txRiops,^  >asid- '  Sihdia'is:  ftivodr ;  wad  'purcha8^>  by  -a 
piiviatei^ronfifie'iito  bestow  on.  Ihioi  the  JBnglish  <  AanB-  of 
Bbffoa^h^:  biosidiBs  a  rsiimfof  lil^OOQ  Inipeesi  in  .presenis  to  ibis 
servahtsj  The  cemiiiitieec  weiid<  soi  doibpletely  h)u»faled 
IbattthkyiTJAwed' wiUi  ^garfitiidde  the  kbidnossi' of  Si^ia  m 
snfleFmg^tike  amy  to'depart;:  they.  .were^^ohMged  :to..give 
twb  hostages,;  Mr.  W^am'^huniil  Fanner  and  Lieot^naiit 
Charles;  Sto^rait^  as  a^secamty  for  the  per&rmasice  of  their 
engagement  9  •  b«t  tlfeir  first  tict  on  descending  the 'Ghauts 
w«sntbjau8]ieind  the.'coiuntermand ,. they;  had  addceased;  to 
the  loifieer  cofttdwihdihg  the  Bengal  detsdiinidnt.. 
'  Oii  tibe.  r^urh  ef  the  toQops  t<^  Bombay,  thid  immediate^ 
objeet  ef  attention  was  tbe  me^ure  of  revv^ard  and  punish- 
mehtfthronghent  the  army.  Colonel  Egerton  and  Liente-^ 
nantnColonel  Cockbnm  were  snapended  from  the  service 
by-theigoyenunent ;  no,  opinion  as  to  tl^e  persimal.  oonduet 
of  Mr.  Gaimao  was  then  passed,  but  in  anticipatioil  of  the 
order  of  ^tesits,  as  th^  characters  ,ara  jin.  fntnre  qnite 
nndistingi)ished,  it  is  m^ely  necessary  to  observe  that, 


94  BiarORZ  OF  TEE  MIHBATTAS.  [CHA?.  XY* 

when  ib^  whole  of  the! pi^oceedidgst ;  oaroe  befoi^  thei  Oirart 
of  Direotons^:  after  a  deliberate  kiA^eatigttiooy  they  addressed 
a  despotob  to  BoKobotj*,  in  which  they  enumerated  the 
t»)?tietil9ur  demerits  of  the  parties  blanofed^  passed  a  just 
censure  on  the  beharTour  'o€  Mr.  Oariiao  and  doienel 
£^ert6n)  and  disnrisBed  4liein  ^rolii  the  comfiany^tf  sesrtioe. 
They  iilbo  dUmiteed  Lieuteuant^^Ck^idnel^  (DoohbiifarH^  i^^ 
jufltioe. of 'Whose  sentence* .was  certainly  not  qnesticaliible 
and  the  oocauoa  eaJled  for  ekample ;  but  we  niay>  lamenll 
ihe  erroD&of  an  officer  whose-  f^pntation  was  deservedly 
considerable)  until  chanoo -raised  faimr.ta. a'<8tati<mabfT0 
his  abilities*.  *  Fomr  years  before^.  Colonel  Cockbnm^iii 
chafTAoldr  had.  been  recorded  by  General  GodrdeH  in  ifhd 
follovtring  words  :-*«^^^  Cooly  diear^  steadyy  and  ' determined 
as  ail  dfficer ;  he  has  twice  within  these!  two  ypm  led^nif 
troops  io  assanli,*  which  ha.Te  been  attended  with'  giofTf 
and  duecess  to  him  and  the  troo{)a)>aind  much  adrantagato 
eni*  OBiployers^'  I  do  not  know  abettisrregimentaLofficet;'^ 
But^  fld&ongh  Bomie  were  Ithtui  punished  .by  tJsejiidgniaait 
of  i  the  Directors  in  Engliand,  others  were>  dinmssed  mk 
Bombay^  and  many  were  applauded  and  prooseied  finr 
their  conduct  on  the  12th  Jaavuacy.  ThegnBant  attd 
jttdicions  behavioor  of  Hartley  was  re{tfeBMited  in  vtstme 
colotars,  and  his  merit  was^  at  flrst^  unii^iersally.  admow^^ 
ledged  ;  butiihe  gi»v^mor  and  comicil  haTtn^  raised  hiiti 
at  once  to  the  mnk  of  lieiiteiiatitrcalonel)  althcogh^  'he 
m^ght  hsive  merited  the  distmotiofiy  such  prbmoliovv  being 
un'pfreciBdefvted  in  the^  cottipany^s  serd^i^^  was  deemed  so 
improper  amd  injurious,  that  et>ery  offieer,  before  dsni^t^  to 
CSolonel'Hartleyy. represented  the  injaatice  and  idegmddtioii 
t^  which'  he  was  personaAffy '  sab)<ectedL  Seme-  tim^mftery 
when  an  answer  atrived  from  the^  Ooiirt  4i  Dirdctors^  i^ 

*  General'  Gord'on  alluded  to  Batbaoh  odd  Tantiahr     ' ' 


CITAP.  IT.]  DISTBBflB  Of  THfl:  BOMBAY  ^OTSKHMENT.  9i 

proved  a  fioarce  of  mortification  i to  Hartley;^  as,  aMbragh 
ho  vf^B  not  deprived  of  hisrank^  his  iurther  promotioii  imd 
hta  pay  as  K^utenantH^olonel  in  the  companj'is  Mrrioei  were 
suspended  until  the  whole  of  tbose^  forlnerly  *  hie  i  senidus, 
should;  in  tibe  usual  Touttne^  be  promoted,  over  him. 

The  Bombay  gohreminent  wei^  redaoed  to  a -sitaatioii 
«f  gireatdietresq  ;  thlur  moasures  had  been  obvioosly^im* 
pvudedt  and.  impolitic,  ill-oonoerted  and  badly  eiootited. 
Sueoeas,  that  grand  apology  for  BtateBmen'a  <  blnnden,  had 
not  attended' the 'Bcbeoiea  whiob  they  faad  been,  labom^ing 
to  be  perinitted  to: attempt*.  Fcom  the  time  the  anparBm^ 
eonndl  exercised  iheir  first  autibority  by  a  precipitate 
intevfeceneey  the  majority  of  the  membera  of  the  Binnibay 
geivemmeni  endeavoured,  hy,  argiiment  and  artifice,  to 
bring  about  their  own  designs  ;  and^  instead  of  taking  an 
enlarged  and  dignified  view  of  the  national  ikiterests  and 
goverriment  in  India,  whifch  would  have  been  an  honor  to 
themspdlv«s,  and  a  reproach  to  their  opponents,  they  lost 
th^  Oomtnanding  ground  on  which  they  stood,  by  follorwing 
ti^  course  that  brought  about  its  owin  undoing*  Xhe 
oharaoter  of  their  proceedings  bears  strong  mafks  of 
personal  interest  and  personal  ttesentment 

In  Bengal,' whatever  their  practical  errors^  the  views 
of  ^en  acouatomed  to  think  as  great  statesmem  ave  always 
Apparent  in  their  consultations  and  transactions  i  but  in 
'Bombay  the  spirit  of  commercial  adventurer^  still  lurked  at 
ike  ooimcil  table.  Their  contracted  policy  was  directed 
merely  to  caxty  their  point  in  favour  pf  Rugoba,  and  to 
aggrandise!  their  own  presiden^oy.  In  sending  off  their 
expedition,  it  would  seem  as  if  they  had  been  actuated  by 
the  puerile  desire  of  showing  the  Bengal  government 
wh«(t  BonAay  could  do  without  their  assistance.  The 
excuse,  subsequentlj  made    on  this  point,  of  expected 


96  mSTORY  0F  TBEHAHftATXAa  '  [cftAP*  IT. 

assistaaice  firom  tHe  Bdngftl  detachinenii,  Cannot  be  admit- 
ted, as' i6' would  appear  in  ibeir  replies  to  Mr.  Dpaper's 
disseat^  and  in  ihe  means  taken  to  ascertain  the  progresa 
of  the  Bengal  detachment ;  but  the  importanoe  of  its  qo« 
operation  seem  seuroely  to  hftTiQ;  been  oonsidered,  untU 
some  time,  after  their .  own  army  bad  taken  the'field*  In 
«librty  the  Bombay  igdvehunenineglected  opportunity^  they 
overlooked  changes  fof  -  oianoamstaiice,  they  desfierately  seniii 
aloiaBdliil:  of  men-  aj^ainattiie  s^rei^gth:  of.  the!  Jifahratta 
empire,.. land*  cokninittod.  the  oondnotl-ef  an!  ctnterprize, 
])raot^oable  only  by  odLarity,  address^  and  resolution,  to 
men'fotalfy  unfit  for  8ai6h:a  charge^  Their  army  had  re-* 
tunied  defeated,  their  treasury  was  eshansti^d,.  ti»eir  credit 
insigBifijcant,'  and /their  reputation -sullied,  But^  under 
these  didcoaraging!  clroumstandes,  the<merit:of  fortitude, 
ability,  and  vigour  as  justly  dlue  to.  GoVernoCi  Hornby* 
There  was.  no  consdiation  in.  ai  retrospect;  ihe  present 
misfortunes  were  chiefly  to  be  attributed  to  misodnduct ; 
and  in  anticipation  there,  was  censure  for  what  was  past, 
and  danger  in:  wliat>  was  to  coxae.  Mr«  Hornby,  in  the 
first  place,  judieiously  recommended  lo  the  members  of 
his  government  to  abstain  from  all  recriminatiQn^  to  allow 
their,  moiiv^  and  ^their  measures  as  -recorded,,  to  await  the 
judginentcof  their  superiors,:  and.  that  evieiry  one  should 
i)endi  his  mind  tot  the.  consideration  of  ,  the  future, 
fi}f  the!  : purpose,  of .; preventing,  .  and,  if  they,  did 
come,  surmountiBg,  the  impending  perils  they  had  so 
<muclL  reason  to  apprehend. .  He  took  an  unreserved  and 
full:view  of  their  situation,  and,  although.. eividendy  hum* 
bled,  he  .displayed  the  strong  mind  of  an..  English  chief, 
and  convinced  his  council  that,. whilst  they  acted  with  the 
unanimi^  and  firmness  whidi  became  their  country,  they 
were  not  only  above  contempt,  but  might  soon,  overcome 


CBAK.  IV.]  MK.  BOSHBT  KBPDDliiTIS  T««  TBBifTT.  QJ 

thflir  diffioulties,  soul  retrieve  their  affiiirs.  He  disavowed 
the  validity  of  the  disgraceful  airti^es  of  the  Wurgaom 
oonveotioa  ;  for,  although  Mr,  a»n»e  had  ostentatiously 
intimated  to  Nam  Fumuwees,  probably  to  enhance  his 
omi  consequence,  that  he  was  introsted  with  the  company's 
seal,  and  with  fall  powers,  he  had  no-  anthewity  to  conclude 
a  treaty,  nor  could  the  Bombay  govermnent  have  delegat- 
ed such  a  commissioo.  Mr.  Hornby  determined,  at  all 
hazards,  to  resist  the  cessions  made  by  the  committee ;  but 
■8  every  point  was  indispensably  referred  to  Bengal,  there 
appeared  no  necessity  for  publishing  a  deBance  to  the 
Mahrattas.  The  intentions  of  the  Bombay  cooneU  were, 
however,  suflSeiently  declared  by  their  preparations,  and 
everjr  effort  was  mad©  to  recruit  and  improve  their  army. 
On  the  19th  February,  Mr.  Hornby  laid  an  elaborate 
minute  before  hi»  councO,  in  which  he  took  a  view  of 
Fubniary  19.       ^abratta  poBtics,  and  the  line  of  conduct 

which  he  thought  the  most  expedient  for 
the  Bntish  authorities  to  pursue.  The  end  he  proposed  to 
attam  was  that  of  securing  a  peace,  so  as  to  exclude  the 
French  from  ibe  Mahratta  dominions,  and  to  retain  the 
territory  then  in  possession  of  the  English.  He  assumed, 
as  matter  of  certainty,  that  Sindia  had  indicated,  by  several 
parts  of  his  conduct,  an  aversion  to  the  French,  and  a 
desire  to  form  an  alliance  with  the  English  against  Nana 
Fumuwees  In  the  supposition  thus  adopted,  Mr.  Hornby 
was  not  wholly  wrong;  for,  had  Nana,  by  any  means, 
foreign  or  domestic,  become  too  powerful,  Mahadajee 
Sindia  might  have  sought  assistance  from  the  English  • 
but  whilst  Nana  Fumuwees  held  the  reins  principaUy  by' 
the  support  of  Sindia's  power,  it  was  completVthe 
mterest  of  the  latter  to  uphold  Nana's  admbistration! 
The  president  was  of  opinion  that  the  sum  of  41,000  rupe^ 

VoLi  11,-13  ^ 


98  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATfAS.  tOHA?.   tV. 

promised  "to  Sii|dia's  servants  ought  to  be  paid  ;  and  that 
Baroach,  or  an  equivalent,  should  be  given  to  him  for  the 
act  of  kindness,  humuliating  as  it  was,  in  peritiitting  their 
army  to  return.  All  these  suggestions  were  ^bmittfed  t6 
the  supreme  government;  but,  in  the  meantime,  the 
principal  hope  of  retrieving  their  affairs  was  in  the  near 
approach  of  the  Bengal  army,  to  the  progress  of  whibh 
a  retrospect  is  now  necessary.  » 

Colonel  Leslie  crosrsed  the  Jumna  in  May  1778,  and, 
notwithstanding  professions   of  friendship  made  by  the 

Mahratta  officers,  they  manifested  att 
opposition  which  induced  him  to  take 
possession  of  the  fort  of  Kalpee.  It  was  expected  by  the 
Bengal  government  that  the  army  would  have  crossed  the 
Nerbiiddah  before  the  rains ;  but  some  of  the  Rajpoot 
chiefs  in  Bundelcund,  instigated  by  the  Mahrattas^ 
attempted  to  cut  off  the  supplies,  murdered  an  officer,  and 
'frequently  killed  foragers  and  followers.  Colonel  Leslie, 
however,  instead  of  steadily  pursuing  his  route,  entered  on 
a  war  with  those  chiefs,  took  part  in  their  feuds,  and  thus 
engagisd  in  a  task  equally  endless  and  unavailing.  He 
attacked  and  carried  with  little  difficulty  their  principal 
post  at  Mhow,  three  kos  west  of  Chatterpoor  ;  he  drove  a 
large  body  of  men  from  a  strong  position  on  the  banks  of 
the  Kane ;  and,  notwithstanding  repeated  orders  to  pro- 
ceed, he  wasted  the  whole  monsoon  in  this  unaccountable 
manner.  In  five  months  he  had  not  advanced  more  than 
120  miles  ;  and  in  the  fourth  month  the  estimated  expense 
of  his  army  amounted  to  12  lakhs  of  rupees. 

Mr.  Hastings  did  not  hastily  withdraw  his  confidence 
from  Colonel  Leslie,  but  he  Was  at  length  compelled  to 
admit  that  his  conduct  was  indefensible.'  He  was  there- 
fore recalled,     and     Lieutenant-Colonel    Goddard    was 


CBAP.  IT.]  DEATH  OV  COLONEL  XESLIK  99 

appointed  to  sHcceed  to  the  command  of  the  army  ;  but, 
prior  to  the  date  of  the  order  of  recal,  Colonel  Leslie  had 
died  of  a  fever,  on  the  3rd  October  1778* 

Colonel  Goddard  immediatelj  assumed  command  of  the 
troops,,  and  a.  few  days  afterwards  commenced  his  march 
from  Raj^orh,  in  Bundelound,  towards  the  Kerbaddah. 
Bts  route  lay  by  Mooltan,  Khemlassa,  Beilsab^  Bhopaul, 
and  Hoossingabad ;  at  the  last-mentioned  place  he  forded 
the  Nerbttddah  on  the  2nd  December.  Before  Colonel 
Goddard  had  quitted  the  Bundelcund  territory,  Ballajee 
Punt,  the  Mahratta  officer  stationed  at  Sagur, 
by  whose  maohin«tions  Leslie's  progress  was  *at  first 
arrested,  after  many  professions  of  friendship,  made  a 
perfidious  attack  on  the  baggage  of  the  army,  in  which: he 
was '  ooatpletely  foiled.  The  conduct  of  the  nabob  of 
Bhopal  was  precisely  the  reverse  of  that  of  tiie  Mahratta 
officer  ;  he  treated  the  English  with  the  greatest  confidence 
and  hospitality,  furnished  them  with  ev^ry  supply  and 
every  posftMe  assistance,  at  the  risk  of  incurring  faturiei 
enmity  from  the  Mahrattas,  without  the  support  of  his 
new  friends.  This  generous  behaviour  on  the  part  of  the 
nabob  was  never  forgotten  ;  and  it  laid  the  foundation  of 
a  friendship,  which,  in  modern  times,  has  be^n  laudably 
extended  to  his  descendants  by  the  British  government. 

After  Colonel  Goddard  had  crossed  the  Nerbuddah,  he 
halted  on  the  south  bank  of  the  river  to  await  some 
communications  from  Moodajee  Bhonslay,  partictdarly 
connected  with  bis  future  operations. 

The  views  of  the  supreme  goVet^ment  in  contracting  an 
alliance  with  the  ruler  of  Berar  were  intimated  to  Bombay 
in  the  month  of  August,  but  merely  in  a  general  manner. 
The  execution  of  the  plan  was  intrusted  to  Mr.  Elliot,  a 
gentleman  eminently  qualified  for  any  embassy  ;  but  the 


100  HISTORY  OF  THB  MAHBATTAS.  [CHAP.  IT> 

design  was  formed  on  defectire  infotmatMn.  It  had  for 
its  object  an  alliance  with  Moodajee  agaiast  the  Poena 
ministers,  for  the  purpose  of  attaining  permanent  peace 
and  complete  s€icurity  to  the  company's  possessions  against 
the  attempts  of  France,  by  establishing  and  upholding 
Moodajee  Bhonslay  as  raja  of  all  the  Mahrattas.  Mr. 
Hastings  inr  this  plan  was  precisely  adopting  the  schwEie 
originally  snggespted  by  Wittal  Sondoor,  the  minister  of 
Nizam  Ally.*  He  was  not  aware  that  Moedajee  had  no 
claim  to  the  M-abratta  so^rereigitty ;  but  even  had  such 
been  the  ease,  as  the  British  gG^erninemt  so  long 
acknowledged  the  Peishwa^s  supremacy)  as  the  Bombay 
presidency  had  concluded  an  authorized  treaty  with 
Rugonath.Bao,  deelariiig  him  regent  .during  the  minority 
of  the  young  Peishwa^  ihe  measure  was  in  the  one  view 
unjust,  in  the  other  inconsistent,  and  <an  the  whole 
complicated  and  injudicious.  Had  Moodajee  really  be^r^ 
heir  to  the  throne  of  Sivajee,  it  would  have  been  very 
impolitic  to  have  afforded  the  means  of  uniting  an  empire^ 
hostile  to  all  the  world,  which  was  of  itself  falling  to 
pieces.  The  scheme  was  first  interrupted  by  the  death  of 
Mr.  Elliot,  which  happened  on  the  12  th  September,  when 
on  hifi  route  towards  Nagpoor.  The  goverBor->gen^al,  in 
consequence  of  that  event,  directed  the  secret  instructions 
addressed  to  Mr.  Elliot  to  be  made  over  to  Colonel 
iGhxldard,  whom  Mr.  Hastings  empowered  to  treat  accord- 
ing to  their  purport ;  and  about  the  same  time,  as  the  new 
plan  required  that  they  should  retain  the  means  of  carrying 
it  into  effect,  the  governor-general  and  council  suspended 
the  power    of   the    Bombay  government    over  Colonel 

*  It  seems  to  have  been  first  suggested  to  Mr.  Hastings  by  Beneeram, 

tbe  wukeel  of  Sabajee. — (See  letter  from  the  Bengal  government  to  the 
Court  of  Directors,  19th  December  1774  ;  App.  5,  Report  from  the 
Ck>mmittee  of  Secrecy.) 


QttAP.  lY.]  PLAH  m  FAVOUR  OF  M OOPAJBS. :  101 

Gkxidard'B  army,  on  the  plea  of  a  failure  in  the 
original  plan  for  which  the  power  had  been  granted. 
It  was  also  resolved  to  strengthen  Colonel  Qoddard 
by  a  reinforoement  of  two  additional  battalions  of  native 
infantry,  which  were  directed  to  assemble  on  the 
western  frontier  of  the  province  of  Bengal  under  Major 
Jacob  Camac. 

Moodajee,  in  the  first  instance,  wonld  have  acceded  to 
iiie  governor-general's  views,  but  before  any  explanation 
had  taken  place,  he  had  received  intelligence  of  the  designs 
at  Bombay  in  favour  of  Bugoba,  and  of  the  vigorous 
preparations  of  his  own  countrymen  at  Poena ;  both  of 
which,  for  obvious  reasons,  tended  to  deter  him. from 
entering  oil  any  immediate  alliance.  The  favourite  ambi- 
tion of  his  family  was,  however,  roused,  and,  in  a 
conversation  with-  Lieutenant  Waih^rstone,  the  agent 
dq[>uted  by  Colonel  Goddard,  Moodajee  admitted  the  great 
desire  he  entertained  of  embracing  the  pn^Misal  at  a  fit 
time  ;  but,  whilst  he  wished  to  prolong  the  negotiation^  he 
dedined  embarking  in  any  enterprize  at  that  period. 
Moodajee's  plan,  which  was  not  disclosed  trll  some  time 
after,  differed  firom  that,  of  Mr.  Hastings ;  it  was  similar 
to  what  Bughoojee  seems  to  have  intended  on  the  death 
of  Bajee  Bao  in  1740,  and  was  more  practicable  than  fbe 
one  proposed.*  Moodajee  foresaw  that  opposition  would 
be  made  to  pretentions  in  his  own  person,  but  he  knew 
there  would  be  much  less  difficulty,  and  a  powerful  party 
against  the  Bramin  administration,  by  bis  assuming  the 
character  of  protector  at  Satara  (his  authority  in  Berar 

♦  "  Let,"  says  Moodajee  In  hia  own  proposals  to  Mr.  Hastings^  "  a  lineal 
descendalit  of  Mabaraja  Chatter  Pattee  Sitajee  Bhonsiay  contlhiie  on 
the  mwnud  of  the  Satara  Baja ;  but  till  the  power  and  authority  of  tha 
Raje  (sovereifi^ty)  is  established,  nothing  is  done.**— (See  Appendix, 
No.  191,  dth  ReiKurt,  Ck)mnii(ted  of  Secrecy.) 


102  HISTOIIY  OIP  THE  MAHHATTAft  [cHAP.  Ifi 

was  nothing  more),  and  declaring  tbftt  his  sole  design  waa 
the  restoration  of  the  imprisoned  raja's  authority. 

About  the  same  time  that  Moodajee  declined  Colonel 
Goddard's  overtures  through  Lieutenaut  Watberstone^ 
ni^ent  applications  were  received  from  Bombay,  dated  6th 
and  19th  December,  requesting  GK>ddard  to  advancer  with 
all  expedition  in  order  to  support  their  army,,  whieh  had 
taken  the  £eld  in  the  cause  of  Rngoba* 

Although  Colonel  Goddard,  prior  to  the  receipt  of  ibis 
requisition,  was  in  possession  of  the  order  which  withdridw. 
him  from  the  authority  of  the  Bombay  government,  he 
oonsidered  the  interest  of  his  country  so  much  at  stake, 
that,  without  hesitation,  he  resolved  to  mavoh  straight  to  the 
west  coast.  This  decision  was  extremely  creditable,  as 
Colonel  Goddard  had  not  merely  to  fight  his  way  through, 
the  Mahratta  Army,  but  he  incurred  the  serious  respoasi** 
bility  of  acting  on  his  own  judgment,  where  faibire  might 
be  ruin  in  every  sense  of  the  word,  and  where  he  personally 
risked  nothing  by  waiting  for  orders  at  Hoossingabad. 
He  commenced  his  march  about  the  26th  January,  and 
arrived  at  Burhanpoor  on  the  30th  of  that  month.  The 
contradictory  letters  written  by  the  field  coihmittee  during 
and  subsequent  to  the  convention,  though  they  afforded  no. 
information  of  the  state  of  affiEiirs^  and  might  have  perplexed 
most  men,  only  induced  Goddard  to  quicken  his  progress. 
After  refreshing  his  men  at  Burhanpoor,  he  resumed  hia 
irarch  on  the  6th  February,  and  in  20  days  reached  Surat, 
a  distance  of  300  miles,  and  by  the  expedition  thus  used, 
avoided  a  body  of  20,000  horse,  which  were  despatched 
firom  Poena  to  intercept  him. 

The  Bombay  government  expressed  the  liveliest  gifatitude 
for  the  honorable  and  generous  motives  which  had  induced 
him  to  hasten  to  their  relief;  and  they  showed  their  sense 


OHAP.  IV.]      PROCEEDINGS  OF  THK  6UPBE«  QOTBBNMENT.  103 

of  it  by  immediately  offering  him  a  seat  in  theiir  oocuicil, 
and  recommending  thai  be  should  be  appointed  their 
commander-in-chief.  Colonel  Goddard  had  gained  on 
their  esteem  by  his  repairing  to  Bombay  in'  person,  and 
oommukiicating  with  all  the  respect  due  to  them,  and  to 
his  own  sitaation,  joined  with  the  becoming  courtesy  and 
frankness  of  a  soldier. 

On  the   17th   March    the  Bombay    government  first 

received  a  copy  of  the  instructions  intended 
for  Mr.  Elliot ;  the  first  copy  had  been 
sent  from  Bengal  in  November,  but  had  nnfortnsoteiy 
miscarried.  The  state  of  the  negotiaticni  with  Moodajee 
Bhonslay  they  now  learnt  from  Colonel  Goddard,  who 
seemed  still  to  be  of  opinion  that  an  alliance  would  take 
place.  The  Bombay  governm^it  were  not  sanguine  on 
this  subject ;  and  as  Mahadajee  Sindiahad  shown  none  of 
those  favourable  intentions  towards  the  English,  imputed 
to  him  in  Mr.  Hornby's  minute  of  the  Idth  of  >'ebru»ry, 
they  now  perceiyed  th»t  they  were  on  the  ere  of  bei«« 
compeUed  to  engage  as  principals  in  a  war,  to  maintain 
which*  ibeir  absolute  want  of  funds  was  the  first  and  inost 
alarming  consideration. 

In  this  exigency,  making  allowance  for  defects  in  tbe 
original  information  on  which  some  of  his  calculations  were 
made,  Mr.  Hornby  submitted  a  very  judicious  plan  of 
operations,  in  a  minute  laid  before  his  eouncil  on  the  30th 

,r     ,  o^  March  ;  he  there  pointed  out  a  method  of 

Maroh  30.  . 

at  once  obtaining  resources  and  distress*- 
ing  their  enemies,  by  entering  into  a  treaty  with  the 
Gaekwar  family  on  the  terms  solicited  by  Futib  Sing  in 
1772;  reconciling  the  brothers,  releasing  them  from 
tribute  and  dependence  on  the  Poona  state,  and  conquer- 
ing  the  Feishwa's  share  of  Guzerat  for  the  Company. ' 


l64  HISTORY  6f  the  IfAHSATTAS.  [CHAP.  IT. 

But  in  all  their  schemes  they  soon  found  themselves  more 
dependent^  and  more  than  ever  controlled  by  the  governor-^ 
general  and  council* 

The  Bengal  government,  before  they  received  intellig^ioe 
of  the  disgraceful  proceedings  at  Wurgaom,  upon  hearing 
that  the  Bombay  presidency  had  sent  an  army  into  the 
field,  had  decided  on  sending  Colonel  Goddard  to  their 
support ;  but  they  would  not  again  relinquish  authority 
over  his  army.  Even  before  they  heard  of  the  convention, 
they  vested  Colonel  Goddard  both  with  the  separate  charge 
of  their  army,  and  with  distinct  powers  as  their  envoy 
plenipotentiary  at  the  court  of  Poona.  The  governor- 
general,  upon  receipt  of  further  intelligence,  without  wait- 
ing to  learn  the  result  of  Goddard's  bold  and  judicious 
march,  sanctioned  the  proceeding,  however  it  might  turn 
out,  by  recording  his  approbation  and  applause.  The 
whole  conduct  of  the  majority  of  the  Bengal  government 
was  on  this  occasion  admirable.  Their  first  determination 
on  hearing  of  the  disastrous  news  was  to  place  their 
military  power,  offensive  and  defensive,  in  the  best  posinble 
state,  without  betraying  either  a  weakness  or  alarm  that 
might  have  encouraged  other  native  states  to  rise  against 
them.  A  brigade  was  ordered  to  the  banks  of  the  Jumna, 
and  Sir  Eyre  Coote,  the  commander-in-chief,  proceeded  to 
inspect  and  prepare  their  military  resources  on  the  north- 
western frontier,  the  quarter  most  likely  to  be  invaded. 
Mr.  Hastings,  whose  after  conduct  made  amends  for  his 
earlier  errors,  and  whose  difficulties  had  tended  to  improve 
and  exalt  his  mind,  showed  at  this  trying  period  all  the  great 
qualities  of  which  he  was  possessed,  and  prudence  and 
ingenuity,  vigour  and  moderation,  are  alike  conspicuous  in 
the  measures  which  he  suggested.  Superior  to  the  inve- 
teracy of  Mr.  Francis,  and  entirely  exempt    from  the 


€SAF.  lY.]  OBSBRVATIONS  OF  MB    HA8TINQS.  105 

impatience  of  Sir  E jre  Coote,  which  were  displayed  in  a 
particular  manner  in  regard  to  the  measores  of  the  Bombay 
government^  Mr.  Hastings  applied  his  knowledge  of 
mankind  to  tiie  art  of  good  government ;  and  fortunately, 
by  the  support  of  Mr.  Barwell,  and  -his  own  casting  vote 
as  president,  he  commanded  the  majority  in  comioil. 
Become  wiser  by  the  past,  though  his  present  words  were 
a  severe  censure  on  the  hasty  exercbe  of  authority  he  had 
formerly  supported,  Mr.  Hastings  observes — '^  To  mark 
our  want  of  confidence  in  them  (alluding  of  course  to  the 
Bombay  council),  by  any  public  act,  would  weaken  theirs 
in  us ;  to  load  them  with  harsh  and  unoperating  re- 
proaches would  indispose  them  to  our  authority,  at  the 
same  time  that  it  would  absolve  them  from  its  effects  ;  and 
to  bind  their  deliberations  by  absolute  and  indiscretional 
orders,  might  eventually  disable  them  from  availing 
themselYes  of  any  fortuitous  advantages,  which  the 
confusion  of  the  Mahratta  government  is  more  likely  to 
offer  them  than  any  plan  which  we  could  prescribe  to  them, 
or  which  they  could  form  on  the  letter  of  our  instructions. 
In  A  word,  such  a  conduct,  by  inflaming  the  passions  of 
men,  whom  we  are  not  to  regard  as  exempt  from  the 
ordinary  infirmities  of  humanity,  would  prove  the  surest 
means  of  converting  the  powers  which  were  still  left  in 
their  hands  into  the  instruments  of  opposition,  and  even 
of  the  defeat  of  the  measures  which  require  their  agency, 
and  cannot  be  accomplished  without  it.  Let  us  rather  ex- 
cite them  to  exert  themselves  for  the  retrieval  of  their 
past  misfortunes,  and  arm  them  With  means  adequate  to 
that  end  ;  restricting  their  powers  where  the  object  is 
determinate,  and  permitting  a  more  liberal  extension  of 
them  in  cases  which  are  too  variable  and  uncertain  for 
positive  injunctions." 

Vol.  II.— 14 


106  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHBATTAa  [QHAP.   IV 

Oolonel  Goddard  was  £^)pointed  a  brigadier-general  by 
the  Bengal  government  daring  the  service  on  which  he 
was  employed ;  and  a  recommendation  to  the  Conrt  of 
Directors,  in  support  of  an  application  '  for  his  being 
appointed  commander-in-chief  of  the  Bombay  presidency, 
was  forwarded  to  England*  Bat  the  Bombay  government, 
although  they  highly  approved  of  the  distinction  conferred 
on  Gteneral  Goddatd,  remonstrated  against  hratowing  the 
rank  except  throngh  them,  or  on  his  being  separately 
appointed  to  conduct  the  negotiation  with  the  Poona  state* 
They  also  objected  to  having  any  military  force  staticmed 
within  the  limits  of  the  Bombay  presidency,  independent 
of  their  authority,  as  they  deemed  such  a  cdrcumstance  an 
invasion  of  their  rights,  and  highly  pnconstitntional ;  yet, 
soothed  by  the  respectful  consideration  shown  tfv  them  by 
Mr.  Hastings,  and  the  judicious  bdiavioar  of  General 
Goddard,  they  determined  that  their  disapproval  in  those 
particulars  shoald  not  prevent  the  utmost  exertions  of  their 
ability  and  means  to  forward  tiie  views  of  the  supreme 
government. 

On  the  15th  of  April  General  €k>ddard  was  directed  to 

endeavour  to  negotiate  a  peace  with  the 

^"  '  Poona  state,  cwa  the  terms  of  the  treaty  of 

Poomndhur,    but  with  an  additional    article   expressly 

excluding  the  French  from  any  establishment  within  the 

Mahratta  dominions.    In  the  end  of  May. 

May.  t 

when  the  supreme  government  had  reeeived 
and  taken  into  consideration  Mr.  Hornby's  minutes  of 
Febraary  and  March,  they  sent  more  detailed  instructions 
for  their  envoy's  guidance ;  and  if  peace  on  the  terms 
proposed  could  not  be  obtained,  he  was  then,  if  he  thought 
proper,  to  adopt  Mr.  Hornby's  plan  of  an  alliance  with  the 
Gaekwar,  in  which  case  alone  the   authority   of  General 


CHAP.  IV.}  NBOOTIATIOIIS  OF  1»EAC15.  107 

Gkxldard  as  the  gcreoimor-general'd  agent  ^vas  to  be  blended 
wid),  and  guided  by,  the  instrnetions  of  the  Bombay 
government*  The  only  alteration  in  the  authorized  from 
the  proposed  plan  was  a  resiriotidn  preventing  the  British 
authority  from  being  engaged  as  a  party  between  the 
brothers  Futih  Sing  and  Govind  Bao  Gaekwar*  The 
alliance  was,  therefore,  to  be  formed  with  Futih  Sing,  the 
acknowledged  head  of  theBaroda  state,  and  no  pledge 
given  for  reconciling  their  domestic  differences. 

This  mode  of  operations  would  not  have  mtiterially  inter^ 
iered  with  the  projected  alliance  with  Moodajee  Bhonslay, 
as  tihe  political  connection  between  his  father  Bughoojee 
and  Dummajee  Gaekwar  might  have  paved  a  way  to  a 
union  of  the  sons ;  but  after  the  convention  of  Wurgaom, 
Mr.  Hastings  immediately  perceived,  and  the  result  was  a 
proof  of  his  penetration,  that  Moodajee  could  no  longer  be 
accounted  an  ally,  though,  if  judiciously  managed,  he 
might  sa£dy  be  reckoned  neutral.  It  was  desirable,  how- 
ever, that  the  British  authority  should  be  left  unfettered  in 
case  Moodajee  persisted  in  procrastinating ;  and  therefore 
General  Gkxidard  was  instructed  to  tender  explicit  condi* 
tions,  by  a  rejection  of  which  he  would  have  it  in  his 
power  to. declare  the  negotiation  at  an  end. 

In  regard  to  an  alliance  with  Sindia,  the  governor- 
general  was  disposed  to  concur  in  opinion  with  Mr. 
Hornby  in  supposing  that  Sindia  had  some  secret  design 
of  cdtiuecting  himself  with  the  Bnglish.  Mr.  Hastings 
also  c^durred  in  the  propriety  of  giving  up  Baroach,  as 
had  been  privately  promised ;  but  Sindia's  conduct  had 
been  such  as  to  preclude  their  deigning  ^o  bestow  this 
mark  of  acknowledgment.  General  Goddard,  however, 
was  instructed  to  treat  separately  with  ^Siisdia, '  iii  6sise*  he 
should  at  any  time  find  him    disposed   to    CBpouso    the 


108  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHBATTAS.  [CHAP.  IV. 

ihterests  of  the  company  ;  bo^  the  dependence  of  1^slu» 
Furnuwees  on  Mabadajee  Sindia  was  at  this  time  bei^t 
secured  by  war,  and  whilst  hi^  wukeel  at  Bombay  was 
professing  his  master's  regard,  an  attaek,  instigated  by 
Sindia,  was  made  on  Bancbte,  with  no  other  design  tiiaxk 
to  blow  the  flame,  and  dxdto  tiie  English  to  hostilities. 
•    As  a  further  hold  ofn  Nana  Furnuwees,  whom  Sindia 
governed  by  his  fears,  he  caused  the  settlement  of  a 
jagheer  in  Bundelcund  to  be  made  on  Rugonath  Bao  of 
12  lakhs  of  rupees^  of  which  he  became^  the  guarantee  in 
behalf  of  Rugoba,  and  svt  the  sam6  tii](ie  security  to  Nana 
for  Bugoba's  never  molesting  the  government     He  had 
thus,  got  the  latter  into  his  power  ;  but  thja  unpopularity 
of  Bugoha  made  the  custody  of  his  person  of  little  conse- 
quence as  an  instrument  of  ag^andizeinent :  Nana  Furnu- 
wees was  perhaps    secretly    pleased    to   observe    Sindia 
connecting  himself  with  a  man  more  likely  to  be  shunned 
than  followed,  and  only  dangerous  as  a  political  instrument 
in  foreign  hands.     Soon  after  the  arrai)gem^[it  was  made, 
Bugoba  was  sent  off  towards  his  jagheer  in  Bundelcund 
for  the  purpose,  as  Nana  believed,  of  being  ccmfined  in  the 
fort  of  Jhansee,  until  Sindia  might  find  it  convenient  to 
release  him  ;  but  Bugoba's  usual  escort,  and  even  his 
guns,  were  suffered  to  a<jfeampany  him,  whilst  the  troops 
which  were  sent   as  hm  guard   scarcely    exceeded    the 
number,  of   his.  own    followers.      Just  before    Bugoba 
reached  the  Nerbuddah,  in  the  latter  end  of  the  month  of 
May,  be  was  secrecy    warned    of  Sindia*s  inteqj^on,  to 
codfine  'him  in  Jhansee,  on  which,,  having  watched  an 
opportunity,  whidh  presented  itself  2i,  the  ford  of  Cholee 
Mbey&wur,  he  attacked  and  dispersed  his,  guard,  mortally 
wounded  the  commander,  and  fled  towsp'ds  Baroach  with 
all  speed,  to  throw  himself  at  the  feet  of  his  friends  the 


CBAP.  IV.]  POLICY  OF  MAHADAABE  SIKSIA.  ]0f 

Eoglidi,  for  he'ooiild  scaroolj  expect  ihkt  tiiey  wotild 
open  theii^  arms  to  reoeire  Lim. 

.  AUhongh  no  explanaiioii  took  place  between  i^dia  ahd 
Ragoba^  there  ia  little  doubt  bat  the  whole  was  Maha* 
dajee's  contrivaiice.  It  widened  the  breach  between  Nana 
and  ihe  Bbglish^  bat  with  eitfaer.  party  it  gare  Sindiaaxt 
advahtage ;  it  roused  the  fear  and  jealonsy  of  the  one^ 
and  made  him  more  dependent ;  whilst  broken,  inexplicable 
hinte*  of  friendshipy  which  he  ooeasionaUj  doopped  to'the 
English,  might  be  interpreted  hereafter  as  alluding  4o 
00010  aoheme  of  co-operation  connected  with  ihia  d^ign  Juft 
releasing  their  motual  friend. 

When  Nana  Fumuwees  required  and  obtained .  the 
sacrifice  of  his  rival  Sukaram  Bappoo,  and  of  Chintoo 
Wittul,  once  the  minister  of  Bugoba,  it  was  no  test  of 
Sindia's  fidelity  to  him  ;  on  the  contrary,  his  having 
given  them  up  to  satisfy  Nana  at  that  time  is  perhaps, 
from  the  artifice  of  his  character,  rather  in  evidence  of  his 
having  been  accessory  to  Bugoba's  flight.  iSukaram 
Bappoo  was  hurried  to  Singurh,  and  thence  he  was 
removed  and  thrown  into  the  fort  of  Pertabgurh — a 
circumstance  which  leads  to  the  remarkable  reflection 
that  this  venerable  old  man,  after  sharing  every  vicissitude 
of  privation  and  of  grandeur,  of  toil  and  of  triumph,  which 
a  leader  in  the  camps  and  courts  of  a  great  empire  must 
experience,  now  looked  down  on  a  scene  far  more  awfiil  to 
a  mind  in  his  situation,  than  the  tremendous  abyss  of 

*  As  one  of  several  instances  of  these  hints,  just  after  the  convention 
at  Wuigaom,  when  Mr.  Farmer,  Mr.  Holmeo,  and  Mr.  Sibbald  were 
present,  Sindia  was  loudly  extolling  the  conduct  of  their  rear-guard, 
which  he  compared  to  a  red  wall,  **  and  no  sooner  beat  down,  than  it 
was  instantly  built  up  again"  (*eaoh  stepping  where  his  oommde  stood, 
the  instant  that  he  fell*).  *^l  hope,"  said  Mahadajee,  whispering  in 
Mr.  Sibbald's  ear,  "  to  sea  these  fine  fellows  oo-operating  with  my  own 
troops,  by  and  bye." 


110 


HISTOBY  or  TfiB  MAfiRATYAS 


[C^AP.  m 


4^000^  feet  ofblAtk.TXi^gedvoohj  whiih  fonabd^ihe  •  weiterik 
wall  of  his  prison:  for,  from  Periabgurh,  'oa  ihiseAstem 
side,  he  saw  thespoi  wh^re,'  120  jeJiarBtioforef  hib  anbestor, 
Buhtbjee' O^opinftt  Bhoked,  pledged' to  Sivajee  the  tred^ 
efaerous  oath  #hioh':betiiayied'  his  mkster  Afzbol  Khan  to 
the  stab  dfifaenrnrdorer*!  BbtiBiikanraia'ddeat&  soe^  was 
not>cloted  in  Pei^bgnrh: ; '  tb^  oautKms  jealousy'  ofJSaha 
Fdrnikwees'  removed  him  sectetly  tvpih  one  golaoe  ito  ianotker^ 
to  pre veQt  rescue  or  infinrrectiohl'aAd  &e  ooice  great 
€hik$a-am'  Bappoo  perished  miserably:  in  Raigiorhi  .C3iintb6 
'WtttulV  Uif^  wsis' also  shortened';  l^e  died-  in  some  hill 
fort,  from  the  effects  of  uiiwholdsomie  food  -and  harsh 
treatment; ' 


I    ' 


•  1  . } 


•      ,       •!    ! 


I   '  '  ■  :• 


)  ' 


Ill 


CHAP.  V. 

I 

From  A.  D.  1779  to  A.  D.  1782. 

tlpder  mdkes  Mmgelf  master  cfthe  Makratta  territoty  §mth 
'  of  the  Mietna*^i$  jealousy  of  ike  English — his  dofmeeiion 
toitkthe  FrencL^^The  English  eapect  to  be  attacked  by  the 
French  oti  the  toest  eoast  of  India.-^Iiu^oba  received  by  the 
Mulish,— ^Report  of  a  general  confederacy  ogainH  the 
Ekglieh.''^The  British  government  ads  as  a  principal  in 
the  negotitUion  with  the  Poona  state^  noi  as  the  auxiliary 
of  Bugoba. —  War  declared*'-^  Capture  of  Dnbhoy* — 
Alliance  with  Futih  Sing  Gaekwar-^terms.^-^Si^e  and 
storm  of  Ahtnedabad, — Sindia  and  Holkar  advance 
agcdnst  Ooddard^-^Polioy  of  Sindia. — N4gQti(xtif>n. — 
Goddard  partially  surprises  Sindia^ s  canip, — Operations 
prolonged  in  Guzerai — reasone.^^Lieutenant''  Colonel  Hart- 
Ify  sent  dowfi  to  assist  the  troops  in  the  Copcafu-r Opera" 
tions  wi  that  quarter.-*- Capttire  and  d^enceof  KaUian — 
i^elieved  by  Colonel  Hartley ^-^Operations  of  Captain 
Poplumis  detachment-r^ Capture  of  Laltar.-^Surprise  pf 
Gtbalior.'—'Unmiecessfid  attempt  on  MuUungurK — Distress 
of  the  Bombay  govei'nment.-r-  War  with  Byder  Ally* — 
Admirable  conduct  of  Governor  Hotvihy* — -Hartley .  opens 
the -canvpaign  with  great  spirit* — Siege  of  Basseirh—^The 
covering  army  is  attached  by  the  Mahvattais. — \Baitle  of 
Doogaur. — Reduction  of  Bassein. — Memoir  of  -  Colonel 
Hartley. — Exteneive  confederacy  against  the  British  govern- 
ment.— Peace  proposed  totJie  Peishwd's  government  tlirougk 
MoodOgee-^-^iJdho  declines  tlie  mediation  in  consequence  of  the 
success  cf  Hyder. -^Proceedings  at  BonsLbayM-'-^GQddard 


112  HSTOBY  OF  THK  MAHRA  TTAS  [CHAP.  V» 

injudidoudy  takes  post  at  the  Shore  Ghaut. — Preparatiom 
o/tlie  Mahrattas^tfieif  act  vigorously  on  Goddard*s  supplies. 
— Goddard  retreats  to  Parmell  with  heavy  loss, — Proceed' 
ings  of  tlve  Bengal  government. — Operations  of  Lieutenant" 
Colonel  Camdc's  deUwhment-^Camae  is  surrounded  by 
Sindia — retreats — surprises  Sindia^s  camp — is  joined  by 
Colonel  .  Muir.-^JfegotidHdn  opened  by  Sindia  through 
Colonel  Muir. — Moodajee  Bhonslay  seluls  an  ormy  into 
KtUtaek. —  Warren  JSastings  pjirchfises  ii»  retr$«^y  and 
detaches  Moodajee.  from  the  aonfederacy, — XnsfrtJictions  to 
Oenerod  Goddard  for  negotiating  at  Poona.—rE^Btemive 
plan  proposed  by  Goddardfor  carrying  on  the  w<fi^. — Peace 
tDith\Sindia.---rA  general  treaty  of  peac^  with  the  Mahrattas 
concluded  at  Salbye  through  Makadajee  ^Sindia. — Delay  in 
its  ratificati&n. — Baroaeh  conferred  dn  Sindia* 

Htdbr  Ally,  though  mulcted  and  duped  by  Mahadajee 

Sindia  and  Hurry  Hunt  Phurkay,  was 
amply  compensated  by  the  opportunity 
aiibrd^  when  they  were  called  away^  in  the  end  of  May 
1778;  Dharwar  was  taken,  a^nd  the  whole  tract^  as  far 
north  as  the  Q'utpurba  and  Kistna,  submitted  to  his  arms. 
He  also  took  Chittledroog,  and  extended  his  territories  to 
the  eastward  by  the  reduction  of  Kurpa.  -  During  his 
stay  in  that  neighbourhood,  he  was  joined  by  Monsieur 
Lally,  a  military  adventurer,  who  had  been  for  some 
time  in  the  serrice  of  Busalut  Jung  at  Adonee,  and 
afterwards  with  Nizam  Ally,  but  he  now  came  over  to  Hyder 
with  his  corps. 

Prior  to  this  event,  Hyder  had  become  thoroughly 
jealous  oflbhe  English  ;  and  had  he  not  been  deterred  by 
fears  of  a  Mahratta  invasion,  he  would,  probably,  at  an 
early  period,  have  gone  to  war  with  them;  aud  declared 


CHAP,  v.]  HYDtR  ALLY.  113 

himself  an  ally  of  the  French.  He  had  for  some  time 
encouraged  a  close  intercourse  with  that  nation,  and  was 
supplied  with  arms,  warlike  stores,  and  occasiofially  with 
men,    from    the    island   of  Mauritius.     The   capture  of 

Pottdicherry,  on  the  18th  October  1778, 
could  not  Tail  of  occasioning  regret  to 
Hyder ;  and  when  the  governor  of  Madras  intimated  the 
intended  reduction  of  the  Freneh  settlement  of  Mah^,  the 
port  through  which  Hyder  drew  his  supplies,  he  formally 
protested  against  the  attack  of  a  settlement  which,  being 
situated  in  his  territory,  was,  he  pretended,  under  his 
()r€itection.  The  expedition,  however,  went  forward ; 
Hyder,  during  the  siege,  hoisted  his  colours  on  the  works 
by  the  side  of  the  French  ;  but  the  fort  fell  to  a  detachment 

of  Madras  trdops  under  Colonel  Braith- 

A  D  1779. 

waite  in  the  month  of  March.  Tlie 
governor-jgeneral  and  council,  in  consequence  of  having 
received  intelligence  that  the  French  meditated  an  attack 
on  the  English  settlements  on  the  west  coast,  made  an 
application  to  Madras  for  the  assistance  of  some  troops 
to  reinforce  Bombay,  including  Colonel  Braithwaite's 
detachment ;  and  accordingly,  after  demolishing  the  works 
of  Mah^,  these  troops  were  held  at  the  disposal  of  the 
Bombay  government,  and  intended,  if  necessary,  to  join 
General  Goddard  after  the  monsoon. 
The   fagitive   Kugoba   was   received,   though   at    first 

scarcely  welcomed,  by  the  English;  and, 
on  the  12th  June,  accompanied  by  his  sons 
Amrut'  Rao  and  Bajee  Rao^  the  latter  a  child  of  four  years 
old,  visited  General  Gt)ddard  in  his  camp,  from  whom  he 
received  an  allowance  of  50,000  rupees  a  month,  which 
the  governor-general  and  council  totally  disapproved,  and 
condemned   as    a     lavish    and   unnecessary  expenditure. 

Vol,  II.— 15- 


114  HISTORY  OF  TH3B  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  V. 

General  Goddard  had  been  sufficiently  prudent  to  aToid 
entering  on  any  terms  of  alliance  with  BrUgoba :  it  was 
.considered  very  impolitic  to  attempt  forcing  a  person  into 
the  Mahratta  government,  to  whom  the  whole  nation  had 
manifested  indifference  or  aversion  ;  and  therefore,  acting 
upon  the  terms  of  the  Pootufldhur  treaty,  if  all  accom- 
modation were  rejectedy  the  Englishj  in  support  of  their 
national  honor,  could  do  no  less  than  engage  in  the  war  as 
principals.  The  negotiation  between  Genieral  Goddard  and 
Nana  Fumuwees  continued  for  several  months ;  but 
towards  the  end  of  the  monsoon,  Goddard  ciommunicated 
to  the  Bombay  government  some  intelligence  he  had 
received  of  a  general  confederacy  of  the  Mahrattas,  Hyder, 
and  Nizam  Ally  against  the  English,  on  whom,  it  was  said, 
they  meditated  an  attack  at  all*  the  three  presidencies. 
General  Goddard,  prior  to  the  receipt  of  this  information, 
had  sent  to  demand  explicit  answers  from  Nana  Fumuwees, 
which  were  obtained  sooner  than  was  expected,  by  his 
declariug  that  the  surrender  of  Salsette  and  the  person  of 

Rugoba  were  preliminarieis  to  any  treaty 
which  the  English  might  wish  to  conclude 
with  the  Mahratta  state.  An  immediate  requisition  was 
made  for  Colonel  Braithwaite's  detachment  on  the  first 
intelligence  of  a  confederacy ;  but,  in  consequence  of 
an  attack  of  the  Nairs,*  secretly  instigated  by  Hyder, 
against  both  Mahe  and  Tellioherry,  tjie  services  of  the 
detachment  could  not  be  itnmediatly  spared  ;  the  Madras 
government,  therefore,  who  then  foresaw  no  impending 
danger  to  their  own  presidency,  prepared  another  detach- 
ment, under  Lieutenant-Colonel  BroWne,  of  100  artillery, 

♦  There  were  two  ohiefs  in  Malabar  known  by  the  appellations  of 
prince  of  Cherika  and  king  of  Gartinadee,  itho  were  leaders  in  the 
hostilities  alluded  to. 


CHAP,  v.]         ADVANCE  OF  GENERAL  GODDARD.  115 

a  regiment  of  500  Europeans^  and  a  battalion  of  sepoys ; 
but,  before  they  joined  Qoddard,  the  campaign  of  the 
ensuing  season  was  nearly  at  an  end. 

When  Qeneral  Groddard  obtained  the  answer  from  Nana 
Fumuwees,  he  evaded  giving  an  immediate  reply,  embark- 
ed for  Bombay,  where  he  arrived  on  the  Ist  November, 
and  immediately  consulted  with  the  government  respecting 
the  plan  of  operations,  particularly  in  regard  to  the  pro- 
posed alliance  with  Futih  Sing.  His  principal  motive, 
however,  for  repairing  thus  promptly  to  Bombay  was  to 
urge  despatch  in  preparing  and  sending  off  a  reinforce- 
ment. Accordingly,  although  the  Bombay  government 
recommended  delay,  they  acceded  to  his  desire,  and  a 
detachment,  under  Colonel  Hartley,  of  100  European 
artillery,  200  European  infantry,  two  battalions  of  native 
infantry,  one  of  them  a  battalion  of  grenadier  sepoys, 
volunteer  drafts  from  different  corps,  principally  those  who 
had  before  served  under  Hartley  on  the  rear-guard  at 
TuUygaom,  were  speedily  embarked  for  Guzerat. 

On  the  side  of  Bengal  a  detachment  of  2,000  sepoys  were 
in  readiness  to  follow  General  Goddard's  route  ;  but,  on 
hearing  that  the  war  was  inevitable,  and  might  have  broken 
out  before  they  could  have  reached  their  destination,  their 
march  to*  Surat  was  countermanded.  Mr.  .Hastings, 
desirous,  it  would  seem,  of  embracing  any  proposal  for 
effecting  a  diversion,  and  perhaps  of  giving  the  country  a 
rallying-point  of  insurrection  against  the  Mahrattas,  entered 
into  an  aUiance  with  their  turbulent  tributary,  the  rana  of 
Gohud. 

Meanwhile  General  Goddard,  on  his  return  to  Surat, 
dismissed  the  wukeels  of  Nana  Furnuwees,  put  his  army 
in  a  state  of  readiness,  and  opened  the  negotiation  with  Fufcih 
Sing.     A  treacherous  correspondence  was  about  this  period 


116  HISTORY  DF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  T, 

intercepted  by  General  Goddard  between  the  wukeels  of 
Nana  Furnuvvees  and  Mr.  Vandegraaf,  the  Dutch  chief 
and  director  at  Surat,  from  which  it  appeared  that  the 
Dutch  had  engaged  in  ^  plot  for  assisting  the  Mahrattas 
to  surprise  Surat  castle  ;  but  Mr.  Boddam,  the  Snglish 
chief,  took  eifectual  precautions  to  prevent  the  perfidious 
design. 

Futih  Sing,  on  the  receipt  of  the  proposals,  attempted  to 
procrastinate,  and  showed  every  disposition  to  evade  a 
definite  engagement  with  the  English.     General  Goddard, 

therefore,  put  his  army  in  motion,  crossed 
the  Taptee  on  the  1st  January,  but  ad- 
vanced very  slowly  to  the  northward,  until  his  battering 
train  'and  stores  had  joined  him  from  Baroach,  when  he 
marched  to  attack  the  fort  of  Dubhoy,  which  was  in 
possession  of  the  Peishwa,  and  garrisoned  by  about  2,000 
men.  Whilst  General  Goddard  moved  forward,  Mr. 
Bpddam  occupied  the  Peishwa's  districts  near  Surat.  Mr. 
Robert  Gambier,  and  the  gentlemen  of  the  civil  service  at 
Baroaoh,  having  enlisted  irregulars,  also  took  advan-  . 
tage  of  General  Goddard's  being  in  their  neighbour- 
hood, drove  out  the  Peishwa^s  thannas,  and  took 
possession  of  Oklaseer,  Hansot,  Desborah,  and  Ahmod. 
Jumbooseer  had  not  been  restored  by  the  Bombay 
government. 

The  army  arrived  before  Dubhoy  on  the  18th  January. 

The  Bramin  commandant,  on  being  sum- 
moned to  surrender,  answered  by  a  vaunt- 
ing discharge  of  matchlocks,  and  kept  up  a  continued  firer 
during  the  ensuing  day,  which  did  no  other  mischief  than 
that  of  wounding  one  subaltern  of  the  Bombay  army. 
Lieutenant  Charles  Reynolds,  the  same  person  who  was 
afterwards  survjeyor-general. 


OHAP.  v.]  ALLIANCE  WITH  FUTIH  SING.  117 

By  dayrbreak  of  the  20th,  a  battery  of  three  18-poinider» 

was  ready  to  opew  vrithin  200  .yards  ;  but 

^^^^^  the  garrison  had  evacuated  the  place  in 

the  night,  and  Mr,  James  Forbei^*  of  the  civfl  service,  ^ith 
a  coiupauy  of  a^poya  and  a  few  irregulars,  weife  .pjaoed  in 
charge  of  the  new  acquisition.  Futih  Sing  now  began  to. 
negotiate  in  earnest ;   met  Greneral  Goddard,  seemingly 

with  as  much  cordiality  as  alacrity,  and 
'        concluded  a  treaty  of  offensive  and  defen- 
sive alliance,  which  was  signed  on  the  26th,  on  the  terms 
proposed  by  Governor    Hornby,    and  approved   by  the 
supreme  government. 

The  Peishwa's  share,  of  territory  north  of  the  My  hie  was 
to  be  given  up  to  Futih  Sing,  in  lieu  of  w];iich  he  agreed  to 
cede  his  share  of  revenue  ^oi^jii  of  the  Taptee,  or  those, 
districts  known  by  thp  appellation  of  Uthawees  Mahal  (or 
Attaweesee),  his  share  pf  the  revenue^  of  Baroach,  the 
district  of  Sinuore  on  the  Nerbuddah,,and  his  yillages  in 
the  Baroach  district.  Jhe  usual  tribute  to  the  Peish^^a  was 
to  be  remitted  at  all  events  during  the  war,  but  3,000  horse 
were  to  join  Godd^rd's  army.  The  company  were  to  be 
put  in  possession  of  the  districts  ceded,  from  the  day  that 
futih  Sing's  troops  were  put  in  possession  of  Ahmedabad. 
For  that  place  General  Goddard  marched  with  expedition, 

and  arrived  before  it  on  the  10th  February. 
The  walls  of  Ahmedabad  are  of  immense 
extent,  and,  for  so  vast  a  city,  were  remarkably  strong. 
Though  this  ancient  capital  was  considered  in  a  com- 
paratively deserted  condition,'  even  at  this  period  it  was 
supposed  to  contain  upwards  of  100,000  inhabitants.  The 
Bramin  in  charge  on  the  part  of  the  Poena  government, 
being  summoned  to  surrender,  expj-essed  his  willingness 

*  The  author  of  the  Orieatal  Memoin*. 


118  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRAtTAS.  [CHAP.  T. 

to  gird  Up  the  place,  but  desired-  a  Kttle  time  to  persuade 
lus  garrison,  composed  of  6,000  Arab  and  Sindee  infantry 
and  2,000  Mahratta  horoe  to  comply  with  the  general's 
desire^  This  is  the  ordinary  language  of  ifilahrattas  when 
they  intend  a  firm  resistance ;  but  General  Goddard  had 
afterwards  resLsod  to  believe  there  was  truth  in  what  the 
Bramin  asserted. 

Next  day,  some  of  the  troops,  having  ventured  tea  near 

the    wall,  suflfered  for  their  temerity,  and, 
amongst  the  rest,  an  officer,  the  second-in- 
command,     Lieutenant- Colonel      Parker, 
was  wounded.     On    the   12th,    however^ 
General  Qtddard  opened  a"  battery,  by 
which  a  breach  was  effected,  and  reported 
practicable    by  '  the      evening    of     the     13th.      From 
motives  of  humanity,   and  the  fear   of  excesses  in  the 
city,  the  assault  was  next  day  delayed,  in  hopes  that  the 
garrison  might  be  induced  to 'surrender  ;  but  the  endeavour 
was  unaviling,  and  the  storming  party  was. formed  oh  the 

morning    of  the    15th     February,  under 

command  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Hartley. 

The  advance  was  composed  of  volunteers  from  the  Bombay 

division.     Two   unfortunate    individuals,*  of   those    who 

had  been  dismissed  for    misbehaviour  in   the  preceding 

»  < 

*  Their  names  were  Fraser  and  Clanoey.  Fraser  was  dismissed  for 
abandoning  his  post  at  the  Bhore  Ghaut  on  hearing  of  the  defeat  at 
Wurgaom.  But  the  infamy  was  rendered  particularly  striking  and  ridi- 
oalons^  as  i#  was  from  him  that  the  first  inteUigeooe  was  received  in 
Bombay  of  the  disaster  ;  and,  writing  from  recollection,  his  note  is  on 
the  Bombay  records  in  these  wordB : — *'  Dear  Sir, — Our  army  is  cut  to 
pieces;  I  oaoi  eflept  my  retreat,  but  I  soom  it,  at  th«  risk  of  my  honour. 
This  is  the  last  you  shall  hear  from,  youra  truly,  W,  Fraser."  Fraser, 
howerer,  liVed  not  <mly  to  retrieve  his  honor,  but  to  distinguish  himself 
on  several  occaslobs,  and  to  be  much  esteemed  throughout  the  army. 
This  last  I  mention  on  the  authority  of  Major-General  Baillie,  who 
knew  him  intimately.  « 


CHAP«  v.]  SIBQB  AMD  STOBM  OP   AHMKDABAD.  119 

oampaign^  came  forward'  to  General  •  Goddard^  and 
earnestly  solicited  permission  to  accompany  the  forlorn 
hope,  which  was  humanely  panted,  and  both  siirviyed, 
after  proving  themsetves  worthy  at  being  rest<Hfed  to  the 
service*  The  command  of  the  party,  however,  was  intrust- 
ed to  Sergeaat  Bridge  of  .the  3ombay  Europeah  regiment, 
a  corps  always  celebrated  for  gallant  ybhrateers  on  aach 
occasions.  The  grenadiers  of  the  Bombay  division  followed 
the  forlorn  hope,  with  a  strong  reserve  of  chosM  men  from 
the  array.  On  the  preconcerted  .  signal,  the  whole  moved 
off  at  a  brisk  pace,  rnshed  up  the  breach,  where  the  garri- 
sea  stood  ready  to  receive  them,  and  for  a  short  time  made 
a  very  determmad  stand,  until  300  of  them  lay  dead^  when 
reaistaace  ceased.  The  most  honorable  part  of  this  gaUant 
assault  was  the  subsequent  steadiness  and  good  conduct  of 
the  troops.  No  excessQs  were  ccipmitted,  ajad  two  only 
of  the  inhabitants  not  comj^osing  the  garrison  lost  their 
live%  Of  the  British  troops,  106  were  killed  and  wounded ; 
among  the  latter  trere  10  !6iu^opeaii  offic0rs  and  four  gen- 
tlemen Volunteers,  ihx^e  q(  whom  died  of  theii^  wounds.* 

The  capital  of  Guzerat  was  sciircety  reduced  when 
Geioeral  Goddard  ;heard  of  the  approach  of  Mahadajee 
Sindia  and  Tdokajee  Holkar  with  a  body  of  (15,000  horse, 
to  which  were  to  be  united  .7,<X)0horse^  ,tb«BL  .^gaged  in 
plundering  the  viUaged  about  3aroach. 

Aft^r  the  escape  of  Bugdba,  there  :was  some  coolness 
between  Sindia  ajud  the  minister,  but  they  were  speedily 
reconciled;  and  although  Md,hadajee  did  Hot  wish  to  quit 
the  capital  at  that  time,  yet^  as  he  bad. Nana  under  com- 
miand  by  Causing  .him  to  apprehend  an  alliance  with  the 
English,  he  at  last  consented  to  oppose  Goddard  in  Guzerat ; 
•  I  '      '     '        \        . 

*  Major  Spaitb,  Bombaf  Eogineers;  Captain  Qough,  Bengal  Native 
Infantry ;  and  Volunteer  Wright. 


(120  BlSTOhY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [cHA1».     t. 

and  it  is  necesi^ary  to  apprize  the  reader  that  Nana  Fumtt^ 
wees  wai^  wil^out  reserre  informed  of  all  the  subsequent 
proceedifigs  of  Sitidia^  a  report,  however,  was  spread  of 
Sindia*s  being  on  the  eve  of  a  mpliure  with  Nana,  which 
was  speedily  followed  by  another  report  of  his  intention 
to  make  a  desperate  effort  to  recover  possession  of  Rugoba's 
peroon  by  assaulting  Sui-at. 

Rugonath  Rao  had  been  persuaded  by  General  Goddard 
to  remain  in  that  city  when  the  army  took  the  field— a 
circums^tice  which  Haliadajee,  from  not  exactly  compre- 
hending-tfeat  tile  English  Were  at  war  as  principals,  did 
not  expect,  and  whioh  may  have  disconcerted  the  scheme 
he  was'  hatohing.  The  momentary  alarm,  however,  occa- 
i^ioned  by  his  threat)  was  dissipated  on  the  arrival  of  the 
European  part  of  the  Madras  detachment,  under  Lieute- 
nant-Oolonel  Browne;  -whiah  had  disembarked  at  Surat 
before  tUe  Mahratta  atmy  had  passed  Ga^deish. 

Sindia  and  Hblkar  forded  the  Nerbuddah  on  the  ^9th 

,  '  Februfliry  with  upwards  of  20,000  horse, 

and  proceeded  to  the  neighbourhood   of 

■   Barodd,    where   they    halted.      Goddard 

Marob  6.     .       ^^gg^(|  tjj^  Myhie  on   the  6th  March  at 

Fa«ilpoor,'  to  give  theiti  battle ;  but,  on  his  advancing 
towards  BAi*6d6;,  they  i*etired  iti  the  drrection  of  Pawun* 
gurh.  Sindia,  so  ftir  from  evincing  boTstile  intentions, 
professed  (Jie  greatest  ftiendship"  for  the  English.  •  The 
two  hostageii,  Mr.  Parmer  and  Liiauteiftant  Stewart,  who 
were  still  in  his  <Jamp,  aad  whom  he  had  trfeated  with 
mtidi"  hofel[)itality,   were  restored  to  liberty,  and  joined 

Generd  Goddard  on  the  evening  of  the 

^^    '•'•'-     dth.    This  act  of  kindness  was  followed 

by  the  appearance  of  a  wukeel,  Abajee  Shabajee,  who  gave 

assurances  of  his  master's  friendship  for  the  English,  and 


CHAP,  v.]  THK  POLICT  OF  SINDIA.  121 

enmity  to  Nana  Fomuweesy  declaring  that  his  master 
had  experienced  from  the  latter  the  greatest  ingratitude 
and  treachery.  Bat  Goddard,  without  being  drawn  in  to 
make  proposals  for  an  alliance,  which,  allowing  Sindia  to 
have  been  sincere,  would  have  afforded  him  a  grand  advan- 
tage, made  suitable  answers  by  assurances  of  a  reciprocal 
regard  on  the  part  of  the  English ;  but,  mth  respect  to 
the  terms  of  a  treaty,  he  left  Sindia  to  be  the  judge  of 
what  would  prove  mutually  advantageous,  as  the  British 
governments  in  Indiaflxad  no  other  view  than  a  permanent 
peace,  which  they  were  determined  to  obtain  on  terms 
honorable,  defined  and  secure. 

Sindia^s  object  was  to  waste  the  time  in  negotiation,  and 
keep  Goddard  inactive  during  the  fair  season ;  but  Indian 
chicane  is  no  match  for  European  honesty.  General 
Goddard  was  sincere  in  assurinor  Sindia  of  his  desire  for 
peace,  but  he  limited  the  negotiation  to  a  certain  time,  and 
allowed  Sindia  three  days  from  the  time  his  wukeel  quitted 

the  British  camp  to  offer  his  proposals. 

Accordingly,  on  the  16th  March,  the 
wukeel  returned,  and  submitted  the  following  terms  from 
his  master: — "That  formerly,  when  Eugoba  was  at  TuUy- 
gaom,  after  the  return  of  the  English  army  to  Bombay, 
an  agreement  had  been  entered  into  between  him  and 
Sindia,  and  written  engagements  mutually  exchanged  for 
its  performance,  when  the  former  consented  to  relinquish 
all  claims  to  any  share  in  the  administration  at  Poena,  and 
to  retire  towards  Jhansee,  whefe  he  should  receive  an 
allowance  of  12  lakhs  of  rupees  per  annum;  that  the 
sicca  should  continue  in  the  name  of  the  young  Peishwa, 
Mahdoo  Bao  Narain,  and  that  Bajee  Bao,  the  son  of 
Bugoba,  should  be  appointed  the  Peishwa's  dewan,  but  as 
he  was  too  young  to  transact  the  business  of  the  office 

Vol.  II.— 16 


122  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHKATTAS.  [CHA?.  V. 

himself^  being  only  four  years  of  age,  the  care  and  ma*- 
nagement  of  it  should  be  left  entirely  to  Sindia.  He  now, 
therefore,  proposed  that  Rugoba  should  retire  to  Jhansee, 
and  that  the  young  Bajee  Bao  should  acoompany  him  to 
Poona," 

Such  were  his  proposals,  without  declaring  himself 
further,  respecting  the  English,  whose  part  he  still  reserved 
for  Goddard  to  propose;  but  General  Goddard  merely 
objected  to  what  was  wrong,  declared  that  no  force  should 
be  put  on  Bugoba's  inclination,  thfk  he  had  sought  the 
protection  of  the  English,  and  that  his  quitting  it  should 
be  voluntary;  that  even  allowing  the  English  did  assist 
Sindia  to  acquire  the  entire  powers  of  the  state — for  the 
sum  of  his  proposals  amounted  to  nothing  less — Sindia,  on 
his ,  part,  in  the  name  of  the  Peishwa,  should  previously 
consent  to  certain  conditions  favourable  to  the  British 
interests,  as  well  in  consideration  of  the  benefits  he  was 
to  derive,  as  in  compensation  for  the  wars  of  the  Mahratta 
state  in  which  they  had  l^eem  compelled  to  engage.  The 
negotiation  was  thus  brought  to  a  point  within  seven  days, 
which  Sindia  probably  intended  to  have  spun  out  into  as 
many  months,  when  it  would  have  been  his  study  to 
balance  Bramin  fears  and  jealousy  against  the  policy  of  the 
English,  and  that  sanguine  temperament  of  Europeans 
which  is  usually  accompanied  by  credulity. 

Mahadajee  Sindia  continued  to  profess  his  friei^dly 
regard,  but,  perceiving  that  Goddard  was  not  to  be  duped, 
he  opened  a  negotiation  with  Govind  Rao  Gaekwar  for 
putting  him  in  possession  of  Guzerat ;  and  Goddard  had 
now  no  other  desire  than  to  bring  on  an  action,  which  the 
Mahrattas  as  carefully  avoided.  Sindia,  apprehending 
a  surprise,  sent  his  heavy  baggage  under  the .  proteetioa 
of  the   hill-fort  of  Pawungurh,   which   was   in  his  own 


e&A^  v.]  «KDtA*8  CAMP  SURPlftlSSD.  123 

posseflsioi),  and  threw  out  a  number  of  small  parties  of 
horse  to  retire  on  the  first  alarm^  and  enable  him* to-' a¥oid 
any  sudden  attack  that  might  be  meditated. 
In  this  manner,  fancying  htmself  secure,  he  allowed' tihe 

British    army  to  encamp^  on  the   27th 

March,  within  six  miles^of  bis  maii^body, 

in  which  situation  they  lay  watching  each  other  for  a 

week  'y  but  GK)ddard,  on  the  night  of  the 
2nd  April,  prepared  a.  detachment  of  10 
companies  of  grenadier  sepoys,  headed  by  the  twoEuropean 
grenadier  companies  of  the  Bombay  regiment^  two  batta- 
lions of  Bengtd  and  one  of  Bombwjr  native  infantry, 
with  the  regiment  of  B«igal  cavalry,  and  a  snmll  body  of 
horse  belonging  to  the  nabob  of  Oude,  the-  whole  being 
siupported  by  12  pieces  of  artillery.  Thisforoe  he  disposed 
isQr  two  lines  ;.the  first  line  wa&  commanded  by  Lieutenant 
Colonel  W.  A.  Baillie^  the  seeoad  by  Major  Hopkins ;  and 

at  two  0-' dock  on  the-  morning  of  the  3rd, 
the  tkne*  when  the  guards  of  irregulars 
begin  to  be  overpowered  by  drowsiness,  they  moved  oflP 
mlently  under  General  Gx)ddard'd  'personal  command: 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Hartley  remained  in  camp  in  command 
of  the  rest  of  the  army.  The  detachment  passed  the 
Mahratta  out-parties  without  being  discovered, — came 
upon  their  grand  guard  of  several  thousand  men, — pushed 
on  for  their  camp^  still  a  mile  and  a  half  in  front,  without 
firing  a  shot ;  but  the  day  dawned,  the  alarm  had  been 
communicated,  and  the  main  body  were  ready  mounted. 
They  stood  for  a  short  time,  and  even  advanced,  as  if  to 
charge,  but  they  were  received  with  a  heavy  fire,  on 
which  they  turned  their  horses  until  they  were  beyond 
reach  of  the  guns  ;  a  spirited  charge  by  the  body  of  cavalry 
belonging  to  the  nabob  of  Oude,  distinguished  from  the 


124  BISTORT  OP  THB  MXaBATTAS.  [CHAP.  V. 

regiment  of  Baigal  cavalry  by  the  name  of  the  Candaliar 
horse^  on  a  body  of  the  Mahrattas,  completed  the  rout,  and 
drove  them  beyond  the  reach  of  pursuit. 

Of  the  regular  troops  not  a  man  was  touched,  but  15  of 
theCandahar  horse  fell  in  the  charge.  The  loss  of  the  Mah- 
rattas  was  supposed  to  be  considerable ;  and  General  Goddard 
imagined  he  had  gained  a  victory  ;  but  as  soon  as  he  had 
encamped,  Sindia  took  up  the  same  distance  as  before,  observ- 
ing a  greater  vigilance  in  guarding  against  surprise.    On  the 

14th,  Colonel  Browne,  with  the  Madras 

Ani*n  14. 

troops,  joined,  and  General  Goddard  on  the 
19th  made  another  attempt  on  Sindia's  camp ;  but  the  Mah- 
rattas  only  waited  until  he  came  within  sufficient  distance, 
when  they  let  off  a  flight  of  rockets,  and  retired  as  before. 
The  Bombay  government  expressed  some  impatience  a^ 
General  Goddard's  allowing  himself  to  be  thus  amused,  as 
they  imagined  that  his  army  might  have  been  better 
employed  in  reducing  the  fort  of  Bassein,  which  they 
considered  of  value  as  a  permanent  acquisition ;  but 
General  Goddard  was  constrained  to  this  mode  of  opera- 
tions ;  the  time  would  not  have  admitted  of  his  forming  a 
regular  siege,  and  to  quit  Guzerat  at  that  period  was  to 
leave  their  Ally  Futih  Sing  at  the  mercy  of  the  enemy. 
It  was  evident  that  Sindia  wished  to  draw  him  into  a  long 
pursuit ;  and,  although  no  decisive  advantage  was  gained, 
the  mere  circumstance  of  forcing  Sindia  and  Holkar  to 
decline  a  battle,  and  retire  before  his  army,  was  of  impor- 
tance, in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  new  acquisitions.  At 
the  request  of  the  presidency,  however,  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Hartley  was  ordered  down  to  Bombay,  and  quitted  the 

army  near  Baroda  on  the  8th  May.     The 
presence    of   this    reinforcement    in   the 
Concan  was  very  necessary. 


CHAK  Vj  GAPTUBE  OF  SALLIAK.  125 

The  greater  part  of  the  proviBions  for  the  consnmption 
of.  the  inhabitants  of  Bombay  being  drawn  from  the 
neighbouring  continent,  in  order  to  [nreyent  the  Mahrattas 
from  catting  off  the  supplies,  in  which  they  had  partly 
succeeded,  detachments  were  sent  from  Salsette  and 
Bombay,  which  had  seized  and  occupied  several  posts,  and 
one  party,  consisting  of  two  companies  of  sepoys,  headed 
by  four  European  subalterns,  pushed  on  to  the  Ghauts, 
occupied  one  of  the  passes,  where  they  esrtablisbed  a  post, 
got  up  three  pieces  of  cannon,  and  were  reinforced  by  a 
small  detail  of  European  artillery.  But  the  principal 
acquisition  was  the  town  of  Kallian,  where  a  captain's  post 
was  established  under  Captain  Bichard  Campbell.  Nana 
Fumuwees,  who  set  a  high  value  upon  that  place,  assem- 
bled a  large  force  for  the  purpose  of  recovering  it,  and 
driving  the  English  from  the  continent :  the  post  at  the 
Ghauts  was  attacked  before  it  could  be  withdrawn ;  the 
party  was  cut  off  or  dispersed,  and  the  guns  were  taken. 
Three  of  the  officers  were  killed,  and  one  of  them  was 
made  prisoner.  The  Mahrattas,  elated  with  this  success, 
advanced  towards  KaUian,  threatened  to  exterminate  the 
garrison  if  they  dared  to  resist,  and  forced  their  prisoner, 
Ensign  Fyfe,  to  write*  to  the  commanding  officer,  Captain 
Bichard  Campbell,  to  demand  the  surrender  of  the  town. 
To  all  which  Campbell  replied   *^  that  they  were  welcome 

*  The  following  is  a  copy  of  the  letter  : — 

'•  Dear  Sib,— I  am  now  a  prisoner  in  the  Mahratta  camp,  with  seven 
European  artillerymen,  one  subedar,  two  Jimmadars,  and  15  sepoys. 
They  are  encamped  within  a  very  little  distance  of  Callian,  and  are  aboat 
16,0()0  or  18,000  fighting  men.  They  have  eight  guns  and  one  howitzer. 
This  is  the  best  aceonnt  I  can  give  you.  I  write  this  at  their  desire,  to 
demand  that  you  will  immediately  deliver  up  Callian  and  Ballapore, 
otherwise  they  threaten  to  kill  every  one  of  us,  to  storm  both  those  places, 
and  put  every  man  to  the  sword.  You  may  act  as  you  think  proper,  but  I 
beg  you  will  return  the  bearer,  as  I  have  pledged  my  head  you  will  not 
hurt  the  messenger ;  so  be  sure  to  return  an  answer  soon.    Our  situation 


126  HISTORY   or  THK  MAHRATTAS.  [cBAP.  V: 

to  it  if  the  J  could  take  it/'  and  made  a  most  spirited 
defence.  Colonel  Hartley  fortunately  arrived  from  Guzerat 
just  in  time  to  prevent  the  assault^  which  was  to  have 
taken  place  on  the  morning  of  the  25th  May  ;  but,  en  the 
night  of  the  24th,  Hairtley  surprised  the  Mahratta  camp, 
followed  them  up  for  several  miles,  killed  a  great  number, 
but  could  not  succeed  in  taking  the  guns.  They  retired,, 
however,  from  the  Concan,  and  left  the  British  troops 
unmolested  during  the  remainder  of  the  fair  season. 

General  Goddard,  in  the  meantime,  being  incommoded 
for  want  of  forage,  was  obliged  to  send  to  a  distance  to 
procure  it ;  a  covering  party  was  briskly  attacked,  but 
repulsed  the  enemy  ;  and  shortly  after  this  event,  Goddard 
moved  to  tlie  Nerbuddah,  in  order  to  place  his  troops  in 
eonv^iient  stations  during  the  approaching  rains. 

He  received  a  pressing  application  from  the  Bpmbay 
government  to  endeavour  to  seize  Pameira,  a  hill  15  miles 
north  of  Damaun,  fortified  by  Moro  Punt  Pingley  in  the 
time  of  Sivajee ;  but  their  wishes  had  been  anticipated. 
Gunnesh  Punt,  a  Mahratta  officer,  who  had  been  stationed 
in  the  Concan,  quitted  that  quarter,  plundered  such  parts 
of  the  Attaveesy  as  did  not  acknowledge  the  ministerial 
party,  and  advanced  close  to  Surat,  where  he  had  com- 
mitted great  devastations. 

is  none  of  the  most  agreeable.    I  should  be  obliged  to  M'Lean  for  a  few 

clothes,  as  I  haye  none. 

*'  I  am,  Dear  Sir, 
*^  Your  most  obedient  humble  Servant, 

(Sign«d)    "THOMAS  FYFB. 
*'  Ckemp,  near  Callian,  \2th  May  1780. 
"To Captain  Campbell. 

«  i>.«S.— This  does  not  please  Mr.  Bappoojee,  the  Bura  Surdar  ;  he  also 
demands  he  may  be  paid  for  all  the  batty  (rioe)  that  has  been  taken,  and 
a  tribute  for  the  expense  of  his  army.  He  also  says  that  General 
Goddard,  with  the  grand  army,  is  at  present  surrounded  in  Gu«erat, 
and  if  yon  will  peaceably  comply  with  the  above  terms,  he  will  get  the 
grand  army  released,  and  further  threatens  us  on  refusal/* 


CBAP.  v.]  SUOCKSSfiS  0?  THB  BNQLISH.  127 

LiQutenaut  Welsh,  an  officer  of  the  Bengal  cavalry, 
haying  been  sent  forward  by  Qoddard,  at  the  requisition  of 
the  civil  authorities  in  Surat^  with  the  regiment  of  cavalry, 
the  Candahar  horse,  and  a  body  of  infantry,  surprised  the 
camp  of  Gunnesh  Punt  at  four  o^elock  on  the  morning  of 
the  23rd  April,  killed  upwards  of  a  hundred  of  the  Mah- 
rattas,  mortally  wounded  Gunnesh  Punt,  the  commander, 
took  his  guns,  Uiree  in  number,  and  the  whole  of  his 
baggage.*  Lieutenant  Welsh  went  on  to  the  southward, 
and  greatly  distinguished  himself  by  reducing  Parneira, 
Bugwara,  and  Indergurh — three  forts  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Damaun,  of  which  the  Bombay  government  were  very 
anxious  to  obtain  possession.  A  detachment  of  the  Bengal 
sepoys,  under  Major  Forbes,  also  distinguished  them- 
selves by  attacking  and  routing  one  of  Sindia's  detachment 
near  Sinnore,  on  the  banks  of  the  Nerbuddah,  which 
insured  tranquillity  to  the  newly-acquired  districts  in 
Guzerat  during  the  approaching  monsoon. 

In  the  Concan,  after  the  rain  fell,  the  Mahrattas  in 
small  parties  returned  to  molest  the  different  posts  ;  but 
Major  Hopkins  and  Captain  Abington,  who  were  stationed 

*  Lieutenant  Welsh's  despatch  to  the  chief  of  Surat,  Mahratta  letters. 
Lieutenant  W.  does  not  seem  to  have  been  aware  tbat  Gunnesh  Punt 

was    mortally   wounded,  which    the  Mahratta  letters  mention.    ThQ 

following  is  a  copy  of  the  despatch : — 

"  Dbab  Sib, — I  have  the  pleasure  to  acquaint  you  that  I  rode  on  at 
the  head  of  the  regiment  and  Candahars,  and  reached  Gunnesh  Punt*8 
camp  at  four  o'clock  this  morning,  when  I  took  his  camp  standing, 
bazar,  and  tbree  guns,  killed  90,  and  wounded  15.  I  have  only  lost  one 
duffedar,  and  two  troopers  wounded,  one  Candahar  killed.  In  short, 
there  was  nothing  wanting  to  complete  this  matter,  but  sending  you  in 
Gunnesh  Punt's  head.  I  don't  Uiink  he  has  much  to  brag  of  nOw.  The 
inhabitants  of  the  villages  seem  exceeding  happy,  and  are  coming  in 
from  all  quarters. 

"  I  am,  dear  Sir, 
"  Your  very  obedient  humble  Servant, 

(Signed)        "  THOMAS  WELSH." 


128  BI8T0BT  09  THB  MABBATTA8,  [cHAP.  V. 

1 

with  the  8th*  and  9th  battalions  at  Kallian^  prevented 
any  attempt  upon  that  plaoe. 

Iti  regard  to  the  affairs  of  Bengal,  the  treaty  on  the 
part  of  Mr.  Hastings  with  the  rana  of  Gohud  was  opposed 
by  some  of  the  members  of  the  Bengal  government  with 
more  reason  than  is  always  to  be  found  in  their  objections ; 
such  an  insignificant  ally,  without  troops,  resources,  or 
extensive  popularity,  was  more  likely  to  embarrass  than  to 
aid  a  regular  army,  unless  in  regard  to  supplies  whilst 
actually  within  the  Grohud  territory,  A  diversion,  by 
attacking  the  Mahrattas  on  the  north-east  part  of  Malwa, 
by  passing  through  Gohud,  was  strongly  recommended  by 
Goddard,  and  supported  by  Sir  Eyre  Coote,  The  latter, 
however,  disapproved  of  sending  a  small  force ;  and  when, 
at  the  requisition  of  the  rana.  Captain  Fopham  was 
ordered  to  cro6s  the  Jumna,  Sir  Eyre  Ooote  deemed  the 
measure  extremely  injudicious. 

The  detachment  under  Captain  William  Popham    was 

*  The  grenadier  sepoys,  who  aocompanied  Hartley  ta  Ahmedabad,  wer« 
formed  into  a  separate  corps,  but  on  their  retarn  lost  their  name  of  the 
grenadier  battalfoD,  and  were  called  the  8th  battalion-^ a  circumstance 
which  nearly  created  a  mutiny  in  the  corps.  To  restore  the  name  to 
men  who  remonstrated  in  a  manner  so  unsoldierlike  was  deemed 
improper )  but  they  afterwards  behaved  with  such  extraordinary  valour, 
that  Sieir  name  of  grenadier  .battalion  was  restored  in  1783.  They 
distinguished  themselves  during  the  arduous  campaign  in  the  Conoan, 
which  will  be  presently  detailed.  For  tbeir  conduct  in  the  battle  of 
Paniany  by  the  side  of  the  ik2Qd  regiment,  they  received  the  highest 
compliment  ever  paid  to  a  sepoy  regiment.  *^  The  Boyal  Highlanders," 
says  Colonel  M'Leod,  in  his  despatch  of  the  29th  of  November  1782, 
*' evinced  the  ardour  which  always  inspires  their  countrymen  in  battle. 
The  8th  battalion  of  sepoys  showed  themselves  equal  to  any  troops  in 
courage,  coolness,  and  discipline."  They  then  petitioned,  through 
Colonel  M'Leod,  to  have  their  name  restored  :  but  it  was  refused.  la 
the  following  year,  however,  the  8th  battalion  formed  part  of  the 
garrison  which  maintained  the  heroic  defence  of  Mangalore,  and  their 
name  was  restored,  as  the  only  reward  which  the  sickly,  famished  men, 
OQ  their  return  to  Bombay,  solicited.  They  were  long  fortunate  in  a 
succession  of  excellent  commanding  officers  ;  and  on  every  occasion  of 
BerWoe  the  spirit  of  Stewart  and  of  Hartley  has  lived  in  their  ranks. 


CHAP,  v.]  CAPTUKB  OF  LAHAK.  129 

composed  of  drafts  intended  to  recrait  the  Bengal  batta- 
lions serving  with  Q^neral  Gk>ddard ;  bnt^  in  eonseqnence 
of  the  renewal  of  the  war,  they  were  not  allowed  to  march 
across  India,  as  had  been  originally  ordered,  and  were 
now  selected  for  this  service.  The  whole  amounted  to 
2,400  men;  they  were  formed  into  three  battalions  of 
equal  strength :  a  small  body  of  cavalry,  and  a  detail  of 
European  artillery,  with  a  howitzer  and  a  few  field-pieces, 
accompanied  them.  Captain  Popham  crossed  the  Jumna, 
in  the  month  of  February  ;  he  immediately  attacked  a  body 
of  Mahrattas,  who  were  plundering  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Gohud,  drove  them  from  the  country,  and,  at  the  request 
of  the  rana,  marched  JEigainst  Lahar,  a  fortified  place  50 
miles  west  of  Kalpee,  in  possession  of  the  Mahrattas. 
Having  summoned  the  fort,  which  refused  to  surrender, 
he  was  obliged  to  commence  an  attack,  although  he  found 
it  much  stronger  than  had  been  represented,  and  that 
battering  guns  were  necessary  to  insure  its  capture.  But 
the  determined  bravery  of  the  troops  overcame  every 
difficulty ;  long  before  the  breach  was,  in  the  ordinary 
sense  of  the  word,  practicable,  Captain  Popham,  foreseeing 
that  field-pieces  might  never  effect  the  purpose,  determined 
to  storm.  Lieutenant  Logan  and  Cornet  Q-ardiner  led  on 
the  advance ;  both  feU  in  the  breach  ;  but  Mr.  O'Dell,  a 
volunteer,  rushed  forward  to  supply  their  place,  mounted 
the  works,  gallantly  followed  by  the  party,  and,  after  a 
persevering  assault,  the  place  was  carried,  although  with 
the  heavy  loss  of  125  men  of  the  storming  party.  This 
success  was  entirely  unexpected  by  Sir  Eyre  Coote,  who, 
on  hearing  of  the  attack  without  battering  cannon,  only 
anticipated  disaster ;  and,  in  consequence  of  his  represen- 
tations; stnother  detachment  of  four  regular  battalions,  with 
a  battaritig  ^ain,  was  held  in  readiness  to  cross  the  Jumna, 

Vol,  II.— 17 


130  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTA8.  [CHAP.  V. 

under  Major  Jacob  Camac,    But  if  the  successM  assault 
of  Lahar  was  Unexpected^  the  capture  of  the  strong  hill 
fort  of  Gwalior  without  the  loss  of  a  man  excited  the 
utmost  admiration.     Captain   Popham^   after   his  return 
from  Lahar»  was  encamped .  during  the  rams  within  five 
ko9  of  the  celebrated  fcHrfcressi  of^Grwalior,  expecting  to  be 
relieved  as  soon  as  the  season  jpermitted.     Gwalior  was  in 
possession  of  Mahadajee  Sindia,  and  in  Hindo^tan,  where 
the  stupendous  fastnesses  of  the  west  of  India  were  little 
known^  it  was  accounted  one  of  the  strongest  forts  in  Asia. 
Captain  Popham^  with  equal  enterprize  and  prudence, 
ihras  employed  for  about  two  months  in  laying  his  scheme ; 
and  at  last^  assisted  by  spies,  furnished  through  the  rana 
of  Gohud,  he  determined  to  carry  his  plan  into  execution. 
Every  preperation  had  been  made  with  the  utmost  secrecy, 
and  on  the  night  of  the  3rd  August  he  formed  his  party. 
The  command  of  the  advance  was  conferred  on  Captain 
Bruce,  who  had  before  distinguished  himself  in  the  attack 
of  the   Mahratta  horse,    upon   the    first   arrival   of  the 
detachment  in  the  Gohud  territory.     The  advance  on  this 
occasion  consisted  of  two  companies  of  sepoys,    chosen 
grenadiers,  and  light  infantry.     They  were  led  by  four 
lieutenants — Wilson,  Scott,  Allen,  and  Paterson  •;  and,  as 
the  surprise  of  natives  was  intended,  20  Europeans  followed 
the  sepoys — a  judicious   disposition,   as   they  were   near 
enough  to  gain  the  head  of  the  column  if  necessary^  and 
where  ]they  were  placed,  less  Ukely  to  lead  to  discovery  ; 
two  battalions  of  sepoys  followed  :  scaling-ladders  applied 
to  the  foot   of    the   scarped   rock,    which    was   16    feet 
high,  enabled  them  to  mount   with  ease.     Thence  they 
had  to  climb   a  steep  ascent    of  about  40  yards  to  the 
foot  of  the  second  wall,  which   was  30  feet  high.     The 
spies  ascended,  made    fast  ladders  of  xopes,   by  which 


CHAP.,  v.]  STORM  A29P  OAPTUIIK  OF  aWALIOB  131 

tibe  sepoys  mounted  wiUl  alacrity^  and  each  man  as  he 
got  inside  squatted  dovm.  Twenty  of  the  sepoys,  with 
Captain.  Bnice,  had  entered  the  fort^  when  three  of  them 
so.far  forgot,  themselves. as  to  shoot  some  of  the  garrison 
who  lay  asleep  near'iheim.  This  indiscretion  occasioned, 
an  immediate  alarm ;  bntthe  sepoys  stood  their  ground, 
their  comrades  mounted,  to  .their  suppk>rt,  the  garrison 
became  intimidated,  and  the  sun  had  scarcely  risien  on  the 
4th  August  when  the  assailants  had  obtained  possession, 
almost,  without  resistance,  of  the  celebrated  fortress  of 
Gwalior. 

On  that  very  night  a  similar  attempt  was  made  with 
different  sucoess  on  the  western  side  of  India.  Captoin 
Abington,  afterwards  so  well  known  from  his  gallant 
defence  of  Tellichisrry,  made  an  attempt  to  surprise  the 
strong  fortress  of  Mullungurh,  or,  as  it  is  frequently  termed, 
Bhow  Mullim,  one  of  the  most  conspicuous  objects  of  the 
beautiful  view  to  the  eastward  of  the .  island  of  Bombay. 
Captain  Abington  sucoeeded  in  possessing  himself  of  the 
lower  hill ;  but  the  garrison,  before  his  men  could  get  suffi- 
ciently near  to  mingle  with  them,  took  the  alarm,  and  made* 
good  their  retreat  to  the  upper  fort — an  enormous  mass  of 
perpendicular  rock  that  defied  all  attempts  at  an  assault. 

During  the  rains  the  Bombay  government  had  full 
leisure  to  contemplate  the  state  of  their  affairs.  Their 
greatest  distress  was  their  total  want  of  funds.  They  look- 
ed to  Bengal  for.  a' supply  of  treasure  ;  but  the  hostility  of 
Hyder,  which  the  si^preme  government  had  doubted,  and 
which  the  majoritj  of  the  Madras  rulers  disbelieved,  burst 
with  ajppalling  certainty  oh  the  province  of  Arcot,  which 
wa^  invaded  in  theimonth  of  July  with  the  most  formidable 
army  that  Jiad  ever  opposed  the  British  powor  in  India. 
This  new  diificullyj  superadded  to  their  own  distress, 


135t  BISTO&T  OF  TEB  MAHBATTAS.  [OHAP.  V, 

mduced  the  stipreme  goremment  to  declare  that  they  could 
afford  no  assistance  to  the  Bombay  presidency*  ^^  We 
have  no  resource;'  says  Gbvemor  Hornby  in  his  admirable 
minute  of  the  1st  August,  ^^  but  such  as  we  may  find  in 
our  own  efforts  ;"  and  in  this  strait  his  measures  showed 
much  judgment  and  vigour.  To  raise  funds  was  the  sub- 
ject of  immediate  deliberation,  and  the  difficulties  are  best 
expressed  in  the  means  taken  to  obviate  them.  A  quantity 
of  copper  in  the  company's  warehouses,  valued  at  10  or  12 
lakhs  of  rupees,  was  disposed  of  to  the  highest  bidder ; 
loans  in  Bengal,  on  the  credit  of  the  Bombay  government^ 
were  proposed  to  be  negotiated,  and  a  plan  taid  of  seizing 
as  much  as  possible  of  the  enemy's  resources^  by  antici- 
pating them  in  the  collection  of  their  revenue. 

General  Qoddard  was  to  besiege  Bassein  as  soon  as  the 
season  permitted:  the  European  part  of  his  army  was 
sent  down  to  Salsette  by  sea,  the  battering  train  was 
prepared  in  Bombay,  and  the  sepoys  were  to  march  by 
land.  Early  in  October  the  whole  of  the  disposable  force 
at  Bombay  and  in  the  neighbourhood^  consisting  of  five 
battalions,  were  placed  under  the  oommand  of  Lieutenant^ 
Oolonel  Hartley,  who  was  instructed  to  drive  oat  the 
enemy's  posts,  and  cover  as  much  of  the  Concan  as  possible,, 
so  as  to  enable  the  agents  of  the  Bombay  government  to 
collect  a  part  of  the  revenues,  and  secure  the  rice  harvest^ 
which  is  gathered  at  the  dose  of  the  rains^  There  is 
perhaps  no  part  of  Mr.  Hornby's  minute  more  expressive 
of  the  distress  under  which  that  government  laboured^  than 
that  where,  alluding  to  the  field  force  they  were  preparing, 
he  observes — ^^Our  troops  will  better  bear  running  in 
arrears  when  employed  on  active  service^  and  subsisting 
in  the  enemy's  country ;"  for  it  is  a  principle  with  the 
British  government  and  its  officers^  in  India,  than  whidi 


09AF.  v.]  UNSUCOBSSFVL  ATTXHPT  ON  UULLUNQUBH.  133 

nothing  has  more  tended  to  the  naiioDal  saccess,  always  to 
consider  the  peasantry  nnder  their  strictest  protection.  As 
General  GK>ddard  advanced  to  invest  Bassein,  it  was 
int6Qded  that  Colonel  Hartley  should  then  take  np  a 
position  a  little  to  the  east  of  that  fortresS|  and  prevent  the 
Mahratta  army  from  attempting  to  raise  the  siege. 

Hartley,  however,  in  the  first  place  was  reqnired  to 
march  to  the  relief  of  Captain  Abington,  who  still  occupied 
the  lower  part  of  the  fort  of  MuIIongarh  ;  but  a  large  body 
of  upwards  of  3,000  of  ihe  enemy,  principally  infantry, 
had  cut  off  his  communication  with  Kallian,  so  that  he 
was  attacked  by  the  garrison  from  the  works  above  him, 
and  surrounded  by  the  body  in  question.     This  service 

Colonel  Hartley  effected  on  the  1st  of 
October  without  loss  ;  and  another  corps 
under  Captain  Jameson  joined  the  party  at  Mullungurh, 
which  now  consisted  of  the  3nd  and  8di  battalions  under 
Major  Hopkins.  The  enemy,  however,  ware  also  rein- 
forced, and  pitched  their  camp  next  day  on  the  south-east- 
side  of  the  hill,  where  they  began  to  lay  waste  the  countiy. 
Colonel  Hartley  immediately  prepared  -to  attack  ihem, 
and  for  this  purpose  marched  from  Kallian  with  the 
Bombay  European  regiment  and  the  1st  battalion  of 
sepoys,  directing  Major  Hopkins  to  send  down  the  8th 
battalion,  under  Captain  Jameson,  to  assist  in  the  attack. 
The  Mahrattaa.  wiere  a.pprized  of  Colonel  Hartley's  advance, 
and  met  him  at  the  foot  of  the  hill.  Thence  they  gradually 
retired  towards  their  camp,  which  was  left  standing  in  the 
confidence  of  .perfect  security,  and.  maintained  a  running 
fight,  as  if  they  had  intended  to  draw  the  troops  into  an 
ambuscade;  but  all  at  once,  Captain  Jameson's  corps, 
advancing  from  the  hill,  came  upon  the  whole  body,  and, 
without  waiting  for  the  rest  of  the  troops,  instantly  attacked 


134  •  mSTOBY  OF  TQB  MAHBATTIS.  [CHAP^  V. 

tliJBin;.  to  use  the  'words  of  Ccdonel  Hartley,  ^^with  the 
utmost  eagerness  and  spirit  porsited  them  to  their  camp 
(of  which  they  took  possession),  and  were  shortly  after- 
ward3  joined  by  the  rest  of  the  troops."  This  spirited 
success,  which  was  effected  with:  the  loss  of  ooily  a  few  men 
of  the  8th  battalion j  put  the  troops  into  high  spirits,  of 
which  Hartley  took  immediate  advantage,  followed  up  the 
enemy's  parties  with  alacrity,  drove  them*  out  of  the 
Ooncan,  occupied  a  position  not  far  from  the  Shore 
Crhaut,  and  thiis  for  a  short  time  enabled  the  Bombay 
government,  to  carry  thmr. plan  of  collecting  the  revenue 
into  effect. 

General  Goddard,  'having  before  sent  down  the  Euro- 
peans by  sea,  commenced  his  march  from  Surat  on  the 
16th  of  October.  For  the  protection  of  Giizerat  six 
companies  from  the  Bengal  and  two  of  the  Bombay 
detachment  had  been  left  with  Futih  ^ng  Gaekwar  to 
strengthefn  his  garrison  at  Ahmedabad ;  that  party  was 
accordingly  directed  to  remain  there  for  the  present.  In 
Baroda  Futih  Sinor  had  a  considerable  force  of  his  own, 
and  Duhhoy  was  guarded  against  all  but  a  regular  siege. 
Two  Bengal  battalions  were  stationed  on  the  Nerbuddahat 
Sinnore ;  two  battalions  of  Bombay  sepoys,  one  of  which 
was  held  ready  at  Surat,  and  the  other  at  Baroach,  to  act 
conjointly  or  separately,  were  placed  under  the  orders  of 
Major  Forbes,  a  Bengal  officer  of  approved  merit,  to  whom 
the  charge  of  the  general,  defence  of  the  Guzerat  province 
was  assigned,  and  Futih  Sing  Gaek war's  quota  of  3,000 
horse  were  tb  jo>in  Major  Forbes  is  necessary. 

General  Goddard  arrived  before  .Bassein  on  the  13th 
of  November,  and,,  having  xsarefully  reconnoitred  it,  he 
found  the  north  face  the  only  site  on  which  it  could  be 
attacked  by  regular  approaches—a  mode  which,  owing  to 


X7HAP.  v.]  SIBGE  OF  BASSEIN.  135 

the  great  strength  of  the  place,  although  it  might  require 
more  time^  he  determined  to  adopt.  *     . 

He  accordingly  opened  trenches,  and  completed  his 
first  battery  on  the  28th  of  November  at  ihe  distance  of 
BOO  yards  ;  other  batteries  were  opened  at  the  distance  of 
^800  and  500  yards  successively.  He  had  a  very  power- 
ful artillery,  principally  24-p6unders,  and  one  battery  of 
20  mortars,  at  the  distance  of  5O0  yards,  which  did  great 
execution. 

In  the  meantime  Nana  Fumuwees  and  Hurry  !^unt 
Phurkay  were  making  every  preparation  to  recover  the 
Concan,  and  raised  the  siege  of  Bassein.  The  horse  did 
not  arrive  until  the  Dussera,  and  the  guns  and  equipments 
which  had  been  before  furnished,  principally  by  Maha- 
dajee  Sindia,  were  not  in  suiBcient  readiness  to  enable 
them  to  take  the  field.  Bamchundnr  Gunnesh,  Pureshram 
Bhow,  Anund  Sao  Bastia,  and  several  other  ofiicers  were 
sent  forward,  and  as  fast  as  the  Maharatta  troops  were 
assembled,  they  were  sent  down  to  join  them  in  the 
Goncan. 

The  division  -under  Colonel  Hartley  were  for  upwards  ^ 
of  a  month  engaged  in  daily  skirmishes ;  a  great  deal  of 
thei^  ammunition  was  expended,  and  the  sick,  many  of 
whom  were  wounded,  amounted  to  600,  which^  with  his 
detachments,  reduced  his  number  to  little  more  than  2,000 
effective  inen.  .Having  heard  that  the  enemy  intended  to 
throw  succour  into  Bassein,  and  cut  ofi^  his  communica- 
tion with  that  place,  it  being  no  longer  possible  to  cover 
the  country,  Colonel  Hartley  judiciously  moved  to  Tit- 
!  walla  on  the  8th  of  December;    from 

thence  he  continued  his  march  towiard^ 
Doogaur,  nine  miles  east  of  Bassein.  The  Bombay 
government,  over-anxious  to  recover   the  revenue,  dis- 


136  HISTORY  OF  THS  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  V^ 

approved  of  his  quitting  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Bhore 
Ghaut ;  but  they  were  not  fully  aware  of  the  strength  of 
the  Mahratta  army,  or  the  experience  and  enterprize  of  the 
principal  commander,  Bamchunder  Gnnnesh.  Finding 
that  the  precautions  of  Goddard  had  effectually  prevented 
an  attempt  to  succour  Bassein,  the  Mahrattas  had  deter'^ 
mined  to  make  amends  fof*  its  loss  by  the  destruction  of 
the  covering  army.  On  the  10th  December  their  united 
force,  amounting  in  horse  and  foot  to  upwards  jof  20,000 
men,  thrice  attacked  the  Bombay  division  in  front  and 
rear,  but  were  each  time  steadily  repulsed ;  5,000  of 
their  horse  made. a  spirited  charge  on  the  left  of  Hartley's 
line,  but  they  were  so  well  received  that  no  impression  was 
made,  and  the  troops  Bustained  but  little  loss,  having  only 
18  killed  and  wounded  ;  twoj  however,  were  officers — 
Lieutenants  Drew  and  Cooper.  On  the  ensuing  day  the 
attack  was  renewed,  the  horse  did  not  charge,  but  the 

Mahratta  guns^  did  considerable  execution, 
and  the  division  lost  Lieutenants  Oowan 
and  Peirson,  with  upwards  of  100  men  ;  the  troops,  how- 
ever, though  weakened  and  harassed  during  a  period  of 
nearly  six  weeks'  constant  fighting,  behaved. most  gal- 
lantly^ and  "  their  conduct,"  says  Colonel  Hartley,  in  his 
spirited  but  modest  despatches,  only  confirms  me  in  the 
high  opinion  I  shall  ever  have  of  them." 

On  the  right  and  left  of  Colonel  Hartley's  line  there 
were  two  eminences,  which,  when  well  sfecured,  completely 
covered  his  flanks.  These  heights  were  guarded  by  strong 
pickets,  and  Colonel  Hartley,  having  observed  that  the 
enemy's  skirmishers  came  vety  close  to  the  right  in  the 
action  of  the  11th,  with  that  judicious  ajaticipation  which 
always  gave  the  Bombay  sepoys  so  much  confidence  in 
Hartley,  he  strengtibened  those  paints  by  directing  the 


OtAl».  IT.]  SyC^AGBItENTfl  itTtK  THE  ENGLISH.  187 

field  engineer  to  throw  up  a  small  breastwork,  and  a  gun 
was  sent  to  each  eminence  during  the  night,  both  to  the 
right  and  left.  Bamchilndur  Gunnesh  perceiyed  the 
advantage  of  carrying  one  of  these  points,  and  next  day 
isit^ided  to  direfct  his  principal  attack  on  the  right  flank, 
as  Hartley  had  foreseen.  Orders  were  given  to  the 
Mahratta  ofiSoers  to  advance  in  front  and  rear  ;  Ram- 
chunder  in  person,  by  a  circuitous  route  for  the  purpose 
of  storming  the  height,  led  on  a  body  of  Arab  foot,  and 
1,000  regular  infantry  under  Signior  Noronha,*  a  Portu- 
guese officer  ii^  the  Peishwa's  service.  A  body  of  the  best 
horse  supported  the  infantry^  and  Bamchunder  was  deter- 
mined to  carry  this  post  or  perish.  Taking  advantage  of 
a  thick  fog,  by  nine   o'clock   in   the  morning  they   had 

approached  close  to  the  picket,  but  the  inist 

December  12.  11111  .1  1 

suddenly   eleared   away,    the    sun  shone 

forth,  and  both  parties,  having  now  a  near  and  full  view  of 
each  other,  paused  for  a  moment,  when  a  brisk  fire  opened 
at  once,  and  the  guns  did  surprising  execution  ;  the  storm«^ 
ing  party  advanced  with  great  ardour ;  guns  from  the 
right  of  the  line  were  brought  to  bear  upon  the  assailants^ 
and  committed  great  havoc  among  the  horse  ;  but  the 
Mahrattas  stiU  persevered,  when  suddenly  their  fire 
slackened,  and  a  body  was  seen  borne  off  towards  the  rear  $ 
it  was  Ramchundur  Ghmnesh,  who  fell  with  the  well- 
earned  reputation  of  a  gallant  and  skilful  officer.-  Signior 
Noronha  wm  wounded,  wh^i  the  enemy,  dispirited  by  the 
loss  of  their  leaders,  retired  precipitately  and  with  heavy 

*■  I  find  this  Portdguem  oiBoer  mentioned  in  very  high  terms  by  Cap- 
tMa  Bonnevtiu^  of  the  Madras  eatablishmentjjn  a  letter  date*!  Priaoa 
in  Poona,  26fch  February  1781.  Captain  Bonnevaux,  intrusted  with  an 
overland  deppatok  from  the  Court  ol  Directors,  was  taken  near  the 
oeast  of  Indaa,  oarried  into  l^isiadroog,  and  thrown  into  the  fort  of 
Busttlgurli.  Aftar  Midaring  graa*  hardships  be  was  ooi^veyed  to  Poona, 
where  his  suf^eringi  wars  homanely  reliered  by  Signior  Noronha. 

Vol.  II.— 18 


l$$  BISTORT  OF  THS  M^EBATTAM.  [t^HAP.  T. 

loBs*  In  the  action  of  the  12Ui  the  Bombay  troops  Buffered 
very  little,  and  their  whole  oonduct  appears  to  have  been 
much  more  justly  appreciated  by  the  Mahrattas  than'by 
their  own  government  i*  the  fact  is,  that  military  service 
in  India  seems  always  to  have  been  commended  rather  ia 
proportion  to  the  result  than  to  the  duty  performed,  and 
this  trying  and  well-fought  campaign  is  scarcely  knoi^^n 
even  to  the  gallant  army  by  whom  it  was  maintained. 

Bassein  surrendered  on  the  11th  December,  and  Gene*- 
ral  Qoddard,  hearing  that  th^  whole  army  had  attacked 
the  Bombay  division,  set  off  in  person  at  the  head  of  the 
cavalry,  and  the  assembled  grenadiers  of  the  Bengal  and 
Madras  troops,  with  whom  he  reached  Colonel  Bartley's 
camp  on  the  13th.  He  expressed  his  admiration  of  the 
judicious  position  which  had  been  chosen,  and  of  the 
fortitude  shown  by  the  troops  on  that  and  on  every 
occasion,  where  harassing  service  and  great  privation, 
from  want  of  their  pay,  had  been  borne  not  only  without 
a  murmur,  but  with  the  greatest  dieerfulness.  The 
whole  army  was  now  united  under  General  Goddard ; 
and  it  unfortunately  happened  that  the  orders  from  the 
CSourt  of  Directors,  before  alluded  to,  which  made 
Hartley  the  junior  lieutenant-colonel  on  tlie  Bombay 
establishment  until  all  those  formerly  his  seniors  should  be 
promoted,  was  at  this  time  promulgated.  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Baillie,  of  the  Madras  establishment,  though  joat 
promoted  to  that  rank,  immediately  claimed  his  right,  and 
of  course  superseded  him.  Hartley  represented  the  peon- 
liar  mortification  to  which  he  was  subjected  ;  but  the  order 
was  irrevocable.     He  qnitted  the  army,  repaired  to  Bng^ 

*  Mahratta  M8S.  and  lettera.  The  Mahrattos  nerar  mantion  Golaeal 
fiartlay's  name,  and  always  attribute  tha  defeat  ef  tliek  army  and  the 
eaptnre  ol  Bassein  to  thb  same  person--€Kiddanl. 


CHIP,  v.]  THEECQDCTION  Of  BASSBtN.  139 

land,  and  laid  his  case  before  the  Court  of  Directors,  who, 
sensible  of  his  merit,  although  they  conld  not  alter  the 
constitution  of  their  service,  recommended  him  to  his 
majesty,  by  whom  he  was  appointed  Lieutenant-Colonel  of 
the  73rd  regiment.  Although  no  longer  engaged  in 
Mahratta  warfare,  he  was  afterwards  distinguished  oa 
many  occasions  in  India  ;*  and  though  hitherto  best  known 
as  Major-General  Hartley,  his  real  merit  is  not  less  con- 
spicuous in  the  mili'tary  annals  of  our  country  when  hold-* 
ing  the  rank  of  captain  of  sepoys. 

The  reduction  of  Bassein,  and  the  defeat  of  the  army  in 
ibe  Conean^  were  severely  felt  by  Nana  Fumuwees.!  The 
judicious  operations  of  Goddard  had  secured  that  impor^ 
tant  fortress,  with  an  inconsiderable  loss  of  13  men^  of 
whom  was  one  officer,  Lieutenant  Sir  John  Gordon,  who 
died  of  his  wounds.  On  the  same  day  that  Genc^ral 
Goddard  joined  Colonel  Hartley,  the  Bombay  government 
received  a  letter  from  Bengal,  dated  9th  October,  inform- 
ing them  of  their  intention  to  make  peace  with  the 
Mahrattas :  ordering  that,  upon  the  Peishwa's  intimating 
that  he  had  commanded  a  cessation  of  hostilities,  that  they 
were  immediately  to  desist  in  like  manner  ;  but,  until  such 
an  intimation  was  received,  tiiey  were  urged  to  protecute 
the  war  with  vigour4  Similar  instructions  were  trans- 
mitted to  General  Goddard. 

To  account  for  these  orders,  it*  is  necessary  to  explain 
that  the  supreme  government  had  received  information 
iiiat  all  the  Mahrattas,  except  iB'utih  Sing  Gaekwar  (whose 
communication  was  in  a  manner  cut  off  from  his  country^ 
men  by  the  British  troops,  and  whose  interests  strongly 
bound  him  to  the  company),  were  combined  with  Hyder 

*  Bombay  Becords.  t  Mahratta  MSS.  and  letters. 

t  Bombay  Recotdfl,  6th  Report 


140  BISTORT  or  THE  UABtJkTTkS.  [CHAP.  T. 

and  the  Nizam  against  the  English,  and  that  Nizam  Ally, 
although  he  had  not  commenced  hostilities,  was  the  oon** 
'triver  of  the  whole  confederacy*  The  immediate  cause  of 
the  enmity  of  Nizam  Ally  towards  the  English  originated 
in  a  treaty  concluded  by  the  Madras  goremment,  in  April 
1779,  with  his  brother  Busalut  Jong,  jagheerdar  of  Adooae^ 
hy  which  they  received  him  under  their  protection,  on 
condition  of  their  being  allowed  to  rent  the  district  of 
Gontoor,  which  was,  at  all  events,  to  come  into  their 
possession  after  the  death  of  Busalu/fc  Jung.  The  allianoa 
farmed  Ni^am  Ally,  whos^  jealousy  of  Busalut  Jung  was 
luctreme  ;  and  Hyder,  some  of  whoselateacquisitions  would* 
have  been  cut  off  from  the  rest  of  his  territory,  would  not 
i9uffer  the  British  troops  to  take  possession  of  Guntoor, 
and  opposed  their  march  even  before  the  war  broke  out. 
The  treaty  of  the  Madras  governmeiit  with  Busalut  Jung 
was  illegal,  because  it  never  received  the  sanction  or  ratifi- 
cation of  the  governor-general  and  council,  who,  therefore, 
when  it  came  to  their  knowledge,  in  February  1780, 
disavowed  and  annulled  it — a  measure  which  tended  consi- 
derably to  appease  the  resentment  of  Nizam  Ally  ;  but, 
from  the  time  of  the  Wurgaom  convention,  he  had  adopted 
a  tone  of  overbearing  insolence,  which,  towards  the  British 
authorities,  he  had  not  before  ventured  to  assume.  Hyder, 
in  addition  to  those  motives  of  jealousy  already  described, 
had  a  very  strong  inducement  for  engaging  in  the  con* 
federacy.  The  conquests  he  had  made  as  far  north  as  iixe 
Kistna  had  been  ceded  to  him  by  Bugonatb  Bao,  whom 
he  affected  to  consider  the  legitimate  Peishwa ;  and  the 
confirmation  of  this  cession  on  the  part  of  the  Poena 
ministers  was  proUminary  to  his  becoming  a  party  .in  the 
alliance  ;  his  right  to  the  Mahratta  territories  ^south  of  the 
Kistna  was  admitted,  and  the  future  tribute  for  the  whole 


CHAP.  ▼.]  PBACS  PBOPOftID  TO  THK  PXXSHWA,  141 

of  his  possessions  was  fixed  at  the  inoonsiderable  sam  of 
11  lakhs  of  rupees. 

'  Mr.  Hastings,  although  Moodajee  Bhonslay  had  acqniesced 
in  the  soheme  of  a  general  confederacj  against  the  Eng« 
lish|  peroetved  that  he  might  still  ultimatelj  indulge  the 
hope  of  an  alliance  with  them  at  some  favoarable  period  ;- 
but,  from  the  crisis  to  which  events  were  hastening,  hm 
began  to  doubt  whether  the  neutrality  privately  professed 
by  Moodajee  coidd  be  lasting.  The  govemor->general  was 
sensible  of  an  influence,  which  Nizam  Ally,  although  im 
reality  an  enemy,  possessed  over  the  ruler  of  Berar,  through 
his  (Moodajee's)  dewan,  Dewakur  Punt,  without  whose 
counsel  Moodajee  decided  on  no  political  measure.  The 
power  of  Hyder  Ally  was  such  that  peace  with  the 
Mahrattas  seemed  necessary  to  the  safety  of  the  British  in 
India;  but,  in  the  adversity  which  threatened  them,  it 
seemed  less  difBcult  to  engage  Moodajee  as  a  mediator  than  at 
an  ally.  Under  these  circumstances,  Mr.  Hastings  offered 
peace  to  the  Peishwa's  government  through  Moodajee, 
early  in  the  month  of  October,  on  the  following  terms  :— 
Ahmedabad  to  be  retained  for  Futih  Sing ;  Gwalior  for 
the  rana  of  Qohud  ;  and  Bassein,  if  in  possession  of  the 
eompany  at  the  time,  to  be  kept  by  them  >  but  the  whole 
of  the  other  acquisitions  made  since  the  1st  January  1779 
to  be  restored  ;  a  provision  to  be  made  for  Rugonath  Bao 
during  his  life,  and  a  place  of  residence  fixed  wherever  he 
might  desire,  except  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Bombay  ;  at 
all  events,  no  assistance  to  be  afforded  by  the  British 
government  in  reasserting  his  pretensions.  Such  were  the 
conditions  offered,  provided  the  Peishwa's  government 
agreed  to  enter  on  an  alliance,*  offensive  and  defensive, 
with  the  company  against  Hyd^r  Ally  and  &e  French 
nation;  but  if  the  alliance  thus  tendered  should  not  be 


N 


142  HI8T0BT  or  THB  MABBATTAS.  [CBAP.  V. 

aeceptod,  a  peace  was  proposed  by  eaah  party,  retaininl^ 
its  respective  conquests.  Moodajee  Bhonslay  was  to  hh 
tbo  doiolared  mediator  and  guarantee  ;  the  subordinate 
govemment^^  in  lodisLy  and  9-U  officers  commanding  divi- 
aions  of  British  troops,  were  to  desist  froqi  hostilities  upon 
l^e  Peishwa's  intiaiating  that  he  had  sent  like  orders  to 
thf  commanders  of  his  armies.  But  before  these  propojsalfl 
voaohed  iRagpoor,  news  bad  arrived  of  the  disastrous  affiair 
wWre  C<donel  Baillie's  detachment  was  destroyed  by  Hyder 
4iUy,  near  Gonjeveram,  on  the  10th  September,.*  on  which 
MoQdajee,  concluding  that  the  company's  affairs  were 
dasparatey  hesitated  in  becoming  mediator,  unless  en 
t^msto  whioh  the  governor-general  and  council  would 
not  accede. 

Moodi^e  di4  not  send  answers  to  the  proposals  from 
Biengal  for  upwards  of  two  months,  but  the  offers  made  to 
him  account  for  the  orders  already  mentioned,  which 
were  received  on  the  west  of  India  in  December. 
Although  the  wants  of  the  Bombay  presidency  had 
been  partially  relieved  by  an  unexpected  supply  of 
money  from  Bengal,  the  prospect  of  peace,  notwithstand- 
ing the  sacrifices  they  must  make,  was  hailed  by  the 
members  of  that  government  with  satisfaction  ;  but  as  no 
intimation  from  the  Peishwa  arrived,  they  proposed  to 
secure  the  Concan,  reduce  the  forts,  and  then  act  only 
on  the  defensive. 

.  General  Goddard  was  detained  for  some  time  by  the 

fort  of  Arnaul,  situated  on  a   small  island 
'10  miles  north  of  Bassein,  the  killidar  of 

January  18.        which  refused  to  give  it  up  until  a  force 

appeared  before  it ;  he  then  surrendered 
on  the  ISfch  January.     It  appeared  to  General  Gt)ddard 

*  See  Wilks,  vol.  ii. 


CSAP.  ▼.}  BBOBft  OBAUT  TAW  VOBCID,  l'^^ 

that  ah  advanced  movement)  so  as  to  threaten  Poona,  Was- 
more  likely  to  facilitate  the  negotiations  of  the  govemoiv 
general  with  the  Peishwa,  than  wasting  time  iii  attempting^ 
ti>'reduoe  hill-forts,  the  greater  part  of  which  seemed 
tptallj  impregnable,  Altboogh  General  GFbddard,  by  order' 
from  the  Conrt  of  Directors,  was  now  commander-in- 
chief  of  the  Bombay  army,  he  was  still  intmsted  with  his 
former  powers  ^rom  Bengal,  and  at  liberty,  in  a  great 
degree,  to  follow  his  own  plans.  The  orders  from 
Bengal,  although  they  desired  that  the  war  should 
h^  vigorously  prosecuted  in  the  eyent  *of  receiving 
no  intimation  from  the  Peishwa,  were  yet  of  a  nature 
to  unsettle  any  steady  plan  of  the  authorities  acting 
in  subordinate  co-operation ;  and  £rom  Madras,  where  all 
Uieir  evils  were  attributed,  with  some  justice,  "  to 
B(%tg6ba  Dada  and  tlie  Mahratki  uMzr,"  every  des- 
patch to  Bombay  teemed  with  regrets  on  this 
subject,  pressed  the  necessity*  of  peace  with  the 
Mahrattas,  and  an  attack  on  Hyder's  possessions  on  the 
Malabar  coast. 

Under  these  circumstances  Goddard  adopted  the  half- 
measure  of  threatening,  without  being  prepared  to  carry  his 
threat  into  execution ;  and  this  excellent  officer  committed 
his  first  error  by  a  departure  from  a  rule  which  common 
observation  Inculcates  even  in  ordinary  life.  He  advanced 
towards  the  passes  of  the  mountains  ;  Hurry  Punt,  then  in 
thS"  Concan^  retired  to  Poena,  but  left  the  Bhore  Ghaut 
guarded.  It  was  gallantly  attacked  by  Colonel  Park^,  at 
the  head  of  the  advanced  party  of  Bengal  troops,  on  the 
nighfbf  the.  8th  of  February.  He  forced  the  pass  with 
ease,  and  the  troops  were  encamped  at  Eundalla,  on -the 
same  spot  which  Captain  Stewart  had  occupied  about  three 
years  before,!  where  they  were   soon  joined  by  the  greater 


144  HfBTORT  or  THK  MAS&JLtTAi.  [CHAP.  ▼; 

^pfart  of  the  force ;  although  G-oddard,*  with  tibe  bead* 
quarters,  remained  at  the  village  of  Campoly,  at  the  bottom 
of  the  Ghauts. 

Their  appearahoe  gare  Nana  Famuwees  no  alarm ,  for 
his  political  boldness  was  contrasted  in  an  extraordinarj/ 
but  amongst  Bramins  by  no  means  a  singular,  manner' 
with  his  personal  timidity,  and  the  only  effects  produced 
on  him  by  the  advance  to  the  Ghauts  were  additional 
efforts  to  increase  the  army,  and  the  most  vigorous  prepara- 
tions for  rendering  the  cotmtry  a  desert  and  Poena  a  ruin, 
fle,  however,  tried  to  amuse  General  Goddard  by  sending 
an  unauthorized  agent  to  treat  with  him,  which  induced 
Goddard  to  make  overtures  on  the  terms  proposed  through 
Moodajee  Bhouslay.  Of  these  Nana  affected  ignorance  ; 
Goddard  sent  him  a  copy  of  the  terms,  and  thus  subjected 
them  to  positive  rejection  ;  for  Nana  Furnuwees  observed-^ 
tiiiat  proposals  had  been^  tendered  by  the  govemor^generaly 
but  that  Moodajee  had  refused  to  forward  them  ;  that 
these  now  sent  could  not  be  listened  to,  nor  at  that  time 
would  any  terms  whatever  be  admitted  in  which  Hyder, 

*  Nana  Famawees,  as  appears  by  his  letters,  had  very  exact  tntellU 
genoe  of  everything ;  but  ia  stating  Goddattl*8  foroe  at  10,000  fighting 
mWt  1m»  greatly  over*e8timate8  it. 

'  The  loUowiag  is  the  eamst  immber)  6i;0luiive  of  Boropeaa  offioers :— ». 

Preicnt  for  duty.  i 

Madras  Artillery 67) 

Madras  Regiment, «. 846) 

Bengal  Golnndauz,  or  Native  Artillery 97  ] 


Bengal  Sepoys * 2,542 

Bombay  Sepoyi 
M  adns  Sepoys 

Cavalry    ...., 

LasOars  and  Pioneers 


Bombay  Sepoys ^'*iS>-«r««wfc 

SenoFS    ....* 627  r**'*^ 


^^''^^ "- :::::;.:::::::::::::::::::::  Z] 


Total...   6,152 


CHAP,  v.]  PBOGEEPIirGS  OV  CK^DDABO.  145 

the  ally  of  the  Mahratta  state,  was  not  indaded.*  It  ia 
probable  that  Geaeral  Goddard's  ovra  jwlgment  disapproved 
of  such  uaa vailing  conces£don,  but  be  \iras  urged  to^it  by- 
letters  from  Sir  Byre  Ooote  at  Madrad)  whoy  in  the  month 
of  October  1780,  had  been  solicited  by  the  governor* 
general  to  repair  to  the  coast  and  retrieve  the  fortunes  and 
honor  of  bis  country — a  call  which  was^  as  gratifying  to 
the  feelings  of  the  general  as  to  the  army  of  Port 
St  George. 

Nana  Fumuwees  had  sent  the  Peishwa,  now  in  bis 
seventh  year,  to  Poorundhur ;  Hurry  Punt  Phurkay  and 
Tookajee  Holkar  commanded  the  main  body  of  bis  army, 
with  which  Nana  himself  advanced  towards  the  Ghauts, 
and  Pureshram  Bhow  Putwurdhun  was  sent  down  into  the 
Concan  with  a  force  of  12,000  men  to  harass  Goddard'a 
detachments,  and  obetruct,  the  communication  with  Bom- 
bay, f  An  opportunity  soon  presented  itsdf ;.  a  detachment 
of  two  corps,  the  1st  Bombay  and  5th  Bengal  battalions, 
under  Captain  Mackay,  when  returning  from  Panwell  aa 


*  The  reply  which  I  hare  expresaed^  a&  above^  !a  couched  in  th« 
f oUowing  smooth  terms.  After  expUimng  that  Moodajee  had  lef used  to 
forward  the  terms.  Nana  obser^res— **^The  copy  of  the  proposals  whtoh 
you  have  sent  has  been  read  from  beginning  to  end  by  your  friend  ;  and 
it  is  certain  that  the  contents  therein  written  are  not  proper  or  fit  for 
the  approbation  of  this  government.  If  you  be  sinoere  in  your  desir» 
of  friendship,  it  i»  inoumbent  on  you  to  make  proposals,,  which  shall 
include  those  persons  who  at  this  time  are  allied  to^.  and  connected  with, 
the  councils  of  this  state.'*  (EztrACt  of  a  letter  from  Nana  Furnuweea 
to  General  Goddard,  5th  March  178^1  »> 

t  Letter  from  Nana  Fumuwees  to  the  Pei^wa  at  Poorundhur.  The 
letters  which  I  shall  from  this  time  have  occasion  to  refer  to,  both  from 
Nana  Fumuwees  and  Hurry  Punt  Phurkay,  are  all  translated  from 
originals  in  their  own  handwriting.  They  were  found  amongst  the 
records  in  the  Peishwa's  palace,  recovered  by  Captain  Henry  Robertson, 
collector  of  Poona,  and  the  late  Lieutenant  John  M'Leod,  resident  at 
Bushire,  when  assistant  to  Mr.  Chaplin,  commissioner  ;  and  by  those 
gentlemen  the 7  were  made  over  to  me  by  special  authority  from  the 
Hon'ble  M.  Elphinstone, 

Vol,  n.-.19 


146  BISTORT  OF   THE  MAHRATTAS,  [CHAF.  T- 

an  escort  to  a  convoy  of  grain  for  the  army,  were  rery 

briskly  attacked  by  Pureshram  Bhow.   On 
March  16.        ^^®  night  of  the   15th   March,   Captain 

Mackay  had    brought  up   his  convoy  a 
March  16.         distance  of  12   miles,  to  the   village  of 

Chouke,  when,  early  on  the  morning  of 
the  16th  March,  he  was  suddenly  assailed  by  the  wh<de 
force  of  Pureshram  Bhow,  which  he  repulsed,  though  not 
without  difficulty ;  but  Pureshram  Bhow's  loss  was 
comparatively  very  severe.  Both  battalions  behaved  well, 
and  the  Bengal  sepoys,  .  who  had  never  before  been  so 
closely  engaged,'  showed  very  great  spirit.  One  company, 
however,  in  charging  a  body  of  horse  with  the  bayonet, 
after  having. routed  them,  were  drawn  forward  in  the 
eagerness  of  pursuit,  when  the  Mahrattas,  than  whom,  if 
no  troops  sooner  fly,  none  are  so  speedily  rallied,  wheeled 
about,  charged,  and  overpowered  them  ;  but  the  contiguity 
gf  the  line  saved  them  from  total  destruction.  Captain 
Mackay  had  still  12  long  miles  to  march  before  he  could 
reach  the  bottom  of  the  Ghaut :  the  face  of  the  country  in 
the  Concan  has  already  been  described,  and  although  the 
road  was  the  best  in  the  country,  it  was  a  mere  pathway, 
through  a  tract  exceedingly  rugged,  full  of  deep  ravines 
and  dells,  strong  jungles  on  his  right  and  left,  and 
frequently  high  rocks  and  precipices  within  musket-shot 
on  both  sides.  Captain  Mackay  renewed  his  march  as 
soon  as  it  was  dark,  and  advanced  before  morning  to 
within  a  few  miles  of  Campoly,  whence  General  Goddard 
sent  out  a  reinforcement,  with  carriage  for  his  wounded, 
and  enabled  him  to  bring  in  his  men  and  the  whole  convoy 
without  further  molestation. 

Tlie  movement  towards  the  Ghauts,  from  which    Goddard 
calculated  advantageous  political  results,  had   completely 


CHAF.  V  ]  OODBARD  RBTRBATS  TO  PAMWELL.  147 

falled^and  the  Bombay  government,  in  the  prospect  of  keep- 
ing Guzerat  and  the  Conean,  did  not  regret  that  an  end 
was  put  to.  the  negotiation ;  even  Mr.  Hastings  in  that  view 
considered  the  rejection  of  his  proposals  as  a  circumstance  by 
no  means  unfortunate.  The  opinion  of  the  Bombay  govern- 
ment in  regard  to  a  system  of  defence,  aud  sending  back 
the  Madras  troops  to  the  assistajnce  of  their  own  presidency, 
was  now  adopted  by  Goddard ;  but,  as  the  season  for 
taking  forts  Was  nearly  at  an  end,  he  proposed  raising  a 
work,  and  establishing  a  strong  garrison  at  the  Bhore 
Ghaut,  of  which  Mr.  Hornh^jr  disapproved,  and  judiciously 
observed  that  a  large  garrison  left  at  the  Bhore  Ghaut — a 
pass  which  experience  had  shown  they  could  at  any  time 
carry  with  ease — would  be  but  a  waste  of  money  and  of 
men.  The  capture,  as  Mr.  Hornby  observed,  of  Bajmachee, 
a  fort  a  little  to  the  north  of  the  Bhore  Ghaut,  which 
might  have  been  easily  reduced,  would,  with  a  very  small 
garrison,  have  served  both  to  form  a  depot  and  to  distress 
the  enemy. 

After  some  deliberation,  it  was  resolved  in  council  that 
the  army  should  return  to  canton  for  the  rains  at  Bombay 
and  Kailian ;  that  the  Madras  troops  should  be  sent  back 
to  their  own  presidency,  and  two  of  their  own  battaliotis 
sent  down  to  assist  in  the  defence  of  Tellicherry,  which 
they  had  intended  to  abandon  until  they  received  some 
treasure  from  Bengal ;  but  this  ancient  possession  they 
now  determined  to  defend.  After  all  had  been  thus  settled, 
General  Goddard  found  it  impracticable  to  march  without 

sacrificing  a  great  part  of  his  stores  and 
equipments.     About  the  1st  of  April  he 
had  sent  down  to  Panwell  a  strong  escort  of  three  batta- 
lions of  sepoys,  10   guns,  and  the  whole  of  the  cavalry, 
for  the  purpose  of  bringing  on  another  convoy  of  grain 


i4l  HiSTOftT  or  THK  MiaRATTAS.  [OHAP.  ▼. 

« 

and  stores.  On  the  road  to  Panwell,  this  escort,  commanded 
by  Lieutenant-Colonel  Browne,  was  attacked  bj  Puresh- 
ram  Bhow,  and,  although  every  exertion  was  made  to  save 
the  cattle,  the  Mahrattas,  whose  dexterity  in  driving  off 
unloaded  bullocks  is  remarkable,*  carried  away  a  conside- 
rable number  of  them.  The  escort  would  have  been  suffi- 
cient to  bring  on  the  convoy  through  the  whole  force  of 
Pureshram  Bhow,  but  Holkar  was  sent  down  the  Ghauts 
by  Nana  Furnuwees  to  strengthen  him;  when  Colonel 
Browne,  on  hearing  of  the  great  army  which  lay  in  his 
route,  deemed  it  impracticable  to  advance  without  a  rein- 
forcement, in  which  opinion  General  Goddard  coincided. 
Unfortunately,  the  greater  part  of  the  cattle  of  the  army 
had*  been  sent  down  to  assist  in  transi>orting  the  supplies, 
so  that  Goddard  could  not  march  with  his  whole  force 
without  sacrificing  a  great  deal  of  public  property,  and 
with  a  part  he  was  sure  of  being  cut  off  by  the  enemy; 
he  therefore  represented  his  situation  to  Bombay,  and 
entreated  the  government  to  send  every  disposable  man  of 
their  garrison  to  reinforce  Colon(A  Browne — a  request  with 
which  they  instantly  complied,  and  the  escort  advanced 
without  delay.  The  Mahratta  force  amounted  to  upwards 
of  25,000 1  horse,  besides  several  bodies  of  rocket  men,  and 
infantry  ;  ihey  attacked  the,  escort  during  their  march  for 

*  The  usual  way  is,  for  two  or  three  horsemen  to  steal  forward  quietly^ 
get  the  bullocks*  heads  turned  to  a  flank,  when  a  few  on  each  side 
gallop  at  them  with  their  spears ;  two  or  three  goad  them  from  behind, 
and^ff  they  go  at  full  speed,  guided  in  any  direction  with  great  faci- 
lity. The  Madras  followers,  who  are  by  far  the  most  active  of  all 
camp  people  (though  the  practice  is  not  confined  to  them),  tie  the 
bullock's  load  to  his  head,  so  that,  when  the  animal  throws  his  load 
in  any  way,  he  is,  as  it  were,  anchored  ;  and  whilst  the  rope  holdfi,  he 
cannot  get  away ;  but  when  unloaded,  or  let  loose  to  grase,  they  are 
very  apt  to  be  carried  off,  even  from  within   the  oamp  guards. 

t  Letter  from  Nana  Furnuwees.  Colonel  Browne  reported  them  only 
20,000. 


dUkf,  v.]  ENaAfttmSKTS  WITB  TH8  MAIRATTAS,  149 

thread  days,  but  were  constantly  baffled  ai^id  repnked  by 
the  skill  of  CSolonel  Browne,  whose  conduct  was  the  theme 
of  very  great  praise, 

ELe  brought  in  hie  convoy  safe,*  but  with  the  loss  of  106 
men  killedf  and  wounded  during  the  three  daya  on  which 
he  marched* 

The  juncti<m  of  this  detachment  on  the  15th  April 
'  enabled  General  Gtoddard  to  prepare-  for 

fP'i}}f-  his  retreat     By  the  19th  he  had  sent 

"""'■  d<»™M.g«,„i,db.«^  to  «,.!»«». 

of  the  Ghauts,  unobserved,  as  he  supposed,  by  the  enemy  ; 
but  l^e  Mahrattas  had  correct  information  of  the  least  stir 
in  his  camp,  and  were  silently  but  anxiously  watching  the 
result.  Tookajee  Hc^kar,  with  15,000  men,  without  any 
baggage^  was  at  the  faotfeom  of  the  Kussoor  Ghaut,  and 
Poreshram  Bhow,  with  13,000,  waa  also  below  the  Ghauta 
near  Bheema  Shunkur*  Hurry  Punt  Phurkay  waa  above 
the  Ghauta  between  Kundalla  and  Karlee,  with  above 
35,000  horse,  4,000  foot,  and  several^  light  fieki-^pieces. 
General  Goddard's  information  represented  Holkar  and 
Pui'eshram  Bhow  as  about  to  ascend  the  Giianti^  but  on 
'        .,  ^^  the    30tb,    the    moment    that     Goddard 

^•'"\^'  marched,    Hany    Punt's  foree   ponr«l 

down  into  the  Concan,^  took  a  considerable  quantity  of 
^^gSP^g^9  consisting  of  tents,  boxes  of  musket  ammunHion, 
and  3^000  eannw  shot.§     On  the  20th  Goddard  halted 

April  21  •^^  Kalapoor,  and  renewed  his  mar^  on 

the  3l8t.   His  rear  had  scarcely  cleared  the 

*  Nana  Furauwrog  Btates  that  they  took  from  100  to  160  buUocka, 
obiefly  laden  with  sugar. 

f  Of  this  number  there  were  five  officers,  namely,  Caption  Bowles, 
Lieuteoaats  WheMon  and  Tindall,  of  the  Bombay  infantry  ;  Ensigns 
Gibbings  and  Richardson,  the  former  of  the  Madras,  and  the  latter  of 
the  Bengal  establUhment. 

i  General  Ooddard's  and  Hurry-  Piiwt's  despatobef^.        §  Hurry  Punt, 


150  .     HISTOaX  OF  THI  MAHRATTA8,  [OHAP,  V* 

ground  of  eitcampmtot^vrhen  the  firatshot  from  Hurry  Funt^a 
guns  struck  a  tumbril  full  of  ammunition^  widoh  instantly 
exploded,  and,  although  it  did  very  litttle  mischief>the  Mah* 
rattafi  were  greatly  encouraged  by  the  circumstance,  and 
harassed  the  troops  during  the  wholeof  their  march  to  Chouke. 
The  natm*eof  the  ground  gave  their  irregular  inflintry  every 
advantage^  aathey  weire  enabled,  from  the.  cover  of  rocks, 
bushes,  and  raviiies,  ifco  take  deliberate  aim,  and  Holkar  and 
Pureshram  Bhow  made  their  appeurauce  in  front  about  nine 
o'clock  in  the  morning.  At  one  o^clods.  in  the  afternoon, 
when  Q-oddard  pitched  his  camp,  theenemy  retired — Hurry 
Punt  to  Kalapoor,.  and  the  others  to  some  distance  m  the  rear 
of  the  right  flank  of  the  British  army.  The  loss  of  the  21st, 
which  was  severe,  fell  principally  upon  the  Bengal  sepoys, 
who  were  stationed  in  the  rear,  and  behaved  with  much 
gallantry.  On  the  22nd  General  Groddard  halted,  and 
again  marched  on  the  23rd,  when  the  attack  was  renewed  ; 
but  the  baggage  having  been  sent  £>rwaaxi  at  two  o'clock  in 
the  morning,  he  wa»  thus  tabled  to  get  on  a  considerable  - 
distance  beforis  the  enemy  came  up.  The  attack  on  the 
rear  was  at  one  time  very  determined,  and  the  6th  Bengal 
and  18th*  Bombay  battalions  particularly  distinguished 
themselveft  under  the  oommknd  of  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Parker,  of  the  Bengal  ^establishment,  an  excellent  officer, 
who  fell  whilst  bravely  exerting  himself  at  the  head  of  the 
rear*guard.  Genei^al  Groddatd,  observing  that  the  eneimy 
always  retired  when  they  saw  him  established  in  his  camp, 
made  a  show  of  pitching  his.  tients ;  the  manoeuvre 
succeeded,  apd,bemg  the. last  march,  was  judicious.     The 

army  arrived  at  Pan  well  on  the  evening 
of  t{jo  23rd  April  without  further  molesta- 

*  The  present  6fch  regiment,  and  lately  the  2ad  battalioa  3rd  regi* 
mmi,  WW  formerly  tins  I3tik  battalion. 


CHAP    v.]  LOSS  OF  flODDARD  ©URINa  IlKTBEAT,  151 

tion.  '  On  this  retreat,  whioh  the  Mahrattas  consider  one 
of  their  moi^t  signal  viotories,  General  Gi-oddard's  army 
sustained  a  heavj  loss*  of  466  in  killed  and  wounded,  of 
whom  18  were  European  ^cers** 

Although  the  Mahratta  troops,  particnlarly  the  infantry, 
and  that  pKari;'  of  >  the  horse  undei:  Pareshram  Bhow 
Pntwurdhtm,  behaved  well,  it  may  be  here  remarked,  as  a 
symptom  of  ihe-  decline  of  military  spirit,  thai  the  despatdies 
of  Hurry  Ptmt  are  written  in  a  style  of  the  most  vaunting 
gasconade,  in  which  Bramin  commanders  before  this  period 
w^e  less  apt  to  indulge  than  either  Mahratta  or  Mabomedan 
officers.  The  loss  of-  th6  English  was  estimated  by  the 
Mahrattas  at  1,500  men,  one  gun,  several  tumbrils,  and  a 
great  part  of  their  baggage  ;  both  Hurry  Punt  and  Nana 
Fumuwees  acknowledged  that  they  too  have  sustained  a 
heavy  loss,  both  in  men  and  horses.f  ^ 

The  reinforcement  for  Tellicherry  and  the  Madras  troops 
were  embarked  and  sent  off  as  predetermined ;  but  l^e 
European  privates  were  drafted  into  the  Bombay  regiment 
— a  measure  against  which  tfie  Madras  government  bitterly 
inveighed.  The  remainder  of  the  a^my,  after  they  had 
remained  encamped^for  some  weeks  at  Panwell,  inarched 
to  Kallian,  where  they  were  cantoned  for  the  monsoon 
under    command    of    LieutenantrOoIonel    Baillie.j:     Ten 

*  Killed. 
Lieatenant-Oolone]  John  N«>vi]le  Parker,  Be&gal  Nfttive  Infiintry. 
Captain  Samberg,  Bombay  Native  Infantry. 
Lieutenant  Gibson,  and  Surgeon  Penny,  Madras  Artillery. 

Lieutenant  William  Rattray,  Bengal  Artillery, 

Lieutenant  F.  W.  Rutledge,  Madrab  Artillery. 

Lieutenant  Duncan,  Major  of  Brigade,  Madras  Native  Infantry. 

Lieutenants  Hall,  Taylor,  More,  and  Smith,  Bengal  Native  Infs^ntry. 

Captain  Bmnafefirno  ;  Lieutenants  Taylor,  Mills,  and  fieynoids )  Easigng 

Read  and  King^  of  the  Bombay  Native  Infantry  \  and  Mr,  Fleming, 

Surgeon -(ileneral  of  the  army. 
^    t  Original  letters^  t  Bomhaj  Records. 


153  HI8T01T  OP  THK  MAHKATTAf.  [OHAP.  V« 

thousand  MahrtUaa  were  sent  towards  Gu^terat  under 
Mahdoo  Rao  Bamchuhder,  the  garrisons  in  the  Concan  were 
strengthened,  and  the  main  body  of  the  Peishwa's  army 
returned,  as  usual,  to  their  homas.t 

Whilst  these  events  were  passing  on  the  west  of  India, 
the  govemor^general  and  council  in  Bengal  having 
disapproved  of  the  Bombay  tlefensive  systeni,  were  endea* 
vouring  to  create  a  powerful  diversion,  by  carrying 
hostilities  into  the  heart  of  Sindia's  territory ;  that  he, 
the  principal  promoter,  should  become  the  greatest  sufferer 
by  the  war  ;  and  Mr.<  Hastings  was  at  the  same  time 
engaged  in  an  intricate  negotiation,  for  the  ptirpose  of 
detaching  Moodajee  Bhonslay  from  the  confederacy. 

It  has  been  already  mentioned  that  a  division  of-  troops 
under  major  (now  by  regular  promotion  Lieutenant- 
Colonel)  Camac  had  been  prepared  to  assist  the  rana  of 
Gk>hud  ;  and  as  the  brilliant  successes  of  Captain  Popham, 
who  was  appointed  a  major  for  his  gallant  enteipriae  on 
Gwalior,  had  cleared  the  Q-ohud  territory  of  the  enemy, 
Colonel  Camac  invaded  Malwa,  reduced  Sippree,  and 
advanced  to  Seronje,  where  he  arrived  on  the  16th  of 
February.  Mahadajee  Sindia,  who  was  marching  from 
the  westward  to  oppose  him,  came  up  with  his  division  at 
the  latter  place,  and  Colonel  Camac,  having  taken  post, 
allowed  himself  to  be  surrounded.  The  want  of  provisions 
and  forage  soon  reduced  him  to  great  distress*  Perceiving 
the  mistake  he  had  made,  and  the  great  danger  to  be 
incurred  by  retiring,  he  sent  off  the  most  pressing  letters 
to  Colonel  Morgan,  cpmmauding  in  the  Dude  territory,  to 
send  on  a  reinforcement  to  his  relief.  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Muir  was  detached  accordingly  with  three  battalions  of 
infantry,  two  regiments  of  cavalry,  and  a  company  of 
artillery.     But  in  the  meantime  Lieutenant-Colonel  Camac 


CHAP,  v.]  SINDIA^S  CAMP  SUftPRlSED,  153 

was  attacked  by  Sindia,  and  cannonaded  in  his  camp  for 
seven  days  successively,  when  he  determined  to  attempt  a 
retreat  at  all  hazards.     At  midnight  on  the  7th  March, 

with  great  skill,  he  commenced  his  march, 
'  '  *  and  was  not  discovered  till  day-break  ;  but 
on  the  8th  and  9th  he  was  constantly  harassed,  until  his 
arrival  at  the  town  of  Mahautpoor,  where  he  forced  the 
inhabitants  to  supply  him  with  provisions,  and  then  turned 
and  fronted  his  pursuers, ,  Sindia  encamped  every  night 
at  the  distance  of  five  or  six  mil<»8  from  the  British  troops, 
in  a  state  of  instant  readiness,  having  his  heavy  baggage 
at  an  equal  distance  in  his  rear.  This  disposition  to  guard 
against  surprise  continued  for  several  nights,  until  Colonel 
Camac,  by  his  seeming  want  of  enterprise,  had  thrown  the 
wily  Mahratta  off  his  guard,  when,  on  the  night  of  the 
24th  of  March,  he  entered  Sindia's  camp,  attacked  and 
routed  his  force,  killed  numbers  of  his  men,  took  13  of  his 
guns,  3  elephants,  his  principal  standard,  21  camels,  and 
many  horses.  This  achievement,  which  deservedly  ranks 
very  high,  and  marks  a  military  genius,  was  suggested  by 
Captain  Bruce,  the  same  officer  who  led  the  escalade  at 
Gwalior.  It  was  of  the  utmost  importance,  not  only  in 
raising  the  fame  of  the  British  ai*ms,  but  in  particularly 
affecting  Sindia,  whose  reputation  had  suffered,  whilst  that 
of  the  Bramih  party  supported  by  Holkar  was  greatly 
increased,  by  the  supposed  victory  over  General  Goddard. 
Colonel  Muir's  detachment  did  not  join  that  of  Colonel 
Camac  until  the  4th  of  April,  when  the  former  assumed 
the  command  ;  but  although  their  united  forces  kept  the 
field,  and  encamped  during  the  rains  witliin  the  territory 
of  Sindia,  they  obtained  no  further  advantage,  and  were 
frequently  straitened  for  supplies  by  numerous  bodies  of 
horse  from  Sindia's  camp,  which  continued  in  the  neigh- 
Vox.  11,-20 


J  54  BISTORT  OF  'THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP,  V. 

bourbood  of  their  own.  Endeavours  were  ineiFectually 
used  by  the  English  to  excite  active  co-operation  on  the 
part  of  the  Es^'poot  princes  in  the  neighbourhood  against 
the  Mahi*alttas>  and  Gwalior  was  restored  to  the  rana  of 
€rohud,  in  hopes,  by  this  Uct  of  good  faith,  to  wean  him 
from  a  -dispositieii  he  had  evinced  of  making  terms  for 
himself  with  Mahadajee  Sindia;  but  the  rana  was  not 
inclined  to  bring  forward  the  slender  resii^urces  which  he 
possessed  ;  and  matters  remained  in  this  situation  until 
the  commencement  of  a  negotiation  on  the  part  of  Sindia 
with  Colonel  Muir,  in  the  month  of  August  But  although 
the  govemor-generars  scheme  of  stirring  up  those  petty 
princes  against  their  Mahratta  superiors  failed,  his  nego- 
tiations with  the  raja  of  Berar  were  productive  of  more 
beneficial  consequences. 

Moodajee,  to  support  appearances  with  the  confediprates, 
had  sent  forward  an  army  of  30,000  horse  towards  Kuttack' 
in  the  month  of  October  1779,  under  his  second  son, 
Ohim*najee  ;  but  in  order  to  convince  Mr,  Hastings  that 
his  real  design  was  not  hostile  to  the  English,  they  were 
seven  months  in  reaching  their  destination  ;  this  favourable 
symptom^  however,  did  not  induce  the  Bengal  govern- 
ment to  relax  in  their  vigilance,  or  to  circumscribe  their 
efforts.  It  had  been  determined  at  Calcutta,  on  the 
news  of  Hyder's  invasion  of  Arcot,  to  send  a  division  of 
six  battalions  of  sepoys  to  assist  in  the  war  against  him, 
as  soon  as  the  season  permitted  of  their  marching  along 
the  coast  towards  the  Carnatic  Payeen  Ghaut.  This  force 
was  to  have  been  assembled  in  the  month  of  October, 
under  the  command  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Pearse ;  and 
it  was  hoped  that  Moodajee  might  be  induced  to 
aid  them  with  a  body  of  cavalry,  but  as  Chimnajee's 
army    lay   in  the  route,   it     was    deemed  advisable  to 


OHAP.  v.]  MR.  ASDKRSON  DIPTTTKD  TO  KUTTACK.  155 

sa^end  Colonel  Pearse's  march   imtil  Moodajee'a  answer 
was  received. 

When  the  replies  did  arrire,  on  ihe  9th  January^  it  was 
determined  to  send  on  thedetachment,  and  Colonel  Pearse, 
on  entering  the  territory  of  Moodajee,  was  instructed  to 
observe  an  exact  discipline,  to-  protect  the  country,  and  to 
consider  the  raja  of  Berar  as  a  friend,  until  any  attempt 
was  made  to  obstruct  his  march,  when  he  .was  commanded 
to  force  his   way   against   all   oppositionv     To   reconcile 
Moodajee,  however,  ta  this  measure,  the  governor-general 
deputed  an  agent,  Mr*  David  Anderson,  to  Kuttack,  for 
the  purpose  of  explaining  the  reasons,  and  obtaining,  if 
possible,    a    body   of    2,000    house   to-  co-operate    with 
Col(mel  Pearse;     Before  Mr.  Anderson  reached  Ballasore, 
Chimnajee  had  proceeded  with  his  army  to  attack  the  fort 
of  Dhikanall,  the  raja  of  which  had  neglected  to  remit  the 
tribute,  and  rrfused  to*  pay  the  arrears^     Mr.  Anderson, 
however^  proceeded  to. Kuttack,  and  thence  returned  to 
Calcutta.  ,  Chimnajee,  in  the  meantime,,  had  quitted  the 
hills,'  and  come  down  with  his  army  to  the  open  country. 
Colonel  Pearse  had  not  only  been  allowed  to  pass   without 
molestation,   but    assistance  was   afforded   in  procui^ng 
supplies  through  the  province  of  Orissa;.  and  the  most 
friendly  assurances  were  continued  on  the  part  of  Chimnajee^ 
The  position  of  this  Mahratta  army  was  threatening :   the 
government  of  Berar  had  behaved  Kberally  to   Greneral 
Goddard,  and  civilly  to  Colonel  Pearse  :.  Moodajee  had  been 
so  situated  as  to  be  compelled  to  join  the   confederacy,   or 
at  once  declare  his  alliance  with  the  English — the  last  a 
daring,  a  doubtful,  and  a  generous  policy,  too  great  fop 
any  Mahratta  to  adventure.     The  governor-general  had 
secretly  promised  to  advance  Moodajeethe  sum  of  16  lakhs 
of  rupees,  in  order  to  engage  his  aid  either  in  the  alli&nce 


156  HISTOBT  OF  THK  MAHBATTA?.  [OHAP.  Y, 

or  mediation  proposed  ;  for  it  is  not  very  clear  how  ihin 
bribe  was  originally  tendered.  Twelve  lakhs  were  now 
offered  to  Ghimnajee  if  he  would  withdraw  his  troops  and 
xetnm  to  Nagpoor ;  at  the  same  time  it  was  carefoUy 
expressed  that  the  money  was  not  given  in  a  manner  to 
enable  them  hereafter  to  demand  it  as  a  right,  or  to  expect 
it  in  future,  but  merely  to  bespeak  their  friendship,  and 
engage  them  against  Hyder,  who  was  represented  to  have 
at  this  period  received  sunnuds  from  the  emperor  for  the 
whole  Deccan,  at  the  subjugation  of  which,  including 
the  complete  peninsula  of  India,  he  was  said  to  be  aiming. 
The  son  of  Moodajee  observed  that,  on  payment  of 
60  lakhs,  he  would  be  happy  to  afford  the  British 
government  a  proof  of  his  friendship,  by  retiring  to 
Nagpoor,  and  uniting  against  Hyder,  especially  if  it  should 
appear  that  he  had  procured  sUnnuds  for  the  Deccan* 
This  fictitious  report  obtained  credence,  especially  with 
Nizam  Ally,  and  it  tended  greatly,  once  more,  to  turn  his 
versatile  and  treacherous  mind  against  Hyder,  whom,  as 
a  rival  Mu&sulman  and  an  upstart  eclipsing  him,  he  hated 
and  feared. 

After  some  discussion,  conducted  with  much  ability  on 
the  part  of  Mr.  Anderson,  Ghimnajee  at  last  observed 
that,  of  the  16  lakhs  originally  promised,  throe  lakhs  had 
been  paid ;  but  if  the  balance  of  13  lakhs  were  now 
tendered,  he  would  withdraw  ;  that  2,000  horse,  at 
50,000  rupees  a  month,  should  be  sent  to  join  Colonel 
Pearse  against  Hyder,  provided  the  governor-general  and 
council  would  assist  the  Berar  state  in  raising  a  loan  of 
10  lakhs  of  rupees,  and  aid  Moodajee  in  reducing  Gurrah 
Mubdelah — districts  which,  the  reader  may  recollect,  had 
been  taken  by  Ballajee  Bajee  Rao  during  his  first 
campaign  in  1742,  before  the  return  of  Rughoojee  from 


CHAP.  V J      MOODAJEB  DETAGHBD  PROM  THft  COHFEDKRACT.  157 

t)ie  Carnatic,  and  which,  from  their  vioinity  to  their 
northern  frontier,  had  ever  since  been  an  object  of  the 
greate&t  jealousy  to  the  Bhon$lays  of  B^ar«  The  tenders 
were  accepted,  and  thus,  by  an  objectionable  policy, 
justifiable  only  by  the  peculiarity  of  the  circumetances, 
Mr.  Hastings  temporarily  detached  the  eastern  Mahrattaa 
from  the  confederacy,  and  turned  them  against  both  Hyder 
and  the  Peishwa^  at  a  moment  when,  with  30,000  horae^  it 
is  scarcely  to  be  doubted  that  they  might  have  pillaged 
Bengal,  and  burnt  the  towns  from  Burdwan  to  Point 
Palmyras.  But  in  this  negotiation,  no  credentials  from 
Moodajee  were  given  or  demanded ;  and  shortly  afterwards 
copies  of  letters  from  Ifana  Furnuwees  to  Moodajee  were 
transmitted  to  Bengal,  representing  the  retreat  of  G^eneral 
Ooddard  as  a  great  vidx)ry,  and  threatening  Moodajee  with 
the  utmost  vengeance  of  the  Peishwa's  government  for 
seceding  from  the  confederacy  and.  his  allegiance  to  his 
prince.  In  consequence  of  these  letters,  it  was  not 
altogether  convenient  for  Moodajee  to  avow  the  agreement 
to  its  full  extent ;  he  wished,  however,  to  mediate  a  peace, 
and  to  engage  with  the  English  in  a  general  confederacy 
against  Hyder.  For  this  purpose  he  intended  sending 
Dewakur  Punt  to  Poena ;  but  many  circumstances 
rendered  it  desirable  that  this  minister  should  first  meet 
Mr.  Hastings.  An  interview  was  to  take  place  at 
Benares  ;  but  in  the  meantime  orders  by  the  supreme 
government  were  despatched  to  General  Goddard  to 
negotiate  a  peace  nearlj,  on  the  terms  formerly  proposed  ; 
retaining  the  fort  of  Bassein  if  possible^  but  if  not,  to 
give  it  up,  if  he  could  thereby  ensure  an  honorable 
pacification,  which  was  now  the  sole  end  in  view. 

These    instructions    were    not    i*eceived     by    Gtoeral 
Goddard  until  the  month  of  August  ;  various  plans  were 


158  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS,  [CHAP.  V. 

in  the  meantime  proposed  at  Bombay  :  tibat  by  General 
,  Gbddard— of  making  an  increase  of  eight  battalions  of 
native  infantry,  drawing  out  the  old^  and  leaving  the  new, 
levies  in  garrison ;  calling  on  Futih  Sing  Gaekwar,  .the 
nabobs  of  Surat  andCambay,  to  assist  with  their  utmost 
means  ;  permitting  Bagonath  Bao  io  assemble  horse  ; 
bringing  down  Colonel  Muir's  force  from  Malwa,  forming 
a  junction  with  his  (Goddard's)  army  ;  and  oariying  the 
war,  first,  into  the  heart  of  the  Decoan,  and  then  into 
Mysore— was  very  extensive,  aud  with  funds  it  would bave 
been  practicable  ;•  but  the  lowest  estimate  of  the  required 
monthly  disbursement  was  seven  lakhs  of  rupees — ^an  ex- 
pense whioh,  to  the  members  of  the  Bombay  governmient, 
was  quite  appalling  at  this  season  of  unprecedented  distress; 
Goddard,  hov^ever,  in  hopes  of  aid  from  Bengal,  prooedded 
to  <Jnzeraii,i  for  ihe  purpose  of  conferring  with  Futih  Sing 
and  Kugoba.  Several  schemes  were  proposed : for  the 
ensuiBg  season ;  but  one,  which*  was  suggested  to  theBoin- 
bay. government,  is  too  remarkable  to  be  omitted.  Certain 
dispossessed  Mahratta  deshmookhs,*  and  men  whose  anoes* 
tors  had  heldjagheer  lands  under,  the  Mahomedan  govern- 
ment, came  forward,  and  o^red,  on  certain  conditions,  to 
putthe  English  in  possession  of  the  Conoan,  and  of  thewhole 
of  the  forts  in  the  Syhadree  range,  provided  the  British  go- 
vernment would,  on  obtaining  possession  of  the  country, 
recognise  their  ancient  rights  ;  grant  them,  on  the  delivery 
of  ealch  fort,  50,000  rupees  for  each  of  the  larger  fortcesses, 
and  10,000  for  the  smaller  ;  allowing  them  to  retainnwhat- 
ever  plunder  in  money,  jewels,  gold  and  silver  ornaments, 
and  mares,  they  might  acquire  ;  but  everything  else,  of 

*  Arj(|[QJee,  and  Jewajee  Bamlay,  and  Santajee  Naik  8urku|L487,  seem 
to  have  been  three  of  the  chiefs  who  came  forward  ;  but  their  native 
villages  are  not  recorded. 


CHAr*  v.]  OVERTURES  FOR  PEACE.  159 

wbatevei'  description,  he  agreed  to  relinquish.     Their  pro- 
posals were  fully  considered,*  biit  finally  rejected. 

On  Uie  opening  of  the  season^  Goddard  reamed  from 
Gnzeratj  after  some  Mctisfactory  'ex^anations  Mrith  Futih 
Singj  and  obtaimng  a  positive  promise  of  being  assisted  by 
5,000  gopd  horse.  If  recovering  the  reyenne  'had  -been 
tbe  only  object^  General  Gt)ddArd  observed  that  the  defence 
of  Guzerat  should  have  ratiier  been  secured  .than  •  thatinf 
the.  Gdnbim  ;  but  until  it  bonld  he  ascerthaned  whether  the 
force  in  JKDalwa  virould  be  sent  to  join  him^  itvraa^agrieedto 
m^ntajn  defensive,  operations  in;  the  Conqan,  ]:»reserving<as 
^ueh  as'  poseiUe^  aUfiOi^earancB  of  aeibiefik/  Eajriy  in 
Nofvenafeer;  accounts,  readued  Bombay  of  a  separate  -  treaty 
betw^eetn  iMahadti^ee 'Sinudia  and  .Colonel   Mtiir,  cdnckided 

13th '  October  1781,  by.  whichv  Sindia 
I  ;  '  'r  agri^ed'toilnetarn  to  Oojein,  and  Coloiiiel 
liluir  to  recitosa  the  Juqma  $  .and  that  Sindia  had  further 
agreed  to  negotiate  a  treaty  b0fetv;een  the;  other  belb'gerenta 
and  the  British  government,  but  he,  at  ^lij^yent^.  bound 
lumself  to  stand  neutml.  His  t^rritoryywes^  o^f  th^  Juwtoa, 
was  restored;  but  iiie  mna'  of  Gohud  was  not  to  be 
molested  in  the  posses^ion^ToffrGwalior,  as  t  long  as  :her 
conducted  himself  prepea: ly*  Tb^  fii^  overtuyefe,  as  already 
menticmed,  were  made  by  Mjabadajae  ^Stndia^ '  .^bo,  after 
his  defeat  by  Colonel  Oamac,  perceived  that  he  had  every-. 
lihing  to  lose '  by  mainitaining  a  contest/in  the  heart  of:  his 
own  dominions,  which  would  probably  end  in  his  bein^ 
driven  a  fugitive  across  tiie  Nerbuddah,  WitK6iuti  lands  lor 
&iends,  and  probably  to  the  secret  satisfaction  of  his  rivals 
at  Poena.  /   <  i  i 

Mr.  Hastings  was  particularly  pleased  at  the.  dpeniKj^^of 
this  channel  to  a  general   pacification,  as  the  plan  of  a 
*  Bombay  Ck>QS!iltat;ions,  29th  June  1781.       


\Q0  HISTORY  OF  THE  HAHIUTTAS.  [CBA?.  T. 

nie4iai]on  throngh  Moodajee  was  obstructed  by  the  death 
of  Dewakur  Punt,  who  did  not  live  to  meet  the  governor- 
general  at  Benares,  as  had  been  agreed  upon  ;  Moodajee, 
however,  afterwards  wrote  to  General  Goddard,  assormg 
him  of  his  readiness  to  interpose  his  best  endeavours  for 
the  attainment  of  peace,  and  even  to  repair  in  person  to 
Poona'for  that  purpose.  About  the  same  time,  on  the 
arrival  of  Mr.  John  M'Pherson  at  Madras,  a  letter  was 
addressed  to  thePeishwa,  dated  11th  September  1781,  in 
the  joint  names  of  Lord  Macartney,  Sir  Eyre  Coote,  Sir 
Edward  Hughes,  and  Mn  M'Pherson,  forwarded  to  the 
wukeel  of  Mohnmmud  Ally  at  Poona,  stating  their  wish 
for  peace,  the  moderation  of  the  company's  views,  the 
desire  of  the  British  nation  to  condude  a  firm  and  lasting 
treaty,  which  •  no  servant  of  the  company  should  have 
power  to  break ;  and  assuring  the  Peishwa,  upon  their  own 
honor,  and  that  of  the  king,  the  company,  and  the  nation, 
that  just  satisfaction  should  be  given  in  a  sincere  and 
irrevocable  treaty. 

Amid  all  these  authorized  pacificators,  General  Goddard, 
who  as  yet  considered  himself  the  accredited  agent  on  the 
part  of  the  supreme  government,  also  opened  a  negotiation, 
and  assumed  what  was  privately  agreed,  though  not  ex- 
pressed in  the  treaty  between  Colonel  Muir  and  Sindia, 
that  the  latter  should  use  his  endeavour  to  obtain  a  cessation 
of  hostilities  between  the  Peishwa  and  the  English,  until 
the  terms  of  a  general  peace  could  be  adjusted. 

Captain  Watherstone  was  deputed  to  Poona  in  January, 

but  shortly  after  his  arrival  there,  official 

A  D  1782  .  .  • 

intelligence  was  received  of  the  appoint- 
ment of  Mr.  David  Anderson  as  agent  of  the  governor- 
general,  with  full  powers  to  negotiate  and  conclude  a  treaty 
with  the  Mahrattas ;  for  which  purpose  Mn  Anderson  was 


€BAP.  v.]  TREATT  OV  PBIGK  CONCLUDE^.  161 

tleputed  to  the  camp  of  Mahadajee  Bindia.  Upon  this 
news,  Captain  Watherstone  was  recalled — a  circutnstance 
which  bo^  Nana  Fumuwees  and  Harry  Pant  regretted  ; 
for,  although  they  were  not  fxilly  prepared  to  treat,  they 
could  hare  wished  to  conclude  the  pacification  without  the 
mediation  of  Sindia.  The  terms  to  which  Mr.  Anderson 
was  authorized  to  accede,  differed  little  from  the  conditions 
before  tendered,  except  that,  as  the  rana  of  Grohud  had,  by 
his  conduct,  forfeited  all  claims  to  the  benefits  of  the 
alliance,  and  had  besides  secretly  endeavoured  to  conclude 
separate  terms  for  himself  with  Sindia,  it  was  deemed 
unnecessary  to  include  him  as  a  party  in  Mr.  Andwson's 
negotiation.  A  principal  obstacle  to  the  conclusion  of  a 
treaty  was  the  restoration  of  the  Peishwa's  share  of 
Ahmedabad,  which  had  been  apportioned  to  Futih  Sing. 
This  point,  however,  was  at  last  conceded,  and  a  treaty 
was  concluded  at  Salbye,  on  the  17th  May,  by  Mr.  David 
Anderson  on  the  part  of  the  East  India  Company,  and  by 
Mahadajee  Sindia  on  that  of  the  Peishwa,  Nana  Fumu- 
wees, and  the  whole  of  the  chiefs  of  the  Mahratta  nation  ; 
Mahadajee  Sindia  being,  at  the  same  time,  plenipotentiary 
of  the  Peishwa,  and  the  niutaal  guarantee  of  both  parties 
for  the  due  performance  of  the  conditions.  The  treaty  con- 
sisted of  17  articles  :  the  whole  of  the  territory  conquered 
since  the  treaty  of  Poorundhur  was  restored,  together  with 
the  three  lakhs  promised  near  Baroach.  The  territory  of  the 
Gaekwar,  and  the  whole  of  Guzerat,  were  to  remain  precisely 
on  the  same  footing  as  they  had  been  prior  to  the  war  of 
1775  ;  so  that  the  Baroda  state  was  thus  secured  from  dis- 
memberment, and  no  claim  of  tribute  was  to  be  preferred  by 
the  Peishwa  against  Futih  Sing  during  the  period  of  the  late 
hostilities.  Bugonath  Bao  was  to  be  allowed  25,000  rupees 
a  month,  and  to  be  permitted  to  choose  a  place  of  residence. 

Vol.  11.^21 


W8 


HIBTORT  OF  THB  MAHRATTA6. 


[OHAf.  T. 


It  was  settled  that  Hyder  should  be  obliged  to  reUnqoidi 
the  territories  lately  conquered  from  the  English  and  the 
nabob  of  Arcot ;  and  the  Peishwa  on  the  one  part,  and  iii^ 
English  on  the  other,  agreed  that  their  allies  respectively 
should  maintain  peace  towards  each  other.  A  free  trade^ 
the  restoration  of  wrecks,  and  the  exclusion  of  all  European 
establishments,  except  those  of  the  Portuguese,  within  the 
Mahratta  dominions,  also  form  part  of  the  substance  of 
the  treaty  of  Salbye,  which  was  ratified  at  Calcutta  on  ih$ 
6th  June  following;  but  the  adjustment  on  the  part  of  th^ 
Peishwa  was  delayed  by  Nana  Furnuwees,  for  reasons 
which  will  be  hereafter  explained,  until  the  20ch 
December,  nor  was  it  finally  exchanged  until  the  24th 
February  1783. 

During  the  period  when  the  ratification  was  in  suspense, 
the  governor-general  in  council  agreed  to  fulfil  the  former 
intention  in  regard  to  the  cession  of  Baroach  ;  and  that 
valuable  district  was  bestowed  on  Mahadajee  Sindia  in 
testimony  of  the  sense  entertained  of  the  conduct  manifested 
by  him  to  the  Bombay  army  at  Wurgaom^  and  of  his 
humane  treatment  and  release  of  the  English  gentlemen 
who  had  been  delivered  as  hostages  on  that  occasion. 


168 


CHAP.  VI. 


From  A.  D.  1773  to  A.  D.  1784. 


Affairs  at  the  imperial  court. — N^jeef  Khan. — Shujah-udr- 

Dowlah — diee — is  succeeded  hy  his  son  Asoph^ud^Dowhh. 

— Mujd'Ud' Dowlah^— his  intrigues  against  Nujeef  Khan 

frustrated. — Nujeef  Khan  establishes  a  paramount   autho^ 

rity^  which  he  upholds  till  his  death. — His  adopted  son^ 

Afrasiah  Khan^  obliged  to  relinquish  the  succession   to 

Mirza  Shuffee — disputed  by  Mohummud  Beg  Humadanee. 

— Mirza  Shuffee  assassinated. — Afrasiab  Khan    resumes 

his  sititation^  and  contests  tfie  succession  with  Mohummud 

Beg. — Treaty  of  Salbye — Reasons  for  the  delay  in  its 

ratification    explained. — Mahadajee    Sindia    and    Nana 

Furnuwees — their  respective  views. — Hyder  AUy.-^Pro* 

posal  for  invading  Bengal. — Sindia* s  reasons  for  desiring 

the  friendship  of  the  English^ — Policy  of  If  ana  Furnuwees. 

— Death  of  Hyder  Ally. — Ratification  of  the  treaty. — 

Outrage  committed  by  tfie  PeishwcHs  admiral — capture  of 

the  English  ship  Ranger. — Tippoo  professed  to  acquiesce 

.   in  the  terms  of  tlie  treaty^  but  continues  the  war  against  the 

•    English— MaJuidajee  Sindia  threcUens  him  in*consequence. 

:  — A  separate  treaty  concluded  between  the  English  and 

'    TippoQ'-^isapproved  but  conjirmed  by  thegovemor-general. 

i!. — rThe  court  of  Poena  affect  to  consider  the  separate  pad^ 


164  HISTORY  OF  TfiS  ^AHBATTAS.  [CHAP.    VI. 

fieation  a  violation  of  the  treaty  of  Salbye. — Views  of  the 
Poona    and    Hyderabad   cdurts. — A    conference — claims 

m 

discussed. — Offensive  alliance  against  Tippoo  proposed. — 
Seedee  of  Jinjeera. — Tippoo  insults  Nizam  AUy.-r^Pro^ 
hability  of  a  rupture. — Hostilities  postponed. — Death  of 
Rugonath  Rao. — Intrigues  in  favour  of  his  son  Bajee  RaOm 
— Maltadajee  Sindia — his  proceedings. 

Fob  some  years,  whilst  the  Mahrattas  were  en^a^red  in 

domestic  diBsensions,  or  in  war  with  the 
English,  the  imperial  court  was  not  sub- 
jected to  their  busy  and  rapacious  intrusion ;  but,  as  the 
affairs  of  Delhi  soon  resume  a  considerable  influence  on 
their  politics,  we  must  not  lose  sight  of  the  principal  events 
that  had  occurred  in  that  quarter. 

On  the  retreat  of  the  Mahrattas  in  1773,  Nujeef  Khan 

regained  his  lost  authority  at  the  imperial 
court,  and  immediately  directed  his  arms 
against  their  garrisons.  Husham-ud-Dowlah,  the  rival  of 
Najeef  Khan,  who  had  been  secretly  subservient  to  the 
Mahrattas,  was  removed  from  the  administration.  Shujah- 
ud-Dowlah  likewise  took  advantage  of  the  retreat  of  the 
Mahratta  army  to  expel  their  garrisons  from  his  neigh- 
bourhood ;  and,  after  possessing  himself  of  Etaweh, 
advanced  towards  Agra,  for  the  purpose  of  as&isting  Kujeef 
Khan,  who  was  besieging  it ;  but  the  fortress  having 
surrendered,  Nujeef  Khan  placed  Mohummud  Beg 
Humadanee,oneofhis  own  dependents,  in  command  of 
the  garrison.  The  nabob  vizier,  to  conciliate  Kujeef  Khan, 
appointed  him  his  deputy  at  the  imperial  court ;  and  these 
two  might  have  become  formidable  enemies  to  the  Mahrattas 
north  of  the  Nerbuddah,  had  not  the  vizier's  attention 
been  for  a  time  fully  engaged  in  prosecuting  the  Bohilkh 


CHAP.  TI.]  WAB  AQAIS8T  THX  10HILLAII&,  lg5 

war ;  and,  shortly  after  its  terminationy  death  put  an  end 
A  D  1775         .to  all  his  schemes.    His  demise  ooonrred 

in  January  1775,  and  his  son,  Asoph*ad- 
Dowlah,  after  some  delay  on  the  part  of  the  emperor,  was 
confirmed  in  his  father's  title  and  possessions.* 

Kujeef  Elian  carried  on  various  military  expeditions 
with  success.  Although  the  emperor  did  not  sanction  the 
measure  by  remaining  in  the  field  himself,  Nujeef  Khan 
took  part  with  the  English  and  Shujah-ud-Dowlah  in  the 
war  against  the  Bohillahs ;  he  was  afterwards  successful 
against  the  Jaths  ;  the  imperial  arms  were  again  respected^ 
and  his  own  authority  acknowledged  throughout  the  province 
of  Agra.  But  whilst  thus  employed  at  a  distance,  he  found 
a  domestic  enemy  in  the  person  of  one  from  whom  he  had 
a  right  to  expect  fidelity  and  friendship.  As  his  own  deputy 
in  the  imperial  presence,  he  had  chosen  Abdool  Ahud  Khan, 

to  whom  he  confided  the  care  of  the  court 
and  capital,  together  with  the  general 
administration  of  civil  affairs.  The  new  dewan  was 
shordy  afterwards  honored  with  the  title  of  Mujd-ud- 
Dowlah ;  but  the  first  use  he  made  of  his  power 
was  to  establish  his  own  mfiuence  over  the  imbecile 
mind  of  the  emperor,  to  the  prejudice  of  his  patron. 
Nujeef  Khan  did  not  remain  ignorant  of  the  progress  of 
the  intrigues  against  him,'  but  he  continued  in  the  field, 
and  vigorously  prosecuted  the  measures  he  had  under- 
taken.f  Much  of  his  success,  it  may  be  observed,  was 
owing  to  some  regular  infantry,  the  better  part  of  which 
were  originally  disciplined  by  the  English,  when  the 
emperor  resided  under  their  protection  ;  but  there  were 
now  two  distinct  bodies  in  the  service  of  Nujeef  Khan-~ 

*  Franoklm*gIii£e  of  Shah  Alum. 

t  Soott'ft  Hiftorj,  and  Bengal  Beconli.  . 


16^  BiBtOBY  or  THK  If AHUAITAS.  [ofiAP.  fH 

necessity  of  preserving  the  strengtli  of  the  empire  undivid-^ 
6  j.  By  the  progress  of  the  war  with  the  British  govern- 
ment, Nana's  influence  and  reputation  >  had  increased, 
whilst  those  of  Sindia  had  diminished.  Yet,  by  the 
treaty  of  Salbye,  Sindia,  whilst  his  fortunes  seemed  on  the 
decline,  had  attained  one  main  object  of  his  policy — a 
sovereignty  virtually  independent^  without  any  apparent 
break  in  the  great  link  of  interest  which  bound  the  Mah- 
ratta  confederacy.  Although  both  Mahadajee  Sindia  and 
Nana  Fumuwees  were  desirons  of  a  general  peace,  yet 
each  of  them  had  secret  intentions  of  soon  breaking  it^ 
in  such  partial  instances  as  suited  their  respective  schemes 
of  aggrandizement.  Nana  aspired  to  the  recovery  of  all  the 
territories  south  of  the  Nerbuddah  that  had  ever  belonged 
to  the  Mahrattas,  whilst  Sindia  projected  the  re-establish* 
ment  of  their  power  in  the  provinces  of  Hindostan.  Al- 
ihough  the  terms  of  the  treaty  of  Salbye  were  so  much 
more  favourable  to  the  Mahrattas  than  any  that  could 
have  been  anticipated  before  the  war  between  the  English 
and  Hyder  broke  out,  yet  Nana,  being  jealous  of  the 
prominent  part  which  Sindia  acted  in  the  negotiation,  and 
hoping  that  he  might,  by  temporizing,  recover  Salsette 
from  Ihe  English,  maintained,  in  all  communications  with 
the  British  authorities,  an  appearance  of  steadfast  alliance 
with  Hyder,*  whilst  to  the  envoys  of  the  latter  he  affected 
to  be  satisfied  with  the  treaty  of  Salbye,  and  declared  that 
its  immediate  ratification  by  the  Peishwa  could  only  be 
prevented  by  Hyder's  restoring  the  Mahratta  possessions 
south  of  the  Kistna,  which  would  ensure  their  co-operation; 
but,  if  not  restored,  the  Mahrattas  would  unite  with  th^ 
English  against  him.f    Nana's  ulterior  views,  in  case  i^a 

*Origiiiftl  letters,  records,  oral  informadoo,  and  Mahratta  MSS. 

t  Wilki. 


fJHAP.'VI.]  TOtict  Off  NAfIA   FtftNUWEKS.  l69 

][>eiidiiig  treaty  skould  be  rsltitied,  were  hoBtile  towards 
Hyder^  as  he^  in  that  event,  prqjeoted  an  .offensive 
allianoe  with  Nizam  Ally  against  the  usurper  of 
Mysore,  (tom  which  the  EngUsh  wei^  to  be  carefolly 
excluded.* 

Wiih  te^ard  to  Sindia's  particular  views  of  aggrandi:te-4 
ment,  in  order  fully  to  understand  the  reasons  which 
operated  in  inducing  the  British  government  passively  to 
view  the  growth  of  such  a  power  as  he  acquired  in 
Hindostan,  it  may  be  requisite  to  explain  that  Mahadajee 
Sindia,  even  before  his  campaign  against  Ooddard  in 
Guzerat,  had  suggested  a  plan  of  attacking  the  English  in 
Bengal,  and,  when  his  own  territory  was  invaded,  he 
renewed  the  proposal  to  the  Peishwa,  requesting  that 
Tookajee  Holkar  might  be  sent  to  support  the  design.t 
To  the  whole  of  this  scheme  Nana  Furnuwees  at 
first  objected,  until  he  saw  a  probability  of  its 
recalling  Goddard ;  but  he  was  afraid  to  detach 
Holkar  from  the  Peishwa,  not  only  from  being 
apprehensive  that  Goddard  might  not  be  withdrawn, 
but  lest  Sindia  should  allay  the  existing  jealousy  on 
the  part  of  Holkar  towards  himself,  which  Nana> 
for  his  own  security,  was  solicitous  to  foment.  In  giving, 
therefore,  a  tardy  acquiescence  to  Sindia's  plan,  he 
proposed,  instead  of  Holkar^s  quitting  Poena,  that  Sindia 
should  augment  his  army  by  a  body  of  sillidars  from 
the  Slahratta  country,  whom  he  offered  to  assist  in 
raising.  Sindia  gave  various  reasons  for  declining  this 
suggestion  ;  but  the  most  important  one  was  the  removal, 
just  at  that  period,  of  Mujd-ud-Dowlah  from  the 
administration,  and  that  Nujeef  Khan  would  not  lend  his 

*  Mfthratta  MSS.  and  letters, 
t  Original  Letter  from  Mahadajee  Sindia. 

Vol.  ji.»22 


166  mwoRY  or  thk  mahrattas.  [chap.  n.» 

libe    one    under  Saniroo^   a   German,'*^    and    the  other 
oommanded  by  Madoc,  a  Frenchman. 

Mujd*ad-Dowlah  wasanBucoessfnlin  military  expeditions. 
Foiled  by  Zabitah  Khan,  and  harrassed  by  plundering 
irruptions  of  the  Seiks,  who.  laid  waste  the  country,  but 
utill  more  alarmed  at  the  rapid  power  which  his  rivaFs 
suocesses  had  gained  him  in  the  provinces,  he  sought  to 
crash  him,  by  involving  the  emperor  in  a  war  with  the 
Rajpoots,  which  he  hoped  might  prove  fatal  to  his  progress ; 
but  the  result  was  contrary  to  his  anticipations,  for,  although 
the  war  was  brought  on,  andNujeef  Khan  actively  em- 
ployed, it  terminated  advantageously  for  the  emperor,  ahd 
creditably  for  his  general.f  In  this  situation  Mujd-ud- 
Dowlah  began  a  negotiation  with  Mahadajee  Sindia,  from 
which  he  hoped  to  free  himself  from  all  difficulties,  and 
attain  the  entire  control  in  the  state,  by  the  ruin  of  Nujeef 
Khan ;  after  which,  in  hopes  of  freeing  himself  from 
the  Mahrattas,  he  intended  to  accede  to  a  scheme, 
proposed  by  Sindia,  for  invading  the  English  provinces  in 
Bengal ;  and  promised,  as  soon  as  they  could  be  spared, 
to  lend  both  the  authority  and  the  army  of  the  emperor  in 
aid  of  Sindia's  design.^  Bat  these  schemes  were  at.  once 
overturned  by  his  removal  from  the  administration,  which 
Nujeef  Khan,  with  the  emperor's  concurrence,  at  last 
effected.     'So  obstacle  now  interfered  with  that  paramount 

*  The  history  and  character  of  the  infamous  Walter  Keignard,  geod« 
nUly  known  by  the  name  of  Samroo,  the  InstrameBt  of  the  barbarous 
massacre  at  Patna  in  1763,  is  sufficiently  public.  He  entered  the 
imperial  service  after  that  event,  having  in  the  interval  serired  princi'' 
pally  with  the  Jaths. 

.   t  Soott*8  History,  letters  of  Nojeef  Khan,  Bnglish  Beoords. 

X  Original  Mahratta  letters  from  Sindia's  camp,  written  by  Bamajee 
Anunt,  the  Peiahwa*s  dewati,  with  Mahadajee  Sindia.  Hia  letlers  and 
papers  were  brought  to  me  by  his  great-grandson,  who  now  resides  at 
Poona.  Conjoined  with  other  materialp,  ttiose  letters  ihrow  considerable 
light  on  the  Mahratta  Tidws  and^tnuxaaotioiu  of  .the  perfod. 


fOUT'  ▼!.]  TAB  TftEATT  OF  BALBTI.  1S7 

authority  whidi  Nnjeef  Khan  established.  He  became 
Umeer-ool-Oomrah,  with  the  title  of  Zoolfikar  Khan,  and 

Gontinued,  till  his  death,  which  happened 
A.D.  1782.  ^^  ^^  22nd  April  1782,  to  rule  both  the 

emperor  and  his  territory  with  judgment  and  firmness.^ 
His  adopted  son,  Afrasiab  Khan,  was  at  first  acknowledge- 
ed  his  successor,  but  he  was  for  a  time  obliged  to  relinquish 
bis  new  dignity  in  favour  of  his  relation,  Mirza  Shuffeey 
who  was  himself  opposed  by  a  powerful  faction,  headed 
by  Mohummud  Beg  Humadanee,  the  governor  of  the  pro« 
vince  of  Agra. 

An  opportunity  seemed  thus  afforded  to  the  emperor  for 
ridding  himself  of  all  parties,  by  a  vigorous  effort,  which 
he  at  first  seemed  disposed  to  make ;  but  he  suffered  the 
opportunity  to  pass,  and  his  friends  becafme  the  victims  of 
hia  imbecility.  A  scene  of  contention  and  treachery  soon 
took  pla<3e  amongst  the  competitors  ;  Mirza  Sbuffee  wa«i 
assassinated  by  Ismaely  the  nephew  of  Mohumxpud  Beg 
Humadauee,  so  that  A&asiab  Khan  only  remained  to 
contest  the  supremacy,  f 

Such  was  the  state  of  affairs  at  Delhi  when  the  treaty 
of  Salbye  was  pending  ;  and  now,  to  account  for  the  long 
period- which  elapsed  between  its  conclusion  by  Sindia^ 
and  its  ratification  by  the  Peishwa,  it  is  necessary  to  uui^ 
jfold  the  motivcB  which  then  actuated  the  leading  parties 
in  the  Mahratta  state. 

Notwithstanding  the  increasing  jealousy  between 
Mahadajee  Sindia  and  Nana  Furnu wees,  though  thefQ^mer 
sought  to  establish  a  kingdom  virtually  independent,  and 
though  each  was  desirous  of  extending  his  control  over 
<ii^  whole  Mahratta  nation,  both  continued  sensible  of  the 

.    *ScQitt,BVftDokU9,  and. English  Reoords. 
t  Frftnoklia's  Life  p|  Shah  Alum. 


J172  H18T01IT  or  THB  MAHaATTAS.  [CSHIP.  TI. 

tupon  an  apology  for  the  outrage,  and  the  restoration 
of  the  vessel^  the  terms  of  the  pacifiisation  were  carried 
into  effeot.    ' 

The  war,  however,  was  not  at  an  end  with  the  successor 
of  Hyder  Ally.  Tippoo,  although  to  the  Mahrattas  he 
professed  his  acquiescence  in  the  terms  of  the  treaty  of 
Salbye,  continued  hostilities  against  the  English.  Mahada- 
jee  Sindia  called  upon  him  to  desist,  tiu'eatening  him,  in 
case  of  refusal,  with  an  immediate  attack  from  the  united 
armies  of  the  English  and  the  Mahrattas,  Tippoo,  how- 
ever, persisted ;  and,  in  consequence,  Sindia,  on  the  28tb 
October,  concluded  a  new  treaty  with  the  English,  for  the 
j)urpose  of  enforcing  compliance.  It  was  as  much  the 
wish  of  Nana  Furnuwees  as  of  Sindia  to  oblige  Tippoo  to 
conform  to  the  terms  of  the  treaty  of  Salbye,  in  order 
that  he  might  appear  to  the  other  powers  of  India  a 
Hahratta  dependent  as  well  as  a  tributary ;  but  Nana's 
jealousy  of  Sindia's  assumption  of  authority,  and  his  own 
projected  alliance  with  Nizam  Ally,  impeded  the  scheme 
of  this  league,  in  which  Sindia  and  the  English  would  have 
borne  parts  so  prominent.    In  the  meantime  a  separate 

treaty  was  concluded  by  Tippoo,  and  the 
A.  D.  1784.  EngUsh  presidency  at  Fort  St.  George. 

Mr.  Hastings  had  authorized  the  Madras  government  to 
negotiate  a  treaty,  of  which  that  of  Salbye  was  to  be  the 
.basis.  But  instead  of  following  his  instructions,  from  an 
over-ranxiety  to  terminate  the  troubles  and  distresses  in 
which  they  found  themselves  involved,  they  were  led  into 
a  train  of  most  injudicious  proceedings,  in  the  course  of 
-which  they  were  systematically  insulted  by  Tippoo,  their 
representatives  treated  with  indignity,  the  British  nation 

held  up  as  supplicants  for  peace,  and  finally, 
on  the  1 1th  March,  the  treaty  of  Mangalore 


€|UF.  VI.]        TREATY  BBTWXBN  TBM  ENGLISH  AKP  TIPPOO.  |78 

waft  signed,  in  which  even  alluaitm  to  the  treaty  of  Salbye 
was  emitted-^  a  oircnmstanoe  than  which  nothing  conld 
have  been  more  gratifying  to  Tippoo  or  more  offensive  to 
the  Mahrattas.  The  strongest  disapprobation  of  this  0niis-* 
•sioo,  and  of  many  other  points  of  that  humiliating,  pa^ifica^ 
tion,  was  expressed  bj  the  goremor'^general,  and  he  was 
cttly  prevented  from  disavowing  and  annnlling  It^  by  Ihe 
confusion  which  must  have  resulted  to  the  company's 
affiiirSy  in  consequence  of  the  Mfihnent  of  a  part  of  the 
terms,  before  it  could  have  been  possible  to  obtain,  their 
vatifioation.  The  Foona  Government  affected  to  disbelieve 
that  any  treaty  ooald  be  settled  without  their  cancnrrenoe^ 
mad  declared  that  sudhi  an  agreement  would  be  a  violation 
of  the  treaty  of  Salbye.  Bnt  Mr.  Hastings  had  previously 
apprized  Mahadajee  Sindia,  through  Mr.  Anderson,  of  the 
instructi(ms  sent  to  the  Madras  government,  and  he  now 
explained  the  departure  from  his  orders  of  which  that 
(government  had  been  guilty,  stating  likewise  some  part  of 
the  motives  which  had  operated  to  induce  him  to  ratify  their 
proceedings ;  in  consequence  of  which,  as  the  leading 
parties  in  the  Mahratta  state  w^e  anxious  to  prosecute 
their  respective  views,  there  was  little  difficulty  in  recon- 
ciling them  to  a  measure  which  had  become  irrevocable.* 
The  first  proceeding  of  Nana  Furnuwees  in  his  designs  on 
Tippoo  was  a  formal  demand  on  that  prince  for  arrears  of 
tribute ;  Tippoo  admitted  the  justice  of  the  demand,  but 
c^red  various  excuses  for  not  immediately  complying  with 
it.  At  the  same  time  that  the  demand  was  made  on 
Tippoo,  a  like  formal  application  was  preferred  to  Nizam 
Ally  for  the  outstanding  Mahratta  claims  to  chouth  and 
surdeshmookhee  within  his  territory.  But  a  secret  under- 
standing existed  between  the  courts  of  Poona  and  Hyderabad. 
*  BngliBh  Beoordfl,  Mahrstttk  MSS.  wd  Isttonu 


174  BISTORT  OK  THfi  MAIOATTAS*  (CHAF.  YI* 

They  were  on  the  best  terms,  in  so  much  ihat^  a  short  time 
previous  to  making  this  demand,  Nana  Furhnwees  had 
assisteci  the  latter  state  to  suppress  a  formidable  rebellion, 
which  was  headed  by  Ihtisham  Jung,  the  Jagheerdar  6i 
Neermnl.  Nizam  AUy^  in  re^y  to  the  application,  pro- 
posed, as  had  been  secretely  agreed  in  order  to  cover  their 
dedgt^  on  Tippoo,  to  hold  a  conference  with  the  Poena 
minister  on  the  frontier.  Accordingly  each  of  the  parties, 
attended  by  a  large  army,*  set  out  from  their  capitals^ 
and  in  the  month  of  June  had  a  meeting  at  Eedgeer,  near 
the  junction  of  the  Beema  and  Kistna.  Many  points  of 
importance  regarding  their  mutual  claims  were  discussed, 
some  of  which  had  existed  for  a  long  period,  but  it  was 
agreed  that  such  of  the  Mahratta  thannas  ^  as  had  been 
displaced  by  Nizam  Ally  since  1774  should  be  re-estahUshed 
in  the  Moghul  territory  ;  and  that  the  claims  for  chouth 
and  surdeshmookhee  of  the  two  past  seasons  should  be  put 
into  an  immediate  train  of  payment,  adopting,  as  a  rule 
in  all  cases,  the  practice  usual  in  the  time  of  Mahdoo  Bao 
Bullal.  Where  any  considerable  doubt  existed,  the  demands 
were  to  lie  over  until  a  general  settlement  could  be  made 
upon  the  admitted  claims  in  the  time  of  Nizam-ool-MooIk^ 
according  to  which  Nizam  Ally  bound  himself  to  pay  up 
all  arrears.  Thus  far  the  result  of  this  conference  was 
publicly  known,  but  the  principal  object,  as  already 
alluded  to,  was  an  offensive  alliance  against  Tippoo,  for  the 
recovery  of  the  districts  which  both  states  had  lost  by  the 
encroachments  of  Mysore.  Nizam  Ally,  who  over-estima- 
ted the  value  of  his  own  alliance,  demanded,  as  a  preliminary 
article  of  the  agreement,  the  restoration  of  Ahmednug'ur 

*  Nizun  Ally  had  16,000  horse,  20,000  infantry,  and  76  gam.  The 
Mahrattas,  8,000  infantry,  50,000  horse,  and  40  gun 6.  (Official  reports 
from  Nana  Fvimuwees  and  Harry  Punt  to  the  Peishwa.)    , 


CWAP.  VI.]  TiPPOO  INSULTS  NIZAM  ALLY.  175 

1 

and  Beejapo6r.  Nana  Furnawees  promised  to  give  up 
Becjapbor  after  they  i^ould  recover  the  territory  north  of 
the  Toongbuddra  ;  bat  after  a  prolonged  discussion,  neither 
|>arty  being  very  well  satisfied,  nor  as  yet  by  any  means  pre- 
pared to  prosecute  their  scheme,  the  conference  terminated 
in  a  general  treaty  of  alliance,  the  particulars  of  which.were 
to  be -specified  as  soon  as  they  found  themselves  prepared  to 
enter  upon  its  execution.*  After  levying  the  tribute  due 
by  the  Naik  of  Sorapoor,t  both  parties  returned  to  their 
respective  capitals  in  July,  and  Nana  Furnuwees  took  ihis 
'  opportunity  of  endeavouring  to  possess  himself  of  the 
ever-coveted  island  of  Jinjeera,  but  the  mediation  of  the 
British  government  prevented  the  attack,  uptil  events  of 
greater  moment  diverted  all  immediate  designs  irom  the 

Seedee.J 

Nizam  Ally  had  scarcely  reached  his  capital,  when 
Tippoo,  probably  apprized  of  what  had  taken  place,  with 
premeditated  insult,  set  up  some  absurd  pretensions  to  the 
sovereignty  of  Beejapoor,  and  called  on  Nizam  Ally,  in 
consequence,  to  adopt  his  standju-d  of  weigbta  .sind 
measures.  §  Nizam  Ally  took  little  pains  to  obtain  an 
explanation,  until,  in  the  month  of  October,  Tippoo  wa« 
said  to  have  taken  the  field  for  the  purpose  of  invading 
that  part  of  the  Moghul  territory  which  lay  south  of  the 
Kistna.    An  envoy  from  Hyderabad  was   immediately 

*  Poona  Records, 

t  Official  letter  from  Nana  Furnuwees.  The  Naik  of  Sorapoor  is  the 
desoendent  o£  the  Berud  Naik  of  Wakinkerah. 

:|:  Bombay  Records. 

§  Bombay  Records,  Tar^ekh-^il-Ufross,  &c.  It  Ib  scarcely  wortli 
enquiry  how  Tippoo.  arrogated  to  himself  this  right ;  but  as  Hyder,  it 
was  once  reported, '  had  obtained  f f om  the  emperor  the  sovereignty  of 
that  portion  of  the  DeooBn  comprized  in, the  space  alloted  by  Aurungsebo 
to  his  son  Eaum  Bukhsh,  the  insult  may  have  been  suggested  by  that 
eiroumstance. 


X 


176  HISTOHY  Of  THff  MAHRAlTilS.  [cBAr^tl. 

deBpatched  loKppoo^s  camp,  for  the  purpose  of  teraporisibg, 
and  another  to  Foona,  in  order  to  hasten  the  promoted 
operations  of  ihe  alliance*  Nana  Fornuwees,  however,  was 
not  only  nnprepared,  but  various  affairs  of  internal 
goternifient  prevented  him  at  that  moment  from  supportmg 
his  ally.  Nizam  Ally,  therefore,  was  glad  to  preverffc 
hostilities  through  his  envoy  at  Seringapatam,  wUeh  he 
effected,  not  so  much  by  any  forbearance  of  iSppOo,  as  hy 
his  want  of  preparation  for  war. 

The  principal  reason  which  induced  Nana  Pornuwees 
to  suspend  the  design  he  had  so  long  contemplatekl,  was 
the  reported  progress  of  a  conspiracy,  said  to  have  for  its 
object  the  deposition  of  Mahdoo  Rao  Narain  and  the 
elevation  of  Bajee  Bao,  the  son  of  the  late  Bugonath  Bao, 
to  the  Peishwa's  musnud.  Bugonath  Bao,  after  the 
treaty  of  Salbye  was  ratified,  seeing  no  other  alternative, 
accepted  the  terms  there  specified,  atid  fixed  on  Kopergaom, 
on  the  banks  of  the  G-odavery,  as  his  place  of  residence* 
He,  only  survived  this  last  humiliation  a  few  months.  His 
widow,  Anundee  Bye,  was  pregnant  at  the  time,  and 
shortly  after,  in  April  1784,  gave  birth  to  a  son^^Ohimnajee 
Appa.  Bajee  Bao,  at  the  period  of  his  father's  death,  had 
«5arcely  completed  his  ninth  year  ;  but  the  partizans  of 
Bugonath  Bao,  and  many  who  were  dissatisfied  with  the 
existing  government,  began  to  stir  up  a  faction  in  his 
favour.  It  is  creditable  to  .  Nana  Furnuwees  that,  in 
adopting  measures  for  smothering  these  indications,  which 
were  soon  accomplished^  he  placed  no  additional  restraint 
on  the  family  at  Kopergaom,  but  they  naturally  be<iame 
objects  of  hid  Buspicion  ;  mutual  distrust  was  the 
consequence^  and  hatred  grew  up  between  Nana  Fumiiwees 
)ind  the  sons  of  Bugonath  Bao."^    Mahadajee  Sindia  was 

*  Mahratta  letters  and  MSS, 


CHAP.  VI.]  HAHADAJEE  SINDU'S  PROCEEDINQS.  177 

said  to  have  beon  the  secret  fomenter  of  the  intrigues  to 
which  we  have  alladed  ;  and,  from  his  usual  policy  of 
keeping  Nana  in  perpetual  alarm,  there  is  ground  to 
suspect  his  connivance  ;  but  he  could  have  had  no  design 
of  supporting  such  a  faction,  as  he  was  at  this  time  fuliy 
occupied  in  the  accomplishment  of  those  views  on  the 
imperial  territory  we  have  before  seen  him  projecting  ; 
and  events  took  place  which  suddenly  elevated  him  to  the 
pinnacle  of  his  ambition. 


Vol.  11.-23 


'  178 


CHAP.    VII. 
A.D.  1784  AND  A.D.  1785. 

FcLctions  at  the  imperial  court, — Eacdpe  of  Mirza  Jewan 
Bukht, — Afrasiab  Khan  negotiates  vrith  the  English, — 
The  govemor^general  declines  ''all  interference, — Afra^b 
Khan  has  recourse  to  Mahadajee  Sindia, — Sindia^s  pro- 
gress  since  the  treaty  of  Salbye, — Benoit  de  Boigne. — 
Sindia  accepts  the  invitation  of  Afrasiab  Khan — marches 
to  Agra, — Afrasiah  Khan  assassinated, — The  whole  power 
falls  into  the  hands  of  Sindia — his  policy  in  regard  to  the 
Peishwa, — The  emperor  confers  on  him  the  command  of 
the  army^  8fc, — Mahomedan  chiefs  submit, — The  Dooab 
taken  possession  of — Agra,  and  Aligurh  taken, —  Effect  of 
the  news  of  these  events  .at  the  Poona  court, — Sindia^ 
ifitoadcated  by  his  success^  prefers  a  demand  on  the  British 
government  for  the  chouth  of  Bengal — effect, — Determina- 
tion of  tlie  acting  governor-general  to  send  an  envoy  to  the 
Peishwa^s  court, — Sindia^s  objections. — Affairs  in  the 
Deccan, 

At  the  imperial   court   we  left  Afrasiab   Khan    and 

Mohummud  Beg  Humadanee  struggling 
*  .  for  the  superiority.  The  former  at  first 
obtained  the  advantage,  owing  principally  to  his  having 
the  control  of  the  emperor's  person  ;  but  foreseeing  no 
probability  of  reducing  his  rival  with  the  means  at  his 
disposal,  he  contemplated  an  alliance  with  some  of  the 
neighboui'ing  states,  and  cast  his  eyes  successively  towards 
the  nabob  vizier,  the^  English,  and  the  Mahrattas.     Whilst 


CHAP.  VII.]  ESCAPE  OF  MIBZA  JKWAN  BUKHT.  179 

hesitating  in  his  choice,  the  emperor's  son,  prince  Mirza 
JewanBukht,  made  his  escape  from  Delhi,  fled  to  Lucknow, 
where  the  governor-general  then  was,  and  threw  himself 
on  his  protection  and  that  of  the  nabob  vizier.  He  was 
promised  an  asylum  ;  but  although  he  entreated  assistance 
in  his  father's  name,  Mr.  Hastings  declhied  aflFording  it 
The  prince's  flight,  however,  alarmed  Afrasiab  Khan,  and 
he  voluntarily  offered  to  make  any  arrangement  for  the 
emperor,  jwhich  the  governor-general  and  the  nabob  vizier 
might  suggest,  provided  they  would  support  him  with  a 
sufficient  force  to  suppress  the  rebellion  of  Mohummud 
Beg,  But  these  overture^  being  also  rejected,  Afrasiab 
Khan  had  recourse  to  Mahadajee  Sindia.* 

Sin<^e  the  ratification  of  the  treaty  of  Salbye,  Sindia  had 
obtained  considerable  advantages.  Several  of  the  minor 
Rajpoot  chieftains,'  contiguous  to  Malwa,  had  returned  to 
their  former  allegiance  as  Mahratta  tributaries.  .  The 
fortress  of  Gwalior,  after  a  protracted  siege,  was  restored 
by  the  rana  of  Gohud,  who  was  constrained  to  surrender 
himself  a  prisoner  on  a  verbal  promise  of  maintenance  and 
protection.*  A  body  of  troops  was  sent  into  Bundelcund 
for  the  purpose  of  endeavouring  to  reduce  that  province. 
These  troops  were  under  the  command  of  Appa  Khunde 
Rao,  who  was  attended  by  a  body  of  regulars,  raised  by  a 
European    gentleman    named   Benoit  de  Boigncf     But 

♦  Scott. 

f .  As  "M,.  de  Boigne*s  progress  in  tlie  Mahratta  servioe  will  be  found 
conspiouous,  his  previous  history  beoomes  interesting.  M.  de  Boigne 
was  born  at  Chamberri,  in  Savoy,  in  the  territory  of  the  king  of  Sardinia.' 
He  began  his  career  as  an  ensign  in  the  regiment  of  Clare,  in  the  Irish 
brigade,  in  the  seryioe  of  France — a  corps  then  famous  for  its  diecipline. 
Seeing  little  prospect  of  advancement,  and  hearing  that  Russia,  then  at 
war  with  Turkey,  was  much  in  want  of  oflBcers  in  the  Grecian  Archi- 
pelago, he  resigned  his  commission,  and  repaired  to  Turin,  where, 
having  obtained  letters  of  recommeodation  from  the  Sardinian  minister, 
he  proceeded  to  Greece.    Soon  after  his  arrival,  he  was  promoted  to  the 


180  HISTOKl  OF  THK  MAHBATTAS.  [CHAP.  VII, 

Bindia,    whilst  posecuting  those  ohjects,  Was-  anxiouslj 
watching  the  confusion  arnd  contentions  in  the  imperial 

rank  of  oaptaia  In  a  Greek  regiment  in  the  Bussian  servioe.    Being 
employed  on  an  injudioious  descent  made  upon  the  island  of  Tenedo?^ 
he  was  taken  prisoner  by  a  sally  from   the  Turkish  garrison,  and 
conveyed  to  Scio,  where  h9  was  kept  until  the  peace,  which  was  soon 
after  concluded.    On  being    released,   he   embarked  for   <Smyrna,  at 
which  place,  happening  to  meet  some  Englisbmen  from  India,  he  was 
so  struck,  with  their  account  of  the  country,  that  he  resolyed  on  trying 
Ills  fortune  there.    He  proceeded  to  Constantinople,    and  thence  io 
Aleppo,  where  -he  joined  a  oacavan  for  Bagdad  ;  but  in  c^nsequenoo 
of  the  successes  of  the  Persians  against  the  Turks,  the  caravan,  after 
they  had  arrived  neiar  Bagdad,  being  under  an  apprdiedsion  of  falling 
into  the  hands  of  the  victors,    retraced   th^  steps  to  Aleppo.    Be 
Bolgne,  balked  in  his  endeavours  of  getting  to  India  by  that  route, 
repaired  to  Gtrtud  Oatro,  where  he  became  acquainted  with  Mr.  Baldwin, 
the  British  consul-general,  and  through  his  influence  and  kindness,  not 
only  obtained  a  passage  to  India,  but  a  letter  from  that  gentleman  to 
Major  Sydenham,  town-major  of  Fort  Bt.  G«orge.    M.  de  Boigne,  soon 
after  his  arrival  at  Madras,  was  recommended  to  Mr.  Bumbold,  the 
governor,  and  appointed  an  ensign  in  the  6th  native  battalion  under 
that  presidency.    M.  de  Boigne's  corps  was^  with  Baillie's  detachment, 
destroyed  by  Tippo6 ;  but  Be  B.  being  at  the  time  detached  on  escort 
duty,  to  oonvny  gndn  from  Madras,  escaped.    A  short  time  after  thie 
event,  in  consequence  of  an  act  of  injustice,  ^hich  he  conceived  he  had 
experienced  from  the  governor,  Lord  Macartney,  respecting  the  adjutancy 
of  a  detachment,  he  resigned  his  oommi«sioninthecompaaiy*B  servica, 
with  an  intention  of  proceeding  to  Calcutta,  and  thence  overland  to 
Bussia.  Lord  Macartney,  when  he.became  sensible  of  the  injustice,  would 
have  repaired  it,  but  M.  de  Boigne  appearing  determltied  in  hid  poirposaj 
Lord  M.  gave  him  letters  of  recommendation  to  the  governor*general, 
Mr«  Hastings,  by  whom,  on  his  arrival  at  Calcutta,  he  was  kindly  re- 
ceived, and  by  him  furnished  with  lettered  not  only  to  the  British 
authorities  in  the  upper  provinces,  but  to  the  native  princes  in  alliance 
with  the  English  government,  which,  owing  to  the  presents  an  individual 
so  recommended  would  have  thuB  received,  ensured  civility,  together 
with  considerable  pecuniary  advantage.    De  Boigne  experienced  this 
advantage  in  a  peculiar  degree  on  his  arrival  at  Lucknow,  where  the 
nabob  made  him  rich  presents,  and  furnished  him  with  letters  of  credit 
on  Cabul  and  Candahar  for  12,000  rupees.    He  set  forward  on  his 
journey,  in  company  with  Major  Brown,  at  that  time  deputed  on  a 
mission  to  the  emperor  ,*    but  Major  Brown's   progress   having  beeii 
interrupted  by  the  jealousy  of  the  emperor's  ministers,  M.  de  Boigne, 
in  consequence  of  being  snppos^  one  of  his  suite,  was  also  detained, 
and  took  this  opportunity  of  inaction  to  visit  Sindia's  camp,  on  the 
invitation  of  Mr.  Anderson,  the  resident.    Sindia  being  suspicions  of 
De  Boigne,  and  desirous  of  ascertaining  his  real  character,  which  he 
expected  to  discover  from  the  letters  in  his  possesdon,  caused  all  hiti 
haggage  to  be  stolen  by  some  dexterons  thieves,  whom  he  employed  for 
the  purpose ;  and  although,  oa  Mr.  Anderson's  application,  the  greatet 


CHAP.  Vn.]  BKNOIT  DE  BOIONB,  181 

territory.    He  had  been   invited  to  take  a  part  both  by 
Mohummud  Beg  and  Afrasiab  Khan,  but  as  the  invitation 

part  of  the  baggage  was  restored,  the  letters  and  credits  were  not  given 
vQp — a  oircttin stance,  as  M.  de  Bofgne  conceived,  e(}nally  ruinous  to  his 
fortune  and  his  journey.  It  was  then  he  first  thought  of  endeavouring 
to  get  employed  in  the  service  of  some  native  prince  ;  and  Owalior  be- 
ing at  this  period  besieged  by  Sindla,  De  Boigne  formed  a  scheme  for 
its  relief,  which  he  communicated  to  the  rana  of  Qohud,  through  an 
t>flQoer  named  Sangster,  a  Scotchman  who  commanded  1,000  wel^dis- 
otplined  sepoys,  and  a  very  retpeotable  train  of  artillery*  in  the  rana'b 
service.  Be  Boigne  proposed,  on  receiving  an  advance  of  one  lakh  of 
rupees,  to  raise  two  battalions  within  the  emperor's  territory,  east  of 
the  Jumna,  in  ^uch  a  manner  as  to  prevent  suspicion,  and,  in  oonjuno- 
tion  with  Sangster,  from  Gohud,  to  fall  on  Sindia's  camp  by  surprise. 
There  wa6  little  doubt  but  the  plan  would  have  succeeded,  had  not  tiie 
rana  been.afraid  to  trust  De  Boigne  with  the  requisite  advance  of  money ; 
but,  in  order  to  intimidate  Sfndia,  he  published  the  proposed  scheme  in 
all  his  ukhbars  as  about  to  take  place.  The  knowledge  of  the  oironia^ 
stance  excited  the  enmity  of  Sindia  towards  De  Boigne,  although  he 
'saw  the  merit  t>f  the  suggestion. 

De  Boigne  next  made  overtures  to  the  raja  of  Jeypoor,  and  was  oom- 
missiond  by  him  to  raise  two  battalions ;  but  having  inadvertently  com- 
municated this  oiroutn  stance  to  the  governor-general  in  an  official  form, 
Mr.  Hastings,  who  had  no  objections  to  tolerate,  although  he  could  not 
sanction,  his  being  so  employed,  ordered  him  to  Calcutta — a  summons 
<with  which  M.  de  Boigne  immediately  complied.    Mr.  Hastings  was  s6 
pleased  by  the  prompt  obediences  shown  to  his  commands,  that  he  per- 
tnltted  him  to  tetorn  ;  but  before  he  could  reach  the  upper  provinces, 
events  had  occurred  which  induced  the  raja  of  jeypoor  to  alter  his  ia- 
tentions.    This  change  was  a  severe  disappointment  to  De  Boigne  ;  but 
Ithetraja  made  him  o  present  of  10,000  rupees.    At  his  juncture  De 
Boigne  heard  of  Sindia's  intended  expedition  to  Bundlecund,  and  pcor 
posed  to  raise  two  battalions,  of  850  men  each,  for  that  service,  to 
which,  after  Aome  negotiatioD,  Sisdia  agreed.    No  advance  of  money 
was  granted,  but  De  Boigne  was  allowed  for  himself  1,000  rupees,  and 
for  each  >man  indiscriminately  eight  rupees  a  month.    To  the  privates 
M.  de  Boigne  gave  five  and  a  half  rupees  monthly,  and  paid  the  officers 
proportionally  from  the  balance.     The  battalions    were  formed,  as 
nearly  as  possible,  nn  the  plan  of  those  in  the  English  service,  and  arm- 
ed, disciplined,  and  clothed  after -that  manner  ;  the  labour  which  this 
imposed  on  an  individual  may  be  easily  conceived  by  any  person  acquaint- 
ed with  military  affairs.    De  Boigne  gradually  got  European  officers'oC 
all  nations  into  his  corps.    Sangster,  from  the  service  of  the  rana  of 
Gohud,  joined  hvm,  and  beoame  superintendent  of  his  caonon  foundry. 
The  continuation  of  bis  memoirs  will  appear  in  the  piiogress  of  the 
Mahratta  history.    What  I  bave  here  stated  is  on  the  authority  of 
General  Count  de  Boigne  himselfj  fwm  notes  taken  in  his  presence. 

I  avail  myself  of  this  opportunity  to  express  my  acknowledgments  t^ 
General  Count  de  Boigne  for  the  obliging  manner  in  which  he  com- 
municated various  points  of  information  during  my  visit  to  his  hospi- 
table jnABtton  at  CSiamberri. 


182  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  vri. 

Bent  by  the  latter  was  ostensibly  from  the  emperor,  Sindia 
preferred  accepting  it,  and  set  out  for  Agra,  towards  which 
the  imperial  court  was  advancing.  A  meeting  took  place 
on  the  22nd  October  ;  but  immediately  afterwards  Afrasiab 
Khan  was  assassinated  by  the  brother  of  the  late  Mirza 
Shuffee,  in  whose  murder .  Afrasiab  Elian  secretly  par- 
ticipated.* As  Sindia  derived  most  advantage  from 
the  death  of  Afrasiab  Khan,  and  as  the  assassin  sought 
and  found  an  asylum  in  his  camp,  he  did  not  escape 
suspicion  of  being  accessory  to  the  murder ;  but 
those  who .  knew  Mahadajee  best  never  accused  him  of  a 
deed  so  atrocious.  The  event,  however,  vested  Sindia 
with  complete  authority,  at  Delhi,  and  placed  him  in  a 
situation  which  he  had  only  hoped  to  attain  at  some  remote 
period.  He  refused  the  office  of  Umeer-ool-Oomrah,  but, 
with  his  usual  sagacity,  obtained  for  the  Peishwa  that 
of  wukeel-i-mootluq,  or  supreme  deputy — a  dignity  first 
conferred  on  the  great  Nizam-ool-Moolk  by  Mohummud 
Shah ;  and  Sindia,  reversing  the  domestic  policy  of  the 
Bramins,  who  always  endeavour  to  be  first  in  power  but 
second  in  name,  secured  for  himself  the  appointment  of 
deputy  to  the  Peishwa,  so  that  he  thus  held  by  authority 
the  executive  power  in  Hindostan,  and  a  rank  which,  if 
he  ever  should  be  able  and  desirous  of  asserting  it,  would 
supersede  that  of  all  other  ministers  in  the  court  of  the 
Peishwa.  The  emperor  also  conferred  on  him  the  command 
of  his  army,  and  gave  up  the  provinces  of  Delhi  and  Agra 
to  his  management.  For  all  which  Sindia  engaged 
to  pay  65,000  rupees  monthly,  in  order  to  defray  the 
expenses  of  the  imperial  household,  and  to  that  sum 
additions  were  gradually  to  be  made,  according  to  the 
increasing  prosperity  of  the  provinces.f 

**  Franoklin's  Life  of  Shah  Alum.  f  Bengal  Beoords. 


\ 


CHAF.  VII.]  SU0CB8S  OF  8INDIA,  183 

As  Sindia   appeared  at  the  head  of  a  powerful  army, 

many  of  the  officers  serving  withMohummud 
Beg  Humadanee  withdrew  from  his  party, 
and  paid  their  respects  to  the  emperor.  Mohummud  Beg 
likewise  acknowledged  Sindia's  authority,  accepted  a 
command,  and  was  sent  to  reduce  Baghbogurh  in  the 
province  of  Kichwara,  which  he  effected,  and  remained  in 
that  country  for  a  considerable  period.  The  imperial 
districts  in  the  Dooab  were  speedily  taken  possession  of, 
and  Ryajee  Patell  was  sent  by  Sindia  to  besiege  Agra, 
the  governor  of  which   at  first  refused    to  give  it  up ; 

,,     ,  ^^  but  on  the  27th   March  it  surrendered, 

March  27.  ' 

when  the  emperor's  second  son,  Akber, 
was  appointed  nominal  governor  of  the  province,  and 
Ryajee*  Patell  real  governor  of  the  fortress.  The  widow 
and  brother  of  Afrasiab  Khan  resided  in  the  fort  of  Aligurh, 
but  refused  to  admit  Sindia's  garrison,  and  sustained  a 
siege  until  the  middle  of  November,  when  they  also 
surrendered. 

The  news  o/  Sindia's  success  was  received  by  the  people 
at  Poena  with  surprise  and  joy  ;  a  small  body  of  the 
Peishwa's  troops  was  sent  off  to  join  him,  as  a  measure  of 
state  policy  to  preserve  the  appearance  of  the  Peishwa's 
co-operation  and  supremacy ;  but  Holkar  and  Nana 
Fumuwees  were  jealous  of  his  elevation,  and  Sindia  at  no 
period  of  his  life  was  so  little  on  his  guard  to  prevent  that 
jealousy  from  being  turned  against  him.  In  the  first 
intoxication  of  success,  he  so  far  lost  sight  of  his  usual 
prudence  as  to  make  a  demand,   under   the  emperor's 

*  Kyajee's  sarname  was  Sindia.  He  was  a  favourite  commander  of 
Mahadajee  Sindia,  and  a  Patell  of  Panoara,  a  village  near  Assee  Oomra. 
Ryajee  Patell  must 'not  be  confounded  with  another  eminent  person, 
Ramjee  Patell,  whose  surname  was  Jadow.  Ramjee  commenced  his 
career  in  the  humble  capacity  of  Barjee  in  the  service  of  Ryajee 


184  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHBATTAS.  [OHAP.  Yll. 

authority,  for  the  chouth  of  the  British  provinces  in  Bengal. 
To  this  arrogance  he  was  probably  encouraged  by  the 
departure  of  Mr.  Hastings  on  the  8th  February  for 
England  ;  but  Mr.  Macpherson,  who  had  succeeded  to  the 
temporary  charge  of  the  supreme  government,  not  only 
denied  the  existence  of  such  a  claim,  but  insisted  on  its 
being  disavowed  ;  and  Sindia,  perceiving  that  the  acting 
governor-general  would  not  submit  even  to  temporize  with 
encroachment,  acknowledged  its  impropriety.  Mr.  Mao- 
pherson  conceived  that  the  ambitious  nature  of  Sindia's 
policy  was  very  dangerous  and  endeavoured  to  raise  some 
counterpoise  to  his  progress  by  exciting  the  jealousy  and 
rivalry  already  entertained  towards  him  among  the  other 
Mahratta  chiefs.  Moodajee  Bhonslay  being  at  Poena  when 
the  demand  for  the  chouth  of  Bengal  was  made,  the  Bombay 
government,  by  Mr.  Macpherson's  desire,  paid  him 
extraordinary  attention,  which  had  the  effect  of  gratifying 
Moodajee  and  alarming  Sindia.  Nana  Furnuwees  was 
encouraged  in  a  desire  he  had  frequently  expressed  of 
having  a  British  resident  at  the  Peishwa's  court,  and  Mr. 
Charles  Malet  was  chosen  for  that  important  mission. 
Although  no  part  of  the  treaty  of  Salbye  precluded  the 
British  government  from  sending  an  envoy  to  Poona, 
yet  as  considerable  delicacy  was  due  towards  Sindia,  it  was 
desirable  that  he  should  give  his  assent  to  the  appoint- 
ment ;  and  it  was  supposed  that  this  could  be  best  obtained 
by  Mr.  Malet's  proceeding  in  person  to  Sindia's  camp ; 
but  the  latter  was  too  sagacious  not  to  perceive  the  loss  of 
influeiice  which  Mr.  Malet's  mission  would  occasion  him. 
He  observed  that,  after  having  been  entrusted  for  three 
years  with  the  management  of  the  English  affairs  at  the 
court  of  Poona,  the  appointment  of  a  political  agent  of  their 
own  would  natuially  impress  the  chiefs  of  the  Deccau 


CHAP.  VII.]  AFFAIRS  }N  THE  DECCAN.  185 

with  an  idea  that  the  British  government  was  dissatis- 
fied with  his  oonduct,  and  had  revoked  the  confidence  it 
had  previously  reposed.  But  these  objections,  however 
plausible,  were  not  of  sufficient  weight  to  dissuade 
Mr.  Macpherson  from  the  meslsure  which  he  deemed 
it  necessary  to  adopt.  It  was  determined  that  Mr. 
Malet  should  proceed  as  envoy  to  th/e  court  of  Poena  ; 
but,  before  the  arrangement  was  finally  settled,  events 
had  taken  place  to  the  southward  which  rendered  the 
appointment  still  more  essential  to  the  interests  of  the 
British  government. 


Vol.  II.— 24 


186 


CHAP.  VIIJ. 
From  A.D.  1784  to  A.D.  1787. 

Tippoo, — Nurgoond — Origin  and  progress  of  the  dispute 
respecting  it, —  Tippoo* s  trecLchery — takes  Nurgoond — 
seizes  Kittoor — -f<yrcihly  converts  many  Hindoos. — Nana 
Fumuwees  proposes  an  alliance  with  the  English — The 
latter  less  solicitous  to  co-operate  than  Nana  expected, — 
Nana  applies  to  the  Portuguese, — French  said  to  be  in 
alliance  with    Tippoo. — Reported    alliance    between    tlie 

•  Mahrattas  and  the  French. — British  resident  instructed 
to  proceed  to  Poona. — Mr.  MacphersorHs  offer  of 
assisting  in  the  defence  of  the  Mahratta  territory — rejected 
by  Nana  Fumuwees. — Mahratta  army  advances  to  form  a 
junction  with  Nizam  Ally  and  Moodajee  Bhonslay. — 
Moodajee  in  close  alliance  with  tJie  Poona  court. — Mahratta 
and  Moghul  armies  unite — Plan  of  operations. — Badamee 
taken, — Nana  Fumuwees  returns  to  Poona,  and  Moodajee 
Bhonslay  to  Nagpoor. — Holkar^s  proceedings.  Tippoo 
attacks  Adonee — Gallant  defence  till  relieved  by  the 
confederates.^rAdonee  abandoned. —  Gujendergurh  given 
up  to  Hurry  Punt, — Holkar  makes  a  sudden  march  to 
Savanoor — his  object — Burhan~ud-deen  attacks  him—ris 
repulsed  by  Holkar^  who  is  joined  by  the  7iabob  of 
Savanoor.  Hurry  Punfs  operations — Tippoo  un- 
expectedly passes  the  Toongbuddrd. —  Operations  of  the 
atomies. — Savanoor  abandoned  by  the  Mahrattas — Tippoo 
takes  possession — proceeds  to  Benkapoor, — Hurry  Punt 


CHAP.  VIII.]  TIPPOO.  187 

takes  Seerhutty.^^FeMe  operations  on  both  sides, — Tippoo 
suddenly  tenders  proposals  of  peace.  Peace  candvded,-— 
Motives  elttddated.-^Sindia. 

Tippoo^  in  asauming  a  right  to  the  province  of  Beejapoor, 
A  D  1784  ^°^  ^  threatening  to  attack  the  territory 

of  Nizam  Ally,  had  probably  no  other 
intention  than  to  shov^  the  members  of  the  confederacy, 
whi«5h  he  Buspected  was  formed  against  him,  that  he  was 
as  well  prepared  to  resist,  as  they  to  prosecute,  the 
hostility  meditated.  At  the  subsequent  accommodation 
with  Nizam  Ally,  both  parties  understood  that  the  adjust- 
ment   was    merely    temporary,      Tippoo     continued-  to 

discipline  his  army  and  to  prepare  his  forts 
with  increased  exertion  ;  and  as  the  crisis 
approached,  the  security  of  the  frontier  garrisons  became  a 
principal  object  of  his  attention. 

The  fort  and  district  of  Nurgoond,  situated  about 
12  miles  south  of  the  Malpurba,  belonged  to  a  Bramin 
dessaye,  and  had  fallen  under  Hyder,  with  the  other 
Mahratta  possessions  south  of  the  Kistna,  in  1778.  This 
district  had  only  been  subject  to  the  payment  of  a 
moderate  tribute,  and  Hyder,  satisfied  with  the  dessaye's 
submission,  exacted  nothing  more  than  what  had  been 
usually  paid  to  the  Mahrattas.  Tippoo,  however,  soon 
after  his  father's  death,  had  increased  the  demand,  with 
which  the  dessaye  refused  compliance  ;  but  concluding  it 
would  eventually  be  enforced,  he  secretly  claimed 
protection  from  the  Peishwa,  whose  subject  he  declared 
himself;  and  as  secretly,  through  the  agency  of  an 
Englishman  in  his  service,  named  Yoon,  applied  to  the 
Bombay  government  for  the  aid  of  some  regular  troops, 
representing  that  he  was  an  independent   raja,   willing 


188  HISTORY  OF  THE   MAHRATTA8.  [CHAP.  Vm. 

to  00-operate  in  the  invasion  of  Tippoo's  dominions.  This 
application  to  Bombaj  was  made  before  the  treaty  of 
Mangalore  ;  bnt  as  no  notice  was  taken  of  his  overtures, 
the  dessaye  continued  to  court  the  protection  of  the 
minister  at  Poona,  and  the  friendship  of  the  powerful 
Bramin  family  of  Putwurdhun,  with  whom  he  is  said 
to  have  been  connected.  When  Tippoo,  therefore, 
pressed  his  demand,  Nana  Fumuwees  interposed,  and 
declared  that  he  had  no  right  to  exact  more  than  the 
ordinary  tribute, — "  that  jagheerdars,  on  the  transfer 
of  districts,  were  liable  to  no  additional  payments  :  and 
that  the  rights  of  suwusthanees,*  who  had  been  guilty  of 
no  treason  against  the  state  to  which  they  owed  allegiance, 
had  been  invariably  respected."!  Tippoo  replied  that  he 
had  a  right  to  levy  what  he  chose  from  his  own  subjects  ; 
and  soon  after  detached  two  separate  bodies  of  his  troops 
to  enforce  demands  beyond  the  dessaye's  ability  to  pay, 
which  was,  in  other  words,  an  order  to  reduce  his  fort. 
The  siege  commenced  in  the  month  of  March  ;  and  a  body 
of  Mahrattas,  under  Gunesh  Punt  Behree  and  Pureshram 
Bhow  Putwurdhun,  advanced  to  its  relief.  Tippoo's 
wukeels  still  remained  at  Poona,  and  Nana  Fumuwees 
had  sent  orders  to  the  Mahratta  commanders  not  to  pre- 
cipitate hostilities  ;  but  by  the  time  they  arrived  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Nurgoond,  Tippoo's  officers  had  been 
compelled,  from  want  of  water,  to  raise  the  siege  and  en- 
camp at  some  distance*  They,  however,  sent,  in  derision^ 
a  message  to  the  Bramin  commanders,  ihtimating  that 
they  had  withdrawn  their  troops  from  respect  to  their 
master  the  Peishwa.  :  Fired  at  the  insult,  the  Mahrattas 
rode  on  to  their  camp,  drove  in  their  outposts,  and  pressed 

*  Bramins  who  poasess  old  hereditary  jagheers  are  so  styled. 

t  liat^alte  USS. 


CHAP.  Vin.]  TIPPOO  TAEKS  NtTROOOND.  189 

forward,  until  repulsed  by  two  of  Tippoo's  regular  batta*' 
lions  supported  by  the  cavalry,  when  they  retired  with  the 
loss  of  20  men.  and  an  elephant.  This  premature  attack 
was  contrary  to  the  orders  of  Nana  Fumuwees ;  but  as  it 
had  been  made,  he  immediately  directed  Tookajee  Bolkar, 
with  a  considerable  force,  to  support  Gunesh  Punt  and 
Pureshram  Bhow,  though  he  at  the  same  time  intimated 
to  Tippoo  his  concern  for  the  quarrel,  and  his  desire  for  an 
accommodation.  Tippoo,  whose  motives  will  become 
apparent,  expressed  an  equal  readiness  to  meet  his  wishes, 
and  even  oflfered  to  pay  two  years'  tribute,  provided  his 
right  of  sovereignty  was  recognised  in  regard  to  Nurgoond. 
Nana  Furnuwees,  by  the  advice  of  Nizam  Ally,  and  on 
assurance  that  submission  only  was  required  from  the 
dessaye,  acceded  to  what  Tippoo  proposed,  and  everything 
appeared  to  be  settled  except  the  mode  of  payment,  for 
which  a  period  of  27  days  was  allowed,  and  the  Mahratta 
army  recrossed  the  Kistna.  But  Tippoo  had  practised  a 
gross  deception ;  Nurgoond,  left  to  its  fate,  submitted, 
and  the  terms  promised  to  the  unfortunate  dessaye  were 
not  observed.  After  evacuating  the  fort,  he  and  his 
family  were  treacherously  *  seized  ;  his  daughter  was 
reserved  for  the  Sultan's  seraglio,  and  the  rest  were 
immured  in  Cabuldroog,  where  they  perished.  The  fort 
of  Kittoor,  which  also  belonged  to  a  tributary  dessaye, 
had  likewise  been  seized,  and  both  that  place 
and  Nurgoond,  before  the  opening  of  the  fair 
season,  were  occupied  by  strong  garrisons  of  the 
Sultan's  troops. 

To  crown  tliese  acts,  as  if  he  designed  to  render  himself 
as  odious  as  possible  to  the  Mahrattas,  Tippoo  forcibly 
circumcised  many  of  the  Hindoo  inhabitants  of  the 
territory  south  of  the  Kistna  ;  and  2,000  Bramins,  dis- 


190  HISTORY  OP  THE  MAHRATTAI^.  [CHAP.  VTII 

ciplines  of   Shunkeracharya,*    destroyed   themselveB  to 
avoid  the  detested  violation. 

Nana  Fumuwees  very  soon  found  that  he  had  been 
duped  by  Tippoo,  and  he  even  began  to  doubt  how  far  he 
might  rely  upon  the  co-operation  of  Nizam  Ally  :  the  ineffi- 
cient state  of  theMoghul  army  had  not  escaped  his  observa- 
tion when  they  met  atBedgeer,  and  he  was  alarmed  by  ac- 
counts of  the  excellent  state  of  discipline  to  which  Tippoo's 
battalions  had  attained.  These  circumstances,  combined  with 
a  report  of  Tippoo's  having  entered  into  a  new  and  closer  alli- 
ance with  the  French,  had  the  effect  of  overcoming  his  reluc- 
tance to  calling  in  the  aid  of  British  troops.  But  as  Nana 
•  imagined  the  English  would  join  in  an  offensive  alliance 
against  Tippoo  on  almost  any  terms,  and  being  solicitous  not 
to  pledge  himself  so  fer  as  to  prevent  his  eventually  reced- 
ing, the  overtures  to  Mr.  Boddam,  governor  of  Bombay^ 
were  made  with  much  caution.  In  the  month  of  July 
he  sent  an  agent  to  that  presidency,  offering,  on  the  part 
of  the  Peishwa,  to  give  up  to  the  company  any  two  of 
Tippoo's  seaports  on  the  Malabar  coast,  on  condition  of  be- 
ing assisted  with  a  body  of  troops  to  co-operate  in  the 
reduction  of  his  territory.  Mr.  Boddam  received  the  pro- 
posal without  expressing  the  least  surprise  at  the  inade- 
quacy of  the  terms,  and  referred  Nana  Furnuwees  to  the 
supreme  government,  with  an  unfeigned  indifference  which 
did  not  escape  the  quick-sighted  envoy,  and  from  which 
Nana  began  to  change  his  opinion  of  the  English  policy. 
Although  Nana  Furnuwees  sent  a  private  agent  of  his  own 
to  Calcutta,  it  was  necessary  to  prosecute  the  negotiation 
through  Mahadajee  Sindia  whilst  there  was  no  British 
resident  at  the  Peishwa's  court.  Sindia  immediately 
applied  to  the  governor-general  through  Lieutenant  James 
*  A  famous  Gooroo  of  the  southern  Mahratta  country. 


CHAP.  Vni.]  DESIGNS  AGAINST    TIPPOO,  I9l 

Anderson,  then  resident  envoy  in  his  camp,  informed  him 
of  the  probability  of  a  ruptare  between  the  Peishwa  and 
Tippoo^  and  artfiilly  assumed,  as  a  matter  of  course,  that 
the  English  would  afford  every  assistance,  ^'as  by  the 
treaty  of  Salbye  the  friends  and  enomies  of  the  Mahrattas 
and  English  were  mutual."  He  added  that  the  Peishwa 
was  sure  of  the  co-operation  of  Nizam  Ally ;  that  the 
terms  of  their  alliance  were  that  each  state  should  recover 
its  lost  territory,  and,  of  any  new  acquisitions,  there  should 
be  an  equal  participation.  Mr.  Macpherson,  in  reply, 
observed  that  the  treaty  of  Salbye  did  not  stipulate  that 
the  friends  and  enemies  of  the  two  states  shoidd  be  mutual, 
but  that  neither  party  should  afford  assistance  to  the 
enemies  of  the  other,  and  that  by  the  treaty  of  Mangalore 
the  English  were  bound  not  to  assist  the  enemies  of  Tippoo. 
Mr.  Macpherson,  in  declining  the  alliance,  made  strong 
general  professions  of  friendship  towards  the  Mahrattas, 
hinted  at  some  reasons  for  dissatisfaction  with  Tippoo  on 
the  part  of  the  British  government,  in  consequence  of  his 
not  having  fulfilled  all  the  stipulations  of  the  treaty  of 
Mangalore,  and  concluded  by  assuring  Sindia  tliat,  in  case 
of  any  reverse,  the  British  government  would  not  suffer 
the  Mahrattas  to  be  overpowered. 

Nana  Fumuwees,  the  less  solicitous  the  govemor-^general 
appeared,  became  the  more  anxious  to  obtain  the  co- 
operation of  the  English,  and  he  urged  it  the  more  in 
consequence  of  a  new  treaty  supposed  to  have  been 
concluded  between  Tippoo  and  the  French.  At  last, 
either  in  despair  of  obtaining  the  aid  of  the  English,  or  in 
order  to  quicken  their  decision,  he  made  overtures  to  the 
Portuguese,  by  whom  he  was  promised  assistance.  It  is 
certain  that  Nana  believed  in  the  existence  of  this  new 
treaty  between  Tippoo  and  the  French,  as  the  Mahratta 


192  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTA8.  [CHAP.  VIIT. 

envoy  at  Pondicherry  publicly  remonstrated  with  the 
French  governor,  and  accused  him  of  having  thereby 
violated  the  promises  of  the  king  of  France  to  the  Peishwa. 
The  French  governor  denied  the  existence  of  such  a  treaty, 
and,  as  a  proof  of  what  he  alleged,  proposed  a  closer 
connection  with  the  Peishwa — a  circumstance  which  is  said 
to  have  greatly  offended  Tippoo,  who  was  already  jealous 
of  the  high  and  independent  tone  assumed  by  his  French 
friends.  The  French  envoy  at  Poena  was  treated  with 
much  attention,  and  it  was  believed  that  the  Peishwa' s 
government  had  agreed  to  cede  Rewadunda  to  that  nation 
on  condition  of  their  not  assisting  Tippoo. 

These  negotiations  showed  more  than  ever  the  necessity 
of  appointing  a  British  resident  at  the  Poena  court,  and 
Mr.  Malet,  then  in  Calcutta,  was  instructed  to  repair  to 
Bombay,  and  there  await  an  invitation  from  the  Peishwa 
to  proceed  to  his  capital. 

In  the  meantime  the  army  was  assembling  at  Poena  for 
the  purpose  of  invading  Tippoo's  territory,  and  Mr.  Mac- 
pherson  offered  to  send  three  battalions  to  assist  in  the 
defence  of  the  Mahratta  country,  provided  they  were  not 
employed  within  Tippoo's  boundary ;  but  as  Nana*s  views 
extended  to  conquest,  he  did  not  contemplate  defence,  and 
therefore  rejected  the  proposal.* 

The  periodical  rains  were  this  year  of  unusual  duration, 
and  the  Mahratta  army,  under  Hurry  Punt  Phurkay,  did 
not  quit  Poena  until  about  the  1st  December.  The  troops 
advanced  towards  the  eastern  frontier  for  the  purpose  of 
forming  a  junction  with  Moodajee  Bhonslay  and  Nizam 
Ally. 

Moodajee,  as  we  have  had  occasion  to  observe,  had 
visited  Poena  during  the  preceding  season  ;  he  showed  a 

*  Bengal  and  Bombay  Becord*. 


CHAP.  Vm.]  ADVANCK  OF  THK  MAHRATTA  ARMY.  193 

sinoere  desire  to  connect  himself  with  the  head  of  the  state, 
and,  in  the  name  of  his  son,  Rughoojee,  entered  on  a  new 
agreement)  promising  to  adhere  strictly  to  that  which  had 
been  framed  by  Mahdoo  Rao  and  Janojee  in  1769.  He 
pledged  himself  particularly  never  to  assist  the  English 
against  the  Peishwa's  government,  and  promised  to  co- 
operate in  the  expected  war  with  Tippoo,  for  which  purpose 
he  was  now  advancing. 

•  Nana  Furnuwees  followed  the  army  for  the  purpose  of 

conferring  with  Nizam  Ally,  and  overtook 
Hurry  Punt  at  Punderpoor,  whence  they 
moved  down  the  right  bank  of  the  Beema,  and  were  joined 
by  the  Moghul  troops  near  the  spot  where  the  interview 
took  place  during  the  preceding  season.  It  was  now 
resolved  to  reduce  the  whole  of  Tippoo's  territories,  and 
to  divide  the  conquests  into  six  equal  parts,  of  which 
Nizam  Ally  should  receive  two  shares,  the  Peishwa  two^ 
and  Sindia  and  Holkar  two  shares  between  them,  'or 
one-sixth  each.  It  was  further  agreed  that  their  first 
efibrts  should  be  directed  to  the  recovery  of  the  Mahratta 
districts  between  the  Kistna  and  Toongbuddra.  Tookiyee 
Holkar  and  Gunesh  Punt  Behree  were  detached  with 
25,000  troops,  chiefly  horse,  to  attack  a  body  of  Tippoo's, 
under  Burhan-ud-deen,  near  Kittoor,  and  to  expel  his 
garrisons  from  that  district,  whilst  the  main  army  of  the 
confederates  advanced  towards  Badamee.  As  they  approach- 
ed that  place,  reports  were  received  of  Tippoo's  having 
marched  with  bis  whole  army  ;  and  it  was  agreed,  in  case 
this  intelligence  should  prove  correct,  to  postpone  the 
siege,  but  to  encamp  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Badamee 
until  the  rains  had  fallen,  when  the  swelling  of  the  rivers 
would,  in  all  probability,  secure  them  from  interruption. 
The  prospect  of  a  monsoon  campaign  was  so  little  relished 

Vol.  II,— 25 


194  HISTORY  OF  THK  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.   VIII. 

by  Nizam  Ally,  that,  in  giving  his  assent  to  this  plan  of 
operations,  he  intimated  his  desire  of  returning  to  Hydera- 
bad, and  of  leaving  his  general,  Tuhuwur  Jung,  with 
25,000  men,  under  the  orders  of  Hurry  Punt— -a  measure 
entirely  conformable  to  the.wishes  of  the  Mahrattas,  who 
felt  themselves  encumbered  by  the  form  and  ceremony 
necessarily  observed  to  the  Soobeh  of  the  Deccan. 

Soon  after  the  departure  of  Nizam  Ally,  it  was  ascertained 
that  Tippoo  had  sent  forward  some  troops  from  Bangalore, 
but  had  himself  returned  to  Seringaptam,  on  which  it  was 
immediately  resolved  to  commence  the  projected  siege. 
Operations  began  on  the  1st  May.*  The  fortified  town  of 
Badamee  is  built  on  the  plain,  with  a  small  gurhee  or  citadel 
in  the  body  of  the  place  ;  but  it  is  further  protected  by  two 
hill-forts,  one  on  each  flank,  f  After  battering  the  walls  of 
the  town  for  three  weeks,  they  were  very  little  injured  ;  but 
it  was  determined  to  try  the  effect  of  an  escalade.  On  the 
morning  of  the  20th  May,  20,000  infantry  of  the  confederate 
armies  w^ere  drawn  up  for  thfeit  service.  The  garrison,  con- 
sisting of  upwards  of  3,600  troops,  manned  the  works  to 
oppose  them  ;  and  when  the  assailants  advanced,  which 
they  did  with  great  resolution,  they  found  the  ditch  and 
covert  way  full  of  small  mines,  constructed  by  digging  pits, 
and  placing  in  them  large  dubbersj  filled  with  gunpowder  ; 
these  were  fired,  and  proved  exceedingly  destructive  ;  but 
the  Mahrattas  and  Moghuls,  vying  with  each  other,  rushed 

♦  Poona  Records,  Mabratta  MSS.  f  Sir  0,  Malet's  despatches. 

X  Dubbers  are  large  vessels,  which,  in  appearance,  rec'emble  immense 
blown  bladders ;  they  are  extremely  useful  for  many  purposes,  but 
principally  for  preserving  oil  and  ghee.  They  are  made  of  hides,  which 
are  fir^t  beaten  into  a  pulp,  and  then  spread  in  thin  coats  over  shapes 
composed  of  clay,  and  as  each  coat  dries,  a  new  one  is  added,  nntil  the 
requisite  thickness  has  been  attained.  When  the  whole  of  the  coats 
become  solid  and  dry,  the  clay  is  broken  td  dust  and  8bakei\  out. 
Dubbers  are  sometimes  made  larger  than  a  wine-pipe,  and  i^ill  last 
upwards  of  a  century.  ' 


CHAP.  Vni.]  THE  FALL  OF  BADAMKE.  195 

forward  in  a  most  impetuous,  though  tumultuous,  manner, 
applied  ladders,  mounted  the  wall  in  various  places,  and, 
except  a  slight  check  sustained  at  the  gurhee,  carried  all 
before  them  within  the  town.  The  garrison  fled  to  the 
forts  above,  closely  followed  by  the  assailants  ;  but  the 
pursuers  did  not  succeed  in  entering  with  the  fugitives. 
They,  however,  continued  to  crowd  up  the  face  of  the  hills, 
though  huge  stones  were  rolled  down,  and  a  heavy  fire  of 
jnu^ketry  opened  upon  them.  Their  casualties  were  nu- 
merous ;  bat  the  garrison  becoming  intimidated  at  their 
furious  and  persevering  attack,  offered  to  surrender  if  their 
lives  were  spared — ^a  condition  which  was  immediately 
granted.* 

After  the  fall  of  Badatnee,  Nana  Furnuwees  returned  to 
Po(Mia,  and  Hurry  Pant  was  left  to  prosecute  the  war. 
Moodajee  Bhonslay  went  back  to  Nagpoor,  but  left  the 
greater  part  of  his  troops  with  Hurry  Punt,  under  his  second 
son  KhundoojeCj  promising  to  return  with  a  reinforcement 
after  the  Dussera. 

While  these  operations  were  prosecuted  by  the  grand 
army,  the  detachment  which  proceeded  to  the  westward, 
under  Holkar,  had  expelled  Tippoa's  troops  from  every 
part  of  the  Kittoor  district,  except  the  fort  of  the  same 
name,  which  they  invested  but  could  not  hope  to  reduce. 

Hurry  Punt's  first  c^are  was  to  send  back  all  his  wound- 
ed from  Badamee;  he  them  moved  towards  Grudjender- 
gurh,  but  as  the  small  fort  of  Seertee  lay  in  his  route,  f  he 
breached  and  stormed  it ;  but  scarcely,  had  he  accomplish- 
ed that  object,  when  he  was  informed  that  Tippoo  was 

♦  Poona  Records  and  Malet's  despatches. 

t  Hurry  Punt's  ofBcial  repork  to  the  Peishwa.  I  do  not  know  the 
exact  situation  of  Seertee  ;  the  Hindoo  names  frequently  differ  from  the 
Mahomedan.  The  propagators  of  the  Koran  have  always  been  prone  to 
bestowing  new,  and  the  Hindoos  to  retaining  old,  appellatious. 


196  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  Till, 

marching  to  give  him  battle  ;  and  stich  was  the  vigilance 
of  a  corps  of  Beruds*  in  Tippoo's  service,  consisting  of 
both  horse  and  foot,  that  the    address  and  dexteritj  of 
Mahratta  spies,  famous  only  where  their  own  language  is 
spoken,  could  obtain  no  correct  intelligence  of  his  motions, 
and  the  first  certain  accounts  which  Hurry  Punt  received, 
assured  him   that  Tippoo  was   in  full  march   to  attack 
Adonee.     That  fortress  was  then  held  by  Mohubut  Jung, 
son  of  the  late  Busalut  Jung  and  nephew  of  Nizam  Ally, 
who  was  totally  unprepared  for  a  siege.     The  families  and 
seraglio  of  the  late  Busalut  Jung,  as  well  as  those  of  his 
sons,  were  then  in  the  fort,  and   Mohubut  Jung's  first 
application  was  to  Nizam  Ally,  calling  upon  him  to  save 
the  honor  of  his  house,     A  pressing  requisition  was  also 
sent  to   Hurry   Punt,    who    immediately    sent    forward 
Tuhuwur  Jung,  with  the  whole  of  the  Moghul  troops,  and 
20,000  Mahrattas  under  KristRao  Bulwuntand  Rugonath 
Rao  Neelkunt.     These  troops  were  on  their  march  towards 
Adonee,  when  they  received   intelligence  of  the  advance 
towards  Raichore  of  the  whole  of  the  disposable  force  from 
Hyderabad  under   Moghul  Ally.     A  junction  was  formed 
at  Bunnoor,  when  they  moved  towards  Adonee,  wiUh  an 
army  of  nearly  60,000  men.    Tippoo  endeavoured  to  carry 
the  place  before  the  arrival  of  the  approaching  succour  ; 
his  desperate  but  premature  attempts  were  most  gallantly 
repulsed  by  Mohubut  Jung,  and  as  the  allies  drew  near,  he 
was  compelled  to  raise  the  siege,  and   retire  some  miles  to 
the  southward.     The  confederates  had  forded  the  Toong- 
buddra  with  difficulty ;  and,  as  the  country  to  the  south- 
ward of  that  river  was  entirely  at  Tippoo's  command,  whilst 
they  could  place  no  dependence  on  the  resources  of  the  tract 

*  The  olasB  of  people  already  deaeribe<),  resembling  tbe  ItamooBeefl  of 
Mabaradhtra,  and  improperly  called  Bedera. 


CRAP.  Till.]  ADONEK  ABAKDONIP,  197 

between  the  Kistna  and  Toongbuddira,  much  of  which  sttl^ 
remained  to  be  reduced,  thej  prudently  resolved  to  with- 
draw the  garrison  from  Adonee^  and  recross  the  latter 
river.  The  retreat  was  judiciously  executed ;  but  the  un« 
pardonable  oversight  of  leaving  the  fort,  guns,  ammunition, 
and  stores,  without  an  attempt  to  render  them  unservice- 
able to  their  enemy,  cancelled  any  merit  the  commanders 
might  otherwise  have  ohumed.* 

The  troops  from  Hyderabad  returned  to  that  capital,  and 
the  main  body  rejoined  Hurry  Punt  at  Gudjendergurh,  cf 
which  place  he  had  obtained  possession  by  bribing  the 
killidar. 

Holkar  still  lay  before  Kittoor,  apparently  in  careless 
inactivity,  when,  decamping  suddenly,  he  made  one  march 
of  upwards  of  60  miles  to  ISavanoor,  with  the  nabob  of 
which  he  had  been  some  time  in  correspondence.  The 
immediate  object  of  Holkar's  movement  was  an  attempt  to 
8eize  the  person  of  Bagwundur  Naik,  one  of  Tippoo's 
principal  bankers ;  but  he  had  just  time  to  escape  across 
the  Toongbuddra,  and  only  two  (x  three  inferior  soucars 
fell  into  Holkar's  hands,  from  whom  he  exacted  a  ransom 
of  two  lakhs  of  rupees*  Burhan-ud-nleen,  with  a  body  of 
Tippoo's  troops,  attacked  Holkar  :  but  the  Mahrattas, 
joined  by  the  nabob  of  Savanoor,  repulsed  them  ;  and  on 
the  ensuing  night  Burfaan-ud-deen  retired  to  Jereeanwutty, 
on  the  Wurdah,  30  miles  above  Savanoor. 

About  the  year  17 79^  the  nabob  of  Savanoor  had  married 
the  sister  of  Tippoo^  and  on  that  occasion  Hyder  restored 
the  whole  of  the  12  districts  originally  dependent  on  his 
principality,  on  condition  that  he  should  keep  up  2,000  Patan 
horse  for  the  service  of  the  state.  Tippoo  entertained  a 
personal  enmity  against  the  nabob,  and,  on  his  accession  to 

*  Hurry  Pant's  deflpatchee,  Bombay  Records,  Wilka, 


198  HISTORY  OF  THR  MAHRATTAS  [CHAP.  VIIT. 

power,  foahd  a  pretext  for  indulging  it,  owing  to  the 
nabob^s  having  omitted  to  keep  up  the  stipulated  number 
of  horse.  Following  a  systematic  plan,  Tippoo  muleted 
and  plundered  both  tlie  nabob  and  bis  subjects,  so  that  it 
was  not  surprising  the  nabob  should  seek  the  first  oppor- 
tunity of  throwing  off  his  allegiance,  aaid  declaring,  as  he 
now  did,  for  the  Mahrattas* 

Hurry  Punt's  operations,  after  obtaining  possession  of 
Qudjendergurh,  were  directed  against  Bahadur  Benda  and 
Kopaul ;  the  former  had  been  delivered  up,  and  hd  was  in 
treaty  for  the  latter,  when  he  was  astonished  by  information 
of  Tippoo's  having  actually  crossed  the  Toongbuddra  at 
Qurhghaut,*  with  the  greater  part  of  his  army,  in  basket 
boats.  Hurry  Punt  advanced  towards  him  :  but  finding 
the  ground  very  aafavourable  for  the  operations  of  his 
cavalry,  he  encamped  at  the  distance  of  10  miles,  where 
Tippoo  made  two  unsucoessful  attempts  to  surprise  him. 
Grain  and  forage  being  extremely  scarce,  in  order  to  procure 
supplies  as  well  as  to  draw  Tippoo  into  the  plain,  Hurry- 
Pant  proceeded  to  Savanoor.  Tippoo,  marching  along 
the  bank  of  the  Kistna,  followed  him,  and  encamped  in  a 
strong  position  within  six  miles  of  the  confederates,  keep- 
ing the  town  of  Savanoor  between  the  camps.  In  this 
situation  both  parties  continued  for  15  days,  until,  on  the 
1st  of  October,  two  hours  before  dawn,  the  Mahrattst  camp 
was  alarmed  by  a  sudden'firing,  which  was  speedily  answered 
by  the  Mahratta  artillery.  Tippoo,  who  had  headed  the 
attack  in  person,  on  discovering  where  their  guns  were  posted, 
directed  his  principal  effort  to  that  spot,  which  induced 
Hurry  Punt  to  draw  them  off  until  daylight,  when  he  again 
opened  on  the  assailants.     The  position   decupled   by  the 

♦  Colonel  Wilka  calls  this  place  Kurruoknaut.    It  is  not  marked  in 
any  map  that  I  haye  seen,  nor  do  I  know  its  preeiso  situation. 


CHAP..  VIII.]  HDRRT  PUNT  TAKES  BEERH TOT Y.  199 

M abraxas  was  still  xery  unfavorable ;  tbeir  borse  were  pre- 
veaited  from  charging  by  the  steep  banks  of  a  rivulet,  which 
Tippoo  cautiously  refrained  from  crossing,  and,  after  canno- 
nading for  several  hours,  he  withdrew  to  his  encampment. 
There  was  a  scarcity  of  forage  in  the  Mahratta  camp, 
and  their  own  situation  and  that  of  their  enemy  precluded 
all  hope  of  being  able  to  gain  any  advantage  by  continu- 
ing at  Savanoor*  Hurry  Punt,  therefore,  deemed  it  neces- 
sary to  retire,  although  he  thereby  sacrificed  the  capital  of 
his  new  ally.  The  nabob  of  Savanoor  reluctantly  fell  back 
Virith  him  10  miles,  where  the  confederates  took  up  a  new 
position.  Tippoo  possessed  himself  of  the  town,  but  de- 
clined advancing  upon  them  :  he  lay  inactive  at  Savanoor 
until  the  Mohurrum,  when  he  retired  to  celebrate  that 
festival  at  Benkapoor,  leaving  Hurry  Punt  to  breach, 
storm,  and  take  Seerhutty,  a  fortified  town  20  miles  N,  E. 
of  Savanoor,  without  interruption,  Tippoo  having  deposit- 
ed his  heavy  baggage  in  Benkapoor,  moved  from  that  place  ; 
but  aware  of  his  enemy's  superiority  in  cavalry,  he  did  not 
quit  the  broken  ground  on  the  banks  of  the  Wurdah  and 
Toongbuddra.  Proceeding  down  the  left  bank,  he  encamp- 
ed between  Ropaul  and  Buhadur  Benda,  and  again  obtained 
possession  of  the  latter  place.-  The  confederates  followed 
him,  and  endeavoured  to  out  off  his  supplies ;  but  their  own 
forage  being,  brought-  from  a  great  distance,  whilst  Tippoo 
drew  his  with  faeiHty  from  the  south  bank  of  the  Toongbud- 
dra, th^y  soon  abandoned  the  attempt.  Tippoo  renewed  his 
endeavours  to  surprise  the  camp  of  the  confederates,  and  on 
one  occasion  took  some  baggage  belonging  to  the  Moghuls.* 

*,  Just  at  this  period  the  following  letter  appears  in  the  official 
correspondence  of  Hurry  Punt,  and  tn  his  own  handwritlog  : — "  The  loss 
sustained  by  the  army  in  consequence  of  <he  cholera  morbus  Is  very 
great ;  medicines  are  liberally  supplied ;  some  do  recover,  but  by  far 
the  greater  part  die." 


200  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  VIII. 

In  these  feeble  operations  neither  party  could  boast  of 
AD  1787  inuch    advantage,  and    the  confederates 

were  at  a  loss  to  account  for  Tippoo's 
motives  in  suddenly  tendering  proposals  of  peace.  Even 
after  the  arrival  of  two  envoys  of  high  rank,  Budr-ul*Zeman 
Khan  and  Ally  Reza  Khan,  who  negotiated  through 
Tookajee  Holkar  and  Gungadhur  Bastia,  Hurry  Punt  for 
a  time  imagined  that  Tippoo's  professions  were  only  a 
prelude  to  some  stratagem.  His  suspicions  contributed  to 
prolong  the  negotiation  ;  for,  although  an  armistice  took 
place  on  the  lOth  Bebruary,  the  peace  was  not  concluded 
till  April.  The  Mahrattas  obtained  the  cession  of  Badamee, 
Kittoor,  and  Nurgoond  ;  the  other  towns  and  districts 
reduced  by  them  were  restored  to  Tippoo.  Tippoo  also 
agreed  to  pay  45  lakhs  of  tribute,  30  of  which  were 
immediately  produced,  and  the  remainder  promised  at 
the  expiration  of  a  year.  Adonee  was  restored  to  the 
nephew  of  Nizam  Ally  ;  but  Tippoo  had  destroyed  the 
works  and  carried  off  the  guns.  The  nabob  of  Savanoor 
obtained  a  promise  of  the  restoration  of  that  portion  of 
his  territory  which  he  possessed  prior  to  his  marriage  with 
Hyder's  daughter ;  but  dreading  Tippoo's  treachery,  he 
did  not  venture  to  return  to  Savanoor  at  this  period,  but 
continued  with  his  Mahratta  friends  at  Foona.* 

Tippoo's  motives  for  acceding  to  a  pacification  so  dis- 
advantageous have  been  imputed,  f  it  would  appear  justly, 
to  his  apprehending  that  the  English  were  about  to  take 
part  against  him.  Mr.  Malet  had  not  only  been  invited  to 
Poena  as  resident,  but,  at  the  request  of  Nana  Fumuwees^ 
he  had  joined  him  at  Badamee — a  circumstance  which, 
Tippoo  conceived,  bespoke  a  very  intimate  connection  ; 
but  the  acting  governor-general  was  studious  to  allay  any 

PooQu  Kocords,  Mr.  Chaplin's  report.  f  Wilks, 


CHAP.   VIII.]  PEAOB  CONCLUDED,  gOl 

alarm  it  might  create,  and  had  partly  succeeded.     Shortly 
afterwards,  however,  in  September  1786,  Lord  Cornwallisj 
having    assumed    charge    of   the   supreme    government, 
addressed  letters  to  the  Peishwa  and  Nizam  Ally,  in  which, 
although  he  expressly  intiihated  his  determination  to  take 
no  part  in  the  war  between  the  confederates  and  Tippoo 
Sultan,  yet  the  state  of  military  efficiency  in  which  it 
became  the  immediate  care  of  the  new  governor-tgeneral 
to  place  all    the  presidencies,  occasioned  a  bustle  and 
apparent  preparation,    which    seem   to    have   convinced 
Tippoo  that  the  designs  of  the  English  were  decidedly 
hostile  ;  and  may  not  merely  account  for  his  earnestness,  to 
terminate  the  war  with  the  confederates,  but  afford  some 
reason   for  that  rancorous    hostility   which  led  him   to 
persevere  in  schemes  for  annihilating  the  power  of  the 
British  nation  in  India.     The  appointment  of  a  resident 
at.  the  Peishwa's  court  was  not  more  a  cause  of  alarm  to 
Tippba  than  of  jealousy  to  Mahadajee  Sindia.     A  tardy 
acquiescence  was  obtained  from  Sindia  to  the  measure, 
and,  m  order  to  reconcile  him  to  it  as  much  as  possible, 
Mr.  Mal^  was  instructed  to  send  his  despatches  to  the 
supreme  government  through  the  resident,  for  the  purpose 
of  being  submitted  fbr  Sindia's  information  and   obtaining 
his  opinions.     But  Sindia  was .  at  this  period,   and  for 
several  years  afterwards,  too  much  occupied  by  his  own 
vast  projects  in  Hindostanto  be  able   either  to  prevent  the 
English  from  establishing  their  influence  at  Poena,  or  to 
direct  mnch  of  his  attention  to  the  affairs  of  the  Deccan. 
The  history  of  his  progress  will  be  found  in  the  ensuing 
chapter. 


Vol.  II.— 26 


203 


CHAP.  IX. 

Ffom  A.D.  17«5  TO  A.D.  1790. 

Sinduis  embarrrasments-^Sis  impolitic  conduct — Seques" 
trcUes  many  of  the  jagheers — conseqiient  enmity  of  the 
Mahoniedan     chiefs. — Mohummud   Beg    Humadanee. — 
Sindia   lemee  tribute  from  the  Rajpoots — The  Rajpoots 
revolt — attack   arid  route  Sindia^s  troops  under  Ryajee 
PatelL — Sindia  takes  the  field — difficidties  of  the  crisis- 
endeavours  to  negotiate  u)ith  the  Rcypoots  without  success. 
— Mohummud  Beg  and  his  nephew  join  the  Rajpoots--^ 
Battle  in  which  Mohummud  Beg  is  kUledj   but  victory 
declares  for  the  Rajpoots. — The  emperor^  s  regular  infantry  j 
vyith  80  pieces  of  cannon^  desert  Sindia  in  a  body,  and  join 
the  Rajpoots — Sindia  evinces  great  fortitude  and  conduct 
— retreats  unmolested  by  the  Rajpoots — followed  by  Ismael 
Beg — continues  his  retreat  to  Gwalior-^applie^to  Poona 
for  aid. —  Views  of  If  ana  Fumuwees.— Sindia!  s  exertions 
— Able  defence  of  Agra  by  his  genercij  Luckwa  Dada.^^ 
Gholam  Kawdir — takes  AUgurh-^oins  Ismael  Beg  before 
Agra. — Jaths  obstruct  the  operations  of  the  siege-^Sindia 
reinforces  the  Jaths. — Battle  near  Bhurtpoor^  in  which  tlie 
Mahrattas  and  Jaths  are  worsted.-^Success/ul  diversion 
planned  by  Rannay  Khan.-^^The  battle  qf  Agra^  in  which 
Ismael  Beg  is  totally  defeated.-^Ismael  Beg  joins  Gholam 
Kawdir — They  repair  to  Delhi. — Barbarities  perpetrated  > 
by  Gholam  Kawdir. — Mahrattas  at  last  advance — Gholam 
Kawdir    fiies — is    pursued — taken — suffers    mutilation^ 
under  which  he  dies. — Shah  Alum  restored  to  his  throne^ 


\ 


CHIP.  IX.]  SINDIA*S  BMBABBAISMBlflTS.  303 

and  Sindia  recovers  Ma  ascendancff-^His  situation-^ 
Changes  introduced  in  the  constitution  of  his  army — 
Gosaeens. — HimmiU  Buhadur. — Regular  {nfantry.--^ 
Sindia^ 8  mews.^^Transition  to  Decean  affairs. 

Ths  resources  of  the  proyinoes  whidh  Sindia  had  acquir- 
A  D  1  86  ^  ^°  Hindostaa  were,  from  their  exhausted 

state,  totally  inadequate  to  meet  the  great 
additional  disbursements  which  his  late  success,  more 
brilliant  than  lucrative,  had  entailed.  Pressed  by  pecu« 
niary  embarrassments,  he  was  driven  to  acts  actually  im* 
politic  and  unjust.  Against  foreign  adversaries  he  might 
have  prevailed,  bttt  domestic  enemies  soon  became  too 
strong  for  his.  newly-estabUshed  po^er.  The  principal 
cause  of  diseontmt  ari3se  from  his  sequestrating  the  jagheers 
of  many  of  the  Mahomedan  chiefs,  and  from  being  suspected 
of  entertaining  like  designs  towards  all  of  them.  The  most 
condderable  of  these  chiefs,  whom  he  had  not  yet  dispossess- 
ed, was  Mohummud  Beg  Humadanee,  whom  Sindia  had. 
recalled  from  Baghoogurh  to  Delhi,  and  endeavoured, 
without  success,  to  ptevail  upon  hhn  to  disband  a  portion 
of  his  troops..  Mohummud  Beg,  suspecting  that  Sindia 
intended  to  enforce  oompUance,  ever  after  harboured  a 
secret  enmity  against  him,  which  the  course  of  events  soon 
afforded  an  opportunity  of  declaring. 
•  Under  the  sanction  of  the  emperor's  name,  Sindia  had 

not  only  preferred  a  claim  for  tribute  on 
the  Bajpoots,  but  at  the  head  of  his  army 
at  the  gates  of  Jeypoor  had  fixed  the  first  payment  at  60 
Ijakhs  of  rupees,  of  which  a  part  was  received,  and  the 
balance  promised  in  a  given  time.  When  the  period 
expired,  Sindia  sent  Byajee  Patell  to  recover  the  remain^ 
der ;  but  the  Bajpoots  having  prepared  for  resistance,  and 


204  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [OHAP.  IX. 

being  secretly  assured  of  support  from  Mohummad  Beg 
and  the  disaffected  Mahomedan  nobles,  refused  to  pay  tiie 
amount,  derided  the  authority  of  Ryajee  Patell,  attacked 
his  troops,  and  routed  them.  The  faction  at  Delhi  opposed 
to  Sindia  was  much  strengthened  by  this  revolt ;  even  the 
imbecile  monarch,  whose  stipend  was  irregularly  paid,  and 
who  readily  became  the  tool  of  aqy  new  party,  joined  in  the 
increasing  (murmurs,  complained  of  the  invaded  rights  of 
imperial  dignity,  and  of  the  arbitrary  acts  and  uncourteous 
manner  of  the  Mahratta  chiefs.  Sindia,  though  sensible  of 
these  discontents,  thofigh  his  funds  were  exhausted,  his 
own  and  the  imperial  troops  in  arrears,  and  his  fortunes 
depending  on  the  issue  of  a  very  doubtful  campaign,,  was 
obliged  to  take  the  field  against  the  Rajpoot.  He  ordered 
the  troops  under  Appa  Khunde  Rao,  with  the  two  battalions 
of  De  Boigne,  lately  returned  from  Bundelcund,  to  join 
him  ;  but,  to  add  to  his  difficulties,  he  was  obliged  to  detach 
two  separate  bodies  of  troops  to  the  northward  of  Delhi, 
under  two  of  his  own  officers,  Hybut  Rao  Phalkay  and 
Ambajee  Inglia,  to  repel  an  incursion  of  the  Seiks. 

On    approaching    Jeypoor,     Sindia    endeavoured   to 
'  negotiate,  but  his  overtures  were  pLisrfegard-' 

ed.  The  raja  of  Joudpoor,  with  several 
Rajpoot  chiefs  of  less  note,  united  with  Pertaub  Sing,  the 
raja  of  Jeypoor,  who  had  succeeded  his  father  Jey  Sing, 
and  their  army  was  already  very  formidable.  The  greater 
part  of  Sindia's  troops  being*  very  different  from  those  of 
an  army  wholly  Mahratta,  the  Rajpoots,  by  acting  on  the 
supplies  and  cutting  off  .the  foragers,  soon  rendered  their 
situation  critical.  Both  Mahrattas  and  Moghuls,  irritated 
by  privation,  became  dissatisfied ;  and  Mohummud  Beg 
Humadanee,  together  with  his  nephew,  Ismael  Beg,  chose 
this  moment  for  deserting  Sindia,  and  joining  the  Rajpoots^ 


CHAP.  IX.]  MOHUMMUD  6EQ  KILLED  IN  BATTLE.  205 

Lest  the  disaffection  should  spread  to  the  whole  of  the 
emperor's  troops,  Sindia  took  the  earliest  opportanitj  of 
leading  them  into  action.  An  obstinate  battle  took  place ; 
Mohummdd  Beg  fell  by  a  cannon-shot,  and  his  troops  were 
on  the  point  of  flying,  when  they  were  rallied  by  Ismael 
Beg,  who  retrieved  the  day,  and  forced  the  Mahrattas  to 
retire.  Sindia  was  preparing  to  renew  the  contest,  when, 
on  the  third  day  after  the  battle,  the  whole  of  the  emperor's 
regular  infantry,  with  80  pieces  of  cannon,  went  off  in  a 
body  to  join  Ismael  Beg.* 

At  no  period  of  his  life  did  Sindia  evince  greater 
fortitude  and  conduct  than  at  this  alarming  crisis,  f  He 
immediately  sent  off  his  heavy  baggage  and  many  of  his 
followers  to  Gwalior,  by  the  route  of  Kooshalgurh ;  he 
then  made  a  rapid  retreat  to  Deeg,  recalled  his  detach- 
ments, and  restored  Deeg,  with  several  other  places,  to  the 
Jaths,  in  order  to  preserve  an  interest  wifli  that  people. 
He  also  deposited  his  heavy  guns  in  their  fort  of  Bhurtpoor, 
and  strengthened  his  garrisons  in  Aligufh  and  Agra,  t 

To  effect  these  and  other  contingent  arrangement^  required ' 
some  time,  and,  had  the  Bajpoots  pressed  the  war  with 
vigour,  they  might  probably  have  confined  the  Mahrattas  to 
the  southern  bank  of  the  Chumbul ;  but  they  only  sought  to 
suppress  the  ambitious  pretentions  of  Sindia,  not  to  annihilate 
the  Mahratta  ascendancy  in  Hindostan.  They  therefore 
returned  to  their  respective  capitals  when  Sindia  retreated, 
and  left  Ismael  Beg  to  recover  the  imperial  districts.  § 
tsmael  first  proceeded  towards  Agra,  in  the  neighbom'hood 
of  which   Sindia  was  still  hovering,  but  he  was   deter-, 

*  Mahratta  MSS.  and  letters,  Bengal  Reoords,  &c. 

t  From  the  oral  information  of  General  De  Boigne. 

X  Sindia's  letters  to  the  Peiflhwa*  confirmed  by  General  De  Boigne, 

§  Soott'B  History,  Mahratta  MSS.,  original  letters,  and  English  Beoords* 


206  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  IX* 

mined  to  avoid  another  general  action.  At  that  tin^e^ 
however,  akirmishes  took  place  for  eight  successive  days, 
and  one  village  was  repeatedly  taken  and  re-taken ;  bat 
it  being  reported  that  Q-holam  Kawdir,  the  son  of  Zabita 
Khan  Rohillah,  was  on  his  march  to  assist  Ismael  Beg, 
Sindia  made  a  rapid  retreat  towards  Gwalior,  on  which 
occasion  many  of  his  men  perished,  by  losing  themselves 
in  the  ravines  contiguous  to  the  Jumna.*  Sindia  had 
made  repeated  applications  to  the  Peishwa  for  troops, 
and  now  wrote  to  Nana  Furnuwees,  representing  that, 
although  he  by  no  miBani^  considered  his  own  affairs  des- 
peratCi  yet  as  he  had  reason  to  believe  the  English  were 
about  to  form  an  alliance  with  the  emperor  and  the  Saj- 
pootsy  he  submitted  to  his  consideration  the  danger  that 
must  ensue  to  the  whole  Mahratta  empire, .  by  allowing 
the  English  to  establish  tiieir  sway  over  the'  provinces 
of  Hindostan,  and  to  gain  such  ah  influence  as  they  must 
acquire,  if  assisted  by  the  weight  of  the  imperial  name. 
He  strongly  disavowed  every  feeling  of  jealousy,  and 
called  OA  Nana,  if  i^uch  did  exist  towards  himself,  to 
erase  it  from  his  mind  ;  to  ask  Holkar,  HmTy  Punt, 
and  Pure$hram  Bhow  if  he  (Sindili)  h|ul  ever  interfered 
with  their  views,  and  if  they  had  x^ot  seen  that  all 
his  endeavours  tended  to  the  aggrandizement  of  the 
empire :  "  we  serve,"  continued  Sindia,  "  a  dommoa 
master ;  let  onr  exertions  be  directed  to  the  common 
cause  :  if  you  personally  entertain  jealousy  of  me,  ask  your? 
self  who  supported  you  against  the  faction  of  Moraba,  and 
put  your  rival  Sukaram  Bappoo  into  your  power  ;  who 
suppressed  the  insurrections  of  the  pretended  Sewdasheo 
Bao  Bhow,  beat  the  English  at  TuUygaom,  maintained  a 
great  share  of  the  war  against  them,  and   concluded  an 

*  General  De  Boigixe. 


OHAP.  IX.]  VIEWS  OF  NANA  FURNUWEES,  207 

advantageous  peace?  Thiak  of  these  services^  banish 
suspicion,  and  silence  calumniators,  who  are  our  mutual 
enemies ;  let  the  cause  of  the  Mahratta  nation  be  upheld 
in  Hindostan,  and  prevent  our  empire  from  being  disunit-* 
ed  and  overthrown."* 

'  These  observations,  though  incorrect  with  regard  to  any 
alliance  then  meditated  by  iihe  English,  carried  much  of 
irntii  in  them ;  but  the  grand  aim  of  Nana  Fumawees 
was  to  cement  the  Mahratta  confederacy  under  the  authority 
of  £be  Peishwa,  and  the  whole  conduct  of  Sindia  had  so  fully 
proved  that  his  views  were  directed  to  inflependence,  if  not 
io  supremacy,  in  the  empire,  that  Nana,  however  unwill- 
ing to  velinquish  Mahratta  claims  in  Hindostan,  hesitated 
as  to  the  extent  and  mode  of  reinforcing  Sindia's  army. 

A  body  of  troops  had  been  held  in  readiness  under  Ali 
Bahadurf  even  prior  to  Sindia's  retreat ;  but  Nana  wished 
to  employ  them  in  making  a  distinct  settlem^it  with  the 
Rajpoot  states,  in  the  name  of  the  Peishwa,  for  the  pur*-, 
pose  of  extending  the  Mahratta  influence,  without  con- 
firming the  power  of  a  rival  of  such  inordinate  ambition. 
.  It  is  supposed  by  some  of  his  countrym^i  that  Nana  had 
some  communications  with  the  i^ja  of  Jeypoor  for  the 
purpose  of  preserving  the  Hindoo  pow^,  but  with  a  view 
also  of  controlling  Sindia  ;  the  moderation  shown  by  the 
Rajpoots  in  not  molesting  Sindia's  retreat  is  adduced  as  a 
proof  of  this  coiyecture  ;  hut.  without  an  absolute  rupture 
with  Sindia,  which  was  justly  considered  ruinous  to  the 
empire.  Nana  saw  no  means  of  attaining  the  ascendancy  he 
desired.  .  Besides  the  difficulties  arising  from  these  consi-, 
derations,  some  fresh  acts  of  hostility  on  the  part  of  Tippoo 
rendered  him  averse  to  detach  troops  from  the  Deccan. 

*  Orisinal  letter  from  Mfthiidajee  Sindia  to  Nana  Furnuwees. 

t  The  son  of  Shomsher  Buhadar,  and  grandson  of  the  great  Bajee  Bao. 


208  HISTORY  OF  THB  MAHBATTAS.  [CHAP.  IX. 

Sindia,  however,  whilst  he  urged  these  applications  at 
Poona,  was  using  every  exertion  to  retrieve  his  affairs  by 
his  own  resources.  His  most  active  enemy  was  Ismael 
Beg,  who,  after  the  retreat  of  the  Mahratta  army,  invested 
Agra,  which  was  vigorously  defended  by  Luckwa  Dada— 
a  Mahratta  Bramin  of  the  Shenwee  tribe.  At  this  time 
appeared  Gholam  Kawdir,  who,  on  the  death  of  his  father, 
Zabita  Khan,  which  happened  in  January  llSHy  succeeded 
to  the  jagheer.  His  disposition,  equally  cruel  and 
turbulent,  was  kept  in  check,  whilst  the  power  of  Sindia, 
his  hereditary  eneSiy,  was  predominant ;  but  no  sooner  did 
he  see  a  fibeld  open  to  his  view,  by  the  reverses  which  befel 
that  chief,. than  he  collected  troops,  and  rushed  on  a  scene 
which  promised  ample  gratification  to  his  inclinations. 
Instead  of  proceeding  to  join  Ismael  Beg,  as  was  reported 
to  be  his  intention,  he,  in  the  first  instance,  drove  the 
Mahrktta  garrison  from  the  city  of  Delhi,  where  he  placed 
his  own, troops,  but  left  the  emperor  unmolested  in  the 
citadel.  He  next  besieged  Aligurh,  which  he  reduced,  and 
•  A  D  1788  ^^^  proceeded  to  assist  Ismael  Beg,  who 

was  stiU  engaged  in  the  siege  of  Agra. 
The  Jatbs,  whom  Ismael  Beg  might  have  conciliated  by 
confirming .  the  cessions  made  to  them  by  Sindia,  took 
every  opportimity  of  obstructing  his  operations,  and 
encouraging  the  besieged  in  the  fort,  till  at  last  Sindia 
deteormiiied  to  support  them.  For  this  purpose  he  sent 
forward  Baimay  Khan^  and  Appa  Khunde   Bao  with  a 

*  Bannay  Khan,  says  Sir  John  Maloolm,  was  originally  s  Bihishtee, 
or  water*oarrier,  who  saved  Mahadajee  Sindla^s  life,  by  carrying  him  off 
when  wounded  at  Panniput,  and,  in  gratitude  for  this  sernoe,  Sindia 
raised  him' to  high  command,  Whatever  may  have  been  Bannay  Khan's 
origin,  hlB  conduct  proved  that  he  was  worthy  of  his  master's  confidence. 
The  escape  of  Mahadajee  Sindia,  however,  is  generally  attributed,  with 
more  probability,  to  Trimbuckjee  Inglla,  one  of  his  sillldars,  who  is  said 
to  have  carried  him  off  behind  him  on  his  horse. 


CHAP.  IX.]  BATTL*  NEAB  BHUBTPOOB,  209 

body  of  horse,  supported  by  the  two  regular  battalions  of 
De  Boigne  andrsome  other  infantry.  As  the  junction  of 
Gholam  Kawdir  with  Ismael  Beg  was  known  at  Grwalior 
before  the  march  of  these  troops,  it  was  deemed  an  impru- 
deiit  measure  on  the  part  of  Sindia.  Bannay  Khan, 
however,  united  his  forces  with  those  of  the  Jaths  at 
Bhurtpoor,  when  the  whole  marched  towirds  Agra ;  but 
they  had  only  proceeded  16  miles  when  they  met  Ismael 
Beg  and  Gholam  Kawdir,  who  had  raised  the  siege  in 
order  to  give  them  battle. 

The  cavalry  of  the  Jaths  was  commanded  by  Sew  Sing 
Foujdar  :  their  infantry,  chiefly  regulars,  was  under  M. 
Listeneaux,  a  Frenchman,  and  two  Mahomedan  ofEcers, 
each  commanding  separate  bodies ;  but  one  of  these 
Mahomedan  officers,  named  Jehangeer  Khan,  with  his 
three  battalions,  deserted  to  Ismael  Beg  without  firmg  a 
shot.     The  action  commenced  by   a  cannonade  from  the 

guns  of  Ismael  Beg.  The  Jaths  were  on 
the  right,  the  Mahrattas  on  tlie  left. 
Gholam  Kawdir  made  a  furious  attack  upon  the  infantry 
of  the  right  wing,  which  soon  put  them  all  to  the  rout,  except- 
ing tho9e  under  M.  Listeneaux,  who  for  some  time  main- 
tained his  ground.  Ismael  Beg,  opposed  to  the  infantry 
on  the  left,  advanced  with  all  the  energy  of  his  character,  but 
found  himself  received  with  remarkable  steadiness  and 
intrepidity  by  the  infantry  of  De  Boigne.  All  parties 
admitted  that,  had  De  Boigne  and  Listeneaux  been  properly 
supported  by  the  cavalry,  the  issue  of  the  day  might  have 
been  very  different ;  but,  after  a  heavy  loss,  the  regular 
troops  at  last  gave  way,  and  the  whole,  favom'ed  by  the 
night,  effected  their  retreat  to  Bhurtpoor.  Ismael  Beg  and 
Gholam  Kawdir  called  upon  Runjeet  Sing,  the  Jath  chief, 
to  renounce  his  connexion  with  the  Mahrattas,  otherwise 

Vol.  II.— 27 


210  HI8T0BT  OF  THB  IfAHBJLTTAS.  [CHAP.   IX. 

they  would,  after  the  reduction  of  Agra>  besiege  him  in 
his  capital.  But  their  triumph  was  of  short  duration ; 
Luokwa  Dada,  the  killidar  of  the  fort  of  Agra,-  persevered 
in  his  gallant  and  successful  defence  ;  the  Mahomedan 
chiefs  soon  evinced  a  distrust  of  each  other,  and  Bannay 
Khan,  hearing  of  an  incursion  of  the  Seiks,  sent  a  body  of 
Mahrattas  and  iaths  to  join  and  encourage  them  to  fall 
on  the  jagheer  of  Gholam  Kawdir.  This  diversion  had  the 
desired  effect ;  Qholam  Kawdir  immediately  set  off  to 
repel  the  invaders,  and  Sindia  having  reinforced  the 
division  of  Bannay  Khan,  the  Mahrattas  and  Jaths  once 

more  advanced  towards  Agra,  at  which 
place  an  obstinate  battle  was  fought,  in 
which  De  Boigue  and  his  battalions  greatly  signalized 
themselves.  The  army  of  Ismael  Beg  was  defeated  and 
dispersed;  that  chief  himself,  after  receiving  two  severe 
wounds,  escaped  from  the  field  by  the  swiftness  of  his  horse, 
plunged  into  the  Jumna,  gained  the  opposite  bank,  and 
with  a  few  followers  reached  the  camp  of  Grholam  Kawdir, 
by  whom  he  was  courteously  received.  His  dispersed 
army  flocked  to  Delhi,  whither,  in  hopes  of  again  collecting 
them,  he  immediately  repaired.  Gholam  Kawdir  followed 
him  to  the  capital.  The  emperor  refused  to  admit  either 
the  one  or  the  other  into  the  citadel ;  but  Gholam  Kawdir, 
having  corrupted  one  of  the  confidential  servants,  not  only 
gained  admittance,  but  seized  the  gates,  occupied  every 
part  of  the  palace  and  citadel  with  his  own  troops,  and 
commenced  a  systematic  train  of  violence,  rapine  and 
barbarity,  almost  without  example  in  the  annals  of  the 
world.  These  enormities  continued  for  two  months ;  at 
the  end  of  that  time,  when  the  unhappy  monarch  had  been 
plundered,  insulted,  and  dethroned,  his  eyes  destroyed 
in  their  sockets  by  the  point  of  a  dagger  in  the  hand  of 


CRAP.  IX.]  BABBABmiS  BT  QHOLAM  XAWDIB.  211 

the  merciless  Gholam  Kawdir ;  when  his  wives,  daughters, 
sons,  and  relatives  had  been  exposed,  dishonored,  degraded 
and  sooae  of  tiiem  starv^  to  death,  the  Mahratta  army  at 
kst  marched  to  his  relief  Ismael  Beg,  who  at  first  had 
so  fer  oonooned  in  ike  views  of  Gholam  Kawdir  as  to 
agree  to  plunder  the  imperial  palace,  for  the  purpose  of 
procuring  the  means  of  subsistence  to  their  troops,  turned 
with  aUiomence  from  the  oommisafon  of  the  cruelties  exer- 
cised by  his  colleague,  and,  on  the  promise  of  a  jagheer 
fiXNn  iSindia,  joined  with  the  Mahrattas  against  him. 
Ghoiam  Kawdir  retired  from  Delhi  upon  their  approach, 
carrying  with  him  Bedar  Bnkht,  the  son  of  Ahmed  Bhah, 
whom,  on  the  dethronement  of  Shah  Alum,  he  had  pro- 
claimed emperor  of  the  Moghuls. 

Mahadajee  Sindia  was  severely  censured  for  not  imme- 
diately proceeding  to  the  capital,  but  he  probably  foresaw 
that  Gholam  JELawdir  and  Ismael  Beg,  if  left  for  a  time  to 
themselves,  could  not  remain  united,  and,  as  the  result 
proved,, that  he  should  soon  be  able  to  secure  one  party  in 
his  interests.  Besides  these  reasons,  he  was  assured  that 
reinforcements  under  Ali  Bahadur,  followed  by  Tookajee 
Holkar,  were  on  their  marofafrom  Poena  to  join  him.  These 
troops  were  granted  by  Nana  Fumuweed  on  condition 
that  all  territory  acquired  north  of  the  Chumbul  should 
be  equally  shared  by  the  Peishwa,  Sindia,  and  Holkar. 

The  Mahratta  army,  which  advanced  from  Agra,  was 
under  three  principal  officers — Bannay  Khan,  Ali  Buha- 
dur,  and  Appa  Kfaunde  Rao — accompanied  by  the  two 
battalions  of  De  Boigne.  Bannay  Khan,  who  was  ohief- 
in-command,  on  taking  possession  of  Delhi,  did  every- 
thing which  humanity  dictated  for  the  relief  of  the  unfor- 
tunate emperor.  The  arrival  of  the  Mahrattas  in  the 
Moghul  capital  was,  on  this   occasion,    hailed  with  the 


212  HISTORY  OP  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  IX. 

greatest  joy.  A  large  body  immediately  pursued  Gholam 
Kawdir,  and  forced  him  to  take  shelter  in  the  fort  of 
Meerut,  where  he  defended  himself  vigorously  ;  but  the 
place  being  destitute  of  provisions,  and  his  capture,  if  he 
continued,  inevitable,  be  mounted  a  swift  horse,  and  fled 
alone.  But  after  he  had  proceeded  some  distance,  the 
horse  fell,  and  his  rider,  being  completely  stunned,  lay' 
senseless  on  the  ground.  In  tliis  situation  he  was  at  day-* 
light  discovered  and  recognised  by  some  of  the  peasantry, 
and  by  them  carried  to  the  Mahratta  camp,  where  he  was 
closely  guarded,  and  shortly  after,  by  Sindia's  orders,  he 
suffered  a  dreadful  mutilation  which  he  did  not  survive. 
The  prince  Bedar  Bukht  was  retaken  at  Meerut :  and  at 
first,  without  any  harshness,  was  remanded  into  confine- 
ment, but  he  was  afterwards  put  to  death  by  order  of 
Shah  Alum.* 
Mahadjee  Sindia  arrived  in  Delhi  a  short  time  after  the 
.  ^    -«  success  of  Bannay  Khan.      Shah  Alum 

was  re-seated  on  his  throne  with  much 
pomp,  and  the  honors  of  wukeel-i-mootluq,  formerly  con- 
ferred on  the  Peishwa,  and  those  of  his  deputy  on  Sindia, 
were  renewed  with  formal  solemnity. 

Meanwhile  the  jagheer  of  Gholam  Kawdir  was  re- 
duced, and  .the  greater  part  of  the  Dooab,  with  the  pro- 
vinces of  Delhi  and  Agra,  were  annexed  to  the  Mahratta 
dominions.  The  situation  of  Sindia,  however,  was  by  no 
means  secure  ;  he  for  some  time  dreaded  an  invasion  of 
the  Abdallee,  who,  under  their  king,  Timoor  Shah,  were  in 
the  field  in  great  force,  and  he  well  knew,  although  the 
Moghid  faction  was  broken,  and  Ismael  Beg  had  received 
his  stipulated  jagheer  in  the  province  of  Maywat,  that,  in 
the  event  of  the  appearance  of  the  Afghans,  the  Mahome- 

*  Beogal  Records,  FranckUn,  Scott,  and  Mahratta  MSS. 


GBAP,  IX.]  SINDIA's  MILITART  ARRANGEMENTS.  213 

dans  would  unite  against  him.  He  had  also  powerful 
enemies  in  the  Bajpoots ;  and  his  coadjutors^  Holkar  and 
Ali  Bnhadur,  were  more  solicitous  to  share  his  acquisi- 
tions and  obstruct  his  measures^  than  to  unite  in  uphold- 
ing his  cause.  He  at  the  same  time  experienced  some 
inquietude  from  the  escape  of  one  of  the  sons  of  the 
emperor,  who  fled  to  the  court  of  Nizam  Ally  at  Hydera- 
bad. Little  notice  being  taken  of  him,  he  repaired  to 
Poena,  where  he  was  received  with  attention,  but  more  to 
excite  Sindia's  jealousy  than  with  any  intention  of  afford- 
ing to  the  Aigutiye  assistance  or  relief. 

These  obstacles  did  not  deter  Mahadajee  Sindia  from 
pursuing  his  plans  of  independence.  In  detailing  his  poli- 
tical schemes  and  the  progress  of  his  conquests,  we  must 
not  omit  to  notice  the  changes  which  he  introduced  in  the 
constitution  of  his  army.  Amongst  the  minor  innovations 
of  Sindia  may  be  enumerated  the  great  proportion  of 
Rajpoots  and  Mahomedans  whom  he  enlisted  ;  the  altera- 
tion of  the  dress  of  his  horsemen,  who,  from  the  short 
breeches  worn  by  the  Mahrattas,  adopted  the  long  trowsers 
covering  the  heel,*  and  lastly,  the  large  bodies  of  Gosaeens 
whom  he  entertained,  and  who,  until  introduced  by  Sindia, 
had  rarely  appeared  as  soldiers  in  the  Mahratta  armies. t 
The  Gk>saeens  were  kept  distinct  by  Sindia  from  his  other 
troops,  and  were  attached  to  the  division  of  Ambajee 
Inglia,  principally  under  a  leader  named  Himmut  Buhadur, 
who  was  both  their  military  commander  and  their  spiritual 
director,  and  whose  history  merits  some  digression. 

'*'  This,  to  the  mere  Buropean  reader,  may  appear  animportant,  but 
though  not  quite  common  among  all  Mahrattas,  it  tended,  at  that  time, 
to  make  a  differenoe  between  Sindia*8  horse  and  those  of  the  Deocan  ; 
and,  as  the  act  of  a  Hindoo  prince,  was  an  important  innovation. 

t  For  some  account  of  the  Qosaeens,  the  reader  may  revert  to  the 
Preliminary  Observations. 


214  HISTORY  OP  THK  MAHEATTAS.  [CHAP.  IX. 

Himmut  Bahadur  accompanied  Sindia  ou  bis  first 
advance  to  Delhi  in  1784  :  he  was  left  in  charge  of  Muttra 
when  Sindia  retreated  to  Gwalior,  and  by  means  of  a 
secret  understanding,  which  he  contrived  to  establish  with 
Ismael  Beg  and  Gholam  Kawdir,  he  continued  unmolested. 
Sindia,  who  knew  that  the  sole  object  of  Himmut  Bi;Jiadur 
was  to  obtain  a  jagheer  for  himself  from  either  of  the 
contending  parties,  had,  on  a  former  occasion,  in  con- 
seqnenoe  of  the  Gosaeen's  misconduct,  resumed,  and 
afterwards,  on  promised  amendment,  restored,  the  lands 
granted  for  the  support  of  his  followers  ;  and  although  ^Iw 
pretended  on  his  return  to  be  highly  satisfied  with  the 
Gosaeen  for  retaining  possession  of  the  jagheer,  be 
determined  to  deprive  him  of  it  on  the  first  opportunity, 
Sindia's  chief  causes  of  displeasure  arose  from  finding  that 
he  was  engaged  in  secret  intrigues  with  Holkar  and  Ali 
Buhadur,  the  partizans  of  Nana  Fumuwees  ;  and  that  he 
persisted  in  an  intercourse  he  had  long  kept  up  with  the 
nabob  vizier,  in  whose  dominions  he  had  at  a  former  period 
sought  refuge,  when  apfKrehensive  of  Sindia' s  enmity.  At 
length,  on  pretence  that  the  Gosaeen  was  employed  in 
magical  arts  to  take  away  his  life,  Sindia  sent  a  party  of 
troops,  who  seized  Himmut  Buhadur  at  Muttra,  and  were 
conveying  him  to  their  master;  but  the  camp  of  Ali 
Buhadur  being  contiguous  to  the  road  by  which  the 
prisoner  was  brought,  he  contrived  to  elude  his  guards, 
and  gain  the  tent  of  Ali  Buhadur  before  they  could  secure 
him.  It  was  in  vain  that  Sindia  remonstrated ;  Ali 
Buhadur  declared  he  could  not  surrender  the  person  of 
Himmut  Buhadur  without  an  order  from  the  Peishwa ; 
and  in  the  meantime,  before  any  answer  could  be  obtained 
from  Poena,  he  connived  at  his  escape  to  Lucknow. 

The  departure  of  the  leader  did   not  afl*ect   the  great 


CHAF.  IX.]  sindu'b  keqular  inpantrt.  215 

body  of  Gosaeens,  as  might  have  been  the  case  at  an 
earlier  period  ;  they  remamed  with  Sindia,  and,  being 
attached  to  his  Berrice  by  habit,  became  intermingled  with 
the  rest  of  his  irregular  in&ntry. 

Bat  the  most  important  of  all  the  changes  introduced 
by  Sindia  was  the  well-organized  regular  force,  which  he 
about  this  time  raised,  by  augmenting  the  two  battalions  of 
De  Boigne  into  a  brigade,  which  was  subsequently,  at 
di£Perent  periods,  increased  to  three  brigades.  A  brigade 
consisted  of  eight  battalicms  of  700  men  each.  Attached 
to  every  brigade  there  were  500  horse  3  and  to  each  battalion 
five  pieces  of  artillery,  two  six-pounders,  two  three- 
pounders,  and  a  howitzer.  To  provide  for  the  regular 
payment  of  these  troops  he  made  over  assignments  of  land 
to  the  charge  and  management  of  De  Boigne  ;  to  whom 
he  allowed  two  per  cent,  upon  the  net  revenue,  independent 
of  his  regular  pay,  which  was  10,000  rupees  a  month.  A 
select  body  of  irregular  infantry  was  attached  to  De 
Boigne's  force,  to  whose  efficiency  that  officer  greatly 
contributed  by  adding  a  bayonet  to  their  matchlocks. 
The  augmentation  of  De  Boigne's  army  was  gradual,  as 
was  his  train  of  artillery,  which  consisted  at  last  of  up- 
wards of  200  pieces  of  cannon  of  different  calibres.  Sixty 
of  his  best  guns  were  cast  by  Mr.  Sangster,  the  officer 
already  mentioned,  who  quitted  the  service  of  the  rana  of 
Gohud,  and  entered  that  of  Sindia,  under  De  Boigne. 
His  officers  were  Europeans  of  all  nations  ;  many  of  them 
British,  and  men  very  respectable  by  birth,  education, 
and  character.* 

At  the  present  conjuncture,  in  the  commencement  of 

the  year  1790,  Sindia  had  only  raised  one 

A  D  1790.  .  '       .      . 

regular  brigade.      His  immediate  views 


* 


Palmer^B  despatches,  General  De  Boigne. 


216  HISTORY  OF  THB  MAHBATTA8,  [CHAP.  IX. 

« 

were  directed  to  conciliate  Holkar  and  AJi  Bnhadur, 
with  the  hope  of  obtaining  their  assistance  in  checking 
the  incursions  of  the  Seiks  ;  in  humbling  the  Bajpoots, 
who  continued  in  opposition  to  his  authority;  and  in 
securing  the  dependence  of  Ismael  Beg,  who,  it  was  ap- 
prehended, had  serious  intentions  of  joining  the  Rajpoots. 
His  reasons  for  contemplating  this  fresh  desertion  are 
partly  ascribable  to  the  artifice  of  Holkar,  who,  in  order 
to  occasion  a  rupture  between  him  and  Sindia,  plundered 
some  of  the  villages  in  his  new  jagheer,  which,  though 
expressly  contrary  to  Sindia's  wishes  and  injunctions,  was 
attributed  by  Ismael  Beg  to  some  inimical  design  on  the 
part  of  that  chief.*  We  shall,  for  the  present,  however, 
leave  Mahratta  affairs  in  Hindostan,  and  return  to  those 
of  the  Deccan. 

*  Sindia's  letters. 


217 


CHAP.  X. 
Fbom  A.D.  1787  to  A.D.  1792. 

Tippoo  breaki  th^  treaty  iriih  the  PeUhwa. — His  great  pre- 
parati^n^-^supposed  by  the  English  to  be  intended  against 
them.-r^Nama  Fwnm'mes^  proposes  a  defensive  alliance^ 
widch  is  declined  by  Lord  Comwallis. — Tran^aetions  be^ 
tween  the  British  authorities  and  Nizam  Ally. — Guntoor 
gitien  mp.^-Nizam  AUy  neg<^tes  ioithihe  JEnglish  tf,nd 
with  Tippoo — resvits, — Lord  ComwaUis^s  letter  to  Nizam 
AUy. — Tippoo  OQHsiders  that  letter  tantamount  to  an 
offenmi^  aUiasio^  against  km^^Bis  unsuceesBfyd  attack  or\ 
the  lines  of  Travancore.-^AlUatkee  of  the  JSnglishy  the 
Peishwa^  and  Nizam  AUy  agakkst  Tippoo^-its  terms,-—' 
First  eampaign  of  the  ^s^lish  m  thiswair  against  Tippoq. 
-^JDHatory  proceedings  <^  ike  alUes. — A  British  detachr 
ment  joins  JPureshram  Bhow. —  The  Mahrattas  cross  the 
Kistna^-r^The  ihghds  advamce  to  lay  siege  to  Kapavl  and, 
Buhadur  Betuicu — The  Mahrattas  lay  siege  to  Bharwar 
— ^operations — Bhansar  c^tpitulates  after  a  protrastedd^e 
— Capitulation  infringed. — Lord  CornwMis  assumes 
command  of  the  British  army. — Capture  of  Bangalore. — 
Mc^atta  army  marches  from  JPoona  under  jSurry  Punt 
Phurlay.-^Sera  surrendered — The  MohraUa  armies 
edvanjce  to  join  the  British  and  Moghuls  before  Seringa^ 
potam-^Lord  Comwallis  defeats  Tippoo  at  Arikera,  but 
is  compelled  to  abandon  his  design  of  besiegity  Seringa^ 
patam — Distress  of  hi^  army — relieved  by  the  unexpected 
junction  of  the  Mahrattafi*-^  Various  operations.^-'A  party 

Vol,  II,— 28 


218  HISTORY  OP  THE  MAHBATTAS,  [CHAP.  X. 

of  MaJtrattCLB  surpfised  and  cut  ofht/  Kummur-^'-deen. 
— Lord  Comwallis  reduces  the  forts  between  Bangalore 
and  Gurumcondah. — The  MoghuU^  unable  to  reduce 
Gfurumcondahy  leave  a  party  to  mask  itj  which  is  surprised. 
— PureshramBhow^s  scheme  of  reducing  Bednore. — Battle 
ofSimoga. — Admirable  conduct  of  Captain  Little. — Simoga 
capitulates,' — Pureshram  Bhow  advances  towards  BednoJ'e, 
but  retires  with  precipitation. — Operations  at  Seringapatam. 
— Peace  concluded  with  Tippoo. — Cau^e  of  Pureshram 
Bhaw's  retreat  explained. — The  armies  return  to  their 
respective  territories. — Distress  of  Pureshram  Bhow^s  army. 

At  the  pendd  when  Sindia  retreated  to  Gwaliw,  we 

have  observed    that  one    reason    which 

A  T^    17ft7 

'  '  '  *  preveidted  Nana  Fumuwees  from  support- 
ing him  with  troops  from  the  Dec^an  proceeded  from 
fresh  aggressions  on  the  part  of  Tippoo  ;  in  fact^  the  latter 
scarcely  permitted  Hurry  Punt  to  recross  the*  Eastna, 
when  he  retook  Kittoor ;  and  an  army,  assembled  at 
Bednore,  threatened  a  descent  on  the  Mahratta  territories 
in  the  Concan.  As  often  happens  with  respect  to  the 
capricious  conduct  of  the  native  princes  of  India,  it  is 
difficult  to  reconcile  this  procedure  with  the  reasons  whieh 
had  so  recently  Induced  Tippoo  to  tender  hasty  proposals 
of  peace.  Some  of  the  English,  from  the  various  rumours 
in  circulation,  concluded  that  it  was  a  deception,  contrived 
with  the  consent  of  Nana  Fumuwees,  preparatory  to  a 
general  confederacy  against  the  British,  in  which  the 
Mahrattas,  Nizam  Ally,  Tippoo,  and  the  French  had 
become  parties.  In  regard  to  the  Mahrattas,  there  was 
no  foundd.tion  for  this  supposition,  but  there  was  reason  to 
believe  that  Tippoo  had  renewed  his  engagements  with  the 
French,  and  that  his  designs  were  more  hostile   to  the 


CHAP.  X.]  NANA  FURMUWBSS'  0VSBTU&E8  TO  THB  ENGLISH,  219 

British  than  to  Hxb  Mahrattas ;  but  he  wished  to  conceal 
his  real  object  imtil  Jie  eould  prepare  his  army^  and  obtain 
effectcud  assistiMice  from  France.  Nana  F^imuwees  be- 
lieved U^t  the  invasion  of.th^  Mahratta  territories  was  his 
chiefolgect;  and,  in  the  end  of  the .  year  .1787,  proposed 
to^tfae  governor-general,  Lord  Oornwallis,  through  Mr. 
Malet,  to  form,  on  the  part  of  the  Feishwa,  a  defensive 
alliance  with  t^e .  English^  in  order  to  control  the  over- 
bearing and  ambitious  spirit  of  Tippoo.  Lord  ComwalUs, 
though  impressed  with  a  belief  of  the  great  importance  of 
this  offer,  as  ea^^tial  to  the  safety  of  British  Lidia,  was 
prohibited,  by  act  of  parUament,  from  accepting  it,  until 
Tippoo  should  break  through  his  engagements  by  some 
unequivocal ,  act  or .  declaration  of  hostility.  In  declining 
it,  iherefore,  he  instructed  Mr.  Malet  to  offer  general 
assurances  of  the  sincere,  desire  of  the  governor-general  to 
cajtivate  the  friendship  of  the  Peishwa's  government. 
The  reports  of  Tippoo's  hostile  intentions  became  less 

A  D  1788         ■  P-*^^^^®^*  during  the  early  part  pf  1788  ; 

and  this  apparent  tranquillity  afforded  a 
favouraUe  opportunity  of  carrying  into  effect  the  intentions 
of.  the  governor-general  respecting  the  district  of  Guritoor, 
which,  by  the  treaty  concluded  with  Nizam  Ally  in  1768, 
ought  to  have  been  ceded  to«the  English  upon  the  death 
of  Busalut  Jung  in  1782.  Captain  Kenna way  was  the 
agent  deputed  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  its  surrender ; 
but  the  motive  of  his  mission  was  kept  secret  until  he 
could,  reach  Hyderabad,  and  preparations  be  completed  at 
Madras  for  su{>porting  the  demand;  Soon  after  Captain 
Runaway's  departure  from  Calcutta,  it  was  again  con- 
fidently reported  that  Tippoo  was  engaged  in  hostile 
machinations ;  that  an  attack  made  upon  Tellicherry,  by 
the  raja  of  Cherika,  was  at  his  instigation;  and  that  he 


220  HtSTOBT  OV  THB  HAHRATTAB.  [CHAP.  Z. 

meditated  the  dobjagation  of  the  territories  of  the  raja  of 
Travaticote,  the  ally  of  the  English^  whi<A  formed  an 
important  preliminary  to  the  conquest  of  the  British 
settlements  in  the  south  of  India.'  Captain  Eennawa^^  in 
consequence  of  these  reports,  was  Instructed  to  coBtfine  his 
immediate  communicaticms  to  general  expressions  of  the 
great  desire  of  the  govemor'^general  to  maintain  the  most 
amicable  understanding  with  the  Soobeh  of  the  i>eooan  in 
all  affairs  that  might  arise  requiring  adjustment*  But 
soon  after,  as  appearances  bespoke  no  immediate  hostility 
on  the  part  of  Tippoo,  and  Nizam  Ally  seemed  ^lisposed  to 
settle  everything  with  the  British  government  in  an  equi- 
table manner,  the  demand  for  Guntoor  was  made,  and  the 
district  given  over  without  impediment,  and  almost  with- 
out hesitation,  in  September  1788.  Notwithstanding  his 
apparent  readiness,  Nizam  Ally  was  greatly  mortified  at 
finding  himself  compelled  to  surrender  Guntoor ;  but  he 
was  by  this  time  sensible  that,  of  the  four  gt^at  powers 
in  India,  his  own  was  the  weakest ;  and  that,  without  a 
steadfast  alliance  with  some  one  of  the  other  three,  his 
sovereignty  must  be  swallowed  upi  The  Mahrattas,  from 
contiguity,  and  from  their  claims  and  peculiar  policy,  he 
most  dreaded;  personally,  he  was  inclined  to  form  an 
alliance  with  the  MahomedaUeruler  of  Mysore ;  but  some  of 
his  ministers,  particularly  Meer  Abdool  Kassim,  in  whom  he 
had  great  confidence,  strongly  advised  him  to  prefer  a  con- 
nection with  the  English,  and  endeavoured  to  show  by  what 
means  the  late  concession  might  be  made  instrumental  in 
effecting  the  desired  object  He  proposed  that,  as  die 
English  had  obtained  possession  of  Guntoor,  tiiey  should  be 
called  upon  to  fulfil  those  articles  of  the  treaty  of  1768,  by 
Which  they  had  agreed  to  furnish  the  Hyderabad  state  with 
two  battalions  and  six  pieces  of  cannon,  to  reduce  the 


OHAP.  X.]  NIZAM  ALLY  AND  TH8  BNaUSH.  221 

territoriee  of  lippoo,  and  to  pi^y  thd  Soobeh  of  the  Deocan 
a  certain  annual  tribute.  Nizam  AUj^  acceding  to  these 
fiuggefttioils,  despatched  Meer  Abdool  Kassim  to  Calcutta, 
for  ihe  purpose  of  obtaining  the  concurrence  of  the  goyer- 
nor-generaL  With  his  habitual  duplicity,  however,  Nizam 
Ally  at  the  same  time  sent  another  envoy*  to  Tippoo, 
proposing  a  strict  and  indissoluble  union  between  the 
Mahomedan  states,  to  which  l]ippoo  declared  his  readi- 
ness to  subscribe,  on  condition  of  an  intermarriage  in  their 
families :  but  the  Moghul  haughtily  rejected  such  a  con* 
section,  aiid  the  negotiation  terminated. 
When  the  envoy  deputed  to  Calcutta  submitted  his 
AD  1789  proposals,    the    governor-general    found 

himselfimder  considerable  embarrassment. 
No  specific  revisal  of  the  political  relations  between  the 
English  and  Nizam  AUy  had  taken  place  since  the  treaty 
of  1768  ;  but  the  treaty  of  Madras,  between  the  English 
and  Hyder  in  1769,  and  that  of  Mangalore  wiih  Tij^KX) 
in  1784,  had  each  recognised  both  father  and  son  as 
lawftd  sovereigns  of  that  territory  ;  of  which,  by  the 
treaty  with  Nizam  Ally  in  1768,  Hyder  was  declared 
usurper,  and  of  which  the  English  had  then  arrogated  to 
themsdves  the  certainty  of  a  speedy  reduction.  The 
governor-general  was,  as  already  mentioned,  prohibited  by 
act  of  parliament  from  entering  on  any  new  treaty  without 
express  authority  from  the  Court  of  Directors  ;  but  he 
was  particularly  demrous  of  securing  the  alliance  both  of 
Nizam  AJly  md  ihe  Mahrattas,  in  consequence  of  his 
belief  in  Tippoo's  hostile  proceedings,  already  commencixig 
by  an  attempt  to  subjugate  Travancore,  without  appear- 
ing as  a  party  in  the  aggression.  The  proposed  alliance 
of  the  Mahrattas  Lord  Comwallis  had  been  constrained 
*  Hia  name  was  Hafia  I^reed-ad*deeii  Khan. 


222  HISTORY  OP  THB  MAHftATTAS.  [<7BAP.  X 

to  decline;  but  the  danger  which  now  more  distinctly 
threatehed,  and  the  covert  nature  of  Tippoo's  operations^ 
which  precluded  proofs  wholly  sufScient  for  legal  justificar 
tion^  induced  Lord  Comwallis  to  adopt  a  line  of  conduct 
more  objectionable  than  an  arowed  defensive  alliance.  In 
reply  to  Meer  Abdool  Eassim's  application^  Lord  Oomwallis 
explained  the  reason  of  his  inability  to  perform  that  part 
of  the  treaty  of  1768  .  which  related  to  the  conquest  of 
the  Camatic  Bala  Ghaut  ;  but  by  a  letter- which  he  now 
wrote  to  Nizam  Ally,  which  letter  he  declared  equally 
binding  as  a  treaty,  he  promised  that  should  the  English> 
at  any  future  period,  obtain  possession  of  the  territory  in 
question,  they  would  then  perform  their  engagements  to 
him,  and  to  the  Mahrattas.  This  promise  certainly  implied, 
at  least  an  eventual  intention  of  subduing  Tippoo,  and 
that  inference  was  strengthened  by  an  explanation  of  a 
part  of  the  treaty,  relative  to  the  two  battalions,  which 
was  before  equivocal.  Instead  of  being  furnished  with 
these  battalions,  as  before  expressed,  when  they  could  be 
spared,  they  were  now  to  be  sent  when  required,  and  to 
be  paid  for,  at  the  same  rate  as  they  cost  the  company, 
merely  on  Condition'  that  they  were  never  to  be  employed 
against  the  allies  of  the  British  government.  These  allies 
were  at  the  same  time  expressly  named  ;  the  Mahrattas 
were  included,  but  Tippoo  was  omitted. 

Tippoo  considered  this  letter  as  a  treaty  of  offensive 
alliance  against  him.  He  was  now  at  less  pains  to  (Con- 
ceal hid  intended  invasion  of  Travancore,  and  his  unsuccess* 
fuH  attack  on  the  lines,  which  he  headed  in  person,  was  of 

course  considered  to  be  a  declaration  of 

Peoember  29,  xr  -m  i         i 

war.    ^ana  Jburuuweesno  sooner  heard 
A  n  iTon  <^  it,  than  he  made  specific  proposals  to 

the  Governor-General,  through  Mr.  Malet, 


CHAP.  Z.]  A^LIiNOB  AGAINST  TIPFOO.  223 

in  name  both  of  his  own  master  and  of  Nizam  Ally,  which^ 
with  sUght  modifications,  were  accepted.    A.preliminarj. 
agreement  was  settled  on  the  29th  March^  and  a  troaty, 
'  offensive  and' defensive,  was  cohdnded  at 

Poona,  on  the  1st '  Juney  between  Mr. 
Miedet  on  the  port  both  of  the  Company^  and  Nana  Fomn- 
wees  on  the  part  both  of  the  PeiBhwa  and  .Nizam  Ally, 
by  which  these  native  pon^rs  stipulated  that  an  army  of 
25,000  horse  shonld  attack  Tippoo>'8  northern  posseeiions 
before  and  during  the  rains,  iand  reduce  as  niuch  as  pbs* 
sible  of'his  territory,  lltat,  after  the  rains,  they  should 
act  against  Tippoo  with  their ,ntmost  means,  and,  in. case 
the  governor-general  should  require,  the  aid  of  10,000 
horse  to  co-operate  .with  the  English  army,  thatr  number 
was  also  to  be  ifiiniished  within  one  month  from  the.  time 
of  their  being  demanded  but  maintained  at  the  expense  of 
the.  company's  government.  Both  states  were  to  Jbe  allow- 
ed two  battalions,  and  their  expense  was  to  be  defrayed 
by  the  Peishwa  and  Nizam  Ally  respectively,  at.  the  same 
rate  as  they  cost  the  company.  All  conquests  were  to  be 
equally  shared,  uilless  the  English,  by  being  first,  in  the 
field,  bad  reduced  any  part  of  the  enemy's  territory  before 
the  allied  forces  entered  on  the  camipaign,  in  which  case 
the  allies  were  to  have  no  claim  to  any  part  of  sudi 
acquisition.  The  Polygars  and  zumeendars,  formeriy 
dependent  on  the  Pdshwa  and  Nizam  Ally,  or  those  who 
had  been  unjustly  deprived  of  their  lands  by  Hyder  and 
Tippoo,.  were  to  be  reinstated  in.  their  territory  on  paying  a 
nt^ur  at  the  time  of  their  rc-estabUshmeht,  whidi  should 
be  equally  divided  among  the  confederates,  but  afterwards 
they  were  to  be  tributary  to  Nizam  Ally  and  the  Peidiwa 
respectively.  It  was  also  stipulated  that  if^  after  the 
conclusion  of  peace,  Tippoo    should  attack  any  of  the 


224  HJSTOET  OF  THE  MAHHATTAS.  [OHAV.  X« 

contracting  panrtieB,  the  others  beoame  bound  to   nnite 
against  him. 

The  treaty  wasnxt  £nallj  concluded  by  Nizam  Ally 
until  the  4th  Jnly^  as  he  hbped,  by  procrastination,  to 
obtain  the  guarantee  of  the  British  government,  not  sim- 
ply, as  he  pretended,  to  ensiire  protection  to  his  tcrritoaieB 
from  the  Mahrattaa  -  duaring  the  absence  of  his  troops  on 
serWce,  but  to  procuitethe  interposition  of  the  English 
in  the  setttement  of  tiie  Mahcatta  chums,  which  even, 
where  just,  he  had  neither  disposition  nor  ability  to  pay  ; 
and  he  foresaw  that  a  day  of  reckoning  was  at  no  great 
distance*  hord  Gbmwallis,  viewing  the«  proposals  simply 
as  etoted,  could  not  accede  to  it  without  giving  umbrage  to 
the  Mahcaitas ;  but  be  assured  Nizam  Ally  of  his  disposi- 
tion to  strengthen  the  connection  between  the  two  gf^vem^ 
ments,  when  it  could  be  effected  consistently  with  good 
faith,  and  'A  due  regard  to  subsisting  engagements  with 
other  allies. 

The  first  campaign  of  tbe^  English  against  Tippoo  in 
tiiis  war  was  conducted  by  General  Medows.  It  com* 
menced  on  iiie  26th  May  17B0,  and  terminated  by  t^ 
return  of  the  army  to  Madtas  on  the  ^Itii  January  1791* 
The  advaoxtages  obtained  wdre  by  no  means  inconsiderable, 
but  n0t  so  great  >as  had  been  anticipated.  General 
Hedowa,  with  the  Madras  army,  invaded  Uppoo's  territory 
from  tiie  south,  and  reducSed  Oaroor,  Dindigul^  Coimbatoor, 
and  Palghaut ;  whilst  Colonel  Hartley;/'^  virith  a  detach- 
ment of  the  Bombay  army,  assailed  it'  from  the  west, 
gallflntly  attacked  and  routed  a  strong  corps  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Calicut,  and,  a  reinforoement  being 
brought  from  Bombay  by  General  <Bzr  Bobert  Aber* 

*  This  ifl  file  jsame  offioar  with  whom  the  reader  i's  already  well 
•oqualatdA.  - 


CHAP.  X.]  PRBPARATIQKS  AGAINST  TIPPOO.  225 

cromby,  who  assumed  the  command,    the  proyince  of 

Malabar  was  soon  cleared  of  Tippoo's  troops.* 

The  Mahratta  and  Moghul  armies  had  been  declared 

ready  to  take  the  field  before  the    march    of  General 

Medows  in  May ;  but  Nizlm*  Ally,  as  we  have  seen,  did 

not  finally  sign  the  treaty  till  July,  and  Fureshram  Bhow 

Putwurdhun,    the    officer    appointed    to    command  the 

Mahratta  army,  did  not  receive  his  corn- 
May  5. 

mission  to  raise  and    equip    his  troops 

until  5th  May,  on  which  day  he  had  his  audience  of  leave 

from  the  Peishwa,  and  immediately  set  out  for  his  own 

ja^eer  at  Tasgaom,  to  make  the  necessary  arrangements. 

The  two  battalions  with  their  artillery,!   which  by  the 

treaty  the  English  had  engaged  to  furnish,  sailed  from 

Bombay  about  the  20th  May,  disembarked 

^  '        on  the  29th  at  Sungumeshwur  (the  same 

place  where  Sumbhajee  was  made  prisoner  by  the  Moghuls 

upwards  of  a  century  before),  and  ascended  the  Ambah 

Ghaut  by  the  10th  June,  although  the  natural  difficulties 

of  that  stupendous  pass  were  much  increased  by  the  setting 

in  of  the  monsoon.     On  the  18  th  the 

detachment  arrived  at  Koompta,  a  village 

within  a  few  miles  of  Tasgaom,  when  the  commander. 

Captain  Lilile,  found  that  not  above  2,000  horse  had  as 

yet  assembled.    Two  carcooos  had  been  sent  to  meet  and 

accompany  the  British  detachment  on  its  march  from  the 

coast,  and  the  many  artificial  delays  and  difficulties  raised 

by  these  Bramin  conductors,   to  prolong  the  march,  and 

conceal  their  want  of  preparation,  were  now  explained. 

*  Bombay  and  B^n^al  Beoords,  Colonel  Wilks,  &c. 

t  The  8th  and  11th  battalions  of  native  infantry,  one  oompany  of 
European  artillery,  and  two  companies  of  gun-lascars,  with  six  field- 
pieoes. 

Vol.  II.— 29 


226  HISTOUT  OF  THE  MAHBATTAS.  [CHAP.  X. 

The  dilatorinesB  of  the  Mahrattas  appeared  ambignoas  to 
the  English,  especially  as  it  was  found  that  Tippoo's 
wukeels  were  still  at  Poena,  where  they  were  allowed  to 
remain,  as  subsequently  avowed  by  that  court/  in  the  vain 
hope  that  Tippoo  would  endeavour  to  purchase  their 
neutrality;  for,  although  the  Mahrattas  had  really  no 
intention  of  breaking  their  engagements  with  the  Eng- 
lish, this  mode  of  obtaining  a  supply  of  money  from  a 
tributary  who  owed  so  much  was  by  them  considered 
wholly  justifiable.     On  the  5th  of  August,  however,  the 

wukeels  were  finally  dismissed,  but  Puresh- 
August  6-11.      ra„  Show  did  not  eroB8  the  Kistna  until 

the  11th ;  at  which  time,  in  addition  to  the  British  detach- 
ment, he  had  only  5,000  horse,  and  about  one-third  of 
that  number  of  infantry.  In  the  course  of  a  few  days  he 
was  joined  by  a  body  of  horse  belongmg  to  the  Pritee 
Needhee ;  and  a  separate  body  of  1,000  horse,  whom  it 
was  at  first  proposed  to  attach  exclusively  to  the  Britii^ 
detachment,  also  joined,  under  a  partisan  officer  named 
Dhondoo  Punt  Gokla,  originally  eai  agent'  superintending 
a  part  of  the  marine  'establishmen't  at  Viziadroog.  His 
horse  were  not  contiimed'with  the  detachment  as  pro- 
posed ;  but  the  intention  of  thus  employing  them  was  the 
commencement  of  a  connedtion  between  Gdkla's  famify 
and  the  English,  by  whosi  influaioe  Rippbo  dokla,  the 
nephew  of  Dhondoo  Pdnt,  was  rdiaed  to  high  rank  at  the 
Peishwa's  court,  where  we  shall  ultimately  see* hi^ili,  by 
jio  uncommon  revolution,  an  active  enemy  of  die  British 
government. 

Hostilities  on  the  part  of  the  Mahrattas  against  Tippoo 

commenced  on  the  25th  August  by  an 

August  25.  ^^^^^^  ^p^^  ^  fortified  viUage,  from  which 

the  Mahrattas  expelled  the  garrison  with  trifling  loss.     As 


GHAK  X.]  THB  SUfiGB  OF  DHABWAB.  227 

they  advanced,  the  country  was  rapidly  occupied.  The 
inhabitants  assisted  to  expel  Tippoo's  sebundees,  but  the 
latter  were  easily  reoonciled  to  a  change  of  masters,  enlisted 
with  Fnreshram  Bhow,  and  aided  him  in  collecting  the 
outstanding  revenue.  The  Mahratta  force,  daily  joined 
by  small  parties,  soon  amounted  to  10,000  horse  and  3,000 
infantry,  exclusive  of  Captain  Little^s  detachment.    With 

this  army  Pureshram  Show  arrived  before 
Dharwar  on  the  18th  September,  and 
after  much  unnecessary  exposure,  and  considerable  loss  in 
reconnoitring,  commenced  the  mege  by  firing  cannon  from 
a  great  distance  during  the  day,  and  withdrawing  them 
at  night — an  absurd  practice  not  unusual  with  Mahrattas« 
In  the  Gafiisltibc,  mviih  of  the  Toongbuddra,  Tippoo  had 
^tiofaed  two  officers,  Budr-ul-Zeman  Khan  and  Kootub* 
ild-HlQen,  at  the  head  of  iibout  5,000  men,  a  few  of  whom 
were  C8|.valry,  but  the  greater  part  regular  infantry.  The 
Moghuls,  as  tfa^  Mahrattas  were  proceeding  towards  Dhar- 
^fir^.«iov^difi<ieim  Fajigul  to  cross  the  Kist&a  in  order  to 
besiege  Kopaul  and  Bahadur  B^nda,  on  which  Kootub- 
nd-deen,  with  the  whole  of  the  horse  and  a  part  of  the 
ipfantry,  advanced  to  observe  their  motions,  whilst  Budr- 
uJrJ^eman  threw  himself  into  Dharwar.  The  defences  of 
this  fortress  are  pripjdpally  of  mud,  and  though  irregular, 
apd  iv>w  greatly  decayed,  weore  then  very  strong.  It  is 
situated  in  a  plain  having  an  outer  and  an  inner  ditch 
froipi  25  to  30  feet  wide,  and  nesurly  as  many  feet  deep. 
Adjoining  to  the  fort,  on  the  south  side,;iand  outflanking 
it  to  the  eastward,  is  a  town  or  pettsdi,  dldfended  by  a  low 
mud  wall,  and  a  ditch  of  no  strength.  The  garrison,  on 
being  reinforced,  consisted  of  7,000    regular   and  3,000 

irregular  infantry.     The  first  operation  of 
any  consequence  was  an  attack  on  a  party 


228  HISTORY  or  the  iiahrattas.  [chap.  X. 

of  the  enemy  who  had  advanced  outside  of  the  town,  but 

were  driven  back  with    the  loss   of   three    guns  and  a 

considerable  proportion  of  killed  and  wounded,  principally 

from  the  fire  of  the  British  troops.     By  their  exertions  also 

the  pettah  was  stormed  and  taken  ;  Captain  Little,  the 

commander,  and  Lieutenant  Forster  were  the  first  who 

mounted  the  wall,  and  both  were  wounded,  the  former 

severely,  the  latter  mortally.     This  acquisition,  -which  cost 

the  British  detachment  62  men  in  killed  and  wounded,  was 

made  over  to  a  body  of  Mahrattas  under  Appa  Sahib,  the 

son  of  Pureshram  Bhow ;  but  no  sooner  had  the  British 

returned  to  their  camp,  than  the  garrison  sallied,  and  a 

very  severe  conflict  ensued  in   the  pettah  ;  500  Mahrattas 

were  killed,  and  a  still  greater  number  of  the  garrison. 

Although  the  advantage  was  rather  on  the  side  of  the 

Mahrattas,  Appa  Sahib  withdrew  his  troops  to  camp,  and 

permitted  the  garrison  to  re-occupy  the  town.     After  a 

truce',  in  order  to  allow  each  party  to  burn  and  bury  their 

dead,  the  Mahrattas,  who  were  ashamed  again  to  call  in 

^       1-     ,«       the  aid  of  the  British  detachment,  attacked 
Deoember  18.  i        ,     i       i  ..•,-»  i  rm 

and  retook  the  pettah  themselves.  The 
feeble  and  absurd  operations,  however,  which  generally 
distinguish  Mahratta  sieges,  were  never  more  conspicuous 
than  on  the  present  occasion.  It  must  ever  be  a  reflection 
upon  those  under  whose  orders  the  auxiliary  force  from 
Bombay  was  equipped,  that  there  was  no  efficient  battering 
train  to  assist  the  operations  of  the  Mahrattas,  whose  aid, 
if  so  supplied,  jnight  have  contributed  much  more  to 
the  success  of  the  war.  In  the  first  instance  it  was 
excusable,  because  it  might  have  been  expected  that  the 
Mahrattas,  if  unprepared  with  battering  cannon,  would  not 
employ  themselves  in  sieges  ;  but  Captain  Little  had  early 
represented  how  necessary  it  became  to  s6nd  some  heavy 


(HAP.  X.]  OPIRATIONS  BEFOBE  DHARWAB.  229 

guns,  ammunition,  and  stores,  not  merely  to  save  the 
credit  of  the  British  arms,  but  to  ensure  some  useM 
oo-operation  on  the  part  of  their  Mahratta  allies.  No 
battering  train  was  sent,  but  a  battalion  of  Europeans  and 
another  native  corps  were  despatched  under  Lieutenant^ 
Colonel  Frederick,  who  arrived  in  camp,  before  Dharwar, 
on  the  28th  December,  and  assumed  command  of  the 
British  force.  ' 

Every  possible  exertion  was  made  by  Colonel  Frederick. 

Pureshram  Bhow's  artillery  was  manned 

A.D.  1790 

by  Europeans,  but  the  guns  were  old, 
clumsy,  and  nearly  unserviceable ;  so  scanty  was  the 
supply  of  ammunition,  that  they  were  frequently  silent 
for  days  together,  and  the  garrison,  on  these  occasions, 
never  failed  to  make  a  complete  repair  in  the  intended 
breach.  A  considerable  quantity  of  powder  was  at  length 
obtained,  but  a  prospect  of  its  being  again  wholly  expended, 

induced  Colonel  Frederick  to  attempt  the 
assault  before  the  breach  was  entirely 
practicable.  He  would  probably  have  succeeded ;  but  at 
the  moment  when  the  troops  were  to  pass  the  ditch,  the 
fascines,  which  they  had  thrown  into  it,  were  set  on  fire, 
and  so  rapidly  consumed,  that  it  became  necessary  to 
retire  to  the  trenches.  In  this  attempt  the  British  detach- 
ment lost  85  men*  The  chagrin  occasioned  by  failure, 
followed  by  a  series  of  harassing  delays,  operating  on  an 
ardent  mind  and  a  debilitated  constitution,  proved  fatal  to 

Colonel  Frederick,  who  died  on  the  13th 
March,  and  was  succeeded  in  the  command 
of  the  detachment  by  Major  Sarti)rius«  Materials  were 
furnished  so  sparingly  that  little  impression  was  made  by 
the  batteries  ;  but  the  Mahrattas  carried  on  the  approaches 
after  their  own  manner,  by  running  trenches  and  digging 


ggO  HISTOBY  OF  THB  MAHBATTAS.  [CHAP.  X* 

mines  undar  the  glacis*  Frequent  sallies^  with  vaFions 
suocess,  were  made  by  the  garrison ;  at  length,  after  a 
protracted  siege  of  29  weeks,  a  lodgment  having  been 
effected  by  the  Mahrattas  and  the  English  on  the  crest  of 
the  glacis,  the  brave  veteran  Budr-nl-Zeman  Khan  capitu- 
lated. The  troops,  with  all  the  honors  of  war,  were 
allowed  to  march  out  of  the  fortress,  which  was  taken 

possession  of  by  the  confederates  on  the 
4th  bf  April.  But  the  late  garrison  had 
only  moved  a  short  distance,  when  they  were  attacked  by 
the>  Mahrattas,  the  greater  part  of  them  dispersed,  and 
their  commandant  wounded,  overpowered,  and,  with  sev^al 
others,  made  prisoner*.  It  appears  that  Budr-ul-Zeman 
Khan  had  stipulated  to  surrender  the  fort,  ammunition, 
and  stores  in  their  actual  condition  ;  but  the  Mahrattas^ 
having  discovered  that  he  had  destroyed  them'  after  the 
capitulation  was  made,  upbraided  him  with  his  want  of 
faith,  and  accused  Hyder,  Tippoo,  and  himself  of  habitual 
violation  of  their  engagements,  particularly  in  regard  to 
Gooty  and  Nurgoond.  Their  accusations  were  just ;  but 
Budr-ul-Zeman  Kbai^,  enraged  at  the  insult,  drew  bis 
sword,  and  his  troops  followed  his  example ;  the  result  of 
the  fray  proved  as  above  related.  .  Though  the  circum- 
stances may  induce  us  to  believe  that  there  was  no 
premeditated  tr^chery,  the  subsequent  confinement  of 
Budr-ul-Zeman  Khan  and  several  other  prisoners  reflects 
discredit  o^  the  conduct  of  Pureshram  Bhow.* 

Before  the  fall  of  Dharwar,  the  British  *  army  had  been 
some  time  in  the  field.  Its  first  campaign  against  Tippoo 
in  this  war  termina<ted,  as  wo  have  already  briefly  men- 
tioned, on  the  27th  January.     On  the  29th  of  tike  same 

♦Nftwativ^  of  Capfain  Little's  detachment,  Wilks,  Moor,  Bombay 
Becords,  Mabratta  M3S.  and  letters.  ^ 


CmAP.  X.]  THE  FALL  OP  BANQALORK.  231 

month  Lord  Cornwallis  assumed  the  command  of  the  army^ 
and  marched,  on  the  5th  February,  towards  Nellore,  where 
he  concentrated  his  forces,  and  advanced  to  Bangalore, 
which  he  invested  on  the  5th  March,  and  carried  it  by 
assault  on  the  night  of  the  2l6t  of  that  month.  This 
success  tended  to  discourage  the  enemy,  and  stimulate  the 
allies  to  exertion.  The  fall  of  Bangalore  had  some  share 
in  influencing  the  surrender  of  Dharwar,  and  also  of 
Kopftul,  besieged  by  the  Moghuls,  which  was  shortly 
afterwards  given  up,  as  was  Buhadur  Benda.  The 
Moghuls,  according  to  the  treaty,  were  supported  by  two 
battalions  of  Madras  native  infantry,  in  the  same  manner 
as  the  Mahrattas  were  aided  from  Bombay.     An  army  of 

80,000  Mahrattas,  of  whidi  25,000  were 

A  D  1791,  7  7  7 

horse,  marched  from  Poena,  on  the  Ist 
January,  under  the  command  of  Hurry  Punt  Pburkay; 
advanced  by  Punderpoor  and  Sorapoor,  forded  the  Kistna 
where  it  is  joined  by  the  Beema,  and  pirooeeded  to  Gedda* 
wal,  whence  Hurry  Punt  directed  the  main  body  of  his 
iarmj  to  c<mtinue  its  noute  to  Kumoul,  whilst  he  proceeded 
to  Paungul^  with  an  escort  of  2^000;  cavalry,  f(x  the 
punpooe  of  conf^nrring  perisonally  with  Nizam  Ally,  whoso 
eoiirt  was  then  held  at  that  frontier  position,  whence  he 
affected  to  direct  ihB  operations  of  his  field  army.  At  this 
conference  it' was  agreed  by  Nizam  Ally,  and  by  Hurry 
Punt  on  the  part  of  his  master  the  Peishwa,  that  they 
sh(mld  abide  by  the  terms  of  the  treaty  with  the  English, 
bnt^mly  so  far  as  might  humble  Tippoo,  without  absolutely 
annihilating  his  power.  After  the  interview.  Hurry  Punt 
joined  his  army  at  Kumoul,  where  he  remained  some  time, 
until,  hearing  of  the  capture  of  Bangalore,  he  sent  forward 
10,000  horse  with  orders  to  endeavour  to  join  Lord  Com* 
wallis,  in  which  he  had  been  anticipated  by  the  Moghuls, 


232  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [OHAP.  X. 

a  body  of  that  strength  having  effected  a  junction  with  the 
English  army  on  the  13th  of  April,  after  renting  the  party 
of  Kntttb-ud^een,  which  we  had  occasion  to  mention  b^ 
fore  the  siege  of  Dharwar.  But  the  Maharattas,  on 
WTiying  some  days  afterwards  at  Anuntpoor,  found  that 
Lord  Comwallis  had  advanced  towards  Seringapatam. 
Thej  therefore  halted  until  joined  by  Hurry  Punt  with 
the  main  army,  when  the  whole  moved  on  to  Sera.  It 
having  occurred  to  the  Mahratta  commander  to  try  the 
effect  of  summoning  the  place,  Sera  was  mest  uneicpected- 
ly  surrendered,  aad  found  foU  of  stores  and  in  high  order. 
This  success  induced  Hurry  Punt  to  detach  a  party  under 
Bulwunt  Soob  Bao  to  besiege  Mudgeery,  situated  20 
miles  to  the  east  of  Sera  ;  after  which,  leaving  a  strong 
garrison  in  his  new  acquisition,  he  proceeded  to  join  the 
army  at  Seringapatam.*  The  other  Mahratta  army, 
acting  on  the  north-western  quarter  of  Tippoo's  territory, 
whose  operations  before  Dharwar  have  been  detailed,  was 
now  also  advancing  by  orders  from  Hurry  Punt  towards 
Seringapatam.  After  the  termination  of  the  siege  of 
Dharwar,  a  part  of  the  British  detachment  was  recalled  to 
Bombay,  and  Captain  Little,  with  three  native  battalions, 
the  two  with  which  he  entered  on  the  campaign  having 
been  much  weakened  by  casualties,  continued  with  Puresh- 
ram  Bhow.  The  possession  of  Dharwar,  and  the  forts 
taken  by  the  Moghuls,  gave  the  allies  a  strong  hold  on  the 
country  situated  between  the  Kistna  and  Toongbuddra  ; 
Kooshgul,  and  several  other  places  of  less  note,  surrender- 
ed  to  Pureshram  Bhow  at  the  first  summons  ;  and  the 
occupation  of  the  country,  with  the  consequent  realization 
of  revenue,  became  so  inviting  to  the  Mahratta  general,  that 
he  soon  evinced  a  greater  care  of  his  own  interest  than  those 

*  Hurry  Punt's  despatohes. 


OfiAK  X.]  SIEOB  OT  SEBINdAPATAM.  233 

of  the  oonfederaoy.  It  was  recommended  that  he  should 
joifi  the  Bombay  army  under  General  Abercromby,  then 
on  its  march  from  Malabar  towards  the  capital  of  Mysore, 
through  the  territory  of  a  friendly  chieftain,  the  riya  of 
Koorg.  The  Mahratta  army,  under  Pareshram  Bhow, 
had  been  greatly  increased  during  the  siege  of  Dharwar  ; 
he  crossed  the  Toongbuddra  on  the  22nd  April,  and  arrived 
within  24  miles  of  Cbittledroog  on  the  29th  of  that  month. 
Several  fortified  towns  surrendered  without  resistance, 
and  Myconda  was  besieged  by  a  detachment  from  his 
army  ;  but  when  urged  by  Captain  Littl^  to  advance  in 
the  direction  by  which  General  Abercromby  was  expected, 
or  send  on  a  part  of  his  troops,  he  objected  to  it  as  unsafe, 
and  continued  his  system  of  collecting  from  the  surround*^ 
ing  country,  until  summoned  by  Hurry  Punt  to  accom- 
pany him  to  Seringapatam.*  Whilst  Hurry  Punt 
matched  south-west,  Pm*eshram  Bhow  moved  south-east. 
Their  armies  were  united  at  Nagmungulum  on  the  24th  of 
May,  and  on  the  ensuing  day  they  advanced  to  Mailcotta. 
But  although  thus  near  the  capital,  where  they  knew  their 
allies  were  encamped,  they  had  nbt  been  able  to  convey 
any  intimation  of  their  approach  to  Lord  Cornwallis,  as 
every  letter  was  intercepted  by  tiie  admirable  activity  of 
Tippoo's  mounted  Beruds.  This  circumstance  is  consider- 
ed  very  discreditable  to  Hurry  Pnnt  and  Pureshram  Bhow 
by  their  own  countrymen ;  and  it  was  matter  of  most 
serious  regret  to  Lord  Cornwallis  that  he  had  remained 
ignorant  of  their  approach* 

After  the  MoghuLcavalry  joined  him,  as^already  noticed. 
Lord  Cornwallis  resolved  to  undertake  the  siege  of  Serin- 
gapatam,  and  directed  General  Abercromby  to  move 
forward  from  the  westward,  for  the  purpose  of  joining  him 

*  Mahratta  MSS.  and  letters,  Captain  Little's  despatchc?,  &c. 
Vol.  ii.-— 30 


231  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHBATTAS.  [OHAP.  %. 

at  that  capital.  As  the  grand  army  advanoed  from  the 
northward,  Tippdo  bnmt  the  villages,  destroyed  the 
forage,  and  drove  off  both  the  inhabitants  and  their  cattle, 
so  that  the  space  on  which  the  army  moved  was  a  desert^ 
and  the  condition  of  its  cattle  and  horses  soon  proved  the 

efficacy  of  this  mode  of  defence.     Oh  the 

May 

15th  Tippoo  made  a  stand  at  Arikera,  but 
usas  defeated ;  and  on  the  19th  Lord  Comwallis  encamped 
at  Caniambaddy,  to  the  west  of  Seringapatam.  But  the 
battle  he  had  gained  on  the  15th,  and  his  position  at  the 
gates  of  the  capital,  were  advantages  more  than  counter^ 
balanced  by  the  state  of  his  cattle,  and  the  alarming 
scarcity  which  prevaUed  in  his  camp.  The  want  of  forage 
and  provisions,  aggravated  by  the  presence  of  the  useless 
and  wastefiil  Moghul  horse,  soon  became  so  much  felt, 
that,  combined  with  the  lateness  of  the  season.  Lord 
Comwallis  abandoned  all  hope  of  being  able  to  rednoe 
.4Beringapatam  before  the  monsoon  ;  he  therefore  sent 
orders  to  General  Abercromby  to  return  to  Malabar, 
destroyed  his  own  battering  guns  and  heavy  stores,  raised 
the  siege,  and  on  the  26th  May  marched  towards  Mailcotta, 
from  which  place  the  Mahrattas  had  also  moved  that 
morning.  Great  was  the  suprise  of  4he  English  army 
when  large  bodies  of  horse  were  seen  advancing,  of  whose 
approach,  they  had  no  intimation*  Conceiving  them  to  be 
enemies,  preparations  were  at  first  made  to  treat  them  as 
such ;  but  their  real  character  was  soon  discovered,  and, 
though  not  unclouded  with  regret  and  disappointment^ 
their  arrival  was  hailed  with  great  joy,  as  the  ample  sup- 
plies of  the  Mahratta  bazars  afforded  immediate  relief  to 
the  famished  camp.  That  we  may  not  unjustly  detract 
from  the  merit  of  the  Mahratta  commanders,  as  they  have 
been  accused  of  self-interested  motives  in  the  readiness 


CHAP.  X.]  VARIOUS  OPERATIONS  OF  THE  ARMT.  23$ 

with  which  they  permitted  their  bazar  followers  to  sell  to 
all  comers^  it  is  proper  to  mention  that,  thongh  their 
followers  took  advantage  of  the  period  to  raise  the  price 
of  grain,  their  own  troops  suffered  bj  the  Bcarcity  which 
for  a  few  days  ensued.  Hurry  Punt's  despatches  evince 
a  very  humane  and  laudable  anxiety  to  alleviate  the  dis- 
tress of  his  allies.  'Sie  junction  of  the  Mahrattas  near  the 
spot  where  Trimbuck  Bao  Mama  had  gained  the  victory 
over  Hyder  in  1771,  was  considered  by  thenr  an  omen 
particularly  propitious. 

The  confederate  armies  remained  for  ten  days  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Seringapatam,  in  order  to  allow  time 
for  the  convoys  of  grain,  expected  by  the  Mahrattas,  to 
join  the  camp,  after  which  the  whole  moved  to  Nagmun- 
gulum.  Hurry  Punt  proposed  that  they  should  proceed 
to  Sera,  and  take  possession  of  the  whole  country  between 
tiiat  place  and  the  Kistna.  Lord  Oomwallis,  however? 
considered  it  of  prior  importance  to  reduce  the  Baramahal, 
and  country  in  die  neighbourhood  of  Bangalore,  in  order 
to  facilitate  the  approach  of  the  necessary  supplies  from 
Madras.  Hurry  Punt  urged  similar  reasons  in,  support 
of  his  own  proposal,  and  was  naturally  seconded  by  the 
Moghuls  ;  but  as  both  depended  en  the  English  artillery 
and  military  stores,  they  yielded  to  the  wishes  of  the 
governor-general.  The  army  moved  forward  by  very 
slow  marches,  necessary  to  the  English  from  the  exhausted 
state  of  their  cattle,  and  the  motions  of  the  confederates 
were  regulated  accordingly.  The  fort  of  Oosoor  was 
evacuated  on  the  approach  of  the  grand  army.  Pureshram 
Bhpw,  accompanied  by  Captain  Little's  battalicms,  was 
detached  towards  Sera,  for  the  purpose  of  keeping  open 
the  northern  communication,  and  overaweing  the  country 
which  had  already  submitted.    Nidjigul  surrendered  to 


23.6  HISTORY  OF  THY  VABBATTAS.  [CHAP;  X. 

Poreshram  Bhow,  and  the  kilUdar  of  Davaraydtoog  pro- 
miflod  to  give  it  up,  provided  a  part  of  the  British  detach- 
ment  was  seat  to  take  possession ;  but^  on  approaehing 
the  fort,  they  were  fired  upon^  and  as  Pureshram  Bhow 
had  not  the  means  of  reducing  it,  he  bnrnt  the  pettah  in 
rerenge,  and  proceeded  to  Sera*  Being  desirous  of  return- 
ing to  the  north-westy  he  assigned  want  of  forage  as  a 
reason  for  hastily  withdrawing  to  Chittledroog,  where  he 
surprised  and  cut  off  300  of  its  garrisbn,  who  happened 
to  be  outside,  and  neglected  to  seek  timely  protection  in 
the  fort.  Pureshram  Bhow  long  indulged  hopes  of  obtain- 
ing possession  of  this  stronghold  by  seducing  the  garrison ; 
but  all  his  attempts  proved  abortive ;  he,  however,  took 
several  fortified  places  in  its  vicinity. 

With  regard  to  the  operations  of  the  other  troops  at  a 
distance  firom  the  gr^nd  army,  Bulwunt  Soob  Bao,  the 
officer  sent  by  Hurry  Punt  to  besiege  Mudgeery,  did  not 
succeed  in  gaining  possession  of  it,  but  he  left  a  detach- 
ment in  the  pettah,  and  went  on  to  Makleedroog,  Bhusmag, 
and  Ruttengerry,  of  all  which  he  took  possession.*  The 
army  of  Nizam  Ally,  with  the  two  Madras  battalions  whidi 
continued  to  the  northward,  took  Gandicottah  on  the 
Pennar,  and  laid  siege  to  Gurrumcondah. 

The  operations  of  Lord  Oomwallis,  after  his  retreat 
from  Seringapatam,  until  the  season  should  admit  of  bis 
renewing  the  siege,  were  chiefly  in  the  Baramabal,  the 
whole  of  which  he  reduced,  except  the  strong  hill-fort  of 
Kistnagheery,  which  he  intended  to  blockade,  but  previous 
to  this  arrangement,  one  of  Tippoo's  detachments,  under 
Kummur-ttd-deen,  having  surprised  and  cut  off  the  party 
of  Mahrattas  left  by  Bulwunt  Boob  Rao  at  Mudgeery,  the 
report  of  this  circumstance  was  magnified  into  the  total 

*  Hurry  Pant's  de Bpstohes. 


OHAP.  X.]  OPBRATIONS  OF  THE  MOGHUL  ARKT.  £37 

defeat  and  dispersion  of  Pareshram  Bhow's  army^  and 
induced  Lord  Comwallis  to  proceed  to  Bangalore  wittiont 
forming  the  intended  blockade.  After  hearing  the  true 
state  of  the  case,  he  resolved  on  reducing  the  forts  between 
Bangalore  and  Gurrumeondah,  in  the  siege  of  which  last 
the  Moghul  troops  were  still  occupied.  The  whole  tract 
soon  fell,  and,  amongst  other  places  of  strength,  the  hill- 
fort  of  Nundidroog,  when  a  part  of  the  battering  train 
used  in  its  reduction  was  sent  oft  ^o  assist  the  Moghuls  at 
Gurrumcondah,  whither  also  most  of  their  horse  repaired. 

By  tibe  beginning  of  December  Lord  Comwallis's  army 
had  assembled  at  Bangalore^  and  might  have  advanced 
to  Seringapatam,  but  the  Bombay  troops  had  a  difficult 
march  to  perform  before  they  could  join ;  and  Pureshram 
Bhow,  though  directed  to  be  prepared  to  support  their 
advance,  remained  on  pretence  of  sickness  near  Chittle-> 
droog.  The  Moghuls  loitered  with  the  camp  at  Gurrum- 
condah ;  and  although  Hurry  Punt. continued  with  Lord 
Cornwallid,  the  greater  part  of  his  troops  were  dispersed 
on  various  pretexts,  but  in  reality  to  occupy  the  districts, 
and  to  collect  as  much  money  as  they  could*  As  circum«^ 
stances  thus  detained  Lord  Comwallis  from  the  main  object 
of  reducing  the  capital,  he  in  tlie  meantime  laid  siege  to 
the  forts  in  his  route.  Savendroog  and  Outradroog  were 
taken;  Bamgheery,  Shevkigheery,  and  Hooliordroog 
surrendered. 

The  Moghul  army,  after  months  spent  befoa-e  Gurrum- 
condah in  a  series  of  opeorations  still  more  feeble  than  those 
of  the  Mahrattas  before  Dharwar,  were  at  length  put  in 
possession  of  the  lower  fort  biy  the  exertions  of  Captain 
Read,  the  officer  who  had  succeeded  to  the  command  of 
the  English  detachment.*    The  Moghuls  having  resigned 

*  Bombay  Ii60<>rds,  Colonel  Wilks. 


238  HISTOBY  OF  THE  UAHBATTAS.  [OHAF.  X. 

ftll  hope  of  reducing  the  tipper  fort,  being  anxious  to  join 
in  the  siege  of  Seringapatam,  determined  to  mask  it,  and 
for  that  purpose  a  considerable  body  of  troops  was  left 
under  Hafiz  Fureed-ud-deen  Khan,  a  part  of  whom,  under 
faispersonal command,  he  kept  in  the  lower  fort,  and  a 
small  body  was  encamped  at  a  little  distance  on  the  south 
side,  under  the  orders  of  Azim  Khan,  the  son  of  the  nabob 
of  Kumoul^  and  a  Frenchman  who^had  assumed  the  name 
of  Smith.  These  arrangements  being  completed,  the  main 
body  moved  on  with  the  intention  of  joining  Lord  Corn- 
wallis,  but  they  were  speedily  recalled  in  consequence  of 
an  imexpected  attack  on  the  blockading  party,  many  of 
whom  were  killed,  and  Hafiz  Fureed-ud-deen  having  been 
made  prisoner,  was  basely  murdered  from  motives  of 
revenge,  he  having  been  the  envoy  through  whom  the 
proffer  of  marriage  on  the  part  of  Tippoo  was  sent,  which 
was  indignantly  refused  by  Nizam  Ally.  The  Frenchman 
Smith  was  also  taken  and  put  to  death.  On  the  return 
of  the  main  body  of  the  Moghuls,  Tippoo's  troops,  who 
were  headed  by  his  eldest  son  Futih  Hyder,  retired  and 
left  the  Moghuls  to  strengthen  their  party  in  the  lower  ^ 
fort.*  This  arrangement  being  again  completed,  the 
Moghul  army  moved  on,  and  joined  Lord  Comwallis  at 
Outradroog  on  the  .25th  January  1792. 

We  have  noticed  the  delay  of  the  Mahratta  commanders 
in  collecting  their  detachments,  and  in  engaging  actively 
with  the  English  in  the  operations  against  the  capital. 
The  object  of  Hurry  Punt  was  obviously  plunder,  but  that 
of  Pureshram  Bhow  extended  to  the  long-meditated 
Mahratta  scheme  of  obtaining  possession  of  the  district  of 
Bednore.     Pureshram  Bhow  conceived  that  the  present 

*  Lefter  from  Lieutenant  Stewart,  Ist  asustant  to  the  resident  at 
Hyderabad. 


CHAP.  X.]  BATTLE  OF  SIMOGA.  23^ 

Opportunity,  whilst  aided  by  a  body  of  British  troops  at 
his  absolute  disposal,  was  too  favourable  to  be  omitted. 
Though  fully  informed  by  Lord  ComwaUis  of  the  general 
plan  of  operations,  in  which  he  was  requested  to  co-operate, 
he  no  sooner  saw  the  English  army  engaged  in  besieging 
the  fortresses  already  mentioned,  on  its  route  towards 
Seringapatam,  than  he  directed  his  march  straight  towards 
Bednore.     Hooly  Onore  having  been  assaulted  and  taken 

by  the  British  detachment,  the  Mahratta 

Deoember  21.  *'         i         i-        j  v  •        j  ^  L^ 

general  continued  his  advance  along  the 
left  bank  of  the  Toong,  intending  to  reduce  the  fort  of 
Simoga.  But  at  that  place,  besides  the  regular  garrison, 
there  was  a  force  consisting  of  7,000  infantry,  800  hdrse, 
and  10  guns,  under  the  command  of  Beza  Sahib,  one  of 
Tippoo's  relations,  who,  on  the  approach  of  the  Mahrattas, 
either  from  not  deeming  his  position  advantageous,  or  with 
a  view  to  attack  Pureshram  Bhow  when  en^^^ed  in  the 
Biege,  qnitted  his  entrenchments  close  to  the  S  of  the 
•  fort,  and  took  post  in  a  thick  jungle  a  few  miles  to  the 
south-west  of  it.  His  position  was  uncommonly  strong, 
having  the  river  Toong  on  his  Hght,  a  steep  hill  covered 
with  impenetrable  underwood  on  his  left,  and  his  front 
protected  and  concealed  both  by  underwood  and  a  deep 
ravine,  full  of  tall  and  close  bamboos,  than  which  no  trees 
form  a  stronger  defence.  One  road  only  ran  through  this 
position,  but  it  was  more  clear  and  open  to  the  rear. 
Pureshram  Bhow  came  in  sight  of  the  fort  on  the  mom- 

ing  of  iiie  29th  Deceiliber ;  but,  instead 
of  attacking,  made  a  considerable  circuit 
to  avoid  it,  and  continued  his  route  towards  the  position 
occupied  by  Reza  Sahib.  Having  arrived  in  its  neighbour- 
hood, the  main  army  took  up  its  ground  of  encampment ; 
but  Appa  Sahib  advanced  towards  the  enemy*  with  a  body 


240  HISTORY  07  THB  HAHRATTA8,  [CRAF.  X, 

of  cavalry.  Pareahram  Bbow  requegted  of  Oaptain  Little 
to  leave  eight  companies  for  the  protection  of  the  camp^ 
and  move  on  with  the  rest  of  the  battaHons  to  support 
his  son,  which  he  immediately  did«  The  closeness  of  the 
conntry  rendered  the  attack  of  cavalry  impracticable ;  and 
Captain  Little's  three  battalions  on  this  memorable  occa- 
sion mustered  abont  800  bayonets  1  Notwithstanding  the 
comparative  insignificance  of  his  numbers,  he  did  not 
hesitate  in  moving  down  on  the  enemy's  position,  the 
irregular  infantry  of  the  Mahrattas  following  in  his  rear. 
Captain  Little,  for  the  purpose  of  ascertaining  the  manner 
in  which  the  enemy  was  posted,  and  aware  of  the  advan- 
tage  of  keeping  his  strength  in  reserve  in  such  a  situation, 
went  forward  with  one  battalion  ;  and,  as  the  fire  opened, 
he  directed  two  companies  to  advance  on  the  enemy's  right 
and  two  other  companies  to  attack  ilieir  left,  whilst  the 
rest  were  engaged  with  the  centre.  Every  attempt  to 
penetrate  into  the  jungle  was  warmly  opposed,  but  the 
enemy's  right  seemed  the  point  most  assailable,  though  . 
defended  with  obstinacy.  Two  companies  were  sent  to 
i^ioforce  the  two  engaged  on  the  right ;  but  Lieutenants 
Doolan  and  Bethune,  who  led  them,  were  wounded 
successively.  The  grenadier  company,  under  Lieutenant 
Moor,*  was  sent  to  their  support ;  that  officer  also  fell 
disabled.  Bix  companies  of  the  llih  battalion  were  then 
brought  forward,  and  Brigadier  Major  Boss,  who  directed 
them,  was  killed.  The  sepoys  repeatedly  penetrated  a 
short  distance  into  the  jungle  ;  but  most  of  their  European 
officers  being  wounded,  they  could  not  keep  their 
ground.-  The  Mahratta  infantry,  on  every  advance^ 
rushed  forward  tumultuously,    but    were     driven   back 

*  *  Author  of  the  interesting  narrative  of  the  operations  of  Captain 
Little's  detachment. 


CHAP.  X.]  cAPrAiN  LrrrtE'g  victoiiy.  241 

in   diaorderiy  flight,  which  only    added   to    the    general 
slaughter,     and    contributed    to    ihe  confusion    of   the 
regular    infantry;   but    Captain     Little,     watching    the 
opportunites  when  his  men's  minds  required  support,  with 
that  admirable  judgal^nt  and  gallahtry  which  have,  on  so 
xpauy  occasions,  distinguished  ihe  offioera  of  British  sepoys, 
valtyed,  .cheered,  atid  re^animated  them ;  sent  on  parts  df 
thft  reflerv^,  and  continued  the  apparently  unequal  strug^e 
vith  steady  resolution.    At  last  the  whole  ^reserve  was 
ordered  up ;  the  action  continued  with  fresh  spirit,  ,and  a 
small  party  got  through  the  jungle  into  the  enemy's  camp- 
Captain  Little,  who  immediately  perceived  the  importance 
qi  thi*  advantage,   skillfully  prepared  a  strong  body  to 
Si^pport  ihern*    This  reinforcemlsnt  he  headed  in  person, 
and  arrive4  i^  ^^^  ^  secure  the  retreat  of  the  small 
advanced  party  which  bad  given. way  on  their  officer  beiitig 
wouiided,  and  were  completely  overpowered  and  flying  ; 
i:allying,  however,  at  Captain  Little^s  word,  and  seeing 
themselves  seconded,  they  turned  on  their  pursuers  wiih! 
fre^h  energy.    The  enemy  began  to  .waver.    The  whole 
detachment   was    ordered    to    press    forward,    'Captain 
Thompson,  of  the  artillery,  and  the  few  European  ofBcers 
that  remained,  imitating  the  example   of  theif  f  gallant 
commander,  led  on  with  the  greatest  animation,  drove  the 
enemy  from  every  point,  and  thus  gained  this  well-fought 
l^attle.    The  Mahrattas  rushed  forward  with  their  usual 
avidity  to  share  the  plunder,  and  were  useful    in  the 
pui;suit,  which  Captain  Little  continued  in  the  most  persever- 
ing manner,    until  he  had  taken  every  one  of  the   guns, 
and  rendered  his  victory  as  dispiriting  and  injurious  to  the 
enemy,  as  it  was  .creditable  and  cheering  to  his  own  party. 
The  whole  conduct  of  Captain  Little  on  this  occasion 

was  most  exemplary  :  it  reminds  us  of  the  geueralship  of 
Vol,  II.— 31 


y^jj  HI9T0BT  OF  TSB  tf  AHSATTAS.  l<mAf:  X. 

jL»wrenc9v  br  oft  CKto^  and- of  ifteJf  entitles  him  to  a  ^erf 
respectaUe!ratak'>ii¥  Ae  miliiiary  annals  of :  Briti&h  India. 
Of.  the  small  number  of  British  troops  engaged,  60w&t& 
killed  and  wounded,  and  the  kiss  wonld  have  been  much 
greater,  but  for  the  judicious  oonduot  of  tHeir  com«iaBder,t 
:yrho  exposed  them  as  Uttle  as  possible  until  be  knew  whei^e 
th^r  qtrength  could  be  exerted  with  eifeot  The^ 
Mahrattab)  though  they  contributed  but  little  to  the^ 
suocess  of  the;  day,  •  lost  about  50O  men.  The  fort  ot 
J.       .      •  •  ^moga  did  not  long  hold  out  after  the 

'  \  *  .  ^  defeat;  'bf  the  covering  *  army ;  it  sufr-^ 
ren^^red  to  'Captain  Little  on  the  2nd  Janu£u*y,  and  it  was" 
tp  Urn.  a  very  jhiimiliatiag  circumstance  that  he  wad' 
cpmpeUed  ti>  plaoe  the  principal  officers  at  l&e  disposal  of 
Pure^hram  Bhow,  wtho,  contrary  to  the  terins  of  capitula-* 
ti^](i, : detained  them  in  the  same  manner  as  he. had  kept' 
Budr-ftl  Zemto  Khan. 

.,3opEie; time' was  spent  in  making  arriangments*  for  the 
9foci:^paiiQn  of  the  eousitry  about  Simoga ;  but,  towards  the 
middle ' of- January,-  Pureshram  Bho^V^j  to  t3omplete"  his 
<^sigii',/ ad^ianced  through  the  woods  in- the  direction  of 
BfadijLOce,]  which  he  reached  on  the  28th,  and  ivas  prepar- 
}tig,  to  invest  it,  when,  for  reasons  which  will  be  her^aftei^ 
e;s:plained9  he  suddenly  retreated,  tod,  ^fter  returning'  to' 
^imoga,  took  the  straight  route  towards  Seringapatam.*' 
if^ordComVaUiSi^  accompanied  by  Hurry  Punt  and  the  son' 
of  Ni?«tm.  Ally,  8ikimdur  Jah,  atrived  with  the  'combined' 
ar,my  before  Tippoo's  capital  on  the  5th  February.    On' 
the  following  day,  the  well-concerted '  and  brilliant  attatsk' 
made  by  the.  English  on  his  camp  within 'the  bound  hedge, 
pu^  the  allies  in  possession  of '  the  whole  of  the  outworks, 
a,nd  imn;Ledid.te  preparations  were  mftde  fot  comfhehcitig 

•  Moor,  Wilks,  Mahratta  MSS.  and  letierp. 


CBAF«   X.g  PBACS  COKCLUDBD  WITB  TtPmo.  ^^g 

the  -eiege*  O^eral  -  Abchroofomby's  dfvimon  joined  oti  (h^ 
16tib)  and  materiistUy  dontrilmtedt  to  ^forward  the  ^peratk)n8; 
paTtioulasly  bj  the  gallant  repalse  of  Tippoo's  atta<)k  on 
theii^'adyanced  position  on  thei  23hd  of  Febtnary^  ' 

i  Tijipio  kr^fieatedly  endeavoured  to  open  negotUtiotis^ 
but  faia  first  ovortures  Wdre^forivarioiis  reasons-  considered 
inadmifi|sible  ^  aiJasty  in  (kmsecpience  of  the  more- Incom- 
ing form  and  tone  of  his  pij^opo^alS)'  together  with  th^ 
interoession  of  the  allies,  particularly  of  Hurry  Pnnt,  f  wo 
wukeels,*  Gholam  Ali'and  Ali  Beza/  were  admitted*  to  am 
audience  on  the  :14th  February,  whilst,  in  the  ^^eautime, 
the  attack  and  defehee  were  going  forward  as  if  no  peace 
kid  been  meditated.  The  wukeels  were  met  by  threef 
agents  appointed  by  the  allies  respectively*— Siif  Johii 
Kbnnaway  on  the  part  of  Lcfrd  Cornwallis,  Buch'ajee 
Biigonaith>  on  that  o£.  Hurry  Bunt^  and  Meer  Abdool 
EJassiixl,  n^vf  distinguished  by  his  title  of  Meer  Alum,  id 
behalf  of  Bikusidur  Jah;  After  con$idel?able  disoussion, 
and  many  referencei^  by  the  Wnkeels  iK>  their  madter^ 
Tippoo  on  the  23rd  February,  the  day  after  his  unsuccess- 
ful attack  on  General  Abercromby's  diyiBioh,  consented  to 
cede  half  the  territory  which  he  possessed  before  the  ivar  i 
to*  pay  three  crores  and>  SOfiOO  ru^s,  one^h^lf  imme- 
diately, and  the  rest  by  three  equal  instalments  within  a 
year ;  to  release  all  'parsons  made  prisoners  from  the  time 
of  Hyder  Ally,  and  to  deliver  two  of  his  sons  as  hostages 
for  the  due  performance  of  the  conditions;  An  armistice 
had  taken  place  for  two  days,  the  hostages  had  already 
arrived  in  the  English*  eampj  upwards  of  one^  crore  of 
rupees  of  the  money  had  been  paid,  and  the  definitive 
treaty  iOn  the  point  of  being  concluded,  when  Tippoo,  who 
appears  to  have  at  fii^st  overlooked  the  circumstance; 
finding  iihat  the  principality  of  Koorg  was  included'  in  th^ 


244  BISTORT  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  :[OHAP«  X. 

list  of  cessions,  loudly  remonstrated' against  yielding  what 
he  termed  equivalent  to  the  surrender  of  one  of  the  gates 
ofSeringapatam.  Appearances  mdieated  his  determinatioii 
to  break  the  truce,  but  the  prompt  measures  adopted  by 
Lord  Comwallis  for<  renewing  the  siege,  and  his  declared 
resofaition  to  give  up  none  of  the  advantages  already 
secured,  induced  Tippoo  to  refledi  on  the  eonsequerioes, 
and  finally  to  sign  the  treaty^ 

Without  reference  to  the  condition  of  ihe  former  depen^ 
dents  of  the  Feishwa.  and  Nizam  Ally,  or  to  that  clause 
which  seeured  a  greatier  adva4;itage  to  the  party  first  in  the 
field^  the  allies  received  on  equal  share  of  the  distriGtJs 
ceded  by  Tippoo,  amountiiig  annually,  to  about  40  lakhs  of 
rupees  td  each. 

The  share  of  the  Mahrattas  lay  principally  between  the 
Wurdah  and  Kistna  ;  it  also  included  the  valley  of  Sondoor 
near  Bellary,  which  was  still  in  possession  of  the .  Ghore4 
puray  family.  The  portion  allotted  to  Nizam  Ally  included 
Gooty  and  Kurpa,  with  the  districts  betwewi  the  Kista 
and  Toongbuddra, -of  which  Moodgul,  Kannikgeeree,  and 
Kopaul  may  be  considered  .the  western  boundary,  with  the 
exception  of  a  small  district  about  Anagoondy,  which 
Tippoo  retained.  Dindigul,  Baramahal,  Koorg^  find 
Malabar  were  assigned:  to  the  English. 

We  now  return  to  explain  the  cause  of  Puresfaran 
Bhow's  sudden  retreat  Scorn  Bednore,  which  was  occa- 
sioned by  his  learning  that  Eummur-^ud-deen  had  marolied 
from  SeriUigapatam  with  a  strong  force  of  infhpt«7,jfor  Uad 
purpose  of  entrappiug  him  in  the  woods,  and,  although 
success  would  have  more  than  exeused  his  proceedings  at 
the  Poena  court,  his  failure,  should  he  be  afterwards 
hemmed  in,  would  have  ruined  both  himselfatid  his.army  ; 
for  Nana  Furnuwees,  though  he  sit  first  took  little  notice 


CHAC.  Z.]:  PBIVATION  07  PUBSWRAM  BBOW'fi  ARMT.  245 

fi£  :tim  Bhow^s  inientioii,  no  sooner  fonaxl  that  it  was 
genially  underotood^  than  he  ordered  him  to  desist^ 
and  proceed  to  Seringapatam.  -Lord'  Com wallis,' after 
he  laid  mege  to  that  fortfefis^^had  preasingiy  •  written 
to  Poreahtam  Bhow,  describing  the  maimer  in  which 
be  r  had  invested  ity  and  painting  out  the  essential  service 
thatsmghl)  be  i^^odered  by  his  cavsdry  if  ^sted:on  the 
south  face  of  the  fortress ;  but  Pureshram  .  Bhow  dis^ 
regarded  the  application^  until,  he  received  the  information 
already  mentioned.  ^  By  the  time,  however,  that  he  reached 
Seringapatam,  the  armistice  was  signed  ;  and  although 
Lord  Cornwallis  scarcely  noticed  his  faithless  conduct,  it 
has  been  a  theme  of  just  censure  ;  nor  can  Nana  Furnuwees 
be  exempted  from  a  share  of  blame,  for  when  urged  by 
Mr.  Melet  to  expedite  the  Bhow's  advance  to  the  capital, 
he  started  difficulties  as  to  the  scarcity  which  his  junction 
would  occasion  in  the  grand  army,  and  would  no  doubt 
have  been  well  pleased  to  effect  a  cohquest  which  had  been 
a  favourite  object  with  his  great  master,  the  first  Mahdoo 
Bao. 

By  the  end  of  march,  after  the  usual  interchange  of 
civilities,  the  commanders  of  tlie  allied  armies  had  put  their 
troops  in  motion  towards  tlieir  respective  frontiers.  Hurry 
Punt  returned  by  the  eastern  route  to  Poona,  where  he 
arrived  on  the  25th  May ;  but  Pureshram  Bhow.  remained 
with  the  heavy  baggage  and  stores,  which,  together  with 
his  own  artillery  and  17  battering  guns  presented  by  Lord 
Cornwallis  to  the  Peishwa,  greatly  retarded  his  progress. 
The  devastation  committed  by  his  own  troops  on  their 
advance  rendered  grain  and  forage  extremely  scarce,  and 
the  heat  and  drought  of  the  season,  together  with  the 
active  annoyance  which,  notwithstanding  the  peace,  he 
continued    to    experience    from     Tippoo's     Beruds   and 


2I6l 


.HlSTCaX  aff  TiBB  UAHKATTiUa. 


[CHAF.  Xv 


Findharecs;  combined  to  render  Pureshram  Bhow- s  march 
from  Sevingapataiii  to  the  Toongbaddra  one  of  the  most 
distressing  t\m-  ^Mahrittas  erer  exp^eaced*  Captam 
Little'a  detaohmen^  feriianateiy.  escaped  the  Qovere  priva'* 
tlonaio  which  Pmreshram  Bhbw's  army  was  subfected)  by 
having  been  directed  to  join  Geneiral  Abercromby 'b  'artny,' 
wHch  marched  to  MalaJbar^  iind  embarked  at  (DuBaiiorb 
for  Bombay.* 

^  Mfthratta  and  English  Records,  Wilks,  Moor,  &o.,  &c. 


347 


\* 


'  •  CHAP.  XL 

Fbok  A.D.  1792  TO  A.D.  1794. 

*        •      .  « 

An  inquiry  into  the  reasons  ivJiicJi  induced  Lord  Comimllis 

to  refrain  from  siAjuyating  Tippo6*s  territory  isforeiffri  to 

'    the  'object  of  this  work, — Opinion  of  the  Mahraita  ministers 

on  this  subject.  — Mahadajee  Sindia*s  proposals  at  the  time 

of  forming  thS  confederacy  against  Tippoo^  to  which  ^indid 

'   did  not  become  a  party.* — Sindia^s  proceedings  in  ffin^ 

'   dostan'."^Bdttle  of  JPdtim, — Ismael  Beg  defeated. — Raj^ 

'  poots  •  c&ntinue  the  war-^battle  of  Mairta — peace  with  the 

'   Rajpoots.— ^The  regular  infantry  of  De  Boigne. — Jlothar 

entertains- the  Chevalier  DudreneCy  and  raises  some  regular 

'   corps, — Ali  BuhadttTy    assisted  by    Himmut  BuJiadur^ 

'   establishes  himself  in  Bundelcund. — Sindia  moves  towards 

Poona.'^Surmises'vAth  regard  to  his  intentions. — Declares 

'  that  he  is  proceeding  as  bearer  of  the  insignia  of  o^ce  for 

•  the  wUhed'^'-'mmtluq  from  the  emperor  to  the  Peishwa. — 
Grand  state  ceremony'  on  presenting  the  insignia.'^— Sindia 

•  endeavours  by  various  rvays  to  gain' the  confidence  of  the 
young  Peishwa  to  tJie  prejudice  of  Nana  Fiirnuwees. — 

•  Discussions  respecting  the  affairs  of  Bindostan. —  Ismael 
Beg  again  raises  diHurbanceSy  but  as  taken  prisoner*  and 
confnedfor  life  in  the  fort  of  Agra. — The  troops  of  Sindia 
and  IJolkar  commit  hostilities  against  each  other — obstinate 
battle  of  LtikJiairee — Sindia' s  troops  victorious. — CoH" 
sequences  at  Poona. — Hostilities  suspended  in  Bindostan 
by  orders  from  the  Peishwa  and  Sindia — the  latter  all- 
powerful  in  Hindosian. — Bis  attempts  to  render  himself 


248  BISTORT  OF  rikS  VAHBATTAS.  [chap.  XI. 

popular  in  the  Deecan — -perseveres  in  his  endeavours  to 
supersede  Nana  Funrnioees  in  the  young  PeishwcHs  favour, 
— Remarkable  explanation  betwixt  tJie  Peishwa  and  Nana, 
—  Views  of  Mahadajee  Sindia — his  death. 

An  enquiry  into  the  reasons  vrfach  induced  Lord 
ComwalHs  to  refrain  from  the  entire  subjugation  of 
Tippoo's  territory  is  foreign  to  the  object  of  this  work ;  it 
13  only  necessary  to  observe  that  even  Nana  Fumuwees 
and  Fureshram  Bhow,  the  parties  in  the  Mahratta  state 
most  inimical  to  Tippoo,  were  averse  to  the  total  overthrow 
of  the  Mysore  state,  and  Mahadajee  Sindia  wa^  decidedly 
hostile  to  that  course  of  policy.  The  Mahrattas,  who  are 
not  sensible  of  the  effect  wluch  may  operate  on  British 
authorities  from  the  influence  of  public  opinion  in  England, 
attribute  the  moderation  shown  by  the  govemor-gwieral 
to  the  representations  of  Hurry  Punt  Phurkay.* 

At  the  period  when  Lord  Cornwallis  was  negotiating  the 
alliance  against  Tippoo,  he  instructed  Major  Palmer,  the 
resident  with  Sindia,  to  request,  both  of  Sindia  and  Holkar, 
to  use  their  influence  at  Poona  in  effecting  the  desired 
connection  between  the  Peishwa  and  the  British  govern- 
ment Sindia  offered  to  unite  in  the  confederacy  against 
Tippoo,  provided  two  battalions  similar  to  those  granted  to 
Nizam  Ally  were  sent  to  join  the  army,  with  which  he 
proposed  to  march  to  the  southward  ;  and  that  the  British 
government  should  become  bound  to  protect  his  territory 
in  Hindostan  during  his  absence.  These  proposals  hein<T 
considered  inadmissible,  he  refused  to  become  a  party  to 
the  treaty  of  Poona.  f. 

We  left  Mahadajee  Sindia,  in  the  early  part  of  1790, 

*  Mahratfas  MSS.,  Hurry  Punt's  letters, 
t  Beogal  Becordfl. 


CHAP.  XL]      DEFEAT.  OP  ISMABL  DEO  AND  THE  RAJPOOTS.  249 

endeavouring  to  conciliate  his  coadjutors,  intent  on 
humbling  the  B<^poots,  securing  the  dependency  of  Ismael 
Seg,  and  preventing  the  incursions  .of  the  Seiks.  A 
temporary  adjustment  with  Holkar  and  Ali  Buhadur 
enabled  him  to  prepare  for  opposing  Ismael  Beg^  whose 
hostile  intentions  soon  became  unequivocal,  and  the  Bajpoittt 
rajas  of  Jeypoor  and  Joudpoor  were  pouring  succours  into 
his  camp.  Sindia,  before  risking  a  battle,  endeavoured, 
with  some  success,  to  currupt  the  regular  troops  with 

Ismael  Beg,  and  at  last  ordered  Gopaul 
Rao  Bhow,  Luckwa  Dada,  and  De 
Boigne  to  attack  his  camp  near  Patun,  at  a  point  which 
was  left  undefended  by  a  body  of  troops  whom  Sindia  had 
secured  in  his  interest ;  but,  notwithstanding  this,  advaii« 
tage,  Sindia'a  officers  being  disappointed  ip  the  promised 
aid  of  Holkar,  who  stood  aloof  during  the  engagement, 
the  utmost'  exertion  was  ne<^essary  to  ensure  success* 
Ismael  Beg  fought  with  his  usual  bravery,  and  a  body  of 
his  Patans  thrice  charged  through  the  regular  infantry  of 
the  Mahrattas,  cutting  down  the  artillerymen  at  their  guns. 
De  Boigne  displayed  great  personal  .energy  on  this 
occasion,  and  to  .his  gallantry,  and  the  discipline  of  his 
battalions,  was  justly  attributed  the  great  victory  which 
ensued.  .  Numbers  fell  on  both  sides,*  but .  the  army  pf 
Ismael  Beg  was  completely  routed,  and  th&t  chieftain  fled 
with  a  small  retinue  from  the  field  of  battle  to  the  gates  of 
Jeypoor.  All  his  guns  were  taken,  and  10  battalions^  of 
infantry  grounded  their  arms  and  surrendered. 

The  Bsypoots,  however,  still  maintained  the  war,  and  a 

second  battle  took  place  at  Mairta,   in  th^ 
Joudpoor  territory,   where  they   allowed 

*  One  tranelation  of  a  native  newspaper  in  the  Bengal  records  says 
11,000  or  12,000  Mahrattas  were-kiHed. 

Vol,  u,— 32 


250  HISTOKY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XI. 

themselves  to  be  surprised  by  De  Boigne  at  dawn  of  day 

on  the  12th  September  ;  and  although  400 
Hahtore  cavalry  made  desperate  efforts  to 
re-animate  their  friends  and  allow  them  to  recover  them- 
selves, the  general  confusion  was  irretrievable.  It  was 
gtipposed  that  Sindia  would  have  completely  subjugated 
the  Rajpoots,  but  the  opposition  and  dissensions   to  which 

he  was  exposed  from  his  colleagues,  Holkar 

AD    1792  o       7 

and  All  Buhadur,  induced  him  to  grant 
them  peace  on  their  promising  to  pay  a  moderate  tribute 
afnnually.* 

The  force  of  De  Boigne  was  now  gradually  augmented 
to  18,000  regular  infantry,  6,000  irregulars,  Nujeebs '  and 
Rohillahs,  2,000  irregular  horse,  and  600  Persian  cavalry. 
This  last  body  was  mounted,  clothed,  armed,  and  disciplin- 
ed by  De  Boigne,  to  whom  all  the  horses  of  it  belonged. 
Districts  in  the  Dooab  yielding  22  lakhs  of  rupees  of  net 
revenue  were  assigned  for  the  support  of  this  force,  and 
the  fortress  of  Agra  was  given  up  as  a  dep6t  of  small  arms 
and  cannon ;  of  the  latter  De  Boigne  had  upwards  of  200 
serviceable  pieces,  f  Sindia  affected  to  consider  this  force 
as  part  of  the  emperor's  establishment,  and  denominated 
them  the  imperial  army  :  but  such  a  flimsy  veil  was  not 
calculated  to  deceive  the  watchful  eye  of  his  rivals,  and 
Holkar,  in  particular,  saw  the  growth  of  his  power  with 
rancorous  jealousy.  He  retired  across  the  Chumbul,  and 
entertained  in  his  service  the  Chevalier  Dudrenec,  a 
Frenchman,  who  raised  and  disciplined  four  battalions,  the 
first  troops  of  that  description  which  the  family  of  Holkar 
had  ever  used. 


*  Mahratta  letters  and  MSS.,  Palmer's  despatoheSi  Indian  newspaper, 
and  General  De  Boigne. 

t  General  De  Boigne. 


CBAP.  XI.]  SINDIA  MOVIES  TOWARDS  FOONA.  251 

All  Bubador^  at  the  suggestion  of  Himmut  Bnhadtuv 
undertook  the  conquest  of  Bundelcund,  in  which  province, 
after  along  struggle,  they  succeeded  in  establishing  them- 
selves, but  found  infinite  difficulty  in  reducing  the  country^ 
and  were  perpetually  involved  in  warfare  and  insurrection. 

Whilst  Sindia  was  engaged  in  contentions  with  his 
coUeagiies,  he  frequently  declared  his  intention  of  repairing 
to  Poena  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  their  irecal ;  but 
Nana's  .poUcy  in  supporting  Holkar  was  well  known,  and 
Sindia's  situation  was  deemed  too  insecure  to  admit  of  his 
venturing  on  an  excursion  so  distant.  When  he  therefore 
moved  towards  Oujein,  and  actually  comm^iced  his  march 
for  Poena,  .various  were  the  cwijectures  which  ensued* 
Some  considered  Aat,  jealous  of « the  increasing  power  of 
the  British,  and  their  influence  at  Poona  and  Hyderabad, 
his  views  were  directed  to  the  establishment  of  his  own 
authority  at  Poona,  for  the  purpose  of  preventing  the 
ascendancy,  which  it  seemod  probable  they  would  obtain, 
especially  if  Tippoo's  dominicms  were  conquered  and 
partitioned*  Others  siq^posed  that  he  had  views  on  the 
t^ritory  of  Nizam  Ally,  and  some  believed  that  his  sole 
object  was  to  prevent  the  inteifer^ice  of  Holkar  in  his  late 
acquisitions  in  Hindostan. 

It  is  probable  there  was  scnne  foundation  for  all  these 
surmiseB  ;  certain  it  is  that  he  had  in  view  the  control  of 
the  Bramins,  and  the  establishment  of  his.  own  authority 
at  the  Peishwa's  capital.  After  the  battle  of  Patau  in 
June  1790,  he  obtained  from- the  emperor^  for  the  third 
time,  patents  constituting  the  Peishwa  wukeel-i-mooUuq, 
but  which  was  now  to  descend  to  him  as  a  hereditary  office 
in  unalienable  enaniy  on  condition,  however,  of  appointing 
Bindia  and  his  posterity  his  perpetual  deputies.  In  order 
therefore,  to  exhibit  to  his  countrymen  his  absolute  power 


252  HISTORY  OV  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [OHAP.  XI. 

over  the  imperial  house  of  Timoxir,  for  whioh  the 
Mahrattas  in  the  Decean  had  long  a  habitual  respect,  and  ta^ 
gratify  the  feelings  of  all  Hindoos,  the  emperor  invested 
Bindia  with  the  right  of  selecting  his  heir  from  among  his 
sons,  and  issued  an  edict  forbidding  the  slatighter  of 
bullocks  and  cows  throughout  the  Mogh'ul  dominions. 

Sindia's  march  to  the  southward  was  very  slow  ;  and  he 
often-  appeared  as  if  deliberating  whether  he  might  venture 
so  far  from  his  own  territory.  He  gave  out  tjiat  he  was 
proceeding  to  Poon^  by  th6  emperor's  orders,  as  bearer  of 
the  sunnuds  and  insignia  of  the  office  of  wukeeH-mootluq 
for  the  Peishwa.  On  his  arrival  at  Bheer,  near  the  Goda- 
very,  charged  with  such  commissions  from  the  emperor,  he 
made  some  demands  on  Nizam  Ally,  the  nature  of  which 
is  not  ascertained ;  but  he  endeavoured  to  induce  him  to 
make  him  a  present  of  the  fertile  district  of  Bheer,  and 
bestow  Aurungabad  on  the  Peishwa.  On  being  refused^ 
he  pretended  to  be  much  hurt  at  his  want  of  <;ourtesy. 

Nana  Fumuwees  long  doubted  whether  Sindia  would 
actually  come  into  the  Decean  ;  but  on  being  assured  that 
he  was  on  his  route  from  Burhanpoor,  he  applied  to  Lord 
Cornwallis,  through  Hurry  Punt  Phurkay,  for  the  perma- 
nent services  of  Captain  Little's  detachment,  which  in  the 
name  of  the  Peishwa  he  offered  to  subsidize ;  but  the 
governor-general,  for  various  reasons,  declined  assenting 
to  the  proposal. 

Sindia  was  very  apprehensive  of  a  connection  of  this 
kind;  and,  to  allay  Nana's  well-founded  jealousy  of  his 
r^ular  infantry,  he  only  brought  with  him  a  small  party, 
under  an  Englishman  of  respectable  character,  named 
Hessing,  and  one  complete  battalion,  commanded  by 
Michael  Filoze,  by  birth  a  Neapolitan,  a  low  illiterate  man 
of  worthless  character^  but  of  considerable  address  and 


CHAP.  XI.]    THE  PETSHWA  INVESTED  AS  WUKEEL-I-MOOTLUQ.  SfSS 

cunning,  Sindia'  arrived  at  Poona  on  ttie  lltli  June, 
and  pitched  his  camp  near  the  sunffum,  or  junction  of  the' 
Moota  and  Moola  rivers,  the  place  assigned  by  the 
Peishwa  for  the  residence  of  the  British  envoy  and  his 
suite  ;  and  hence  the  Sungunrf  and  the  Residency,  a  spot 
for  many  reasons  interesting,  and  well  known  to  most  of 
OUT  countrymen  who  have  visited  that  quarter,  became 
synonymous.  Nana  Fumuwees  did  everything  in  hi«i 
power  to  prevent  the  Peishwa's  acceptance  6f  the  titles 
and  insignia  brought  from  the  emperor :  he  represented 
ifce  impropriety  of  adopting  some  of  the  titles,  especially 
that  of  Maharaj  'Adeeraj  (the  greatest  of  gi'eat  rajas),' 
which  was  *  inconsistent  with  the  constitution  of  the 
existing  government  of  the  Mahratta  empire.  But  Sindia 
persisted ;  and  permission  for  the  Peishwa's  acceptarice- 
of  all  the  honors  was  formally  obtained  from  the  rajtt  t>f 
Satara.  Nine  days  after  his  arrival.  Nana  Furnuwees 
visited  Sindia,  who  received  him  in  the  most  cordial 
manner,  refused  to  sit  on  his  musnud  in  the  minister's 
presence,'  and  treated  him  with  the  greatest  respect.'  On 
the  ensuing  day  Sindia  paid  his  respects  to  the  Peishwia, 
carrying  with  him  numberless  rare  productions  and 
curiosities  of  Hindostan  for  the  young'  prince.  The' 
following  morning  was  appointed  for^the  grand  ceremony 
of  investing  the  Peisha  with  the  title  and  dignity  of 
wukeel-i-mootluq,  and  Sindia  spared  no  pains  to  render 
it  as  imposing  as  possible.  A  grand  suite  of  tenia 
was  pitched  at  a  distance  from  his  own  camp.  The 
Peishwa  proceeded  towards  them  with  the  most 
pompous  form.  At  the  further  end  of  these  splendid 
apartments,  a  throne,  meant  to  represent  that  of  the 
emperor  of  the  Moghids,  was  erected,  on  which  was 
displayed  the  imperial  firmau,   the  khilut,  or  dresses  of 


254  HISTOBY  OF  THB  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XI. 

investiture,  and  all  the  principal  insignia.  The  Peishwa, 
on  approaching  the  throne,  made  his  obeiBance  thrice, 
placed  101  gpld*mohurs  upon  it  as  a  nuzur  or  offering, 
and  took  his  seat  on  its  left.  Sindia's  Persian  secretary 
then  read  the  imperial  firmans,  and,  amongst  others,  the 
edict  which  prevented  the  slaughter  of  bullocks  and  cows. 
The  Peishwa  then  received  the  khillut,  consisting  of  nine 
articles  of  dress,  fiv?  superb  ornaments  of  jewels  and 
feathers,  a  sword  and  shield,  a  pencase,  a  seal  and  ink- 
stand, and  two  royal  morchuls,  or  fans  of  peacock's  tails, 
accompanied  by  a  nalkee,*  a  palkee,t  a  horse,  and  a» 
elephant  ;  besides  six  elephants  bearing  the  imperial 
standard,  i^o  crescents,  two  stars,  and  the  orders  of  the 
fish  and  of  the  sun.  The  Peishwa  retired  to  an  adjoining 
tent,  and  returned  clothed  in  the  imperial  khillut,  when 
he  resumed  his  seat;  and  Sindia,  followed  by  Nana 
Purnuwees  and  such  of  the  Peishwa's  officers  as  were 
present,  offered  nuzurs  of  congratulation.  When  the 
Peishwa  arose  to  return  to  his  palace,  he  was  followed  by 
Sindia  and  Hurry  Punt  carrying  the  morchuls  and  fanning 
him.  He  entered  Poena  seated  in  the  Nalkee  ;  the  con- 
course of  people  assembled  to  witness  the  procession  was 
exceedingly  great ;  the  pomp  and  grandeur  displayed  was 
beyond  anything  that  the  inhabitants  of  Poena  had  ever 
seen,  whilst  the  clang  of  thousands  of  musical  instrumeni^, 

*  A  nalkee  is  a  sort  of  sedan-ohair  without  a  top,  having  four  poles, 
two  behind  and  two  before,  never  used  bat  by  the  emperor,  or  persons 
of  the  very  highest  rank. 

f  A  palkee  is  totally  different  from  the  more  useful  and  convenient, 
though  less  splendid,  conveyance  commonly  used  by  Europeans,  and 
formed  by  them  palanquin.  The  natives,  who  call  them  meynas,  also 
use  the  same  conveyance  ;  but  the  palkee  is  a  sort  of  short  bedstead, 
over  which  a  pole,  very  much  curved  in  the  middle,  is  fastened,  and 
above  all  a  scarlet  cloth  stretched  on  bamboos,  as  an  awning,  and  some- 
times very  highly  ornamented,  is  placed,  When  used  by  ladies,  there 
are  acretiui  affixed  to  the  upper  cloth. 


CHAP.  ZI.]  SIimiA*S  fiSTDBAVOURS.  255 

the  shoutfl  of  the  populace,  volleys  of  musquetry,  and 
salvos  of  cannon  seemed  to  give  all  the  effect  that  the 
projector  of  this  state  ceremony  conld  possibly  desire. 

The  investiture  of  Sindia  by  the  Peishwa,  as  deputy  to 
the  wukeel-i*mootluq,  immediately  followed  on  their 
arrival  at  the  Peishwa's  palace  ;  but  on  this  occasion,  and 
on  several  others,  the  pretended  humility  of  Sindia  gave 
disgust,  when  he  insisted  on  being  considered  as  the 
hereditary  servant  of  the  Peishwa,  entitled  only  to  carry 
slippers,  and  addressed  by  no  higher  title  than  that  of 
patell.  Though  this  affectation  was  meant  to  be  in  con- 
formity with  Mahratta  taste,  it  failed  in  its  effect.  No 
Sramin  of  education  was  pleased  or  deceived  by  such 
coarse  self-disparagement,  and  the  old  Mahrattas,  though 
Maladajee  Sindia  had  purchased  some  hereditary  privileges 
in  the  Deccan,  would  much  more  readily  have  acknowledg*- 
ed  his  new  imperial  titles*  than  have  assigned  to  him  the 
appellation  of  Patell,  a  distinction  which  they  considered  dti6 
only  to  the  legitimate  Sindia,  Patell  of  Kunneirkheir.  The 
mankurees,  and  those  cavaliers  who  considered  themselves 
the  old  officers  of  the  rajas  of  Satara,  though  some  among 
them  could  scarcely  term  the  horse  he  rode  his  own, 
refused  to  enter  the  imperial  tents  with  the  Peishwa,  nor 
would  they  present  nuzurs  to  him  as  wukeel-i-mootluq« 
Nuzurs  were  presented  to  Sindia  by  his  officers  on  return- 
ing to  his  own  camp ;  but  the  feeling  among  his  country- 
men, which  was  too  strong  to  escape  his  notice,  proved  to 
him  the  necessity  of  much  caution  in  the  prosecution  of 
his  designs. 

A  principal  object  was  to  gain  the  confidence  of  ihe 
young  Peishwa,  to  whidi  the  rarities  he  had  brought  from 

*  These  were  Baja,  Haharaj,  Mahdoo  Bao  Sindia,  Hudar-ool*Muham, 
Afi  Jab  Bahadur. 


256  TIISTOHY  OF  THE  MAHKATTAS.  [CBEAF.  XI. 

Hindostan^  and  the  splendid  spectacle  with  which  he  had 
been  gratified,  paved  the  way.  The  frank,  unreserved 
manners  of  Sindia,  who  talked  to  the  young  prince  of 
hunting  and  hawking,  and  carried  him  out  on  frequent 
excursions  to  see  those  field  sports,  were  things  so  very 
different,  and  so  much  more  agreeable  than  the  sedate  and  . 
grave  observance  of  decorum  habitual  to*  Nana  Furnuwees, 
that  Sindia  soon  became  his  constant  companion.  Parties 
to  the  country  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Poena  constantly 
took  placSB,  to  which  the  young  prince  was.  invited,  and 
Nana  thought  it  advisable  to  give  his  assent,  although  he 
clearly  saw  the  design  of  Sindia,  and  watched  his  proceed- 
ings so  vigilantly  that  it  was  diflScult  for  him  to  find 
opportunities  of  conversing  with  Mahdoo  Bao  unobserved. 
When  they  did  occur,  Sindia  never  failed  to  commenx  on 
ihe  manner  in  which  he  was  treated,  and  to*  assure  him 
that  he  had  both  the  power  and  the  inclination  to  render 
him  independent  of  such  tutelage.  But  although  Mahdoo 
Rao  readily  entered  into'every  scheme  of  pleasure  suggest*- 
ed  by  Sindia,  his  natural  good  disposition  and  judgment 
rendered  it  by  no  means  easy  to  shake  his  confidence  in 
Nana  *  Furnuwees ;  and  at  first  he  combated  Sindia's 
arguments  with  warmth ;  but  the  customary  restraints 
before  unfelt  began  to^  be  irksome,  and  Sindia's  society 
•proportionally  more  desirable. 

Sindia's  public  affairs  at  the  durbar  seemed  principally 
to  refer  to  Hindostan;  he  represented  the  large  sums  he 
had  spent  in  extending  the  empire,  and  procuring,  such 
honors  and  dignity  for  the  Peishwa  ;  he  petitioned  for  the 
payment  of  his  expenses,  the  entire  management  of  affairs? 
in  Hindostan,  and  finally  for  the  recal  of  Holkar  and  Ali 
Buhadur.  In  reply  to  these,  the  minister  always  demanded, 
in  the  first  instance,  att  account  of  the  revenue  of  those 


CBAP.  XI.]  BUFTTmS  BETWEEN  SIXDIA  AND  HOLKAB.  257 

districts  which  he  had  subdaed  bo  eaisify  and  had  mjoyed 
BO  loxig%  Many  discussion!^  on  tibese  subjects  took  placCi 
and  many  okcumstanees  oecuired^  tendkig  to  sttengtheQ 
the  mutual  jealousy  of  Sindia  and  Nana ;  but  they,  for 
some  time  maintained  every  fonn,.of  civility  aoid  reqiect| 
whilst  their  respective  parties  in  Hindostan^  though  en* 
gaged  in  service 'together  in  the  Bijpoot  eountryy  were 
almost  in  a  state  of  open  mpinre. 

The  restless  spirit  of  Ismael  Beg^  and  his  enmity  to 
Sindia,  rendered  him  a  fit  Instrument  (oit  disturbing  the 
tranquillity  of  Hindostan^  to  which,  after  Sindia^a  depar* 
turcy  be  was  secretly  prompted  by  the  intrigues  c^  Tookfy  ee 
Holkar;  but,  after  assemUiiig  a  considerable  foree,  his 
career  was  stopped  sooner  than  was  anticipated. 

The  widow  of  Nujeef  Khan  refosed  to  surrender  the 
fort  of  Canoond  to  Sindia's  officers^ .  A .  force  marched 
against  her  under  M.  Perron,  the  officer  secoiid*in-* 
command  to  De  Boigne.  Ismael  Beg  advanced  to  her 
assistance,  gave  Perron  battle  outside  the  walls,  aiid^ 
being  defeated,  entered  the  fort*  pe  there  assisted  in  the 
defence,  which  was  well  maintained,  until  the  widow 
having  been  killed  by  a  stone  shell,  the  garrison  became 
dispirited  by  the  accident,  and  began  to  think  of  betraying 
Ismael  Beg  to  ensure  themselves  favourable  terms.  This 
treachery,  however,  the  ktter  prevented  by  giving  himself 
up  to  M*  Perron,  who  promised,  on  the  faith  c^ 
his  commanding  officer,  De  Boigne,  that  he  should  not 
be  pub  to  death.  The  terms  were  observed,  but  he 
was  ever  after  confined  in  the  fort  of  Agra,  where  he  died 
in  1799. 

Subsequent  to  the  surrender  of  Canoond,  whicb  happen^ 
ed  before  Sindia  reached  Poona,  Holkar's  and  Sindia's 
armies  were    levying  tribute  together  in  the    Rajpoot 
Vol,  II.— 33 


\ 


260 


HtBTOBT  OV  TBB  MAHRATFAS. 


[chap.  xr. 


i 


i^dered  his  resignatioti/and  declared  hiis  reisdation  to 
proceed  to  Benares.  Mahdoo  Bao  was  greatly  affected. 
In  a  transport  of  grief  he  begged  his  forgiveness,  entreated 
his  stay,  and  promised  to  be  for  ever  guarded  in  >  his  con- 
dnot.  But  notwithstanding  this  re-^establishment  of 
influence,  Sindia  by  his  great  power  would  probably  have 
ultimately  prevailed  over  his  rival,  alfliough  the  unqualified 
support  of  Huny  Pimt  to  all  the  measures  oi  the  minister, 
the  friendship  of  the  powerful  Bramin  families  of  Bastia 
and  Putwurdhun,  together  with  that  of  the  old  mankurees, 
some  of  them  great  jagheerdars,  formed  a  strong  opposi- 
tion to  the  views  of  Mahadajee  Bindia.  But  in  the  midst 
of  his  ambitious  schemes  be  was  suddenly  seized  with  a 
violent  fever,  which  in  a  few  days  terminated^his  existence. 
He  breathed  hi^  last  at  Wunowlee,  in  the  environs  of 
Poona,  on  the  12th  February  17^4. 


^r 


261 


CHAPTER  XII. 
A.D.  1794. 

Mahadajee  Sindia^s  death  an  event  of  great  political  impor* 
tance. — Beinew  of  hie  policy  and  summary  of  hie  cJiaracter 
-^le  succeeded  by  hisgrandrnephew,  Doulut  Rao. — Sindia^e 
regidar  infantry. — Opiwione  of  many  MaJirattas  respecting 
that  force. — Holhar  long  averse  to  Us  introduction. — 
Eughoojee-  Bhonslay  had  no  infantry  disciplined  by 
European  ofiders. — State  of  affairs  at  Nagpoor  and  at 
Barodcu-^Govind  Rao  Gaekwar  succeeded  as  regenU^^ 
Piracy  on  the  coast  of  Maharashtra. — The  Peislfpa^s  fleet. 
— Angria  of  Kolabah. — Seedees  of  Jinjeera — Revolutions 
and  events  in  that  state.  -^Mahoan  and  Sawuntwaree. — 
Various  attempts  of  the  English  to  suppress  their  piracies^ 
and  those  of  the  raja  of  Kohpoor — never  completely 
effected  until  the  year  1812. 

Ths  death  of  Mahadajee  Sindia  was  an  event  of  great 

political  importance,  both  as  it  affected 
the  Mahratta  empire  and  the  other  states 
of  India.  His  views  and  his  character  are  perhaps  suiB« 
ciently  dncidated  in  the  history  of  the  35  years  antecedent 
to  the  period  at  which  we  have  arrived  ;  but  that  we  may 
hold  in  mind  the  state  of  the  different  Mahratta  powers, 
and  explain  the  proceedings  of  the  petty  princes  on  the 
coast  of  Maharashtra,  formerly  of  so  much  importance 
when  our  establishments  in  India  were  in  their  infancy, 


35S  BiSTomr  ov  the  vahrattas.  [chap,  xi, 

territory  ;  they  had  also  taken  two  forts,  when,  quarrelling^ 
about  the  ^spoils,  their  jealb^sy  burst  forth  into  open  hosti- 
lities, which  brought  on  the  battle  of  Lukhairee,  near 
Ajin^re,  on  which  occasion  Gopaul  Rao  Bhow,  Luckwa 
Dada,  and  De  Boigne,  with  20,000  horse  and  9,000  tegular 
infkiKtry,  defeated  Holkar's  army,'  eonsisting  of  30,000 
horse  and  the  four  battalions  of  Dudrenec;  The  attack 
was  planned  by  De  Boigne,  and  the  conflict '  the  most 
obstinate'  ever  witnessed  by  that  officer.  By  the  explosion 
of  12  tumbrils  of  ammunition^  his  brigades  were  thrown 
into  great  confusion,  but  being  posted  in  a  wood,  Holkar^s 
cavalry  could  not  take,  advantage  of  the  disastel*i 
Dadrenec's  battalions  fought  until  they  -were  nearly 
annihilated.  Their  g-uns,  38  in  number^  were  alt  taken  ; 
the  Mattered  remains  of  the  cori)s  retreated  precipitately 
into  Malwa,  where  Holkar,  in  impotent  rag^,  sacked 
Oujein,  the  capital  of  his  rival. 

When  accounts  of  these  proceedings  reached  Poena,  the 
ostensible  cordiality  of  Sindia  and  the  court  was  for  a 
time  obstructed,  and  precautions  were  adopted  by  both 
parties  as  if  apprehensive  of  personal  violence.  Nana 
Fumuwees  called  in  the  aid  of  Pureshram  Bhow,  who 

arrived  with  2,000  horse.     This  impru- 

A.D   1793. 

'  '  .     *  dent  reinforcement  furnished  Sindia  with  a 

pretext  for  greatly  increasing  the  parties  of  Hessing  and 
Filoze  who  accompanied  him,  and  for  bringing  down  one 
of  his  infantry  brigades,  the  command  of  which  was  con- 
fided by  De  Boigne  to  M.  Perron.  But  as  neither  party 
was  desirous  of  attaining  their  end  by  prosecuting  the 
war,  positive  instructions  were  despatched  to  their  respec- 
tive officers  to  refrain  from  hostilities,  and  to  await  the 
pacific  setUement  of  their  disputes  by  orders  from  the 
Feishwa.  -  • 


\ 


CHAP.  XI.]  EXPLANATION  BETWIXT  PMBHWA  AND  NANA.  259 

.  .  TbO  Insult  rendered  Sindia  all-powerful  in  Hindostan, 
but  he  was  conBciQus  of  his  unpopularity  in  the  Deooan^ 
and  strpv^  to  overeome  it.  With  this  view  he  had,  on  his 
atrrival.  at  Poena,  espoused  the  cause  of  Govind  Bab 
jGaekwar  in  a  manner  whidb  will  be  hereafter  explained, 
ai^d  upon  one  :  OQcasion,  when  Nana  Furnuwees,  duiing 
the  minority  of  the  Punt  Sucbew,  assumed  charge  of  his 
^ands,  Soiudia,  who  knew  that  the  proceeding  met  with 
gf^n^al  disapprobation,  interposed,  conveyed  the  Suchew 
to  Poena,  in, opposition  to  the  orders  of  the  minister,  rer 
established  him  in. his  possessions,  and  dismissed  Bajee 
iUu>  Moreishwtir,  the  agent  whom  Nana  had  placed  in 
jcharg«  of  the  Suchew's  territory.  This  daring  ioteriiMrerice 
gave  rise  to  a  quarrel,  which  was  with:  difficulty  appeased 
by  the  meditation  of  Hurry  Punt  Phurkay ';  but  fresh  dis- 
putes arose  in  consequence  of  Sindia's  more  undisguised 
attempts  to  induce  the  Peishwa  to  seek  his  protection. 
On  one  occasion,  in  particular,  a  conversation  took  place 
in  a  boat  at  Lohgaom,  which,  being  overheard  and  repeat- 
ed, caused  an  immediate  alarm  in  the  mind  of  Nana,  and 
he  took  the  first  opportunity  of  coming  to  an  explanation 
with  the  Peishwa.  He  addressed  himself  both  to  his 
judgment  and  feelings,  enumerated  the  services  he  had 
performed  for  him  and  for  the  state,  described  the  views  of 
aggrandizement  entertained  by  Sindia,  pointed  out  his 
foreign  troops,  his  departure  from  ancient  usage,  and  liis 
want  of  connection  with  the  Mahratta  people,  over  whom 
and  the  Bramin  sovereignty  he  was  bent  on  establishing. 
an  absolute  power.  With  these  observations  he  contrasted 
his  own  situation,  his  inabitity  to  preserve  order  or  to 
resist  the  encroachments  of  Sindia  if  unsupported  by  his 
prince  ;  and  finally,  lamenting  in  tears  the  probable  effects 
of  the  evil  counsels  by  which   he  had  been  misled,  he 


264  HIBTOfiT  OF  THE  MAHRATTIS.  [CHAP.  XIL 

written  to  the  Peishwa  and  Mahadajee  Sindia,  express** 
ing  a  hope  that,  by  the  exertions  of  the  wukeel-i« 
mootluq  and  his  deputy,  he  should  obtain  some  tribute 
&om  Bengal.  As  such  paragraphs  are  frequently  written 
for  the  purpose  of  ascertaining  the  effects  .of  the  reports 
which  they  promulgate,  it  was  properly  noticed  by  Lord 
Comwallis,  whose  spirited  remonstrance  prevented  its 
repetition. 

As  to  a  summary  of  the  character  of  Mahadajee  Sindia, 
though  much  of  his  emccess  is  attributable  to  a  combination 
of  circumstaxfces,  he  was  a  man  of  great  political  sagacity 
and  of  considerable  genius,  of  deep  artifice,  of  restless 
ambition,  ant  of  implacable  revenge.  With  a  high  opinion 
of  hia  personal  address,  he  generally  failed  where  he 
attempted  to  exercise  it ;  and,  in  ebullitions  of  anger,  to 
which  he*  was  prone,  he  frequently  exposed  what  he  most 
wished  to  conceal.  His  countenance  was  expressive  of  good 
sense  and  good  humour  ;  but  his  complexion  was  dark,  his 
person  inclining  to  corpulency,  and  he  limped  from  the 
effects  of  his  wound  at  Panniput.  His  habits  were  simple, 
his  manners  kind  and  frank,  but  sometimes  blustering  and 
coarse.  He  was  beloved  by  his  dependents,  liberal  to  his 
troops  in  assignments  of  land  or  orders  on  villages,  but 
quite  the  reverse  in  payments  from  his  treasury  or  in  per- 
sonal donatives — a  characteristic  not  only  of  Mahadajee 
Sindia,  but  of  Mahrattas  generally.  His  disposition  was 
not  cruel,  although  his  punishments  were  severe.  He  could 
not  only  write,  but,  what  is  rare  among  the  Mahrattas,  he 
was  a  good  accountant,  and  understood  revenue  affairs. 
His  districts  in  Malwa  were  well  managed — a  circumstance, 
however,  which  must  be  ascribed  to  a  judicious  selection 
of  agents  ;  for  Sindia,  like  most  Mahratta  ohieflains,  was 
too  much  engaged  in  politics  or  war  to  bestow  the  time 


CHAP.  Xn.]  STTOOBSSION  GV  DOULXTT  RAO.  265 

and  attention  necessary  to  a  good  civil  government.*  He 
died  without  male,  issue. 

Tookajee  Sindia,  Mahadajee  Sindia's  full  brother,  was 
slain  in  the  fatal  field  of  Panniput,  but  he  left  three  sons 
— Kedarjee,  Rowlajee,  and  Anund  Bao — all  of  whom 
became  officers  in  their  uncle's  service.  Kedarjee  died 
without  issue ;  Bowlajee  had  two  sons ;  but  Mahadajee 
Bindia  had  resolved  to  adopt  Doulut  Bao,  the  son  of  his 
youngest  nephew,  Anund  Rao.  The  ceremony  of  adoption 
had  not  actually  taken  place,  but  Mahadajee  had  repeatedly 
declared  Doulut  Bao  his  heir ;  and  although  Luximee  Bye, 
the  widow  of  Mahadajee,  opposed  Doulut  Bao's  succession, 
her  objections  were  overruled,  as  even  Nana  Fumuwees 
acceded  to  it.  Tookajee  Holkar  was  one  of  the  first  to 
acknowledge  Doulut  Bao.  All  the  dependents  of  Sindia's 
family  and  the  other  Mahratta  authorities  sent  their 
congratulations;  so  that  this  youth,  who  had  scarcely 
attained  his  fifteenth  year,  became  undisputed  heir  to  the 
extensive  realms  of  Mahadajee  Sindia. 

The  great  success  of  Sindia's  regular  infantry^  rendered 
efficient  by  the  talents  and  energy  of  De  Boigne,  led 
most  of  the  Mahratta  states  to  introduce  regular  battalions 
as  a  part  of  their  armies.  Many  Mahrattas,  however, 
were  of  opinion  that  this  departure  from  usage  would 
prove  their  ruin ;  infantry  and  gtms,  as  they  had  once 
too  bitterly  experienced,  compelled  them  to  fight  when 
flight  was  more  judicious,  and  some  of  them  predicted 
that,  if  they  ever  attempted  to  combat  Europeans 
with  their  own  weapons,  they  would  one  day  experi- 
ence   a  defeat  still    more     fatal  than    that    of  Panni- 


"^  Mahratta  MSS.  and  letters,  Bombay  Beoorda,  the  liviDg  testimoDy 
of  many  respeotable  oativefl,  a  good  portrait  in  my  possession,  General 
Count  De  Boigne,  Sir  John  Malcolm,  &c. 

Vol.  II,— 34 


266  HISTORY  OP  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [OTAP.  XIT, 

put*  Tookajee  Holkar  long  resisted  the:  introduction 
of  regular  infantry,  but  he  saw  that  Sindia  could  have 
made  no  progress  in  reducing  Hie  strong  forts  in 
Sajpootana  Tothout  such  aid  ;  and  although  he  might 
have  been  convinced  that  it  would  have  been  much  better 
for  his  army  to  have  wanted  the  four  battalions  of 
Dudrenec  at'Lukhairee,  he  was  so  well  satisfied  with 
their  conduct  that  he  immediately  afterwards  ordered 
Dudrenec  to  raise  a  like  number. 

•  Bnghoojee  Bhonslay,  the  rjya  of  Nagpoor,  did  not,  in 
this  respect,  follow  the  example  of  the  generality  of  the 
Mahratta  dbieftains.  His  father  Moodajee  died  in  1788, 
and  besides  Bughoojee, the  eldest, he  lefttwo other  sons; — 
Khundoojee,  and  Venkajee  or  Munnya  Bappoo.  E^un<- 
doojee  had  charge  of  the  northern,  and  Venkajee  of  the 
southern,  districts ;  but  Bughoojee,  as  heir  of  his  uncle 
Janojee,  was  Sena  Siahib  Soobeh  of  the  Mahratta  empire, 
although,  until  his  father's  death,  he  was  not  considered 
as  ruler  of  Berar.  At  the  time  when  the  confederacy  was 
formed  against  Tippoo,  Bughoojee,  in  consequence  of  a 
peremptory  summons  from  the  Peishwa,  was  constrained 
to  repair  to  Poona,  where  he  objected  to  being  ordered 
upon  an  .e:^pedition  where  the  Peishwa  was  not  to 
command  in  person,  and  offered  many  other  ineffectual 
excuses,  until  he  at  length  privately  explained  to  iNana 
Fumuwees  his  grounds  for  apprehending  that  his  brother 
Khundoojee  would  usurp  the  sovereignty  in  his  absence, 
upon  which  his  presence  was  dispensed  with,  on  promising 
to  contribute  10  laklis  of  rupees  to  assist  in  defraying  the 
expenses  of  the  war.     Soon  after  his  return  to  Nagpoor, 

***  Mahratta  MSS.  This  was  the  opinion  of  Nana  Fumuwees,  and 
many  Mahrattas  of  the  present  day  attribute  the  overthrow  of  their 
power  solely  to  the  introduction  of  regular  infantry  ieind  artillery. 


CHAP.  XIL]  stats  09  AFFAIBS  AT  HABODA.  267 

his  brother  Khundoojee  died,  which  relieved  him  from  all 
apprehension  of  riyalry,  and  he  soon  after  conferred  on 
his  brother  Veenkajee  the  districts  of  Ghandah  and 
Ghntteesgorh  in  jagheer.  These  were  the  only  changes 
of  importance  amongst  the  eastern  Mahrattas  up  to  the 
period  of  Mahadajee  Sindia^s  death*  In  the  west,  several 
events  in  regard  to  the  Gkekwar,  or  Baroda  state,  liaquire 
a  smnmarj  notice*  ^ 

Futih  Sing  Ghiekwar,  the  regent  at  Baroda,  died  on  the 
2l8t  December  1789,  in  consequence  of  a  fall  from  an 
nppo:  story  in  hia  house*  His  yonnger  brother,  Mannajee 
Bao,  who  was  then  at  Baroda,  immediately  assumed 
charge  of  the  person  and  government  of  his  brother  Syajee. 
Govind  Bao,  the  elder  brother  next  to  Syajee,  witii  whose 
history  the  reader  is  already  acquainted,  was  then  residing 
in  obscurity  at  a  viU^ge  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Poona^ 
and  presented  a  petition  to  the  minister,  praying  to  be 
acknowledged  by  the  Peishwa  a»  regent  of  the  Gaekwar 
possessions.  Bisdain  was  just,  but  Mannajee  Rao,  by 
paying  a  nuzur  of  rupees  33,13^001,  and  agreeing  to  pay 
up  arrears  due  by  Futih  Siiig,  amounting  to  upwards 
of  36  lakhs,  was  confirmed  in  his  usurpation.  Mahadajee 
Sindia,  however,  as  already  alluded  to,  espoused  the  cause 
of  Govind  Bao,  and  procured  a  repeal  of  Mannajee'iS 
appointment ;  upon  which  Mannajee  applied  to  the  Bombay 
government,  claiming  its  protection  on.  the  terms  ofth^ 
treaty  concluded  with  General  Goddard  by  Futih  Sing. 
As  the  treaty  in  question  was  superseded  by  that  of 
Salbye,  the  English  declined  aU  interference  on  t^at 
ground ;  but  by  the  talent  of  Mannajee's  agent,  Goolab 
Baee,  and  the  supposed  imbecility  of  Grovind  Bao,  they 
were  induced  to  recommend,  through  Mr.  Malet,  that 
some  friendly  compromise  should  be  adopted,  as  being  for 


ggg  HISTORY  OF  TH£  MAHBATTA3.  [CHAP.  XII. 

the  benefit  of  the  oountry  and  of  all  parties  conoemed. 
Nana  Furauwees  concurred  in  this  opinion,  but  Mahadajee 
g^Uidia  and  the  partizaxis  of  Gtovind  Eao  objected  to  any 
compromise.  The  question,  however,  was  at  once  set  at 
jpestby  the  death  of  Mannajee,  about  1st  August  1793. 
Still  Govind^Bao  found  it  difficult  to  obtain  permission  to 
quit  the.  Peishwa's  capital.  The  ministers,  without  any 
regard  to  the  exorbitant  exactions  already  imposed  on 
Jumself.and  Jbis  £unily,  obliged  Govind  Bao  to  sign  an 
agreement  confirming  the  former  stipulations,  and  ceding 
to  the  Peishwa  the  Gaekwar's  share  of  the  districts  south 
of  the  Taptee,  formerly  included  in  the  cessions  to  tlie 
company  in  1780,  together  with  his  proportion  of  the 
customs  of  Surat ;  but,  there  being  no  service  performed 
by  the  Peishwa  towards  .the  Gaekwar  beyond  the  mere 
confirmation  of  his  rights  as  regent,  the  British  govern- 
ment objected  to  the  cession  as  a  dismemberment  of  the 
Baroda  territory,  contrary  to  the  stipulations  of  the  treaty 
pf  Salbye.  The  validity  of  this  objection  was  immediately 
adipitted  by  Nana  Furnuwees,  the  instrument  of  cession 
was  restored,  and  Govind  Bao  at  last  set  out  to  assume 
his  office  as  undisputed  regent  at  Baroda,  on  19th  Decem-* 
ber  1793. 

Affairs  on  the  coast  of  Maharashtra  demand  notice, 
chiefly  from  the  system  of  piracy  which  continued  to 
prevail  between  Goa  and  Bombay. 

In  1756  piracy  received  a  considerable  check  by  the 
subjugation  of  Toolajee  Angria,  and,  had.  the  Peishwa 
then  imited  his  endeavours  with  those  of  the  English, 
it  might  have  been  exterminated.  But,  like  predatory 
incursions  on  shore,  it  was  profitable ;  and  so  far  from 
being  suppressed,  it  was  encouraged  by  the  Poena  Court: 
The  Peishwa  had  two  fleets — the  040    under  his  sur- 


CHAP.  XIL]        PIBAQYON  the  coast  ok  MAHARASHTRA.  269 

soobehclar  at  Bassein,  the  other  commanded  by  Anund 
Bao  Dhoolup,  his  admiral,  who  was  stationed  at  Viziadoorg. 
Tha  Peishwa's  fleets  did  not  molest  vessels  under  English 
colours  until  tiie  war  of  1775.  After  that  period,  even  in 
times  of  peace,  we  find  that  occasional  depredations  were 
committed,  and^  unless  speedy  detection  followed,  which 
was  not  always  the  case,  the  vessels  were  not  restored: 
when  the  capture,  however,  was  clearly  ascertained,  they 
were  released,  and  the  apology  offered  for  their  detention 
was  that  they  had  been  mistaken  for  ships  of  some  other 
nation.^ 

Mannajee  Angria  of  Kolabah  continued  in  obedience  to 
the  Peishwa's  authority  until  his  death,  which  happened 
in  1759.  His  son  Bughoojee  professed  equal  submission, 
but  only  obeyed  when  it  suited  his  convenience.  His 
piracies  on  the  trading  shi|^s  of  the  English  were  conducted 
in  the  same  manner  as  the  aggressions  of  the  Peishwa.  In 
November  1793  Rughoojee  died,  when,  without  reference 
to  the  Poena  court,  the  sovereignty  was  assumed  in  the 
name  of  his  infant  son  Maimajee,  under  the  guardianship 
of  Jey  Sing  Angria,  By  this  usurpation,  as  it  was  termed 
in  those  who  had  not  power  to  support  their  pretentions, 
Mannajee  and  Jey  Sing  incurred  the  enmity  of  the  Poena 
minister,  of  which  Bindia's  successor,  Doulut  Rao, 
at  a  subsequent  period  took  advantage,  and  raised  a 
member  of  the  family  of  Angria,  who  was  nearly 
allied  to  himself,  to  the  chiefship  of  that  principality — 
a  change  which  gave  no  umbrage  to  the  English, 
because  the  reigning  party,  so  far  from  courting  their 
friendship,  had  •  most  unjustifiably  made  prize  of  some 
of  their  ships.! 

*  Bombay  Becords  and  Mahratta  lelters. 
t  Mahratta  MiSS.  and  letters,  Bombay  Becords. 


270  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAflRATTAS.,  [CHAP.  XII. 

The  Seedees  of  Jinjeera  plundered  all  nations  except 
the  English,  nor  did  they  always  escape.  Several  revolu- 
tions had  taken  place  in  this  small  principality.  In  1 762, 
Seedee  Yakoot,  by  the  will  of  the  regent,  Seedee  Ibrahim^ 
succeeded  to  the  government,  in  prejudice  to  Seedee 
Abdool  Bahim,  who  was  considered  the  nearest  heir; 
Abdool  Eahim  endeavoured  to  obtain  possession  by  force, 
and' was  secretly  reinforced  by  the  Mahrattas.  The  E»g- 
lish  took  part  with  the  reigning  chief,  and,  having  failed 
in  an  attempt  to  arbitrate  the  difference,  they  assisted  to 
jrfepel  Abdool  Rahim,  who,  being  defeated,  fled  to  Poena. 
Seedee  Yakoot,  apprehending  that  the  Feishwa  might 
openly  espouse  Abdool  Eahim's  cause,  offered  a  com- 
promise, promisiiig  him  Dhunda  Kajepoor,  and  the  sue*- 
cession  to  Jinjeera  at  his  death— ^a  proposal  which  was 
accepted,  and  Abdool  Kahim  succeeded  accordingly.  But 
Seedee  Yakoot  had  made  a  will  bequeathing  the  principality 
to  the  second  son  of  Abdool  Bahim  at  his  father's  death, 
under  the  guardianship,  in  -CB&e  of  a  minority,  of  his  own 
friend  Seedee  Johur,  who  was  commandant  of  Jinjeera. 
Abdool  Bahim  died  shortly  after,  in  1784 ;  but,  without 
paying  any  regard  to  the  will  of  Seedee  Yakoot,  he  had 
bequeathed  the  principality  to  his  eldest  son,  Abdool 
Khureem  Khan,  commonly  called  Balloo  Mqah.*  Seedee 
Johur,  however,  defended  his  pretentions,  founded  on  the 
will  of  Seedee  Yakoot,  and  endeavoured  to  arrest  Balloo 
Meah;  but  he,  being  apprized  of  the  scheme,  fled  to 
Poena,  carrying  with  him  his  younger  brother,  whom 
Seedee  Johur  wished  to  set  up.  Nana  Fumuwees,  in 
hopes  that  it  was  reserved  for  him  to  annex  the  uncon- 
querable island  to  the  Mahratta  possessions,  prepared  to 
support  the  cause  of  Abdool  Elhureem   Khan;  Seedee 

*  Maliratta  MSB.  and  letters. 


OfiAP.   Xn.]  AVFAIRS  AT  JINJEVBA.  271 

Jobur,  however,  called  on  the  English  for  pcoteotion 
expressing  his  readiness  to  comply  with  any  reasonable 
arbitration  satisfactory  to  the  inhabitants,  but  declaring 
bis  determination  to  resist  the  Mahrattas  and  the  obnoxi- 
ous Balloo  Meah)  ^^  whilst  the  rock  of  Jinjeera  remained 
and  a  man  to  stand  by  him/'  Nana  Fumuwees,  at  the 
request  of  the  Bombay  Goyemment,  agreed  to  suspend 
operations  until  a  reference  could  be  made  to  Lord  Corn- 
wallis  on  the  subject.  It  being  at  that  time  a  great  object 
of  the  govemoiygeneral's  policy  to  gain  the  friendship  of 
the  Poena  court,  and  it  being  generally  believed  that 
Seedee  Johur  was  only  striving  to  get  the  younger  brother 
into  his  pow.er,  as  a  cloak  to  meditated  usurpation,  Lord 
Oornwallis  directed  the  Bombay  government  not  to  sup- 
port him.  He  also  intimated  to  the  Peishwa  that,  if  he 
would  make  an  adequate  provision  for  the  sons  of  the  late 
Abdool  Khureem  Ehan  in  some  other  part  of  the  country, 
be  might  then  take  possession  of  the  Seedee's  territory. 
The  Mahrattas,  however,  without  making  the  provision 
stipulated,  attempted,  clandestinely,  to  possess  themselves 
of  Jinjeera,  which  no  sooner  came  to  the  knowledge  of  the 
governor-general  than  he  suspended  the  permission  he  had 
giveiu  At  length,  when  the  keaty  of  alUance  againat 
Tippoo  was  concluded,  the  Peishwa  having  granted  to 
Balloo  Meah  and  his  brother  a  tract  of  land  near  Surat, 
guaranteed  by  the  English,  and  yielding  annually 
75,000  rupees,  and  having  also  given  them  40,000  rupees 
in  ready  money,  the  heirs  to  the  Jinjeera  principality 
relinquished  their  right  and  title  in  favour  of  the  Peishwa, 
The  agreement  was  signed  on  the  6th  June  1791 ;  but 
the  castle  may  fall  whilst  the  cottage  stands  ;  the  little 
island  was  never  reduced,  and  the  principality  of  Jinjeera 
has  survived  the  empire  of  the  Peishwas, 


272  HISTORY  OF  THK  MAflBAfTAS.  [OHAP.  XII. 

The  most  active,  however,  of  all  the  corsairs  on  the 
coast,  and  the  most  destructive  to  the  English  trade,  were 
the  pirates  of  Malwan  and  Sawuntwaree.  We  have 
already  cursorily  alluded  to  the  expedition  sent  against 
them  in  1765.  It  was  under  the  joint  command  of,  Major 
Gordon,*  and  Captain  John  Watson  of  the  Bombaymarine.f 
They  speedily  reduced  the  fort  of  Malwan,  a  much-valued 
possession  of  the  raja  of  Kolapoor,  and  took  Yeswuntgurh, 
or  Rairee,  from  the  dessaye  of  Waree.  To  the  former  the 
Bombay  government  gave  the  name  of  Fort  Augustus, 
intending  to  have  kept  it ;  but  the  acquisition  being  un- 
profitable, they  proposed  to  destroy  the  works  5  that 
alternative,  however,  was  also  abandoned  on  account  of 
the  expense,  and  they  at  last  determined  to  restore  it  to 
the  raja,  on  condition  of  his  promising  not  to  molest  their 
ships  or  trade,  to  give  security  for  his  future  good  conduct^ 
and  to  indemnify  them  for  losses  and  expenses  to  the 
amount  of  rupees  3,82,896,  the  whole  of  which,  except 
rupees  50,000,  was  received  before  Malwan  was  evacuted, 
in  May  1766.  This  expedition  took  place  during  the 
minority  of  Sivajee,  raja  of  Kolapoor.  Kern  Sawunt, 
dessaye  of  Waree,  was  then  also  a  minor ;  and  a  confa- 
sion,  greater  even  than  usual,  prevailed  amongst  his 
turbulent  relations.  To  this  confusion  may  be  ascribed 
the  difficulty  which  was  experienced  in  effecting  a  settle- 
ment with  the  dessaye  of  Waree.  The  Bombay  govern- 
ment do  not  appear  to  have  been  aware  that  there  was  a 
distinction  between  the  pirates  of  Waree  and  Malwan, 
until  1765,  when,  on  the  7th  April  of  that  year,  they 
concluded  a  treaty  of  19  articles  with  the  dessaye,  whom 

*  I  am  not  sure  if  this  Dame  be  correct ;  it  is  written  Oowan  and 
Goreham,  as  well  as  Gordon,  in  the  records  of  the  period. 

fXhe  same  who,  as  Commodore  Watson,  was  killed  at.  the  siege  of 
Tannah. 


CRIP.  XltJ  liALWAV  IKD  8AW17NTWA11BE;  $73 

the  J  diatingaished  by  his  ancient  family  name  of  Bhonslay, 
or,  as  written  in  their  records,  the  Bouncellcx  Of  this 
treaty  not  one  article  was  observed  by  the  Mahrattas^ 
Mr.  Mostyn  was  therefore  deputed  in  1766  to  oonclnde 
some  settlement,  and  obtained  an  obligation  for  two  lakhs 
of  rupees,  with  a  promise  on  the  part  of  the  dessaye  tcr 
refrain  from  further  aggressions,  on  condition  that  the 
Bcmbay  government  should  restore  Bairee.  The  money 
oould  only  be  raised  by  a  mortgage  on  ihe  reTenued 
of  the  district  of  Vingoria  finr  18  *  years ;  and  to 
induce  the  mortgagee,  Wittoojee  Koomptee,  tx»  advance 
the  stipulated  sum,  Mr.  Mostyn,  in  addition  to  two 
hostages  procured  from  Waree,  was  obliged  to  promise 
that  a  small  factory  should  be  established,  and  the 
English  flag  hoisted,  under  the  protection  of  a  few  sepoys 
to  be  left  in  the  ibrt  of  Vingoria*  This  arrangement  bi^ng 
ooQUclnded,  Bairee  was  restored  in  the  ^id  of  1766.  A 
very  short  time,  however,  had  elapsed^  wh^i  the  hostages 
made-tiidr  escape^  and  the  agents  cif  Wittoojee  KoomptesI 
were  driven  from  the  stationib  where  they  were  ooletcting 
the  revenue.  Much  remonstrance  and  negotiation  ftdloweciy 
but  nothing  specific  was  effected.  At  last,  when  the  18 
years  expired,,  the  Sawunts,  althoogh  they  had  prevented 
the  mortgagee  from  Tecavering  the  revenue,  demanded 
restitution  of  the  district,  which  being  refused,  tiiey 
attacked  and  took  Vingoria  on  the  4th  June  1789^  with  a/ 
considerable  quantity  of  private  and  some  public  property 
belonging  to  the  English.  The  piracies  of  the  Sawunts  of 
Waree  were  henceforth-  renewed,  and  the  marriage  of  Kent 
Sawunt  to  Luximee  Bye,*  the  niece  of  Mahadajee  %ndia^ 
although  a  connection  more  splendid  than  honourable, 
increased  their  arrogance,  especiaUy  whilst  Englirii  w^# 

*  LazImM  B^e  was  the^lsughter  of  TooksJM  Sindis. 
Vol,  II.— 36 


274  BISTOJtT  OV  THE  MAHBATTAS.  [CHAP.  Xft: 

too  much  occupied  to  send  a  force  against  them.'   The  raja 
of  Kolapoor,  seeing  the  depredations  of  tlie  Sawunts' escape 
with  impunity,  returned  to  his  former  habits  ;  and  ttius 
piracy  became  as  prevalent  as  ever.     Complaints  on  the 
subject  were  made  by  the  English  to  Mahadajee  Sindia, 
who  promised  to  oblige  his  relations  to    restore    theip 
eaptures;  and  the  raja  of  Kolapoor  was  also  induced  to 
promise  a  liquidation  of  all  balances,  and  to  abstain  from 
further  aggressions  on  the  English.     The  conditions  were 
not  enforced,   and  of  course  such  temporizing  measures 
only  encoaraged  a  repetition  of  robbery  and  insult.    In 
the  end  of  the  year  1789  the  English  had  resolVed  to  adc^t 
more  active  measures,  and  had  determined  ta  crush  those 
depredators*;  but  in  their  extreme  anxiety,  at  that  time,  td 
avoid  giving  offence  to  the  Poena  court,  a  doubt  suddenly 
aroise  as  to  the  propriety  of  attacking  the  raja  of  Kolapoor  | 
Ibr  so  ignorant  were  they,  at  this  late,  period,   of  tiie 
existing  relations  in  the  J^iahratta  state,  that  they  supposed 
him  a  dependant  of  the  Peishwa«     When  the  question  was 
referred  to  Nana  Fumuwees,  he  foresaw,  as  he  conceived, 
$UQ  opfwrtunity  of  drawing  in  the  Kolapoor  state  to  seek 
the  Petshwa's  protection,  and  ultimately  to  yield  ^obedience 
to  the    Foona    government    Accordingly,    by    Nana's 
address,    the    raja  was  at  first  induced  to  acce'pt    the 
Peiahw^'s    mediation ;    but-  afterwards    suspecting  the 
design,  and  hearing  of  the  hostilities  in  which  the  English 
were,  about  to*  be  engaged  with   Tippoo,    he    suddenly 
revoked  his  consent,  and  piracy  was  never  more  frequent 
on  the  coast  of  Malabar  than  during  the  war  with  Mysore. 
Jt  was  an  attempt  to  mediate  between  the  Bombay  govern- 
jyteni  and  the  Sawunts  of  Waree.  that  led  the  former  to 
aocm^cSitidia  of  the  improper-  interference  to  which  we 
have    alluded.     However,    ^me    <5pmpromise, '  ihi-ough 


OHAP.  xn.] 


PTRACTRS  ON  TBB  COAST. 


275 


Sindia,  was  agreed  on  with  respect  to  the  Sa wants,  and  an 
armament  was  prepared  against  the  Kolapoor  raja  in  1792. 
Bat  the  expedition  never  took  place^  ap,  in  conseqaence  of 
his  offering  indemniHcation  to  individaals,  promising  to 
pay  the  balance  4itQ  to  the  eompmy  on.  or.  before  Janaary 
1795,  granting  permission  to  establish  factories  at  Malwan 
and  Kolapoor,  and  tendering  the  humblest  apologies  for 
his  miscondnet^  the  namerous  aggressions  he  had  commit- 
ted were  once  more  overlooked,  and  a  4reaty  was  concluded 
with  him  on  the  teitnshethas  proposed.  But  no  benefit 
retalted  from  it ;  on  the  contrary,  in  ihe  ensuing  year 
there,  were*  complaints  not  only*  against  the  raja  of 
Kolapoor,  but  against  the  Sawunts  Angria  and  Dhoolnp, 
&r  the  captain  or  plander  of  British  dbips ;  and  it  is  no 
slight  stigma  on  the  British  bidian  administratk)n  tiiat 
this  system  of  piracy  was  not  finally  suppressed  until 
the  year  181?.  \.' 


>  •    • 


S76 


CHAPTER  Xni 

I 

A.D.  1794  AKD  A.D.  1795. 


R^fHiona  oh  thepf^eceHnff.  dektUa^  and  on  the.  condiiion  of 

>    tke  Mahmtta^  m.  a  military  wUwn  at  this  period* — TMr 

'    claima  oh  JSuam  Ally  oecaaion  a  temporary  uniofi  qftii$ 

ehiefB.'r^Co^r&e.i]^  poHcy  adopted  by  t1«  Engliah  in  the 

"   vegoUaticn  which  .preceded  the  war  bettoeen  the  Atahraitae 

.  and  i^iaatn  Ally* — JDiecueeume  between  the  courts  ofPomn 

,  dnd  Hyderabod'-'-war  deelared-^aseembfy  of  the  amdea 

i    reepectiveh/'^md^h  to  oppose  each    other^ekirmtA  in 

winok  the  Moghde  cbtajat  some  advantago^haUle  cfKiurdla 

i    -^extvaordinary  dteeotnJUyTe  of  the  Mogihul  army. — SA* 

mission  of  Nizam  Ally^  who  surrenders  the  person  of  his 

minister^  cedes  large  tracts  of  territory^  and  promises  to 

pay  three  crores  of  rupees. — Anecdote  of  the  young  Peishwa^ 

— Nizam  Ally  offended  at  the  neutrality  of  the  English^ 

whose  influence  at  Hyderabad  is  likely  to  be  wholly  super- 

sededby  a  French  party, — Uneapected  rebellion  of  the 

prince  All  JaJi  occasions  the  recal  of  the  English  battalions. 

— The  rebellion  suppressed  by  the  exertions  of  M.  Raymond. 

— Movements  of  the  Mahrattds  during  the  insurrection, — 

iVb  proof  of  their  having  been  in  any  manner  accessory  to 

the  rAellion. — Nana  Fumuwees  at  tlie  summit  of  power^ 

when  his  anxiety  to  preserve  it  brings    on  an  unforeseen 

catastrophe. 

The  details  in  the  last  chapter,  together  with  much  of  the 

preceding  narrative,  may  tax  the  patience 

of  the  reader,   but    are,     for  the    most 

part,*  absolutely  necessary  to  elucidate  our  subject,  and  to 


OHAP.  XUL]  MAHBATTAS  Afi  A  VltlTAaT  RATION.  277 

aiFor4  a  just  viqw  of  the  mimerotiiA  auiliorities  and  interesto 
which  existed  at  this  period  among  the  Mahrattas*  The 
empife  founded  by  SiTigee  laoyf  oovened  a  vast  space ;  and 
bad  it  been  possible  to  combine  its  powersi  to  direct  adTaa«> 
tageoiialy  the  peeolilur  genius  of  its  peq)le|  and  to  vwad&t 
its  various  parts  subservient  to  its  general  strtfngtb^  thfi 
Mslffattas  might  stiil  have  extended  thdr  bonqueats,  and 
a  persevering  predatory  waf&re  would  probably  have 
arrested  the  rapid  rise  of  the  ^tish  nation  in  India.  Bnt 
4he  causes  which  drove  the  Mahrattas  io  predatory  habita, 
and  the  circumstances  which  allured  them  to  conquest,  no 
longer  existed^  Hor  had  they  any  chief  whode  authority 
was  sufficient  to  unite  them.  They  now  lived  under  govern*- 
ments  of  their  own,  whiolx  ware  generally  mild ;  the 
executive  authorities,  even  if  administered  by  persons 
tyrannically  disposed,  were  nob  so  powerful  as  to  becoiM 
acbitrarily  oppressive,  but  they  were  at  the  same  time  too 
jGdeUe  to  call  fordi  all  the  resources  which  smaller  slates^ 
brtter  orgaiused,  could  haVe  oommanded.  The  Mahrattas 
were  still  a  military  people  ;  some  member  of  every  pea- 
sant's £unily,  and  sometimes  the  fourth  or  fifth  of  a  whole 
village,  had  carried  arme.  -  Persons  onee  employed  were 
generally  ready  to  return  to  the  service  when  required, 
but  pitched  baUles  and  regular  warfare  were  unsnited  to 
their  genius ;  the  Mahratta  cavalry,  when  accustomed  to 
depend  on  regular  in&atrr  and  cannon,  lost  <heir  former 
IMurprising  activity  and  confid^ice  on'  distant  enterprises ; 
;evein  their  courage,  which  aa  a  national  virtue  was 
jiever  very  conspicuous,  had  fallen  bdiow  its  ordinary 
level ;  and  whilst  soma  among  them  admired  the  wisdom 
i>{  Mahadajee  Sindia,  and  exiaroUed  the  advantages  to 
be  attained  by  disciplined  armies  and  artillery^  odiers, 
«a  w0  have  already    mentioned,  more  justly  predicted, 


from  the  «ame  ctln^y  thft  certain  overihrbiV  of  the 
'Hindoo  pow-er. 

The  great  object^  however^  of  preserving  the  finpremaoy 
of  ^  Peishwu,  and  of  giving  to  the  Maliratta;  nation  thai 
eommon  excitement  to  action,  founded  on  jthe  immediate 
gratification  of  gelf-interest,  became^  for  a  sboi^t  period,  a 
point  of  much  less  difik^nlty  than  might*  have  been  anti* 
eipatedi  Thi^  tendency  •  :to  miron  f«*oeeeded  .  from  tlia 
existing  claims  on  <Nizam^  ^Uy^  ^^  the  settlement  of  whioh 
all  the Mahraitta  chiefs  were  taught  to  expect  a  part;  thi 
death  of  Sindia  left  the  entire  managem^it  to  Kana  Eup* 
nnwees,  and  thep  English  adopted  a  neutral  policy  on  th^ 
occasion.  / 

Wc'have  before  noticed  the  natvire  of  the  claims  on 
Nizam  [Ally.  l%ey  were  outstanding  balances  for  a  series 
of  years  on  acconnt  of  chouth  and  surdeshmookhee.*  Dis^ 
cussion  on  the  subject  had  been  occasionally  agitated  by 
tho'Mahrattas  for  upwards  of  10  yearia  ;  but  the  aliianee  iik 
which  they  had  been  associatedagainstTippob  had  enabled 
Kiz|im  Ally  to  procrastinate,  and  prevented'  Aie  Mahrattas 
from  insisting  on  a  settlement  of  their  affairs*  •  In  17<91 

Govind  .Bsbo  Kallay  and  Govind  Rao  Ping«^ 
'  '  '  .  '  ■  ley,  the  Peishwa's  enroys  at  the  court  of 
Hyderabad,  formerly  requested  that  Nizam  Ally  would 
appoint  commissioners  for  investigating  and  adjusting  the 
claims  of  their  master*  After  considerable  discussion^ 
Nizam  Ally  delivered  to  these  envoys  a  set  of  demands^ 
under  34  separate  heads,  chiefly  regarding '  c<»itribu<Jonft 
unjustly  exacted,  and  the  revenues  of  different  plaroes 
improperly  taken,  or  withheld  by  the  Mahrattas.  Ho  also 
demanded  reparation  on  account  of  damage  sustained  by 
the  inroads  of  Pindharees  residing  within  the  Peishwa's 
bomidary.    To  all   which,  full  and   satisfactory  replies, 


J 


«&A».  xm.]  MAHBATTA  CLAUS  ON  muCw  ALLY.  279 


dnwn  xgp  vri&  remarkable  clearness  and  al»lity  by  Nana 
Fomnwees,  were  promptly  returned,  followed  by  a  set  of 
articles,  28  in  number,  demanding  the  adjustment  of  the 
Mahratta  daims,  some  of  which  Nana  proved  to  have 
existed  sinoe  1774.  Nizam  AUy  was  compelled  to  acknow- 
ledge some  of  these  demands;  others  he  evaded^  but  he 
promised  in  general  terms  to  i^point  some  persons  to 
settle  the  whole,  as  soon  as  the  war  with  Tippoo  had 
tenninated,  hoping  by  that  time  to  obtain  the  interposition 
rf  the  Baglish.* 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  war.  Lord  Cornwallis  did  endea-^ 

vour  to  effect  a  treaty  of  guarantee,  found- 

A  D  1792.  •  •  • 

.*  '  '  ed  on  that  article  of  the 'alliance  which 
regarded  the  assistance  to  be  offered  by  the  contracting 
parties,  in  case  of  an  attack  upon  any  one  of  Hhem  by 
Tippoo,  believing  that  by  such  a  treaty  he  should  render 
a  general  benefit  to  all  parties,  and  secure  the  peace  of 
lindia.  But  it  was  hardly  to  be  supposed  tliat  any  Indian 
statesman  could  appreciate  such  a  design  ;  and  accordingly 
each  of  the  native  courts  •interpreted  the  proposal  as  it 
appeared  to  affect  their  own  interests.  The  Nizam  saw  in 
it  a  disposition  to  assist  him,  and  hoped  to  realize  his 
meditated. scheme  of  raising  a  barrier  between  himself  and 
the  Mahrattas,  so  that  he  might  not  only  resist  tfieir 
future  en(Srofichments,  but  evade 4heir  present  demands; 
at  all  events  he  had  no  doubli  of  obtaining  a  sottlo- 
ment,  such  as  Hyder  had  affected  with  the  Mahrattas,  fey 
paying  a-fi^xed  tribute,  and  from  which  Tijppoo,  by  tlie 
late  treaty,  was  entirely  absolved.  The  Mahrattas,  oA  the 
other  hand,  viewed  the  proposal  as  an  arrogant  assump- 
tion of  authority  on  the  part  of  the  British  goverument^ 
ftnd  it  ^xcitgd  their   jealousy,   both   as  affecting  tlioir 

*  Slahratta  MSS.  and  Original  papers. 


280  HI3T0RY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAff.  [CHAf .  XttU< 

poUtttal  (^onseqttenbe,  and;  int^mipting  the  i^etileinent  of 
tbeir  established  dues.  On  the  propriety  of  resisting  thiB 
interposition  both  Mahadajee  Sindia  and  Nana  Fttmuweea 
concurred  ;  but  they  differed  in  their  opinions  with  regard 
to  the  supposed  designs  of  the  English.  Sindia  conjec- 
tured that  they  projected  an  fblliance  with  'Nizam  Ally  for 
tibe  purpose  of  obtaining  the  command  of  the  Nizam'a 
resources,  and  turning  them  against  the  Mahrattaa ;  in 
oons^equemce  of  which,  for  a  short  time  previous  to  hid 
death,  he  carried  on  a  friendly  correspondence  with 
Tippoo  Sultto.  Nana  Furnuwees,  although .  he  did'  not 
perceive  the  benevolent  purpose  by  which  Lord  Comwallis 
was  actuatpd,  took  a  more  correct  view  of  the  subject,  in 
supposing  that  the  English,  though  desirous  of  becoming 
umpires,  ^ould  not  risk  a  war  unless  to  save  the  Hyder- 
abad state  '  from  being  subverted  ;  such  a  conquest, 
however,  even  in  subsequent  succ^s.  Nana  Furnuwee» 
never  ventured  to  •  contemplate.  When  the,  treaty  of 
guarantee  was  submitted  to  the  court  of  Poena,  Mahadajee 
Bindia  would  have  rejected  it .  at  once,  but  Nana,  being 
anxious  to  keep  well  wiUi  the  English  as  a  check  on. 
Sindia,  without  giving  a  direct  i<efusal,  prolonged  th6 
discussion,  although  with  no  intention  of  assenting  to 
what  was  proposed. 

Sir  John  Shore  succeeded  to  the  charge  of  the  govem- 

ment  of  British  India  on  the  departure  of 
the  Marquis  Cornwallis  in  August  1793; 
Nizam  Ally  had  supposed  the  latter  so  intent  on  effecting 
the  treaty  of  general  guarantee,  that  he  concealed  the 
deep  interest  he  felt  in  the  success  of  the  negotiation  of 
Poena,  until  he  saw  the  prospect  of  its  failure.  He  then 
used  every  argument,  and  held  forth  every  inducement 
in  his  power,  to  obtain  a  separate  treaty  of  guarantee  for 


OBAP.  XaiJ]     DlSCUSSIOIf  AT  THX  OOUBT  OV   BTPSRABAD.  gSl 

himself.  Sir  John  Shore^  however,  did  not  ttiink  it 
adviseable  to  compel  the  Mahrattas  to  accept  the  mediation 
of  the  Briti^  nation,  and  adhered  to  a  system  of  neutrality) 
for  a  variety  of  reasans.  which,  it  is  nnneoesfllavy  to 
enter  .npon.  j.We  i^ee4  only  remark  that,  .what^vidr 
might  have  been  the  apparent  advantage  of  tbQ 
govempr-ganeral's  interference,  if  it  had  enabled  Nizam 
Ally  to  effect  his  evasive  purposes,  it  must  haye  been 
recorded  as  an  injustice  to  the  Mahrattas. 

From  the  period  when  the  demands  of  the  Mahrattas 
were  formally  renewed,  whilst  negotiations  for  the  treatiy 
of  guarantee  were  in  progress,  Nizam  Ally,  probably- 
without  imagining  that  actual  hostilities  would  take  place, 
has  been  increl^ing  his  military  force.  A  body  of  regul^^r 
infantry  which,  during  the  war  with  Tippoo,  had  cenwst^ 
of. two  battalions  under  a  respectable  French  officej? 
pamed  Baymond,  were  increasecl  to  23  battalions.  Hi$ 
army  was  much  augmented  after  Mahadajee  Sindia's 
death,  and  he  hoped,  in  consequence  of  that  event,  the 
Mahratta3  might  be  easily  satisfied,  or  successfuUjr 
resisted,^  ev^n  if  he  should  not  be  able  to  obtain  the .  int0r- 
poaition  of  the  English.*  When  the  envoy,  Govind  Bao 
Kallay,t  renewed  his  master's  demands,  he  produced  a. 
detailed,  statement  showing  a  balance  in  his  favour  oC 
nearly  two  crores  and  sixty  lakhs,  or  26  millions  of  rupees. 
Warm  discussions  took  place  between  the  envoy  and 
Mushaer^ool-Moolk^  when  at  last  the  former  was  told,  in 
public  durbar,  that  Nana  Furnuwees  must  himself  attend 
at  the  court  of  Hyderabad,  in  order  to  afford  an  explana-  . 
tion  of  the  different  items  of  their  ii^xicate  claims.  Tba 
envoy  replied — *^  Nana  Furnuwees  is  much  engaged  ; 

*  MahrattA  MSS.  and  English  Becords. 
t  He  was  still  alive  wheu  I  left  India  in  January  1823, 
Vol.  11.^36 


^82  '  '         BlHTOiRT  0».  THE:MAH11ATTAS.     •  [OHAP.  XIIL 

hoWcafA  hO' cbriie?^'  ^>  How*  call,  heibotoe?"  re^^k^hoed 
Mush^ot^ool^Mpolk^-^^^  I  ^MiUi  soon  isUcyiy:. how 'hehsliall  be 
htm^Jkit^  ithdi  presenoo.?'  •  •  Tkia  Imei^aoe  .wa6  ioohsid^^ed 
a'suffieieot  dedaratidiiyt:  amd  sdthoiigh'iiegQtiationsj.cQn^ 
litmed'till  -the  last^  both  parties  ^repamd  to  doeide  libcdr 
dlftereace^lay^the  gwotd.  r  ;"  uKi  i:  o.f  /hi  :i..i.. 
i<  ^Th&wat) ivrhalsistillat adistaiuhe, ipriasrextreiaelj popular 
aiaoiigsti'tlie  Mki^ghats;  the  igraxHl  armjr  tinder  <  Nizio^ 
Ally's  personal  command  was  assembled- at  Beder,  ahd  tbe 
eati^  Idshibited' tmueh^bustleand  animati<](n:  iTbe  most 
vaunting '  thrieats  i^re  ooiidtantly  /  heard  :  fix>m  the  •  ill^ 
djipomted  disiordenrly  sddiery.  '  Ppona  was^  to*  be  pillaged 
and  burned ;  IthO'  dancing-giiis  already  sxuig  the  triumiphs 
of  itheirt  army ;  'aiid  e^^ea  the  prime  ministe/ declared,  in  a 
f>iiblie  ass^imblyy  that  ^^  tbe  Moghuls.  shottld  now/  be  freed 
from  'Mahratta  enoroachments ;  that  they  should  recoyev 
Beejapoor  and  Candeish^  ot  they  would  never  ^grant^peaoe^ 
until  they  hqid  despatched  the  Peishwa  to  Benares^  with  a 
olbth  about  hid  loins,  and  a  pot<  oft  waiter  ui  his  hand,  tb 
Hititter  incantations  on  the  banks  of  the  Ganges."*  ' 
'  •  The.  minister  at  Poena '  was  so<m  enaibled  to  'OoUeot  a 
very  great  atmy*  *  No^eVents  hkd  taken  place  Binoe  Sindia's 
deathy  except  i  such<  as  appeared  favourable  to  '  ]^ana^s 
power,  and  the  prospect'  of  sharing  in  the  expected  i  advan- 
tage^ brought  to  his  standard  all  the  !  chiefs  whose  a^tend*^ 
iiioe  was  important.  Doalut  Bao  Sindia  and  Tookajee 
Holkar^were  already  at  Poena,  and  the  raja  of  Berar  bad 
ibet  out  to  joiui  Govind  Bao<  Gaekwar  sent  a  >  detaehmeni} 
of  his  itroops^  the  great  southern  jagheerdars,  composing 
tbe  Bramin  famines  'Of  Putwurdhim  and  Bastia,  (the 
Bramin  jagheerdars  of  Mallygaom  .and  Vinchoor, . the 
Pritee  Needhee,  the  Punt   Suchew,  the  Mahratta  man- 

*  Persian  and  MAhratta  M8S. 


CBAP.  ZZn.]    .      TBHBQBABir  mriON  OF'  THE  OBISVS.  S83 

Thorat^  and/Pabttiilkur,  with  tnaonyibthersiess  obnspioiwm^ 
bttonded' tlifii  stimiaaiia  "iBut  this nwas' the 'las^^  tiknecizh^ 
bhie&;  of  -the  Mdmatial  itationf  bssembled '  uhok^  ^e  -  adtho^ 
riiy/iofi  their  FttiahMrm  '«•:•■■»     .   ,  •  'm',I  *.o  ^'.u  //(ju  .  > 

•  IJOsttiiif  Allyrwas(£rst  in  the'field^.  abd  slowly  ickiiaced 
.  !<•     v\  T\  A     '  fiximiBddeir/aUngthelDatfksof  iUeMati^^ 

(  . ')  to^aoils  :tKe  Mahralta  frciati^k'  :  >TUe 
t  - /  / .'  >:* .  t  Peishwaiquitt^  Poana  iii>  Jftnitry,  and 
fabranHy  mbrohed  at'  the  saine-  time^  but  by  di^hreiit 
TOutieui,  ior  Ibe  canvenience  of  fbragel  '  There  wiare  ^i^ajnis 
o£.130yOOD  hordeand^fooi  in  th^iMtriivf^tilk  army^  exclusive 
of)  10^000  PdiadharBeSk  ■  Of  d^his  foroe  lipwards  of  one-half 
itorle  ^th^  .paid  from' the  Peishwafb  tpeii8uiy,i^dp» mevh 
troops'  (rf  ja^he^dar^  under  his  direot  •  oontrt^. '  "Douhit 
Bao  iSindi»'«.  fi^roe  wasimor^  nnmeroas  andimorei  effioiput 
jfchan  ifhat  of  any  oifchir  idhieftaiii,  although  the  glreater^parrt 
o£hii^.  axmy>  remained.  (in>  HiiadoAtan  and  Mali^a. '  *Jdoba 
Bmkl^faee  oommahded  immediately  nndei*  Donldt  Bto^'ak/d 
had  i  lately  jbihed '  him  >  wi&  -  >  a  i^eiirforeement  ^  *  tho^  whbto 
oohsidted  6f  2&y000'  meny  <of  whom  10^000  were  i^gtilai- 
in&EKtilyr  itodec  De  Boiglne's!  aeGOQd-«>in<-boinmiand^  Mdrndemr 
Pevpon.  Eughoijeiei  'Bhonslay  <  innstered  15 ,000  horBd '  and 
foot;  To6kaje^.Holkar'  had  only  10,000^  btit  ofi  ih^ 
S,000  wierie  regqlars under  Dndrehelc,  and  most  of'tihe 
PizidbsireeiB  Were  follower^  of  Ilolkar.  '  Pitreshrbm  BfaoW 
had  7,000  laien.  '     y-    '        ■..•-.    ^'     '  I'n 

"  Nsm^iPumiiiweeBeotisiLlted  the' chief  of&c^d  siepanltelyj* 
jHe  appoiiKted  Fnreshram'  Bhow  to  aet  as  commander- 
innehiief.  •  Thb  Pindhanees  and   some  i6ther  hors^f  Widlfe 

*  ThQ  memorpoda  in  his  bwiihaod-writirig'^  ol  'tW  idiffeiyeM:  'o]#li()ii8 
were  found  in  the  Poooa  Records.  He  Beems  to  bavQ  t^iopted  the  plana 
^f  Jooba  Btikhshee  and  !fcokajce -Btolkarf.'  ........ 


284  HISTOttT  Oif  THE  ITAHRATTAB.  .     [CHAP.  XIIL 

ordered  on  to  plunder  id  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Mogfaul 
flamp^  and  destroy  iheir  forage  ;  the  heavy  baggage, 
]]h)perly  protected,  remained  one  inarch  in  the  i^ear,  and 
the  best  of  the  horse  with  the  regokr  infantry,  supported 
by  upwards  of  150  pieces  of  cannon,  were  sent  forward 
(o  attack  Nisatn  Ally,  who,  with  an  army  amounting 
in  all  to  liO,000  men,  advanced  towards  Kurdla,  and 
decended  the  Mohree  Ghaut ;  a  body  of  the  Peishwa's 
household  troops  under  Baba  Bao,  son  of  the  deceased 
Hurry  Punt  Phurkay,  attacked  the  Moghuls  when  descend* 
ing  the  Ghauty  and  being  driven  off  with  some  loss,  Nizam 
^    .  u  Ally,  on  the  same  evening,  sat  in  durbar, 

and  received  nuzurs  of  congratulation  on 
his  victory.  On*  the  ensuing  day,  when  the  Moghuls 
were  on  their  march  firom  Kurdlii  io  Purinda,  the  Mahrattas 
appeared  on  their  right,  and  were  soon  perceived  to  be 
in  great  force.  Nizam  Ally  halted  his  owu'  elephant^ 
sent  off  his  baggage  to  the  left,  and  directed  Assud 
Alee  Khan  with  the  cavalry,  supported  by  17,000  regular 
in&ntry  under  Kaymond,  to  attack  the  Mahratta  army* 
Fureshram  fihow  prepared  to  receive  ihem  ;  he  took  his 
€)wn  station  in  the  centre  with  the  Peiahwa's  and  Holkar's 
troops  ;  Bughocgee  Bhonslay  commanded  the  nght  wing, 
and  Doulut  Sao's  army  formed  the  left.  Puresfaram 
Bhow  rode  forward  to  reconnoitre,  «uppc»rted  by  Baba 
Bad  Phurki^  andKhassee  Bao,  the  son  of  Tookajeefiolkar« 
He  had  only  advanced  a  short  distance  when  he  was 
s\iddenly  charged  by  a  body,  of  Patans,  under  Lai  Khan, 
a  native  o£  Baloochistan^  who  displayed  grefesU;  person^d 
enargy,  out  down  several  men,  and,  with  liis  own  hand, 
unhorsed  and  wounded  Pureshram  Bhow.  But  Hurry 
Punt  Ptttwnrdhun,  the  Bhow's  eldest  son,  seeing  his 
father  fall,  instantly  attacked  the   aggressor,  and  killed 


CHAP.  Zni.]  EN0A6EM1SNT  OF  THB  TWO  ABHIES.  285 

him  on  the  spot.  The  Patans,  however,  did  not  desist 
on  the' loss  of  theit  leader  t  being  well  supported  by  AJif 
Khan,  ihe  son  of  the  nabob  of  Knrnonl,  and  Snlabnt 
Khan,  the  son  of  Ismael  Khan,  nabob  of  Elichpoor,  thiey 
persevered  until  the  advanced  party  of  the  Mahrattas 
gave  way,  and  were  driven  back  in  snch  confusion,  tiiat 
they  communicated  a  panic  to  a  great  portion  of  their 
army,  and  thousands  fled  precipitately  &om  the  field, 
Baba  Rao  Phurkay,  though  in  charge  of  the  Juree  Putka, 
seemed  about  to  follow  the  fugitives,  but  was  prevented 
by  Jooba  Bukhshee,  who  rode  i^p,  reproached  him  as  a 
coward,  and  told  him  if  he  sought  a  place  of  safety  he 
would  find  it  behind  Sindia's  troops. 

By  this  time  the  regular  battalions  on  both  sides  had 
approached  within  musket-shot  of  each  other,  and  the 
Moghul  cavalry  were  advancing  to  the  support  of  their 
inikntry  with  apparent  steadiness,  when  Rughoojee  Bhbn- 
day  assailed  them  with  a  shower  of  rockets,  at  the  same 
moment  that  they  received  a  fire  of  35  pieces  of  cannon, 
judiciously  placed  on  an  eminence  by  Perron.  In  the 
eo«irs6  of  a  very  few  minutes  the  whole  of  the  cavalry 
were  put  to  the  rout ;  but  Raymond's  infiintry  stood  ihm 
ground^  and  had-  even  obtained  some  advantage  oVet 
Perron's  battalions,  when  Raymond,  by  repeated  and 
peremptory  orders,  was  compelled  to  follow  Nizam  Ally, 
who  had  already  retreated  towards  Kurdla,  By  the  time 
the  detached  portions  of  the  Moghul  army  had  been  made 
aquainted  with  their  leader's  intention,  the  sun  had  set, 
:and>  datkne&s  sodn  augitiented  the  general  confiision  ttf 
the  troops.  Shots  still  continued  to  be  exchanged  in 
difierent  directions  after  the  night  fell,  and  few  men, 
extepi  those  of  the  half  dieiplined  battalions  of  Raymond, 
cotdd  find  their  own  particular  division.    At   last,  the 


286  HISTORY  OF  THB  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XIII. 

multitude,  worn  out  by  fatigue  and  :yocif(S^atioH9.gl^ua^J 
smak.  to  resty  or  Jay  down  to  await  t}i©  r^^t^rn  of  day* 
•£»v,t  i,a'.tfafD(fitill|^€^&of4fiighjk9  a  ^mall  pajb^o^of  JS^fLhr^tta?^ 
in. :  pejMToh  oi^  wg^terj  for  th^r  bor^qft,  camQ  J?y  cb«nQe  tp.  p. 
yiwlQt  T^herei  lay  a  party  of  Mqglml^,  ^Isi^  disooy^riog 
■wiip.tfjtbey  were,!  jinst^antly;  fired  upou,ibeii|i..  HayiMioud's 
^^ntriQ3,  being  |  in  the  nQighbpuxliood,  also  fiifCKl,)  wh^P 
thej^*  wjiple  line,  who,  lay  on  their  arms,  with  theii^muafcotp 
Wd^^  as  thoy.had  ret^eated^ Btarted  from  th^ir  sleqp^.Ei^d 
in^tan^y  fire4  a>  sort  of  irregular  vollefy.  The.  alarm  whicb 
suqh  a  :di$cbarge  of  mijsketry  o^casipned^  in  thestMto.cf 
the  MoghnI  army  at  that  mo^nent,  ipiiay  jbe  <)onQ^i$ed- 
The  uproar  suddenly  bocame  greater  thain  ey9r,(andfZ0jany 
tqfif  Raymond'p  ^^poys,  seized  with  .the  gesQer$^l,  p^pic, 
q^ittied.theJT  ranl^s  an(l  mingled  in  the  qonft^idn*  >A^i^9t 
J^© piQon  rose,  and  Nizam  Ally,; im  perfeot  consterniation, 
^oi^ght  refuge  within  the  W3;lls  of  Kurdla,:  d  Iv/ery .  small 
fort  surro^ded  by  hills.  '  Most  pf  bis  .troops  fled,  plij|ndel> 
ing^thei  l^aggage  of  th^ir  own  ^niiy  a^  they:  went  off :  but 
ihieyf^ere  not  allowed  to  cjarry  away  this  iyii-gatteni  apoU 
unn^olested  ;,  the  Mahratta  Findharees  over-took,  tbem 
^exjb  day>  and,  without  .experiencing  tho.sU^tQstjopposir 
iion,  stripped  the  panic^strock  fugitives  of  everythingu'  . 
,,The  Mahrattas,  advancing  in  the^  n^orniog^  foipdiguiit, 
s;fcp^s,.and  baggage,,  and  all  the  usu^l  wreck,  of  .an^rmy, 
sti^awing  the  ground;  but  their  surpri^  was. still  gtcf^ter 
on  perceiving  Nizam  lAUy  sb^i^  up  in  Kurdk,  and  ^boM 
one-tenth  of  the  original  number  of  his  troop^.lyiiE^  round 
thafort*  No  people  are- more  active  and  vigilant  it^Q 
Mahrattas  on  such  occasiopos ;  their  most  distant  parties 
soon  heard  of  this*  joyful  intelligenoe,  aud  csm^  swarming 
",^0  plunder  (he  Mqcfhds^^  whom  in  a  shorti  time  they  had 
completely  cncle^,,; and;  on  the  .  ensuing  day  opened 


CHAP.  XIII J  aUBiriSfilON  or  NIZAM  ALIT.  28T 

bsttterieS)  whidh  commanded  the  fori  asi  wfeU  as  the  position 
of  the  troo{)s.  i  Niaam  Ally  endured  this  hopelessexpoBnre 
for  ti^o  daysy'biit  oh tho  morning  of  the .  15th  Mofrdh,  he 
8ol£eitdd  tod  robtained  »  cessation  of  arms.  The  prelimi^ 
nary  demuid  made  by  the  Mahrdttas  was  tiie  snrf  ender 
of  the  minister  Musb^eivool^Moolk^  tiiat  amends  .mrght 
thvuSibo-'iiuade  for  tko-  insult*  offered  to  .ihe  Beisbwa,  lin 
threatening  to  seize  Nana  Fumuwees.  They  next  exkioted 
teilritciriaL cessions,  extending  along  the  frontier 'from  the 
distriot  «f  Fnrinda  on  the  aonth^  to  the  Taptee  rifver.  on 
thb  kioTth,  oompfehending  the  fort .  of  Doulutabad,  .and 
iluoh  part  6f  those  districts,  formerly  conquered  by  BeW- 
dasheo  Rao  Bhow  in  1760,  as  had  been  restoridd  to  Nizam 
AUyii  Three*  crores  of  rupees  weire  promised  on  account 
of  arrears  of  revenue  and  expenses  of  .the  ware  besides 
which,  by  a  separate  agreement,  Nizam  Ally  ceded  terri*^ 
tocy  yielding!  8,18,000  rupees,  in.  Ueu  of  Bughoojee  Bhon- 
slky'a. claims  for  ghas-dana  m  Gungthuree,  estimated  .at 
thcee  and  a  half  laj^hs  aonually.  Niaam.  Ally  likewise 
promised  to  pay  up!  the  arrears  due  to  Bughoojee  Bhonslajr^ 
amounting. to '29  lakhs,  and  to  collect  .thdr  respe<^ve 
shares,  of  reyoKiue  in  Berar,  according  to  aAcient  usage, 
|br  aU  which,  the  Feishw^  aflerwards  became  Bughoojee'a 
guarantee.  - 

,.  It  was  with  extreme  i*eluQtance  that  Nizam  Ally  agreed 
to  .surrender  the  person  of  his  minister.  Musheer-ool^ 
Moolk  urged  him  to  the.  measure,  esp^ially  as,  .under 
tbe.  circumstances  in  which  they  found  themselves,  they  did 
not  consider  the  other  <;onditions  so  immoderafte  as  might 
have  been  expected.  The  minister  was  delivered  over  to 
a. party  of  200  Mahrattas,  by  whom  he  was  escorted  to 
their  camip.  .The  Poishwa:  met  him  at  the  outskirts^  and 
received  him  with  distinction,  but  his  person    was  care- 


288  HISTORY  OV  THK  MAHBATTA8.  [CHAP.  XHI. 

fttllj  guarded.  The  Mahrattas  were  rejoiced  to  excess  by 
this  triumph,  and<  a  remark  of  the  young  Peis^iwa,  wheii 
rallied  by  Nana  Fumuwees  on  the  melancholy  which  his 
countenance  betrayed  at  the  time  of  Musheer^ool-Moolk's 
arrival,  was  as  just,  as  from  him  it  was  interesting.  ^  I 
grieve/'  said  he,  ^^to  observe  such  degeneracy  as  there 
must  be,  on  both  sides,  when  such  a  disgraceful  submis- 
sion has  been  made  by  the  Moghuls,  and  our  soldiers 
are  vaunting  of  a  victory  obtained  without  an  effort" 
There  were  scarcely  >200  men  lost  by  both  those  two  greait 
armies  in  the  battle,  though  a  considerable  number  of  the 
Moghuls  were  killed  in  the  subsequent  con&ision,  and 
during  the  time  they  were  surrounded  ;  but  to  this  day 
it  is  one  of  the  great  boasts  of  the  old  sillidars  in  the 
Mahratta  villages  .that  they  were  present  in  the  gloiious 
field  of  Kurdla. 

During  the  action,  the  British  envoys  at  the  respective 
courts  of  Nizam  Ally  and  the  Peishwa  were  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood. Nizam  Ally  was  much  incensed  against  the 
Engtish  for  their  neutrality,  which  he  considered  m 
abandonment  of  promised  friendship.  On  his  return  to 
Hyderabad  he  dismissed  their  two  battalions,  and  ordered 
a  great  increase  to  the  corps  of  Monsieur  Raymond, 
assigning  districts  for  their  maintenance,  in  the  eame 
manner  as  Sindia  had  done.  The  influence  of  the  English 
was  further  diminished  by  the  captivity  of  MusheerK>ol'* 
Mocdk,  a  great  friend  to.  their  nation,  and  it  was  likely  to 
be  wholly  superseded  by  the  growing  power  of  the  Frendh 
party,  when  an  event  o(9curred  which  induced  Nizam 
Ally  to  recall  their  battalions,  and  the  intercourse  formerly 
subsisting  was  gradually  renewed.  The  event  aUuded  to 
was  nothing  less  than  the  rebellion  of  Nizam  Ally's  eldest 
son,  Ali  Jah,  who,  from  the  time  of  the  convention  at 


CHAP,  xm.]  ALi  jah's  rebellion.  2S9 

Kitrdla,  had  beeh  actively  engaged  in  a  conspiracy,  the 
ring-leaders  of  which  were  all  of  the  party  most  inimical 
to  Mnsheer-ool-Moolk  and  the  English  interests. 

On  the  night  of  the  28th  June  Ali  Jah  quitted  Hyder- 
abad, pretending  to  be  forcibly  carried  off  by  a  Mahratta, 
named  Sewdasheo  Riddey,  fot  the  purpose  of  obtaining 
the  authority  of  his  name  itt  raising  an  insurrection.  He 
was  soon  joined  by  many  of  his  partizans^and  took  the 
route  of  Beder,  of  which  fortress,  and  several  other  places 
of  less  consequence,  he  obtained  possession.  The  season 
of  the  year  was  unfavourable  to  his  succesd  $  but  the  vast 
body  of  unemployed  horsemen  in  the  country  (60,000  of 
the  Kurdla  fiigitivefi  having  been  discharged  by  Nizam 
Ally  in  one  day)  rendered  the  insilrrection  e!stremely 
aljiirming,  especially  as  several  officers  of  rank  joined  the 
prince,  and  Tippoo,  as  wafr  given  out,  had  promised  to 
support  him. 

ik.  Raymond  undertook  to  suppress  this  rebellion.  He 
followed  the  prince  to  ^  Beder,  pursued  him  to  Aurungabad, 
took  him  prisoner,  and  was  bringing  him  to  Hyderabad  t 
but  Ali  Jah,  unable  to  fd,oe  his  father,  put  an  end  to  his 
existence  by  pbison,  before  they  reached  the  capital. 

On  the  return  of  the  Peishwa  to  Poena,  Nana  Fur- 
ftutrees  was  employed'in  distributing  the  late  acquisitions,* 
and  in  settling  varioiis  affairs  with  the  different  chiefs. 
Pureshram  Bhow  and-  Rughooje^  Bhonslay  remained  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  the  capital,  but  Holkar  and  Sindia 
encamped  at  some  distance — the  former  at  Jejoory,  and 
the  latter  at  Jamgaom — ^until  news  arrived  of  Ali  Jali's 
rebellion,  when  they  repaired  to  Poona,  with  what  view  is 

*  The  whole  of  the  particulars  of  this  distribution  were  found  amongst 
the  Poona  records  :  but  much  confusion  having  subsequently  arisen,  the 
intended  arrangements  were  never  entirely  completed. 

Vol.  il— 37 


0 


290  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHAATTAS.  [CHAP.  Xlll. 

not  ascertained,  nor  is  there  any  proof  that  the  Mahrattas 
^ere  instrumental  to  the  rebellion,  although  it  was  sus- 
pected by  Nizam  Ally,  and  has  Jbeen  affirmed  by  Moghul 
historians. 

By  th^  middle  of  September  Doulut  Eao  had  obtained 
his  audience  of  leave,  and  proceeded  to  Jamgaom,  on  his 
route  to  Hindostan ;  Pureshram  Bhow  had  returned  to 
the  family  jagheej?  at  Tasgaom  ;  Holkar  continued  at 
Poena,  .where  Rughoojee  Bhonslay  also  remained  until  the 
middle  of  October,  when  he  was  disjmissed  with  great 
honor,  receiving  new  sub^uds  for  a  portion  of  territory, 
lying  on  the  south  side  of  the  ]^erbuddah,  yrhich  had  been 
originally  assigned  to  his  grandfatiber  by  Ballajee  Baje^ 
Bao  in  1750,  but  12  of  the  districts*  had  not  yat  been 
conqueridd  ff om  the  chiefs,  •  who,  in  the  confusion  that 
followed  the  decline  of  the  !B(oghul  empire,  had  become 
independent,  t 

Nai>a  Furiiuw'ees  was  now  at  the  sutnmit  of  prosperity  ; 
without  the  interyention  of  a  foreign  power  he  had  obtained 
every  object  of  his  ambition.  Doulut  Kao  Sindia  ,was 
favourably  disposed  towards  him,  and  \m  ministers  and 
officers  were  mote  intent  on  forwarding  their  own  parti-r 
cular  views  in  the  government  of  th^ir  young  master,  than 
in  schemes  for  controlling  thei  Po0na  court.  Tookajee 
Holkar  1^  become  imbdcile,  both  in  mind  and  body,  and 
his  officers  were  subservient  to  Naqa.  Rughoojee  Bhon- 
slay was  completely  secured  in  his  interests,  and  the  Bramin, 
jagheerdars  were  of  his  party*     The  feishwa's  govern- 

*  These  were — 1st,  Bachaee ;  2ad,  Beeobea  ;  3rd,  Burgee  ;  4tb,  Bbo- 
<wai<garh  ;  5th,  Sypoor  Ohonreeagurh ;  6th,  Khooreybharee ;  7th,  Euthoo* 
teea  ;  8th,  Pullahoo  ;  9tb,  Dajwurdha  ;  10th,  Mookundpoor ;  11th,  Sur- 
nalpoor  ;  and  12th,  Kamgurh. 

t  This  chapter  is  on  the  authority  of  original  Hahratta  papers,  Persian 
and  Mahratta  MBS.,  and  Engliah  records.  , 


CHAP.  XIII.]       NANA  FURNnWB£*S,  UNFOBSEB^  CATASTROPHE.  291 

ment  had  tibas  every  prospect  of  regaining  the  tone  and 
vigour  it  had  possessed  under  the  great  Mahdoo  Bao ; 
but  Naaa's  fondness  of  power,  and  his  anxiety  to  preserve 
it,  brought  on  a  catastrophe  which  speedily  undermined 
his  authority,  overturned  the  labours  of  bis  Hfe,  and  termi- 
nated his  days  in  trouble  and  in  misery. 


•   ^ 


2»2 


CHAP.  XIV. 


.J..*-        A    V«       -kPff^i*  ^     '"      '      »» 


A.D.  1795  'aijd  A.15.  1796. 

If  ana  Fumuwees — his  conduct  towards  Mahdoo  Rao — the 
raja  of  Sataroy  and  the  family  of  the  deceased  Rv^onath 
Rao. — Tlie  sons  of  Rugonath  Rao  confined  in  the  fort  of 
Seumeree. — Bajee  Rao  the  particular  object  of  NancHs 
jealousy. — Bajee  Rao*s  character  at  this  period— his  ac^ 
complishments. — The  young  Peishwa  desirous  of  cultivate 
ing  his  friendship. — NofMi  advises  him  to  beware. — Bajee 
Rao  corrupts  one  of  Nana^s  agents  and  opens  a  communi- 
cation yyith  the  Peishvxi — his  insidious  messages — discoveiy 
— its  consequences. — Mahdoo  Rao  throws  himself  from  the 
terrace  of  his  palacey  and  dies. — Ifana  endeavours  to 
exclude  Bajee  Rao  from  the  succession. — Bajee  Rao  gains 
over  Balloba  Tattya  and  Sindia  to  his  interests. — Nana 
Fumuwees  determines  on  anticipating  Sindia^  and  brings 
Bajee  Rao  to  Poona. — Sindia^  influenced  by  his  ministet*y 
marches  on  the  capital — Nana  withdraws  from  Poona. — 
Balloba  Tattya  resolves  to  set  aside  Bajee  RaOy  and 
raise  Chimnajee  Appa  to  the  musnudy  with  Pureshram 
Bhow  as  his  minister, — Nana  Fumuwees^  being  constdted 
by  Pureshram  BhoWy  assents  with  seeming  cordiality 
to  tJie  proposal. — Nana's  proceedings. — Suspicions  of 
Balloba  Tattya. —  Conspiracy  matured^  and  Bajee  Rao 
confined. — Chimnajee  Appa  declared  Peishwa. — Sindia* s 
pecuniary  distress — plan  for  alleviating  it — enlargement 
of  Musheer^ool-Moolk. —  The  new  administration  pretend 
a  wish  thai   Nana  Fumuwees  sJiould  take   a  ptincipal 


CHAP.  XIV  ]         NANA'S  CimDUCT  TOWARDS  MAHPOO  RAO.  293 

duxre  in'tke  gQvemmeaU, — ^Nana  diacimer$  thdr  tfreaehery. 
— Desperate  fiiuatian  of  J^^na  ^evinces  gr^at  abilky 
in  ejstricaiingi  himielff  and  drcumverUinff  his  enemies. 
— Bis  interefiti  in  unison  with  ^  thosA  0/  BiJ^ee  Racs. 
— Rise  o/Baltajee  Koonjur. — Nana  diselosee  a  part  of 
his  plans  to  B^0e  Rao.T-Rvse  ofShirzee  Rao  Gltatgay. — 
Nima  Fumu^des  gains  .  Sindia  to  his  views. —  The  iayont* 
dentproceedii^ofBajee  Rao^s  paHy  bring  on  a.pr&nkUure 
discovert/  of  a  f'Ptft  >  of  tike  tmydracg.  -^Bcgee  Boo  sent  <^ 
tawao'ds  Sind^stan^-^iters  intQ  a  compact  toith  Sldrzee 
Rao  Ghatgayir-r^JProe^tdrngs  at  Pootia. — Schemes  of  If  ana 
Furn9Awees  mfify/^ed — excites  the  raja  qf  Kolapoor  to  fail 
upon  the  districts  ofPureshram  Blum. — Treaty  of  Mhar.-^ 
Treaty  with  Singhoojete  Blwmhiy.^^SindiaL  arrests  Balloba 
Tattya. — PurHhram  Bhow  accidentally,  fovemamed  of  his 
dm^^r-^fieesifrom  Poonor-^is  overtaken  ami  made  prisoners 
;  — 'Nana.  Furnwms  obtains  the  guarantee  oflfizdm,  Ally 
and  of  Sindia.lbefore  trusting  himself  at  Pofma. — Bofei 
flc^  proclaimed  Pei^hioa* — !Z%ei  ^dop^ion  of  .Chimkctjae 
Appa  dedo>Ts4  iUegal^ — Chinmffjee  Appa  appointed  to  the 
government  of  (iluzerali^  vsMi  Aba  Shedookur  as  his  deptUyx 

Althoxtgh  thei  young  Peishwa  was  now  in  Ms  twenty* 

£x8t  year,  Nana  Fiimnwees  relaxecl  no-^ 

A  D  1795, 

thing  of  the  rigid  tutelage  in  whioh  he  had 
reared  him  ;  autd  the  old  minister  became  more  than  ever 
watchful  of  all  tlie  state  prisoners  whose  liberty  might 
endanger  his  C(wn  power.  He  was  apprehensive  that 
Mahadajee  Sindia  had  intended  to  use  the .  raja  of  Satara 
as  an  instrument  iii  overthrowing  the  Bramin  government, 
and  he  now  treated  the  object  of  his  dread  with  more  than 
ordinary  severi^^  by  diminishing  his  allowances,  and 
prohibiting  his  jE^fibtions  from  visiting  \^m  in  the  fort. 


294  HISTORY  OF  THE  AAHRATTAS.  [cHAP    XIV. 

The  family  of  Rugonath  Rao  rrete  kept'  at  Kopergaom 
until  the  year  17&3y  when  they  were  removed  to  Anund- 
welee,  near  If  assnck,  as  a  place  more  agreeable  to  the 
widow  Antjndee  Bye^  .whose  h^lih  was  on  the  decline, 
in  the  month  of  April  of  ihe  snoceeding  year  she  died. 
The  sdhsy  Bajee  Rao  and  Chimnajee  Appa,  with  the  adopt- 
ed SOB  of  Rugoba,  Ammt  Rao,  r^main^  at  Anundwelee  ; 
until  npon  tiie  prospect .  of  hbstilities  with  Nizam  Ally, 
they  were  conveyed  to  the  hill-fort  of  Sewneree,  where, 
once  secured,  Nana  Farnuwees,  at  the  termination  of  the 
war,  retained  them  in  close  cuMody,  under  two  officers  in 
whom  he  confided,  Rughoo  Pant  Ghorebulay  aad  Bulwunt 
Bao  Nagonath. 

The  condition  of  these  young  men  excited' strong  feelings 
of  .commiseration,  even  in  the  minds  of  4hose  who  judged 
it  necessary ;  and  others,  swayed  chiefly  by  their  feelings, 
.generally  the  larger  portion  of  any  community,  execrated 
the  conduct  of  the  minister  as  cruel,  vindictive,  and  un- 
justifiable. Distinct  from  either  of  these  classes  was  the 
old  faction  of  Rugoba,  and  other  persons,  wholly  dis- 
contented, who  endeavoured  by  every  means  to  exalt  the 
character  of  the  prisoners,  and  lower  the  reputation  of 
Nana  Furnuwees. .  But  these  indications  of  the  public 
mind  only,  increased  the  wary  circumspection  of  the 
}fiinister,  to  whom  the  elder  of  the  legitimate  sons  of 
JUigonath  Bao  early  became  an  object  of  jealottsy. 
Graceful  in  bis  person,  with  a  handsome  and  youthful 
CQuntenance  which  ensured  favourable  impressions,  Bajee 
Bao  had  the  mildest  manner,  and  an  address  so  insinuatr* 
ing  that  he  gained  the  good-will  of  all  who  approached 
him.  His  bodily  and  mental  accomplishments  were 
equally  extolled;  at  the  age  of  nineteen,  he  was  an 
exceUent  horseman,  and  skilled  in  the  use  of  the  sword. 


OHAP.  XIV.]  BAJEE  R\0 'S  INSIDIOUS  MESSAGE.  295 

and  bowy  and  allowed  to' be  ihe  most  expert  apearsmaii  in 
Giingthuree.  He  was  deeply  read  in  the  Shasters,  parti^ 
cularly  in^auch  parts  as '  regards  the  observance  pf  caste  ; 
and,  of  his  age,'  no  pimdit  so  learned  /  had  been  known  in 
Maharashtra. 

The  young  Peishwa,  so  far  from  being  jealous  of  the 
supeHor  accoi^plisbmeQts  of  bis .  cousin,  vfss  pldased-  at 
hearing  him  commended)  and  frequently  expressed!  a  strong 
desire  tp  prpcur^  his  enlairgemtot,  ^nd,  cultivate  his  friend^ 
^ip.  Jjx  vadn  did  the  oautious  '  N(ma  Fumuvv^eei^  advise 
him  tq  bewaire  of  the  sajplii^g,'  however  bomely,  which 
sprung  from  the  w^ajkne^s  pi^  Suigonath  Bao  and  the 
wickedn^s^^of  Anunde€i;Bye  t  the  greyer  the  restrkint,  the 
stronger  the.  inelinatpipn.  i ;  l^ut/  •  j^liahdoo  Hao  >  was  *watched| 
^d.Bs^ee  I^  was  a  close pi^^oner.  !  Th^  latter,  however^ 
hating  di^covjered  tbe.'&yourabl^  diaiposition  i>f  the  Peishwa 
towards  him^  and  < haying  ;at  last,  gained.  Bulwunt  Bao 
Kagonaih)  M  Qqn¥€|y:ed,  H  message  'with,  as^urannes  of 
respect  ajiidiijIjita^mieQty  a^dingithat.  ^^he veas in-confine* 
ment  at  Sewneree,  and  the  Peishwa  under  .the.  control  of 
t^is.nainisi^ ;  tb^t  th^i^  condii^n;  as  pri^onera^  wap  nearly 
similar^  but  that  theiir  minds  and  afieptions  yiere  free,  and 
should  be  de^yoted  to  eadi.othiQr  ;  that  their  ancestor^  had 
distinguLahed  ibenwplves,  .anc^  .iluifr  the  time  would  axrive 
^Jhipn  hisj  cousin' and  {hin|s0lf, might  hope  ;to  ei^iulate  their 
deeds,  a^d  :raise  for  ith^mselYes ,  ja  luting  anjd  honorajble 
name."  This;  ^ess^p  was-  the.  commencement  of  a 
correspQudence,  which  bpgan  shortly  after  the  .return  of 
the  army  to  Poena,  and; .  continued  for  some  time,  till  at 
length  it. came  to  the  ^knowledge  of  Nana,  who  betrayed 
SL  rage,  altogptbor  unusual,  at  the  discovery.  He  imme- 
diately threw,  ^ulwunt  Bao  Nagona^  into  a  hill-fort 
loaded  with   irons,  seyprely-    reproached   Mahdpq  Baq, 


296  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAg.  [cffAP.  lltT. 

and  rendered  the  strictness  of  Bajee  Bao's  confinement 
far  more  rigid  than  before.  Mahdoo  Rao,  already  galled 
by  restraint,  and  irritated  by  the  insidnous  messages  of 
his  cousin,  was  overwhelmed  with  anger,  disappointment, 
and  grief;  he  refused  absolutely  to  quit  his  apartment, 
^nd  his  absence  from  his  usual  place  at  the  durbar  was 
itaputed  to  fever*  At  the  Dussera,  which  happened  on 
the  22rid  October,  and  was  conducted  with  great  splen- 
dour, he  appeared  amongst  his  troops,  and  in  the  evening 
)^cei^*ed  his  ehiefe  and  the  ambassadors  at  his  court  in 
his  accustomed  manner ;  but  his  spirit  was  wounded  to 

despetation,  a  fixe<i  melaticholy  seized  oh 

^*"'^  ''•  hifl  mind,  and  on  the  mommg  of  the  25th 
October  he  deliberately  thre^  hiinself^  fironi  a  terrace  in 
bis  palace,  fractured  two  of  Ms  lin&bs,  and  was  mneb 
bounded  by  the  tube  of  a  fountaiti  on'  which  he  fell.  H^ 
survive  for  two  days,  aiid  having  'particularly  desired 
that  Bajee  Rao  should  be  placed  on  the  mUsntK^,  he  expired 
in  the  arms  of  Baba  Rao  Phurkayj  for  whom  he  had  enteiV 
fcained  a  strong  affection.  < 

The  death  of  MAhdoo  Rao  was  ah  evertt  of  mah  awfiil 
importance  to  the  political  existence  of  Nana  Purnuw^*^ 
that  the  consideration  dF  its  consequences  withdrew  his 
mind  from  the  deep  affliction  which'  the  untimely  end  of 
that  amiable  young  prince  would  have  disposed*  him  tc^ 
indulge.  He  carefully  suppressed  the  request  of  Mahdoo 
Rao  in  his  cousin's  favour,  dreadkig  that  by  such  an 
arrangement  he  should  not  only  be  deprived  of  power,  but 
perhaps  of  liberty  and  of  Kfe.  His  first  care,  on  ascer- 
taining the  nature  of  the  accident,  was  to  «end  off  notice 
'  to  Pureshram  Bht^w,  requiHng  his  hnme* 

diate  attendance  at  Pbona  with  every  nian 
he  could  collect ;  and  the  day  aftet  the  PeishwfCs  ^atfa, 


CHAP.  XIV.]  nana's  peocbkdinos.  297 

Riigboojee  Blionslay  and  Doulnt  Bao  Sindia  were  recalled 
for  the  purpose  of  deliberating  on  the  succession  to  the 
mnsnud.  Tookajee  Holkar,  being  in  Poona,  immediately 
visited  the  minister,  who  not  only  made  nse  of  aU  thd 
popular  prejudice  existing  against  the  name  of  Eugonatb 
Bao,  but  described  the  enmity,  which  from  the  first  dawn:-» 
ing  of  reason  had  been  instilled  into  Bajee  Bao  by  his 
mother,  against  the  whole  of  those  offioers  who  had  now 
any  experience  in  the  affairs  of  the  state  ;  be  showed  the 
danger  to  be  apprehended  from  the  connection  between 
his  family  and  the  English,  dwelt  upon  the  happy  state 
of  prosperity  and  union  whidi  then  prevailed  in  the 
Mahratta  empire,  and  ^alarged  od  the  increasing  benefits 
to  be  expected  if  the  eiusting  couirse  of  pdicy  were  care^ 
fully  preserved. 

In  these  s^itiments  Holkar  concurred,  and  the  disposi-' 
tion  of  the  other  chie&  being  sounded,  Naoia  ventui^ed  to 
di^lose  his  plan  by^suggesting'that  Yessooda  Bye,  the 
widow  of  the  deceased  prinde,  who  '  had  not  yet  attained 
the  age  of  womanhood,  should  adopt  a  soiij  in  lii^hose  name 
he  proposed  to  conduct  the  government  as  heretofore. 
Sbme  objections  were  raised  by  Balloba  Tattya,  <>ne  ofithe 
principal  ministers  of  Bindia^  bat  they  were  overrulbd  by 
his  colleagtie  in  offidB^  J66ba  Blxkhsheef,  who  observed  that 
their  blaster  was  too  ybung  to  be  abl3  to  judge  for  Inmself, 
but  he  thought  his  safest  course  was  to  be  guided  by  the 
experience  of  tho  i^der  ehiefs,  and  to  folbw  the  example 

aId  1-96  of  Tookajee  Holkar*    At  length,  after  some 

discassion,  the  consent  of  the  prin^i^I 
chiefs  was  dbtained  in  writing,  and  in  the  month  of  Janu- 
ary they  again  retired  from  Poona. 

In  the  preceding  November,  Mr.  Malet,  the  resident  ork 
the  part  of  the  British  government,  iad  itiade  a  fortaal 

Vol.  II.— 38 


298  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS,  [cHAP.  XIV; 

application  to  tHe  minister  for  the  purpose  of  ascertaining 
on  what  footing  the  Mahratta  goverfament  was  to  be  con- 
ducted. Nana  Furnu wees  replied  that  the  widow  of  iiie 
late  Peishwa  was  to  be  considered  head  of  the  empire, 
until  the  great  officers  of  the  nation  had  deUbenrted  upon 
the  succession,  when  the  result  should  be  communicated. 
He  now  therefore  intimated  their  resolution  that  the  widow 
'  should  adopt  a  son,  to  which  no  objection  on  the  part  of 
Mr.  Malet  cohld  be  offered,  and  nothing  was  now 
apparently  wanting  except  the  selection  of  a  child,  and 
the  performance  of  the  ceremony.  But  Bajee  Rao,  who 
had  obtained  information  of  the  whole  proceeding,  by  which 
he  was  thus  unjustly  to  be  deprived  of  his  right,  gave  a 
further  specimen  of  his  talent  for  intrigue,  by  immediately 
taking  advantage  of  the  favourable  disposition  evinced 
towards  him  by  Balloba  Tatty  a,  opening  a  correspondence 
with  him,  and  in  a  few  months  gaining  him  to  his  cause. 
This  union  was  the  more  important  to  Bajee  Bao,  as  thb 
death  of  Jooba  Biikhshee.had  taken  place  a  short  time 
before,  and  on  his  death-bed  he  sent  for  Doulut  Rao,  and 
expressed  his  regret  for  having  advised  him  to  accede  to;  the 
plan  of  adoption  whilst  a  lineal  descendant  of  Ballajee  Wish- 
wanath  remained.  Having  secured  the 'prime  minister^ 
Bajee  Rao  next  addressed  himself  to  Sindia,  offering  hiin 
four  lakhs  of  rupees  of  territory,  and  whatever  might  be  the 
expenses  of  his  troops  during  the  time  he  should  require 
their  aid  in  asserting  his  lawful  succession  to  the  miisnud* 
This  offer  was  accepted,  a  formal  agreement  was  drawn 
up,  but  it  was  scarcely  concluded  when  the  whole  was 
divulged  to  Nana  Furnuwees.  In  the  greatest  alarm  that 
minister  instantly  summoned  Pureshram  Bhow,  who 
marched  from  Tasgabm  to  Poona  with  a  body  of  horse:  in 
4S  hours,  a  distance  of  upwards  pf  120  English  mile^. 


CHAP.    XIV.]  BAJBE  RAO  AT  POONA.  299 

After  some .  deliJb^dtion,  it  was  resolved  to  aatidpate 
Sindia^s  designate  release  Bajee  Rao,  and. to  declare  him 
Peishwa.  Poreshram  Bbow  accordinglj  proceeded  to  the 
fort  of  Sewneree,  and  made  his  proposals.  Amrat  Rao 
adyised  his  brother  not  to  accept  them,  observing  that 
ttoae.  offers  were  but  oertain  indications  of  Sindia's  since- 
rity. Bajee  Rao  did  not  rely^  on  the  good-will  of  either 
l>^y  beyond  the  dictates  of  their  interests,  and,  if  assured 
of  attaining  his  object,  he  would  not  have  hesitated;  he, 
howev^,  urjged  inany  objections^  though  only  for  ihepur- 
p6s0  of  obtainBig  -satisfactory  assurances.  With  this  view, 
apMlBgst  othdr  solemn  asseverations,  he  obliged  Pureshram 
ISiiOw  to  hold  the  tail  of  a  cow,  and  swear  by  the  holy 
Qodavery  tfaat.no  deception  was  intended ;  after  which 
he  descended  from  the  fort,  and,  accompanied  by  his  bro- 
ther Chimnajee  Appa,  set  out  for  his  future  capital.  Amrut 
Rao,  by  Pureshram  Bhow's  orders,  was  detained  in  cus- 
tody at  SewnereCi 

.  Immediately  on  Bajee  Rao's  arrival  at  Poena  he  had  an 
interview  with  Nana  Furnuwees,  when  they  mutually 
promised  to  bury,  all  traces  of  former  enmity  in  oblivion  ; 
and  Bajee  Rao,  on  being  assured  of  the  succession,  pro- 
i|iised'to  retditL  Nana  at  the  head  of  his  administration. 
To  this. agreement  botii  parties  exchanged  formal  dedara- 
tiqns*  in  writing. 

*  The  following  ig  a  translation  of  that  which  was  given  by  Bajee 
Bao  to  Nana  Famuwees  : — 

■  '*  In  the  presence  of  my  God,  and  from  the  inmost  recesses  of  my  heart, 
hare  X  rooted  ont  every  vestige  of  any  former  act ;  let  all  your  fature  conduct 
he  guided  by  the  principles  of  good  faith.  I  will  never  injure  you  or  yours, 
by  word  or  deed^  by  any  inward  thought  or  outward  act,  neither  will  I  allow 
any  other  person  to  do  so ;  on  this  point  I  will  be  indexible,  and  will  pay  no 
attention  to  the  suggestions  of  others.  I  will  net  allow  your  reputation  to  be 
sallied,  and  should  any  one  attempt  to  instil  anything  of  the  kind  into  my 
breast,  I  will  point  him  out  to  you.  I  will  never  release  any  one.  from  confine- 
ment without  yo'nr  advice ;  all  state  affairs  shall  be  managed  by  our  conjunct 
counsel.  From  this  day  all  your  acts  are  mine  :  suspicion  is  wholly  eradicated 
from  my  heart.'*  , 


800  HISTORY  OF  ^HB  UAHRATTAS.  [OHAP.  XlV. 

Balloba  Ta'ttya,  <m  hearing  of  the  step  which  Bajee  >Rao 
had  taken,  hnras'  in^nsed  at  his  eonduct,  bat  determined  to 
ooonteifact  the  schemes  of  Nana  Fumnwees*  Ha  there- 
for^ puraaaided  Sindia,  then  on  the  banks  of  the  Gkxlavery, 
to  mareh  on  Poona  with;  his  whole  fotee.  Nana  fWntt<t' 
wees  was  dismayed;  Pureshiiuni  Bhow  advised  him  to 
griand  firm,  to-collect  the  trooips,  and  to  give  IxttUe ;  bat 
Nana,  de&cieni  in  personal  oottrage,  was  also  sensible  of 
the  sikperiority  idf  ^dia's  army ;'  he  could  not  trust  Bajee 
Bj%o,  and  he  was  4teitrified  lest  be  should  fall  a  -pris<mer 
into  the  hands' of  BaUofoa  Tattya,  by  whom  he  believed  he 
should  be  {)ut  to  death.  Having  therefore  left  Pureshram 
Bhow'witb  Bajee  RaOiat  Poona,  he  told  the  latter  that  as 
Sindia  was  advanoiilg  with  intentbns  hostile  only,  towards 
himseli^  he  *  thoiight!;  the  best  mosms  of  avertinlg  ruinous 
civil  dissensions  was  for  him  to  retire  from  business,  atid 
witibdrawi  from  ihe  capital.  He  accordingly  repaired  first 
to  Poorundhur,  and  afterwards  to  Satara;  Sindia  a,rrived 
in  the  -nei^hboarhood!  of  Poona,  and  bad  a  friendly  inter- 
view with  Bajee  Bab;  but  Bailoba  Tattya,  although  he 
affected  to  meet  him  with  cordiality,  eould  not  forget  his 
behaviour,  especially  aftei^lie  had  seen  Amrat  Rao,  whom 
he  removed  froni  >  Se^eree  Jamgaom,  but  did  not  restore 
him  to  liberty/  After  considerinjg*  various  plans,  Baltoba 
Tattya  at  last  resolved  to  set  aside  Bajee  •Rao,  and  to  raise 
both  a  minister  and  a  Peishwa  of  his  own ;  for  which 
purpose  he  proposed  to  Pureshram  Bhow,  through 
Byhroo  Pimt  Mendlee,  that  Mahdoo  Rao's  widow  shoi^ 
adopt  Chimnajee  Appa  as  her  son,  that  Bajee  Rao  should 
be  placed  in  confinement,  and  that  Pureshram  Bhow 
should  conduct  the  administration.  Pureshram  Bhow 
had  begun  to  despise  Nana  Purnuweei^  for  his  pusillani- 

*  Ther^iB  no  reaaon  assigned  for  his  not  haying  dona  aa. 


CHAP.  XiT.]  KANA'S  own  FBOOEESIliaS.  $01 

mom  oonditct,  bnt  be  still  so  fsr  respected  his  madom  as 
to  ask  bis  opimon.  Nana  advised  bim  to  accept  what  was 
|»H>posed^  hat  to.  i^ke  care  that  Bajee  Rao  came  into  his 
own  custody.  To  this  last  essential  part  of  the.adidoe  n^ 
attention  was  paid  by.PareskrsHn  Bbcrv.  Balloba  Tattya 
pretended  tp  be  partly  infltienoed  in  the  measure  he  now 
pursued,  by  the  hope  of  rendering  it,  in  some  degree^ 
acceptable  to  Nana  Fumnwees,  lest  the  latter,  in  the 
{»re6ent  state  of  Doulut  Rao's  inaspmenoe,  should  ibrm 
some  eonfederacy,  by  moans  of  the  otbeir  chiefs,  against 
the  bouse  of  Bindia.  ^Balloba  accordingly,  as  soon  as 
Nana's  assent  had  been  obtained,  made  overfaores  £c^  a 
reconciliation,  to  which  die  latter  made  np  objections. 

Nana's  own  proceedings  in  the  meantime  deserve  notice. 
When  he  quitted  Poorundhur.and  repaired  to  Satara,  he 
enteartained  some  design, of  emancipating  the  raja^  and 
restoring  the  old  form  of  the  government  of  Sirajee,  -as  a 
plan  calculated  io  avert  the  dissensions  that  bad  arisen, 
and  which  were  lihely  to  increa^Ms  in  the  state ;  but  a  very 
few  days  convinced  hini'  of  the  fatQity  of  ikk  scheme. 
The  raja,  in  consequence  of  the  treatment  hid  had  exp^ 
rienced,  had  no  ednfide^cein.him.  The  raja's  name  was 
sufEoieiitly  popular  to  have  bropght  many  of  the  most 
warBke  Mahratta  families  to  his  standard,  and  to  hav« 
awakened  a  powerful  interest;. amongst  the  dasoendants  of 
the  first  followers  of  Sivajee,'  residing  in  the  wilds  of  the 
Mawuls  and  Kbcras;  The  raja^  though  incapable  of 
pondncting  state  affairs  himself,  was  a  manof  courageyand 
several  of  his  relations  were  fit  leaders  for  any  desperate 
enterpriiie.  But  ^ana'a  object  was  to  devise  some  means 
of  establishing  a  controlling  authority  over  the  chie&.Qf 
the  >empire,  not  to  atir  up  a  power  si^bversive  of  all  brdfixl 
After  a  few  confeiri^aces  he  desisted,  and  jretired  t^  Wiuefi, 


302  HICTOlUr  OF  THE  ICAHRATTAS.  .  [CHAP.  XIY^ 

a  town  in  the  -  neighbourbood  ;  biit  bisrliavlng  entertained 
sudi  a  scb^me  was  so  far  fortunate .  for .  tbe  raja,  that  be 
was  indalged  in  a  little  more  liberty,  and  was  treated  with 
greater  kindness  and  consideration.  . 
"  When  Nana  Fomuwees  consented  to  the  proposal  of 
Balloba  Tattya  for  adopting  Ghimnajee  Appa,  it  became 
neeessary  toobtaii;!  the  raja's  khilliit  of  investiture  for  the 
new  Feishwa ;  on  which  occasion  Nana  came  from  Waee 
to  Satara,  and,  on  receiving  the  khillut,  pron^ised  that,  if 
he  ever  had  an  opportmiity,  he  wonld  endeavour  to  tu\&l 
the  agreement  made  with  Ban!  lUja  in  the  time  of  Ballajee 
Bajee  Bgo,  by  putting  the  present  Baja  Shao  in  possession 
of  the  territory  promised  by  the  treaty  of  Sangola. 

Nana  would  have  proceeded  to  Poena,  but  on  finding, 
that  Poreshram  Bhow  had  allowed  Sindia's  minister  to 
retain  the  person  of  Bajee  Sao,  he  suspected,  and.  with 
good  reason,  that  the  whole  was  a  scheme  to  entice  him 
into!  the  po weir  of  Balloba  Tattya  ;  and,  therefore,  although 
he  forwarded  the  khillut,  he  himself  remained  at  Waee.   . 

Bajee  Bao  was  still  ignorant  of  the  plot  which  had  been 
formed  against  him,  and  the  manner  of  disclosing  it  is 
too  characteristic,  not  only  pf  the  period,  but  of  the  future 
.  ways  of  the  Poena  court,  to  be  omitted.  Some  demands 
for  money  on  account  of  Sindia's  expenses  were  made  on 
Bajee  Bao,  and,  upon  his  expressing  inabiUty  to  comply 
with  them,  they  were  urged  in  a  tone  whidb  produced 
altercation,  and  Sindia,  pretending  to  take  offence  at  the 
manner  of  Bajee  Eao's  refusal,  begged  permission  to  return 
to  Hindostan.  Bajee  Bao,  as  had  been  foreseen,  immedi- 
ately repaired  to  Sindia's  camp  for  the  purpose  of  privately 
expostulating;  he  was  there  detained  in  argument  until 
late  in  the  evening,  when  the  conference  was  suddenly 
interrupted  by  intelligence  of  Pureshram  Bhow's  having 


CHAP.  XIV.]        CHIMHAJES  APPA  DECLARED  PEISHWA.  303 

carried  ofF  Chimnajee  Appa ;  no  one,  it  was  pretended, 
knew  whither,  but  it  was  supposed  to  Satara.  Bajee  Rao, 
alarmed  and  astonished,  begged  of  Sindia  to  pursue  him  ; 
but  the  uncertainty  of  their  route,  the  strength  of  thm 
party,  and  the  darkness  of  the  night  were  urged  against 
this  jproposal.  A  request,  however,  to  be  aUowed  to  con- 
tinue under  Sindia's  protection  during  the  night  wais 
readily  granted,  and  next  day  he  discovered  the  snare, 
upon  being,  advised  to  remain,  as  any  jdaoe  beyond  the 
priecincts  of  Sindia's  camp  was  unsafe  for  his  highness. 

In  the  meantime  Pureshram  Bhow  and  Baba  Rao 
Phurkay  had  merely  conveyed  Ohimnajee  Appa  into  the 
city  of  Poona  ;  but  Chimnajee  positively  revised  to  become 
a  party  in  the  unjust  usurpation  of  his  brother's  rights, 
and  compulsion  only  induced  him  to  bear  his  share  in  it. 
He  was  adopted  by  the  name  of  Chimnajee  Mabdoo  Rao, 
and  formally  invested  as  Peishwa  on  the  26th  May. 

^The  pecuniary  difficulties  of  Sindia,  and  the#distress  of 
his  army,  were  not  fictitious.  Pureshram  Bhow,  on  being 
appointed  minister,  had  promised  to  raise  money,  and  for 
this  purpose  ofTered  to  restore  the  minister  of  Nizam  Ally, 
Musheer^ool-Moolk,  to  liberty,  on  condition  of  receiving  a 
portion  of  the  balance  of  three  krores  of  rupees,  due  by  the 
treaty  of  Kurdla.  Musheer««ool«Moolk  said  he  could  only 
use  his  endeavours ;  but  upon  this  promise  he  was  released 
from  confinement,  permitted  to. encamp  in  the  environs  of 
the  city,  and,  in  a  short  time,  was  surrounded  by  a  con-  ' 
siderable  retinue.  . 

'  '  The  day  after  the  installation  of  the  new  Peishwa, 
Pureshram  Bhow  proposed  that  Nana  Furnuwees  should 
conie  to  Poona,  meet  and  be  reconciled  to  Balloba 
Tattya,  and  afterwards  assume  the  civil  administration 
in  the   new    Feishwa's  government,    whilst    the   com- 


304  HI8T0BT  OF  THB  MABRATTAS;  [CflAP.  Xnr» 

jhakid  of  the  icoopa  and  all  miliii»ry  arrugbnieots 
shdvld  rdmaki  inih  ■  hhngelf.  In  reply  to  this  prp^ 
posal,  Nana 'Fiinmi^es  requested  ibsit  Futmhtam  Bhow'd 
cUtet'«ony  Httrry  Ptiat^.  might  hei  sent  to  Waee  for  tib^ 
{Hirpoae 'c^  elearly  .Bettling  dome  prelimiilatiea ;  but) 
instead  of  coming  ad  an  anroy^ .  Hnrry  Pnnti  Grossed  the 
Neera  at  the  head  of  4^000  or  5,000  ohosen  horses — a 
oircnmBiaiKfe  that  in  it»elf  naturally  excited  snspioiops^ 
-which  werb  strengthened  by  a  secret, letter  from  Baba  Bao 
Phurkay,  aaviaing  him  to  se*  to  omi  safety  without  a 
moment^s 'delay.  r 

.  The  fortunes  of  Nana  Enmttwees  were  now,  in  the 
general  opinion,  and  perhaps  in  his  own,  desperate  ;  but 
on  being  forced  to  abandon  half^measures,  into  whioh  he 
i/tnas  misled  by  a  timid  disposition,  the  vigour  of  hia 
judgment,  the  fertility  of  his  expedients,!  the  extent  af  his 
influence,  and  the  combination  o£  instrumients  which  he 
baUed  into  action  sucprised  aU  India,  and,  from  his 
Buropean  contemporaries,  procured  for  him  the  name  of 
^^tteMahratta  MaoHdVal.'' 

When  we  saw  the  danger  imminieht,.  he  imBtediately 
iled'  from-  Waee  towards  the  Con^an^.  blocked  up  the 
passed  in  his  rear,  threw  a  strong  garrisen  int(>  Pertab* 
gurh,  and,  <m  arriving  at  the  village  of  Mhar,  his  first 
care  was  to  pUt  the  fort  6f  Baigurh  in  the  best  state  of 
defenca  Balloba^  Tattjra  pi^oposed  that  he  should  be 
'  followed  up  without  delay,  and  offered  some  of  Sindia's 
regular  infantry  for  the  purpose  ;  but  Pureshrom  Bhow^ 
ioflii^a/ced  by  secret  well-wishers  *of  Nana's,  objected'  to 
the  employment  of  coercive  measures,  althou^  his 
hostility  to  Nana  Fumuwees  was  soon  after  avowed  by 
his  giving  up  Nana's  jagheer  lands  to  Smdia,  and 
sequestrating  his  houses  and  property  in  Poona  foif  his 


C0AP«  XIV.]  AFFAIBS  OT  NAIIA.  305 

awn  U9e,  The  <»teiii»ible  property,  however,  of  Nane 
Eumuweea  bore  but  an  insignificant  proportion  to  the 
extent  of  his  oonoealed  wealth*  It  is  i^  common  report 
that  he  carried  with  him,  when  he  quitted  Poena,  hoards 
of  gold,  the  acononulated  treasures  of  the  Peishwas ;  btit^ 
as  already  stated  on  the  authority  of  their  apoounta,  the 
Peishwas,  up  to  the  time  of  the  first  Mahdoo  Rao,  were  in 
debt,  and  were  always  embarrassed,  so  that  the  riches  of 
Nana  Furnuwees,  which  were^without  doubt  considerably 
must  have  been  saved  during  his  own  administration. 
His  funds  were  secretly  deposited  in  different  places,  or 
lodged  in  the  hands  of  agents  in  various  parts  of  India, 
so  that  he  could  command  them  with  promptitude  in  ease 
of  emergency  ;  but  the  secret  of  their  deposit,  and  of  hi$ 
management,  remains  a  mystery,  a  subject  of  some 
curiosity,  and  the  theme  of  many  wonders  and-  impositione 
amongst  the  Mahratta  vulgar*. 

The  revolution  which  had  taken  place  naturally  i^ided 
to  imite  Bajee  Bao.  and  ITana  Furnuwees ;  and  a  secret 
intercourse  was  carried  on  between  them,  through  the 
medium  of  an  individual  who  aflierwards  bechune  oonr 
spicuoujsu  In  the  ejervioe  of  Nana  Poorundhuree  tiiere  was 
a.  Mahratta  sillidar,  the  natural  son  of  the  patellof  the 
village  of  Wangapoor  near  Poorundhur,  who  had  contrived 
to  attract  the  notice  of  Bajee  Bao  when  he  was  taken 
from  confinement  at  Sewneree,  and  who  was  afterwards 
pernlitted  by  Nana  Poorundhurr^  to  enter  Bajee  Bao's 
service.  Balltgee  Koonjur-— for  such  was  the  name  of  tMs 
sillidar — ^perceiving  tibie  situation  of  affairs,  althou^  he 
had  little  opportunity  of  consulting  his  master,  visited  Nana 
Furnuwees  at  Mhar,  and  conveyed  the  most  friendly 
declarations  and  assurances  on  the  part  of  Bajee  Rao, 
begging  of  Nana  to  ex«ct  himself  in  their  mutual  behalf. 

Vol.  II,— 39 


306  HISTORY  OP  THE  MAHBATTAS.  [CHAP.  XIV. 

No  excitement  to  exertion  was  necessary :  Nana  Fur- 
nuwees  had  every  engine  at  work.  Baba  Rao  Phurkay, 
in  command  of  the  Peishwa's  household  troops,  had 
engaged  to  bring  them  over  to  him.  Tookajee  Holkar's 
whole  power  and  influence  were  ready  at  his  signal,  and 
he  had  opened  a  negotiation  with  Sindia  through  Ryajee 
Patell,  whom  he  knew  to  be  inimical  to  Balloba  Tattya, 
offering  to  Sindia  the  jagheer  of  Pureshram  Bhow 
PutWurdhun,  the  fort  of  Ahmednugur,  with  territory- 
yielding  10  lakhs  of  rupees,  on  condition  that  he  would 
place  Balloba  Tattya  in  confinement,  establish  Bajee  Rao 
on  the  musnud,  and  return  with  his  army  to  Hindostan. 
Thus  far  of  his  plans  Nana  Fumuwees  communicated  to 
Ballajee  Koonjur  foV  Bajee  Rao's  information. 

This  period  of  the  revolution  brought  many  persons  into 

notice,  although  none  so  obscure  as  the  individual  just 

mentioned.     Of  these,  one  of  the  most  conspicuous  was 

ihe  pdvsoh  employed  by  Nana  Furnuwees  to  negotiate 

with  Ryajee  Patell  in  order  to  bring  over  Sindia  :  the 

name  of  this  man  was  Sukaram  Ghatgay,  of  the  Kagul 

family,  whose  ancient  title,  as  already  mentioned,  was 

Shirzee  Rao.     Sukaram,  having  had  a  quarrel  with  his 

relation  Yeswunt  Rao   Grhatgay,  the  brother-in-law  df 

Ihe  raja  of  Kolapoor,  concerning  the   hereditary  rights 

in  thfeir  native  village,  they  took  up  arms  to  assert  them. 

Sukaram  being  defeated   was   obliged  to  fly  from  the 

Kolapoor  territory,    and   seek  shelter  with .  Pureshram 

Bhow,  into  whose  service  he  entered,    and  afterwards 

exchanged  it  for  that  of  Nana  Furnuwees,  who  gave  him 

the  command  of  100  horse.     When  Nana  quitted  Poena, 

Sukaram   Ghatgay  entered  Sindia's   service,    where   he 

obtained    a   similar   command.     He    was  of  an  active, 

bold,  intriguing   disposition ;    and  by  his    address  had 


(MAP.  XIV.]  SnSPlOlOSS  OF  BALLOBA  TATTTA.  307 

gained  the  good-will  of  Ryajee  PatelL  He  was  also.kt 
tjiis  time  much  courted  by  Sindia,  by  reason  of  the 
reputed  beanty  of  his  daaghter,  whom  Sindia  wished  to 
espouse  ;  and  Snkaram,  who  regarded  his  own  aggran- 
dizement niore  than  the  dignity  of  his  house,  which 
would  be  tarnished  by  his  giving  a  gentdne  daughter 
of  the  Kagulkur  Ghatgay  to  the  spurious  offspring  of  the 
patells  of  Kunneirkheir,  was  pleased  with  the  prospect 
of  the  alliance,  though,  to  enhance  the  favour  of  ultimate 
compliance,  he  raised  numerous  objections  to  the  match. 

By  the  aid  of  such  an  agent  Nana  Fumuwees  was 
successful  in  gaining  over  Sindia  to  his  cause ;  and  this 
secret  having  been  communicated  to  Baba  Bao  Phurkay 
and  others  of  the  party,  they  became  less  circumspect  in 
their  preparations.  Bajee  Bao  in  the  midst  of  Sindia's 
camp,  assisted  by  his  father's  friend,  the  veteran  Manajee 
Phakray,*  used  supplies  of  mcney  furnished  by  Nana 
Fumuwees,  in  levying  troops  in  that  situation.  These 
imprudent  proceedings  were  discovered  by  BaUoba 
Tattya.  Baba  Bao  Phurkay  was  seized,  and  im** 
prisoned  in  the  fort  of  Ohakun,  but  his  carcoon,  Naroo 

*  Mr.  Tone,  who  was  at  Poena  during  the  progress  of  these  intrigues, 
published  three  letters  from  the  ISth  June  to  the  19th  December, 
giving  an  acoount  of  the  extraordinary  affairs  by  which  he  was 
surrounded.  I  depend  on  better  material,  but  I  have  examined  atten- 
tively all  which  that  intelligent  gentleman  wrote  respecting  the 
Mahrattas.  What  he  saw  may  be  rmied  upon  ;  as  to  wbat  he  heard, 
I  am  less  surprised  that  he  should  have  fallen  into  error,  than  that 
he  should  have  obtained  information  so  nearly  correct.  He  describes 
Manna jee  Phakray  as  <*  an  officer  of  high  military  reputation,  and  so 
disfigured  with  wounds  as  to  have  scarcely  the  appearance  of  a  human 
creature.**  **  Mannajee,**  say  the  old  sillidars  of  the  present  day,  "  was 
the  last  of  the  Mahrattas,  and  was  worthy  to  wear  a  bangle  on  his 
horse*s  leg,  for  he  never  showed  his  back  to  a  foe.** 

Mr.  Tone's  description  of  Bajee  Rao  at  this  period,  except  the  Bajee 
Rao  was  not  so  old  as  he  supposes,  coinmdes  with  that  of  his  own 
countrymen.  *'  Bajee  Rao,"  says  Mr.  ^one,  *^  is  about  25  years  of  age, 
light-oomplexio^ed,  and  rather  above  the  middle  size  ;  nis  person  is 
graceful,  find  his  manner  strongly  impressive ;  his  countenance  is 
manly,  sensible,  and  majeatio.*' 


908  mSTOBT  OF  THE  MAH1UTTA8.  [CHAP.  XIT. 

Punt  €9iackardeo  a  verj  active  oiBcer,  escaped  by  coH'- 
cealing  himself  in  the  camp  of  Musheer^ool-Moolk.  Neel- 
kunt  Bao  Purhhoo  and  MaUojea  Ghorepnray,  two  chiefs 
of  their  partj,  had  a  few  minutes  to  prepare  for  defence ; 
they  repulsed  the  troops  sent  to  apprehend  them,  and,  at 
tiie  head  of  a  few  followers,  made  good  their  retreat  from 
Poena  to  the  strong  range  of  hills  south  of  the  Neera. 

Bajee  Rao's  place  of  encampment  within  Sindia's  lines 
was  surrounded  and  water  was  cut  off.  The  troops  he 
had  assembled  were  permitted  to  disperse,  but  Mannajee 
Pfaakray  onjoined  them  to  meet  him  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Waee,  where  they  assembled  accordingly,  and  were 
promptly  joined  by  Keelkunt  Rao  and  Mallojee  Ghore- 
puray.  Nana  Fumuwees  supplied  them  with  money, 
directed  them  to  take  up  a  position  at  the  Salpee,  Ghaut, 
where,  being  assisted  by  Nana's  friend  Bujaba  Seroolknr 
in  raising  troops,  they  soon  collected  10,000  men,  upon 
which  they  declared  for  Bajee  Rao. 
'  Balloba  Tattya,  unconscious  of  the  inextricable  and  ex- 
tensive toils  which  Nana  was  weaving  around  him,  attribut- 
ed tihe^  whole  plot  to  Bajee  Rao,  and  therefiore  deteriAined 
to  send  him  off  a'  prisoner  to  Hindostan.  He  was  des- 
patched, ajccordingly,  under  tlie  care  of  Sukaram  Ghatgay, 
to  whom  the  command  of  his  escort  was  entrusted.  But 
Bajee  Rao,  aware  of  the  most  likely  means  of  gaining 
Sindia,  employed  all  his  eloquence  to  induce  Ghatgay  to 
give  his  daughter  to  Sindia  in  marriage,  on  condition  of 
Bajee  Rao's  being  elevated  to  the  musnud ;  and  of  pre- 
venting his  being  carried  out  of  the  Deccan,  lest  Nana 
Furnuwees,  even  if  successful,  should  take  advantage  of 
his  absence  to  exclude  him^  from  the  succession.  Ghatgay 
at  first  declared  it  to  be  impossible,  but  at  last,  pretending 
to  bo  won  over,  he  agreed  ta  give  his  daughter  on  the 


OHAT.  XIV.]  SQHBMSS  Of  NANA  IN  PBOOBEBS.  809 

following  conditions  :^^tbat  Bajee  Bao  should  anfliprize 
bim  to  promise  Sindia  two  krores  of  rnpees  in  ready 
money  on  his  becoming  Peishwa ;  that^  when  Peiahwa,  he 
should  get  him  (Ghatgay)  appointed  Sindia's  prime 
minister ;  and  that  he  shoi:dd  also  endeavour  to  obtain  tor 
him  the  village  of  Kagul  in  enam.  Having  assented  to 
these  conditions,  Baj^  Bao  feigned  sickness,  and  GHiatgay 
remained  with  him  on  the  Imnks  of  the  Paira. 

At  Poona  great  preparations  were  going  forward; 
Musheer«ool*Moolk  was  permitted  by  Pureshram  Bhow 
to  raise  troops^  for  the  purpose,  as  the  former  pretended, 
of  assisting  to  rednce  Nana  Fumuwees  and  the  force 
which  had  declared  for  Bajee  Bao.  Holkar's  and  Sindia's 
troops  were  held  in  readiness  apparently  for  the  same 
purpose,  and  after  the  Dussera,  which  happened  on  the  11th 
October,  the  regular  battalions  in  the  Peishwa's  service 
under  Mr.  Boyd  marched  to  the  Neera  bridge,and  a  brigade 
of  Sindia's  r^nlars  proceeded  towards  Batgurii.  These 
movements  were  made  by  Pureshram  Bhow  himself,  or 
artftilly  suggested  by  some  conspirators,  in  order  to  veil  the 
deception  about  to  be  practised  on  him  and  BaUoba  Tattya. 

The  schemes  of  Nana  Fumuwees  were  now  matured. 
In  addition  to  what  has  been  explained,  he  had  incited  the 
raja  of  Kolapoor  to  attack  the  districts  of  Pureshram 
Bhow ;  he  had  obtained  Nizam  Ally's  approbation  of  the 
draft  of  a  treaty  afterwards  settled  on  the  8th  October 
with  Musheer-ool-Moplk,  the  basis  of  which  was  to  be  the 
establishment  of  Bajee  Bao  on  the  musnud,  and  his  own 
re-establishment  as  minister  ;  for  which  the  territory  ceded 
to  the  Peishwa  by  the  convention  of  Kurdla  was  to  be 
restored,  and  the  balance  of  the  stipulated  money-payment 
remitted.  The  entire  remission  of  the  chouth  of  Beder 
was  also  demanded  by  Nizam  ^Uy,  but  Nana  Furnuwees 


310  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XIV. 

replied  that  he  cohM  not  yield  that  point  wthofut  the 
previous  sanotion  of  Bajee  Raoj  to  whose  approval,  indeed, 
the  whole  was  d^clai^edly  subject** 

A  negotiation  with  Bnghoojee  Bhonslay  had  been  equally 
successfuL  To  him  Nana  promised  15  lakhs  of  rupees  fo*r 
his  immediate  expenses,  the  district  of  Mundelah,  and  tihe 
fcaHi  of  Chooreeagurh,  with  its  dependencies.  Three 
thousand  horse,  which,  by  treaty,  he  was  bound  to  furnish 
when  required,  were  now  only  to  be  called  for  on 
emergencies.  Some  other  advantages  were  also  held  out, 
and  Bughoojee  had  solemnly  promised  his  support,  f 
«    The  principal  powers  having    been  thus  secured,  the 

En^rlish  havincT  also  expressed  their  appro- 

bation  of  Bajee  Rao's  being  elevated  to 

iho  musnud,  Sindia,  on  the  27th  October,  arrested  Bailoba 

■  '  '  ' 

*  As  this  is  the  treaty  of  Mhftr  mentioned  in  the  treaty  of  BascBio^ 
the  stipulations  o£  which  were  perhaps  not  fully  understood  by  the 
Haniuis  WeUesley,  when*  in  subsequent  negotiations  with  Bajee  Bao, 
he  insisted  so  particularly  on  their  being  recognised,  I  shall  here  detail 
them  more  particularly.    ' 

The  preliminary  of  the  treaty  sets  forth,  that  confusion  have  arisen 
in  the  affairs  of  the  Peishwa,  Nana  Fumuwees  has  removed  to  Mhar, 
and,  lor  the  purpose  of  restoring  order,  he,  as  the  chief  director  of  the 
affabs  of  the  Peishwa,  calls  for  the  interposition  of  Nizam  Ally,  through 
his  prime  minister  Azim-ool-Oomrah  (Musheer-ool-Moolk)  with  whom 
he  concludes  the  following  agreement : — Nizam  AUy  is  to  send  an  army 
of  15,000  men,  with  a  train  of  artillery,  to  unite  with  those  of  Nana  and 
Bnghoojee  Bhonslay,  in  restoring  Bajee  Bao.  In  this  alliance  Nana 
engages  for  the  neutrality,  and  even  for  the  probable  co-operation  of 
the  English.  The  territory  and  the  bills  for  the  money-payment  exacted 
from  Nizam  Ally  at  Kurdla  to  be  restored.  Nizam  Ally's  right  to 
certain  districts  near  Delhi  was  confirmed.  All  contested  points  to  be 
mutually  relinquished,  and  the  Mahratta  claims  settled  annually.  The 
ohouth  of  the  soobeh  of  Beder  being  considered  as  the  wutvn  or  private 
hereditary  property  of  the  Peishwa,  Nana  Fumuwees  can  only.recom- 
mend  its  being  ceded  to  Nizam  Ally  by  Bajee  Bao.  Two  lakhs  of  rupees 
to  be  advanced  to  Nizam  AUy  for  expenses,  Tho  Bnglish,  to  be  engaged 
by  Nana  Furnuwees,  to  interpose,  in  case  Tippoo  should  attack  the 
possessions  of  Nizam  Ally,  whilst  the  army  of  the  latter  is  employed  in 
the  Mahratta  territories.  Fugitives  from  the  dominions  of  Nizam  AUy 
to  be  given  up,  and  Bajee  Bao's  signature  to  these  articles  to  be  obtained. 

t  Copy  of  the  priginal  trea^. 


CHAP.  XIV.]  PURESHRAM,  SHOW  MADE  PRI80NGR.  311 

Tattya,  and  s^it  a  body  of  his  troops,  accompanied  by 
some  of  those  of  Musheer-ool-Moolk,  both  parties  under 
the  direction  of  Naroo  Punt  Chuckurdeo,  for  the  purpose 
of  seizing  Pnreshram  Bhow.  Naroo  Punt/  howcTer,  being 
desirous  of  apprizing  one  .  of  his  associates,  named 
Pureshram  Punt  Wydh,  wrote  him  a  note,  which  was 
carried  by  mistake , to  Pur^hram  Bhow  Putwurdhun ;  the 
latter  on  reading  it  instantly  got  ready  a  body  of  horse, 
and  having  taken  with  him  Ghimnajee  Appa,  fled  with 
precipitation  to  Sewneree ;  but  he  was  quickly  pursued^ 
and  compelled  to  surrender.  Anund  Rao  Bastia  having 
become  security  for  his  safe  custody,  he  was  delivered 
over  to  his  charge. 

Bajee  Bao  was  now  brought  back,  and  encamped  at 
Korygaom,  on  the  Beema,  18  miles  from  Poena.  Amrut 
Bao  and  Baba  Bao  Phurkay  were .  released,  and  Nana 
Fnmuwees  having  joined  his  army  at  the  Salp^  Ghaut, 
the  infantry  under  Mr.  Boyd  having  likewise  placed  ibem^ 
selves  under  his  orders,  he  commenced  his  march  for  the 
capital.  But  on  the  route,  haying  received  a  note  from 
Bajee  Bao  which  hinted  at  the  tardiness  of  his  proceedings  j 
he  immediately  took  the  alarm,  and  before  he  would 
advance,  insisted  upon  receiving  a  written  declaration 
from  Bajee  Bao  that  he  intended  i^o  treachery  towards 
him  ;  and  that,  in  case  of  desiring  to  resign  his  situation 
as  minister,  he  might  be  permitted  to  retire  where  his 
person  and  property  would  be  secure.  A  treaty  of 
guarantee  was  at  the  same  time  entered  into  by  Nizam 
Ally  and  Sindia,  agreeing  to  establish  Bajee  Bao  on  the 
musnud,  and  to  reinstate  Nana  Furnuwees  as  prime 
minister ;  but  they  also,  with  a  view  of  securing  them- 
selves, agreed  to  oblige  the  latter  to  fulfil  the  articles  of 
the  respective  treaties  which  he  had  made  with  them — an 


312  HISTORY  OF  TH£   MAHKATTAS.  [CHAP.   XiV. 

extraondinary  oversight  on  the  part  of  Sindia^  who  does 
not  appear  to  have  known  the  particulars  of  the  agree- 
ment with  Nizam  Ally,  or  at  all  events  to  have  considered 
how  much  he  dhould  become  a  loser  by  the  relinquish* 
ment  of  the  territory  and  arrears  of  tribute  obtained  by 

the  treaty  of    Kurdla.      These    prelimi** 

November  25.  •       v   •  j»     x  j    xt  -n 

nanes  bemg  adjusted,  riana  Fnmnweea 
returned  to  Poena,  and  resumed  the  duties  of  prime 
ministei*  on  the  25th  November.  The  insignia  of  investi- 
ture having  been  procured  from  Satara,  Bajee  Bao  was  at 
last  seated  on  the  musnud  4th  December  1796.  It  was 
declared  by  a  council  of  Shastrees  that  the  relationship 
between  the  late  Peishwa,  Mahdoo  Rao  Narain,  and  the 
fionB  of  Bugonath  Bao,  prevented  the  widow  of  the  former 
from  adopting  the  second  cousin  of  his  father ;  the  adop^ 
tion  waA  therefore  declared  illegal,  and  annulled* .  The 
Shastrees  who  had  performed  the  ceremony  were  expelled* 
Ghimnajee  Appa,  though  he  had  acted  on  compulsion,  was 
obliged  to  undergo  some  penance  to  atone  for  the  deed, 
but  he  was  shortly  after  appointed  by  his .  brother  to  the 
government  of  Guzerat,  which  was  however  merely 
nominal,  and  the  active  duties  of  it  were  performed  by 
his  dqputy  Aba  Shelookur.* 

*  When  Dot  particularly  specified,  (he  whole  of  the  foregoiog  chajiter 
is  on  the  authority  of  ori^nal  Mahratta  letters  and  papers^  Bombay 
Beoords,  Mahratta  MSS.,  and  from  many  conversations  with  actors  in 
the  scenes. 


m 


CHAP.  XV. 

4  •  * 

A.D.  1797  AND  A.D.  1798. 

J^ew  administration, — Aryny  in  a  disorderly  state. — Ahmed- 
nugur  made  order  to  Sindia,  and  the  conditions  of  the 
treaty  with  Rughoojee  Bhonslay  fulfilled, — Bajee  jRao 
refuses  to  ratify  the  treaty  with  Nizam  Ally — Musheer- 
ooUMoolk  suddenly  quits  Poona  in  consequence, — Nana 
Fumuwees  endeavours  to  soothe  him, — Bajee  Rao^s  policy. 
— Death  of  Tookajee  Holkar — dispute  amongst  his  sons— 
Sindia  espouses  the  cause  of  Khassee  Rao — Mulhar  Rao 
killed^  and  the  house  of  Holkar  rendered  fo7^  a  time  sub- 
se7'vient  to  that  of  Sindia. — Sindia^ s  arbitrary  conduct. — 
Bajee  Rao  still  popular — his  real  character  little  known — 
proposes  ridding  himself  of  both  Nana  Fumuwees  and 
Sindia — employs  the  latter  to  seize  the  former^  and^Naha^ 
with  most  of  the  principal  ministers j  is  thrown  into  con- 
finement— the  property  of  Nana  a7id  his  adiierents  given 
up  to  plunder. — Outrages  and  alarms  at  Poona. — Amrut 
Rao  becomes  prime  minister. — Sindia  espouses  tJie  daughter 
of  Glmtgay. —  Glmtgay  become  Sindia  s  prime  fninister — 
is  empowered  to  raise  the  motiey  secretly  promised  by 
Bajee  Rao  by  plundering  the  inhabitants  of  Poona-^dre(id\ 
ful  cruelties. — Ami'ut  Rao  proposes  ,to  sdize  and  confine 
Sindia — Bajee  Rao  approves. — Differences  with  Hydei^^ 
abad  revived.-'— Bajee  Rao  summons  Sindia  to  his  presence. 

— Bajee  Rao'^s  weakness  and  treachery. — Affairs  of  Satara 
Vol.  tt.~.40 


314  BISTORT  OF  TSfB,  MAHBAlrAS.  [CHAP.  XV. 


force  required  in  that  qwxrter — 3ajee  Itao^s  troops 
mutiny. — Pureahram  JBhow  enlarged — raises  troops — 
— disperses  those  of  the  raja^  hut  afterwards  refuses  to 
disband  his  army. — Bajee  Rao  grants  him  a  pardon. 

Nana  Furnuwbes  was  assisted  in  the  ministry  by  Trim- 
buck  Eao  Pursooree.     Naroo  Punt  Chuc- 

A.D.  1797. 

kurdeo  had  chief  command  of  the  army, 
which  from  the  late  dissensions  was  in  a  very  disorderly 
state  ;  and  one  desperate  affray  took  place  in  the  streets 
of  Poona  between  a  body  of  Arabs  and  a  party  of  Mr. 
Boyd's  sepoys,  in  which  upwards  of  100  persons  were 
killed,  and  a  great  part  of  the  shops  and  warehouses  in  the 
bazar  plundered  during  the  tumult. 

The  fort  of  Ahmednugur,  and  the  dependant  districts, 
were  made  over  to  Sindia  as  promised,  and  he  was  left 
at  liberty  to  reduce  the  jagheer  of  Pureshram  Show  as  he 
might  find  opportunity.     The  articles  of  agreement  with 

Rughoojee  Bhonslay  were  also  fulfilled, 
and  he  departed  for  Nagpoor  ;  but  Bajee 
Eao  refused  to  ratify  the  treaty  of  Mhar  concluded  with 
Nizam  Ally,  imless  greatly  modified  ;  in  consequence  of 
which  Musheer-ool-Moolk  quitted  Poona,  without  taking 
leave  of  the  Peishwa,  and  returned,  highly  incensed,  to 
Hyderabad.  There  was  at  that  time  no  envoy  at  the 
Nizam's  court,  Govind  Eao  Pingley  being  at  Poona  ;  but 
his  agent,  named  Sewdasheo  Mankesir,*  a  person  whom 
we  shall  hereafter  have  frequent  occasion  to  notice,  and 
whom  Pingley  kept  at  the  court  of  Nizam  Ally  in  the 
humble  capacity  of  a  newswriter,  was  recommended  by 
Pingley  to   Nana  Furnuwees  as  a  fit  agent   to  soothe 

*  GenerftUy  so   written  by  the  Bngliflh ;  properly,  howover,  it  is 
IC^nkeshwur, 


OSAP.  xy.]         DKATH  OF  TOOKAJEK  HOLKAB.  315 

Maaheer-ool-Moolk^  and  prevented  the  interruption  of  the 
amicable  intercourse  which  it  was  so  important  for  Nana 
to  preserve. 

The  difference,  however,  which  thus  arose,  Bajee  Bao 
was  at  no  pains  to  adjust ;  it  weakened  the  confederacy 
which  Nana  Fumuwees  had  formed,  and  the  great  power 

he  so  lately  combined  was  still  more 
shaken  by  the  death  of  Tookajee  Holkar. 
Holkar  left  two  legitimate  scms,  Khassee  Baa  and  Mulhajr 
Hao  ;  and  two  by  a  concubine,  Jeswunt  Bao  and  Wittoojee; 
Khassee  Bao  was  imbecile  both  in  mind  and  body,  but 
Mulhar  Bao  was  in  every  respect  qualified  to  support  the 
fortunes  of  the  house.  Disputes  soon  arose  between  the 
brothens,  in  which  the  iUegitimate  sons  took  the  part  of 
Mulhar  Bao,  who,  in  a  few  days,  removed  from  his  late 
father's  camp  with  a  small  body  of  troops,  and  took  up  his 
abode  at  Bambooree,  a  village  in  the  suburbs  of  Poena, 
where  he  was  secretly  favoured  by  Nana  Fumuwees. 
Sindia,  who  only  watched  for  such  an  opportunity,  on  being 
solidted  by  Khassee  Bao,  readily  afforded  the  aid  of  a 
body  of  troops  for  the  purpose  of  apprehending  l^ulhar. 
Bao,  who,  refusing  to  suiTender,  was  attacked,  and  main- 
tained a  desperate  defence  until  he  was  killed.  His  half** 
brothers  made  their  escape — Jeswunt  Bao  to  Nagpoor, 
and  Wittoojee  to  Kolapoor ;  but  most  of  his  handful  of 
associates  fell  with  him,  and,  amongst  others,  Sindia, 
Ruwee  Bao  of  Lonee^  a  gallant  soldier,  whose  fate  was 
rendered  more  memorable  from  the  fatal  effects  which  the 
communication  of  the  news  had  on  his  widow,  who,  on 
being  told,  dropped  dead  on  the  instant. 

.  The  assistance  thus  afforded  by  Doulut  Bao  to  a  person 
of  such  a  character  as  Khassee  Bao  rendered  the  house  of 
Holkar  for  a  time  subservient  to  that  of  Sindia,  and  was  a 


316  ^  HISTORY  OF  THB  MAHRATTAS.  fCHAP.  XTJ 

death-blow  to  the  power  of  Nana  Fumuwees.  Sindift  further 
scomred  his  advantage  by  having  Khnndee  Bao,  the  infant 
son  of  the  deceased  Mulhar  Rao,  kept  in  safe  custody. 
V  The  interference  of  Sindia  in  the  state  affairs  of  Poena, 
which  Bajee  JRao,  with  a  gr^at  want  of  foresight,  secretly 
csicouraged,  soon  extended  to  acts  of  sovereignty,  some  of 
which  were  of  a  nature  more  arbitrary  than,  had  ever 
been  pi*actised  by  the  Peishwa's  government  The  circum- 
aiances  particularly  alluded  to  were  the  capture  of  the  fort 
of  Kolabah,  the  imprisonment  of  Manajee  Angria,  and  the 
transfer  of  that  principality  to  Baboo  Bao  Angria,  Sindia's 
Bear  relaticm. 

h  The  obloquy  of  such  a  violent  and  partial  proceeding 
did  not  attach  to  Bajee  Rao  ;  his  appearance  and  misfor- 
tunes continued  to  attract  sympathy,  and  the  control  by 
which  the   supposed  goodness  of  his   natural  disposition 
was  repressed,  became  a  theme  of  general  regret     Mr. 
Uhtoff,  however,  the  acting  resident  at  Poona,  seems,  at 
this  early  period,  to  have  discovered  much  of  his  real 
character ;  and  it  soon  appeared  that  the  opinion  enter- 
tained of  Bajee  Rao's  goodness  and  wisdom  was  in  fact 
bujb  a.proof  of  his  dissimulation  and  cunning.     To  trust 
none,  and  to  deceive  all,    was    the  game   he  invariably 
played,  and,  like  all  whp  have  ever  done  so,  he  never  failed 
to  lose.     His  attention  was  naturally  directed  to  become 
independent  of  Sindia    and    of   Nana    Furnuwees;  be 
imagined  he  should  soon  be  able  to  induce  or  compel  the 
former  to  return  to  Hindostan,  but  he  concluded  that  tbe 
thraldom  of  the  minister  would  be  perpetual.    His  first 
object,  therefore,  was  to  endeavour  to  e^ect  the  ruin  of 
Nana  Fumuwees.' '  Amrut  Rao,  Grovind  Rao  Kallay,  and 
some  others  were  privy   to  the  design  ;  but  Bajee  Rao*a 
obief  instrument  was  Ghatgay,  now  distinguished  by  hSs 


CHAP.   XV.]  OUTRAGES  AND  ALARIKES  ATPOONA.  317; 

family  title  of  Shirzee  Rao,  whose  daughter,  though  pto- 
mised,  was  not  yet  given  in  marriage,  to  Doulut  Hao' 
!:$india.  No  person  had  more  influaice  with  that  chief-*' 
tain,  and  Bajee  Rao  persuaded  Shirzee  Rao  that  his  views 
of  becoming  minister  to  his  future  son-in-law  would  always 

be  obstructed  whilst  Nana  Fumuwees  had> 

December  31.  .•  p  t.  ii        r 

a  vestige  oi  power.  It  was  therefore 
determined  to  pl^ce  him  in  confinement.  On  tibe  31st 
December,  Nana  Furnuwees,*  aft^r  some  precautioii,  was 
induced  to  return  a  formal  visit  of  ceremony  which  Smdia 
had  paid  him  a  few  days  before,  when  he  was  seized  by 
Michel  Filoze,  the  Neapolitan  who  accompanied  Mahadar^ 
jee  Sindia  to  the  Deccan  in  1792,  and  who  now  com-- 
manded  eight  battalions  in  the  service  of  Doulut  Rao. 
Filoze  had,  on  his  word  of  honor,  guaranteed  the  sscfe 
return  of  the  old  minister  to  his  home,  and  his  perfidious 
conduct  excited  just  indignation,  particularly  amongst  thd 
Efuropean  officers  in  the  service  of  the  native  states — a  set- 
of  men  who,  though  mere  soldiers  of  fortune,  had  beeoma* 
as  distinguished  for  good  faith  as  daring  enterprize,  and 
their  general  character  had  induced  Nana  to  accept  Filoze'^s- 
word  in  preference  to  any  other  pledge  he  might  have 
obtained.*     Aba  Shelookur,     Bujaba    Seroolkur,    Naroo 

*  The  Mahratta  excuse  Filoze*s  treachery  by  saying  that  he  was 
entirely  ignorant  of  Sindia's  intention  to  seize  Nana ;  that  there  was  na 
premeditated  deception  on  his  part,  and  that  he  was  compelled  to  thct 
act  by  a  sudden  order,  accompanied  by  threats  and  promises  from  Shirzee 
Rao,  through  a  person  named  Meer  Aesud  Alee  Wahid.  The  mera  oir^ 
cumstauoe  of  their  wishing  to  defend  Feloze  is  honorable  to  the  Euro- 
pean character ;  had  it  regarded  ^ny  of  their  own  countrymen,  tKe  story 
would  have  been  received  without  investigation,  as  a  matter  of  coarse. 

Mabrattas  wishing  to  be  polite,  always  disparage  themselvef^  and^  in 
addressing  a  European,  nothing  ie  more  common  than  to  speak  of  them« 
selves  as  a  treacherous,  deceitful  race  of  marauders,  on  whom  no  depen- 
dance  should  be  placed.  One  unacquainted  with  their  manners,  or  who 
has  superficially  observed  them,  wonld  not  readily  suppose  that  they 
merely  intend  an  indirect  compliment,  knowing  how  highly  truth  and 
plain  dealing  ars  estimated  among  nv. 


318  HISTORY  OF  THB  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XV. 

Punt  Wydh^  and  several  other  persons  of  distinction  yrbo 
accompanied  Nana  Fumnwees,  were  seized  at  the 
same  time  ;  the  rest  of  his  retinue,  amounting  to  about 
lyOOO  persons,  were  stripped,  maimed,  some  of  them  killed^ 
and  the  whole  dispersed.  Parties  of  soldiers  were  imme- 
diately sent  by  Shirzee  Bao  Ghatgay*  to  plunder,  not  only 
the  house  of  Nana,  but  the  houses  of  all  his  adherents, 
many  of  whom  barricaded  their  doors,  and  defended 
tiiem&Aves  from  the  tops  and  windows.  The  city  of  Poona 
was  like  a  town  taken  by  storm  ;  the  firing  continued  the 
whole  of  the  night  and  the  ensuing  day.  The  roads  in 
every  direction  were  stopped  ;  all  was  uproar,  plunder, 
And  bloodshed  ;  the  alarm  was  universal,  and,  in  the  word» 
of  a  spectator,  "  friends  marched  together  in  groups,  with 
their  shields  on  their  arms,  and  their  swords  in  their  hands."f 

At  the  time  Nana  was  seized  in  Sindia's  camp,  fiajee 
Sao,  on  pretence  of  business,  sent  for  the  other  ministers 
of  that  party,  and  confined  them.  The  principal  persons 
among  th^m  were  Baba  Bao  Fhurkay,  Appa  Bulwunt, 
Karoo  Punt  Chuckurdeo,  Naroo  Neelkunt*  Muzzimdar^ 
zitii  Govind  B^io  Pingley.  Nana  Furnuwees  was  sent 
into  close  confinement  in  the  fort  of  Ahmednugur;  and 
Bajee  Bao  appointed  his  brother  Amrut  Bao  prime  minis- 
ter, with  Govind  Bao  Kallay  and  Sewram  Narain  Thuthay 
a«  his  colleagues,  whilst  Ballajee  Punt  Putwurdhun,  a 
man  of  no  experience,  was  raised  to  the  command  of  the 
army. 

Having  thus  effected,  as  he  supposed,  the  overthrow  of 
•  Nana  Furnuwees,   Bajee   Bao  began   to 

dewise    schemes   for  ridding  himself  of 

*  CThatgay,  Sbirzee  Bao,  is  the  proper  way  of  writing  the  name  and 
titlOi  but  he  is  best  known  to  Europeans  as  Shirzee  Bao  Ghatgay, 

t  Mahratta  M8S.,  Mr.tJhtoff's  despatohes,  oral  informati^in. 


,CHAF.  XV.]  CBUELTIBS  OF  QHATGAT.  319 

Sindia  ;  but  in  the  first  instance  he  found  himself  compelled 
to  perform  his  engagements  with  Sindia  and  Ghatgajr, 
though  he  hoped  that,  in  the  progress  of  their  jhlfiimeni^ 
he  might  find  the  means  of  completing  his  schemes. 

Sindia  espoused  the  daughter  of  Ghatgay  in  March; 
the  marriage  expenses  were  great ;  and  the  monthly  pay 
of  Sindia's  army  at  Poena  was  upwards  of  20  lakhs  of 
rupees.  His  pecuniary  distress  soon  became  urgent :  he 
pxessed.  Bajee  Rao  for  the  payment  of  the  two  crores  of 
rupees  which  he  had  secretly  promised^  and  was  answered 
that  he  had  not  the  means  of  raising  it  himself,  but  if 
Sindia  would  create  Ghatgay  his  dewan,  the  latter  might, 
assisted  by  information  from  Ballajee  Koonjur^  leyy  it 
upon  the  rich  inhabitants  of  Poena.  To  this  Sindia 
agreed ;  and  such  was  the  recret  means  by  which  Shinse^ 
Bao  Ghatgay  became  minister  to  his  son-in-law,  and  by 
which  Bajee  Ea,o  Bugonath  let  loose,  upon  his  subjects 
the  violence  and  extortion  of  a  monster,  whose  name  wilji 
be  remembered  whilst  Poena  exists,  with  horror  and 
execiiation.  Xo  obtain  the  object  of  his  mission,  Ghatgay 
first  proceeded  to  the  palace  of  Bajee  Bao,  where  the 
ex-ministers,  late  of  the  party  of  Nana  Fumuwees,  were 
confined.  Those  respectable  persons  'vrere  dragge4 
forth,  and  scourged,  until  they  gaye  up  their  property 
Merchants,  bankers,  and  all  persons  in  the  city  suppose4 
possess  w^ealth,  were  next  seized  and  tortured.  Sevei^ 
of  them  died  of  the  consequences,  and  Gungadhur  Punt 
Bhanoo,  one  of  the  relations  of  Nana  Fumuwees,  e^ipired 
whilst  tied  on  a  heated  gun — one  of  the  many  modes  of 
torture  invented  by  Shirzee  Bao  Ghatgay. 

It  was  not  supposed  at  the  time,  nor  is  it  generally 
known,  that  Bajee  Bao  was  the  original  cause  of  Ihose 
excesses  :  he  certainly  never  contemplated  the  cpmTni^ion 


330  HISTORY   OF   THE   MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.-  XV, 

of  such   barbarous   enormities.     He  was   shocked  at  the 
cruelties  of  Q-hatgay,  and  remonstrated  with  Sindia  on  the 
subject ;  but  the  latter  lent  a  deaf  ear  to  complaints,  which 
he  considered  mere  hypocrisy,  or  excuses  to  the  world. 
Amrut  Rao,  who  knew  nothing  of  the  Existing  compact, 
or  that  his  brother  had  devised  this  mode  of  raising  money, 
being  irritated  at  the  conduct  of  Ghatgay,  and  encouraged 
by  the  universal  cry  of  abhorrence  against  Sindia,  pro- 
posed to  his  brother  the  bold  scheme  of  seizing  Sindia 
when    on    a    visit ;    in    which    Bajee   Rao   immediately 
acquiesced,  and  was  soon  eager  to   caiTy  it  into  effect. 
Previous  to  this  suggestion,  Bajee  Rao  had  concerted  with 
Amrut  Rao  a  plan  for  raising  a  body  of  regular  infantry, 
which  in  that  respect  might  place  him  more  on  an  equality 
with  Sindia  and  Nizam  Ally  :  in  cavalry  he  coidd  soon 
become   superior  to  both.     Amrut  Rao,    from  his  early 
intercourse  with  the  British  troops,  during  the  campaigns 
of  his  father  Rugoba,  had  a  decided  predilection  for  that 
nation  over  all  other  Europeans.     He  selected  Mr.  W.  H. 
Tone  to  command  the  first  brigade,  of  which  the  whole  of 
the  officers  were  to  have  been  British  subjects.     To  obtaiin 
a  pretext  with  Sindia  for  this  meditated   augmentation,  he 
refwred  to  the  state  of  their  relations  with  the  court  of 
Hyderabad,  and  proposed  that  they  should  undertake  a 
conjunct  expedition  against  Nizam  Ally,  for  the  recovery 
of  the  balance  of  the  arrears  of  tribute  fixed,  and  of  the 
districts  ceded  by  the  treaty  of  Kurdla,  whidi  had  been 
restored  by  Nana  Fumuwees  without  the  Peishwa's  autho- 
rity   or    Sindia' s    knowledge.       Sindia    having    readily 
acquiesced,  the  intention  of  the  Poona  court  was  formally 
announced  to  the  British  government  on  the  9  th  February  ; 
but  the  brigade  of  infantry  was  never  raised,  and  the  res4 
of  the  Peishwa's  army,   owing  to  his  secret  jealousy  of 


CHAP.  XV.]  BAIIR  SAO  SIIVMONa  SIVDIA.  331 

Aihrot  Rao,  bis  own  ignorance  of .mBiiary  affinra,  'and  liis 

unfit  selection  of  a  oomBiand^,  became  daily  less^  efficienL 

Bajee^Bao's  total  want  of  preparation  did  not^  however, 

dd>er  faim  from  carrying  on  tHe  adieme  against  Sindia ; 

atrong  faotionB  began  to  preTidl  in  the  eamp^of  the  latter, 

whiah  encouraged  Bajee  Bao  to  hope  that,  by  fomenting 

the  rising  disorders,,  the  ministers  and  army  of  Sindia 

inight  be  brought  over  to  his  views,  or  soon  be  reconciled 

to  the  disposal  of  iheir  master. 

In  this  state  of  affairs  Sindia's  unpopularity   having 

become  extreme,  Ammt  Bao,  with  Bajee  Bao' s  cognisance, 

prepared  Abba  Kally,  the    commander  of  one  of  the 

Peishwa's  regular  battalions,  to  be   ready  to  rush  in,  upon 

an  appointed  si^ial,  and  setee  Sindia.    Doulut  Bao  was 

invited,  on  business,  to  the  Feishwa's  palace  ^  'but  th^ 

invitetion  being  deoKned,  a  positire  order  was  Isent  by 

Bajee    Bao,  desiring  his  'attendance.     He    obeyed    the 

summons  ;  and  soon  after  he  sat  down,  Bajee  Bao  told  him 

he  had  sent  for  him  to  desire  an  explanation  of  his  conduct ; 

and  suddenly  assimring  a  tone  of  atithority  and  decision, 

for  which  the  oilier  was  quite  unprepared,  he  required  of 

him  to  declare  whether  he  was  master  or  servant.     Sindia 

having  answered,  with  respect  and  humility,  that  ho  was 

the  Feishwa's  servant,  and  ready  to  show  his  dependance 

by  his  obedience,  Bajee  Bao  reminded  him  of  the  insolence, 

violence,  and  cruelty  which  he  and  his  servants  had  used, 

in  numberless  instances,  towards  the  servants  and  subjects 

of  his  government,  in  the  city  and  even  in  his  oVn  palace ; 

he.dedared  that  '^  the  contempt  and  disrespect  thus^hown 

towards  his  person  and  authority,  he  could  bear  no  longer^ 

knd  therefcure  ordered  Sindia  to  remove  to  Jamgaom.'? 

Doulut  Bao's  reply  was  couched  in  the  mildest  terms  ;  but 

whilst  he  expressed  his  willingness  tq^  obey,  he  declared 
Vol,  n.— 41 


322  HISTORY  09  THS  IfAHBATTAS.  [CHAP.  XT, 

}iis  inabUify  to  move  from  want  of:  funds  to  pay  >  hia 
troops  ;  ^'  that  he  had  large  debts. iacorred  by  plaoingbis 
highness  on  the  mnsnud,  :frhjch>  it  -was  incmnbent  on  his 
highness  to  discharga:  when  that  was -effected^  he  would 
immediately  quit  Fooina." .  At  tlud  moment  Amm:t  Bao 
nsked  his  brother  if  he  should  ^ve  the  signal;  but  Bajee 
Sao's,  heart  failed  him ;  he  had  not  .eoiirage  to  proceed 
in  the  design,  and  thus,  gave  his  friends  ifae-first  decided 
proof  of  Z'tob^iUly  5L,  „^  mo«  of  tt»  «^ 
of  his  life.  Sindia  withdrew  from  the  presence  in  a 
manner  the  most  respectful,  but  with  a  mind  filled  with 
suspicion  and  distrust ;  and  Biyee  Bao  had  afterwards 
the  baseness,  as  wdil  as  the  weakness,  to  tell  him  what 
Amrut  Bao  had  intended,  aifd  to  advise  him  to  be  upon 
his  guard.* 

The  Peishwa's  troops  were  as  much  in  arrears  as  the 
army  of  Sindia.  The  state  of  affairs  at  Sattara,  whioli 
we  shall  presently  explain,  demanded  the  presence  of  a 
military  force ;  but  on  their  services  being  required,  the 
men  demanded  their  pay,  and  a  tumult  arose,  which  the 
commander,  Ballajee  Punt  Putwur^un ^  could  not  appease. 
Ballajee  Koonjur,  with  tiie  presumption  of  a  favourite, 
made  an  attempt  to  restore  order;  but  the  soldiery 
ridiculed  his  interference,  and,  on  this  preserving,  they 
grossly  insulted  him  by  knocking  off  his  turban,  and 
kicking  it  in  the  streets.  Gbvind  Bao  Pingley,  who  was 
still  in  confinement,  sent  a  confidential  message  to  the 
Peishwa,  Itdvising  him  to  release  Naroo  Punt  Ghuckurdeo 
as  the  only  person  capable  of  preventing  most  serious 
disturbance — a  suggestion  to  which,  in  the  moment  of 
alarm,   Bajee-  Bao   readily   acceded.    He   also  restcured 

*  The  despatohes  of  Colonel  Palmer  detail  what  publicly  took  place 
at  the  interview  ;  the  reet  is  from  living  authority^ 


CBAP.  XVj         PURGSHSAH  BHOW  ADV1NCE8  ON  8ATTARA.  323 

P{ti^e7  to  fiberty  the  mbre  rdadily  as  that  person,  though 
one  of  the  late  miniBtry,  was  no  real  friend  to  Nana 
Famnwees. 

•  Naroo  Pant  Chucknrdeo,  wiA  that  facility  which  any 
6fficer  who  has  gained  the  confidence  of  the  natives  of 
India  is  sure  to  exp^ience,  calmed  the  tumtilt  in  a  day^;* 
bnt  Bajee  Bao  oouki  neither  spare  troops  from  Poena,  nor 
^dst  the  new  commander  at  a  distanee-^^Hsircnmstances 
whiehledto  the  enlargement  of  another  state  prisoner  of 
consequence— Pureshmm  Bhow  Putwurdhun. 

When  Bajee  Bao  laid  his  plans  for  the  overthrow  of 
Nana  Fum'tiwees,  he  engaged  the  raja  of  Satara  in  the 
plot,  and  advised  him  to  confine  Baboo  Bao  Kishen, 
Nana's  agent,  and  to  seize  the  fort,  assuring  Mm  that  it 
was  his  determination  to  re-establish  the  old  form  of 
government,  and  to  serve  the  UeaJ  of  the  state  as  faithfully 
as  the  first  Bajee  Bao  had  done.  The  raja  promptly  com- 
plied with  this  request,  confined  Baboo  Bao,  and  seized 
the  fort.  But  afiber  Nana  Fumnwees  was  imprisoned, 
when  Sewram  Narain  Thuthay  arrived  on  the  part  of  the 
Peishwa  to  receive  charge,  the  raja  told  him  he  would  take 
care  of  the  tort  himself,  and  expressed  a  hope  that  his 
servant,  the  Peishwa,  would  soon  fulfil  his  intentions. 
Bajee  Bao,  ala^ned  at  the  consequence  of  his  own  intrigues, 
ordered  Mahdoo  Bao  Bastia .  to  proceed  to  S^tara,  and 
iendeavour  to  prevail  on  the  raja  to  admit  his  troops  into 
the  fort.  A  respectable  force  accompanied  Bastia;  but 
the  raja,  having  his  relations  about  him,  would  neither 
yield  to  promises  nor  threats.  These  proceedings  at  last 
attracted  the  notice  of  Sindia,  who,  suspecting  that  Bajee 
Bao's  intrigue  with  the  raja  was  some  scheme  for  enlarging 
his  own  power,  secretly  advised  the  raja  to  maintain  the 
fort,  and  to  raise  troops,  promising  that  he  would  assisthimto 


324  HI8T0&T  OF  THB  HAHBATIA0.  [CHAP.  XTj 

throw' off  iho  Bramin  yoke,  for  which  purpose  he  sdeknnly 
eatgaged  to  send  him  five  bajktalions  with  thdit  gnQs.* 

The  raja  soon  began  to  collect  troops ;  and  Mahdoo 
Bao  Bastia,  having  interfered  to  prev^st  it^  was  attacked 
and  dbliged  to  retire  from^  Satara  to  Ifalgaom.  Thia 
event  become. the  more  alarming  to  the  Peiakwa,  from  the 
disposition  and  state  of  his  army  at  Poona/ already  described. 

It  so  happened  that  Puneshram:  Bbow  Putwncdhnn^ 
kkitherto  confined  by  Aniind  Bao,  the  brother' of  Mabdoo 
Bao  Bastia,  at  Mandoogaom,  was  at  the  moment- removed 
to  Waee,  and,  confident*  in  his  own  inflnenee,  he  offered 
his  services  in  suppressing  the  disturbances  and.Tecovmng 
the  fort,  on  condition  that  he  should  be  permitted  to  raise 
troops. for  the  purpose.  Accordingly,  having  obtained  the 
Peishwa's  sanction,  and  being  assisted  by  !^stia,  Pureshi* 
ram  Bhow  soon  assembled  a  considerable  force  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Waee. 

The  town  of 'Batara  lies  immediately  under  the  fort,  in 
?i  deep  hollow  nearly  surrounded  on  three  sides  by  hills; 
cut  off  from  the  west  by  the  Syhadree  mountains^  and 
from  every  other  quarter  by  the  Yena,  Kistna,  and  Oor^ 
mooree  rivers.  The  raja's  troops  lay  encamped>  iu'ths 
.town,  and  it  being  then  the  height  of  the  rains,  when  the 
Yena  was  supposed  unfordable,  they  considered  thenv- 
selves  so  perfectly  secure,  that  they  had  not  even  the  pre- 
caution to  s^id  out  patrols.  Puceshram  Bhow  discovered 
a  foi!d,t  and  crossed  with  nearly  10,'000  men  before  intelli<- 

r     :  f  '  ■   .•  V 

"'Bappoo  Khanoo's  history  of  his  own  times.  This  promise  was 
ootuaHy  made  through  Bappoo  Khanoo,  the  secret  agent  of  the  raja  of 
.Satara.  Shirzee  Bao  Ghatgay  and  Seedojee  Bao  Nimbalkur,  the  pjaamai 
jagheerdar  of  Nepanee,  were  present  at  the  time. 

t  The  ford  was  known  to  very  few  persons^  and  the  Bramin?,  desirous 
of  improving  any  circum8t«noe  in  their  own  favour,  gave  out,  what  is 
still  generally  believed,  that  on  this  occasion  the  waters  divided  to  allow 
Pureehram  Bhow  t-o  pMM.-  , 


CHAP.  ZV.]  BAJBE  SAO  ORidRrft  HIM  A  PARDON.  325 

genoe  was  received  of  his  approach.  The  f<»»e  collected 
by  the  raja  scarcely  amounted  to  2,500  men,  and  were 
*  quite  unprepared.  Xhe  raja  had  barely  time  to  escape  xniQ 
the  fort,  and  his  troop»  were  -  flying,  until  rallied  by  his 
relatimn  Tellojee  and  Senajee  Mohitey,  Kooshaba  raja, 
and  Doorga^ee  Raja  Mahareek :  these  persons  were 
gallantly  seconded  by  the  raja's  brother,  Chittoor  Sing, 
who  was  the  mainspring  of  the  party.  •  As  soon  as  they 
hadcoUeeted  ^  smaU^band,  tiiey  adtanoed  to  the  environs 
of  the  town  to  oppose  the  kpproa^^ung  araiy ;  resistaiice 
waa  hopeless,  but  &ey  pressed  forward  fin*  a  few  minutes 
with  impetooeiiy,  until  Yellojee  Mohitey  was  killed,  and 
both  the  Mahareeks  wounded,  whm  the  party,  by  Chittoor 
Sing's  advice,  retreated.  »  Senajee  Mohitey,  however, 
refused  to  turn  his  back,  and  ihongh  alone,  having  tried 
to  single  out  Mabdoo  Bao  Bastia,  he  charged  at  him,  in  the 
midst  of  his  foUowers,  by  whom  he  was  soo^  cut  in  pieees. 
«  Theplonder  of  ihe  town  of  Satara  occupied  tibe  troops 
of  the  victors^;  and  though  a  party  pursued- him,  Chittoor 
Bing  was  enabled,  with  a  small  band  of  faithful  followers, 
to  join  the  raja  of  Kolapoor,  who^  eversinee  be  had  bden 
-excited  by  I^iana  Fttriiuwees  to  attack  Piireshram  Bhaw, 
had  spread  fire  and  sword  over  the  whole  of  the  southern 
Mahratta  country. 

The  fort  of  Satara  being  destitute  of  provisions,  the  raja 
surrendered,  and  the  service  being  thus  accomplished, 
Ftireshram  Bhaw  was  desired  to  disband  his  troops^  but 
^he  excused  himself,  dedaring  his  inability  to  pay  their 
arrears^  and  protesting  his  fidelity  to  tiie  Peishwa's  govern- 
ment. B^ee  Bao  was-  theref(»^  recommended  to  grant 
him  a  pardon^  on  his  agreeing  to  pay  a  fine  of  10  lakhs 
of  rupees.* 

*Uy  wdkoi^y  lot  iho^f oregoing  obapter  is  the  same  as  tiie  hwk^  • 


326 


I'  .'■  i'    '.    .  ■ .  i       ■      •■•..'.  .■•      't    '  ■    •>  ,f' 

w  ••,■.■..       • 

•        OHAP.  XVI.  ' 

Fbom  A.I)/i798  t:0'A!d.  1800. 

Diaarders  inorease  al  P.Qona^^^The  Bifesi — Cdfnmencemetd 
cf  their-  insurrection  agaiast  &india'^'4hey^  90eh  proteeiion 

:  in  the  caafnp  of  Amrut  Raa-^^'i^ffUiaivm.^Amrut  Rao^s 
troop8  trecu^ieraudly  (ittaickeiL-'^Iiupfyirebettoeen  tliePeia&wa 
and  Sindia. — Peishvw   negotiates   with  other  powers.—' 

,  Sindia  rdeasee  Nana  Fwmuiaees* — Reconciliation  between 
Sindia  and  the  Peishwa.^Shirzee  Rao  GhaJtgayis  seized 
and  confined  by  Sindia^ s  orders. — The  union  o/Bdjee  Rao 
and  Sindia  strengthened  hy  the  course  of  policy  adopted 

,  by  the  English, — T/ie  British  gavemment  endeavours  to 
negotiate  a  new  treaty  with  Nizam  Ally  and  the  Mahrattas. 
— Nana  Fumuwees  is  solicited  to  resume  charge  of  the 
administration. — Nanay  deceived  bg  Bajee-  Raoj  assumes 
charge  wit/iout  the  guarantiee  he  had  at  first  demanded* — 
Treachery  ofBajee  Rao^Nana^s  befiamour. — •  The  Peishtod*s 
agents  seized  and  confined. — New  treaty  between  Nizam 

•  AUy  and  the  EngUsh — regarded  by  the  Mahrattas  vnth 
much  jealousy* — Nona's  advise — BajeeRao^s  dissimulation* 

.  — Plan  of  a  confederacy  against  the  English  disconcerted 
by  the  subvertion  of  Tipods  government. — Orders  sent  by 
the  Peiskwa  for  tie  advance  of  his  troops  after  the  war 
had  terminated^ — Dispersion  of  the  followers  of  JDhoondia 
Waug. — Dhoondia  joins  the  raja  of  Kolapoor.-^Remarks 
on  the  conquest  of  Tipo6*s  territory — partition — discussions 
with  the  Poona  court.— New  treaty  between  tlm  English 


cBir.  xn.]     THB  BTBB  xsauionQnov  aoaikkt  sindina.        827 

and  Nimm  Miif.'^Ajfaira  of  8i$tdia'^^>makrTeetian  of 
'  the  Byes  beeome$  '^ctremefy  fcrmidaUe^r^riy  ike  re^appomt-^ 
ment  of  Balldba  Tattya  it  is  nedrfy  ntppressed*. — State  of 
tJtewartoilh  Kxdapoor — expklUs.of  CkUtoor  Sing-^-'fitxp' 
posed  plan  of  opercMan^^Pureehram  Bhono  defeaUd  ami 
kiUed — Kohpoor  besieged — eiege  raised. 

In  the  tneantame  disorders*  increased  at  Poena,  and 
Sindia's  sitaation  D(ras  rendered  extremely  critical.  The 
danger  proceeded  from  a  quarter  whence  heleast  expected  it: 

Mahadajee  Bindia  at  bis  death  left  three  widows,  one  of 
'  whom,  named  Bhagtrthee  Bye,  was  yonng 

and  beantiful.  Donliit  Rao,  at  the  time 
of  his  being  acknowledged  the  adopted  son  and  heir  of  his 
nnde,  promised  to  make  an  amjple  provision  for  these 
ladies.  They  accordingly  continued  to  reside  in  his  camp ; 
but  no  steps  were  taken  to  ensure  them  a  permanent 
establishment,  and  in  a  short  time  some  of  their  ordinary 
comforts  were  circumscribed.  No  complaint  appears  to 
have  escaped  them  ;  but  of  a  sudden  it  was  discovered,  or 
at  all  events  alleged,  by  the  elder  widows,  that  Sindia 
carried  on  a  criminal  intercourse  with  the  youngest,  at 
which  they  openly  expressed  their  abhorrence,  and 
declared  ihey  could  no  longer  consider  as  a  son  the  inces- 
tuous defiler  of  his  father's  bed.  Shirzee  Rao  Ghatgay 
interposed;  the  ladies  denied  him  admittance  to  their 
presence ;  blit  his  miscreant,  having  forced  the  enclosure 
of  thfeir  tents,  seized,  flogged,  and  barbarously  degraded 
them.  The  Shenwee  Bramins,  who  had  held  the  principal 
offices  under  the  government  of  Mahadajee  Sindia,  and 
many  of  whom  were  connected  by  relationship  as  well  as 
\>y  caste,  being  already  much  disgusted  by  the  elevation 
of  Bhii*zee  Rao  GhHtgay  and  the  confinement  of  Balloba 


csaikeeof 4he iwo  Byesi.  Mneh  dissen»<m  aad  d^ftnaHion 
^stied;  btit  it  «wa8  at  last  Aettled  ihat  thialaxliQS  dliould 
jmeeed  to  Bn^hanpoor^  -wiiare  thef  yftstQ  to. take-up  their 
aJbode^  .pi^i^ided  wiib  a^43Hita1;de^68iablidimeiit  and  fimda  for 
its  support.  . 

They  accordingly  departed  from  Poona,  but  instead  of 
'  M     14  *anyi«g  tteiri  to  Buduulpoor,  th^  esdort 

was  direoted^io  plaoe  thom  in  eoafineknent 
M  A^ednuguh  This  tretadbi^y  faeiog  inunediately  dis-^ 
oovered  by  their  adherents  in  campy  ihey  'bad  scarcely 
reafihedKorygaom,  oA  the  Beemai  wben.Muzuffir  Khan,  a 
Patan  officer  in  the  interest  of  the  Shenwee  Bramihs,  who 
icominanded  a  choice  body  of  Hindostan  horae  in  Sindia'a 
^ervice^  suddenly,  assailed  the  escort,  (lescued  the  ladie^^ 
and  brought  them  back  to  the  neighbourhood  of  Sindia's 
i[!a,mp«  This  daring  act  would,  have  .been  punished  imme^ 
diately,  but  gindia  had  i^eason  to  believe  that  many  chief 
arsons  in  his  army  were  cojicerned,  and  he  also  hesitated 
-in  attacking  a  party:  of  desperate  .m^^  ledt  j^ther  of  the 
females,  standing  in  such  ireUti^ilship  to:him&elf,  should 
,be  killed  ip  th6.  tumult — an  aecidelat  Mrbic^  would  have 
onl^led  upon  him  the  greatest  diagrace  and  0diuI^ 
throughout  the  Mahriatta  country.  Ghatgay,  however, 
strenuously  urged  him. to  crush  the  conspiracy  in  th^ 
•outset,  and  was  at  last  permitted  to  act  against  them;  but 
^Muzuffir  Khain,  who  had  correct  intelligence  of  their 
proceedings,  withdrew  the  ladies  .to  the  camp  •  of  thQ 
Peishwa's  brother,  Amrut  Bao>  who  happeKied  to  b^ 
Mar  the  Beema,  on  his  route  4o  Joonere,  and  whc^ 
instantly  afforded  ihem  protection.  Qhatgfiy  had  in 
l>ei:;9on  pur«ied  Muzufiir  Khan^  and  the  latter  no  soQuei: 
dLi^posited  \m  chsu*g^,  tban  jbe :  sallied  forth^  atta^ke^  hi^ 


pl»riii€ii»f  routed  tfnam^  wA  rttamed  m  triwij^ix)  dii  coHnp 

0£  Amrui  Bao). 

It  U  «U0ged  thtit  B^'oe  Bao  w«b  tbe  uMstignior  o£titi» 

s0¥Qlt),  wd  it  ifl  06rtai4.  that  be  emepumg^d  tiie  psrtintis 

^  tbe  B7Q&  W  periNB¥er9.     He  md^  m41i  appuraDlr 

QiMfkrit;,   ihat  he   considered  the  pixyteotieii   vridL  Us. 

brother  bfSid  afforded  as  hamsme  aad  proper ;  hot  spitm^ 

hensive  le^t  it  ^lioitld  prof^oke  Sundin  and  GUbatgTay  to 

deed^  ol  violeno^  be  SfoUciited^^  friendtj'  interpontieiii 

of  CSolQDel  Fabnery   the  Briiiah  re^ideot  at  bift  ooinrty 

who  teodered  bis  mediatjoa  to  fi^odisk,.  bj  whosn  it  was 

da«Ii«iBd. 

On  the  night  of  t)ie  7ib  Jwe^  li,^  battaliona  of  imgmlxD 
^^  infantry  were  seint  by   Sin(ii%  wdqr  % 

Frendbjcpau  iiamed  Du  Prat,  to  ende(^TO«^ 

to  surprise  the  caxup  of  Amrut  Bao^  ^Xki  ^eiae  ti^  ^^s^  j 

but  he  failed  in  tbe  atteipcipt^  and,  beii^  bri^Uy  ^ttf^/olf^^ 

was  Qompelled  to  retreat  with  some  loss.     iN^^oti^tiopji 

ensued ;  a  suitable  provision,  and  a  place  of  resi^ooi^  q£ 

tibeir  own  selection^  were  again  pro{pised>  to  the  Byc^^  «tiQ[^ 

Amrut  Bao^  not  doubting  S^dia'a  sincerity,  ^pi^oiioh^ 

bis  camp  in  the  neighbourbood  of  Poona,  an<|  took  up  bk 

gjTound  at  the  Kbirkee  bridge.    When  Amrcit  Bao  b%d[ 

been  thrown  entirely  off  his  gnard^i  Bhiirzee  Btio  QhfiAg%]^$ 

taking  advantage  of  the  Mabomedan  festiiyal^  whj^b  owi- 

lu^norate  tiie  death  of  the  sons  oi  Ali  aind  l^atii^sui^*  owA 

to^^.  riverside  on  the  lliii  of  Mohurrum},  wb^^ihe  A»(»:  j^ 

thrown  into  the  water  \  be  was  attended  by  M-  .PriigiHffi^  % 

Francbqian,  at  t^  bead  of  ^wo  brig^ea  of  in£wi^.  esi 

pretence  of  preserving^ovder,  and  protecting  tljos  ecq^fjplii^ 

ceremonj' ;  but  tbejif  su^enly  opened  a  fire  frqao^  ^  tpmi 

f"  l^ift  ftMtii%1,  tiMded  tll»  BboMla'  Bbqn,  slumld  daly  ate^etBurtrti 
the  death  of  Hoqn),  w^juosa  fall  is  nowhava  8Q  well  relab^d  u  V^  Qtl>boi% 
volume  dCh. 

Vol,  II.— 42 


charged^  and  dispersed  them  with  the  powiarfitd'  b6dy  of 
in&rUary^'aiid  af^rwards  totally  pillaged  their  camp.  '■  !fhe 
fiyes  >W€(r6  at  the  titiie'^esidihg  in-  the  hamlet  of  Witttil- 
wares,  so  that  thi^  outrage  Mbs  a  direct  attack  on  the 
Pdshwa's  brother,  and  open  war  between  the  JPrishwa 
and;  Sindia  was  supposed  to  be  declared.  Khassee  Bao 
Holkar  joined  Amrut  Bao^  the  Mankurees  repaired  to 
has  standard,  and  the  E^ishwa  negotiated  an  offensive 
and  defensive  alliance  with  Kizam  -Ally,  through  '  his' 
resideait  envoys^  then  at  <Poona.  The  articles  agreed  to 
between  Nizam  Ally  and  Nana  Furnuwees  by  the  treaty 
ofMhar  were  to  be  coniSrmed  by  the  Peishwa,  thei  chouth 
df  Beder  was  to  be  remitted,  and  an  additional  tract  of 
territory,  yielding  eight  lakhs  of  rupees,  was  to  be  ceded 
to  Nizam  Ally  in  perpetuiky,  as  the  pride  of  his  iassistance 
against  Sindia.  Nizam  Ally  also  agreed  to  support  the 
Peishwa  against  any  future  encroachment  of  the  ex- 
minister,  Nana  Purmiwees  ;  but  in  case  of  his  beiirg 
Bb^ated  by  Sibdia,  it  was  stipulated  that  Bajee  Balo 
sliould  slllow  him  an  annual  pension  of  one  lakh  of  rupees. 
Bngboojee  Bhonslay,  if  he  chose  to  accede  to  it,  was  to 
i^  considered  a  party  to  this  treaty,  and  was  to  receive 
the  whole  of  Gurrah  Mundelah  from  Bajee  Bao. 

Sijidia,  now  alarmed,  became  very  desirous  bf  obtaiiling' 
that  mediation  which  he  had  hefote  refused  froni  ttle 
ij^itish '  government.  Colonel  Palmer '  recommendbd  thfe 
dismissal  of  -his  present  ministers^  the  settlement  6f  a 
jagheer  upon  the  Byes,  and  reparation  to  th6  Pisishwa 
by  sBfbinitting  to  his  authority.  Sindia  appeared  mudi 
disposed  to  ^Bow  this  advice ;  but  the  Byes  tecam©  -sb 
extravag^t  in  their  demands,  Aatit  was  impoBsibie'to 
accede  to  them  ;  and  although  he  was  now  really  desirpua 


OBAP.  XVI.]  /     fiUUIUL  RIIUBA8BS  KANA.  ^X 

of.  retuming  to  Hindoslan,  he. had  no  saeaas  of  ddboltecg* 
ing  any  pairt  of  tixe  great  arrears  dn^  to  his  army. 

In  order  to  intimidate  Bajee  Bao,  and  to  establish  an 
alliance,  as  a  connJierpoise  to  that  whicli  w.as  just  formed 
between  the  KizanL-  and  the,  >  Peiithwa^  Sindia'  sent  .e9v<3^ 
to  Tippoo ;  but  Bajee  Rao,  .by  the ;  advioe  of;  Govijad.  Bao 
EaUay^  did  the  same.  A  more  eiBeaoloiis  n^ode  of  alarm* 
ing  Bajee  Bao  was  the  release  of  Nana  FtirnjciMrees,  by 
vAkik  Sindia  also  hoped  to  obtain  a  sufficient  sum.  to  fre^ 
him  from. the  most  argent  of  his  etiiban^assments. 

Nana.  Fnmnweea.  wds  accordingly  broi;ght  from 
Ahmednngur^  and  two  crores  of  raphes  depiapded  as  j4)^ 
jHrioe  of  his  Kberty.  After  some'  delay,  during  which 
Nana  attempted,  to  throw  him^If  on  the,  protection  of  tl» 
•British  goyemment,  he  at- last  agreed  to  pay.  Sindia  tei^ 
lakhs  of  rupees,  provided .  he  were  previously  set  at 
liberty ;  as  otherwise,  whilst  under  restraint,  his  agents 
iwovdd  -comply  wiQi  np  order,  evpn  if  ■  furnished  with  a 
private  token  from  himself.  He  a,ccordingly:  obtained 
hi.  liberty,  and. tJie  mawy  waapwmptly  paid. 

The  .^argemeni  of  Nana,  thought  a.  sour43er  of 'gi*ea(t 
•comseiTi. to  Bajee  Bao,  was  inqt  ^mlooked  for ;  but; when 
it>v<ras  alihoet .immediately  followediby  the  revocation 
of  the  trea^j..' with. Niaam  AUy,.  fronl  <iauses  not  snffi* 
^didntly  explained^  but  chiefly  owing  to  tiie  unsteady  and 
iluidtQating;  .policy  of /the  minister  '  Musheer-ool-Moolk> 
the.  Peishwa  •  lodt  no  4ittie  in-  coit^mencing,  negotiaitipns 
.with  lfenar»Furn.^wees  and  ^ith  Sindia.  Xhe  latter,  not 
^yet  tipprissed  of  .the  revocation,  of  the  treaty,  apprehensiy^ 
of.antattadb  foomqasbfedei^atod  .MahrattiEis  and  tfoghiihi^ 
.and : aJtoned:  by  .rep^l^  of.  dplsafiEi^tion -among  Ms >^4^opi| 
^  Hindostan,^  received  th^se  .overtures  with  complacency 
But  insisted  on  the  reinstati^aent  of  NaiUa  Fu^iiuweea  a« 


meantiin^,  Bsi^ffted  hyva  vgent  wodSiy  of  himself  a 
iMaUratla  samisd  iPukeerjee  iGkrwaj,  coodomiied  io  <oaiiimit 
Mony  sp^isies  ^f  extortiom  «aid  exoess  :  he  efven  dnregacded 
^H)i^  ^mdnstrances  df  Sindia,  and  his  craelty^  inefeawi 
4^  mdttlgietioe,  ii^as  almoet  unparalMed.  Hie  seized  foor 
offibe^  m  Sittdia^s  9Lrmy^  on  mere  suspioion  of  iheir  beii^ 
"Ooncenaed  in  ^tbd  Byes'  insorreotion ;  he  blew  three  if 
^<emi  ft'eVA  gt^s^  aiad  the  fonrtih^  Yeswoisfc  Bao  SrraJBe^ 
had  a  ten^peg  drive&  itito  his  brain  by  a  mallet. 

Sinditi,  aroused  at  length  by  the  oomtempt  ishown  te.his 
imtherky,  and  the  nniversal  cry  of  execration  esxsited  hy 
Mc^'condttct,  limned  to  the  representations  of  iRangse 
f^teH  'and  Aba  Ohitnees,  and  directed  two  yonng  aien, 
tte  flons^f  Mloae  and  Hessing*  by  native  motlwaps,  ix> 
itrrei^  Gbatgay  and  Oarway,  whi^  they  effidctod  mdi 
great  dexterity.       "  ' 

The  eonfiweBnent  of  these  persons  was  a  fardneor  sibep  te 
«  ^ecemeiiiatien  b^^ween  >Sindia  itnd  Bajee  Bao,  alid  the 
new  coarse  of  policy  'a,dDpted  about  this  period  by  ihe 
Sngli^  ti&nded  to  a  species  4f  onion  betwe^i  ihenk 

tSie  system  of  nentridifty^  followed  by  the  Britidi^cvem^ 
ment  iA  India,  dtuSng  the  administration  ^  Sir  John 
iSsfdre,  was  enftarely  reversed  acxm  after  the  arrhml  toif 
Jj^d  Momi^gtt»n^  afterwa/rds  Mar<)n]s  Wellesley,  in  India»y 
m  the  96th  April  1798.  The  revisal  of  the  poiiitiota 
t^latiOBS  of  tii^  En^Ksh  with  tiie  coutliB  of  Hyd^abad 
ttid  Pobna  was  the  first  object  to  which  the  resid^te 
^mif€i  'instructed  to  d^et  their  ^attention  for  die  fMptrp09e 
<^%&<^ffiring  '^e  nIHance  of  those  states,  sks»  «s,  i^  all  eTtents^ 
lo  f^fete^t  tii^eir  rMk>ii:iws  itom  bdi&g  emplcrjred  »gaiinA 

^"HesBio^,  the  father,  was  an  Eoglishman,  and  held  the  rank  ol 
MfliMAltiWiMKaVMffee,    Be%iMiiaki«toifneB«<dhaEito««». 


the  Brkiab  gov^rarae^  in  the  ¥»ame  mating  as  appeared 
io  \>e  .meditated  by  the  Sultaii  of  Mysase  m  hia  r^Mit 
i«Qflliiec(lieM  wiih  ilie  Eiienoh. 

33ie  ^wdpal  danger  to  the  Eiigliah  m  a  war  rfiXk 
^C^poQ)  supported  <bgr  their  Mmrofem  nv^f  was  the  feat 
^  Jkis  <being  joined  by  the  «tiier  native  poweri^^  whd^e 
goveirnment^  were  Oiot  <aaly  beoofiait^g  gradiMilly  weajseiv 
«0d  tiierefore  more  likely  to  be  guided  by  petty  intrigue- 
ibiui  by  sound  policy,  but  a  great,  change  had  tak^i  fdaeo 
m  their  luilitajry  ttrength^  espeeially  that  c^f  rSindia  atid 
^}9«3a  Ally,  whioh  bow,  in  a  great  measure,  lay  m  their 
ttiiiiieiroufi  c&Tf9i  of  regular  lAfauitry,  and  tibese  ohieflf 
framaanded  by  Freneh  officers. 

It  was^  therefore,  of  importaiice  to  the  British  govecn*- 
49wt  to  seciu?e  the  allianoe  of  liiizam  AUy  aod.  thia 
.Mahiaitiasi,  aad  it  became  a  ptimary  obj<9ct.  to  mduM 
.  -Sindia  to  retam  to  Hindostan,  both  irom  Hit  •oentrieftl 
n^ation  his  brigades  occupied  in  the  Deccan,  and  h&txi 
ifis  kopwm  desire  to  obstruct  the  Inftueuoe  of  the  Britidl^ 
wjtli  the  Peisbwa,  over  whom  it  was  lus  poliqr.tD 
|)erp€itiiate  im  own  ascendancy* 

.  33ie  re|>0rted  desigiue  -of  Zuman  iShak,  king  «f  ijlabuly 
i^d  .grand-sm  of  Ahdaaed  %ali  AbdaUoey  a  name  terrihte 
to  Mahr^tas^  >w^e  strongly  set  fn^b  by  the  Briibitll 
j^eBts,  in  ordor  to  induce  Sindia  to  return  for  the  protech 
jljjfaa  q£  his  domi&iena  in  Hindostaa  ;  whitet  to  the  Feidbnii 
Wf^^  offered  a  bedy  of  the  oompany'e  tnoops  lor .  ^ 
|^f)t^tHiaa  of  hAS  yers^^.andiauthority  aod  itfaej-eirivaltif 
the  energies  of  his  government.  Btajee  Rao  had  sherftly 
l^elore , anade  m  appJioation  to  the  Britidi  ^  a.iiHEture 
ai^ipJLar  t^  tjbis  arrat^ment,  biut  at  that  period,  botih  i&eir 
j^t^y  andihe  q^eraitien  (alf  the  Actof  PadiaflncnitipffeTBnieil 
4^^.  ooixH^lyJQg  witti  3m  aroqpiett    .IBie  csudtei  desise  turn 


;334  HISTQBY  OF  THE  MiJBfiATTAS.  [CSAP^'  XVU 

evinced  by  the  English  to  grstnt '  hhn  a  <subsidiairy  fortie, 
4ili^^  frequent  reooxnmendations  to  reinstate  Nanii  Fur- 
nnwees  in  the  ministry,  and  •  to  retnore  ■  B^Mk  frocdf 
\BixmAy  hi'  Bctjee  Ba6,  whose  views  ^nd  information  were 
tiiDtmded  by  rdtf  bttrrow  lidifcs,  to  isi^pos©  that  tlie 
whole  wa&'  a  scheme*  of  the  detested  Nana;,  the  obj^et 
iHOst  drestded,  ^Hd  therefore  nppermodt  in  hi^  mind.  . 
••  Aeoordingly,  although  Sindia  had- declated  his  intentib*! 
of  efideaveuring  to  return  to  Hindo^tan,  a  public  visit 
bf  (beremony  stoliounced  the  reoonciliation  which  had  taken 
place  betwe^  Sindia  and  Nana  f^rnuweea  on  the  one 
jmrt^  and  Bajee  Rao  on  the  other,  the  Peishwa  shortly 
afterwards,  in  a  secret  conference  with  Sindia,  urged  hfe 
■rtay  at  Poona  for  the  purpose  of  preventing  tfie  iniro-  - 
fihaction  'of  the  Engli«h  by  Nana  Fur&uwees  ;  but- he  was 
at  the  same  momeut  doing  all  in  brs  power  to  cohcjiliate 
llTana,  and  was  pressing  him  to  qmt'fiindia's  cimp  for 
tiie  purpose  of  •  resuming  the  duties  of  adminii^rfttioB. 
Nana  accordingly  returned  once  more  to  the  city  of 
«Poo^a,  but  ideclined  interfering  with  the  Peishwa's  affidre, 
until  the  safety  of  his  person  and  property  should  be 
^aranteed  ^by  the  British  governtuent  and-  Nizam  .Mly, 
and  until  be  could  effact  a  ireod&diliati&n  in  Sindia^il 
Atmily  to^iiabile  him  to  return  to  Hindostan.  To  forward 
the -latter  object,  he  laboured  to  bH^ng  about*  an  aeoom^ 
Modation,  and  in  hoped  o^  expecting  jSindia^s  marcll^, 
^gdVancied  him  15  lakhs  of  rupees  ft^om  his  privater  tt€U^ 
suify,  in  addition  to  the  10  lakhs  befoife  •  paid  at  4l^ 
time:'of  his  Kberation.  ^'*  -       '  ■'        * 

r-  'Peorceiviag  that  Sindia  was  really  serious  in -his  pf6^ 
fbsal '  of  retbrinng-:  to «  fii&do^istti,  Bujd^  OEbi^^  iilifimatlBd 
Mrinteiiitionrof'payiiaig^SEafia'  I^urtiuwe^^  a  H^^t^t'.tid% 
^md  in  disguise;  so  that. it  apght  not   come   t^  jS^tkdn^ 


«i!AI».  XVI.}        NANA    RESBMBS  HI«  BU'PY  AS  KINlSTER.  ^^ 

knorvrledge.     In  the  middle  o^'  the  liigbt,  att^ded  by  a 
single    doifiestio,   he  repaired  to  Nana's  house,  and-ifor' 
the  time  stioceeded  in  deceiving  the  oldmitdster  iiito  a> 
belief  of  his  being  wholfy  unconcerned  in'.his  seiamre  and' 
disgraoe,  and  that  he  confined  the  other  ihiniisters 'ih  thai 
vain  hope  of  affording  iliem  protection  from  the  violence 
and  rapacity  of  Sindia's   agents.     Colonel  FaJmer,  the' 
British  resident^  was  of  opinion  that   Nana   Fumuwees- 
wab  never  deceived  by  him,   but  the  fact  is  proved  by 
tilled  tesolt ;  and,  indeed,    the   eloquence  and   manner  of  ■ 
B^e  Bao  are  so  powerful  and  insinuating,  that  he  had 
deceived  most  men  even  when  on  &eir  guard  against  him^ 
On  tins  occasion,    perceiving    thd   effebt  his  ianguage 
pF0dtx6ed,  he  laid  his  head  at  the  feet  ^f  Nana  Fumuwe^s, 
swore  by  those  fe^t*  to  consider  him  $»  his  father,  to'.abide* 
by  his  cdunsel  in  all  his  future  measures,  and  •  finally,  ita  a 
burst  of  tears,  conjured  and  en^f^ted  that  he  would^  not' 
abandon  the  Brahmin*  sovereignty,  assailed,  as  it llien  was, 
by  the  &ctions  of  the  Mahrati^s-  and  the  ambition  of  the' 
Englteh.'"  '     •  •-  •  •■    ,      .  ■  .•,:•-■ ,'.  ■;.  L> 

*    In  consequence  of  this  appeal  Nana  FnmuweeEs  resrtuiifed 

•  !     '    '■   ■  the- duties  of  minister,  without  those  secu- 

October  15.         ^^^  ^^^  ^^^^  ^^  ^^^  ^^  ^^^^  prudeiitly. 

stipulated;  bill  scarcely  had  he  begun  the  transaction  of 

public  ^'biisin!e9s,>  when  he  was  informed  by  Jeswimt  Bao. 

■    '  «    •     Ghorepurayt  i that" Bjyee*  Rao  was;  again' 

*  '        *       JendeavouringtoptirsuadeSindiato<J*infifie 

Jrim — ^intelligence  which  was  confirmed  by  Sindia  himself. 

*  To  swear  by  the  f  eei  of  a  Bramin .  is  one  of  the  most  saored  and 
floleiBii  o£  Hindoo  oaths,  .  j.         . 

t  This  person,  who  came  into  Sindia's  confidenoe^  whose  name  has 
already  appeared,  and  whom  we  shall  have  oocasipn  to  notice  repeated- 
Ijt  ^a4  of  the  family  of  the  great  fiuntajee  Ghorepuray^  so  qonspicaoDSL 
in  the  days  of  Anrungzebe,   and  a  descendant  of  Moorar  Bao  Ghora* 
puray  of  Gooty,  so  often  mentioned  by  Orme, 


JXb!M  ia«tftB%  repaired  to  ^  palsu^e  ;  isixed  the  Peiflbwa 
wiJib  bift  uiifttjralleled  daplicity ;  begged  that  he  would  bo^ 
leni^  plot  agwist.  ihe  life  and  fceedom  of  an  cH  man,, 
bcame^  down  by  yeiars^  in&rmiiyy  amd  nusfcartane,  but  permit 
him  to  retire  to  scnoe  spot  far  from;  courts  and  campS) 
'wbscebia  b^g  smffered  to  exist  eould  n^ver  iuterfo^ 
Muth  any  plan»  hia  highuesat  might  form.  He  al^wrod  the 
dwre  oC  BOW  possessing  power  qu  his  own  aceovnAt  a^ 
declared  that  he  had  only  accepted  it  in  hopes  oC  bem^ 
atiU  useful.  Bajee.  Bao  positively  denied  having  beei» 
siee0sseiry  to  a  prooeediug  ao^  treacherous,  aiud  bcggied  tibaA 
tbpse  who  had  used  his  name  might  be  api^^heuded. 
Siudia  immediately  seized  the  Paishwa's  minister  GoviiMT 
Bao  Kallay,  and  Sewram  Narain^  I3iutbay,  the  Bg^oto 
employed ;  but  aa  it^s  a  point  of  honor  amon^t  Mabrattaa 
ne^er  to  divu}g^  the  name  oS  their  principal  on  woh 
oeoaslons.,.  they  bore  the  loss  of  their  lib^y  and  property 
without  impeaching  the  veracity  of  their  moofcery  and 
Sewram  If  arain  Thnthay^  soon  after  died*  . 

Satisfaction  being  thus  afforded.  Nana  Fumnweea 
rtaaumed  the  offiao  of  prime  minister ;  bat'  his  aii9picidu& 
were  not  removed,  and  he  avc^ded  dSt  interference  in 
business  not  abscdutely  neeeasaiy. 

The  period^  hawoY^r^  was  extremely  importalit ;  Slwo 
jUly  had  oooduded  a  new  treaty  with  the  EogUsh  on  the 
lisb  Sei^iember  1798,  by  which,  he  agreed  to  receive  no> 
Tfxmdammx  into  his  serviee^  to  dismiss  his  French  officers^ 
wd disband  the  wholeolibe in&ntry  lately  ootimanded  fay 
Baymond,*  receiving  in  their  stead  six  battalions  of  Ung- 
lish  sepoys,  each  battalion  1,000  strong,  with  a  proportion 
of  European  artillexy,  for  which  he  agreed  to  pay  an  an- 
nual subsidy  of  24,17,100  rupees.    The  En^ish  govern-* 

*  Baymond  died  Marob  35tb,  iraa. 


I 


CHAP.  XVI.]  N ana's  advise.  387 

mesii  also  became  bound,  by  an  article  cautiouAty  exprest* 
edy  to  mediate  between  Nizam  Ally  and  the  Peishwa,  and, 
in  case  of  differences  arising  between  them,  to  nse  .every 
endeavour  to  induce  the  Peishwa  to  accede  to  a  friandly 
arbitration. 

•  The  Mahrattas  naturally  viewed  this  treaty  with  nmeb 
jfalousy,  and  the  Peii^hwa,  on  being  urged  by.  the  Britiah 
agent  to  conclude  a  similar  one,  evaded  the  snbjeot  by  an 
assurance  that  he  would  faithfully  execute  the  conditions 
of  subsisting  engagements,  and,  on  the  prospect  of  a  war 
with  Tippoo,  promised  to  afford  his  aid.  In  these  repUea 
Babajee  Bao  had  followed  the  opinion  and  advice  of  Nana 
Furnuwees,  but  had  neither  sincerity  nor  steadiness  t» 
fulfil  the  engagements  alluded  to,'  though  assured  by 
Nana  that  any  departure  from  good  faith  must  equally 
affect  the  honor  and  security  of  his  government.  Nana 
Furnuwees  recommended  that  Appa  Sahib,  the  son  of 
Pureshram  Bhow,  should  be  appointed  to  command  the 
contingent  intended  to  co*operate  with  the  Bnglish  ;>  Bxxi 
in  the  present  exigency  proposed  to  assemble  it,  by  col- 
lecting the  force  under  Dhondoo  Punt  Qokla,  sur*sQobeh- 
dar  of  the  Camatic,  the  troops  of  Rastia  and  Vinchorkur, 
and  all  the  horse  which  the  Bramin  jagheerdars  «ould 
raise.  The  necessities  of  the  state,  and  the  presence  of 
Sindia,  precluded  the  Peishwa  from  recruiting  his.  own 
army  or  detaching  any  part  of  it  from  Poena. 

Appa  Sahib  refused  the  command,  but  ihe  offer  hav- 
ing fed  to  a  reconciliation  between  Pureshram  Bhow  and 
Nana,  the  Bhow  agreed  to  head  the  contingent  himself, 
on  condition  of  having  his.  fine  remitted,  and. : receiving 
Dharwar,  with  several  places  in  the  Gamatic,  in.jagheer. 
An  English  d^chment,  similar  to  that  formerly.employed, 

and  under  the  command  of  the  same  ofiicer,  waa  held  in 
Vol,  II,— 43 


338  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHSATTAS.  [CHAP.  XVI. 

readiness  to  join  Pnresfaram  Bbow ;  but  th6se  endeavours 
im  the  part  of  Nana  Fumuwees  Mrere  frustrated  by  Bajee 
B&o^  ^^hoaeted  under  the  influence  of  Doulut  Kao  Sindia. 
Aflbor  the  Sn^^h  had  oommenced  hostilities-  against  Tippoo, 
his  envoys  were  publicly  received  at  Poona,  although 
repeated  remonstrances  were  made  on  the  subject  by  the 
British  resident.  Even  after  their  formal  dismissal  wta 
intimated,  to  Colonel  Palmer^  on.  the  19th  March,  they 
ionly  retired  to  Kirwee,  a  village  25  miles  south  of  Poena. 
<}olonel  Palmer  at  fir»b  supposed  that  the  detention  of  the 
.wukeels  wits  a  mere  repetition  of  the  former  plan  of  obtain* 
ing  a  sum  of  money^  on  a  false  pretence  of  neutrality  or 
«id«  The  British  resident  knew  that  Bajee  Bao  had 
received  13  lakhs  of  rupees  firom  Tippoo,  to  whidh  Sindia 
ytBiB  privy,  but  it  was  not  known  at  that  time  to  Nana 
JVimuwees  ;  and  when  the  govemor-^general  noticed  the 
conduct  of  the  court  of  Poona,  by  simply  countermand'* 
adg  the  detachment  which  had  been  prepared  to  accompany 
Pnreshram  Bhow,  Nana  Fumuwees  could  not  comprehend 
the  reason. 

Bajee  fiao  imagined  that,  by  the  concessions  made  to 
^aree^ram  Bhow  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  mscouragement 
given  to  lippoo  on  the  other,  he  should  deceive  both  parties, 
and  postpone  his  ultimate  decision,  until  circumstanoes 
enabled  him  to  judge  on  which .  side  it  would  be  most 
advantageous  to  range  himself.  As  far,  however,  as  he 
was  capable  of  following  any  plan,  his  resolution  was  taken 
in  &vanr  of  Tippoo.  In  concert  v^th  Sindia,  a  wkeme 
was  laid  to  attack  Nizam  Ally,  in  which  they  hoped  to 
isngage  Bughoqjee  Bhonslay,  and  as  the  English  would, 
aa  a  natter,  of  course,  defend  the  MoghuL territory,  in 
cxmsequence  of  their  late  treaty,  the  Peishwa  was  th^  to 
declare  tiie  Mahrattaa  the  allies  of  Tippoo  Sultan.    The 


CHAP.  ZVI.]  SUBYBlUaON  OF  TIPPOO*S  aOVSBNMIMT.  ^3^ 

Marquis  Wellesley,  apprized  of  those  views,  waa^  wi  the 
other  hand,  endeavouring  to  engage  Rughoojee  BhoDsliiy 
fU9  a  party  to  the  treaty  concluded  witibi  ITizam  Ally. 

But  before  the  Peishwa  or  Sindia  had  the  sli^test 
conception  that  Tippoo's  downfal  was  so  near,  they  werv 
astonished  by  intelligence  of  the  capture  of  Seringapatam^ 
the  death  of  Tippoo,  and  the  subversion  of  his  government. 

Bajee  Bao  ^ected  the  utmost  joy,  and  soon  after  endeii^ 
voiired  to  persuade  Colonel  PiEtlmer  that  the  failure  of  his 
engagement  was  entiroly  attributable  to  Nana  Fnmuweeift* 
Immediate  orders  were  sent  to  Dhondoo  Punt  GMkla, 
sur*$oobehdar  of  the  Gamatio,  to  advance  into  lippoo's 
country  with  what  force  he  could  oolleot.  The  conse«> 
quence  was  that  many  villages  W;ere  plundered  after  Hbp 
country  had  submitted  to  tibie  British  government ;  and 
the  only  tiaerit  which  Dhondoo  Punt's  party  could  claJiii 
was  that  of  intercepting  Dhoondia  Waug,  a  marauding 
fugitive  from  Seringapatam,  whom  Dhondoo  Punt  attacked 
by  surprise,  dispersed  his  followiers  ;  after  ^hicU  Dhoondia 
entered  the  service  of  the  raja  of  Kolapoor,  who  was 
actively  engaged  in  hostilities  against  ike  Peishwa,  and 
who  readily  received  him  into  his  army.  •       '  '. 

Sindia^  on  the  news,  of  Tippoo's  overthrow,  despatched 
emissaries  to  Seringapatam  for  the  purpose  of  encourag- 
ing resistance  among  the  partizans  of  the  late  Sultan 
who  might  yet  remain ;  but  he  also  sent  abundant  con- 
gratulations to  the  English  resident  at  Poena,  expressive 
of  his  happiness  at  the  glorious  termination  of  the  war. 

The  judgment  and  energy  by  which  the  power  of  Tippoo 
was  so  speedily  reduced,  may  be  considered  one  of  the 
first  examples  of  that  energetic  policy,  by  which  Qreiit 
Britain,  in  her  subsequent  mighty  struggles  in  Europe, 
has  been  distinguished. 


/ 


340  BISTORT  OF  TH4E  MAHRATTA8,  t<^HAP.  XVt. 

'  The  resources  of  Nizam  Ally's  government  had  been 
placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  Marquis  Wellesley,  and  the 
services  of  his  contingent  had  been  directed  with  far 
greater  efficiency  than  in  the  former  war — an  improve- 
ment justly  ascribed  to  the  ability  and  exertion  of  the 
governor-general's  political  agent,  Captain  Malcolm.* 

The  mode  of  dividing  the  conquered  provinces  was 
dietated  by  a  wise  and  liberal  spirit.  Nizam  Ally,  with 
judioions  confidence,  had  left  the  arrangements  to  tiie 
MarquiB  Wellesley,  who  effected  them  in  the  following 
jDaiitter* 

'  As  it  wasi  deemed  incompatible  with  the  future  tran- 
<}uiliiy  «f  the  country,  andthd  security  of  the  company's 
'po6se8srons,.'to  establish  a  son  of  Tippoo  in  sovereignty, 
the  deoendant  of  those  rajas  of  Mysore,  from  whom 
Hyder.AUy  usurped  the  government,  was  released  from 

captivity,  and  raised  to   the   musnud  of 
>     '    :      his  ianoestors.     A   partition    treaty    was 
ihen  concluded  by  the  British  government,  Nizam  Ally, 
4Uid  the  restored  raja. 

^  The  whole  of  Tippoo's  revenue  being  estimated  at 
30,40,000  pagodas, 

To  thaii^iawaa  assigned,  pagodas 13,60,000 

To  Nizam  Ally 6,30,000 

To  the  eoin][>any 5,37,000 

For  the  iqaiDteDaiice  of  the  jEamilies  of  Hyder  and  Tippoo, 

in  charge  of  the  British  firovemment 2,40,000 

For  the  maintenance  of  Kummur-nd-deen  Khan  and  bis 

family,  in  charge  of  Nizam  Ally 70,000 

Pagqdas...    27,87,000 

•  Notwithstanding  the  Peishwa's  total  failure  in  the 
'^'^gsigcnicnts,  the  governor-general  deemed  it  politic  to 
allow  him  some  share  in  the  conquered  territory,  provided 

*  Now  Sir  John  Malcolm, 


OHiJf'.  XYlJ]  DISCUSSIONS  W1T&  THE  FOOHA  COURT.  84t 

he  colild  be  brought  to  accede  to  an  alliance  corresponding 
to  that  formed  with  Nizam  Ally.  With  this  view^  the 
balance  in  the  territory  adjoining  the  Peishwa^s  southern 
boundary,  yielding  an  annual  reyenue  of  pagodas  2,63,000, 
was  reserved,  and  was  offered  on  the  above  conditions  to 
the  Peishwa,  ' 

Much  discussion  took  place  in  consequence :  the 
court  of  Pocma  was  unwilling,  by  a  distinct  refusal,  to 
afford  the  allies  a  pretext  for  at  once  appropriating  the 
territory  reserved,  in  which  ease  two-thirds  of  it  were  to  be 
given  to  Nizam  Ally,  and  the  rest  retained  by  the  company. 

In  a  great  part  of  the  negotiation  which  took  place,  it  is 
easy  to  perceive  the  ability  of  Nana  Fumuwees.  In 
e^Et^Eiuation  of  the  circumstances  which  had  caused  the 
disappointment  and  dissatisfaction  of  the  •  allies,  the 
Peishwa  represented  the  unfortunate  distractions  of  the 
empire  which  had  prevented  him  from  assembling  an  army, 
and  the  usage  of  native  state?  in  permitting  wukeels  to 
reside  in  their  courts  in  time  of  war.  To  the  preHmi- 
nary  conditions  requiring  the  Mahrattas  to  abstain  fromi 
all  aggressions  on  the  territory  of  the  raja  of  Mysore, 
the  Peishwa  replied  that,  upon  obtaining  the  proposed 
cession,  it  should  be  considered  an  equivalent  for  the 
ohouth,  to  which  the  Mahrattas  were  entitled  i  from  the 
whole  of  the  territories  of  the  late  Sultan.  In  case  the 
French  invaded  India,  the  Peishwa  engaged  to  unite 
with  the  English  in  repelling  them;  but  he  would  not 
agree  to  exclude  individuals  of  that  nation  from  his 
service.  He  offered  to  subsidize  two  battalions,  provid- 
ed they  might  be  employed  to  assist  in  reducing  refractory 
tributaries,  and  the  Seedeeof  Jinjeera  ;  but  he  absolutely 
refused  the  company's  mediation  in  the  existing  difference 
between  the  Mahrattas  and  Nizam  Ally  respecting  the 


242  Hxsax>&T  or  thb  uihrattas.  [chap,  xn: 

chotith.  To  an  application  for  exchanging  the  chouth  of 
Siirat  for  an  equivalent  revenue — a  measure  in  itself  cal- 
culated to  obviate  vexatious  disputes  and  loss — a  like 
peremptory  refusal  was  given ;  and  a  proposal  for  includ- 
ing Bughoojee  Bhonslay  as  a  principal  in  the  int^ided 
alliance,  the  Peishwa  treated  as  absurd.  Finally,  after 
protracted  discussion,  the  reserved  territory  was  shared  by 
Nizam  Ally  and  the  British  government,  as  stipulated  in 
ihe  treaty,  and,  on  the  12th  of  October  1800,  a  new  treaty 
was  concluded  between  them,  by  which  the  British 
government  engaged  to  protect  the  territories  of  Nizain  Ally 
froiii  unprovoked  aggressioli ;  two  battalions  of  native 
infantry  were  added  to  the  former  six  battaUons,  togetiier 
with  a  regiment  of  native  cavalry ;  and  for  the  payment 
of  the  whole  force,  the  territories  acquired  by  Nizam  Ally, 
onthe  partition  of  the  provinces  of  Mysore,  both  in  1792 
and  1799,  were  ceded  in  perpetuity  to  theBritish'govemment; 
The  affairs  of  Sindia  during  <Us  period  continued  in  a 
very  distracted  state.  After  the  treacherous  attack  madd 
by  Shirzee  Bao  Ghatgay  on  Amrut  Rao's  camp,  the  Byed 
fled  to  the  raja  of  Kolapoor,  who  was  still  at  war  with  the 
Peishwa.  The  Byes  were  soon  joined  by  Narain  Bao 
Bukhshee,  and  .the  principal  Shenwee  Bramins  front 
Sindia's  camp.  Large  bodies  of  horse  flocked  to  their 
standard,  and,  when  sufiiciently  strong,  they  returned  to 
the  northward,  plundering  every  village  from  the  Kistba 
to  the  Godavery   which  acknowledged    the  authority  of 

Boulut  Bao  Sindia,^  and  not  only  insulted 
Sindia  in  his  lines,  but  stopped  the  roads 

in  the  vicinity  of  Poena.     Sindia's  horse  at  first  attempted 

» 

*  Numerous  villages  belonging  to  one  chief  are  frequently  found 
intermixed  with  those '  of  another  in  the  Mahratta  country,  the  reason 
of  which  hae  be^n  already  explained  and.aooooQted  for. 


CHAP.  XVI.]  INBUBBECTION  OF  THE  BYK8.  343 

to  oppose  them,  but  their  numbers  were  so  inferior  that, 
after  a  few  skirmishes,  in  which  they  suflFered  severely, 
they  would  not  advance  unsupported  by  the  regular 
battalions^  before  which  the  troops  of  the  Byes  retired,, 
but  as  soon  as  the  battalions  returned  towards  their  own 
camp,  the  insurgents  also  faced  about  and  followed  them. 
There  is,  perhaps,  no  parallel  example  of  such  an  extrar* 
ordinary  state  of  affairs  as  that  which  the  Peishwa's  territory 
presented  at  this  period,  where  a  rebellion  against  one 
prince  was  maintained  within  the  territory  of  another^ 
whom  both  parties  acknowledged  as  their  sovereign.  The 
anarchy  which  it  engendered  may  be  conceived  ;  the  whole 
country  suddenly  swarmed  with  horsemen,  and,  although 
plunder  was  not  indiscriminate,  great  devastations  were 
committed.  The  flame  spread  in  Hindostan  ;  Lukwa  Dada, 
a  Shenwee  Bramm  already  mentioned,  second  in  importance 
to  the  confined  minister  Balloba  Taitya,  by  whom  Lukwa 
I)ada  had  been  first  raised,  having  been  suspected  of  dis- 
affection in  consequence  of  his  attachment  to  Balloba,  was 
deprived  of  power,  and  dismissed  from  his  employments. 
Being  thus  driven  into  the  ranks  of  the  insurgents,  he  soon 
raised  a  powerful  army,  repeatedly  defeated  the  troops  sent 
against  him^  and  reduced  the  country  from  Oojein  to 
Seronje* 

To  add  to  these  troubles,  Jeswunt  Eao  Holkar,  who, 
after  his  brother  .fell  at  Poena,  had  fled  to  Nagpoor,  and 
was  there  confined  through  the  influence  of  Sindia,  having 
effected  his  escape,  repaired  to  Malwa,  collected  followers, 
s^nd  plundered  the  country.  M.  Perron  had  succeeded 
to  the  command  of  Sindia's  regular  infatry  on  ibe 
departure  of  M.  de  Boigne,  who  was  cofmpelled  from  ill- 
heajth  to  return  to  Europe  in  1796  ;  but  Perron,  at  the 
period  we  have  arrived,  was  so  fully  occupied  in  the  siege 


344  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XVI, 

of  Aglra^  held  by  the  adherents  of  Lukwa  Dada',  and  in 
whioh  he  was  assisted  by  Ambajee  Inglia,  that  he  found 
it  impossible  to  stop  the  disorders  in  Malwa  without 
additional  troops,  for  which  he  sent  repeated  and  earnest 
applications  to  his  master  in  the  Deccan. 
.  Under  these  eircumstances,  Sindia  had  again  recourse 
to  negotiation  ;  bnt  the  demands  of  the  Byes  extended  to 
nothing  less  than  complete  sovereignty,  which  they  re- 
quired Sindia  to  hold  under  their  authority  ;  and  before 
even  these  conditions  could  be  admitted,  they  insisted  on 
the  release  of  Balloba  Tattya* 

Sindia's  new  ministers,  Abba  Ohitnees  and  Byajee 
Patelly  with  a  judgment  and  a  disinterestedness  which  do 
them  honor,  recommended  their  master  to  reinstate  Balloba 
as  prime  minister,  to  which  Sindia  agreed,  and  no  sooner 
was  the  arrangement  accomplished,  than  it  produced  an 
immediate  effect  in  detaching  the  principal  leaders  from 
the  insurrection.  The*  Byes  agreed  to  an  adjustment 
through  Balloba's  mediation .;  and  the  fort  of  Asseergurh 
with  the  city  of  Burhanpoor,  and  a  jagheer  of  11  lakhs  of 
rupees,  were  to  be  assigned  to  them.  Lukwa  Dada,  in 
consequence  of  the  restoration  of  Balloba^  had  an  interview 
Mrith  the  brother  of  Ambajee  Inglia,  who  had  been  opposed 
to  him  in  Malwa,  and  agreed  to  a  cessation  of  arms. 
Every  difference  was  on  the  point  of  being  settled,  the 
Byes  had  received  their  clothes,  jewels,  and  other  private 
property  from  Sindia's  camp,  and  had  come  as  far  as 
Rajawaree,  near  Jejoory,  on  their  way  to  Poena,  when 
one  of  their  partizans  having  been  attacked  and  cut  off, 
they  immediately  returned  towards  Punderpoor,  and  re- 
commenced their  system  of  depredation. 

The  whole  of  the  southern  Mahratta  country  was  in 
great  disorder.     The  raja  of  E<^pQor  still  waged  war  with 


CHIP.  XVI.]  fiXnCMtTS  OF  CHITOOR  flmo.  545 

the  Peifthwa,  and  the  reinforcetnent  brought  by  Cfiiloor 
Sing,  after  the  defeat  of  the  raja  of  Satara,  gave  a  n^w 
Bpirit  to  bis  efforts,     Chitoor  Sing  had  been  elosely  pursued 
into  the  territory  of  the  raja  of  Kolapoor  by  a  body  of 
Rastia's  troops,  joined  by  some  others  on  tlie  part  of  itte 
Pritee  Needhee,  the  whole  of  whom  encamped  near-  tb^ 
Wamah  river.     Five  hundred  horse  of  the  troops' who  had 
been  dispersed  at  Satara  having  got  together,  apprized 
Chitoor  Sing  of  their  situation,  and  by  his  direction  con« 
cealed  themselves  for  some  days  in  the  hills,  until  he  had 
got  a  reinforcement  from  Kolapoor,  when,    by  a  well- 
concerted  attack  upon  the  troops  who  had  pursued  him,  be 
cut  them  off  almost  to  a  man.     A  body  of  Parei^hnBitf 
Bhow's  troops  were  shortly  afterwards  in  a  like  manner 
surprised  and  routed  ;  and*  Chitoor  Sing,  having    leai^t 
that,  after  Pureshram  Show's  departure  from  Satara,  2,00* 
or  3,000  of  Rastia's  troops  with  some  guns  weriB  encaftiped 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  fort,  he  voiced  to  avenge  Che 
disgrace  sustained  by  the  first  defeat.    Accordingly  be  led 
600  infantry  through  the  hills  and  valleys  until  opposite 
to  the  village  of  Pal,  where  he  remained  concealed  unti) 
night,  when,  repairing  to  a  celebrated  temple  in  the  village, 
he  performed  the  usual  worship,  and  the  whole '"party,; 
having  solemnly  invoked  the  deity,  stained  their  ck>tbes» 
with    yellow   dye,    rubbed   their  hands    and    fAces  witfc- 
turmeric,  and  issued  forth,  thus  fortified  with  the  implied' 
vow  of  conquest  or  death,  to  attack  their  enemy.     They 
did  not  find  J^astia's  troops  unprepared ;  but  the  latter  had' 
only  time  to  fire  a  few  rounds,  when  they  were  furiously 
charged  sword  in  hand,  their  guns  taken  and  destroyed/ 
and  tiie  whole  body  dispersed  in  a  few  minutes.     A  rapid-^ 
march  to  the  banks  of  the  Wamah,  before  his  retreat  cdaUt- 

be  intercepted,  marked  a  prudence,  as  well  as  enterprize, 
Vol.  II.— 44. 


346  BISTOBT  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XVI. 

wbieh  gained  Ghitoor  Sing  considerable  credit  with  the 
Mahratta  soldiery,  and  his  numbers  were  in  a  few  months 
oonsiderablj  increased.  At  the  head  of  a  very  inferior  force^ 
and  withno  funds  to  support  it,  he  kept  7,000of  Bastia'stroops 
ia  perpetual  motion  between. the  Neera  and  Wamah.  He 
was,  however,  frequently  defeated  ;  and  on  one  occasion, 
when  accompanied  by  only  500  men,*  he  was  surrounded 
by  5,000  of  Bastia's  troops,  but  cut  his  way  through  them, 
although  with  the  loss  of  more  than  half  his  party.  His 
enterprise,  his  remarkable  escapes,  his  conciliatory  maimers^ 
the  popularity  of  his  cause  amongst  Mahrattas,  and  his 
confidence  in  the  peasantry,  rendered  him  everywhere  a 
favourite,  notwithstanding  his  having  repeatedly  laid  the 
whole  of  the  villages  under  contribution. 

Chitoor  Bing's  insunreption  was  considered  at  Poena  as 
%  part  of  the  Kplapopr  war,  and  both  the  Peishwa  and 
Nana  Fumuwees  had  their  s}iare  of  blame  in  exciting  it. 

During  the  insurrection  of  Satara,  and  afterwards,  whilst 
Chitoor  Sing  kept  Bastia  in  check  to  the  north  of  the 
1/Vamah,  the  raja  of  Eolapoor  was  actively  employed 
against)  the  Putwurdhuns  and  Dhondoo  Punt  Gokla. 
Tasgaom,  the  capital  of  Pureshram  Show's  jagheer,  was 
pillaged,  and  his  palace,  which  had  been  erected  at  great 
expense,  was  burnt  to  the  ground.  The  Camatic  was  laid 
under  con^tribution,  and  Dhpndoo  Punt  Gokla,  though  a 
brave  and  active  officer,  was  repeatedly  defeated.  Such 
was  the  state  of  the  Eolapoor  warfare  up  to  the  period  at 
which  we  have  arrived. 

In  the  month  of  August,  after  Balloba  Tattya's  release, 
a. reconciliation  having  taken  place  between  him  and  Nana 
Fumuwees,  they  deliberated*,  with  the  knowledge  and 
approbation  of  their  superiors,  on  the  course  of  policy 

*  It  is  not  mentlonod  whether  koxne  or  loot. 


CHAP.  XVI.]      DEFEAT  AMD  DEATH  OF  PURE6HRAM  BfiOW.  3^7 

neoesfiary  to  be  pursued  with  regard  to  Nizam  Ally  imd 
the  English ;  but  both  concurred  in  the  necessity  of  snp- 
pressing  the  formidable' disturbance  to  the  southward,  as  a 
preliminary  .to  any  other  arrangement. 

.  It. was  accorditigly  resolved  that  the  force,  previously 
intended  by  Nana  Fnmuwees  to  have  co«'operated  with  tiie 
allies  against  Tippoo,  should  be  sent,  under  Pureshram 
Bhow,  considerably  reinforced  for  the  present  service. 
The  whole,  to  be  furnished  in  proportions  by  the  Peisbwa 
and  by  Sindia  and  other  jagheerdars,  was  to  consist  of 
30,000  horse  and  6,000  in&ntry  ;  but,  as  it  was  imprac- 
ticable to  prepare  this  force  until  the  Dussera,  Pureshram 
Bhow  was  directed  to  watch  llie'  raja  of'  Kolapoor,  and 
restraiii  him  as  much  as  possible.  Pureshram  Bhow,  whose 
military  spirit  was  on  this  occasion  excited  by  personal 
injury  and  personal  pique,  although  his  health  was  in  a 
declining  state,  kept  the  field  all  the  rains,  and  recovered 
the  garrisons  between  the  rivers  Gutpurba  and  Malpurba, 
In  the  month  of  September  he  advanced  from  Gokauk 
towards  Kolapoor,  not  without  hopes  of  finishing  the  war 
himself;  but  near  the  village  of  Putunkoondee  he  en^ 
countered  the  raja  of  Kolapoor  and  Chitoor  Sing,  when 
he  experienced  a  total  defeat,  and  was  himself  mortally 
wounded  and  made  prisoner.*     Nana    Purnuwees    and 

"^Wiswas  Kao,  the  brother  of  Shirzee  Rao  Gbatgay,  took  up  the 
dying  man,  and,  laying  him  across  his  horse,  threw  him  down  before  the 
raja  of  Kolapoor,  who  ordered  him,  it  is  said,  when  in  this  state,  to  be 
cut  in  pieces.  Dajeeba  Limmay,  who  was  in  the  aotioo,  states  this 
oircum  stance ;  and  Bajee  Bao,  in  a  particular  conversation  with  Mr. 
Blphinstone  at  Punderpoor  in  1812,  mentioned  it  as  a  well-known  fact, 
but  it  is  not  generally  believed  at  Kolapoor,  nor  at  Satara,  where  the 
raja  of  Kolapoor  had  mauy  enemies. 

Dajeeba  Limmay,  whose  name  I  have  mentioned  above,  was  a  con« 
fidential  agent  of  Pureshram  Bhow ;  he  was  employed  in  several  high 
situations  during  the  administration  of  Naua  Fumuwees,  aud  was  a 
sharer  in  many  of  the  revolutions  and  events  which  I  am  now  recording. 
At  my  request,  he  had  the  goodness  to  write  the  history  of  his  own 
times,  and  I  take  this  opportunity  of  expressing  my  acknowledgments. 


3»l$  H16T0RT  OF  THC  MAEBATTAS.  [ORAP.  XTI. 

^iJlobiL  sent>  the  troops  of  the  Yiachorkar,  the  Pritee 
I^eedbee,  and  five  of  Sindia's  regular  battalions  under 
M^'or  Brownrig/s^y  to  support  Appa  Sahib,  Pareahrasi 
Bhow's  son,  and  reduce  the  raja  to  submission. 
>  This  accession  of  force  was  too  great  for  the  raja  of 
Kolapoor  to  withstand,  and  he  therefore  retired  under 
prot0ption  of  the  fort  of  Panalla.  But,  in  that  situation, 
bis  troops  were  surprised  by  Appa  Sahib,  who  drove  some 
of  them  into  the  fort,  whilst  the  greater  part  sought  refuge 
in  Kolapoor,  whioh  the  Peisbwa's  troops  invested,  and  after 

a  siege  of  considerable  duration  had  nearly 
',  '  reduced  it,  when  events  and  revolutions  at 

Poona  interfered  to  save  the  Kolapoor  state,  which  would 
otherwise^  in  all  probability,  have  been  subverted,  or  at 
least  held  in  future  as  a  dependaacy  on  the .  Peishwa'a 
government. 


349 


CHAP.  XVII. 

From  A.D.  1800  to  A.D.  1802. 

Death  and  character  of  Nana   Fumuwees— fresh  dispute 
between  Sindia  and  the  P£i8hwa,-rBallci)a  TaitycCa  confine-' 
ment  and  death — dreadful  eaeciUions  of  Dliondeba  and 
Ifarain  Rao  Sukhshee. — I'he  Feuhwds  plans  for  ruining 
the    adJterents  of  Nana    Fumuweee  and    the  family   </ 
Fure$hram  Blww. — Sindia^  on  being jpromieed  the  jagheer 
of  the  FutvmrdhunSy  sends  a  force  into  their  districts-r^ 
Great  disorders — insurrection  of  Dhoondia   Waugr^sup^ 
pressed  by  a  detachment  of  British  troops. — State  of  affairs 
at  Poona. — Bajee  Bao^s  situation  and  views — critical  staie 
of  Sindid's  affairs  in  Alalwa. — Rise  and  progress  of  Jes^ 
wunt  Rao  Holkar — Umeer  Klian  joins  him — Jevioimt  Mao 
recognized  in  Malwa  as  the  representative  of  his  nephew 
Khundee  Rao — Imbecility  of  Sindia' s  proceedings — Sindia 
induces  Holkar    to  attack  the  Byes.--^ Marches     towards 
Hindustan* — Holkar  cuts  off  two  of  Sindia' s  detaohmenta 
— is  repulsed  by  Major  Brownrigg. — Events  at  Foona-r^ 
execution   of    Wittoojee   Holkar^ — Sirzce    Rao    Ghatgay 
defeats  a  plot  against    him  in  a  singular  inmmer — he  is 
ordered  to  join  Sindia — defeats  Jesumnt  Rao  Holkar  at 
IndorCj  which  lie  plunde9*s. — Sindia   injudiciously  gives 
Holkar  time  to  recover  himself — Jeswunt  Rao  carries  the 
war  into  tlie  Deccan — his  successes  there — Sewdaskeo  Blwm 
Bhaskur  sent  to  oppose  him, — The  Feishwa^s  amduct^r-r^ 
Battle  of  Foona — Holkar  is  victorious.---- The  Feiskwa 


852  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHHATTAS.  [CHAP.  XVII. 

ja^bjeer  on  pretext  of  ]m  having   ow^d  him  a  crore  of 
rupees;  he  also   supported  his  widow   in   her  desire  to 
adopt  ason^  both  because  it  was  in  opposition  to  Bajee 
Bao's  wish,  and  because  it  afforded  the  easiest  means  of 
getting  the  family   a&d   treasures    into  his  o^n  power* 
iBtot  these  disputes  did  not  prevent  their  ptoting  against 
others;  and   Sindia,   whose   re-establishment   of  Balloba 
Tattya  to  power  had  disarmed  the  insurrection  of  Lukwa 
Dada,  now  determined  on  Balloba's  destructio'n.     To  this 
measure  he  was  advised  by  his  father^n-law,  who  had 
been  set  at  liberty  in  the  month  of  January  at  the  recom-f 
mendation  of  Balloba^  and  had  regained  entire  iniluenee 
0¥er  fiindia's  mind,  of  which  the  first  use  he  made  was 
to  li^ir  up  a  faction  against   the  minister,  and   then   to 
excite  »Sindia  to  his  destruction,  and  that  of  his  immediate 
adherents.     He  was  accoTdingly  seized  and  imprisoned 
at  Ahmednugnr,  where  a  natural  death  interposed  to  save 
him  from  a  cruel  execution.     But  his  brother  Dhondeba 
and  iNarain  Bao  Bukhshee,   confined  at  the   same  time, 
were  both  condemned  to  suffer ;  the  former,  in  a  manner 
c^Hnpamtively  humane,  was  blown  from  a   cannon  ;   but 
IIm  latter  was  barbarously  destroyed  by  beitig  tied  round 
widi  rockets,  wfaioh,  being  fii^d,  carried  him  along,  mang- 
ling his  body  dreadfully — the  invention  and  spot  of.  the 
execrable  Ghatgay. 

Qne  of  the  ruling  passions  of  the  Peishwa  was  implacable 
revenge ;  and  he  having  connived  at  the  destruction  of 
the  Shenwee  Bramins,  Sindia,  in  return,  agreed  to  assist 
him  in  the  ruin  of  the  friends  and  adherents  of  Nana, 
and  the  fiunily  of  the.  late  Pureshram  Bhow  Putwurdhun. 
To  accomplish  the  former  object,  the  Peishwa,  pretend- 
ing to  renounce  the  objeetion  to  the  adoption  of  a  son  by 
the  widow  of  Nana,  indirectly  encouraged  the  proceeding ;  . 


CBAP.  XVII.]  INSURRBCTION  OP  DHOOHDIA  WAUO.  353 

and  at  last,  in  order  to  ensnare  Nana's  friends,  invited 
tliem  to  a  meeting  at  his  palace,  for  tl^e  express  pur- 
pose of  diliberating  on  the  subject*  When  assembled,  he 
suddenly  accused  theAi  of  treasonable  practices,  of  plotting 
against  htm,  and  of  intending  to  place  the  adopted  son  of 
Nana's  widow  on  the/inasnnd. ,  He  concluded  by  seizing 
and  sending  4hem  off  prisoners  to  hill-forts.  In  regard 
to  the  latter  object,  of  crushing  the  Putwurdhun  family^ 
Sindia  the  more  readily  acquiesced  in  iti  as  he  ha4  long 
wished  to  possess  himself  of  their  extensive  and  fertile 
jagheer.  It  was  this  .  plot  which  prevented  the  capture  of 
Kolapoor  ;  lis  Appa  Sahib,  having  received  timely  intel- 
ligence of  their  plan,  quitted  the  siege,  and  with  his  own 
followers,  accompanied  by  Dhondoo  Punt  Gokla,  retired 
into  the  Carnatic.  The  raja  .of  Kolapoor,  through  the 
influence  of  Shirzee  Kao  Ghatgay,  to  whom  he  was 
reconciled,  became  the  immediate  ally  of  Sindia,  whose 
battalions,  lender  the  orders  of  Seadpjee  Bao  Nimbalkur, 
the  dessaye  of  Nepanee,  proceeded  to  attack  th^  jagheer 
of  the  late  Pureshram  Bhow  ;  Major  Brownrigg,  with. the 
battalions,  wjece  soon  recalled :  but  Seedojee  Bao,  at  the 
hep*d  of  a  body  of  horse,  plundered  and  devastated  the 
conntry  from  Merioh  to  Beejapoor. 

Disorders  were  everywhere  prevalent,  Dhoondia  Wang, 
whom  we  have  already  mentioned  as  having  entei'ed  the 
service  of  the  ^raja  of  Kolapoor,  separated  from  him, 
returned  into  the  Carnatic,  and  plundered  in  the  company's 
lately  acquired  districts;  taking  advantage  alsp  of  the 
absence  of  Gokla's  troops,  he  laid  the  Peishwa's  districts 
in  the  Carnatic  under  contribution,  and  committed  great 
ravages.  The  British  goveriiment  made  application  to 
iii^  P^ishw^t,  ^and    obtained  permission   to  pursue  and 

destroy  the  marauder  ;   but  in  the  meantime,   on  the 
Vol.  11—46, 


350  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XVII. 

Jlees  to  Singurh — and  sends  to  the  British  resident  a 
preliminary  engagement^  binding  himself  to  receive  a  sub- 
sidiary farce. — The  resident's  interview  with  Holkar, — The 
Peishwa  proceeds  to  Bassein, — Avoirs  in  Guzerai. 

The  first  of  the  events  alluded  to  in  point  of  time  and 

importance  was  the  death  of  Nana  Fur- 
nuwees.  His  health  has  long  been  in  a 
declining  state ;  but  he  continued  to  transact  business, 
almost  to  the  liEist,  with  his  acctistomed  order  and  punc- 
tuality. He  died  on  the  13th  March,  **  and  with  him," 
says  Colonel  Palmer,  "  has  departed  all  the  wisdom  and 
moderation  of  the  Mahratta  government."  Nana  Fur- 
nuwees  was  certainly  a  great  statesman.  His  principal 
defects  originated  in  the  want  of  p^sonal  courage,  and  in 
an  ambition  not  always  restrained  by  principle.  In  the 
latter  unhappy  years  of  his  life,  on  the  testimony  of 
English  as  well  as  Mahratta  authority,  he  is  entitled  to 
the  high  praise  of  having  acted  with  the  feelings  and 
sincerity  of  a  patriot.  He  honorably  advised  Bajee  Rao 
to  sttch  measures  as  he  believed  advantageous,  unmindful 
of  any  consequences.  He  was  decidedly  averse  to  the 
admission  of  a  body  of  foreign  troops  in  the  manner  pro- 
posed by  the  Marquis  Wellesley,  if  the  energies  of  the 
government  could  possibly  be  restored  without  their  aid. 
He  respected  the  English,  admired  their  sincerity  and  the 
vigour  of  their  government ;  but  as  political  enemies,  no 
one  regarded  them  with  more  jealousy  and  alarm.  The 
life  of  Nana  may  be  said  to  have  been  entirely  public  ; 
and  its  events  have  been  so  fully  recorded,  as  well  as  the 
motives  for  his  conduct,  that  it  is  unnecessary  to  enlarge 
on  his  character.  In  private  life  he  was  a  man  of  strict 
viracity,  humane,  frugal,  and  charitable.     His  whole  time 


CHAP.  XVII.]'      DEATH  AND  CHARACTER  OF  NANA.  351 

was  regulated  with  the  strictest  order,  and  the  business 
personally  transacted  by  him  almost  exceeds  credibility. 

In  regard  to  civil  government,  whilst  he  continued  in 
power  he  endeavoured  to 'preserve  the  system  of  Mahdoo 
Rao  BuUal ;  but  overwhelming  business,  and  the  frequent 
distractiong  that  prevailed,  produced  great  laxity  in  the 
snperiritendence. 

No  '  instance  of  greater  neglect  on  the  part  of  an 
administration,  or  of  more  extraordinary  criminaJify  in  a 
subordinate  officer,  is  recorded  in  the  annals  of  any  state 
than  the  ease  of  Gassee  Bam,  kotwal,  or  police  superin- 
tendent, of  the  city  of  Poena.  This  man,  a  Bramin  native 
of  Hindostan,  employed  the  power  with  which  he  was 
vested  in  perpetrating  the  most  dreadful  murders;  People 
disappeared,  and  no  trace  of  them  could  be  found.  Gassee 
Ram  was  suspected,  but  Nana  Fumuwees  reused  to  listen 
to  complaints,  apparently  absurd  from  their  unexampled 
atrocity. 

At  last,  it  being  suspected  that  Gassee  Ram  was  starving 
a  respectable  Bramin  to  death,  Mannajee  Phakray  headed 
a  party  of  the  people,  broke  open  the  prison,  and  rescued 
the  unfortunate  Bramin,  which  led  to  the  detection  of  the 
monster's  crimes ;  and  he  fell  a  victim  to  the  vengeance 
of  the  exasperated  populace,  by  whom  he  was  atoned 
to  death. 

In  his  person  Nana  was  tall  'and  thin,  his  complexion 
was  rather  dark  and  his  demeanour  grave  ;  but  his  look 
intelligent,  quick,  and  penetrating  ;  be  left  a  young  widow 
and  died  without  issue. 

The  death  of  Nana  Fumuwees  was  the  origin  of  a  new 
dispute  between  the  Peishwa  and  Sindia,  each  being 
desirous  to  obtain  the  treasures  of  which  he  was  supposed 
to  have  died  possessed.     Bindia  immediately  seized  Nana's 


256  HISTORY  V)F  THE  VAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XVlxJ 

>phich  tibe  Marquis  Wellesley  expected  hk  agents  to  push  on 
his  system,  evinced  an  anxiety  which  retarded  his  objeei 
at  Poona,  where  the  resident  pro^osiiciEited  lihat  it  would 
nerer  be  accomplished  until  Bajee  Bao  had  found  that  all 
his  own  schemes  were  £i,IIacioufl^ 

Sindia's  affairs  in  Malwa  at  l^igth  became  in  the 
highest  degree  critical.  Jeswunt  Bao  jEolkar's  energy  and 
succe3s  threateDed  the  entire  subjugation  of  that  pro- 
vince, a  great  part  of  which  he  had  already  pillaged 
and  laid  W^ste.  The  rise  of  this  predatory  chieftain 
was  singularly  rapid.  After  his  escape  from  Nagpoor, 
he  fled  to  Dhar,  where  he  was  kindly  received  by 
Arniund  Bao  Fowar ;  but  as  soon  as  Sindia  heard  of 
his  retreat,  Annund  Bao  being  unable  to  shelter  him 
from  the  power  of  that  chief,  he.  furnished  him  with  a 
few  horses  and  a  little  money,  with  which  slender 
commencement,  by  enterprize  and  pillage,  he  soon 
collected  a  band  of  marauders,  and  united  to  his  fortunes 
Umeer  Eiian,  a  Patau  adventurer,  at  the  head  of  a 
well-mounted  body  of  his  countrymen,  and  whq,  by  his 
abUities  and  predatory  habits,  wa*  a  fit  auxiliary  for 
the  schemes  which  Holkar  meditated. 

Khassee  Rao  Holkar,  according  to  the  first  declara- 
tion of  the  party  who  opposed  him,  was  set  aside  from 
incapacity.  Jeswunt  Bao  being  illegitimate,  gave  himeslf 
out  as  the  subordinate  agent  of  his  nephew  Khundee 
Bad,  in  custody  at  Poena,  and  invited  all  adherents  of 
the  house  of  Holkar  to  unite  with  him  in  upholding  the 
name,  aAd  rescuing  the  territories  and  .family  from  the 
power  of  Doulut  Bao*  Sindia.  Proceeding  to  the  banks 
of  tiie-  Nurbuddah,  he  levied  contributions,  and  plundered 
Sindia-'s  villages.'  A'  detachment  x>{  Khassee  Bao'^  regular 
infantry,  sent  against  him  by  the  Chevalier  Dudrenec,  wa9 


CHAP.  ZTII.]   RISE  AND  PROGRESS  OF  JBSWtJNT  RAO  HOLKAR.  857 

defe«fced,  which  greatly  raised  Jeswimt  Bao's  repntaiion, 
and  brought  on  a  negotiation,  \f hioh  ended  in  Dadrenec*s 
jotiting  him  with  his  battalions  and  guns,  and  in  Jeswunt 
Bao's  being  reoogoized  and  obeyed  as  &e  represfotatiyo 
of  his  nephew,  which,  shortly  after,  enabled  him  to^oom- 
mence  regular  payments  to  his  troops.  Bni  the  predatory 
syst^n  being  the  mode  of  warfare  he  followed,  the  work 
of  pillage  and  destruotion  went  forward,  and  Sindia's 
territory  in  Malwa  was  half  rained  before  he  had  taken 
any  steps  to  stop  the  formidable  progress  of  Jeswunt  Rao.* 
The  eause  of  this  military  imbecility  on  the  part  of  Sindia 
was  the  state  of  parties  at  his  durbar.  To  iihpede  Holkar's 
career,  threats  and  conciliation  were  successively  resorted 
to  by  Doulut  Bao's  ministers,  and  Jeswunt  Bao,  on  pro^ 
mise  of  being  supported  by  Sindia  against  Khassee  Bao, 
agreed  to  seize  the  Byes,  to  whom-he  had  before  pr.offered 
friendship.  He  accordingly  attacked  their  rtroops^  forced 
the  ladies  into  Burhanpoor,  where  he  besieged  them,  b^ 
they  were  so  fortunate  as  to  escape  towards  Mey war, 
through  the  aid  of  Juggoo  Bappoo,  thd  coUeag^of  Lukwi^ 
Dada.  Sindia  supposed  that,  in  permitting  them  to  get 
off,  Holkar  had  acted  wi&  double  treachery,  so  that, 
whether  the  supposition  was  well  or  ill-founded,  this  action 
was  deservedly  of  no  advantage  to  Jeswunt  Bfio^  Sii^dia 
now  became  cdnvinoed.thatr  his  pres^iee  was  absolutely 
necessary  to  the  Borthward,  and  in  the  end,  of  November 
quitted  the  Peishwa's  territory,  where  he  jleft  five  bai^tar 
lions  of  regidar  infantry  and  10,000  horse  under  Sbin$ee 
Bao  Ghatgay,  having,  before  he  set  out,  exacted  &om  the 
Feishwa  bills  to  the  amount  of  47  lakhs  of  rupees^f 

*iSir  Jobn  Malcolm.' 
t  Twenty-five  by  bills  on  Poona  bankers,  ten  by  a  biU  on  the  Gdbk- 
war,  and  twelve  by  an  assignment  on  Bundelcund.    Mabratta  MSS., 
Colonel  Palmer*8  despatolieB. 


358  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XVII. 

Stadia's  progress  was  tardy,  and  Jeswunt  Rao  continued 
/t*  '  to  plunder  and  levy  contributions  through- 

I  \  *  '  *  out  Malwa,  Hearing  of  Sindia's  great 
^  army,  Holkar  called  in  his  detachments,  and  concentrated 
his  force  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Oojein,  with  an  inten- 
tion of  plundering  it.  During  this  period  there  was  a 
pause  in  their  hostilities,  and  Sindia,  in  hopes  of  ensuring 
the  protection  of  his  capital,  detached  for  tibat  purpose 
four  baitahoni^  from  his  own  camp  at  Burbanpoor  under 
Colonel  John  Hesfiing.  Two  battalions  and  six  companies 
under  Oaptain  M'intyre  were  ordered  on  to  support 
Hessing ;  but  Holkar,  who  saw  that  it  was  impossible  to 
avoid  e:3ttremitieB,  and  of  the  highest  importance  to  strike 
a  successful  blow  at  the  outset,  first  naiade  a  show  of 
opposing  Hessing,  and  drew  him  under  the  walls  of 
Oojein,  where,  leaving  some  troops  to  amuse  him, 
he  pushed  on  to  cut  off  the  detachment  under  M'Intyre, 
hi  which  he  succeeded^  having  compelled  them  to 
lay  down  their  arms  at  Newree*  With  his^  troops 
flius  encouraged^    he    returned  to    the    mom    arduoua 

attack  of  Hessing,  ai^d  a  most  obstinate 
contest  was  maintained  *  by  that  officer 
until  his  men  we^e  completely  over-powered*  Of  11 
European  officers  in  He»sing's  four  battalions^  mostr 
of  whom  were  Bliti^h,  seven  were-  kiiied,  and  three 
were  made  prison^s.  Hessing  alone  escaped,  an4 
four«-fiftfas  of  his  corps  are  said  to  have  been  kilted 
and  wounded.* 

Having  esaoted  a  very  heavy  contribution  from  Oojein, 
Holkar  next  proceeded  to  attack  Sindia's  grand  paik  of 
artillery  which  had  passed  the  Nerbuddah,  and,  under  the 

*  Ferdinand  Lewis  Smith. 


CHAP.  XVII.]  SIKDIA  AND  HOLKAR  AT  WAE.  359 

protection  of  the.  four  battalions  of  Major  Brownrigg  and 

a  body  of  horse,  was  awaiting  the  junc- 
tion of  the  army  from  Burhanpoor.  Brown- 
rigg)  on  hearing  of  Holkar's  approach,  chose  a  very  strong 
position,  which  he  defended  with  such  judgment  and 
intrepidity  that  Holkar's  utmost  efforts  were  unavailing.*^ 
This  defence,  as  it  cheeked  Holkar's  career,  was  of  the 
greatest  importance  to  Sindia,  who  had  all  this  tibie 
remained  inactive  at  Burhanpoor  ;  but  he  now  used  every 
exertion  to  get  his  army  sent  across  the  Nerbuddah,  in 
which  he  was  Aiuch  assisted  by  Rughoojee  Bhonslay.f 

Events  w^re  in  the  meantime  occurring  at  Poena  which 
require  notice,  as  some  of  them  were  a  good  deal  influen^^d 
by  news  from  the  northward.  Bajee  Rao,  on  Sindia's 
departure,  instead  of  endeavouring  to  conciliate  parties, 
evinced  a  malignant  spirit  of  revenge  towards  all  the  great 
famiUes  whom  he  suspected  of  ever  having  been  Hne  politi<- 
cal  opponents  of  himself  or  his  father.  To  distress  and 
pillage  all  such  of  them  as  fell  into  his  power,  was,  fron^ 
first  to  last,  a  favourite  object  of  his  policy.  The  resp^t- 
aUe  family  of  Rastia  was  among  the  earliest  who  expe- 
rienced his  malevolence*  Mahdoo  Rao  Rastia  was  invited 
on  a  friendly  visit  to  the  Peishwa's  palace,  seized,  and 
hurried  off  as  a  prisoner  to  Raigurh^  The .  unpopularity 
of  this  deed  was  proportionate  to  its  treachery  and  injusr 
tice  ;  many  instances,'  though  of  a  less  conspicuous  nature, 
occurred  ;  the  minds  of  bis  subjects  were,  alienated^  and 
distrust  and  disaffeotioii  towa«i«  Bajee  Rae's  power  and 
government  •  became  almost  universal.  Anardiy  waa 
is^reading  in  the  country.     Bodies  of  insurgent  horse  were 

*  In  this  action  Dewajee  Gokia,  an  officer  of  rank.  Lieutenant  Row- 
botham,  and  300  men  were  killed  on  the  part  of  flindia ;  HqUlbt's,  logs 
was  three  times  that  number. 

tFeidiaand  Lewis  Smith,  Somhay  Beoordi,  and  Bit  John  Maloolm. 


360  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XYIU 

plundering  in  various  direQiions.  One  party  under  Bal 
Kishen  Oungadhur  was  defeated  by .  Chinput  Bao  Phan- 
say ;  and  Witojee  Holkar^  the  brother  of  Jeswunt  Rao, 

who  was  concerned  with  hina,  and  takc» 
'  |)riBoner,  wa»  barbarously  and  ignomini- 

ously.  ej^ecuted  at  Poona.  Tbfiitithe  Peisihwa  bad  a  right  to 
inflict  the  punishment  of  deat)i  on  subjects  so  taken  in  arms 
cannot  be  doubted,  but.  ins^irreetion  and  plundering  are 
not  rigidly  viewed  among  Mahrattas;,  and  in  public  opinion 
a  more  lenient  sentence  than  loss  of  life  ought  to  have  been 
passed  upon  the  son  of  Tookajee  .  Holkar ;  thnt  eircum- 
stance,  however,  operated  diff<drently  on  the  mind  of  the 
Peishwa,  who  could  not  forget,  that  he  was  the  son  of  the 
friend  of  Nana  Furnuwees.  Having  seated  himself  with 
his  favourite  Ballajee  Koonjur  at  a  wiridow  which  over- 
looked, the.  exterior  court  of  hia  palace,  Wittoojee  Holkfip 
was  brought  before  .the  Peishwa,  and  there  tied  to  the  foot 
of  an  elephant ;  in  vaia  did  he  offer  up  the  humblest  sup- 
plications for  life  and  niercy ;  the  exeontion  went  forward ; 
Bajee  Bao  sat  a  composed  spectator,,  and  heard  the  yells 
of  the  unhappy  malefactoi^ias  the  aaimal  dragged,  him 
forth  from  the  palace  yard,  to'^  lingering  death,  as  in:  his 
case  it  happened  to  be,,  in  the  ptiblic  street;.* 

Baje^  Bao,  by  this  cruel  proceedings  at  onoe  glutted  his 
revenge  and  performed  an  acceptable  piece  of  courtesy  to 
Sindia;  but  Jeswunt  Bao,  who  loved  Ins  brother,  vowed 
vengeance  on  those  whom  he  considered  his  mukrderers ; 
and  his  threats^  being  soon  followed  by  news  of  hissaccess 
against  Hessing,  communicated  an  alarm  to  the  conscious 
and  cowardly  mind  of  the  Peishwa,  which  towards  Bolkar 
he  could  never  afterwards  conquer.  He  now,  however, 
opened  a  negotiation  with  him,  offering  to  recognize  him 

*  Hahfatta  MSa,  Qral  ia£onnAtioPt.aad  ?alia9r'«  despat^bes^ 


CBAl*.  XVn.]  teVEN*rS  At  POONA.  ggl 

AS  ill©  heir  of  TookEljeife  Holkar,  dn.condit{ott  of  his  giving 
up  the»  territories  of  th^  ftimily  Jn  tbe'Deoottn  estimated  at 
25  lakhs:  of  mpee^  of  atintial  revehtle.  '  He  was  also 
encouraged,  by  the  prospect  c(f'  SindittV  beittg  long  occu- 
pied in  the  north;  ■  to  di^vise  ttiearis  of  riddling  his  country 
of  the  presence  of  Shirze©  'Rao  Gbatgay,  who  only  increased 
the  trouble  and  disorder*,  to  prevent  which  was  the  pretext 
for  his  being  lefk  in  the  Deccan.    Afteii  plundering'  to  the 
southward  He  repaired  to  Poena  Vith  a  anjall  party,  whdni 
he  became  importtnate  In' hfe  demands  for  money,  ^sat  in 
dhurtia  on  ili4  faTourite^BUlttj^  Koonjury  and  itfsUlt^  the 
whole  of  the  Peishwa's  court.     At  last  Ito6njut^Coh  pretence 
of  giVii^g  Iriiti  some  ord6i*s  on  bankers,  invited  hifn  to  his 
house,  received  hiin  gf ttdiouHlyi  and  shortly  after  got  up 
as  if  to  bring •* the  biBs  agt^ed  upon,    -His  qiiittihg  the 
room  was  to  'be,4n  reality,'  <he^  signal  fofi^'  Aeflziilg  or  niur- 
xlering  Ghatgay,  but  »tb^  laltfer,  gtiefesiiig  ^his  intention, 
instantly  grasped-histhfoatwiUbbntt  haikidj  dt^ew  his  swdrd 
with  the  other,  and  in  -thSd'  malltt4i<'  di^agged '  fairt  to  the 
street,  where,  spWnging  on  W*  b6rs0,  he  galloped  off  to 
join  his  patty,  pursued  Mis  rotlte  to'his^army,  Wdttght  the 
whole-  to  Poena,  and  encamped  within  a  niile  of  the  city, 
which  he  threatened  to  plunder  and  burn.     Messages  full 
of  condiliatory  explatiation  were  seAt  by  Bajee  Rao,  but 
the  mediation  of  the  British  resident  bcisanife  necessary  to 
prevent  extremities.     The  accounts,  howefrer,  of  Sindia's 
reverses  in  Malwa,  and  his  express  desire  that  Shirzee  Rao 
should  join  him  immediately  to  assume  command  of  the 
army  against  Holkar,  effectually  rid  the  Peishwa  of  this 
turbulent  arid  audacious  man. 

Having  joined  the  army  after  it  had  crossed  the  'Ner- 
buddah,  Shirzee  Rao  was  sent  forward,  with  J0,000  horse, 

and  14  battalions  under  Colonel  Sutherland,  to  avenge  the 
Vol.  II.— 46 


362  HIITORT  or  THE  IfAHRATTAg'.  [CHAP.   XVIt. 

plander  of  Oojein  by  retaliating  on  Indore,  the  capital  o( 
Holkar.  Jeswunt  Rao  advanced  to  its  protection  with 
some  regular  battalions,  but  without  European  officers, 
5,000  irregular  infantry,  and  about  25,000  horse.  Skir- 
mishes of  some  days'  duration  terminated  in  a  well- 
concerted  but  ill-executed  attack  on  the 
part  of  Holkar,  and  a  signal  defeat  was  the 
consequence.  He  lost  98  pieces  of  cannon,  and  his  capital 
was  completely  plundered.  The  remorseless  G-hatgay  had 
here  a  full  opportunity  of  indulging  his  disposition  to 
violence,  which  he  fully  gratified  in  dreadful  acts  of  wanton 
and  barbarous  cruelty* 

Had  Sindia  followed  up  the  blow,  the  power  of  Jeswunt 
Bao  was  by  this  victory  annihilated ;  but  supposing  him 
to  be  completely  humbled,  and  being  advised  to  recognize 
him  as  guardian  to  the  head  of  the  Holkar  family,  ^india 
made  proposals  to  that  effect,  and  even  sent  Khassee  Rao 
from  his  camp,  who  was  thus  compelled  to  seek  an  asylum 
in  that  of  his  half-brother.  But  Jeswunt  Rao,  whether 
suspicious  of  Sindia,  encouraged  by  the  Peishwa,  or  led  on 
by  an  enterprizing  confidence  in  his  own  fortune,  was 
immoderate  in  his  demands ;  and  although  become,  since 
his  defeat,  dependant  entirely  on  plunder,  his  adventurous 
spirit  was  attractive  to  the  soldiery,  amongst  whom  he  had 
a  very  high  reputation,  and  many  of  Sindia's  troops 
desej^ted  to  him,   even  at  this  stage  of  his  career.     But 

Dudrenec,  conceiving  it  prudent  to  with- 
draw from  a  falling  cause,  listened  to 
overtures  from  Sindia,  which  his  battalions,  more  faithful 
than  their  commander,  having  discovered,  went  off  in  a 
body,  and  joined  Jeswunt  Rao  at  Jowud.  Holkar  now 
adopted  a  new  plan^  and  determined  on  carrying  \he  w^r 
into  the  Peccan.    With  this  view  Futih  Sing  Manay  Was 


CHAP.  XVII.]  THK  PEISHWA'S  CONDUCT.  Sgg 

detached  with  a  body  of  horse  to  ravage  the  Peishwa's 
districts  ;  the  regular  infantry  took  up  a  position  at 
Mohesir,  whilst  Jeswunt  Bao  in  person,  in  order  to  veil 
his  intentions,  went  off  to  the  northward  with  the  remainder 
of  his  followers,  to  plunder  in  Malwa  and  Bajpootana,  in 
hopes  of  drawing  Sindia's  forces  after  him,  and  thus  facilf- 
tating  his^  future  design.  He  acquired  very  considera)!>Ie 
booty,  but  Sindia  did  not  pursue  him  as  he  expected,  a 
detachment  only  having  been  sent  after  him.  Holkar 
might  therefor^  have  been  induced  to  reap  a  larger  harvest 
in  pillage,  but  the  Peishwa,  having  seized  his  districts  in 
Candeish,  he  was  hurriied  into  the  Deccan  for  their  recovery. 
Previous,  however,  to  his  arrival,  an  advanced  body  of  his 
troops  attacked  the  Peishwa's  general,  Dhondoo*  Punt 
Ghorebulay,  defeated  him,  and  re-took  th^  districts. 

As  soon  as  Jeswunt  Ra6  was  joined  by  his  in&ntry 
from  Mohesir,  he  assailed  Sindia's  possessions  in  Candeish, 
which  he  plundered  and  devastated  without  mercy,  declar. 
ing  at  the  same  time  that  he  was  about  to  proceed  to 
Poena  to  claim  the  interference  of  the  Peishwa  in  protect- 
ing him,  as  the  agent  of  the  head  of  the  Holkar  family, 
against  the  tyrannical  usurpation  of  Doulat  Bao. 

Notwithstanding  this  appeal  to  the  Peishwa,  Futih  Sing 
Manay  showed  no  respect  to  his  territory,  but  swept  the 
villages  on  the  banks  of  the  Qodavery  by  contribution  and 
plunder ;  whilst  Shah  Ahmed  Khan,  another  officer 
detached  by  Jeswunt  Bao,  carried  his  ravages  still  nearer 
the  Peishwa's  capital,  and  being  opposed  by  'Nursing 
Kundee  Bao,  the  jagheerdar  of  Vinchoor,  at  the  head  of 
1,500  ^orse,  the  latter  were  cut  off  almost  to  a  man. 

The  consternation  at  Poena  was  great  in  consequence, 
and  Bajee  Bao  renewed  his  negotiations  with  the  British 
government,  desiring  the  aid  of  a  force,  but  objecting  to 


364  HISTOBt  OF  THE  MAHBATTAS.  [CHAP.  XVIl. 

its  bein^staiianed  lyitbin  bia^wntei^ritory ;  neitlier  wonld 
he  consent  to  the  articles  of  the  treaty  of  Mbar,  nor  the 
arbitration  of ; the . British  ^oterninent«.in  the  Mahjfatta 
claims  on  ]^i|sam^Uy..        .•      i         « 

Sindia,  suppoftQd  by  Rtrgboojee  .BlKMirfay,  «:^erted  his 
utmost  influence  :tq  obstruct  the  conolusion  of  aniy  arrai^^ei- 
ment  with  the  British  govetrnnnent,!  jwith  which  be  was  him- 
«elf  negotiating,  m^  with  any  .injki^titiiou  .of  b^ct>^ling  a 
party  to  the  defensive  aUianee,  again^tw^^ioh  both  the  raja  of 
Berar  and  Sindia  always  maiAtaineda  at^i^enuoos  opposit;ion, 
but  merely  to  gain  a  certain  deg<;.ee  of  .'Consequence,  which 
the  preseiice  of  the  British  enyoy  in  hie' camp  was  at  that 
time  likely  to  ornate,  in  the  mind  of  .the^  Peighwa^ 

It  i^  diffictillb  tp.aoQOont  fi»r  Hxb  iinactivity  of  Sindia.  in 
the  proaeoution  of  .th^  war.  against '  Holli;ar* :  Doulnt  Rao 
be^me  abotit.,thi$  period  ^s^qioi^  of  JPerron^  but  the 
death  of  Lukwa  Dada,  and  affinal  arrangement  concluded 
with  the  Byes  by  Avp}^3^e&fh^i^  pn^  of  Si!E]4ia'spHncipaI 
pificers^lefth^minodiing.to  apporehend  in  £[indoakan  which 
should  have  preveinted  his  following  np  Hott^arb*  After 
much  delay)  he  at'i^stoi^erjed  Sewdasheo;  SJaow  jBbaskur 
to  march  agati^t .  Jp^wun^  Baa  with.^rlar^^  body  oi 
cavalry,  and  10  hatta)ioi»s(  of  infantry .  under  Captain 
I)awes.  Xhis  iforoe  ford^  t]\e,  Jl^eirbuddah  without  impedi- 
inent;  but,  on  their,  arrival  at.  BjiArbanpOor,-.  the.  troops 
refused  to  ad  Yjapc^;  without  payment  9(  bH  their  arrears^ 
and  before  these  could  b0  settled,. tboi  Tap^  tli;a9  so  swollen 
that  iibey  eould  not  cross.  ..  Je$^Mnt:»Bfa(>^  at  iii^^tmavted  as 
if  to  give  the^n  battle  pn  the-  ^^uth/dm  h^a^ ;  bnt  if  su(^ 
was  his  intentiqn^  he  isoon  aji^an^loned  it>  andtagain  moved 
towards  PoQUfc^  The.  Feish\ya  itTied  \>y  ^very.  means  to 
prevent  hi^. advance,  desired  him  to  state l>is,  de|9[iands,  and 
promised  to  arbitrate  all  differences  if  he  would  remain  to 


(JHAP.  XVII.j  BATTLE  OF  POONA.  865 

the  northwand  of  .th^  Godavery^  f '  My  brother  Wittoojee," 
replied  Jeswmit  Rao^  '^  i&  deftcl ;  he^  cannot  be  restored  to 
me  ;  but  l^t.Khiwdee  Bao^imy  nephew,  be  released,  and 
let  the  family  poasessions/be  given  up."  To.  these  condi* 
tions  Bajee  Bao  appeared  to  assent, 'and  assiiredHolkar  he 
bad  seqt  an  order  .f9ic  tlie  reUaae  of.  EUxundee  Rao,;,  but 
instead  of  whi^h  he :b^gedctf  Sewdasheo  £how:BhaAkur 
to  take  advants^.of'the  negotiation,  and  advance  with  all 
speed,  while  sKhnndee  Bao  wds  thnoivm  into  prison  in  the 
fort  of  Asseef gurh,  « 

Shortly  after waixla  a  body  of  the  Feishwa!&  troops  under 
Pandoojee  K<>onjjiir  fittemptod.  to*  oppose  Futih  Sing 
Manay  tat  Gs^rdow,  ,]piui|  wer^  de^aatodi  with  loss  ;  Manay 
foHowie^  up  ibis  yjk^ory  by  fUbtackitig  the  Feiabwa's.camp 
at  Baramuttee,  where  he  routed  Nana  Poorandhuree  and 
Gunp^t  Bao  Fbavsayi,  taking  tbe  wthole  of  the  ajftillery. 
The  sQuUieirn  jagbeer:ds<ri^^  p^rtienlaaiyi  the  Putwurdhuns, 
who, had  evinced,  x^otiieid^arablie  disoolEit^it  towards  the 
Peishwii  since,  th^  -.tr^aehecous'  seiziute  .of  Baistia,i  ought 
have  preyented  o^.  aY«ng^<thi^.ksii^.rbut>ieabeQpt\Gbintar 
mun  Bae,'n<Hae  ofitbe^Pntwurdbnnsj^inedrithft  Peishwa's 
standard  at  tbis.p^tiod,  a<id.that.ohief  tooJttbe/fiilstcppor-* 
tunity  of  <}iUt|ing-it.'/  fj  •  ;.,'    j  '•-//    «j  . 

,  Sewda^hpo  ftbaW  Bbasknniatltifte  bead/o^  Siiidia's  forces 
having  passed  S(o)jk%a[p-&  ^jrmj)  advanced  ^y:  Jftalna  and 
Bbeer  towards  P0on^^iattd!b^K^)(fermedjftjiuicii<ni  with 
the  Peisbwdi's  t^pops^' the  united;  ajtei&spreparedrto^ppbse 
l[olkaflr,j  at  tb^  fAUy .  ^eyfeb  p»f a,. "On  which,  hja  wafc  mairdi- 
ing  ;  butHolk$x^,awa?0'el^>tbe  sfclengtfc  of  ►their)  pokitibUy 
mad§  acireuit.to  thj6  oa^twayd,.  parsed  Aiariednfugur,  pro- 
ceeded •  toty^J^ds  J^JQqiry,  ,for^©d..^  jtin^tion  witb  Fntih 
Octobet  23         ^^^*  Manay^  desoended  the  Bajwaree  pa^s 

and  on  the  23rd  October  encamped  in  the 
neigbboorhood  of  Poena,  between  Lonee  and  Harupseen 


366  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  ,    [CHAP.  XVlf. 

The  opposing  army  had  returned  from  Ally  Beylah  about 
eight  days  before,  and  occupied  a  position  nearer  the 
city,  and  in  the  vicinity  of  the  present  cantonment  of 
the  British  troops.  Two  days  were  spent  in  negotiation. 
The  Peishwa  demanded  Holkar's  reason  for  thus  adyano* 
ing  in  a  hostile  mannto  to  his  capital,  and  ordered  bin  to 
retire.  The  latter  professed  his  readiness  to  obey  every 
order  from  the  Peishwa  when  he  was  not  under  the  control 
of  Bindia,  but  that  Sindia  had  disobeyed  the  Peishwa's 
orders,  had  rendered  the  confinement  of  Khundee  Bao 
doubly  severe,  and  had  sent  his  army  to  prevent  that 
mediation  which  the  Peishwa  had  promised  ;  that  Sindia 
therefore  was  the  real  rebel,  and  he  would  soon  oblige 
him  to  submit  to  the  sovereign  authority  of  the 
Peishwa. 
The  armies  drew  out  for  battle  on  the  morning  of  the 

25th  October:  Holkar  had  14  battalions 
—-six  under  Colonel  Vickers,  four  under 
Major  Harding,  and  four  under  Major  Armstrong  :  5,000 
irregular  infantry,  and  25,000  horse.  Although  Sindia's 
infantry  was  in  every  respect  mudi  inferior  to  that  of 
Holkar,  Sewditeheo  Bhow  Bhaskui:  did  not  dedine  ihe 
contest,  to  which  he  was  strongly  urged  by  Captain 
Dawes.  His  cavalry  and  irregular  infantry,  including 
those  bebnging  to  the  Peishwa,  were,  in  point  of  num- 
bers, nt  least  equal  to  those  of  Holkar.  The  action  began 
at  half-past  nine  o'clock  by  a  brisk  cannonade,  which 
continued  with  little  interruption  for  two  hours  and  a  half. 
A  body  of  Holkar'a  Patau  cavalry  made  a  successful 
charge  on  ihe  horse  of  jagheerdar  of  Vinchoor,  but  Fotih 
Sing  Manay,  in  a  like  attempt  on  the  Peishwa's  Hoojrat 
Pagah  (or  horse  on  the  personal  establishment),  was 
repulsed  with  very  considerable  loss.  Sindia's  cavalry  fol- 
lowed up  the  advantage,  and  those  of  Holkar  were  on  the 


OBAP.  XVIL]  PBI8HWA  FLEES  TO  8INQUBH.  367 

point  of  discomfiture^  when  Holkar  himself^  who  had  taken 
his  station  in  the  rear,  sprang  on  his  horse,  and  calling  to 
those  near  him,  ^^now  or  never  to  follow  Jeswunt  Rao/' 
rallied  the  fugitives,  and  collected  a  compact  body  of  his 
best  horsC)  with  which  he  met  and  repulsed  those  of 
^india. 

In  the  meantime  six  of  Sindia's  battalions,  which  were 
without  European  officers,  and  opposed  to  those  of  Hoi- 
k»r  under  Vickeirs,  had  given  way.  The  remaining  four, 
however,  being  of  the  old  battalions  of  De  Boigne,  though 
with  only  four  European  Officers  to  head  them,  behaved 
with  great  intrepidity.  They  stood  their  ground  with 
remarkable  firmness  and  discipline ;  but  Holkar,  having 
driven  off  the  cavalry,  charged  the  infantry,  cut  down 
the  artillerymen  at  their  guns,  killed  three  of  the  Euro- 
pean officers  of  the  battalions,  and  took  the  fourth  prisoner : 
still  these  battalions  fought  on^  tiU  they  w^re  completely 
overpowered  by  the  persevering  and  desperate  efforts  of 
Holkar,  who  headed  his  cavalry  in  charge  after  charge, 
and  at  length  bore  all  before  him.  A  complete  victory 
was  the  reward  of  the  uncommon  onergy  displayed  by 
Jeswunt  Bap  on  this  memorable  occasion.  The  whol% 
of  Sindia's  guns,  baggage,  and  stores  fell  into  his^  hands, 
and  the  army  of  his  rival  was  driven  off  the  field. ,  Hol- 
kar's  troops  wore  ordered  to  fall  back,  and  not  to  enter 
the  town,  but  many  of  them  showing  no  inclination  to 
obey,  he  compelled  them  to  desist  by  turning  his  own 
^uns  upon  them. 

The  Peishwa,  not  doubting  of  success,  had  quitted  his 
palace  with  an  idea  of  joining  in  the  action :  but  the 
noise  of  the  firing  frightened  him,  and  he  turned  off  to 
the  southward  of  the  town  to  await  the  result.  On  ascer- 
taining the  fate  of  the  battle,  he  fled  with  about  7,0U0 


368  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAaBATTAS.  [CHAP.  XVM. 

followers  to  the  fort  of  Singurh,  >  and  despatched  to  CoL 
Close,  the  British  itesident,  a  preliminary .  emgagement, 
bindiitg  hittf self  t^ « stibsidiae  six  battalions  of  depoys,  and 
to  cede  26  lakbs  of '  rupees  of  annual  revenue  for  their 
support.  In  th^  course  of  tJie  previous  negotiation  he  had 
conceded  that  point  which  regarded  their  being  stationed 
within  his  own  doininfeiis.  /.  ^  ^ 

Towards  the  olo^e  o(  the  acftion  the  cavalry  of  the  con- 
tending ai*Mies  were  very  near  the  British  residency. 
Colonel  Close '  had' tiiken  the'  precaution  of  hoisting  the 
British  flag  in  th^  most'  cotispidiiods  parts  iabout  the  Sun- 
^m',  which  had  the  etfect  of  ensuring  the  respect  of  both 
parties.  '  •      *         •  ' 

•Holkair  sent  ah  ifaivitaiiion  t<>  btreifesident  to  come  and 
see  him  on  the  fbHo-^ingday^' which  Colonel  Close  did  not 
think  it  prtident  to  declirie^  'He  found  the  concjfueror  in  a 
small  tent,  alftkW  deep  iii  •  mtld,  wcJUnded  by  a  spear,  and, 
with  a  sabre  ciit  in' thie  head,  which  last  he  received  from 
an  artillerymaii  iti  one  &f  tfee*  charges.'  In  his-  conversation 
he  was  polite  attd'ftanfc^  spoke  lighfefy  of<his  wounds,  and 
expressed  himself Inliie'ino&t  fridttdly  manner  towards  the 
fesideht  and  the  British  government.  He  seemed  extreme- 
ly desirous  df  obitaining"  the  mediation  of  the  resident  in 
settling  with  Sihdia  arid  the  Peishwa,  and  solicited  Colonel 
Close,  whoni  t^- detained  abotit  a  month  at  Poena,  to 
Arbitrate  in  the  existing  differences.  ■        ■ 

For  a  short  time  after  his  victory,  Hdkar  assumed  an 
appearance  of  great  moderation  ;  he  placed  guards  for  the 
protection  of  the  city,  treated  all  the  dependants  of  the 
Peishwa  with  kindness,  and  used  many  vain  endeavours 
to  induce  him  to  return  to  his»  palace.  Bajee  Rao  remain- 
ed for  three  days  at  Singurh,  and  then  hastily  retired  to 
Raigurfa,  where  he  released  Mahdoo  Rao  Rastia,  till  then 


CHAP.  XVir.]  PEISHWA  LANDS  AT  BASSEIN.  369 

confined  in  tl^at  fortress,  restored  his  jagheer,  and  gave 
him  a  commission  to  raise  men  for  his  service. 

Quitting  Baigurh,  the  Peishwa  proceeded  to  Mhar, 
whence  he  despatched  letters  to  the  Bombay  government, 
requesting  that  ships  might  be  sent  to  convey  him  and 
his  followers  to  that  island.  Before  a  reply  was  sent  to 
that  communication,  Khundee  Rao  Ilastia,  the  sur-soobeh- 
dar  of  Bassein,  had  joined  Bajee  Bao  at  Mhar ;  but  on 
hearing  of  the  approach  of  Holkar's  troops,  who 
were  sent  in  pursuit  of  him,  the  Peishwa  repaired 
to  Severndroog,  where  he  resided  for  some  time,  under 
protection  of  that  fort,  until  again  alarmed  by  accounts 
of  Umeer  Khan's  being  in  the  neighbourhood,  he 
crossed  over  to  Rewadunda,  and  thence  embarking 
in  an  English  ship  provided  for  .his  reception,  he 
proceeded,  accompanied  by  Khundee  Rao  Basti,  where 
he,  landed  6th  December. 

Previous  to  entering  on  the  events  at  Poena,  and  the 
articles  of  provision  of  the  treaty  of  Bassein,  or  its  im- 
portant consequences,  it  is  necessary  to  explain  the  state 
of  affairs  in  Guzerat,  and  the  immediate  causes  which  led 
to  the  connection,  still  subsisting,  between  the  Gaekwar 
and  the  English  ;  leaving  their  definitive  treaty  of  1805, 
and  all  subsequent  settlements,  to  be  explained  in  theii; 
natural  order. 


Vol.  II.— 47 


370 


CHAP.  XVIII. 
From  A.p.  1793  to  A.D.  1803. 

Affairs  of  5aroddA-War  hetioeen  Govind  Rao  Gaehoar 
and  Aha  Sheloohir. —  The  tlnglisfi  depose  the  Nabob  of 
Sural — they  are  promised  to  Gaekwars  shar^  of  the  cJiouth 
and  the  district  of  Cliourassi/.— Gaehoar  reduces  Sheloo- 
hur^  and  obtains  the  Peishxoa^s  share  of  Guzerat  in  farm. 
— Deaih  of  Govind  Rao  Gaekwar — his  eldest  son^  Ahund 
RaOf  succeeds  him — tivo  parties  iri  the  govevmnent^  the  one 
under  Rowjee  Appajee^  the  other  under  Kanltojee  Rao 
Gaekwar — both  apply  to  the  British  govei'nment  for  aid — 
the  governor  of  Bombay  supports  the  party  of  Rowjee 
Appaje'e  by  sending  a  small  detacliment  into  Guzei^at  under 
Major  Walker, -^Mulhar  Rao  Gaehvar  attacks  the  British 
troops — reinforcement  sent  into  Guzerat — Mulhar  Rao 
is  reduced, — A  British  subsidiary  fcyrce  established  at 
Baroda  Embarrassed  Mate  of  the  finances, — Sunkhera 
reduced, —  Tlie  Arab  merceftaries  oppose  the  projected 
reforms, — Siege  and  sui^ender  of  Baroda, — Kanliqjee  Rao 
Gaekwar  maintains  an  nnsurrection  against  the  govern'*' 
m,ent, — Affair  of  Sawree — gallant  conduct  of  Major 
Holmes, 

The  reader  may  recollect  that  Govind  Eao  Gaekwar 
A  D  1793  assumed  charge  of  the  Baroda  government 

in  December  1793,  and  also  that  Aba 
Shelookur,  the  deputy  governor  of  the  Peishwa's  share 
of  Guzerat,  was  one  of  the  principal  persons  who  ac9om- 


CHAP.   XVIII.]      THE   ENGLISH   DEPOSED  THE  NABOB   OF   SURAT.        371 

panied  Nana  Furnawees  to  Sin<iia's  camp,  the  day   on 

which  that  minister  was  treacherously  seized  by  Michel 

Filoze.     Aba  Shelookur  gave  Doulut  Rao  Sindia  a  bond 

A  n  17  ft  for  10  lakhs  of  rlipees  as  the  price  of  his 

liberty,  and  for  permission  to  retnm  to 
Guzerat,  whe're^  '6n  his  arriral,  he  immediately  assumed 
charge  of  the  govemiiient  at  Ahhiedabad.  Being  one  of 
the  partisans  of  Nana,  Ck)Vind  Rao  Gaekwair  was  secretly 
incited  against  him  by  Bajee  Rao,  and  Shelooknr,  being 
pressed  for  the  payment  of  his  ransom,  levied  more  than 
his  own  propcuftion  of  revenue,  and  exacted  money  from 
soitie  of  Gkekwar's  villages.  Hostilities  soon  followed, 
and  for  a  tiQie  Aba  8helookur,  was  successful  in  the  war 
of  plunder '  and  extortion  which  he  pursued  against  the 
subjects  of  Govind  R90. 

In  1799  the  nflbcA>  of  Surat  died,  and  the  year  following, 
AD  iTQQ  during  fchfe  prevalence  of  the  disturbances 

to  which  we  have  now  alluded,  Mr.  Jona- 
than Duncan,  Governor  oi*  Bombay,  proceeded  to  Surat, 
commissioned  by  the  governor-general  to  assume  charge 
of  the  government  of  that  city,  granting  to  the  nobab's 
brother,  who  was  the  heir  apparent  to  the  naib-ship,  an 
annual  pension,  on  condition  of  his  resigning  all  preten- 
sions to  the  exercise  of  authority.  Mr.  Duncan  was  at 
the  same  time  directed  to  endeavour  to  obtain  the 
Gaek war's  share  of  the  chouth  of  Surat,  without  reference 
to  the  negotiations  with  the  Peishwa  for  his  portion 
of  it.  Two  wukeels  having  been  sent  by  Govind  llao 
to  congretulate  Mr.  Duncan  on  his  arrival,  the  latter 
conceived  the  <)pportunity  favourable  for  making  the 
application  in  question,  to  which  he  added  a  request  that 
Chourassy,  the  district  immediately  surrounding  in  Surat, 
might  be  added  to  the  grant.    GoviiKi  Rao  readily  promised 


372  HISTORY  OF  THK  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XVIII. 

to  bestow  both  the  one  and  the  other  on  the  East  India  Com- 
pany, without  requiring  any  condition  on  their  part,  merely 
observing  that  it  was  incumbent  on  the  company  to  obtain 
the  Peishwa's  sanction  to  the  measure,  which,  had  the 
Peishwa  been  able  to  maintain  his  authority  inctepehdent 
of  the  English,  would  have  been  tantamount  to  a  refusal — 
both  because  the  Poena  Court  was  particularly  anxious  to 
perpetuate  the  Mahratta  claims  on  Surat,  owing  to  an 
extravagant  idea  of  its  consequence  which  they  derived 
from  the  Moghuls,  and  because,  in  regard  to  the  cession 
of  Chourassy,  the  same  objections  urged  by  the  British 
government,  and  admitted  by  Nana  Fumuwees,  at  the 
time  of  Govind*Rao's  accession,  were  precisely  applicable 
on  this  occasion.*  The  reason  of  €k>vind  Rao's  extreme 
complaisance  was  soon  apparent  by  his  making  an  applica- 
tion for  aid  against  8helookur,  which  was  evaded ;  but 
shortly  afterwards  Ahmedabad  was  taken,  Shelookur  was 
made  prisoner,  and  the  Peishwa  granted  his  share  of  the 
revenue  of  Guzerat  in  farm  to  the  Baroda  government, 
for  a  period  of  five  years,  at  five  lakhs  of  rupees  annually* 
This  agreement  was  concluded  in  October  1800  ;  but  the 
death  of  Govind  Eao,  which  happened  during  the 
preceding  month,  occasioned  fresh  disturbances  in  the 
province. 

*  On  this  transaction  of  the  governor  of  Bombay,  the  Court  of 
Directors  make  the  following  observation  :— "  How  desirable  soever  it 
might  have  been  to  obtain  a  territory  contiguous  to  Surat,  in  consequence 
of  the  late  arrangement  with  the  nabob  of  that  city,  it  ought  ttot  to 
have  been  accepted  at  the  risk  of  incurring  the  imputation  of  a  breach 
of  faith,  and  the  consequent  resentment  of  the  Peishwa,  with  whom  we 
were  reciprocally  bound  to  prei^erve  the  integrity  of  the  Brodera  prinoi- 
pality,  and  with  whom  our  interference  has,  at  a  former  period,  been 
sacceesful  in  preventing  the  execution  of  a  similar  design  on 'his  port. 
We  have,  however,  the  satisfaction  to  observe,  by  the  14th  article  of  the 
treaty  of  Bassein,  that  the  Peishwa  has  formerly  recognized  the  treaty 
with  the  Raja  Anund  Bao  Gaekwar,  otherwise  we  should  have  thought 
it  incumbent  on  us  to  desire  that  the  before-mentioned  cessions  be 
restored  to  the  Qaekwar  government.*' 


CHAP.  XVIIl.]      TWO  PARTIES  IN  THB  BARODA  GOVERNMENT.  373 

Govind  Bao  Qaekwar  left  a  large  family  ;  four  legitimate 
and  seven  illegitimate  sons,  besides  daaghters.  His  eldest 
son  Anund  Bao  was  acknowledged  hy  the  principal  officers 
as  successor  ;'but,  being  a  prince  of  weakiiatellect,  different 
parties  attempted  to  talce  <flie  lead  jn  Uie  administration* 
Kanfac^ee  Bao,  the  eldest-  {Ultimate  son  of  Govind  Bao, 
a  bold  ambitious  young  mian)  wais,  in  ccmsequenoe  of  his 
turbulent  behaviour,  placed  4n  cbnBnement  previous  to  his 
father's  death,  but  having  tuflerwards  contrived  to  effect 
his  release,  by,  professions  of.  attachment  to  bis  brother  and 
bis  influence  with  some  of  the  soldiery,  he  Boon  usurped, 
not  only  the  oiSoe  of  minister,,  but  the  entire  powers  of  the 

state,  and  continued  to-  rule  for  some 
months.  At  the  end  of  that  time  he  was 
deposed  by  a  party  headed  by  Bowjee  Appajee,  a  Purvoe, 
who  had  been  the  principal  minister  of  the  late  Grovind 
Bao;  and  both  these  per^ns-r Bowjee  the  minister  in 
power,  and  Kanhojee  the  deposed  authority— madB.  offers 
to  the  Bombay  government,  in  order  toetig^e  its  support 
Bowjee  promised  to  confirm  the  Oeasions  of  the  late  Govind 
Bao,  and  Eanhojee  offered  to  add  iho< district,  of  Chickly 
to  the  grant. 

Bowjee  was  supported  by  hia  brother  Babajee,  who 
commanded  the  cavalry  of  the  statiei,  and  by  the  greats 
part  of  a  large  body  of  Arab  mercenaries  who  cpmpos^^ 
the  garrison  of  the  town.  The  Arabs,  whose  numbers 
amounted  to  about  7^000,  tibough  in  some  respects  bound 
by  unity  of  interests^  were,  with  their  chiefs,  divided 
among  themselves  into  parties^  under  the  influence  of  tv^o 
soucars  or  bankers,*  the  cue  named  ^(nngul  Parikh,  the 

*  The  soldiery  in  tlie  service  of  native  states  in  India,  owing  to  the 
irregnlar  manner  in  which  they  are  paid?  have  generally  a  shroff,  or 
money -changer,  the  agent  of  some  soucar,  attached  to  each  division,  who 
advances  them  money  at  a  high  interest,  and  recovers  it  as  he  best  can. 


374  HISTORY  OF  THB   MAHRATTA6.  fCHAF.  XVIIL 

other  Samtil  Bocher — 'both  men  of  great  Wealtli  acquired 
by  exorbitant  mterest  on  Ibanis,.  and  ^fao  were  the  means 
by  which  the  needy  ^oveminent  of  the  Gaekwar  was  at 
once  s^tpplied  iLnd-impo^risbed.  'Both  these  persons  had 
receded  to  the  de{)osiiiob  oif  KanUo^eey  sio  t)iat  RowjWs 
party!  Was  the»  stron^asfi  at :  Bitroda>;  btit'^he  cause  of 
Kanhojee  y^$B  espoused  fay^Mulhar  Bao  Gaektvar^  the  fii'st 
t^outihu/f  the  liate  Govind  Bad/ and  son  and  successor  to 
Khnnd^  !Bao,  the  jagheerdar  of  Kdriree^  a^msin  of  con* 
iiidera(ble  tatent  arid  ^nterprize.  On  promise  of  a  remission 
0^  ak'rea^s  and  e^eidption  froin  fiitnre  tribute  on  the  part 
of^Kanfaoj^e/'lttilhat'  Rao^/'aldudugh^  he  had  kt  first 
aoqdieijoed  in  '(iie<{tro^iety^) deposing  alid  confining  him, 
took  tbe  field)  at  theihead  of  a  coneaderable  army/ in  aid 
of  his  oatise^  and  foegau^  to  reduce  the  gaarisons'  held  for 
Atiunil  Bao  under  th^  >adfitiini^tration  of  Bowjee.  The 
liiinlster  immediatelyproposed  to  the  Bombay  government 
to  subdilii:^^  fiT^  battalions,  on  <^ondiition  of  being  supported 
against  Mulhar  Bao-^ari  offer  too  tempting  to  be  resisted  ; 
but' the  govemor-general>  having  sent'  no  reply  to  Mr. 
Duncim's' numerous  ^applications  for'inrtructions,  it  was 
determined,  with  that  injudicious  caution  which  characr 
teri^e^  hal^measurei^^  to  send  a  small  auxiliary  force  of 
about  1,600  men  to  Bowjee's:  support.  Major  Alexander 
Walker,  the  offioer  in  <50mmand  of  the  detachment^  was 
instructed  to  settle  the' distutbaflce  by  amicable  mediation, 
if  possible ;  otherwise  he  was  to  act  with  Babajee,  the 
brother  of  Rowjee,  in  snpptegssing  thd  rebellion  of  Mnlhar 
Rao.  Major  Walkei»'s  detachment  joined  the  Giefcwar's 
army  in  the  end  '6(  Febi^uai^y  1802,  and  advaiiced  with  it 
towards  Kurree.  Mulhar  Bao,  affecting  regret  for  what 
he  had  done,  offered  to  restore  the  places  he  had  taken, 
and  seemed  sincerely  desirous  of  making  his  peace  :  it  was, 


J 


CHAP.  XYIII.]  REINFORCEMENTS  SENT  INTO  GUZERAT.  375 

however,  soon  discoveted  that  he  was  insiacere  in  his 
professions  :  the  army  .adyanxsed,  Mulhar  Rao  continued 
to  negotiate,  but  suddenly, .  and  in  a   most  treaoherous 

manner,  attacked,  the  troops,  and  was  re- 
'  ..  pulsed  by. the  Britiiih. detachment,  ihongh 
they  lost  on  the  occasion  about  5<>  men.  It  being,  fapwerer, 
afterwards  disooyered  that  Mulhar  Bax>  had  seduced  m)any 
of  tiie  Gbekwar's  troops.  Major  Walker's  situation  beteame 
critical,  and  all  the  disposable  troops  at  Bombay. and  Qoa 
were  immediately. embiarked  under,  •command,  of  Colonel 
Sir  William  Clarke,,  who  landed,  at.  Gambay  on  the  l^th 
of  April,'  mandied  on  ;the  14tb^  and.  Joined  M^or  Walkec 
at  Kmtee^  whohad[  acted  chiefly./ on  the  4^en)4ve  sinoq 
the  action  of  the  17th  of  l^foAhi'.  iColonel  Clajpke  fQuncI 
Mulhar  Rao's  army  strongly  entrenchfed  ubd^i'  tbe  w^Uh 
of  die  town,  and  it  was  jdeteraiiniediio  storm  thiaipr  poi^ition 

withoht  delay.  >  Theriattuck  .wa9  made  at 
^^^  '  break  of  day  on  tible.  morning  of  tb€|  30th 
April,  indtfae  entrtechmehtst  carried . in>  the  :mo0t»ga]l|int 
style,  with  the.  loss.on.  the  part  of  .the  British  pf  1,6^  men 
in  killed  and  wounded*  Mulbak*  Ilao  shortly  afterlnrardQ 
surrehdered  at .  discretion!;  Kuri'ee  .wfas.ieiiracteted)  Md 
made  oyer,  to  the  Gaekwar's  goVemrneiit,  blut  two  Qom-t 
panics  of  sepoys  remained  under  a  British,  officer  to  gfurrisot^ 
the  citadeL  A  small  part  of  .the  army  returned  wiith  Sir 
William  Clarke  to  Bombs^ ;.  the  :]:«st  ie^aini^d  under  the 

*  An  ejLtraordioarv  apecdete  is  related  of  Lieutenant  H*Cole  of  the 
75€h  regiment  in  this  attslek|  which  deserves  to  be  recorded*  Just  as 
Lieutenant  M,,  at  the  head  oi^  the  grensudiers,  had  got  into  the  entrench- 
ment, he  observed' a  Paian  in  the  act  of  levelling  his  matchlock  at  him, 
whao,  snatching  up  a  cannon-shot  .which  happened  to  be  at  his  foot,  he 
threw  it  with  such  instantaneous  effect,  as  to  prevent  his  purpose  by 
killing  him  on  the  ppot.  Lieutenant  M/s  strength  and  agilltj,  M  may 
be  conceived  from  this  fact,  were  very  i^ibar^able ;  but  shortly  after- 
wards, having  caught  the  Quzerat  fever,  he  died  at  Baroda  after  a  few 
hours'  illness. 


376  history;  of  t^hk  mahrattas.  [chap,  xviii. 

command  of  Lieutenant*Colonel  Woodington,  subject  to 
the  requisitions  of  Major  Walker,  who  was  appointed 
political  resident  at  the  Gaekwar  court. 

A  place  of  residence  was  assigned  to  Mulhar'Rao  in  the 
town  of  Neriad,  and  1,25,000  rupees  of  the  revenue  of 
that  district  were  setaside  for  his  support,  with  a  promise, 
in  the  event  of  his  conducting  himself  peaceably,  to  enlarge 
his  income  as  the  necessities  of  the  state  were  diminished. 

He  fioances  of  the  Baroda  government  were  in  such  a 
deplorable  state  of  ccmfusion  and  embarrassment,  that 
without  foreign  aid  it  would  have  been  quite  impossible  to 
extricate  it  from  total  ruin.  The  prudence  and  ability 
of  the  British  resident  were  a  powerful  means  of  introduc* 
ing  reform  ;  for  although  Bowjee  Appajee  was  anxious  iar 
power,  and  jealous  of  authority,  he  gladly  solicited  support 
when  instirrections  were  to  be  suppressed,  the  government 
to  be  sirengthened,  its  efxpenses .  to  be  reduced,  money  to 
be  raised,  and  debt  to  be  redeemed* 

The  object  requiring  immediate  attention  was  Giinpt^t 
Rao,  a  relation  of  the  Gaekwat  family,  aiid  inamlitdar  of 
Sunkhera  near  Baroda,  who  had  declared  for  MolUar  Rao, 
and  held  the  fort  of  Sunkhera  in  his  name  :  he  had  also 
been  joined  by  Moorar  Rao,  one  of  the  iUegititnate  ^sons  of 
the  late  Gaekwar.  A  detachment  of  the  subsidiary  force 
was  sent  to  reduce  Sunkhera,  and  soon  succeeded  in  obtain* 
ing  its  snrre^der ;  but  Gunput  Rao  and  Moorar  Rao  made 
their  escape,  and  found  a  refuge  with  the  Powars  of  Dhar. 

The  next  difficulty  originated  in  the  first  essential  reform 

— the   reduction  of    the    military   force. 

T3ie  Arab  mercenaries,  who  had  for  some 

time  ruled  at  Baroda,  became  alarmed  at  the  prospecfrof  a 

diminution  in  their  body,  and  after  some  discussion,  in  the 

course  of  which  they  advanced  extravagant  demands  for 


CHAP.  XVIII.]      CONFUSED  STATE  OF  AFFAIRS  AT  BARODA.  377 

arrears,  taking  advantage  of  their  situation  in  the  town^ 
they  confined  the  Gaekwar,  and  refused  to  release  him 
until  their  claims  were  satisfied.  They  also  permitted 
Kanhojee  to  escape.  Mulhar  Rao  disappeared  about  the 
same  time  from  Neriad,  and  from  the  number  of  men 
already  discharged,  the  late  dispersion  of  Mulhar  Rao's 
army,  and  the  unemployed  soldiery  at  all  times  numerous 
in  Guzerat,  great  apprehensions  of  serious  disorders  were 
naturally  entertained.  Major  Walker  anxiously  endea- 
voured to  bring  them  to  terms,  and  to  restore  order  without 
the  necessity  of  resorting  to  force ;  but  finding  every 
reasonable  inducement  ineffectual,  he  called  in  the  aid  of  a 
European  regiment  from  Bombay,  which,  having  joined 
the  subsidiary  force,    Colonel  Woodington  invested   the 

town  of  Baroda,  and  after  a  siege  of  ten 

December  18.        ,  ,.  "»«T_^T_Ai_'i»  j.t_ 

days,  during  which  the  Arabs  irom  the 

cover  of  the  walls  and  houses  killed  a  number  of  the 
assailants,  and  picked  ofi^  a  large  proportion  of  officers,  the 
breach  being  practicable,  the  garrison  surrendered.  The 
terms  of  capitulation  were  the  payment  of  such  arrears  as 
might  be  foimd  justly  their  due,  and  a  promise  on  their 
part  to  quit  the  country.  The  arrears  amounted  to  17^ 
lakhs,  and  were  duly  discharged.  Most  of  the  Arab  chiefs 
honorably  adhered  to  the  conditions,  but  some  of  them, 
especially  Abood  Jemadar,  forfeited  the  pledge  he  had 
given,  went  off  at  the  head  of  a  large  party  in  a  contrary 
direction  to  that  which  had  been  prescribed,  and  with  a  view 
to  join  Kanhojee.  Colonel  Woodington,  having  been  sent 
in  pursuit  of  them,  surprised  then*  camp,  and  dispersed 
them,  but  the  fugitives  prosecuted  their  route,  and  ulti- 
mately most  of  them  joined  Kanhojee.  That  person,  after 
his  escape  from  Baroda,  fled  to  Rajpeeplee,  a  hilly  tract  on 

the  northern  boundary  of  Maharashtra,  where,  having 
Vol.  II,— 48 


37S  HISTOBT.Of  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAI^.  XVIII. 

colleoted  a  body  of  men,  he  returned  to  Guzerat  during 
iixe  siege  of  Baroda,  attacked  and  routed  a  body  of  Baba- 
jee's  troops,  and  prosecuted  his  march  to  the  vicinity  of 
the  town. 

Five  days  after  its  surrender,  a  detachment,  consisting 

of  his  majesty's  75th  regiment  and  a 
'  '  battalion  of  sepoys,  was  sent  under  Mt^or 
Hohnes  in  pursuit  of  Kanhpjee,  who  continued  moving 
about,  collecting  troops,  levying  contributions,  and  endea- 
vouring to  stir  up  a  party  in  his  favour  at  Baroda.  After 
a  vain  pursuit  of  one  month,  it  was  thought  advisable  to 
reinforce  Major  Holmes  with  250  Europeans  and  300 
sepoys,  and  at  length  Kanhcgee  took  post  in  a  strong 
ravine  within  four  or  five  miles  of  the  village  of  Sauree, 

where  his  troops,  concealing  themselves, 
^^  '  allowed  the  advanced  guard  to  enter  before 
they  gave  their  fire.  It  fell  with  such  efiect  that  the 
troops  were  thrown  into'  some  disorder.  The  Arabs 
immediately  charged  sword  in  hand,  overpowered  the 
advanced  guard,  and  pressed'  forward  in  a  most  animated 
and  daring  manner.  Major  Holmes  instantly  dismounted, 
and  placing  himself  at  the  head  of  the  grenadiers  of  the 
75th,  followed  by  those  of  the  second  battalion  Ist  regi- 
ment, he  rushed  forward,  supported  by  his  whole  line, 
and  soon  drove  the  enemy  from  the  field.  The  loss  of  the 
British  in  this  affair  was  considerable,  upwards  of  100 
men  having  been  killed  and  wounded,  of  whom  five  were 
officers.  Major  Holmes  displayed  great  energy  on  the 
occasion,  particularly  in  a  personal  rencontre  with  an 
Arab  of  great  size,  whom  he  laid  dead  at  his  feet,  having 
by  one  cut  nearly  severed  the  body  of  his  antagonist.* 

*  I  give  tkis  anecdote  on  the  authority  of  my  friend  and  brother 
officer,  the  late  M»jor  JSdward  Tandy,  who  saw  t^e  combat  between 


CHAP.    XVin.3  KANHOJIE  RAO  FLED  TO  OOJEIN.  379 

Eanhojee  continued  in  Gozerat  for  about  a  month  after 
this  defeat,  till  having  near  Kupperwunj  made  a  last 
attempt  to  stand,  his  camp  was  stormed  by  Major  Holmes^ 
^nd  his  force  dispersed^     He  himself  fled  to  Oojein.* 

tbem.  The.  late  Maio]>General  Sir  George  Holmes^  E.C.6.,  Major  at 
the  time  the  above  affair  took  place^  was  a  man  of  great  stature  and 
strength.  He  is  said  to  have  been  frequently  engaged  hand  to  hand, 
and  to  have  been  always  equally  successful.  He  carried  a  stout  stiok 
In  action,  which,  when  he  condescended  to  draw  his  sword,  he  used  as 
«  shield. 
*  Major  Tandy's  private  journal,  Bombay  Becords,  oral  information. 


380 


CHAP.  XIX* 

A.D.  1802  AND  A.D.  1803. 

Events  at  Poona, —  WinaekJRaOy  the  son  of  Amrut  RaOj  is 
placed  on  the  musmtd  by  Holkar, — Treaty  of  Bassein, — 
Sindia  and  Rughoqjee  Bhonslay  unite  to  obstruct  the 
objects  of  the  treaty. — Advance  of  the  British  trOops — return 
of  the  Peishwa  to  Poorua — Negotiation  with  tJie  confederates 
— preparations  for  war — war  declared — capture  ofAJimed" 
nugur — battle  of  Assays — Burhanpoor — Asseergurh — 
Baroa^h  and  Pawungurh  taken. — Of  the  war  in  Hindos^ 
tan. — Revert  to  General  de  Boigne-^his  opinions  and 
those  x>f  his  successor — advance  of  the  Bengal  army — affair 
•of  Coel — storm  of  Aligurh — successful  attack  on  Shekoabad 
by  M.  Fleury — battle  of  Delhi — battle  of  Agra — battle  of 
Laswaree — conquest  of  Kuttacky  and  of  Bundelcuni. — 
Supplemental  articles  to  the  treaty  of  Bassein. — Prosecu- 
tion of  the  war  in  the  Deccan — Captain  Baynei  defence 
— negotiations — battle  of  Argaoti — siege  and  storm  of 
Gawelgurh — negotiations — treaty  of  Beogaom — treaty  of 
Surjee  Anjengaomy  and  of  Burhanpoor — partition  treaties 
— treaties  with  the  Rajpoots^  Jaths^  and  Ambajee  Inglia. 

The  natural  order  of  events   no«w   carries  us  back  to 

affairs   at  Poona  before   entering:  on  the 
history  of  the  important  transactions  which 
succeeded  the  Peishwa's  arrival  at  Bassein. 

The  moderation  at  first   shown   by   Holkar   after  his 
victory  was  a  mere  cloak  to  allure  BajeQ  Kao  to  return 


CHAP.  XIX.]   WlNAEK  RAO  IS  PLACED  ON  THE  MUSNUD  BY  HOLKAB.    881 

to  his  capitaL  Being  in  distress  for  funds  to  pay  his 
troops,  Holkar,  in  order  to  satisfy  the  most  urgent  of 
their  demands,  was  obliged  to  levy  a  contribution  from 
the  city  of  Poena,  but  for  that  purpose  he  employed  two 
of  Bajee  Bao's  ministers,  Chintoo  Punt  Deshmookh  and 
Wyjunath  Punt  Mama,  who,  without  being  apprized  of 
their  master's  intention,  had  been  sent  by  him  to  nego- 
tiate with  Holkar  a  few  hours  previous  to  his  retreat 
from  Singurh  to  the  Concan.  Such  was  their  iniSuence 
with  the  inhabitants,  that  a  very  considerable  cess  was 
promptly  raised,  in  the  vain  hope  of  buying  exemption 
from  future  pillage  by  their  readiness  to  comply  with  a 
measure,  which,  sanctioned  by  these  men,  had  something 
of  the  character  of  regular  authority. 

When  Holkar  found  that  the  Peishwa  had  no  intention 
of  returning,  he  sent  a  body  of  his  troops  to  Amrut  Rao 
at  Joonere,  inviting  him  to  take  charge  of  the  government 
at  Poena  ;  but  Amrut  Rao,  on  various  pretences,  declined 
the  invitation   for  several   days.    At  last  he  arrived  on 

the  12th  November,   and   was  prevailed 
November  12.  ^  ^.    '  x  •        i_-  i_ 

upon  to  assume  the  government,  m  which 

he  was  assisted  by  Moraba  Fumuwees,  Baba  Rao  Phurkay, 

and  several  others  of  the  adherents  of  Nana  Fumuwees. 

He   held   his   court   in   tents   pitched   at   the  village  of 

Bambooree  on  the  outskirts  of  the  city.     He  refused  to 

ascend  the  musnud    himself,  and  for  some  time  opposed 

a  plan  of  elivating  his  son,  Winaek  Rao,  to  that  dignity, 

as  desired  by  Holkar  ;  but  when  Bajee  Rao  quitted  Mhar, 

and  threw  himself  entirely  on  the  protection  of  the  English, 

Amrut  Rao  pretended  to  consider  it  an  abdication  of  the 

Peishwa-ship,  and  assented   to   the   proposal  of  Holkar. 

The  raja  of  Sattara  at  first  obstinately  refused  to  grant 

the  usual  form  of  investiture,  till  prevailed  upon  by  his 


brother  Chitoor  Sing,  who  had  been  for  some  time  of 
HoIkar*8  party,  serving  with  the  division  of  Fntih  Sing 
Manay. 

Holkar  now  laid  aside  the  mask  of  moderation,  and 
began  to  extort  and,  to  plunder  with  all  the  violence  of 
his  habits  and  character.  Chintoo  Punt  and  Wyjunath 
Punt,  who,  by  their  exertions  in  levying  the  contribution, 
might  have  been  at  least  entitled  to  his  forbearance, 
were  delivered  over  as  prisoners  to  Huree  Punt  Bhawey 
and  Hureenath,  two  Briamiris,  equally  cruel,  and  more 
systematically  wicked,  than  Shirzee  Rao  Ghatgay*  They 
tortured  both  the  persons  thus  made  over  to  them  in  • 
order  to  extort  money  i  and  every  respectable  householder 
of  Poena,  pdssessed  of  property,  was  seized  and  forced, 
by  any  means,  to  give  up  his  wealth.  Several  men  died 
tmder  the  tortures  they  underwent.  Ammt  Rao  was  not 
less  blameable  than  Holkar  in  the  enormities  thus  inflicted 
on  the  unhappy  inhabitants  of  Poena,  whose  sufferings 
at  this  time  were  particularly  severe,  owing  to  Bajee 
Rao's  having  stationed  guards  to  prevent  their  flight 
{previous  to  &e  battle  of  the  25th  October ;  and  Holkar, 
though  with  a  different  motive,  took  care  to  observe  a 
similar  precaution  as  soon  as  the  issue  of  the  contest  had 
established  his  conirol. 

These  excesses  were  begun  even  before  Colonel  Close 
quitted  Poena.  Both  Amrut  Rao  and  Holkar  were  very 
desirous  of  prolonging  his  stay,  in  hopes  of  his  being 
prevailed  upon  to  9iediate  in  their  differences  with  Sindia 
and  the  Peishwa,  and  of  gaining  by  his  presence  the 
apparent  sanction  of  the  British  government  to  their 
usurpation  ;  but  finding  that  no  persuation  could  alter 
his  purpose,  he  was  at  last  permitted  to  depart  on  the 
20th  ^November,  and  he  arrived  at  Bombay  on  the   3rd 


CHAP.  XIX.]  TREATY  OF  BASSKIN.  383 

of  the  following  month.  Colonel  Close  met  Baj^  Bao 
on  the  evening  of  the  day.  on  which  the  latter  landed  at 
Bassein  ;  and  the  preliminary  of  the  proposed  treaty, 
already  tendered  by  an  agent  on  the  day  of  his  flight 
from  his  capital,  was  immediately  alluded  to,  and  acknow- 
ledged by  the  Peishwa  himself.  The  18th  December  was 
the  day  appointed  for  the  discussion  of  the  various  articles 
of  this  treaty,  and  on  the  ^Ist  it  was  finally  completed. 
It  was  declaredly  for  the  purpose  of  general  defensive 
alliance,  and  the  reciprocal  protection  of  the  territories 
of  the  PeishTi^a  and  the  English  Ea&t  India  Company, 
and  their  allies  respectively.  For  this  purpose  a  subsi- 
diary force,  of  not  less  than  6,000  regular  infantry,  with 
the  usual  proportion  of  Field- Artillery  and  the  European 
artillerymen,  were  to  be  permanently  stationed  in  the 
Peishwa's  dominions.  In  the  event  of  war,  two  battaliona 
of  the  infantry,  not  less  than  1,000  each,  were  to  remain 
near  the  Peishwa's  person  :  the  rest,  joined  by  6,000 
infantry  and  10,000  horse  of  the  Peishwa's  own  troops, 
were  to  act  as  circumstances  might  require.  No  European 
of  a  nation  hostile  to  the  English  was  to  be  entertained 
by  the  Peishwa.  Districts  yielding  26  lakhs  of  rupees 
were  assigned  for  the  payment  of  the  subsidiary  force  ; 
and  all  articles  intended  for  the  consumption  of  these 
troops  were  to  be  allowed  to  pass  duty  free.  The  Peishwa 
relinquished  his  claims  on  Surat,  and  submitted  to  the 
British  arbitration  in  the  adjustment  of  his  differences 
and  claims  on  the  Nizam  and  the  Gaekwar  ;  with  respect 
to  the  former,  he  bound  himself  to  conform  to  the 
treaty  of  Mhar;  and  in  regard  to  the  latter,  he  recog- 
nized the  engagement  lately  concluded  between  Anund 
Rao  Gaekwar  and  the  British.  The  Peishwa  likewise 
bound  himself  to   engage   in   no   hostilities  with  other 


384  HISTORY  OP  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XIX, 

states,  neither  to  commence  nor  pursne,  in  future,  any 
negotiations  with  any  power  whatever,  without  previous 
consultation  with  the  British  government. 

Such  was  the  substance  of  the  important  treaty  of  Bas- 
sein,  by  whieh  the  Peishwa  sacrificed  his  independence  as 
the  price  of  protection ;  but  it  was  the  only  course  he  could 
pursue  to  save  himself  from  becoming,  more  than  ever,  s 
pageant  in  the  hands  of  one  or  other'  of  the  contending 
chiefs.  He  had  scarcely  ratified  the  treaty  when  he  began 
to  waver  in  his  plans,  and  to  regret  the  decided  line  of 
policy,  so  contrary  to  his  disposition,  into  which  he  had 
been  hurried  by  the  exigency  of  his  circumstances.  Motived 
of  policy  probably  dictated  the  expression  of  his  regret 
that  Sindia  bad  not  been  consulted',  but  there  was  no 
insincerity  in  his  strenuous  objections  to  those  articles 
which  tended  to  control  his  political  freedom  and  influence, 
nor  to  the  arbitration  of  his  claims  on  the  Gaekwar  and 
the  Nizam — a  sacrifice  on  his  part  greater  than  the  Eng- 
lish authorities  seem  ejer  to  have  fully  understood,  or  at 
all  events  appreciated.     He  despatched  Ballajee  Koonjur 

to  Sindia,  and  Narain  Rao  Wydh  to 
Bughoojee  Bhonslay,  ostensibly  with  the 
view  of  explaining  the  nature  of  the  alliance  into  which  ho 
had  entered,  but  in  fact,  as  he  knew  they  Were  both  averse 
to  it,  rather  to  excuse  his  conduct  in  having  been  obliged, 
owing  to  their  absence,  to  flee  from  Holkar  and  seek  safety" 
with  Europeans.  He  sent  no  copy  of  the  treaty,  and  in 
his  letter  invites  Sindia  and  Rughoojee  Bhonslay  to  march 
to  Poena  with  all  speed — not  expressly  to  act  against  the 
English,  of  whom  he  takes  no  notice,  but  to  punish  the 
rebel  Holkar.*  He  seems  to  have  expected  that  Sindia 
and  Rughoojee  Bhonslay  would  unite  to  oppose  the  objects 

*  Copies  of  his  secret  letters  found  in  his  palace  at  Poena, 


GHAP»  XIX.]      SINDIA  AND  RUQHOOJEE  BH0N8LAY  UNITR.  3g5 

of  the  treaty  ;  to  have  been  doubtful  of  the  issue  of  the 
contest  that  miorht  ensue  between  them  and  the  En^rlish : 
and  to  have  been  anxious,  as  usual,  to  deceive  all  parties, 
whilst  he  at  the  same  time  eitdeaAroitred  to  keep  on  terms 
with  them. 

The  governor-general  hoped  that  Sindia  might  be  deterred 
from  any  hpstile  attempts  to  obstruct  the  operation  of  the 
treaty.  After  the  battle  of  Poena,  an?  effort  was  made  to 
induce  him  to  enter  upon  the  defensive  allianoe,  and,  upon 
the  conchision  of  the  treaty  of  Bassein,  he  was  again 
invited,  in  the  manner  hereafter  detailed,  to  enter  on 
similar  engagements  ;  but  Sindia,  though  he  would  have 
been  pleased  in  the  first  moment  of  alarm,  after  the  defeat 
of  his  army  by  Holkar,  to«  have  seen  a  British  force  co- 
operating with  his  own  for  the  temporary  purpose  of 
re-establishing  the  Peishwa  in  his  capital,  and  suppressing 
the  power  of  his  rival,  was  mortified  and  incensed  on  find- 
ing that  his  own  and  his  uncle's  plans  for  controlling  the 
Peishwa's  government  were  at  once  frustrated  and  over- 
turned. Nor  were  these  the,  only  evils  resulting  from  the 
Peishwa's  engagements.  He  saw  his  own.  independence 
might  be  soon  affected  by  the  support  which  the  Peishwa 
derived  from  a  foreign  nation,  whose  power,  by  a  novel 
system  of  encroachment,  threatened  the  subversion  of  the 
Mahrattas,  as  effectually  as  their  establishment  of  ohouth 
and  surdeshmookhee  had  overwhelmed  the  empire  of  the 
Moghuls. 

The  aversion  with  which  Rughoejee  Bhonslay  had  always 
regarded  the  Peishwa's  connecting  himself  with  the  Eng- 
lish was  well  known,  and  his  sentiments  on  the  present 
occasion  were  in  entire  unison  with  those  of  Sindia.  Yadow 
Bao  Bhaskur,   Sindia's  prime  minister,  was  deputed  by 

his  master  to  consult  with  Eughoojee  on  the  best  means  of 
Vol.  II.— 49 


386  HISTORY  07  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XIX. 

cementing  a  general  confederacy  of  the  Mahrattas  against 
the  common  ei^emy  ;  and  Sindia,  who  had  been  preparing 
troops  to  oppose  Holkar,  crossed  the  Nerbuddah  on  the 
4th  February  with  a  large  army,  with  which  he  encamped 
at  Burhanpoor  on  the  23rd  of  that  month.  It  was  a  few 
days  after  this  period  when  Coltoel  Collins,  an  envoy  on 
the  part  of  the  governor-general,  arrived  for  the  purpose 
of  again  inviting  him  to  enter  upon  the  alliance,  and 
engaging  his  co-operation  in  the  arrangements  required 
by  the  treaty  with  the  Peishwa.  To  gain  time  Sindia  at 
first  evaded  discussion ;  but,  when  pressed  by  Colonel 
Collins,  he  declined  becoming  a  party  to  the  defensive 
dliance,  declaring  that  he  had  no  intention  of  obstructing 
the  treaty  ;  he  added  that,  as  guarantee  to  the  treaty  of 
Salbye,  he  expected  to  have  been  consulted  before  these 
new  engagements  were  made,  but  that  his  intentions  were, 
in  every  respect,  friendly  to  the  British  government. 
These  professions  were  from  the  first  deceitful;  both 
Bughoojee  Bhonslay  and  himself  were  actively  pre- 
paring for  war,  and  Bajee  Bao  continued  in  constant 
correspondence  with  them,  secretly  encouraging  their 
views.* 

The  governor-general,  in  the  meantime,  had  taken  his 
measures  for  the  re-establishment  of  Bajee  Bao  on  his 
musnud  at  Poena.  For  this  purpose  the  subsidiary  force 
at  Hyderabad,  consisting  of  six  battalions  of  infantry,  each 
upwards  of  1,000  strong,  with  two  regiments  of  native 
cavalry  under  Colonel  Stevenson,  took  up  a  position  at 

Purinda  near  the  Peishwa's  eastern  fron- 
tier, accompanied  by  15,000  of  the  Nizam's 
troops.    The  Hon'ble  Major-General  Wellesley  was  detach^ 
ed  from  the  main  army  of  Madras,   assembled  on  the 
*  Copies  of  secret  letters  found  in  the  palace  at  Foona, 


CHAP.  XTX.]  ADVANCE  OF  TH«  BRITISH  THOOPS.  387 

northern  frontier  of  Mysore,  with  8,000  infantry  and  1,700 
cavaliy,  being  directed  to  march  towards  Poona  for  the 
purpose  of  co-operating  with  Colonel  Stevenson  in  the 
Peishwa's  restoration.  General  Wellesley  was  joined  on 
tiie  banks  of  the  Kistna  by  the  southern  Mahratta  jagheer- 
dars — ^Appa  Sahib  and  Ghintamun  Rao  Putwurdhnn, 
Bappoo  Gannesh  Gokla,  Appa  Dessaye  Nepankur,  and 
the  family  of  the  Patunkurs,  The  jagheerdar  of  Vinchoor, 
grandson  of  Wittul  Sewdeo,  likewise  attended  the  British 
army.  The  sonthem  jagheerdars  had  orders  from  the 
Peishwa  to  co-operate  with  the  English  ;  and  all  of  them 
on  this  occasion,  especially  the  family  of  Putwurdhnn, 
evinced  a  very  friendly  disposition  to  the  British  govern- 
ment. Straggling  bodies  of  Holkar's  horse,  belonging  to 
the  division  of  Umeer  Khan  and  Futih  Sing  Manay,  were 
plundering  the  country  between  the  Beema  and  Kistna  ; 
but  on  being  called  upon  to  desist,  they  retired.  They 
had  scarcely  crossed  the  Beema  when  Umeer  Khan,  sus- 
pecting that  Manay  intended  to  join  the  Peishwa,  contrived 
to  seize  him,  and  disperse  his  troops. 

General  Wellesley,  on  approaching  Poona,  made  a  march 
of  60  miles  in  32  hours,  and  reached  that  city  with  his 
cavalry  on  the  20th  April.  Colonel  Stevenson  in  the 
meantime  arrived  from  Purinda  at  Gardoon  on  the  Beema. 
General  Wellesley's  object  in  advancing  so  rapidly  was  to 
save  the  city  of  Poona,  which  it  was  supposed  Amrut  Rao 
intended  to  bum  ;  but  he  had  retired  many  hours  before 
the  arrival  of  the  British  troops.  Holkar  was  already  on 
his  retreat  towards  Malwa  ;  but  intelligence  having  reached 
Colonel  Stevenson  that  he  had  levied  a  contribution  on 
Aurungabad,  and  plundered  some  of  the  Nizam's  villages, 
that  officer  advanced  towards  the  Godavery  for  the  protec- 
tion of  the  country. 


888  HISTORY  OP  THB  MAHBATTAS.  [CHAP.  XIX- 

Amrut  Rao,  accompanied  by  Huree  Punt  Bbawee,  after 
leaving  Poona,  marched  to  Sungamnere,  plundering  the 
towns  and  villages  on  his  route  ;  then  turning  on  Nassuck, 
he  attacked  and  defeated  a  body  of  troops  in  the  interests 
of  Bajee  Bao,  commanded  by  Raja  Buhadur,  and  pillaged 
the  town  in  the  same  barbarous  manner  as  had  been  already 
done  at  Poona.  Amrut  Rao  remained  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Nassuck  for  some  time ;  and,  as  we  shall  have  little 
occasion  to  introduce  his  name  in  the  subsequent  pages  of 
this  history,  we  may  here  briefly  mention  that  all  overtures 
of  reconciliation  between  him  and  Bajee  Rao  having  been 
obstinately  rejected  by  the  latter,  he  entered  into  an  engage- 
ment with  General  Wellesley,  and,  during  the  progress  of 
the  war  which  followed,  joined  the  British  troops  with  a 
body  of  horse.  His  services  were  on  no  occasion  con- 
spicuous, but  a  most  liberal  pension  of  eight  lakhs 
of  rupees  was  assigned  to  him  by  the  British  govern- 
ment, on  which  he  retired  to  Benares,  i^where  he  still 
resides. 

The  Peishwa,  escorted  by  a  body  of  2,300  infantry,  of 
whom  1,200  were  Europeans,  arrived  from  Bassein,  and 
resumed  his  seat  on  the  musnud  the  13th  May.  Sindia 
s^ill  occupied  his  position  at  Burhahpoor,  and  Rughoojee 
Bhonslay  was  preparing  to  join  him.  Every  endeavour 
was  used  to  induce  Holkar  to  take  a  part  in  the  confederacy. 
Rughoojee  Bhonslay  was  employed  as  mediator  between 
him  and  Sindia  ;  and  Holkar,  who  was  at  the  same  time 
carrying  on  a  negotiation  with  the  Peishwa  through 
Colonel  Close,  listened  and  appeared  to  favour  the  over- 
tures of  the  confederates,  from  whom  he  obtained  the  release 
of  his  nephew,  Khundee  Rao,  the  restoration  of  his  family 
territory  in  Malwa,  and  a  promise  that  all  his  rights  in 
Hindostan  should  be  recognized. 


\ 


CHAP.  XIX.]  CONFEDEBACY  AGAINST  THE  ENGLISH.  389 

It>  was  the  interest  of  the  British  goyemment  to  conciliate 
Holkar ;  and,  in  order  to  prevent  his  joining  the  confederacy, 
they  wished  to  overlook  any  cause  of  com|daint  they  had 
against  him  ;  but  the  Peishwa  could  not  be  prevailed  upon 
to  listen  to  any  mediation  in  his  favour.  The  confederates 
wished  Holkar  to  unite  his  army  with  tiieirs  in  the  Deecan, 
but  he  excused  himself  by  asking  who  was  to  take  care  of 
Hindostan ;  and  immediately  retired  to  Malwa  with  the 
real  design  of  being  guided  by  the  issue  of  events; 

Although  the  plants  of  the  confederates  were  conducted 
with  Qonsiderable  secrecy,  rumours  of  their  hostile  designs 
were  universally  prevalent.  The  governor-general  deem- 
ed it  expedient  to  call  upon  Siiidia  for  an  explicit  declara- 
tion of  his  intentions,  and  to  make  efficient  preparations 
in  every  part  of  British  India  to  repel  the  hostiUties  ap- 
parently meditated.  In  reply  to  the  demands  for  expla- 
nation sent  by  the  resident,  Sindia  declared  that  it  was 
impossible  to  afford  any  satisfaction  until  he  had  met  the 
raja  of  Berar,  after  which  the  resident  should  be  informed 
whether  it  would  be  peace  or  war. 

Their  armies  advanced  to  the  frontier  of  the  Nizam's 
boundary,  and  encamped  in  the  neighbourhood  of  each 
other.  The  force  under  Oolonel  SteveiuBon  crossed  to  the 
northward  '  of  the  Godavery,  and  General  Wellesley 
occupied  a  position  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Ahmednuggur. 
A  loDg  train  of  evasion  and  delay  followed  the  meeting 
between  the  chieftains.  They  declared  they  had  no 
designs  hostile  to  the  British  government,  nor  any  intention 
of  obstructing  the  articles  of  the  treaty  of  Bassein  ;  but 
they  alluded  to  their  having  received  no  official  copy  of  it 
from  the  Peishwa,  and  mentioned  that  there  were  many 
points  of  it  to  be  discussed,  which  the  Peishwa  was  bound 
to  have  consulted  them  upon  before  he  signed  its  stipula- 


390  HISTORY  OK  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XIX. 

tions.  Their  professionB  of  friendly  intentions  were  only- 
made  with  the  view  of  gaining  time,  in  the  hope  of  Hol- 
kar's  being  induced  to  embrace  their  cause,  llieir  whole 
conduct  in  other  respects  indicated  their  hostile  determi- 
nation ;  and  the  menacing  position  which  they  occupied, 
justified  the  warlike  preparations  of  the  British  govern- 
ment. General  Wellesley,  having  been  vested  with  full 
powers  as  political  agent  of  the  governor-general,  as  well 
as  military  commander  of  the  British  troops  in  the  Deccan, 
proposed,  as  the  test  of  the  friendly  declarations  of  the 
chiefs,  that  they  should  withdraw  their  armies — Sindia  to 
Hindostan  and  Bughoojee  Bhonslay  to  Berar,  whilst  he 
should  also  direct  the  British  troops  to  retire  within  their 
own  territories.  This  plain  and  distinct  proposal,  so 
characteristic  of  its  author,  perplexed  the  Mahratta  chiefs, 
as  there  was  no  evading  compliance,  except  by  a  subter- 
fuge  too  palpable  to  be  overlooked  or  justified ;  after 
much  discussion,  it  was  finally  rejected  ;  the  resident  with- 
drew from  their  camp  on  the  3rd  August,  which  was 
considered  a  declaration  of  war. 

The  governor-general,  when  he  saw  that  war  was 
inevitable,  had  resolved  to  strike  a  dicisive  blow,  and, 
by  a  grand  eflFort,  to  attack  the  territories  of  the  con- 
federates in  every  quarter  at  once.  For  this  purpose 
the  preparations  of  the  British  government  were  neces- 
sarily very  extensive.  Its  resources  were  called  forth 
on  a  scale  of  magnitude  and  efiici«ncy  before  unknown, 
and  the  governor-general,  by  his  liberality,  his  judicious 
selection  of  agents  and  commanders,  and  his  confidence 
in  the  whole  service,  roused  that  ardour  and  spirit  of  * 
enterprize  which  have  been  handed  down  in  the  Indian 
army,  from  the  first  struggles  of  the  British  nation 
in  the  east. 


CHAP.  XrX.]  PBEPABATIONS  FOB  WAB.  391 

The  British  forces  assemUed  in  difiPerent  quarters  of 
India  amounted  to  nearly  50,000  men. 

The  army  in  the  Deccanand  Guzerat  amounted  to  35,596 
men,  of  whom  3,595  were  left  for  the  protection  of  Hydera- 
bad and  Poena,  and  7,826  formed  the  covering  army  under 
General  Stuart,  between  the  Eastna  and  Toongbuddra.* 
The  advanced  force  with  General  Wellesley  consisted  of 
8,930  men  under  his  personal  command,  and  7,920  under 
Colonel  Stevenson.  There  were  7,352  men  in  Guzerat,  of 
whom,  after  providing  for  the  garrisons,  4,281  were  avail- 
able for  field  service,  and  placed  under  the  orders  of  Colonel 
Murray,  subject  to  the  control  of  General  Wellesley. 

In  Hindostan  10,500  men  were  collecting  imder  Gene«> 
ral  Lake,  3,500  men  were  assembled  at  Allahabad  to  act 
on  the  side  of  Bundelcund,  and  5,216  men  were  destined 
for  the  invasion  of  Bughooj  ee  Bhohslay 's  districts  in  Kuttack. 

The  armies  of  Doulut  Bao  Sindia  and  Rughoojee  Bhon- 
slay  were  estimated  at  about  1,00,000  men,  of  whom.about 
50,000  were  horse,  and  upwards  of  30,000  were  regular 
infantry  and  artillery,  commanded  by  Europeans ;  of  the 
rest,  some  were  half-disciplined  corps  under  the  command 
of  natives  belonging  to  Bughoojee  Bhonslay,  some  were 
matchlockmen  and  rocketmen ;  they  had  many  hundred 
pieces  of  cannon,  and  Sindia's  train  of  field  artillery  was 
excellent.  Of  the  regular  infantry,  10,000  or  12,000  were 
with  Sindia  in  the  Deccan,  and  4,000  or  5,000  were  on 
their  march  from  the  Deccan,  conducted  by  the  Chevalier 
Dudrenec,  for  the  purpose  of  reinforcing  the  army  in 
Hindostan.  Sindia's  army  in  ihe  latter  quarter  was  com- 
manded  by  Monsieur  Perron,  the  successor  of  De  Boigne. 
His  whole  force,  including  those  not  yet  joined,  under 

*  In  this  part  of  the  force  there  was  subsequently  some  alteration 
made  of  no  impcnrtanoe  to  the  Mahratta  history. 


392  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHBATTAS.  [CHAP..  XIX. 

Dudrenec,  amounted  to  1 6,000  or  17,000  regular  infantry,  and 
from  15,000  to  20,000  horse,  of  whidi  4,000  or  5,000  were 
regular  cavalry.  Thia  estimate  does  not  include  the  forces 
of  .@humsher  Buhadur  in  Bundeleund,  who  was  a  party  in 
the: confederacy.  Shumsher  Buhadur  was  the  son  of  Ali 
Buhadur,  who,  as  the  reader  may  remember,  attempted, 
in  conjunction  with  the  G-osaeen  Himmut  Buhadur,  to 
conquer  Bundeleund.  They  so  far  succeeded  as  to  possess 
themselves  of  several  districts,  all  of  which  they  held  in  the 
Peishwa's  name — partly  as  belonging  to  him  from  a  remote 
period,  and  the  rest  as  their  own  jagheer.  But  being  con- 
stantly engaged  in  warfare  with  ihe  petty  chiefs  of  the 
country,,  it  furnished  an-  excuse .  far  remitting  no  part  of 
.the  revenue  to  the  Peishwa,  although  they  acknowledged 
his  authority.  Ali  Buhadur  died  in  1802,  and  his  jagheer 
was  formally  resumed  by  the  Peishwa ;  but,  as  the  latter 
had  no  means  of  en&rcing  the  resumption,  Shumsher,  the 
son  of  the  deceased,  retained  charge  of  the  territory,  took 
part  against  the  English  on  the  present  occasion,  and 
mustered,  of  all  descriptions,  about  10,000  or  12,000  men. 
General  Wellesley  received  accounts  of  the  unsuccessful 
termination  of  the  resident's  negotiation  with  the  confeder- 

atfs  on  the  6th  August,  the  same  day  on 
* ,        which  Nizam  Ally  died  at  Hyderabad — an 
event  long  expected,   and  which  was  attended  by  no  com- 
motion or  change,  except  the  accession  of  his  son,  Mirza 
Secundur  Jah,  to  the  soobehship  of  the  Deccan. 

General  Wellesley,  who  was  encamped  at  the  village  of 
Walkee,  eight  miles  south  of  Ahmednugur,  was  prevented 
by  heavy  rain  from  marching  against  that  fortress  until 

the  8th,  when  he  commenced  hostilities  by 

detaching  three  divisions  from  his  Une  of 

march  to  attack  the  pettah  by  escalade.     The  pettah  is 


I 


CHAP.  XIX.}  PALL  OB-  AHMBDNUGUR.  393 

surtpwded  by  a  mud  wall,  and  was  ob&tinaifcely  defended 
by  a  body  of  Arabs  and  one  of  Sindia's  regular  battalion^, 
supported  by  a  party  of  horse  stationed  between  the  pettah 
and  the  fort;  but  the  perseverance  and  spirit  of  the 
assailants  surmounted  every  obstacle;  and  this  prompt 
manner  of  proceeding  gave  a  character  to  the  commander 
and  troops,  in  the  opinion  of  the  enemy,  which  made 
amends  for  the  loss  sustained  in  the  attack.  Of  the  British 
detachments,  28  were  killed  and  22  wounded,  of  which 
number  six  were  European  officers.     A  battery  was  opened 

upon  the  fortress  on  the  10th,  and  on  the 
12th  this  important  garrison,  once  the 
capital  of  the  Nizam  Shahee  kingdom,  which,  ever  since 
the  days  of  Chaund  Beebee,  had  the  reputation  in  the 
Deccan  of  being  almost  impregnable,  was  surrendered  by 
its  killidar,  who  marched  out  with  private  property  and 
arms  at  the  head  of  his  garrison,  1,500  strong — a  conduct 
for  which  he  was  much  censured  by  the  confederates. 

The  acquisition  of  Ahmednugur  as  a  point  of  support  to 
all  future  operations  to  the  northward,  was  of  great  conse- 
qu^s^ce  to  the  British  army.  A  respectable  garrison  was 
left  in  the  fort,  and  the  revenues  of  the  district  were 
temporarily  collected  by  an  ag&ni  of  the  British  govern- 
ment, and  appropriated  to  assist  in  the  expenses  of  the  war. 
General  Wellesley  moved  forward,  crossed  the  Godavery, 
aud  arrived  at  Aurungabad  on  the  29th  August.  The 
Mahrattas  had  ascended  the  Ajunta  Ghaut  on  the  24th 
with  a  large  body  of  horse,  and,  avoiding  Colonel  Steven- 
son, who  was  some  miles  to  the  eastward,  they  encamped 
at  Jaulna.  On  hearing  of  General  Wellesley's  arrival  at 
Aurungabad,  they  moved  off  in  a  south-easteriy  direction, 
intending,  it  was  said,  to  proceed  to  Hyderabad.     General 

Wellesley  immediately  moved  down  to  the  left  bank  of  the 
Vol,  II,— 50 


394  HISTORY  OP  THB  MAHRATTA8.  .     [CHAP.  XlX. 

Godavery  to,  check  their  probable  design  of  plundering  the 
country,  and  to  protect  his  own  convoys  of  grain,  which 
were  forwarded  by  General  Stuart  from  the  covering  army 
south  of  the  Kistna. 

Neither  Bughoojee  Bhonslay  nor  Sindia  were  possessed 
of  military  enterprize  or  experience,  and  they  were  qnite 
undecided  as  to  their  plan  of  operations ;  sometimes  Sindia: 
proposed  to  depend  on  his  battalions  and  artillery,  at  other 
times  Ilughoojee  persuaded  him  to  act  on  the  predatory 
plai^ ;  their  operations  were  of  c6urse  feeble  in  the  extreme. 
When  General  Wellesley  moved  down  the  Godavery,  they 
countermarched  in  a  northerly  direction ;  and  whilst  the 
general  awaited  the  junction  of  his  convoys,  Colonel 
Stevenson  made  several  unavaiUng  attempts  to  bring  them 
to  action,  but  only  succeeded  in  partially  surprising  their 

camp  on  the  night  of  the  9th  September, 
p  m  er  .       g^  ^^  ^j^^  made  himself  master  of  the 

fort  of  Jaulna.  On  the  21fit  September 
the  whole  of  the  Mahratta  army,  joined  by 
their  infantry,  of  which  there  were  16  battalions  of  regulars,, 
was  encamped  about  the  village  of  Bokerdun,*  and  between 
that  place  and  Jaffeirabad.  On  the  same  day  General 
Wellesley  and^  Colonel  Stevenson  met  at  Budnapoor,  when 
it  was  agreed  that  the  two  divisions,  then  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  each  other,  should  move  separately,  and  attack  the 
enemy  on  the  morning  of  the  24th.  They  accordingly 
marched  on  ihe  22nd — Colonel  Stevenson  by  the  western, 
and  General  Wellesley  by  the  eastern,  route.  On  the 
23rdj  on  reaching  the  village  of  Naulney,  where  he  was 
about  to  encamp.  General  Wellesley  learnt  from  his  spies 
that  the  confederate  armies  were  encamped  on  the  Kailna 
river,  within  six  miles  of  him.  With  great  prudence  and 
decision,  founded  on  a  remarkable  discernment  of  the 


CnxP,  XtX.]  GENERAL  WELLEfittt.  395 

characfcei*  of  his  enemy,*  he  iqslantly  resolved  oil  attacking 
them  without  waiting  for  Oolonel  Stevenson.  Bad  General 
Wellesley  hesitated^  the  enemy's  infantry  would  have 
moved  off,  theii*  horse  would  probably  have  been  encourag- 
ed to  attack  his  baggage  and  annoy  his  camp,  the  service 
must  have  been  prolonged,  and  by  one  day^s  delay  or 
hesitation  a  new  character  might  have  been  given  to  the 
.war. 

Haying  directed  his  deputy  adjutant-general,  Captain 
Barclay^  to  place  the  baggage  in  the  village  of  Naulney^ 
under  the  protection  of  a  battalion  and  some  details  from 
the  native  corps,  and  to  bring  on  the  rest  of  the  line  with 
all  convenient  despatch,  General  Wellesley  moved  out  in 
person  at  the  head  of  the  pickets  to  reconnoitre,  and  in  a 
short  time^  on  ascending  a  rising  ground,  the  host  of  the 
confederates  was  seen  extending  in  »  vast  lni6  along  tiw 
Opposite  bank  of  the  Kailna  river^  near  its  junction  with 
the  Juah.  Their  army  amounted  to  upwards  of  50,000 
men,  of  whom  more  than  30,000  were  horse^  and  10,500 
were  regular  infantry,  supported  by  upwards  of  100  guns. 
The  handful  of  British  troops  whidi  now  moved  straight 
down  upon  this  formidable  array  did  not  exceed  4,500  men,t 
but  the  general  sentiment  was  that  of  their  commander — 

*  I  have  bad  occasion  to  observe  how  weU  the  Duke  of  Wellington 
must  bave  known  the  Mahrattas  from  havinflr  read  bis  private  letters  to 
Sir  Barry  Close  during  the  war  of  1803.  Withoat  being  acquainted  with 
tbeir  language,  and,  one  would  have  supposed,  with  little  opportunity  of 
knowing  the  people  or  their  history,  his  correct  views  of  the  Mahratta 
character  and  policy  are  very  remarkable.  As  the  letters  in  question 
were  sbown  to  me  confidentially  in  1817,  in  the  course  of  my  official 
duties,  I  may  be  only  authorized  to  mention  that,  in  some  instances,  his 
opinion  of  individuals,  particularly  of  Bajee  Bao,  was  correctly  prophetic. 

t  The  corps  which  had  the  honor  to  serve  on  this  occasion  were  the 
19th  light  (kagoons,  the  4th,  5th,  and  7th  Madras  native  cavalry,  a 
detachment  of  Madras,  and  a  small  detail  of  Bombay,  artillery,  the  74th 
and  7Sth  highlanders,  1  battalion  2nd,  1  battalion  4th,  1  battalion  8th,  I 
battalion  10th,  and  2  battalions  12th  regiment  of  Madras  Bepoys. 


396  HISTORY  or  THE  MAH^ATTAS.  [CHAP.  XIX. 

"  they  cannot  escape  us."  As  General  Wellesley  drew  nearer 
the  enemy's  line,  he  found  their  right  composed  entirely 
of  cavalry,  and  that  their  cannon  and  infantry,  which 
it  was  his  object  to  take  and  destroy,  were  on  their  left 
near  the  village  of  Assaye.  He  therefore  moved  round 
and  passed  the  Kailna  river  at  a  ford  beyond  the  enemy's 
lefb  flank,  forming  his  infantry  into  two  lines,  and  his 
cavalry  as  a  reserve  in  a  third,  with  his  right  towards  the 
Juah,  and  his  left  on  the  Kailna.  The  horse  belonging  to 
the  Peishwa  and  the  raja  of  Mysore  accompanying 
General  Wellesley  formed  at  a  distance  across  the 
Kailna,  but  had  little  or  no  share  in  the  conflict.*  The 
position  thus  occupied  by  the  British,  between  the  two 
rivers  and  near  their  junction,  not  only  brought  them  upon 
their  object,  but  was  of  importance  in  diminishing  the 
front  of  the  enemy,  who  changed  their  position  as  the 
British  turned  the  flank  of  their  old  ground,  and  were  now 
drawn  up  in  two  lines,  one  of  them  fronting  the  British 
troops,  the  other  running  at  a  right  angle  to  their  first  line, 
with  the  left  of  both  resting  on  the  fortified  village  of 
Assaye.  In  this  situation,  as  the  British  litaes  were 
forming,  the  Mahrattas  opened  a  heavy  cannonade,  the 
execution  of  which  is  described  as  terrible.  The  pickets 
of  the  infantry  and  the  74th  regiment,  which  were  on  the 
right,  suffered  particularly  :  the  pickets  were  for  a  time 
halted,  and  the  officer  in  command  of  them,  when  urged  to 
advance,  sent  word  that  that  the  guns  were  disabled,  and 
the  bullocks  killed.  General  Wellesley  received  the 
message  with  the  utmost  composure,  and  coolly  replied — 

*  Just  before  the  battle  of  Assaye  oommenced,  inteHigenoe  was 
brought  to  General  WeUesley  that  the  Peiabwa's  troops  intended  to  join 
Sindia  in  attacking  him.  That  they  would  have  done  so  in  the  event 
of  a  reverse  is  not  Improbable,  but  1  have  not  met  with  any  conflnnation 
of  the  circumfitancet 


CHAP.  XrX.]  BATTLE  OF  ABSAYE.  897 

"  Well,  tell  him  to  get  on  without  them*"  The  whole  line 
without  artillery  was  exposed  to  a  dreadful  fire  of  round 
and  grape ;  the  ranks  of  the  74th  were  completely  thinned, 
and  a  large  body  of  the  Mahratta  horse  charged  them :  the 
0  the  order  was  gii'^n  for,  the  advance  of  the  British 
cavalry:  the  19th  light  dragoons,  who  only  drew  360 
fiwords,  received  the  intimation  with  one  loud  huzz£i  I 
Accompanied  by  the  4th  native  cavalry,  who  emulated 
their  conduct  throughout  this  arduous  day,*  the  19th 
passed  through  the  broken  but  invisible  74th,  whose  very 
wounded  joined  in  cheering  them  as  they  went  on,  cut  in 
and  routed  the  horse,  and  dashed  on  at  the  infantry  and 
guns.  Nevet  did  cayalry  perform  better  service^  or 
contribute  more  to  the  success  of  a  batttle.  The  British 
infantry  likewise  pressed  forward,  the  enemy's  first  line 
gave  way,  fell  bac^:  on  their  second^  and  the  whole  were 
forced  into  the  Juah  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet ;  the 


*  Nothing  oould  exceed  the  aeal  of  some  of  the  cavalry,  particularly 
the  19th  dragoons ;  every  officer  and  man  fought  as  if  on  his  arm 
depended  the  victory.  As  instances  may  be  mentioned,  Lieutenant 
Nathan  Vfilsoo,  who,  with  his. arm  shattered  by  a  grape  shot,*  and 
dangling  by  his  side,  charged  on  at  the  head  of  his  troop.  Lieutenant 
Alex.  Grant,  of  the  Madras  native  infantry,*  major  of  brigade  to  Colonel 
Maxwell,  observing  a  gim  pointed  ready  to  discharge  on  the  flank  of  the 
19  th  dragoons,  the  match  suspended  on  the  touch-hole,  with  a  noble 
impolae,  in  hopes  of  preventing  it,  darted  forward  almost  on  its  muzzle, 
and  with  such  force  that  his  horse  stuck  between  the  cannon  and  its 
wheel ;  in  this  situation  the  gun  went  off,  as  he  was  in  the  act  of 
endeavouring  to  prevent  it  by  cutting  down  the  artilleryman.  Captain 
George  Sale  was  attacking  a  man  who  defended  himself  with  a  pike  or 
short  spear,  a  weapon  with  which  all  Sindia's  artillerymen  were  armed  ; 
the  man's  ^comrade,  standing  on  a  gun,  made  a  thrust  from  above  at 
Captain  Sale,  but  it  was  turned  by  the  breast-bohe,  and  glanced  off 
diaf(onally  aoross  his  chest  :  his  covering  serjeaUt,  nam^  Strange, 
laid  the  man  dead  who  wounded  his  officer,  but  in  the  act  was  himself 
speared  through  the  lungs  by  another  man  from  below  the  gun. 
Captain  Sale  went  on,  but  begged  the  serjeant  to  fall  in  the  rear,  this, 
however,  he  gallantly  refused,  and  rode  out  the  day.  Captain  Sale 
and  others  afterwards  saw  him,  when  in  hospital,  blow  out  a  candle 
from  his  lungs.  The  reader  will  be  pleased  to  learn  that  the  gaUaut 
Serjeant  recovered,         -     •  -        . 


398  ,  HIgTOKt  0*^  tflfi  StAHftATTAS.  [ctfAf.  ttXs 

fugitives,  on  gaining  the  oj^osite  bank,  Were  follcrwed, 
charged,  and  broken  by  the  cavalry  ;  but  some  of  their 
corps  formed  again  and  went  off  in  good  order.  Ofne 
large  body  of  this  description  Was  pursued  and  routed  by 
the  British  cavalry,  on  which  occasion  Colonel  Maxwell, 
who  commanded  them,  was  killed.  As  the  British  line 
advanced,  they  passed  many  individuals  of  the  enemy  who 
either  appeared  to  have  submitted  or  lay  apparently  dead. 
These  persons,  rising  up,  turned  their  gnus  o»  the  rear  of 
the  British  line,  and  afler  the  more  important  points  of  the 
victory  were  secured,  it  Was  some  time  before  the  firing 
thus  occasioned  could  be  silenced.  The  enemy's  horse 
hovered  round  for  some  time,  but  when  the  last  body 
of  infantty  was  broken,  the  battle  was  completely  decided^ 
and  98  pieces  of  cannon  remained  in  the  hands  of  the 
victors.  The  loss  Was  severe ;  upwards  of  one-third  of 
the  British  troops  lay  dead  or  wounded,  bat  they  had, 
considering  the  circumstances,  achieved  a  triumph  more 
splendid  than  any  recorded  in  Deccan  history. 

Of  the  enemy  1,200  were  killed,  and  the  whole  neighbour- 
hood was  covered  with  their  wounded.  Yadow  Rac 
Bhaskur,  Sindia's  minister,  was  amongst  the  slain* 
Rughoojee  Bhonslay  fled  from  the  field  in  the  commence- 
ment of  the  action,  and  Sindia  soon  followed  his  example. 
The  whole  of  the  horse  behaved  in  the  dastardly  manner  j 
Sindia's  infantry,  although  defeated  by  such  a  disparity 
of  troops,  did  not  altogether  sully  their  high  reputation. 
The  artillerymen  stood  to  the  last,  and  eight  of  the  old 
battalions  of  De  Boigne  fought  with  ardour  and  firm- 
ness. Most  of  Sindia's  battalions  laboured  under  dis* 
advantages  by  the  secession  of  the  British  part  of  their 
European  officers,  who,  in  consequence  of  a  proclamation 
by  the  British  government,  quitted  the  Mahrattas  at  the 


•JCHAf.  XIX.].  PALL  OF  ASSBBBGURH.  3Q$ 

breaking  out  of  the  war.  This  prockmaiion  wad  addreaaed 
to  all  British  subjects,  native  as  well  as  European,  offering 
them  the  same  pay  which  they  enjoyed  with  Sindia*  It  was 
judiciously  extended  to  all  Europeans  and  in  regard  to  the 
British  officers  was  equally  humane  and  politic. 

Colonel  Steveoson,  owing  to.  various  impediment,  did 
not  join  General  Wellesley  until  the  evei^king  of  the  24th^ , 
when  he  was  immediately  detadied  in  pursuit  of  the 
^newy,  whose  regukr  infantry  retired  before  him  and 
<U'08sed  the  Kerbuddah,  towards  which  Colonel  Stevenson 
followed  them.  But  the  main  army  of  the  confederate^ 
moved  to  tiie  westward,  with  an  intention,  as  was  supposed, 
of  inarching  by  the  Kassarbharee  Ghaut  towards  Poena* 
Under  this  supposition  General  Wellesley  remained  on  the 
south  side  of  the  Ajunta  Ghaut,  and  directed  Colonel 
Stevenson  to  take  possession  of  the  city  of  Burhanpoor, 
and  to  reduce  the  s^ong  fort  of  Asseergurh,  both  of  which 

objects  he  had  accomplished  by  the  21st 

of  October  with  inconsiderable  loss.  The 
•dependent  districts  in  Candeish,  whiqh  fell  in  consequence 
to  ^e  British  disposal,  were  placed  under  the  temporary 
management  of  revenue  officers  of  the  Hyderabad  state. 

In  regard  to  the  operations  of  the  Guzerat  troops  under 
the  orders  of  General.  Wellesley,  a  detachment  of  the  field 
force  was  sent  by  Colonel  Murray,  under  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Woodington,  for  the  purpose  of  reducing  Sindia's 
possessions  iA  that  quarter.  The  fortified  town  of  Baroach 
Au     1 29  ^^  stormed  and  taken  on  the  29th.  August. 

Cobnel  Woodington  next  marched  against 

the  strong  hill  fort  of  Fawungm^h,  took  by  assault  the  town  of 

S   te  b    17       Champaneer,  which  is  attached  to  it,  and 

the  fort  surrendered  on  the  17th  September.* 

^  Public  records,  Mahratta  MSS,,  Ferdinaad  Lewis  Smith,  and  oral 
iaformatioxL. 


400  HTSTOUT  Ot  THE  MAfiltATTAg,  [CHAP.  XtSr 

Whilst  those  STicc^ssds  a/ttended  the  British  arms  on  the 
west,  affah^  of  not  less  conssequeiwie  were  passing  in  the 
north  and  ^st  of  India.  The  important  possessiiDns  which 
had  been  acquired!  by  Mahadajed  Sindia  ill '  H-indostaa . 
were  a  primary  object  of  attention  with  the  B^ritisfr 
government.  These  provinces,  independent  of  their  value 
and  their  situation,  were  the  nursery  of  the  regular  infan- 
try of  Sindia,  which,  although  in  itself  less  formidable  to- 
the  British  power  ihdn  other  description*  of  the  Mahratta 
force,  was  in  one  respect  dangerous,  from  its  introductiott 
of  French  oflGkjers,  whose  patriotism  might  induce  thent 
to  encourage  and  support  their  countrymen  m  a  feveurite 
geheme  of  conquest  in  the  east. 

General  De  Boigne,  having  been  compelled,  as  already 
mentioned,  to  return  to  Eurepe  in  11%  from  bad  health, 
was  succeeded  by  M.  Perron,  who  had  particularly  recom- 
mended himself  te  Sin^dia  by  his  conduct  at  the  ba^ttle  of 
Kurdla,  and  whe  had  been  sent  from^^  the  Deccan  to  Hin- 
dostanto  assume  the  command  of  the  army,  the  charge  of 
the  emperor's  person,  and  the  managemeint  of  the  jagheer 
from  whence  hi^  brigades  were  paid.  De  Boigne^  with 
much  of  military  enterprize  and  enthusiasm,  as  tths  at  the 
same  time  a  man  ef  sense  and  prudence  ;  a  decided  enemy 
to  French  revolutionary  principles,  and,  though  friendly 
and  kind  to  Prendimen  who  sought  his  service,  the  ideas 
of  conquest  in  India  entertained  by  many  of  his  hatioii  he 
regarded,  even  at  that  period,  as  chimerical.  He  knew 
the  power  and  the  watchful  jealousy  of  the  English,  and 
he  foresaw  that  any  object  which  might  be  attempted  by 
the  states  of  India,  through  a  cormection  with  Prance, 
would  certainly  be  anticipated  by  their  subjugation.  His 
last  counsel  to  Sindia,  "  never  te  excite  the  jealousy  of  the 
British  government  by  increasing  his  battalions,  and  rather 


CHAP.  XIX.]  WAR  CABRIED  INTO  HINDOSTAN.  401 

to  discharge  them  than  risk  a  war/'  was  a  sotind  advice  ; 
but  his  supposed  partiality  for  a  English,  and  the  senti- 
ments of  his  successor,  Perron,*  which  were  precisely  the 
reverse,  was  one  cause  which  drove  Sindia,  more  confident 
and  ignorant  than  Perron  himself,  to  attempt  projects 
which  brought  on  ruin  and  disaster,  before  he  and  his 
coadjutors  had  fixed  the  mode  of  warfare  they  intended  to 
pursue.  Perron  is  said  to  have  laid  down  a  scheme  of 
operations,!  but  jealousy  and  distrust  on  the  part  of 
Sindia,  the  neutrality  of  Holkar,  and  the  intrigues  of 
Sindia's  officers  for  the  purpose  of  superseding  Perron  in 
the  government  in  Hindostan,  seem  to  have  combined  in 
preventing  its  adoption. 

The  main  body  of  the  British  force  in  Hindostan,  already 
mentioned  in  the  general  preparations  of  the  governor- 
general,  was  assembled  at  Cawnpore  ;  and  General  Lake, 
the  commander-in-chief,  was  vested  with  the  same  powers, 
civil  and  military,  which  had  been  delegated  by  the 
supreme  government  to  General  Wellesley  in  the  Deccan. 
As  soon  as  General  Lake  understood  that  the  confederates 
had  refused  to  withdraw  their  armies  on  the  terms  proposed 
by  General  Wellesley,  he  considel'ed  them  in  a  state  of 
war  with  the  .British  government,  and  immediately  put 
his  troops  in  motion. 

.  On  the  29th  August  Gieneral  Lake's  army  first  came 
in  sight  of  Perron's  cavalry,  15,000  of  whom  were  en- 
camped at  Coel,  near  the  fort  of  Aligurh.  After  a  trifling 
skirmish  they  retired  as  the  British  troops  advanced  ;  the 
town  of  Coel  was  taken  possession  of,  and  Aligurh  was 
summoned  ;  but  every  endeavour  on  the  part  of  General 

*  He  appears  to  bave  imbibed  some  of  bis  opinions  after  the  de- 
parture of  Do  Boigne,  who  represented  him  to  me  as  a  man  of  plaia 
sense,  of  no  talent,  but  a  brave  soldier, 

t  Ferdinand  LewirSmith. 

Vol,  II.— 51 


«• 


1102  HISTOBY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XIX. 

Lake  failed  in  inducing    M.    Peron,  its  governor,  to 
surrender.    .Much  dependence  was  placed  on  this  fortress. 
It  is  very  strong,  situated  on  a  plain,   surrounded  by- 
swamps,  having  a  good  glacis,  with  a  ditch  32  feet  deep 
and  200  feet  wide.     It  was  well  garrisoned,  fully  provided 
with    cannon^    ammunition,     and    provisions;    and   the 
Msihrattas  expected,  as  they  had  a  right  to  expect,  that  it 
would  sustain  a  long  siege.    The  only  passage  into  tiie 
fort  was  by  a  narrow  causeway  across  a  ditch,,  for  which 
the  French  commandant,  by  gross  neglect,  had  omitted 
to  substitute  a  draw-bridge.     General  Lake,  apprized  of 
this  circumstance,  determined  to  hazard  an  attack  by  the 
gateway  ;  and  Mr.  Lucan,  a  British  subject,  one  of  the 
officers  who  had  come  over  from  Sindia's  service,  offered 
to  conduct  the  storming  party.    Break  of  day  on  the 
morning  of  the  4th  September  was  the  time  appointed  for 
the  anterprize.     On  the  firing  of  the  morning  gun,  the 
party,  who  bad  been  lying  for  some  time  within  400  yards 
of  the  gate,  waiting  for  this  signal,  immediately  advanced ; 
and  Colonel  Monson  pushed  forward  at  the  head  of  the 
flank  comipanies  of  the  76th,  in  hopes  of  being  able  to 
enter  the  fort  with  a  party  of  the  enemy,  supposed  to 
have  been  stationed  outside  a  breast- work.     The  work  in 
question,  however,  was  found  abandoned,  and  the  gate 
closed.     Scaling  ladders  were  applied,  but  such  a  formi- 
dable row  of  pikemen  presented  themselves  above,   that 
it  was  impossible  to  mount.    A  six-pounder  was  brought 
up  to  blow  open  the  gate,  but  it  had  no  effect.     Much 
time  and  many  lives  were  lost  before  a  twelve-pounder 
could  be  substituted ;  and  when  it  did  come,  four  or  five 
discharges  were  necessary    to  force  an  entrance.     Ad- 
vancing round  a  bastion,  the  party  came  upon  the  second 


CHAP.  XIX.]  ALIOUBU.  40S 

gate,  which  was  easily  forced,  and  the  third  was  ta^en  by 
entering  it  with  the  fugitives  ;  but  the  fomrtli  and  last 
gate,  which  led  to  the  body  of  the  place,  eould  not  be 
blown  open,  even  by  the  application  of  the  twetre^ponnder, 
though  great  delay  was  experienoed  before  the  gun  conld 
be  brought  in*  Thus  disappointed,  in  a  most  trying  situa- 
tion, Major  M^Leod,  of  the  76tb  regiment,  attempted  the 
wicket,  and  most  fortunately  gained  an  eniraiice.  He 
was  followed  by  the  grenadiers ;  the  rampart  was  mounted, 
opposition  boob  ceased,  and  the  British  troops,  by  extra* 
ordmaiy  bravery  and  good  fortune,  found  themselves 
masters  of  the  fortress  of  Afigurh  with  the  loss  of  278 
men  in  killed  «nd  wounded,  of  whom  17  were  European 
officers.  M.  Pedron,  the  commandant^  were  taken  pri« 
soner^  and  2,000  of  his  garrison  are  aaid  to  haje  perished^ 
including  those  who  were  drowned  in  the  ditch. 

In  the  meantime  5,000  of  the  Mahratta  cavalry,  which 
retired  from  Coel,  prosecuted  a  successful  enterprize  under 
the  direction  of  a  Frenchman  named  Tleiiry,  by  attacking 
the  cantonment  of  Sbekoabad,  where  there  was  a  detach^ 
ment  of  five  companies  of  sepoys  and  one  gun.  The 
assailants  were  repulsed  on  the  first  attempt^  but  having 
renewed  the  attack  after  the  intervention  of  a  day,  the 

detachment,  when  neariy  dlestitttte<  of 
ammunition,  eapitulated,  and  were  per«^ 
mitted  to  retire  with  their  arms,  on  a  promise  of  not 
serving  against  Sindia  during  the  war.  This  attack 
obliged  General  Lake  to  send  off  a  strong  detachment, 
which  arrived  too  late  to  save  the  cantottment,  but  was  of 
importance  to  the  security  of  an  expected  coniroy* 

Perron,  who  had  for  some  time  been  conscious  of  a  decline 
in  Sindia's  favour,  and  had  even  made  some  overtures  to 
General  Lake  before  the  commencement  of  the  war,  pro- 


401  HISTOBT  OF  THE  liAHRATTAS.  [GHAP.  XIX. 

ceeded^  after  the  affair  at  Goal,  to  Muttra,  where  he  received 
certain  accounts  of  his  being  superseded  in  the  govern- 
ment  of  Sindia's  districts,  and  that  his  successor  and 
personal  enemj,  Ambajee  Inglia,  was  intriguing  with  the 
French  officers  under  him,  to  deprive  him  of  his  jagheer, 
and  of  course  of  his  command.  Under  these  circum- 
stances, to  secure  his  private  fortune,  and  avoid  a  crisis 
in  which  he  bad  nothing  to  gain,  he  addressed  a  letter  to 
General  Lake  on  the  5th  September,  requesting  permission 
to  pass  with  his  effects,  bis  family,  and  the  officers  of  his 
suite,  through  the  company's  territories,  to  Lucknow  ; 
with  which  General  Lake,  imder  instructions  from  the 
governor-general,  yielded  a  ready  compliance. 

On  the  7th  September,  General  Lake's  army  marched 

from  Aligurh  towards  Delhi,  and  on  the 

^^  '  *  11th  encamped  within  six  miles  of  that 
city  ;  but  scarcely  were  the  tents  pitched,  when  the 
enemy  unexpectedly  appeared  in  front.  The  pickets 
immediately  turned  out,  and  General  Lake  with  the 
cavahy  proceeded  to  reconnoitre. 

M.  Louis  Bourquin,  the  officer  next  in  rank  to  Perron, 
hearing  of  the  advance  of  the  British  force  towards  Delhi, 
and  that  a  part  of  the  army  was  detached  in  pursuit  of 
Fleury,  crossed  the  Jumna  with  12  battalions  of  regular 
infantry,  amounting  to  8,000  or  9,000  men,  besides  5,000 
cavalry  and  70  pieces  of  cannon,  for  the  purpose  of 
attacking  General  Lake,  whose  force,  after  providing  for 
the  safety  of  his  baggage,  amounted  to  about  4,500  men. 
Bourquin  took  up  a  strong  position  with  his  guns 
concealed  by  high  grass,  and  General  Lake,  in  advancing 
to  reconnoitre,  became  exposed  to  a  very  heavy  and 
destructive  fire.  The  line  of  British  infantry  were  ordered 
ou;  but  it  was  a  considerable  time  before  they  came  up. 


CHAP.  XIX.]  BATTLE  OF   DELHI.  405 

and  General  Lake  in  the  interim  practised  a  successful 
feint,  by  retiring  with  the  cavalry,  which  the  enemy, 
mistaking  for  a  retreat,  followed  them,  shouting  as  if 
secure  of  victory.  The  cavalry,  however,  opening  from 
the  centre,  permitted  the  British  infantry,  advancing  in 
perfect  order  to  pass  to  the  front.  The  fire  of  grape, 
round,  and  cannister  from  the  Mahratta  guns  was  for  some 
minutes  tremendous,  but  the  British  troops  moved  on 
steadily,  without  returning  a  shot,  until  they  were  within 
100  yards.  They  were  then  ordered  to  fire  a  volley  and 
charge  bayonets.  Sindia's  infantry  could  not  withstand 
the  fury  of  their  onset,  but,  abandoning  their  guns,  fled 
with  precipitation.  The  line  of  infantry  then  broke  into 
open  columns  of  companies  ;  and  the  cavalry,  which  formed 
the  second  line,  charging  through  the  intervals,  committed 
great  slaughter  among  the  fugitives^  mapy  of  whom 
escaped  from  the  sabre  but  to  perish  in  the  Jumna.  The 
total  loss  of  the  Mahrattas  was  estimated  at  3,000; 
that  of  the  British  army  was  585,  of  whom  15  were 
European  officers.  Louis  Bourquin,  the  commander 
of  the  Mahratta  infantry,  and  five  other  French  officers 
surrendered  themselves  prisoners  three  days  afterwards. 
The  other  results  of  the  victory  were  the  possession 
of  the  capital  of  the  Moghul  empire,  and  of  the  family 
and  person  of  the  descendant  of  Timour.  Though  the 
change  was  but  change  of  masters,  it  was  a  happy 
event  for  the  aged  and  unfortunate  Shah  Alum  to  find 
himself  once  more  under  the  protection  of  the  British 
nation,  of  whose  honor  and  liberality  he  had  experienced 
many  proofs. 

General  •Lake  next  marched  against  Agra,  which  he 
summoned,  but  no  answer  was  returned.  This  garrison 
had  been  imder  the  command  of  English  officers,  who,  on 


406  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRAfTAS.  [CHAP.   XIX. 

the  breaking  out  of  the  war,  were  confined  by  their  own 
troops  ;  the  circumstance,  combined  with  other  causes, 
occasioned  the  greatest  anarchy  and  confusion  in  iJie  fort. 
Seven  battalions  of  Sindia's  regular  infantry  were 
encamped  on  the  glacis  ;  but  the  garrison  were  afraid  to 
admit  them,  lest  they  should  plunder  a  rich  treasury 
which  ihey  wished  to  reserve  for  themselves.  General 
Jjake  resolved  to  beat  up  the  quarters  of  the  seven 
battalions  outside,    in   the  first  instance,    in   which  he 

completely  succeeded,  taking  26  of  their 
guns.  Three  days  after wards^  2,500  of 
those  who  remained  came  over  in  a  body,  and  were 
admitted  into  the  British  service.  A  few  days  after  tiiis 
event,  the  progress  of  the  siege  being  considerable,  the 
garrison  applied  to  their  European  officers,  whom  they 
'  bad  kept  prisoners,  to  make   terms   for   them ;   on  the 

18th  October  they  evacuated  the  fort  with 
their  private  property  ;  but  the  treasury 
and  arsenal,  with  162  pieces  of  cannon,  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  victors. 

General  Lake's  next  object  was  the  infantry  which  had 
been  sent  under  Dudrenec,  by  Sindia,  to  reinforce  his 
army  in  Hindo&tan.  It  consisted  of  seven  batt^ions, 
and  arrived  from  the  Deccan  about  the  beginning  of 
October.  This  body  had  been  joined  by  three  of  Bourquin's 
battalions,  not  engaged  at  ihe  batde  of  Delhi,  and  by  some 
of  the  fugitives  from  Delhi  and  Agra,  who  were  formed 
into  two  battalions,  the  whole  consisting  of  12  strong 
battaUons,  and  amounting  to  about  9,000  men.  They 
had  a  very  superior  equipment  of  artillery,  were  accom- 
panied by  1,200  or  1,500  good  horse,  and  during  the 
siege  of  Agra  had  occupied  a  position  about  30  miles 
distant  from  the  British  army.    The  commander  was  a 


CHAP.  XIX,]  BATTLE  C»  tASWABBE.  407 

• 

Mahratta  oflSoer,*  Dadrenec  having  surrendered  to  the 
English  on  the  30th  October.  It  was  understood  that 
they  intended  to  march  on  Delhi  for  the  reeorery  of  the  , 
capital.  General  Lake  with  a  strong  force  proceeded  in 
qnest  of  them  on  the  27th  of  October ;  bnt  as  he 
advanced  they  retired  towards  the  hills  of  Mewat.    On 

the  31st  of  October  General  Lake,  on 
"  '  arriving  at  the  ground  which  they  had 
occupied  the  preceding  day,  determined,  in  order  to  pre- 
vent their  escape,  to  pursue  them  with  his  cavalry,  now 
consisting  of  eight  regiments,  three  of  which  were 
European  dragoons.  He  accordingly  moved  off*  at  eleven 
o'clock  that  night,  directing  the  infantry  to  follow  at  three 
o'clock  next  morning.    After    a  march  of  25  miles  he 

came  up  with  them  at  sunrise  of  the  Isi 
November.  On  descrying  the  Mahratta 
infantry  they  appeared  in  motion,  and,  supposing  them  to 
be  on  full  retreat.  Lake  ordered  on  the  cavalry  to  impede 
them  by  an  immediate  attack.  The  Mahrattas,  however, 
had  time  to  form,  and,  instead  of  being  found  on  the 
retreat,  they  had  taken  up  a  strong  position,  their  right  on 
the  village  of  Laswaree,  partially  protected  by  a  deep 
,  ravine,  and  their  left  resting  on  the  village  of  Mohaulpore. 
To  their  rear  was  a  deep  rivulet,  and  their  front  was  lined 
with  75  pieces  of  cannon,  chained  together  the  more 
effectually  to  resist  the  charge  of  horse*  The  whole  were 
concealed  by  very  high  grass.  The  different  brigades  of 
cavalry,  particularly  that  under  Colonel  Macan,  executed 
the  orders  they  had  received  in  the  most  spirited  manner  ; 
but  the  opposition  with  which  they  had  to  contend  was 

*  I  have  not  aeoertained  who  this  officer  was  ;  he  is  called  Abajee  by 
Major  Thorn,  but  I  regret  not  having  obtained  more  satisfactory 
Information  respecting  him.  It  was  perhaps  one  of  Ambajee  Inglia's 
carcoons. 


408  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XIX. 

formidable  in  the  extreme,  and  their  loss  Was  very  great ; 
in  so  much  that  General  Lake  was  compelled  to  desist 
from  this  hazardous  attack,  and  await  the  arrival  of  the 
infantry. 

The  Mahratta  troops,  in  the  meantime,  changed  their 
position,  and  drew  up  in  two  lines — the  one  in  front^ 
the  other  in  rear,  of  the  village  of  Mohaulpore.  Their 
commander,  on  seeing  the  approach  of  the  British  infan- 
try, offered  to  surrender  his  guns  on  certain  conditions 
which  were  accepted,  and  one  hour  was  allowed  'to  fulfil 
the  terms;  but  at  the  end  of  that  time  General  Lake  pre- 
pared to  renew  the  attack.  The  British  infantry  consisted 
of  the  76th  regiment  and  six  battalions  of  Bengal  sepoys. 
Of  three  brigades  of  cavalry  one  was  directed  to  support 
the  infantry ;  another  was  detached  to  the  right  to  watch 
the  enemy,  and  take  advantage  of  any  confusion  that 
might  appear  among  them ;  and  a  third  brigade  formed 
the  reserve.  The  whole  of  the  artillery  was  thrown  into 
four  batteries  to  support  the  attack  of  the  infantry. 
General  Lakers  was  to  turn  the  right  of  the  enemy's  posi- 
tion, for  which  purpose  he  moved  off  with  the  infantry  in 
open  column  of  companies,  along  the  bank  of  the  rivulet, 
ivhich  was  nearly  at  right  angles  to  the  enemy's  new 
position.  For  a  time  the  march  of  the  British  troops  was 
concealed  by  the  high  grass,  but  the  Mahrattas  no  sooner 
discerned  them,  than  they  perceived  the  general's  intention, 
which  they  immediately  frustrated  by  throwing  back  their 
left  wing,  covering  the  movement  with  a  heavy  cannonade, 
which  did  severe  execution  on  the  front  of  the  British 
column. 

The  British  artillery  returned  the  fire  with  good  effect ; 
but  the  enemy's  cannon  were  far  superior  in  number  and 
weight  of  metal,  and  equally  well  served.    The  ground 


CHAP.  XIX.]  VICTOBY  OF  LASWABER  409 

was  much  broken^  the  advance  greatly  impeded  by  thai 
circumstance,  and  the  ranks  of  the  76ih  were  so  mndb 
thinned,  that  General  Lake,  who  now,  as  on  every  oceasion^ 
was  foremost  in  the  battle,  deemed  it  advisable  to  hasten 
on  the  attack  with  that  regiment,  and  one  battalioni  and 
five  companies  of  sepoys  who  bad  dosed  to  the  fronL 
When  they  arrived  within  reach  of  the  oannister  shot,  the 
fire  and  the  execntion  became  so  extremely  severe^  that  it 
prevented  a  regular  advance,  and  the  Mahratta  horse^were 
encouraged  ta  charge.  They  came  on,  bat  were  repiJsed 
most  heroically ;  again  they  rallied,  and  assumed  so 
menacing  a  position,  that  Oeneral  Lake  ordered  the 
British  cavalry  to  charge  in  tum»  This  service  waa 
gallantly  performed  by  the  2dth  dragoons,*  who  dashed 
through  both  lines  of  the  enemy's  infantry,  wheeled  round 
upon  their  cavalry,  killed  many  of  the  latter,  drove  them 
from  the  field,  and,  taming  round,  fell  upon  the  rear  of 
their  second  line.  That  line  was  by  ihift  time  hotly 
engaged  with  the  British  infantry^  which,  having  taken 
advantage  of  the  gallant  charge  of  their  cavalry,  had 
rushed  forward  cm  the  guns,  taken  possession  of  them,  and 
driv^k  the  first  line  badk  on  the  second*  The  whole  of  the 
British  troops  bad  now  come  up  and  joined  in  the  attack  ; 
but  the  hardy  veterans  of  De  Boigne  determined  to  die 
where  they  oould  not  conquer,  fought  on  with  brave 
though  unavailing  obstinacy,  and,  excepting  about  2,000 
who  were  broken,  surrounded,  and  made  prisoners,  they 
fell  with  their  arms  in  their  hands  I  Few,  if  any,  of  those 
men  were  natives  of  Maharashtra  ;  they  were  chiefly  fi:om 
Oude,  Rohilcmnd,  and  the  Dooab,  for^  except  Sivajee'» 
Mawulees,  and  men  trained  in  the  ranks  of  the  Bombay 

*'  When  forming  for  the  charge  on  the  flaak  of  the  infantry,  the  76Ui, 
with  the  same  spirit  which  distinguiiihod  the  74th  at  the  battie  of 
Assaye^  gave  them  three  oheersw 

Vol,  n.— 62 


410  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XIX. 

sepoys,*  the  native  Mahrattas  have  never  made  good 
infantry. . 

The  victory  of  Laswaree  cost  the  EngHsh  army  824  men 
in  killed  and  wounded,  but  incompleted  the  overthrow  of 
the  brigades  of  De  Boigne  and  Perron,  and  placed  Agra 
and  Delhi,  with  all  Sindia's  districts  north  of  the  Chumbul, 
in  the  power  of  the  British  government. 

While  success  thus  attended  the  British  arms  in  Maha- 
rashtra and  in  Hindostan,  afttrce  commanded  by  Lieut.- 
Colonel  Harcourt  invaded  Kuttack.  Manikpatam  was 
taken  possession  of  without  resistance  on  the  14th  Septem- 
ber. The  Bramins  of  the  temple  of  Jaggernaut  placed  it 
under  the  protection  of  the  British  government,  and  the 
town  of  Kuttack  was  surrendered  on  the  10th  October.  A 
detachment  under  Captain  Morgan  occupied  Ballasore  on 
the  21st  September,  and  took  Soorrung  on  the  3rd  October. 
The  storm  of  the  fort  of  Barabuttee  on  the  14th  October, 
by  the  troops  under  Colonel  Harcourt,  completed  the 
conquest  of  the  province  of  Kuttack. 

The  conquest  of  Bundelcund  was  effected  with  equal 
celerity.  In  regard  to  this  province,  a  new  arrangement 
had  been  made  with  the  Peishwa  in  the  month  of  August, 
by  which  the  greater  part  of  his  rights  in  it  was  ceded  to 
the  English  company,  in  lieu  of  Savanoor  and  Benkapoor 
in  the  southern  Mahratta  country,  and  Oolpar  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Surat — all  of  which  were  included  in  the 
cessions  made  by  the  treaty  of  Bassein,  and  yielded  an 
annual  revenue  of  19,16,000  rupees.  The  nominal  revenue 
of  Bundelcund  was  36,16,000  rupees,  but  the  state  of  the 
coimtrv  rendered  the  first-mentioned  cessions  of  much 

'*'The  men  of  this  description  are  remarkably  quiet  and  sober,  patient 
under  privation,  and  good  soldiers  ;  they  used  to  be  more  apt  to  desert 
than  any  other  men,  but  that  was  probably  owing  to  circumstances  no 
loDger  in  es^istence. 


€HAP.   XIX.]  GOSAEEN   HIMMUT   BUHADUR.  .  41X 

greater  value  to  the  Peishwa  ;  whilst  to  the  British, 
Bundelcund,  from  its  situation  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
their  position  on  the  Jumna,  and  their  means  of  rendering 
its  revenues  available,  was  extremely  important*  The 
British  government,  in  consideration  of  the  advantages 
thus  derived,  agreed  to  maintain  a  body  of  5,000  Mahratta 
horse  during  the  continuance  of  the  war,  and  to  keep  a 
regiment  of  cavalry,  in  addition  to  the  6,000  infantry,  on 
the  permanent  establishment  of  the  Poena  subsidiary  force ; 
whilst  from  the  Peishwa,  instead  of  6,000  infantry  and 
10,000  horse,  only  half  of  that  number  was  to  be  required. 
This  arrangement  was  afterwards  regularly  recognized, 
^nd  the  treaty  drawn  up  in  consequence  of  it,  under  date 
16th  December  1803,  was  termed  supplemental  articles  to 
the  treaty  of  Bassein. 

The  Gosaeen  Himmut  Buhadur  had  tendered  his  services 
to  the  British  government  to  assist  them  in  the  conquest 
of  Bundelcund  ;  and  his  oflFer  being  now  accepted,  he 
joined  the  British  detachment  under  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Powell,  on  the  16th  September,  with  a  large  body,  of 
troops.  Colonel  Powell  ha;d  crossed  the  Jumtia  ten  days 
before.  The  united  forces,  after  reducing  various  forts, 
crossed  the  river  Qane  on  the  10th  October.  On  the  13th 
they  found  the  army  of  Shumsher  Buhadur  drawn  up  lo 
opppse  then^ ;  but  after  a  feeble  resistance  they  gave  way, 
fled  across  the  river  Betwah,  and  evacuated  the  province. 

We  now  return  to  the  contending  armies  in  the 
Deccan. 

As  soon  as  the  confederates  found  that  General  Wellesley 
had  not  passed  the  Ghaut,  but  was  moving  south  towards 
Aurungabad,  and  that  Colonel  Siicphenson  had  marched 
against  Burhanpoor,  they  made  preparations  for  following 
and  interrupting  him  in  that  object.     General  Wellesley, 


412  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS,  [CHAP.  XTX, 

learning  their  design,  immediately  returned  north,  and 

descended  the  Ajunta  Ghaut.  Sindia,  on 
finding  that  General  Wellesley  had  re- 
turned, halted,  but  Bughoojee  Bhonslay,  who  had  separated 
from  his  confederate,  marched  to  the  southward  by  the 
Unkye  Tunkye  pass.  General  Wellesley,  therefore,  in 
order  to  protect  the  territory  of  the  Nizam,  re-ascended  the 
Ajunta,  and  continued  his  route  beyond  Aurungabad,  until 
he  arrived  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  camp  of  Rughoojee, 
who  was  so  apprehensive  of  a  night  attack  that  he  moved 
camp  five  times  in  less  than  48  hours.     On  the  31st 

Bughoojee  detached  5,000  horse  to  cut  off 
a  convoy  of  14,000  bullock-loads  of  grain, 
escorted  by  three  companies  of  sepoys  and  a  party  of 
Mysore  horse,  under  Captain  Baynes,  who  made  a  judi- 
cious and  spirited  defence  at  the  village  of  Amber,  and 
brought  in  the  whole  of  his  convoy  safe,  with  the  exception 
of  about  200  bullocks.  After  this  event  General  Wellesley, 
finding  that  Bughoojee  was  moving  towards  his  own 
territories,  once  more  returned  to  the  northward,  and 
descended  the  Ghauts  at  Bajoora,  for  the  purpose  of 
supporting  and  covering  Colonel  Stevenson,  whom  he  had 
ordered  to  form  the  siege  of  Gttwelgurh. 

Previously  to  this  period,  several  propositions  for  peace 
had  been  made  to  General  Wellesley  in  Sindia's  name. 
Ballajee  Koonjur,  the  Peishwa's  most  confidential  agent, 
who,  notwithstanding  the  war,  continued  in  Sindia's  camp, 
sent  a  letter  15  days  after  the  battle  of  Assaye,  requesting 
that  one  of  the  British  and  one  of  the  Nizam's  officers 
should  be  sent  to  Sindia's  camp  to  settle  terms  of  pacifica- 
tion ;  but  as  he  was  not  an  accredited  agent,  and  as  the 
appearance  of  a  British  officer  in  Sindia's  camp  would 
have  enabled  the  Mahrattas  to  represent  the  British  nation 


CHAP.  XIX.]  ATTEMPT  AT  NEGOTIATIONS.  413 

as  supplicants  for  peace,  General  Wellesley  reiiised 
compliance,  but  expressed  his  readiness  to  receive  any 
envoy  the  confederates  might  depute.  Another  commu- 
nication was  opened  through  Appa  Dessaye  Nepankur, 
who  was  serving  with  the  Peishwa's  contingent,  and  the 
result  was  that  Jeswunt  Rao  Ghorepuray,  accompanied  by 
a  Bramin  named  Naroo  Punt,  arrived  in  General  Welles*- 
ley 's  camp  on  the  part  of  Sindia  for  the  purpose  of  nego- 
tiating ;  but  as  ihey  also  were  unprovided  with  credentials, 
Geneial  Wellesley  refused  to  treat  until  they  should  obtain 
them  from  Sindia.  That  chief,  in  the  meantime,  sent  a 
letter,  disavowing  Jeswunt  Eao  Ghorepuray's  mission  ; 
but,  notwithstanding  this  disavowal,  General  Wellesley 
was  convinced,  from  a  letter  addressed  by  Sindia  to  Appa 
Dessaye,  that  Ghorepuray  had  been  deputed,  and  there- 
fore permitted  him  to  remain  in  his  camp  until  a  reply  to 
his  first  reference  should  be  received.  A  few  hours  after 
the  interview  in  question,  powers  arrived  for  constituting 
Ghorepuray  and  his  companion  ihe  envoys  of  Sindia,  but 
they  were  essentially  defective,  as  they  did  not  enable  the 
envoys  to  cede  any  portion  of  territory  as  compensation  to 
the  British  government  and  its  allies,  which  was  required 
as  the  basis  of  the  pacification.  Until  this  authority  could 
be  obtained,  Ghorepuray  solicited  a  cessation  of  arms  for 
both  the  confederates.  It  was  granted  to  Sindia  on  the 
23rd  November,  on  condition  that  he  should  occupy  a 
position  20  koB  east  of  Elichpoor,  and  forage  still  fiirther 
to  the  eastward  ;  but  it  was  refiised  to  Bughoojee  Bhonslay, 
because  he  had  sent  no  envoy,  nor  expressed  any  desire 
for  peace. 

The  conditions,  however,  on  which  General  Wellesley 
agreed  to  a  suspension  of  hostilities  were  not  observed  by 
Sindia ;  Bughoojee  Bhonslay's  army  was  encamped  at 


414  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.XIX. 

Argaom,  near  Gawelgurh,  under  his  brother  Venkajee 
Munya  Bappoo,  and  Sindia's  cavalry  were  at  Sersawly, 
within  about  five  miles  of  him.  Venkajee,  besides  cavalry, 
had  the  whole  of  his  brothers  infantry,  and  a  consider- 
able number  of  guns.  The  wukeels  of  Sindia  urgently, 
dissuaded  the  British  .commander  from  attacking  Venka- 
jee. General  Wellesley  told  them  repeatedly  that  there 
was  no  armistice  with  Rughoojee  Bhonslay,  and  none  with 
Sindia,  until  he  complied  with  the  terms  of  the  agreement. 
Colonel  Stevenson  was  by  this  time  within  a  short  distance 
of  the  confederates,  and  on  the  28th  November  halted  to 
enable  General  Wellesley  to  co-operate  in  the  expected 
battle.  The  confederates  decamped  from  the  position  they 
had  occupied,  when  the  united  British  divisions  moved 
towards  them  on  the  ensuing  day.  As  General  Wellesley 
approached  his  intended  ground  of  encampment,  a  few  of 

the  enemy's  skirmishers  appeared  in  front 

November  29.  ,  ^    i       ^a      \ir  ^ 

and  were  opposed  by  the  Mysore  horse. 
General  Wellesley,  not  intending  to  pursue  them,  was, 
after  a  long  march,  about  to  pitch  his  tents,  when  the 
Mahratta  cavalry  appeared  in  greater  force,  and  it  became 
necessary  to  support  the  Mysore  horse  with  the  pickets. 
General  Wellesley,  moving  out  at  the  head  of  the  latter, 
described  the  army  of  the  confederates  drawn  up  in  line, 
on  an  extensive  plain,  in  front  of  the  village  of  Argaom. 
Though  late  in  the  day,  he  immediately  advanced  to  the 
attack,  and  marched  on  in  column  until  near  the  .  enemy, 
when  he  formed  his  army  into  two  lines — ^the  infantry  in 
the  first,  and  the  cavulry  in  the  second.  Some  confusion 
ensued  in  forming  the  lines,  when  the  Mahratta  guns  first 
opened  upon  them,  but,  when  formed,  the  whole  moved  on 
with  steadiness  and  order.  A  body  of  about  500  infantry 
supposed  to  have  been  Persians,   in  the  service  of  the 


GfiAP.  XIX.]  SIEGE  AND  STORM  OF  QAWELGURH.        ^  415 

confederates,  rushed  upon  the  74th  and  78th  with  desper- 
ation, and  were  destroyed  to  a  man.  Sindia's  cavalry 
under  Gopaul  Rao  Bhow  charged  the  1st  battalion  6th 
regiment  of  Madras  sepoys  ;  but  thfey  were  repulsed,  and 
their  commander  was  wounded  ;  on  which  the  whole  army 
retired  in  confusion,  pursued  by  the  British  cavalry  and 
by  the  Mysore  and  Moghul  horse.  In  this  action  the  loss 
of  the  British  was  346  men  in  killed,  wounded,  arid  miss- 
ing ;  that  of  the  Mahrattas  is  nowhere  stated,  but  was 
very  considerable. 
The    British    army    nelt  invested   Gawelgurh.      The 

principal  operations  were  carried   on  by 

Colonel  Stevenson's  division  on  the  north 

face,  where  the  troops  went  through  uncommon   labour 

and  fatigue  in  carrying  the  guns  and  stores  to  the  point 

of  attack.  The  outer  fort  having  been 
breached  by  the  14th,  was  -stormed  on  the 
ensuing  morning ;  the  inner  fort  was  escaladed  by  the 
light  company  of  the  94th,  headed  by  Captain  Campbell, 
who  immediately  ^opened  the  gate  and  admitted  the  rest  of 
the  troops. 

In  the  meanwhile  negotiations  had  been  going  forward 
at  intervals  for  upwards  of  a  fortnight.  Yeshwunt  Rao 
Ramchundur,  the  wukeel  of  Rughoojee  Bhonslay,  endea- 
voured to  prove  that  his  master  was  not  the  aggressor  in 
the  war  ;  that  the  Peishwa  had  concluded  a  treaty  contrary 
to  the  usage  of  the  Mahratta  state,  without  consulting  the 
chiefs  of  the  empire  ;  that  his  master  had  not  quitted  his 
own  territory,  nor  moved  towards  Sindia's,  with  any 
hostile  design  against  the  British  government,  but  had 
gone  with  his  army  to  mediate  between  Sindia  and  Holkar  ; 
that  Holkar  was  strong  and  Sindia  was  weak,  and  that 
the  latter  would  have    been    overpowered    without  his 


416  HISTORY  OF  THB  XAHRATTAB.  [CHAP.  XIX. 

master's  assistanoe.  General  Wellesley  represented  the 
fact  of  hia  having  assembled  an  army  on  the  frontier  of  an 
ally  of  Britain^  and  having,  in  conjunction  with  Sindia^ 
refased  to  withdraw  ;  he  denied  the  right  of  the  Mahratta 
chiefs  to  be  consulted  by  the  Peishwa  before  he  could 
make  a  treaty ;  and,  in  regard  to  interfering  between 
Sindia  and  Holkar  on  account  of  the  weakness  of  the 
former,  admitting  the  fact  to  have  been  so,  it  was,  Gbneral 
Wellesley  observed,  an  extraordinary  mode  of  strengthen- 
ing Sindia  and  weakening  Holkar  to  transfer  to  the  latter 
all  the  territories  of  the  Holkar  family.  In  short,  after 
a  long  argument  as  to  the  merits  of  the  war,  and 
a  still    longer    disoussi<m    respecting    the  terms  of  the 

pacification^  it  was  finally  agreed  on 
the  17th  December  that  Bughoojee  Bhon- 
slay,  Sena  Sahib  Soobeh,  should  cede  to  the  British 
government  and  its  allies  the  province  of  Kuttack^ 
including  Ballasore,  and  the  whole  of  hia  territory 
and  shares  of  revenue  to  the  westward  of  the 
river  Wurdah,  and  south  of  the  hills  on  which  stand 
Numalla  and  Qawelgurh.  The  forts  of  Numalla  and 
Ghiwelgurh  renamed  in  Rughooj^e  Bhonday's  posaeesion, 
together  with  districts  lying  south  of  those  forts^  valued  ai 
four  lakhs  of  rupees.  All  claims  on  the  Nizam,  including 
of  course  chouth,  ghas-dana,  &c.,  were  renounced  ;  all 
diiferenoes  between  the  Nizam,  the  Peishwa,  and  the  Sena 
Sahib  Soobeh  were  to  be  arbitrated  by  the  British  govern- 
ment ;  and  no  European  or  American  of  a  nation  at  war. 
with  the  English,  or  any  British  subject,  was  to  be 
entertained  without  the  consent  of  the  British  government. 
Such  was  the  substance  of  the  principal  articles  of  the 
treaty  of  Deogaom.  Accredited  ministers  from  each  of 
the  contracting  parties  were  to  reside  at  the  court  of  tho 


CSAP.  XIX.]  TRBATIE8  WITH  THI  GONFEDS&ATES.  417 

other  ;  and  the  Hon'ble  M.  Elphinstone,  at  that  time 
Persian  interpreter  on  the  staff  of  General  Wellesley's 
army,  was  appointed  to  act  as  resident  at  Nagpoor. 

The  negotiations  with  Sindia  were  not  so  promptly 
terminated.  Doulut  Bao  endeavoured  by  every  means  to 
avoid  making  the  cessions  which  the  British  government 
demanded  as  the  basis  of  a  pacification  :  and  it  was  not 
until  assured  that  his  compliance  was  the  only  means  of 
averting  the  entire  conquest  of  his  territories,  that  he  at 
length  assented.    The  treaty  was  concluded  at   Surjee 

Anjengaom  on  the  30th  December,  and 
Sindia  ceded  to  the  British  government 
and  its  allies  his  territory  between  the  Jumna  and  Ganges, 
and  all  situated  to  the  northward  of  the  Bajpoot  prin- 
cipalities of  Jeypoor,  Joudpoor,  and  Gohud  ;  but  the 
territory  lying  between  Jeypoor  and  Joudpoor,  and  to  the 
southward  of  the  former  place,  was  reserved.  The  forts  of 
Ahmednugux  and  Baroach,  with  their  districts,  his  posses- 
Bipns  between  the  Ajunta  Ghaut  and  the  Godavery,  and 
all  claims  on  the  emperor  of  the  Moghuls,  the  British 
government  or  its  allies,  the  Peishwa,  the  Nizam,  and  the 
Gaekwar,  were  renounced  by  Sindia  :  he  also  gave  up  all 
claims  upon  such  rajas  or  jagheerdars  as  might  have 
become  allies  of  the  British  government  during  the  war, 
and  declared  them  independent  of  his  authority.  Sindia 
jentered  into  the  saane  agreement  in  regard  to  Europeans 
and  Americ£^ns,  and  to  residents  of  the  courts,  as  had  been 
admitted  by  Rughpojee  Ehonslay :  Major  Malcolm  was 
appointed  to  act  fi»  resident  in  his  camp.  The  city  of 
Burhanpoor,  the  forts  of  Asseerghur,  Pawungurh,  and 
Dohud,  with  their  dependant  districts,  conquered  by  the 
British  government  during  the  war,   were  restored  to 

Sindia.    The  enams  granted  to  Mahadaje|  Sindia  by  the 
Vol.  11—63. 


41ft  HISTORY  O^  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XIX. 

emperor,  namely,  the  district  of  Dholpoor-Baree  and  Raj- 
kerrah,  situated  to  the  northward  of  the  prescribed  limits, 
and  certain  jagheers  belonging  to  the  family,  or  to 
immediate  dependents  of  Sindia,  were  restored;  and  the 
'British  government  likewise  promised  jagheers,  or  pensions 
in  lieu  of  them,  amounting  to  15  lakhs  of  rupees  annually, 
to  some  other  persons  in  Sindia's  service.  All  enam 
villages,  lands,  or  wutun  obtained  by  Sindia  and  his  pre« 
decessors,  within  the  territories  ceded,  were  to  be  restored 
to  him  and  to  the  respective  owners  ;  but  no  troops  were 
permitted  to  be  kept  in  such  places,  either  to  the  north  or 
south  of  Sindia's  own  territory.  Finally,  the  British 
government  left  it  in  the  option  of  Sindia  to  become  a 
party  to  the  defensive  alliance,  offering  him  a  subsidiary 
force,  payable  from  the  revenues  of  the  territories  already 
ceded,  whether  furldshed  or  not.  In  conformity  with  this 
article  in  the  treaty  of  Surjee  Anjengaom,  a  new  treaty 
was  afterwards  concluded  with  Sindia  at  Burhanpoor,  on 
the  27th  February  1804,  by  Major  Malcolm,  empowered 
for  that  purpose  by  General  Wellesley.  Sindia  then 
agreed  to  become  a  party  to  die  defensive  alliance,  and  a 
firubsidiary  force  of  6,000  infantry,  with  their  artillery,  was 
to  be  stationed  near  his  boundary,  but  within  the  British 
territory. 

Of  the  conquests  thus  gained  from  the  confederates,  by 
subsequent  partition  treaties  between  the  British  govern- 
ment and  its  allies,  the  Nizam  and  the  Peishwa,  the  pro- 
vince of  Kuttack  including  Ballasore,  the  pergunna  and 
fort  of  Baroach,  the  districts  conquered  from  Sindia  north 
of  the  Bajpoot  states,  the  territory  along  the  bank  of  the 
Jumna,  and  between  that  river  and  the  Ganges,  were 
assigned  to  the  British  government.  The  whole  tract  west 
of  the  Wurdah,  eastward  of  the  Peishwa's  frontier,  and 


CHAP.  XIX.]  •  TREATIES  WITH  THE  RAJPOOTS  AND  JATHS.  419 

southward  of  the  range  of  hills  on  which  stand  Nurnalk 
and  Gawelgorh,  dawn  as  far  as-  the  Oodayery-y  was  made 
over  ta  the  Nisam.  The  Feishwa  having  failed  to  afford 
the  aid  which  was  in  his  power,  and  having  in  other 
respects  profited  largely  by  the  war,  the  fort  and  district  of 
Ahmedni^ur  was  the  only  portion  reserved  as  his  share  of 
the  conquests. 

The  princes  and  chiefs  who,  by  treaties  with  General 
Lake,  had  become  the  allies  of  the  British  government, 
were    the    rajas   of  Jeypoor,    Joudpoory    Boondee,    and 
Macherry,  the  Jath  raja  of  Bliurtpoor,  the  rana  of  Gohud, 
and  the  Mahratta   officer   Ambajee  Inglia.     The  agree- 
ments with  the  Rsgpoots  and  the  rsga  of  Bhurtpoor  specify 
the  guarantee  of  their  territory  against  external  enemies, 
an  exemption  from  tributo,  and!  the  aid  of  their  forces  in 
the  event  of  any  invasion  of  the  country  lately  conquered 
by  the  British ;  Europeans  not  to  be  received  into  their 
service  without  the  consent  of  the  British  government. 
With  respect  to  the  rana  of  Gohud  and  Ambajee  Inglia, 
with  whom  treaties  were  also  made,  it  will  be  recollected 
that  Mahadajee  Sindia  conquered  the  Qohud  territory  in 
1784,   and   since   that  period  it  had  been  held  by  that 
chieftain  and  his  successor.     Ambajee  Inglia,  whom  we 
have  seen  appointed  successor  to  Perron,  was  mamlitdar  of 
the  province  of  Gohud,  and  after  seeing  the  rapid  coiiquest 
of  Hindostan,  revolted,  or  pretended  to  revolt,  against  his 
master,  and  joined  the  English,  from  whom  he  obtained 
by  treaty  a  share  of  the  province  of  Gohud,  which  was 
divided  between  him  and  the  rana,  with  the  exception  of 
the  fort  of  Gwalior,  ceded  by  the  rana  to  the  English. 
The  treaties  with  the  rana  of  Gohud  and  Ambajee  Inglia 
were  similar  to  those  concluded  with  the  Rajpoots,  except- 
ing that  the  rana  of  Gohud  agreed  to  subsidize  three  batta- 


426  Hl8!r(HlT  OF  THB  MAHBATTA8.  [CHAP.  XIX. 

lions  of  sepoys,  P^yu^g  for  them  at  the  rate  of  75,000 
rupees  a  month.  Bat  these  two  treaties  last  mentioned 
aft^wards  became  null  and  void,  for  reascNos  which  the 
progress  of  our  narrative  will  explain/ 


*The  aboTe  chapter  is  oii  tbe  authority  of  English  Records,  the 
Marquis  Wellesley's  narrative,  oral  information,  Mahrattas  letters  and 
MSS,,  and  Major  Thorn's  memoir. 


421 


CHAP.  XX. 

A,D.  1«04. 

Refieetions  on  the  late  war.*^  Views  of  Jesvmnt  Bao  Bolkar* 
— Negodatioiu.^^LoTd  Lake  advances  against  JSolkavy 
preceded  by  a  d^eu^ment  under  Colonel  Monson.-*-Holkar 
retires  across  the  ChumbuL — Tonk-Rampoorah  taken, — 
Umeer  Khan  cuts  off  part  of  a  detachment  in  Bundeleund. 
— Lord  Lake  re^inforees  Monson^  and  canions  the  main 
army  for  the  rains.^—Monson  advanees-^esealades  Hmg^ 
laisgurh — Holkar  crosses  the  Chumbvl — Monson  hesitates 
— Holkar  attacks  him — Monson  retreats — brapery-^-priva" 
tions--^  distresses — disasters-^and  discomfiture  of  his  de^ 
tachment. — Holkar  invades  Hindostan — Mtittra  evacuated 
— is  repulsed  at  Delhi. — Defence  of  Colonei  Bum  at 
Shamlee — Holkar  carries  his  depredations  into  the  Dooah 
— is  pursued  by  Lord  Lake^-battle  of  Deeg — surprise  «« 
Furruekabad-^^orm  cf  Deeg. — Holkar^ s possessions  in  the 
Deecan  reduced — Indore  evacuated. — Lord  Lake  determines 
on  besieging  Bkwrtpoor-^The  rajahs  resolve. 

The  rapidity  of  the  conquests^  and  the  speedy  termina^ 
.  tion  of  the  war,  surprised  all  India,  and  it 

was  naturally  sapposed  that  the  astonishing 
sucoess  of  die  British  arms  would  have  deterred  any  power, 
however  inimioally  disposed,  from  evincing  a  spirit  of 
hostility  at  such  a  moment ;  but  Uie  conduct  of  Asiatics  is 
frequently  so  capricious  that  it  cannot  be  foreseen  by  any 
reasonable  estimate  of  their  interests. 


422  HISTORY  OF  TfiE'MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XX. 

Family  rivalry,  next  to  disputes  concerning  hereditary 
rights,  is  always  uppermost  in  the  mind  of  a  Mahratta. 
Jeswunt  Rao  Holkar,  notwithstanding  the  great  sacrifices 
made  by  Sindia  to  indnce  him  to'  join  the  confederacy, 
could  not  believe  that  his  rival  would  forget  the  defeat  and 
disgrace  he  had  so  lately  suffered  ;  apd  he  concluded 
that,  in  the  event  of  success  against  the  British  power, 
Sindia's  first  object^,  after  re-establishing  his  infiuenoe  at 
Foona,.  would  be  a  war  of  extermination  against  himself. 
On  the  other  hand,  if  the  tide  should  turn  against  the  con- 
federates, he  imagined,  after  the  power  of  Sindia  had  been 
reduced  to  the  level  of  hiis  own,  he  might -not  only  interpose 
with  safety,  but  attain  a  consequence,  so  much.the  greater, 
as  it  would  be  manifest,  in  the  event  of  ultimate  success, 
that  it  had  mainly  depended  on  his  exertions.  Like  all  the 
Holkar  family,  he  was  a  great  advocate  for  the  predatory 
system  of  warfare,  and  conceived  that  it  would  have  been 
better  for  the*  confederates  if  they  had  carefully  reserved 
their  infantry  and  guns  under  the  protection  of  forts,  avoid- 
ed an  action,  devastated  the  company's  provinces,  and  acted 
with  vigour  upon  General  Wellesley's  supplies. 

Holkar,  during  the  progress  of  hostilities,  remained  in 
Malwa,  levying  enormous  contributions*  from  friend  and 
foe,  and  could  .scarcely,  credit  the  accounts  he  received  of 
the  rapid  victories  of  the  English.  When  too  late,  he  began 
to  carry  his  designs  into  execution,  and  moved  up  lowards 
the  Jeypoor  territory,  for  the  purpose  of  negotiating  for  aid 
from  the  Eajpoots,  the  raja  of  Bhurtpoor,  the  Rohillahs, 
and  the  Seiks.  He  likewise  despatched  an  envoy  to 
Sindia,  recommending  him  to  break  the  treaty^  and  renew 
the  war  ;  but  that  chieftain  was,  or  pretended  to  be  at  the 

*  Sir  John  Malcolm  mentions  his  having  exacted  a  crore  of  rupees 
from  the  city  of  Mundissore  alone.  >  - 


CHAP.  XX.]  VIEWS  OF  JESWUNT  RAO  HOLKAR.  423 

moment,  SO  exasperated  against  hira,  that  he  immediately 
communicp,ted  tixe  fact  to  the  British  authority.  Some  of 
his  ministers,  especially  his  father-in-law,  iShirzee  Rao 
Ghatgay,  had  more  confidence  in  Holkar,  and  advised 
Sindia,  notwithstanding  the  communication  to  the  British 
resident,  to  despatch  a  wukeel  to  the  camp  of  Jeswiint  Rao 
for  the  purpose,  as  they  gave  out,  of  ascertaining  his  designs 
but  in  reality  to  leave  open  the  door  of  reconciliation,  in 
case  the  project  of  Holkar,  in  whose  wisdom  and  fortune 
all  the  Mahrattas  began-  to  have  great  confidence,  should 
prove  worthy  of  regard. 

The  principal  part  of  the  British  armies  in  the  Deccan, 
after  the  termination  of  hostilities,  retired  to  the  southward, 
and  two  considerable  divisions  were  stationed,  the  one  at 
Jaffeirabad,  to  ensure  the  tranquillity  of  the  country  and 
its  occupation  by  the  Nizam,  and  the  other  at  Poena,  with 
the  Peishwa,  whose  territory  was  a  good  deal  molested  by 
plundering  insurgents  andfreebooters,  which  is  usually  the 
case  in  India  after  the  close  of  a  war. 

The  army  in  Hindostan  under  General  Lake  was  still 
in  the  field  io  watch  the  motions  of  Holkar,  whose  menac- 
ing position,  as  well  as  the  tone  of  his  language,  the  general 
report  of  his  hostile  intentions,  and  his  having  put  to  death 
ihree  officers,  British  subjects,  who  wished,  in  consequence 
of  these  reports,  to  take  advantage  of  the  governor-generars 
proclamation  and  retire  from  his  service,  afi*orded  strong 
indications  of  an  approaching  rupture.  Superadded  to 
these  were  the  machinations  already  mentioned,  which  were 
ascertained  from  his  intercepted  correspondence ;  but  it 
was  scarcely  credible  that  he  could  intend  risking  a  war, 
and  General  Lake  belieVed  to  the  last  that  afiairs  with 
Holkar  would  be  amicably  adjusted.  In  Holkar's  letters 
to  General  Lake,  as  is  frequently  the  case  when  insolence 


424  BISTORT  OF  THB  MAfiRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XX. 

is  designed  on  the  part  of  a  Mahratta,  it  is  difficult  to  dis- 
cover whether  friendly  profession,  •  arrogance,  or  humility 
predominate.  In  his  first  letter,  professing  that  he  had  no 
intention  of  saying  anything  improper,  he  requested 
General  Lake  to  retire  towards  Agra,  "  as  his  near 
approach  to  his  rictorious  army  appeared  likely  to  produce 
unpleasant  circumstances."  In  his  next  he  declares  that 
from  him  the  general  shall  never  have  any  other  language 
than  that  of  friendship  ;  "  but  if  anything  contrary  to 
friendship  shall  appear  from  you,  then  I  am  helpleBS." 
At  length  it  became  absolutely  necessary  to  ascertain  th^ 
designs  of  Holkar,  and  the  governor-general  directed 
General  Lake  to  intimate  to  him  the  necessity  of  with* 
drawing  his  troops  from  the  frontier  of  the  allies  of  the 
British  government.  Whatever  claims  might  be  urged 
by  the  Holkar  family  against  the  Bajpoots  and  otiiers, 
such  claims,  he  was  told,  could  not  be  considered  to  rest 
in  him  ;  but  the  British  Government  was  willing,  witt 
the  consent  of  the  Peishwa,  to  arbitrate  the  existing 
difference  between  him  and  hia  brother  Khassee  Bao,  on 
principles  of  equity  and  justice :  Jeswunt  Rao  was  also 
invited  to  send  wukeels  to  the  British  camp.  To  these 
proposals  Holkar  replied  by  promising  to  withdraw  his 
troops  ;  and  in  the  middle  of  March  sent  wukeels  to 
General  Lake's  camp  at  Ramgurh.  These  persons 
produced  a  letter  from  Holkar,  in  which,  afib^  many 
friendly  professions,  he  recommends  the  general  to  con- 
sent to  the  propositions  they  would  offer,  otherwiae  "  his 
country  and  his  property  were  on  the  saddle  of  his  horse ; 

to  whatever  side  the  reins  of  his  brave 

warriors  should  be  turned,  the  whole  of  the 

country  in  that  direction  should  come  into  his  possession.*' 

The  wukeels  submitted  the  following  propositions  :--t-"  1st, 


CHAP.  XX.]  NEGOTIATIONS.  425 

that  Holkar  should  be  permitted  to  collect  chonth  agree- 
ably to  the  custom<  of  his  ai^icestors ;  2Qd,  that  the  ancient 
possessions  formeiiy  held  by  the  family,  such  as  Etaweh, 
&c.,  12 .  districts  between  the  Ganges  and  Jomna,  and  a 
district  in  Bundelcund,  shonld  be  ceded  to  him  ;  3rd,  that 
the  canntry  of  Hufriana,  which  was  formerly  in  the  posses- 
sion of  the  family,  should  be  given  to  him  ;  4th,  that  the 
country  then  in  his  possession  should  be  guaranteed,  and 
a  treaty  should  be  concluded  with  him  on  the  same  terms 
as  that  with  Sindia."  These  demands  were  altogether 
extravagant^  and  were  treated  as  such  by  General  Lake* 
Most  of  these  countries,  mentioned  in  the  second  and  third 
propositions,  had  been  conquered  from  Bindia  ;  Etaweh 
had  not  been  in  the  possession  of  the  Mahrattas  smce  their 
garrisons  were  driv^fr  out  by  Shujjdi-ud-Doulah,  after  the 
recal  of  the  Peishwa's  general,  /Visajee  Kishen,  in  1773, 
and  had  been  ceded  in  1801  by  the  nabob  of  Oude  to  the 
Ea,st  India  Company.  The  wdsieels  proceeded,  in  a  high 
strain  of  menace,  to  exaggerate  the  power  of  Holkar,  and 
the  value  of  the  connectionB,  hostile  to  the  British  govern** 
ment,  which  he  had  formed.  General  Lake  replied  "  that 
it  was  not  customary  with  the  English  to  boast  of  their 
power,  but  that  Holkar  would  find,  in  the  event  of  a 
rupture,  that  he  had  much  overvalued  his  own."  General 
Lake  also  took  occasion  to  mention  to  the  wukeels  that 
their  propositions  and  their  language  were  so  much  at 
variance  wtth  the  tenor  of  Holkar'&  letters,  that  no  judg- 
ment could  be  formed  of  his  real  wishes  and  intentions. 
On  the  ensuing  day  the  wukeels  attended  to  receive  a 
reply  to  the  letter  they  had  brought  fronj  Holkar,  when 
they  solicited  a  grant  of  some  country,  or  an  annual  sum 
in  lieu  of  an  increase  of  country,  and  asked  whether  or  not 

Holkar  Was  to  be  allowed  to  collect  the  customary  tribute 
Vol,  ir,— 54 


426  filSTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTA8.  [CHAP.  XX. 

•  ^^ 

from  the  stated  of  Oudepoor  and  Kotah.  To  all  which 
General  Lake  merely  replied  that  Holkar  must  first  evince 
'  })i&  friendly  intiraitions  by  returning  into  his  own  country 
before  the  British  government  could  be  enabled  to  enter 
upon.a  discussion  of  any  daims. 

.  Five  or  sis  weeks  before  the  despatch  of  these  wukeela 
to  General  Lake^  Jeswunt  Bao  Holkar  had  addressed  a 
letter  to  General  Wellesley,  in  which  he  deitnanded  from 
him  certain  distriots  claimed  by  his  family  in  the  Deocan 
as  the  condition  of  peace,  and  concluded  in  a  strain  of  the 
most  vaunting  menace,  in  ease  by  noiHoompliance  it  should 
be  rendered  necessary  to  resort  to  war. 

In  the  beginning  of  April  Holkar  repaired  on  pretenoei 
of  devotion  to  Ajimere,  belonging  to  Sindia,  where  he 
levied  contributions^  andtmade  an  unsuocessfnl  attempt  to 
possess  himself  of  the  fort ;  but  he  justified  these  acts  to 
Sindia's  wukeel  as  nacessaxy  to  enable  him  to  prosecute  a 
war,  involving  the .  independence  of  the  Mahrattas.  A 
great,  portion  of  his  army  r^taained  onthe  fironiier  of  the 
Jeypoor  territory,  where  they  commenced  plundering. 

In  the  meanwhile  the  govemor-tgeneral   having  been 

made  acquainted  witii  Holkar's  demands, 
and  apprehending  many  evils  from  conti*^ 
nuing  to  temporize,  issued  orders  to  General  Lake  a:pd 
General  Wellesley  to  attack  Holkar*s  troops  and  possies^ 
siouM  in  every  direction,  declaring  .at  the  same  time  that  it 
was  not  his  intention  to  retain  Holkar's  territories  for  the 

■ 

British  government,  but  to  divide  them  amongst  its  allies^. 
General  Wellesley  was  at  this  period  at  Bcanbay,  and, 
in  consequence  of  a  famine  in  the  Deccan  from  a  defieiency 
of  rain,  superadded  to  the  devastations  occasioned  by  the 
moving  armies  and  plundering  bands  by  whieh  that  coontry 
had  been  for  years  infested,  it  was  apprehended  that  it 


CBAP.  ZX.]  WAB  AOAtNST  HOLKAB.  427 

wotdd  be  impracticable  to  a^t  against  Holkar's  pofisessiond 
in  that  qnartor  until  the  fall  of  the  rains ;  but  General 
WeUesIej  directed  Oolonel  Murray  to  assail  them  from 
Guzerat,  and  to  advance  upon'  bis  capital  in  -Malwa. 
Sindia,  who  was  informed  of  these  particulars^  professed 
his  readiness  to  act  in  cordial  co-operation  for  the  reduo^ 
tion  of  Jeswunt  Bao. 

On  the  18th  April  General  Lake  sent  forward  »  dbtadir* 

ment  of  three  native  battaMone  undei* 
Colonel  Monson  to  Jerypwyr^  on?  whidi 
Holkar  began  to  retire  rapidly  to  the  southwards  Parties 
of  irregular  horse  und^  Buropean  officers  fello^ed  hifr 
march,  to  waish  his  motions  and  haraiss  his  trodps.  '  Holkar 
having  halted  for  two  days,  Geneoral  Lake  advanced  upon 
him,  preceded  by  lieutenatii-Colonel  Monson's  detach^ 
ment,  but  Holkar  renewed  his  flight,  and  continued  his 
route  until  he  had  gained  his  own  fbonftier,  and  dressed  the- 
Chumbul.  During  his  retreat  he  made  an  attempt' to 
renew  the  ne^tiation,  which  was  declared  •  inadmissible. 
He  was  followed  by  the  irregular  horse  and  Lieuteflant-> 
Colonel  Monson,  covered  by  General  Lakers  army,'  from 

which  a  detachment  under  Lieutenant-- 
*^     '        .  Colonel  Don  gallantiy  stormed  and  took 
the  fort. of  Tonk-^Bampoorah  by  blowing  open  the  gate. 

The  news  of  this  first  success  inr  the  war  against  Holkar 
was  shortly  afterwards  followed  by  intelligence  of  a 
different  descripiioin  from  the  province  of  Bundelcund, 
where  the  refractory  chiefs  in  that  strong  country  occupied 
iihe  troops  for  a  considerable  period  after  its  transfer  to  the 
British  governments  Liefidtoiant-Colonel  Fawcett,  the 
officer  in  command,  had  detached  seven  companies  of 
sepoys,  with  some  artillery,  for  the  purpose  of  reducing  a 
small  fort.    Whilst  operations  against  it  were  in  progi*essy 


428  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XT, 

the  killidar  sent  out  an  offer  to  surrender  on  the  ensuing 
morning,  on  condition  that  the  firing  sbotdd  cease.  The 
proposal  being  accepted,  the  killidar  apprized  Holkar's 
general,  Umeer  Khan,  of  the  circumstances, .  and  invited 
him  to  send  a  detachment,  and  fall  by  surprise  on  the 
British  troops.  In  this  scheme  they  were  partially  suc- 
cessful ;  the  horse  approached  the  battery  before  they  were 
discovered,  and  two  companies  of  sepoys  with  60  artillery- 
men, their  officers  and  guns,  were  completely  cut  off.  The 
remaining  five  companies  under  Captain  Smith,  supported 
by  their  only  remaining  gun,  effected  their  retreat  to  the 
he.ad-quarters  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Fawcett.  Umeer 
Ehan,  encouraged  by  this  success,  made  an  atlack  on 
Kalpee,  JBtnd  attempted  to  pass  the  Junma,  for  the.  purpose 
of  plundering  the  Dooab,  but  he  was  checked  by  two 
companies  of  sepoys  stationed  on  the  bank,  and  was  shortly 
afterwards  attacked  and  routed  by  a  party  of  horse  and  a 
battalion  of  infantry,  which  had  been  received  into  the 
British  pay  from  the  service  of  Ambajee  Inglia.  Umeer 
Khan,  however,  continued  to  act  for  some  time  on  the 
side  of  Bundelcund,  where  the  numerous  re&actory 
zumeendars  facilitated  the  means  of  predatory  warfare. 

In  the  meantime,  as  the  rains  approached,  and  the  troops 
in  Quzerat,  in  concert  with  those  of  Sindia,  were  supposed 
best  capable  of  acting  with  advantage  against  Holkar's 
possessions  during  that  season.  General  Lake,  after  the 
capture  of  Tonk-Bampoorah,  returned  with  the  main  army 
into  cantonment,  leaving  Lieutenant-Colonel  Monson  to 
keep  Holkar  in  check,  with  five  battalions  of  sepoys  and 
about  3,000  irregular  horse — the  latter  divided  into  two 
bodies,  the  one  under  Bappoojee  Sindia,  in  the  service 
of  Doulut  Rao,  and  the  other  under  Lieutenant  Lucan. 
After  the  return  of  General  Lake,   Monson,  intending 


CHAP.  XZ/]  BSTBEAT  OF  MONSON.  429 

to  co-k)p^ate  wiih  Colonel  Murra j  firbm  Guzerat,  entered 
Holkar's  territorj  by  ihe  Moknndra  pass,  and  a  detach- 
ment from  his  division  took  the  hill-fort  of  Hinglais- 
gurh  by  escsdade.  Without  efficient  means  of  supply,  he 
conliinued  his  route  towards  the  Ohumbul  until  the  7th 
July,  when  he  received  inf(»ination  that  Holkar  was 
orossing  that  river  to  attack  him  with  the  whole  of  his 
army,  including  his  infantry  and  guns.  Monson,  who, 
shortly  after  his  appointment  to  his  present  command,  was 
nominated  to  the  temporary  rank  of  brigadier-general  by 
the  British  commandei^in-cbief,  at  first  advanced  with 
the  intention  of  meeting  the  enemy,  and  of  taking  advan-* 
tage  of  their  probable  confusion  in  crossing  the  river. 
But  staggered  by  a  report  that  Colonel  Murray  intended 
to  fall  back  on  Guzerat,  he  began  to  reflect  that  he  had 
only  two  days'  grain  for  the  supply  of  his  camp,  and  that 
several  detachments  might  be  expected  to  join  him  ;  he 
therefore  determined  to  retire  to  the  Mokundra  pass.  A 
prompt  and  spirited  attack  on  Mahrattas  has  always 
succeeded  :  indecision  on  the  plirtoftheir  enemy  encourages 
them  to  fight  when  they  woidd  otherwise  only  think  of 
escape,  and  a  prolonged  retreat  before  them,  except  in  the 
single  instanceof  the  British  detadbment  under  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Jacob  Camac,  has  invariably  ended  in  disaster. 
Having  adopted  the  unfortunate   alternative  we  have 

mentioned,  Brigadier-General  Monson,  on 
titd  8th  July,  began  his  retreat  by  sending 
off  his  baggage  and  stores  at  four  o'clock  in  the  morning. 
No  enemy  having  appeared,  the  Ime  of  infantry  followed 
at  nine,  and  the  irregular  horse  w^ere  left  on  the  ground, 
with  orders  to  follow  in  half  an  hour,  and  to  send  the 
earliest  intelligence  of  Holkar's  motions.  The  division  had 
re  tilled  about  six  Ao5,  when  intelligence  was  brought  that 


430  HISTOBT  OF  THE  HAHBATTAS.  [CEAP.  TX4 

ifae  irregular  horse  had  been  attacked  and  defeated,  and 
^at  Lieutenant  Lucan*  was  taken  prisoner.  This  infer* 
mation,  it  may  be  here  obserred,  was  bix>ught  hj  Doulnt 
Rao's' officer,  Bappoojee  Sindia,  who  in  a  few  days  after-* 
wards  deserted  to  Holkan     On    the  ensuing  morning, 

/  h<)we'rer,  Monson  took  post  in  front  of  the 
Mokundra  pass.  On  the  10th  tiieMahratta 
oavah*y  appeared,  and  next  morning,  i^eir  numbers  having 
greatly  increased,  Holkar  s^it  a  letter  requiring  the 
surrender  of  the  arms  of  the  British  detachment.  The 
deinand  was  of  course  rejected  ^  when  Holkar^  dividing  his 
cavalry  into  three  bodies,  attacked  the  division  in  front  and 
flanks,  but  after  various  unsuccessful  ati;empts^  he  withdrew 
his  troops  in  :the  evening,/  tod  encamped  at  theidistance  of 
two  kos,  where,  being  joined  by  his  infantry  and  guns,  he 
intended,  as  was  suppouslBd,  to  renew  the  attack  on  the 
following  morning.  Monson  not  deeming  his  post  tenable, 
dlxid  .being  apprehensite  of  having  his  retreat  cut  off, 
quitted  his  position,  and  ia.t^b  marches,  though  hanuaed 

by  the  enemy  and  exposed  to  very  heavy 

'      .    rain,    reached    Kotah,    The  ritj-rana  of 

Eotah,  when  the  British  troops  appeared  a^  fugitives^ 

wpuld  neither  admit  them  into  the  town  nor  supply  them 

with    food  ;t    Brigadier-General   Monsoxl  -  ^as .  therefore 

♦  Lieutenant  Lucan'el  fate  was  never  positively  known.  He  was 
foppoied  (a  have  been  pdiaon^d,  bat  this  I  have  hfard  eontradioted  on 
tolerably  good  native  authority,  which  stated  that  he  died.  Of  a  bowel 
complaint.  The  authority  alluded  to  was  Mohunimud  Kb  an  Bunguab, 
one  o£^lkar'ji  officers,  taken  in  rebellion  by  Colonel  Wallace  in  180&, 

'  t  Monson*s  aarrative  as  pnbUsbed  by  governmeiKt.  The  raj-raaa, 
Zalim  Sing,  afterwards  denied  his  having  refused  them  food,  and  said 
he  had  offered  them  an  asylum  outside  the  walls ;  hut  aUowing  this  last 
to  have  been  true,  Colonel  Monson,  by  accepting  such  an  equivocal 
support,  might  have  exposed  his  detachment  to  certain  destruction 
between  two  fires.  It  is  however  certain  that  Zalim  Sing  was  fined  ten. 
lakhs  of  rupees  by  Holkar,  whilst  the  latter  lay  in  the  ^eighbourhood  of 
Kotah, 


CHAP,  XX.]  msCX)VF)TURe  09  MONSOM^S  DBTACHMENT.  431 

obUgM  to  contintte  his  rotite  iK>ward8  the  Gaumndi  ford  on 
the  ChumbuL  Although  its  distance  from  Sotah  waa 
only  «even  miles^  the  obatrootions  ot^camimed  by  the  incest 
sant  ram,  aod  thei  deep. nature,  of  the  soil^  prerent^  his 
,  ,   *«  *.        reaching  :thfl  expected   ford  until  next 

July  13, 14.  •  v        -A  r       J   •  i.i 

momingy  when  it  was  found  impassable 
until  the  ensuing  day«  On  the  14th  Monson  was  obliged 
to  halt  to  enable  the  troops  to  procure  some  grain  ;  heavy 
rain  continued  throughout  the  night*  On  the  15th  he 
resumed  his  march^  but  the  guns  sank  so  deep  in  the  mud 
that  they  could  not  be  extricated.  The  grain  in  the 
^joining  village  was  exhausted^ — retreat  was  now  neoes-' 
sary  to  procure  subAistanoe ;  the  ammunition  was  therefore 
destroyed,  and  the  guns  were  spiked  and  abandpned  ;  but 
they  w^e  reoommeuded  to  the  care  of  the  raja  of  BoQXMle% 
yrho,  although  he  could  not  save  the  guns,  had  the  courage 
to  maintain  his  engagements,  with  the  English  in  the  face 

of  the  host  of  Qolkar*  On  the  17th  the 
.troops  reached  the  Chumbelee  rivulet^ 
which  was  not  fordable,  but  McHisoUyon  the  ensuing,  day^ 
sent  his  artillerymen  across  on  elephants^  with  orders  to 
proceed  <to  the  fort  of  lUmpoorah-  IS^early  ten  d^yji 
ela{»ed  before  the  whple  of  the  troops — some  on  dephants^ 
aome  on  rafts,  and  some  by  being  sent  to  a  foi^d.  fsxther 
down— could  cross  this  rivulet,  so  greatly  was  it  swoUen, 
During  that  time  they  sustained  much  privation  ;  in 
different  situations  they  repulsed  sQv^al  per^everitig 
attacks  which  were  made  upon,  them  byHplkar's  cavalry  ; 
and  a  detachmeui  of  fiai^k  comp^es^  under  Captain 
0'Don^,.b^t.up  the  ca^p  of  a  large  body  of  the  enemy 

on  the  evening  of  the  21st  Jul}'',  with  great 

spirit  and  success.  Many  of  the  men 
were  drowned  in  crossing  the .  Chumbelee  ;  but  the  most 


43iJ  HISTORY  OF  THE  HAHRATTAS.     '  [CHAP.  XX. 

trying  to  the  poor  sepays  of  all  that  they  endured^ 
was  the  loss  of  many  of  their  wives  and  children, 
who,  being  in  some  instances  necessarily  left  on  4ho 
opposite  bank  till  the  last,  were,  in  this  hapless  and 
unprotected  state,  in  view  and  within  hearing  of  their 
husbands,  barbarously  massacred  by  Bheels  from 
the  neighbouring  hills,  who  were  in  the  intferesta 
ofHolkar. 

^  By  the  29th  July  the  whole  of  the  corps  of  the  division 
readied  Rampoorah,  and  here  Brigadier-General  Monson 
was  joined*  by  two  battalions  of  sepoys  with  four  field- 
pieces,  two'  howitzers,  and  a  body  of  irregular  hor3^ 
bringing  with  them  a  supply  of  grain.  This  reinforce- 
ment had  been  ordered  forward  by  Genei^al  Lake  as  soon 
as  he  was  apprized  of  the  ^tiiation  of  the  detachment 
at  the  Mokundra  pass  ;  but  Brigadier-Gfeneral  Monson, 
not  judging  his  supplies  sufficient,  after  a  long  and 
apparently  unnecessary  halt,  determined  to  continue  his 
retreat  to  Kooshalgurh,  where  he  expected  to  find  supplies, 
and  to  be  joined  by  six  of  Sindia's  battalions  with 
21  guns,  under  Sewdasheo  Bhow  Bhaskur,  the  ofiicer 
defeated  by  Holkar  at  Poena  in*  October  1802.  After 
throwing  a  strong  garrison  with  his  field-pieces  into 
Rampoorah,  the  division,  consisting  of  five  battalions  and 
six  companies  of  Bengal  sepoys,*  with  two  howitzers  on 
the  •  morning  of  the  22nd  August,  reached  the  Bunass, 
which  was  so  much  swollen  as  to  be  scarcely  fordable 
for  the  largest  elephants.  Three  "boats  Were  found, 
with  whidh  the  treasure  of  the  detachment,  protected  by 
the  six  companies  of  the  2l6t  regiment  i^ider.  Captain 


^  2  2d,  1  9tb,  1 14th,  both  battalions  of  the  12th,  and  six  companies 
of  the  21st  Bengal  native  infantry. 


CHAP.  XX.]  DISASTERS  ATTENDING  MONSOK's  RETREAT.  433 

NichoH,  were  sent  across  and  forwarded  to  Kooshalgurh. 
.«o  «.       On  the  23rd   AuffUst  Holkar's  cavalry 

August  23, 24.  .  J      .  I.  .  •      i> 

again  made  tiaeir  appearance  m  lorce, 
and  on  the  24th,  the  river  being  fordable,  Brigadier- 
Oeneral  Monson  began  to  send  over  his  baggage  and 
one  battalion.  Holkar  at  the  same  time,  took  possession 
of  a  village  on  Monson's  right,  but  was  promptly  dis- 
lodged from  it.  The  river  having  decreased  consider- 
ably, the  Mahrattas  were  enabled  to  pass  it  to  the 
right  and  left,  and  most  of  Monson^s  baggage  having 
got  across,  his  main  body,  consisting  of  three  bat- 
talions with  one  of  the  howitzers,  followed.  Major 
James  Sinclair  was  left  with  one  battalion,  the  2nd 
battalion  2nd  regiment,  and  the  pickets  of  the  four 
corps  which  had  crossed,  to  protect  tiie  passage  of 
the  remaining  baggage  and  camp-followers.  At  4  P-'m., 
however,  Holkar's  infantry  and  guns  camp  up,  and 
opened  a  heavy  cannonade.  Major  Sinclair  desperately 
charged  the  guns  with  the  small  party  that  remained, 
took  several  of  them,  and  for  a  moment  was  victorious ; 
but  the  enemy,  rallied  by  Jeswunt  Rao  Holkar  in 
person,  charged  in  turn  with  overpowering  numbers, 
and  the  gallant  handful  oi  sepoys  was  nearly  annihilated. 
Of  the  brave  European  officers  who  led  them  on,  12 
fell  with  their  commander,  and  the  wreck  of  the  party 
escaped  under  cover  of  the  fire  of  their  comrades,  who 
lined  the  opposite  bank.  The  Mahrattas,  as  usual  in 
success,  Were  now  active  and  energetic;  they  prose- 
cuted the  advantage  which  they  had  obtained,  and  com- 
pelled Monson  to  abandon  his  baggage,  which,  with 
their  usual  avidity,  they  seized  as  trophies  of  a  decisive 
victory.  But  the  British  detachment  could  yet  show 
they  were  far  from  being  subdued ;  every  attack  was 
Vol,  n,— 65 


434 


BISTORT  07  THS  MAHRATTAS. 


[C^AP. 


repulsed,  and  Colonel  Monson  reached  Kooshalgurh  on 

the  night  of  the  25th  August.  Here  a 
most  unexpected  state  of  affairs  presented 
itself;  instead  of  finding  an  ally  in  Sewdashew  Bhowy 
that  officer  had  attacked  Captain  Kicholl,  who  had,  wiA 
much  judgment .  and  spirit,  maintained  his  post,  and 
protected  Kooshalgurh,  a  town  belonging  to  the  raja  of 
Jejpoor.  On  the  26th  August  the  Mahratta  cavalry 
encamped  in  separate  bodies,  surrpunding  the  British 
detachment ;  and  two  companies  of  sepoys,  belonging  to 
the  1st  battalion  14th  regiment,  with  a  large  proportion 
of  the  irregular  horse,  seduced  by  Holkar,  deserted.  Of 
the  cause  of  this  partial  disaffection  there  is  no  account 
afforded,  but  for  the  treachery  of  ite  few,  the  general 
fidelity  and  steadiness  of  the  detachment,  most  amply 
made  amends.*  Unfortunately,  Brigadier-General  Mon- 
801}  did  not  know  the  sepoys ;  they  had  no  confidence  in 
him,  nor  he  in  them.  At  seven  o'clock  on  the  evening  of 
the  26th  August,  having  previously  spiked  his  remaining 
howitzer,  the  other  having  been  taken  by  the  enemy  on 
the  bank  of  the  Biinass,  Brigadier-Q^eneral  Monson  moved 
out  of  Kooshalgurh,  and  prosecuted  his  retreat  towards 
Agra  in  an  oblong  square.  »  During  that  night  and  the 
ensuing  day  the  Mahratta  horse,  supported  by  guns, 
repeatedly  attempted  to  penetrate,  but  could  make  no 
impression.  On. the  night  of  the  27th,  under  the  protec- 
tion of  liie  ruined  fort  of  Hindoun,  Monson 
halted  a  few  hours  to  refresh  his  weary 
men,  but  one  hour  after  midnight  his  retreat  was  resumed. 
As  soon  as  he  had  cleared  the  ravines  near  HindouU,  the 

*  During  the  most  harMsIng  days  inany  of  the  old  nepoys  and- native 
officers  were  olten  heard  enoouragiog  the  yount^er  European  o^oers, 
when  sinking  under  ther  fatigues  telnng  them  "  to  cheer  up, '  for  that 
tb»y  would  carry  thani  s^oly.to  Agra," 


August  27. 


OHAP.  XX.]  HOLKAB  ADVAKCES  ON  VUTTBA.  t435 

harse  in  three  different  bodies  made  a  desperate  charge  ; 
but  the  sepoys,  reserving  their  fire  until- they  were  almost 
within  reach  of  their  bayonets,  then  gave  it  with  such 
signal  effect  that  the  enemy  retired  in  every  direction. 
The  troops,  almost  exhausted  with  fatigue  and  hunger, 
reached  the  Biana  pass  about  sunset;  here  Brigadier- 
"General  Monson  intended  to  halt  during  the  night,  but 
the  ardent  and  persevering  enemy  once  more  brought  up 
their  guns,  and  opened  so  heavy  and  severe  a  fire  on  the 
exahusted  troops  as  to  oblige  them  to  go  on  as  they  best 
could.  But  weary,  and  harassed  beyond  endurance,  the 
baggage  having  become  entangled  with  the  line  of  march, 
and  the  night  being  excessively  dark,  no  order  could  be 
restored,  and  the  whole  were  thrown  into  inextricable 
confusion.  In  this  state  the  troops' fairly  broke,  and  fled 
towards  Agra.  The  enemy,  though  they  attacked  in 
straggling  parties,  fortunately  were  not  in  sufficient  force 
to  reap  the  full  advantage  they  might  have  done,  and  by 

the  31st  August,  the  greater  part  of  the 
fugitives,  who  escaped  the  enemy,  found 
an  asylum  at  Agra. 

Holkar,  at  the  head  of  60,000  horse,*  15,000  infantry 
and  artillery,  with  192  guns,  advanced  triumphantly  to 
Muttra,  which  at  his  approach  was  abandoned  by  the 
British  troops  ;  and  parties  of  the  Mahratta  horse  pushed 
across  the  Jumna.  But  General  Lake,  with  his 
accustomed  energy,  had  already  taken  measures  for  repair- 
ing the  disasters.  The  Mahrattas  who  crossed  the  Jumna 
were  driven  back,  troops,  were  ordered  on  to  Agra  with 
all  expedition,  and  the  British  army,  in  the  cause  of  a 

*  So  stated  by  Sir  John  Malcolm,  who,  in  regard  to  Jeswunt  Bao 
Holkar,  is  oar  best  authority.  To  aooonnt  for  this  vast  body,  it  must 
be  recollected  that  he  was  reomited  by  the  wreck  of  the  armies  of 
Sindia  and  Bughoojee  Bhonslay,  and  a  part,  no  doubt,  were*  Pindharees. 


436  HIST0B7  OF  THK  MAHBATTAS.  [CBAP.  XX« 

month,  again  advanced  on  the  Mahrattas.^  In  a  few  days 
the  Mahratta  horse  began,  in  their  usual  manner,  the 
show  themselves  in  small  parties,  gradually  increasing 
in  numbers,  flying  before  the  British  cavalry  when  sent  to 
pursue  them,  evading  every  attempt  to  bring  them  to 
action,  turning  as  their,  pursuers  turned,  firing  their  match- 
locks, and  brandishing  their  spears  ;  whilst  others  stole  in 
upon  the  flanks  and  rear,  where  they  a^  first  cut  off  strag- 
glers and  baggage  with  considerable  success.  The  cruelties 
committed  by  Holkar  on  all  who  fell  into  his  hand^  were 
barbarous  in  the  extreme.  It  is  probable  that  General  Lake, 
instead  of  making  fruitless  attempts  from  a  standing  camp  to 
bring  Holkar's  cavalry  to  action,  would  h^ve  pushed  at  his 

October  4-12      ^^^^y  »^^  S^^^^  ^^^  ^^  ^^"^  ^  ^^^®  ^^ 

mained  as  Muttra  for  the  purpose  of  collect- 
ing supplies,  which  afforded  Holkar  an  opportunity  of 
attempting  an  important  enterprize,  being  no  less  than  that  of 
endeavouring  to  possess  himself  of  the  emperor's  person.  The 
plan  was  well  conceived,  but  it  was  completely  frustrated  by 
the  precaution  and  gallantry  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Ochter- 
lony,  the  resident  at  Delhi,  assisted  by  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Burn,  the  commandant.  The  whole  of  the  enemy's  infan- 
try and  artillery  attacked  Delhi  on  the  8th,  aud  continu- 

ed  the  siege  until  the  14th,  during  which, 
though  deserted  by  a  party  of  irregulars  at- 
tached to  the  garrison,  a  small  body  of  British  sepoys,  ably 
commanded,*  i^ade  a  successful  sortie,  repelled  an  assault, 

*  In  regard  to  sepoys,  it  cannot  be  too  well  understood  that  .mueh 
depends  on  their  European  officers;  no  officers  in  the  British  service  can 
be  placed  in  situations  where  more  address,  suavity,  and  firmness  are 
necessary  ;  consequently  noi^e  are  more  deserving  of  consideration  from 
their  oouUtry ;  but  officers  must  aslo  remember  that  it  is  generally  their 
own  fault  when  confidence  is  .not  mutual.  To  encourage  the  sepoys 
on  this  occasion,  Colonel  Ochterlony  served  out  sweetmeats,  and  pro- 
mised them  half  a  moxith's  pay  as  soon  as  the  enemy  was  repulsed.  Se 
knew  them. 


OHAP.  XX.]  GOLONBL  BURN'S  POSITION  AT  SHAHLEE.  437 

and  under  inoesaant  fatigue  defended  a  cify  ten  miles  in 
circumference. 

General  Lake,  on  hearing  of  this  aittack,  marched  to 

the  reUef  of  the  capital,  and  arrived  there 
on  the  18th  October ;  but  it  was  Holkar's 
plan  to  keep  his  .  infantry  out  of  reach,  and  they  were 
already  five  days  on  their  march  towards  the  territory  of 
his  ally  the  raja  of  Bhurtpoor,  who  in  favor  of  his  old 
friends  the  Mahrattas,  particularly  the  family  of  Holkar, 
had  seceded  from  his  engagements  with  the  English,  not* 
withstanding  the  great  advantage  which  he  derived  from 
their  alliance,     Holkar's  cavalry,  except  a  few  thousands 
who  accompanied  the  march  of  his  infantry,  continued  to 
hover  round  Delhi  for  some  days;  but  on  the  29th  of 
October  suddenly  crossed  the  Jumna  below.  Panniput,  for 
the  purpose  of  cutting  off  a  detachment  under  Lieute- 
nant-Oolonel  Burn,  who,   afler  being  called  in  for  the 
defence  of  Delhi,  was  on  his  return  tb  his  station  at  Seh- 
raunpoor,  with  one  battalion  of  sepoys  and  some  match- 
lookmen,  when  he  wa3  overtaken  by  Holkar  at  Shamlee. 
He  formed  his  camp  int6  a,  square,  which,  towards  even- 
ing, the  eofemy  suirounded^  but  drew  off  in  the  night  to 
the  high  road  leading  to    Sehraunpoor,    which    enabled 
Colonel  Burn  to  throw  hie  party  into  a  small  gurhee  near 
the  town,  where  he  resolved  to  defend  himself  if  he  could 
procujce  supplies,  and,  if  not,  to  fight  his  way  back  to 
Delhi.     In  copseiquence  of.  the  hostility  evinced  towards 
him  by  the  inhabitants  of  ^hamlee,  who  joinied  Holkar  in 
stacking  him,  l^e  had   determined  to ;  adopt  the  latter 
alternative,  when  he  heard  that  General  Lake,  with  three 
regimen|ks  of  dragoons,,  three  regiments  of  native  qavalry, 
the  horse  artillery,  and  a  brigade  of  infantry  under  Colonel 
Doi|,  was  marching  to  his  relief.    Gener^  Lake  arrived 


438  HI6T0XT  OF  THE  MAEntATTAS.  [OHAP.  XX. 

at  Shamlee  on  the  3rd  Narember;  Holkar  retired  on  his 
approach,  and  now  prepared  to  execute  his  long-meditated 
threat  of  wasting  the  companj^s  provinces  with  fire  and 
sword.  To  leave  him  no  timfe  for  the  purpose  was  now  the 
object  of  the  British  general ;  and  on  the  5th  November  the 
pursuit  of  Holkar  commenced ;  his  route  laj  in  a  southerly 
direction,  straight  down  the  Dooab,  in  which  he  pillaged 
and  burned  the  defenceless  villages  as  he  passed  along. 
'  The  British  infantry,  excepting  the  brigade  under 
Lieutenant-Oolonel  Don,  was  sent  with  two  regiments  of 
oavalry  by  General  Lake,  when  he  crossed  tibe  Jumna,  to 
follow  Holkar's  infantry  and  guns,  which  had  taken  post 
near  Deeg,  a  fort  belonging  to  the  raja  of  Bhurtpoor. 
Major-General  Frazer,  who  commanded,  arrived  in  the 
Neighbourhood  of  Deeg  on  the  12th  November.  Holkar's 
infantry  was    encamped    behind    an    extensire    morass 

and  a  deep  tatik,  with  their   left  on  a  foiv 
tified  village,  and  their  right  on  ike  fort 
of  Deeg,   supported  by  ranges  of  batteries,  which  they 
deemed  impregnable.    On  the  morning  of  the  13tli  the 
British  troops,  in  two  line^,  moi^d '  on  to  the  attack  ;  the 

gallant  76th  first  carried  the  fortified 
village  with  theit  bayonets,  and  finding  a 
range  of  guns  immediately  under  it,  charged  on  through 
a  tremendous  fire  of  round,  grape,  and  chain  shot :  the 
1st  Bengal  European  regiment '  rushed  on  to  support  the 
76th,  followed  by  the  sepoys.  Hdkar^s  infiintry  aban- 
doned the  first  range  of  guns,  and  retired  to  the  next ; 
but  this  was  as  instantly  charged  by  Gtoeral  Frazer,  who 
.  fdl  mortally  wounded  in  the  operation,  deeply  regretted 
by  his  troops.  3^e  command  devolved  on  Ooloniel  Mon- 
son,  under  whom  the  victory  was  completed ;  the  enemy  ^ 
bemg  compelled  to  abandon  battery  after  battery^  until 


CHAP.  XX.]  GENERAL  LAKE  AT  FURRUOKABAD.  439 

tfaej  were  forced  inta  the  fort  of  Deeg,  the  garrison  of 
wll^ieli  immediatelj  fired  upon  the  British  troops.  During 
the  battle  the  Mahratta  horse  re-took  the  first  range, 
and  for*  a  short  time  turned  the  guns  on  the  rear  of  the 
3ritish  line,  but  tibey  were  again  re-taken  bj  28  men  of 
the  76th  re^ment,  headed  by  Captain  Norford,  who  lost 
his  life  in  the  performance  of  this  remarkable  exploit. 
The  loss  of  the  British  was  severe  ;  no  less  than  643  w^e 
killed  and  wounded,  and  of  these  22  were  European  ofiicers. 
The  loss  of  the  enemy  was  estimated  at  about  2,000 ;  87  pieces 
of  ordnance  were  taken,and  among  them  Col.  Monson  had  the 
patisfaction  of  finding  14  of  those  lost  darling  his  retreat. 
Four  daya  after  the  victory  at  Beeg,  on  the  morning  of 

the  17th  November,  General  Lake,  aftisr 

27ov6ixil)6r  IT.  •  • 

la  most  persevering  pursuit,  came  up  with 
Solkar's  cavalry  at  Furruckabad,  and  fstlling  upon  them 
by  surprise,  put  3,000  of  them  to  the  sword.  General 
Lake  from  the  31st  October  estimated  that  he  had  march- 
ed  at  the  rata  of  23  miles  daily,  and  that  daring  the  night 
and  day  preceding  the  attack,  including  the  space  gone 
over  in  the  pursuit,  his  cavalry  went  upwards  ;of  70  miles 
in  less  tha;n^24  hojors. 

The  explosion  of  a  tumbril,  as  the  British  tiroops 
approached  the  Mahratta  camp,  gave  the  alarm  to  Holkar, 
and  on  the  first  discharge  from  the  gallopers,  Jeswunt  Bao 
fled  with  such  of  his  .followers  as  were  ready  on  the 
instant,  taking  the  direction  of  Deeg,  to  join  the  remains  of 
his  army,  of  whose  defeat  he  received  intelligence  the 
night  before  he  was  surprised.  General  Lake,  continuing 
the  pursuit,  arrived  at  Deeg  on  the  1st  December,  when 
the  siege,  of  that  fortress  having  been  determined  upon, 
the  battering  train  was  brought  from  Agra,  and  the  tren- 
ches opened  on  the  13th.    In  ten  days  a  breach  was  made 


440  HISTORY  OF  tfiE  MAHBATTAS.  [CHAP.  XX. 

in  an  outwork,  strongly  fortified  at  one  of  the  angles  of  the 
city,  which  was  stormed  and  tkken  at  midnight,  with  the 

^  loss  of  227  men  killed  and  wounded.   On  the 

'  ensuing  day  and  night  the  towii  and  citadel 
of  Deeg  were  evacuated,  the  garrison,  including  the  remains 
of  Holkar's  infantry,  betaking  themselves  to  Bhurtpoor. 

The  capture  of  Deeg,  involving  the  loss  of  the  greater 
part  of  the  territory  of  the  raja  of  Bhurtpoor,  was  a  severe 
blow  to  Holkar.  His  territory  in  the  Deccan  was  already 
reduced  by  the  capture  of  all  his  forts,  including  Ohan- 
dore  and  Galna,  which,  after  a  slight  resistance,  surren- 
dered to  a  divisi^Ai  under  Colonel  Wallace  by  the  end  of 
October.  His  principal  forts  ,in  Malwa  were  al86  occu- 
pied by  British  troops,  and  in  the  month  of  August,  Indore, 
his  capital,  had  been  taken  possession  of  without  resist- 
ance by  the  detachment  of  the  Bombay  array  from  Ghizerat. 
That  division  had  been  ordered  to  advanee  into  Hindostan 
for  the  purpose  of  endeavouring  to  intercept  Holkar  in 
his  expected  flight  to  Malwa,  and  it  had  reached  Kotldi 
by  the  epd  of  December.  The  reduction  of  Bhurtpoor^ 
however,  was  deemed  necessary  4n  order  to  cut  o£F  Hol- 
kar's  only  asylum,  after  which  he  might,  it  was  supposed,' 
be  followed  up  as  a  fugitive,  and  either  taken  prisoner  or 
rendered  insignificant. 

But  the  fortunes  of  Jeswunt  Rao,  though  in  a  few  weeks 
they  had  undergone  a  signal  reverse,  were  not  yet  destined 
to  close.  The  situation  of  his  ally  the  raja  of  Bhurtpoor 
was  still  more  desperate  than  his  own,  for  as  a  Mahratta 
freebooter  "  he  had  still  his  country  and  his  property  on  the 
saddle  of  his  horse,"  but  the  Jath  raja,  as  he  himself  declared 
from  the  first,  "  must  stand  or  fall  with  his  fort."* 

*  The  above  chapter,  where  the  atithority  is  not  expressly  mentioned, 
la  from  English  Becords,  Major  Thome's  memoir,  and  oral  informatioB. 


441 


CHAP.  XXL 

A.D.  1805  AND  A,D.  1806. 

The  siege  of  Bhurtpoar  commences. — Holkar  and  Umeer 
Khan  attempt  to  obstruct  the  operations. —  Uinee^^  Khan 
proceeds  to  Rohilcund — is  pursued  hy  General  Smith — 
defeated  and  compelled  to  return  to  Bhurtpoor. — The 
Jatlis  repulse  the  Brtish  army  in  four  assaults. — I'he  raja 
sues  for  pea>ce — terms  granted — principal  reason  for 
admitting  him  to  terms. — Disputes  with  Sindia. — The 
Marquis  Comwallis  returns  to  India  as  governor^gefiieral — : 
his  views — death — is  succeeded  by  Sir  George  Barlow. — 
Holkar  takes  the  route  of  the  Punjab — is  pursued  by 
Lard  Lake. — Peace  with  Sindia— and  with  Holkar. — r 
System  of  policy  pursued  by  Sir  George  Barlow — 
remonstrances  of  Lord  Lake — declaratory  articles  annexed 
to  the  treaties — policy  of  the  British  government  towards 
the  Rajpoots — particularly  ungenerous  towards  the  raja  of 
Boondee. — Treaty  with  the  Gaekwar, 

The   Bengal   army   arrived  before   Bhurtpoor  on  the 

second   day   of  the   new  year.     General 

Lake  being  accustomed   only   to   success 

without  properly  reconnoitring  the  place,  and  with  a  very 

inefBcient  battering  train,  commenced  the   siege  by  taking 

possession   of  a  grove  which   afforded  a 

partial  cover  to  his  operations.    Bhurtpoor 

is  a  fortified  town,  six  or  eight  miles  in  circumference, 

everywhere  surrounded  by  a  very  high  strong  mud  wall, 

Vol.  II.- 66 


442 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS. 


[chap.    XXI. 


February  7. 


and  bastions  planted  with  a  numerous  artillery,  having  a 
wide  and  deep  ditch,  capable  of  being  rendered  unfordable. 
It  was  strongly  garrisoned  by  the  whole  of  the  raja's  troops 
and  the  remainder  of  Holkar's  infantry.  The  raja  pressed 
a  great  proportion  of  the  neighbouring  villagers,  many  of 
whom  were  of  his  own  cast,  to  assist  iri  repairing  the 
works;  and  having  a  very  large  treasury,  nothing  to 
obstruct  his  supplies  on  three  sides  of  the  town,  and  Holkar's 
cavalry  to  act  upon  those  of  the  besiegers,  his  means  of 
defence  were  proportionate  to  Ids  resolution  to  use  tiiem. 
In  addition  to  Holkar's  cavalry,  Umeer  Khan  was  sum- 
moned for  Bundelcund,  and  during  the  progress  of  the 
siege,  after  making  on  one  occasion  a  considerable  but  un- 
successful effort  on  an  important  convoy,  where  a  number 
of  his  men  were  killed,  he  went  off  to  effect  a  diversion, 

crossed  the  Jumna  and  the  Ganges,  and 
invaded  the  Company's  districts  in  Rohil- 
cund.  He  was,  however,  so  closely  pursued  by  the  British 
cavalry  detached  by  General  Lake  under  General  Smith, 
thj^t  he  had  not  time  to  effect  extensive  mischief.  He  was 
at  last  overtaken  on  the  1st  March,  and  after  a  sharp 
skirmish  routed  with  considerable  loss.  This  defeat 
encouraged  the  people  of  the  country  to  resist  him,  and  his 
followers  began  to  desert.  Tired  at  length  by  a  campaign 
less  profitable  and  more  hazardous  than  he   expected, 

Umeer  Khan,  about  the  20th  March, 
returned  to  Bhurtpoor,  which  still  defied 
every  effort  of  the  British  general,  who  had  by  that  time^ 
come  to  the  resolution  of  suspending  operations  until  the. 
arrival  of  stores,  and  the  junction  of  a  more  powerful 
artillery.  The  army  had  been  repulsed  in  four  assaults  ; 
the  first,  led  by  Colonel  Maitland,  who  lost  his  life  on 
the  occasion,  was  made  on  the  night  of  the  9th  of  January. 


March  20. 


CHAP.  XXI.]  BKPULSE  OP  THE  BRITISH   FORCES.  443 

Several  causes  were  assigned  for  its  failure ;  owing  to 
the  irregularity  of  the  ground,  and  the  extreme  darkness, 
a  confusion  took  place  at  the  outset,  from  whiph  many  of 
the  men  lost  their  way  ;  the  ditch  was  very  deep,  and 
the  breach  wSiS  not  ooly  imperfect,  but  defended  with 
determined,  courage.  Abetter  breach  induced  General 
Lake  to  try  the  second  assault  on  the  21st  of  the  same 
month ;  it  failed  from  the  depth  of  water  in  the  ditch. 
Meaiis  had  been  taken  t(^  ascertain  the  extent  of  this 
impediment  by  ia  stratagem  of  three  of  the  Bengal  native 
cavalry,  wh6,  pretending  to  go  •  over  to  the  enemy,  and 
being  fired  upon  with  blank  cartridges  from  the  trenches, 
had  thus  an  opportunity  of  making  their  observations, 
and  returned  with  a  favourable  report.  The  enemy, 
however,  dammed  up  the  ditch  in  front  of  the  breach, 
which,    on   the    part    of  the  besiegers,    rendered  valour 

unavailing,  and  perseverance  destruction. 
On  the  10th  February  the  Bombay  divi- 
sion, under  Major-General  Jones,  joined  the  Bengal  army 
to  assist  in  the  siege,  w^hich  was  now  going  on  by  regular 
approaches.     On  the  20th  of  that  month  another  assault 
„     '  was  made  with  no  better  success  than  the 

February  20.  „ 

former.  Two  European  regiments,  one  of 
them  the  hitherto  brave  76th,  refused  the  follow  theil* 
officera,  and  thus  gave  the  12th  regiment  of  Bengal  sepoys 
an  opportunity  of  immortalizing  themselves.  Following' 
the  gallant  remains  of  the  flank  companies  of  the  22nd 
regiment  of  foot,  the  sepoys  advanced  with  the  greatest 
alacrity,  planted  their  colours  on  the  top  of  a  bastion,' 
and  it  was  supposed  that  an  equal  degree  of  ardour  on 
the  part  of  the  75th  and  76th  regiments  would  have  made 
tihem  .masters  of  the  place.  Next  day  the  men  of  these 
regiments,  when  addi'essed  by  General  Lake,  were  over- 


444 


HISTOET  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS. 


[chap.  XXI. 


^ 


February  21. 


powered  by  shame  and  remorse  ;  they  volunteered  to  a 
man;  and  a  fourth  and  last  attempt  was  made  on   the 

21st  February.  The  men  marehing  over 
the  dead  bodies  of  their  companions,  which 
crowded  the  ditch  and  glacis,  rushed  on  with  a  desparate 
resolution,  which  would  have  overcome  any  .practicable 
obstacle.  On  this,  as  on  every  former  occasion,  none  of 
the  troops  relaxed  in  their  efforts  ;  and  for  two  hours, 
until  ordered  to  desist,  they  persevered  at  the  breach,  or 
in  climbing  up  a  high  bastion  which  adjoined  it.  But  as 
fast  as  the  leaders  got  up,  they  were  knocked  down  with 
logs  of  wood,  or  speared  by  rows  of  pikemen  who  crowded 
the  tops  of  the  parapets.  The  besieged  took  every  precau- 
tion, and  used  every  effort  of  prudence  and  resolution  ;  the 
damage  done  to  the  mud  wall  by  the  shot  was  generally 
repaired  during  the  night,  their  guns,  were  drawn  within 
the  embrazures  to  prevent  their  being  dismounted,  and 
during  the  assaults,  particularly  in  the  last,  pots  filled 
with  combustibles,  burning  cotton  bales  steeped  in  oil,  with 
incessant  discharges  of  grape  from  the  cannon,  and  a  des- 
tructive fire  of  small  arms  were  poured  upon  the  British 
troops,  whose  casualties  were  very  great,  and  in  the  four 
iassaults  3,203  men  were  killed  and  wounded,  of  whom  103 
were  European  officers.  The  most  afflicting  circumstance 
attending  these  failures  was  the  necessity  of  leaving  many 
of  the  wounded  behind,  who  were  almost  invariably  put 
to  death  by  a  sally  of  the  garrison. 

The  Mahratta  horse  made  their  appearance  daily, 
endeavouring  to  obstruct  the  operations  of  the  siege,  and 
during  the  assaults  afforded  considerable  assistance  parti- 
cularly when  the  British  cavalry  was  in  pursuit  of  Umeer 
Khan.  They  occasionally  cut  off  cattle,  fora;gers,  and 
stragglers,  and  the  foraging  parties  of  the  besiegers  were 


CHAP.  XXI.]  HOLKAR's  MISFORTUNES.  445 

necessarily  so  strong,  and  obliged  to  march  to  such  a 
distance,  that  very  considerable  impediment  was  the 
consequence.  Besides  the  attempt  made  by  Umeer  Khan, 
already  adverted  to,  there  was  another  serious  but  unavail- 
ing attack  upon  a  convoy,  which  was  made  by  both  Holkar 
and  Umeer  Khan,  assisted  by  some  of  the  Jath  horse.  On 
both  occasions  the  convoys  were  saved  by  seasonable  rein- 
forcements from  the  British  camp.  Upon  the  return  of 
the  cavalry  from  the  pursuit  of  Umeer  Khan  in  Bohilcund^ 
General  Lake  made  two  attempts  to  surprise  Holkar,  in 
the  second  of  which  he  was  particularly  successful  ;* 
1,000  of  the  Mahrattas  were  killed,  and  great  numbers  of 
the  horsemen  their  spirit  being  now  completely  broken, 
quitted  their  leader  after  this  chastisement  To  such  a 
pitch  of  alarm  had  they  now  arrived,  and  so  completely 
disheartened  were  these  active  tormentors  of  Monson's 
detachment,  that  they  had  not  courage  to  fight  for  their 
lives ;  not  one  of  the  British  cavalry  was  killed  on  the 
occasion,  A  few  days  after  this  event,  3,0(»0  of  the 
remains  of  Holkar's  regular  infantry  were  intercepted  by 
a  detachment  of  British  troops  under  Captain  Koyal,  and 
defeated  with  severe  loss. 

To  complete  Holkar's  misfortunes,  his  ally,  the  raja  of 
Bhurtpoor,  hoping  to  save  himself,  took  advantage  of  the 
intermission  of  the  siege  to  testify  his  desire  of  reconcilia- 
tion; offering  terms  which,  even  after  everything  was 
prepared  to  renew  the  attack,  many  concurring  reasons 

induced  the  British  authorities  to  accept, 

although   at  the   prodigious   sacrifice    of 

leaving  a  lasting  impression  of  their  failure.     The  raja  of 

*  In  the  first  attempt  the  clattering  of  the  steel  soabhards  worn  by 
the  cavalry  gave  the  Mahrattas  intimation  of  his  approach  ;  in  the 
second)  by  leaving  them  behind,  he  got  nearer  to  their  camp  before 
being  discovered. 


kMHi^naMW 


•1 

'I 

I 


44G  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XXI. 

Bliurtpoor  paid  20  lakhs  of  raphes,  renoujlced  his  alliance 
wiih  the  enemies  of  the  British  government,  and  his  claims 
,to  advantages  secured  by  the  former  treaty  with  General* 
(now  Lord)  Lake.  The  fortress  of  Deeg  was  to  be  restored 
when  the  British  government  had  reas(Mi  to  be  assured  of 
his  fidelity.  ... 

The  principal  cause  which  actuated  ,the  British  authori- 
ties in  accommodating  matters  wath  the  raja  of  Bhurtpoor 
was  an  apprehended  rupture  with  Sindia,  ;  Doulut  Rao, 
several  days  even  befogre  he  signed  the  treaty  pf .  idefenaive 
alliance,  had  made,  strong  .objectioi^  to  the  r0storation3 
granted  by  the  British  government  to  tho  rana  of  Gohud, 
whom,  as  being  long  dispossessed  of  all  territory,  be 
affected  to  consider  as  a  private  individual  possessing 
neither  rights  nor  independence,  and  therefore  incapable 
of  engaging  in  any.  treaty  ;  consequently  it  was  unjust,  he 
argued,  to  set  up  his  antiquated  claims  as  one  of  the 
independent  rajas  or  jagheprdars,  and  absurd  to  pretend 
that  this  elected  rana  could  eede.Gwalior  to  the  company. 
These  arguments,  though  easily  combated,  were  sufficiently 
ingenious  for  the  immediate  purpose  of  Sindia's  ministers, 
whose  chief  aim  was  to  seek  cause  of  present  dispute, 
trusting  to  events  for  widening  or  repairing  the  breach  as 
they  saw  occasion. 

Ambajee  Inglia,  who  was  insincere  from  the  first  in  his 
treaty  with  the  English,  and  who  claimed  and  obtained 
merit  with  his  master  for  what  he  had  done,  by  retaining 
possession  of  some  of  the  districts  in  jagheer,  is  said  to 
have  been  the  deviser  of  this  scheme  in  regard  to  Gohud,* 
and  to  have  been  the  active  abettor  of  Shirzee  Rao 
Ghatgay  in  endeavouring  to  excite  Doulut  Rao  to  a  imion 
with  Holkar.     No  Mahratta  doubts,  and  the  governor- 

*  Oral  inform ation  from  Ambajee's  son-in-law  and  others. 


CHAP.  XXI.]  DISPUTES  WITH  SINDIA.  44? 

general  must  have  known,  that  Bapoojee  Sindia  and 
Sewdasheo  Bhow  Bhaskur  joined  Holkar  with  Doulut 
Rao's  consent.  Whilst  disavowed,  it  was  not  expedient  to 
charge  him  with  such  an  act  of  treacherous  hostility,  and 
therefore,  in  the  event  of  their  being  apprehended  by 
Oeneral  Lake,  he  had  instructions  to  try  them  by  a  court- 
martiiEil  for  th^r  treason  and  desertion,  and  to  carry  into 
execution  whatever  sentence  might  be  passed.  Sindia,  in 
a  long  letter  of  frivolous  and  unjust  complaint,  which  he 
addressed  to  the  governor -general,  on  the  18th  October 
1804,  had  the  assurance  to  adduce  the  desertion  of  those 
officers  as  one  of  his  grievances,  originating  in  his  not 
having  received  pecuniary  aid  from  the  English,  to  enable 
him  to  co-operate  against  Holkar  ;  and  that  they  had  only 
feigned  to  join  the  enemy  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining 
subsistence  for  their  troops. 

At  the  period  of  the  date  of  this  letter,  Sindia  was  on 
his  march  from  Burhanpoor  towards  Malwa,  professing  an 
intention  of  proceeding  to  his  own  capital,  Oojein,  agree- 
ably to  frequent  recommendations  from  the  British  govern- 
ment. But  under  the  influence  of  Shirzee  Rao,  who  from 
the  first  earnestly  promoted  the  union  with  Holkar,  Sindia 
was  fully  bent  on  joining  that  chief,  and,  in  addition  to 
various  acts  of  a  hostile  nature  against  the  allies  of  the 
British  government,  committed  a  gross  outrage  by  attack- 
ing, plundering,  and  detaining  Mr.  Jenkins,  the  acting 
resident  in  his  camp. 

A  division  of  the  British  army  under  Colonel  Martindell 
in  Bundeleund  had  been  directed,  to  reinforce  the  army  at 
Bhm'tpoor,  and  had  advanced  for  that  purpose  as  far  as 
Gwalior;  but  on  receiving  intelligence  of  this  outrage, 
Colonel  Martindell  fell  back  on  Jhansee  to  frustrate  any 
scheme  which  Sindia  might  have  formed  of  invading  the 


^ 


448  HISTaRY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XXL 

company's  provinces,  which  from  Kalpee  to  Calcutta  wero 
completely  exposed;  but  Sindia  moved  on  gradually  to 
the  northward,  until  his  approach  to  the  Ohumbul  produced 
0,  strong  remonstrance  from  the  British  resident,  to  whom 
Sindia  declared  that  he  was  unable  to  proceed  to  settle  his 
own  country  from  the  state  of  his  finances,  and  that  he 
was  only  marching  towards  Bhurtpoor  to  mediate  a  peace. 
He  agreed,  however,  if  assisted  by  the  British  government 
in  the  removal  of  his  pecuniary  embarrassments,  to  return 
to  the  southward,  and  act  as  they  might  desire ;  he  also 
promised  to  make  reparation  for  the  plunder  of  the  British 
resident.  At  the  interview  where  these  assurances  wete 
given,  the  demeanour  of  Sindia  and  his  ministers  was 
much  more  conciliatory  than  it  had  been  for  some  time 
before,  and  it  being  of  great  importance  to  prevent  Sindia 
from  joining  the  confederacy  at  Bhurtpoor,  the  governor- 
general  accepted  this  promise  as  an  atonement  for  the 
outrage  on  his  representative,  and  agreed  to  advance  some 
pecuniary  aid,  provided  Sindia  would  return  and  employ 
himself  in  taking  possession  of  Holkar's  unoccupied  dis- 
tricts in  Malwa.  Sindia  pretended  to  acquiesce,,  and 
retired  eight  miles  towards  Subbulgurh  ;  but  still,  on 
pretence  of  mediating,  sent  on  a  part  of  his  cavalry  and  all 
his  Pindharees  towards  Bhurtpoor.  The  treaty,  however, 
was  concluded  previous  to  their  arrival  ;  the  raja  declined 
an  interview  with  Sindia's  wukeel,  and  the  troops,  joined 
by  Holkar  with  the  remains  of  his  cavalry,  returned  to 
Sindia's  camp,  where  Holkar  met  with  a  cordial 
reception,  as  did  Bappoojee  Sindia  and  Umeer  Khan. 
Sindia  in  regard  to  Holkar  endeavoured  to  justify  him- 
self to  the  British  government,  by  telling  the  resident 
that  Holkar,  who  had  intended  to  plunder  the  British 
territories,   had   at  his  request    abandoned  that   design. 


CHAP.  ZXI.]  SINDIA  AND  HOLKAB  MOVE  TOWARDS  AJIMERE.  449 

and  consented  to  his  mediation    for  the    attainment  of 
peace.* 

Lord  Lake,  in  consequence  of  this  junction,  moved  from 
Bhurtpoor  with  his  whole  army  towards  the  camp  of 
Sindia  and  Holkar,  desiring  the  resident  to  quit  Sindia's 
cainp.  The  resident,  however,  was  still  detained  on 
various  pretexts,  whilst  the  two  chieftains,  on  Lord  Lake's 
approach,  retreated  in  a  south-westerly  direction  towards 
Kotah,  with  great  precipitation.  Their  whole  force 
consisted  of  5,000  infantry  with  140  guns,  12,000  sillidar 
horse,  and  12,000  Pindharees.  From  the  advanced  state 
of  the  season.  Lord  Lake  did  not  deem  it  advisable  to 
pursue  them,  and  therefore  directed  the  army  to  take  up 
positions  during  the  monsoon.  The  Bombay  troops, 
under  General  Jones,  occupied  a  centrical  situation  at 
Tonk-Bampoorah,  Colonel  MartindelPs  division  returned 
to  Bundelcund,  a  detachment  was  placed  at  Git)hud,  and 
the  main  body  of  the  Bengal  army  was  stationed  at 
Agra  and  Muttra. 

Sindia  and  Holkar  repaired  to  Kotah,  and  afterwards 
moved  towards  Ajimere.  Holkar  was  a  decided  advocate 
for  continuing,  the  war  ;  Shirzee  Bao  was  strenuous  in 
support  of  this  proposal,  and  whilst  he  continued  to  sway 
the  councils  of  his  son-in-law,  Holkar  had  entire  influence 
in  Sindia's  administration.  But  the  violence  of  Shirzee 
Bao  defeated  his  own  purposes,  and  Halkar  was  instru- 
mental in  removing  him  from  power,  and  placing  Ambajee 
Liglia  at  the  head  of  Sindia's  administration.  Holkar,  with 
Sindia's  connivance,  had  at  first  confined  Ambajee,  and 
after  exacting  from  him  a  large  sum  of  money,  on.  which 
the  troops  subsisted  for  some  time,  he  was  released,  and 
appointed  as  has  been  just  mentioned.     Holkar  expected 

*  Mm's  Htetory,  of  British  India, 
Vol.  II,— 57 


450  HISTOBT  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CEAP.  XXK 

to  find  in  him  a  willing  coadjutor,  and,  from  the  reputation 
of  his  wisdom,  much  more  was  hoped  than  from  the  rash 
violence  of  Shirzee  Rao  ;  but  the  temporizing  pbUcy  o^ 
Ambajee,  the  re-kindling  rivalry  of  the  two  chieftains,  the 
separation  of  their  camps,  and  above  all,  Sindia's  convic-^ 
tion  of  their  impotency  to  contend  with  the  British 
government,  paved  the  way  to  a  pacification  which  had  by 
that  time,  owing  to  a  change  in  the  government,  become 
the  primary  object  of  the  British  cabinet. 

Peace  was  no  doubt  of  the  greatest  importance  to. 
British  India  at  this  period,  but  the  power  of  the  Mahratta 
chiefs  was  completely  broken  :  the  Peishwa,  however 
inimically  disposed,  had  as  yet  acquired  no  authority,  and 
the  Marquis  Wellesley,  without  renouncing  any  advan- 
tages, would  have  soon  been  enabled  to  effect  every 
arrangement  for  securing  a  long,  if  not  a  permanent, 
tranquillity  ;  but  the  protected  warfare,  and  the  popular 
clamour  in  England  against  his  administration,  arising 
chiefly  from  temporary  embarrassments  and  a  sudd^i 
accumulation  of  debt,  began  to  influence  the  opinions, 
not  only  of  the  proprietors  and  directors  of  the  East 
India  Company,  but  of  the  British  ministry.  The  return 
of  the  venerable  Marquis  Cornwallis  to  Lidia  was  soUcited 
by  the  highest  authoritiesi,  as  if  the  salvation  of  that 
country  depended  on  his  presence.  He  arrived  in 
Calcutta  on  the  30th  July,  and  on  the  same  day  assumed 
charge  of  the  government.  He  showed,  almo^  from  thd 
first  act  of  his  administration,  that  he  disapproved  of  the 
system  of  defensive  alliance  conjoined  with  a  subsidiary 
force,  and  evinced  so  great  an  eagerness  to  put  an  end  to 
the  war  with  Holkar,  and  to  accommodate  the  differences 
with  Sindia,  that,  had  the  power  of  these  chiefs  and  of 
Bughoojee  not  been  completely  broken,  it  would  probably 


CHAP.  XXI.]  VIRWS  OF  LOBD  CORNWALLIS.  451 

have  ensured  a  prolongation  of  hostilities,  conducted  with 
all  the  energy  and  activity  of  Mahrattas  in  success* 
Lord  Oornwallis  was  willing  to  overlook  the  outrage 
committed  by  Sindia  on  the  British  resident,  to  give  up 
Owalior  and  its'  dependencies  and  to  make  some  provision 
for  the  rana  of  Gohud  from  the  disposable  territories  on 
•the  Jumna.  To  Holkar  he  proposed  to  restore  the  whole 
x)f  the  territories  conquered  from  him  during  the  war. 
'He  greatly  disapproved  .of  the  treaties  of  defence  and 
guarantee  entered  into  with  the  petty  rajas  of  Joudpoor^ 
Jeypoor,  Bhurtpoor,  Macherry,  and  Boondee.  As  to  the 
first,  the  raja  of  Joudpoor  having  refused  to  ratify  the 
treaty  which  his  wukeel  had  made  with  General  Lake,  of 
course  no  agreement  with  that  state  existed.  With  regard 
io  the  second,  the  raja  of  Jeypoor  had  not  fulfilled  the 
conditions  of  his  agreement,  and  the  Marquis  Oornwallis^ 
at  an  early  period,  had  directed  him  to  be  informed  that 
it  was  considered  as  dissolved ;  but  the  raja's  subsequent 
conduct  had  in  a  great  degree  retrieved  his  previous 
neglect.  With  respect  to  the  other  three,  the  governor- 
general  proposed,  as  an  inducement  to  their  renouncing 
the  alUanceytomakeover  portions  of  the  territory  conquered 
I  from  Sindia  south  of  Delhi,  and  on  the  west  of  the  Jumna^ 

which  river  he  intended  should  form  the  south-western 
boundary  of  the  company's  possessions  in  that  quarter,  and 
by  these  means  exempt  the  British  government  from  all 
obligation  to  guarantee  or  defend  the  territory  so  assigned 
from  the  attack  of  Sindia  or  any  other  potentate.  In 
eonformity  with  these  sentiments,  instructions  were 
forwarded  to  Lord  Lake  on  the  19th  September;  but 
before  tiieir  official  transmission,  Lord  Lake,  apprized  of 
the  pacific  course  of  policy  which  the  new  governor-general 
had  determined  to  pursue^  seized  an  opportunity,  conse- 


452  BISTORT  OF  THE  MAHEATTAS.'  [CHAP.  ZXI. 

quent  to  Ainbajee's  appointment  to  the  administration^  und 
to  the  dismissal  of  Shirzee  Bao,  to  draw  proposals  from 
Sindia — ^an  important  advantage  in  most  negotiations,  but 
particularly  so  in  the  present  case.  <  To  the  overtures  made 
Lord  Lake  replied  that  he  could  listen  to  no  proposition 
until  the  resident  was  released,  a  preliminary  to  which 
Sindia  now  readily  consented ;  and  Lord  Lake,  in  antici- 
pation of  the  wishes  of  the  governor-general,  had  submitted, 
previously  to  the  receipt  of  his  instructions,  a  plan  for  the 
adjustment  of  differences  with  Sindia.  Li  consequence  of 
this  favourable  state  of  affairs,  and  the  evils  he  conceived 
likely  to  result  £rom  abandoning  the  connection  with  the 
petty  states,  and  permitting  the  Mahrattas  to  regain  a 
footing  in  the  northern  provinces,  he  delayed  acting  upon 
the  instructions,  and  represented  the  reasons  by  which  he 
was  guided. 

Before  this  representation   was  received,    the  mortal 
illness    of   the    Marquis    Comwallis    had  rendered  him 

incapable  of  attending  to  public  business  ; 

and  at  his  death,  which  happened  on  the 

5ih  October,  the  charge  of  the  British  government  in  Lidia 

devolved  on  the  senior  member  of  the  Bengal  council,  Sir 

George  Barlow. 

In  the  meantime  Holkar,  perceiving  the  change  of 
politics  on  the  part  of  Sindia,  and  that  he  had  nothing  to 
hope  from  him  whilst  his  own  fortunes  were  so  low,  quitted 
Ajimere  early  in  the  month  of  September,  and  with  about 
12,000  horse,  2,000  or  3,000  infantry,  and  30  guns,  took 
the  route  of  tibe  Punjab,  giving  out  that  he  expected  to  be 
joined  by  the  Seiks  and  the  Afghans.  Two  divisions  of 
the  British  army— the  one  under  General  Jones  from 
Bampoorah,  and  the  other  under  Colonel  Ball,  in  the 
Bewaree  hills — ^made  ineffectual  attempts  to  intercept  him ; 


CHAP.  XXI.]  TRBATY  WITH  SINDIA.  '453 

on  which  Lord  Kake,  having  posted  divisions  to  prevent 
his  getting  back,  set  out  in  pursuit  of  him  with  five  regi- 
ments of  cavaky  and  four  battalions  of  infantry. 
•   These    operations  did  not  obstruct    the  arrangements 
with  Sindia,   which,  under    the  immediate   direction  of 
Lord  Lake,  were  concluded  by  a  new  treaty  on  the  22nd 
November;  Lieutenant-Colonel  Malcolm  being  tho  agent 
on  the  part  of  the  Company,  and  Moonsheei  Kavil  Nyne 
on  that  of  Sindia.     The  treaty  of  Surjee  Anjengaom  was 
to  remain  in  fiill  force,  excepting  in  such  par  ts  as  might 
be  altered  by  the  present  arrangement. 

The  subsisting  engagement  between  the  British  govern- 
ment and  the  ranaof  Gohud  being  inconvenient,  or,  as 
was  declared,  the  rana  being  found  totally  unfit  for  the 
exercise  of    sovereign    authority,    the    agreement    was 
dissolved,  and  the  fortress  of  Gwalior  with  the  Gohud 
territory  were  restored  to   Sindia.      It  was,  however, 
stipulated  that  an  establishment  should  be  provided  for 
the  rana  by  the  British  government;  and,  in  order  to 
remunerate  them  for  the  expense  of  supporting  it,  Sindia^ 
on  his  part,  agreed  to  relinquish  the  pensions  of  15  lakhs 
of  rupees,  granted  to  certain  officers  in  his  service,  and 
to  resign  his  enam  districts  of  Dholpoor-Baree  and  Raj- 
Kerrah,  which  were  reserved  to  him  by  the  treaty  of 
Surjee  Anjengaom.     The  river  Chumbul,  from  Kotah  on 
the  west,  to  the  extremity  of  the  Gohud  territory  on  the 
east,  was  declared  the  boundary  of  the  two  states  ;  and, 
in  consideration  of  the  benefits  derived  by  the  company 
from  this  line  of  demarcation,  it  was   agreed  to  allow 
Sindia,   personally,   an  annual  pension  of  four  lakhs  of 
rupees,  and  to  assign  jagheers  to  his  wife  and  daughter — 
the  formeif'to  have  two  lakhs,  and  the  latter  one  lakh  of 
rupees  annually,  within  the  territory  of  the  company. 


454  HISTOBT  OF  TSE  MAHRATTAS.  :[OHAP.  XXt 

The  two  small  districts  of  Bbadek'  and  SoosepbirkTab,'  on 
the  rigl^t  bank  of  the  Jumna)  and  south  of  the  Chumbol, 
being  necessary  to  tixe  greater  security  of  the  company's 
frpni^er,  were  made  over  to  th^nt.  Stndia  renouiiced  all 
claim  to  tribute  from  the  iraja  6f  Bodnd&e,  or  from  any 
other  state  north  pf  the  Chumbul,  and  to  the  ea^twahi  of 
Kotah*  The  British  goyetnmdnt  engaged  to  renter  into 
no  treq^ties  with  the  rana  of  Oudepoot,  the  rajas  •  ol 
Joudhpoor^  Kotah,  and  other  chiefs,  the  tributaries  of 
Sindia  in  Malwa,  Marwar,  and  Mewar  ;.nor  to  interfere 
with  the  arrangements  Sindia  might  make  with  them« 
In  the  event  of  peace  with  Holkar,  the  British  government 
engaged  tliat  they  should  not  desire  the  restoration  of 
such  of  the  districts  of  Holkalr  between  the  Tajptee  and 
Ghumbul  as  Sindia  had  taken,  or  interfere  in  any  manner 
with  their  arrangements,  wars,  or  disputes;  The  losses^ 
public  and  private,  su3tained  by  the  British  residencyy 
were  to  be  made  good ;  and  as  it  was  notodons  that 
Sbirzee  Bao  Ghatgay  was  the  instigator  of  this  outrage, 
and  that  he  had  always  acted  with  the  most  viml^it 
hostility  to  the  British  government,  ^india  agreed  never 
to  admit  him  into  his  councils.  The  negotiation  of  this 
treaty  did  not  obstruct  the  active  pursuit  of  Holkar ; 
{iord  Lake,  joined  by  reinforcements  as  The  advanced^ 
followed  him  into  the  Punjab  with  unremitting  persever- 
ance. Jesw:unt  Bao,  if  he  entered  the  territory  of  ihe 
Seiks  in  any  expectation  of  assistance  Scorn  them,  was 
totally  disappointed ;  but,  whilst  they  preserved  a  strict 
neutrality,  they  were  also  anxious  to  become  mediators 
for  Holkar,  whose  hopes  of  resisting  the  British ,  power 
were  now  completely  crushed.  Driven  at  lengdi  to 
extreme  distress,  he  sent  agents  to  Lord  Lake%  camp,  on 
j;he  bank  of  the  Beah,  to  sue  for  peace;  and  as  the 


CHAP,  XXI.]     DRAFT  OP  TREATY  WITH  HOLKAR.  455 

instructions  of  the  late  governor-general  remained  in 
force,  under  tiie  authority  of  Sir  George  Barlow,  it  may- 
be imagined  that  the  negotiation  of  a  treaty  which 
restored  conquered  territories,  to  which  Holkar  had 
forfeited  his  right,  even  had  he  been  the  legitimate 
representative  of  his  family,  was  very  soon  concluded. 
Holkar  renounced  all  right  to  Tonk-Eampoorah,  Boondee, 
and  all  other  places  north  of  the  Boondee  hills,  all  claims 
on  the  province  of  Bundelcund,  and  on  the  British 
government  and  its  allies  ;  he  engaged  never  to  entertain 
Europeans  in  his  service,  and  never  to  admit  Shirzee  Rao 
Ghatgay  into  his  councils  or  employment ;  he  also  became 
bound  to  return  to  Malwa  by  a  prescribed  route.  The 
British  government  engaged  to  have  no  interference  with 
the  possessions  of  Holkar  south  of  the  Ohumbul ;  to 
restore  the  forts  and  districts  of  the  family  in  the  Deecan, 
excepting  Chandore  and  its  dependencies,  and  the  districts 
of  Amber  and  Sewgaom ;  but,  in  case  of  Holkar's 
evincing  amicable  and  peaceful  intentions  towards  the 
British  government,  Chandore,  Amber,  and  Sewgaom 
were  to  be  restored,  and  the  district  of  Koonch,  in 
Bundelcund,  was  to  be  given  in  jagheer  to  his  daughter 
—the    former   in   18  months,    and  the    latter  in    two 

years,    from  the  24th   December   1805, 
the  day  on  which  the  treaty  was  dated. 
Sir  George  Barlow,  in  whom  tiie  power  of  confirming 

treaties  on  the  part  of  the  British  govern-^ 
ment  now  rested,  i^ade  an  alteration  in 
&is  treaty,  as  well  as  in  that  concluded  with  Sindia.  Sir 
George  Barlow  conceived  that  the  reasons  adduced  by 
Lord  Lake  for  continuing  the  connections  with  the  petty 
states  north  of  the  Chumbul,  were  outweighed  by  the 
poHtical  advantage  of  their  dissolution.  Lord  Lake  main«- 
tained'that  the  alliance  of  diese  petty  states  interposed  a 


456  filBTORT  07  THS  HAHBATTA&  [CHAP..  XXI. 

strong  barrier  against  the  future  encroachments  of  the 
Mahrattas ;  and  that,  at  all  events,  the  honor  of  the  Bri- 
tish government  was  pledged  to  respect  its  engagements, 
until  the  treaties  were  infringed  or  renounced  by  the 
states  in  question.     Sir  George  Barlow  contended  that  the 
security  of  the  British  government  depended  either  on  its 
controlling  all  the  states  of  India,  or  on  leaving  them  to 
the  wars  and  disputes  which  were  sure  to  arise  if  left  to 
themselves  j  and  ifXhe  British  government  renounced  its 
claim  to  the  territory  in  which  any  such  petty  states  was 
situated,  all  obligation  to  protect  it  was  dissolved.     It  is 
not  dear,  in  the  circumstances  then  existing,   in  what 
manner  Sir  George  Barlow  meant  to  apply  this   latter 
argument,  excepting  to  the  raja  of  Boondee ;  but  with 
res^t  to  the  LJr  observation,  as  far  as  regarded  ihe 
contentions  of  those  states.  Lord  Lake  had  before  expressed 
his  opinion  that,  if  left  to  themselves,  they  would  quarrel 
with  each  other,  call  in  the  aid  of  the  native  powers  in 
their  viciniiy,  and  large  armies  of  irregulars  would  be  con- 
tending upon  the  frontier  of  the  most  fertile  provinces  of 
the  British  government,  against  whose  eventual  excesses 
there  would  be  no  well-grounded  security,  but  a  military 
force  in  a  constant  state  .of  preparation.     Had  His  Lord- 
ship's life  been  extended  to  the  term  which  might  have 
been  reasonably  hoped,  he  would  not  only  have  seen  his 
prediction  verified,  but  that  a  military  force,  acting  on  the 
defensive,  afforded  no  certain  security  against  the  incur- 
sions of  swarms  of  brigands  which  were  thus  nourished. 
'    Agreeably  to  the  system  of  poUcy  he  had  determined 
upon.  Sir  George  Barlow  annexed  declaratory  articles  to 
the  treaties  concluded  with  Sindia  and  Holkar,  explaining 
away  any  obligation  which,  by  the  treaty  with  the  former^ 
might  be  inferred,  of  protecting  the  petty  states  north,  of 
the  Chumbol^  firom  Kotah  to  the  Jumna,  and  restoring  to 


CHAP.  XXI.]  TREATY  OF  BARODA.  457 

the  latter  Tonk-Rampoorah  and  all  the  territory  north  of 
the  Boondee  hills  ;  thus  abandoning  to  his  fate  the  raja  of 
Boondee,  who,  on  his  part,  had  maintained  the  alliance 
with  honor  and  generosity. 

Lord  Cornwallis,  disapproving  of  the  system  of  alliances^ 
had,  as  already  mentioned,  taken  advantage  of  a  failure  in 
his  engagement  on  the  part  of  the  raja  of  Jeypoor,  to 
direct  that  alliance  to  be  considered  as  dissolved  ;  but  Lord 
Lake  had  prevailed  upon  Lord  Cornwallis  to  suspend  this 
dissolution,  because,  at  the  period,  the  raja  had  it  greatly 
in  his  power  to  assist  or  incommode  the  British  army  ; 
and  from  that  time  he  had  performed  such  essential  sennce 
as  to  render  himself  obnoxious  both  to  Sindia  and  Holkar^ 
to  whose  vengeance  he  became  exposed,  should  the  British 
government  withdraw  its  protection.  Notwithstanding 
these  claims,  and  the  earnest  recommendation  of  Lord 
Lake,  Sir  George  Barlow  obstinately  adhered  to  his  deter- 
nfination,  and  declared  the  alliance  at  an  end.  This 
declaration,  it  may  be  observed,  did  not  take  place  until 
subsequent  to  the  treaties  with  Holkar  and  Sindia  ;•  so  that, 
^without  infringing  its  engagements  with  them,  the  British 
government  was  still  at  liberty  to  extend  its  protection  to 
Jeypoor  if  it  should  see  fit.  The  engagements  with  the  rajas 
of  Bhurtpoor  and  Macherry,  though  their  dissolution  was 
much  desired  by  the  governor-general,  remained  in  force: 

The  treaty  of  Deogaom  concluded  with  Rughocgee 
Bhonslay^  17th  December  1803,  also  continued  in  force  ; 
but  by  an  engagement,  dated  24th  August  1806,  Patwa 
and  Sumbulpore  were  restored  to  him.  By  the  definitive- 
treaty  with  Sindia  it  became  necessary  to  provide  for  the 
Rana  of  Gohud,  and  the  districts  of  Dholpoor-Baree  and 
Raj-Kerrah  were  assigned  for  that  purpose. 

A  definitive  treaty  of  general  defensive  alliance  had  been 

concluded  with  the  Gaekwar,  21st  April  1805,  for  the 
Vol.  II.— 58 


458  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XXI. 

purpose  of  consolidating  the  stipulations  contained  in  thi*ee 
preceding  agreements,  drawn  up  in  March,  June,  and 
July  1802,  and  making  some  additions  and  alterations 
which  were  deemed  -  expedient.  The  Quekwar  had  pre- 
viously received  a  subsidiary  force  of  2,000  men,  and  he 
now  engaged  to  maintain  3,000  infantry  and  a  company 
of  artillery,  which  were  to  be  stationed  within  his  territory, 
but  only  employed  on  occasions  of  some  importance. 
Districts  yielding  rupees  11,70,000*  were  assigned  for 
their  support.  The  districts  of  Chowrassy,  Chickly,  and 
Kaira,  together  with  the  Gaekwar's  share  of  the  chouth 
of  Surat,  were  ceded  to  the  company.  The  British 
government  having  advanced,  or  become  security  on 
account  of  the  Gaekwar's  government  to  the  amount  of 
nearly  41^  lakhs  of  rupees,  the  revenue  of  districts  yield- 
ing nearly  14  lakhs  annually  was  appropriated  for  liqui- 
dating this  debt.  The  Gaekwar  agreed  to  submit  the 
examination  and  adjustment  of  the  outstanding  accounts 
and  debts  between  him  and  the  Peishwa  to  the  British 
government,  to  receive  no  European  into  his  service,  and 
to  commit  no  act  of  aggression  against  any  other  power 
without  the  acquiescence  of  the  British  government. 

Such  was  the  substance  of  the  principal  articles  of  the 
treaty  of  Baroda,concluded  by  Major  Walker  on  the  part  of  the 
company,  and  intended  to  render  the  engagements  with  the 
Gaekwar  state  consonant  to  those  of  the  treaty  of  Bassein.f 

♦  Fiz.— Dholka Rs.    4,60,000 

Neriad  1,76,000 

Beejapoor 1,30,000 

Mahtur 1,30,000 

Moondah  1,10,000 

Tuppa  of  Kurree /. 26,000 

Kheemkatodra 60,000 

Wurat  on  Kattywar  1,00,000 

Bs.  11,70,000 
t  Authoritce  as  in  the  preoediog. 


459 


CHAP.  XXII. 

From  A.D.  1806  to  A.D.  1814. 

Review  of  the  condition  of  the  Mahratta  states — and  of  the 
British  policy  in  regard  to  them» — HolkaT*s  proceedings — 
insanity — confinement  — death  and  chara4ster.  — Regency 
under  the  control  of  Vmeer  Khan— factions — embarrass^ 
ments  and  anarchy. — State  of  Sindia^s  territory. — Death 
of  Shirzee  Rao  Ghatgay, — Ajfairs  ofRuglioojee  Bhonslay. 
— Rise  of  the  Pindharees — their  mode  of  assembling  and 
conducting  an  expedition — their  progress-— general  anarchy 
in  Central  India — alarming  increase  ofpr^bixyry  power. 

In  the  preceding  chapter  we  have  brought  to  a  close 

the  detail  of  those  important  events  in 
Mahratta  history  which  immediately 
followed  the  treaty  of  Bassein.  It  now  becomes  requisite  to 
survey  the  condition  of  the  Mahratta  states  before  and  at 
the  conclusion  of  those  arrangements  with  the  British 
government,  to  review  briefly  the  policy  which  actuated 
that  government,  and  to  explain  the  eflects  resulting  from 
it  on  the  various  Mahratta  states.  It  will  then  only 
remain  to  detail  the  principal  causes  which  led  to  the  last 
great  revolution,  and  entirely  subverted  the  dominion  of 
the  Peishwa. 

The  treaiy  of  Salbye,  by  which  Mahadajee  Sindia  was 
acknowledged  by  the  British  government  as  head  of  an 
independent  state,  and  the  policy  of  Warren  Hastings, 


460  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XXII. 

wliich  permitted  him  to  extend  his  power  on  the  side  of 
Hindostan,  had  a  great  effect  in  weakening  the  power  of 
the  Peishwa,  and  in  hastening  the  decline  of  the  Mahrattas^ 
by  dissolving  that  community  of  interests  which  was  the 
mainspring  of  their  union.  Previously,  however,  to  the 
treaty  of  Bassein,  if  we  except  the  engagements  entered 
into  by  the  Gaekwar  with  the  English,  the  visible  changes 
in  the  Mahratta  government  were  wrought  by  domestic 
feuds,  originating  in  the  intrigues  of  some  of  its  principal 
members — ^first,  of  Nana  Fumuwees  and  Sindia  to  supplant 
each  other ;  next,  of  Bajee  Rao  to  overturn  the  power  of 
both  ;  and  finally,  of  the  Mahratta  chiefs,  Sindia  and 
Holkar,  to  obtain  by  force  a  control  over  the  Bramin  court, 
similar  to  that  which  the  Peishwa,  had  established  by 
policy  over  the  head  of  the  empire. 

By  the  treaty  of  Bassein,  and  the  subsequent  treaties  on 
the  part  of  Rughoojee  Bhonslay,  Sindia,  and  Holkar  with 
the  British  government,  a  still  greater  and  far  more  obvious 
change  had  taken  place  ih  the  condition  of  the  Mahrattas 
than  that  which  resulted  from  the  treaty  of  Salbye.  The 
Peishwa  had  ceded  a  large  tract  of  country  ;  he  was 
controlled  in  his  foreign  relations,  and  upheld  in  his  musnud 
by  a  British  force.  The  territories  of  the  other  Mahratta 
chiefs  had  been  dismembered ;  the  Moghul  emperor  had 
fallen  into  the  hands  of  their  great  rival ;  and  they  sat 
down  exhausted  and  dismayed,  sensible  of  some  of  their 
errors  when  too  late,  but  w^th  no  plan,  or  even  sentiment 
of  union,  except  hatred  to  that  nation  by  which  they  had 
been  subdued. 

The  inconsistencies  observable  in  the  British  policy 
were  produced  by  the  different  views  entertained  by 
successive  governors-general,  each  influenced  in  a  greater 
or  less  degree  by  opinions  in  England.     Lord  Cornwallis, 


CHAFi  XXII.]  MARQUIS  WKLLESLBY'S  PLANS.  4C1 

before  the  close  of  his  first  administratioii,  perceived  the 
necessity  of  some  measures  of  precaution  to  secure  the 
territories  of  the  company,  and  to  preserve  the  peace  of 
India.  He  hoped  that  the  native  powers  would  become 
sensible  of  the  integrity  and  advantage  of  the  plan  he 
suggested  for  ensuring  a  common  alliance,  and  that  they 
would  embrace  it  with  the  same  candour  with  which  it  was 
proposed ; '  but  he  failed  in  completing  the  treaties  of 
general  guarantee,  which  he  had  contemplated' as  a  remedy 
for  the  evils  with  which  the  country  was  threatened. 

The  Marquis  Wellesley,  looking  equally  to  the  security 
of  British  India  from  foreign  invasion,  and  from  wars  with 
the  native  powers,  believed  that  such  security  was  only 
attainable  by  establishing  an  ascendancy  in  the  councils 
of  the  native  states,  so  as  to  be  able  to  direct  their 
resources  to  their  own  advantage,  and  to  that  of  the  British 
nation  ;  hence  his  policy  tended  to  the  contol  of  all  the 
native  powers  from  Cape  Comorin  to  the  gulf  of  Kutch 
and  from  Kutch  to  the  Sewalick  mountains.  How  far, 
and  with  what  success,  he  carried  his  measures  into  effect, 
has  been  detailed.  His  extensive  plans,  the  effect  which 
their  prosecution  had  upon  the  commercial  interests  of  the 
East  India  Company,  and  the  obstacles  he  encountered, 
alarm  the  authorities  at  home,  some  of  whom,  doubting 
the  justice  of  the  measures  pursued,  and  dreading  a  rapid 
extension  of  dominion,  were  desirous  of  at  least  impeding 
the  conquest  of  all  India  ;  and  others,  whose  views  extend- 
ed little  further  than  the  obvious  increase  of  debt,  and  the 
irregularity  of  furnishing  the  company's  investments, 
sought  a  change  of  policy  as  essential  to  prevent  or  repair 
these  apparent  evils.  The  Marquis  Comwallis  was  accord- 
ingly, as  we  have  seen,  again  sent  out,  and  an  instant 
stop  was  put  to  the  system  of  defensive  alliances.     His 


462  HI$TORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XXII. 

successor,  Sir  George  Barlow,  inflexibly  pursued  the  same 
line  of  policy  without  regard  to  various  circumstances,  which 
he  considered  unimportant  in  attaining  a  general  end  ;  but 
his  measures  were  as  short-sighted  and  contracted  as  they 
were  selfish  and  indiscriminating. 

The  Nizam,  the  Peishwa,  and  the  Gaekwar  were  already 
bound  by  the  defensive  and  subsidiary  alliances  of  the 
Marquis  Wellesley ;  but  British  protection  was  withdrawn 
from  the  petty  states  in  Hindostan,  excepting  the  rajas  of 
Bhurtpoor  and  Macherry.  Rughdojee  Bhonslay,  Sindia, 
and  Holkar  were  eaclf  left  in  possession  of  considerable 
tracts  of  territory ;  but  under  their  management  the  net 
revenues  of  each  state,  after  deducting  enams  and 
jagheers,  did  not  exceed  60  lakhs  of  rupees  ;  that  of 
Rughoojee  Bhonslay  was  considerably  less,  but  his 
military  followers  were  fewer,  and  of  and  inferior  descrip- 
tion. The  treaties  with  these  three  states  were  mere 
instruments  of  general  amity  ;  their  intercourse  was 
completely  imrestrained,  and  no  control,  except  in  relation 
to  the  allies  of  the  British  government,  was  to  be  exercised 
over  them.  Plausible  reasons  were  not  wanting  for 
supposing  that  the  whole  pacification  was  wise  and  politic. 
The  progress  of  coquest  was  at  least  impeded  ;  a  consider- 
able territory,  pretty  equally  balanced,  remained  to  each  of 
the  chiefs  ;  and  it  was  expected  that  their  domestic  wars, 
the  plunder  of  their  neighbours,  and  the  fear  of  losing 
what  they  possessed,  would  deter  them  from  hostile  pro- 
ceedings against  the  British  govemmenL  In  the  armies 
which  they  maintained  a  portion  of  the  unemployed 
soldiery,  numbers  of  whom  were  entertained  in  the  British 
service  during  the  war,  and  discharged  from  it  immediately 
afterwards,  would  still  obtain  a  livelihood;  and  it  was 
even  hoped  that  these  chiefs  would  find  it  to  their  interest 


CHAP.  ZXII.]  JBSWUNT  BAO  HOLKAR*S  ARH7.  463 

to  establish  order  in  their  revenae  collections^  gradually 
to  reduce  their  military  establishments,  and  turn  their 
attention  to  cultivate  the  arts  of  peace.  Until  these 
desirable  reforms  could  be  effected,  the  vigilance  of  the 
British  government  and  the  power  of  its  alUes  would,  it 
was  supposed,  be  quite  sufficient  to  quell  disorders  or 
inroads  occasioned  by  the  plundering  hordes,  which,  after 
every  war  in  India,  disturb  the  general  tranquillity. 

It  is  not  the  object  of  this  work  to  enlarge  on  thia 
subject  ;  it  is  sufficient  to  state  the  policy  embraced,  and 
the  ends  expected  by  the  British  government ;  but  the 
consequences,  as  they  tended  to  hasten  the  decline  of  the 
Mahrattas,  and  the  leading  events  antecedent  to  their  fall, 
it  is  our  province  to  explain. 

When  Jeswunt  Rao  Holkar  returned  from  Hindostan, 
he  intimated  to  his  army  his  intention  of  discharging  about 
20,000  of  his  horse,  chiefly  Deccanees  ;*  but  large  arrears 
being  due  to  them,  which  Holkar  could  not  immediately 
pay,  they  placed  him  in  dhurna^  when  he  gave  them  hi» 
nephew  Khundee  Bao  as  a  pledge  that  their  demands 
should  be  satisfied.  The  advantage  of  having  the 
admitted  head  of  the  Holkar  family  in  their  custody  was 
not  overlooked  by  a  turbulent  soldiery,  already  disaffected 
and  mutinous  ;  they  immediately  hoisted  the  standard  of 
Khundee  Bao,  declared  him  the  only  legal  representative, 

*  Sir  John  Malcolm.  Bappoo  Eanhoo,  one  of  my  authoritiee,  who 
was  with  Holkar  at  the  time,  says^  "there  were  no  words  with  the 
Mahrattas,"  and  that  the  subsequent  mutiny  was  ocoasioned  entirely  by 
the  Patans.  Bappoo  Eanhoo,  to  whose  authority  I  have  here  referred 
for  the  second  time,  is  a  resectable  old  Bramin  soldier,  who  was  the 
staunch  adherent  and  devoted  friend  of  Chitoor  Sing.  He  was  employed 
in  all  his  negotiations,  and  shared  in  most  of  the  yioissitudes  of  his 
remarkable  life.  Bappoo  Eanhoo  was  found  imprisoned  in  one  of  the 
hill-forts  taken  by  the  British  troops  in  1818,  and,  on  being  rescued, 
joined  the  raja  of  Satara,  at  whose  court  he  now  resides.  The  history 
,  of  his  own  times,  written  at  my  request,  is  lodged  with  the  Literary 
Society  of  Bombay. 


464  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.   XXII. 

and  refused  obedience  to  Jeswunt  Rao.  But  the 
overaweing  power  of  the  infantry,  and  the  payment  of 
their  arrears,  to  defray  which  Holkar  exacted  a  large  sum 
from  the  raja  of  Jeypore,*  had  an  immediate  effect  in 
quashing  the  sedition.  But  the  innocent  instrument  of  the 
mutineers  fell  a  sacrifice  to  his  enraged  uncle,  who  secretly 
put  hini  to  death ;  and  the  ferocious  jealousy  of  Jeswunt 
Rao,  once  roused,  could  not  be  allayed  until  he  had  also 
decreed  the  death  of  his  brother,  Khassee  Rao,  who  was 
in  like  manner  privately  murdered. 

Those  atrocious  deeds  were  the  forerunner  of  a  state  of 

insanity,  which  was  further  evinced  by 
extraordinary  mihtary  preparations,  carried 
on  with  an  ardour  and  violence  proportionate  to  the 
derangement  of  his  intellects  ;  until  at  last  i!i  1808,  his 
extravagant  conduct  led  to  his  being  put  under  restraint, 
in  which  state  he  continued  in  his  camp  for  the  space  of 
three  years,  until  the  20th  October  1811,  when  his 
miserable  existence  terminated. 

The  chief  feature  of  Jeswunt  Rao  Holkar's  character 
was  that  hardy  spirit  of  energy  and  enterprize  which, 
though  like  that  of  his  countrymen,  boundless  in  success, 
was  also  not  to  be  discouraged  by  trying  reverses.  He 
was  likewise  better  educated  than  Mahrattas  in  general, 
and  could  write  both  the  Persian  language  and  his  own  : 
his  manner  was  frank,  and  could  be  courteous,  and  he»was 
distinguished  by  a  species  of  coarse  with  very  attractive  to 
the  Indian  soldiery.  He  had  few  other  commendable 
qualities ;  for  although  sometimes  capriciously  lavish,  he 
was  rapacious,  unfeeling,  and  cruel,  and  his  disposition 
w^s  overbearing,  jealous,  and  violent.  In  person  his 
stature  was  low,  but  he  was  of  a  very  active  strong  make  ; 

*  Bappoo  Eanhoo. 


CHAP.  XXII.]      *  TREACHEROUS  ASSASSINATION.  465. 

though  his  complexion  was  dark,  and  he  had  lost  an  eye 
by  the  accidental  bursting  of  a  matchlock,  the  expression 
of  his  countenance  was  not  disagreeable,  and  bespoke  some- 
thing of  droll  humour,  as  well  as  of  manly  boldness. 
.  When  Holkar  returned  from  the  Punjab,  after  signing 
the  treaty  with  Lord  Lake,  the  rajas  of  Jeypoor  and  Joud- 
poor  were  at  war  on  account  of  a  princess  of  Oudepoor, 
for  whose  hand  both  were  pretenders.     Each  party  solicited 

aid  from  Bindia  and  Holkar  ;  Sindia  sent 
1  them  Shirzee  Rao  Ghatgay  and  Bappoo 
Sindia  with  15,000  horse  ;  and  Holkar  allowed  Umeer 
Khw  .to  join  the  raja  of  Jeypoor  with  his  Fatans.  This 
raja  waa  for  a  time  successful,  until  Umeer  Khan  left  him, 
commenced  plundering  the  Jeypoor  and  Joudpoor  districts 
indiisc^riminately,  then,, changing  sides,  reversed  the  pro- 
bd.ble  isstie  of  the  contest  by  joining  the  raja  of  Joudpoor. 
At  last,  interposing  between  them,  he  put  an  end  to  the 
contest  by  horrible  deeds  of  treacherous  assassination.* 
,  When  Holkar's  state  of  mind  rendered  it  necessary  to 
place  him  under  restraint,  Umeer  Shan  was  just  disengaged 
from  his  Rajpoot  warfare,  and  proceeded  with  all  speed 
td  Rampoorah.  It  was  there  settled  that  the  government 
should  be  administered  by  a  regency  controlled  by  Umeer 
Khan,  but  under  tiie  nominal  authority  of  Toolsee  Bye, 
the  favourite  niistress  of  Jeswunt  Rao,  a  woman  of  profli- 
gate habits,  and  of  most  vindictive  disposition^  totally  imfit 
for  high  station,  or  the  exercise  of  the  power  with  which 
she  was  vested.  On  the  d^ath  of  Jeswunt  Rao,  she  daopted 
Mulhlir  Rao  Holkar,  a  boy  of  four  years  old,  the  son  of 
Jeswunt  Rao  \>y,  another  concubine,  and  in  his  name  con-^ 
tinned  to  govern.  Umeer  Khan  was  soon  recalled  to 
Rajpootana  in  the  prosecution  of  his  own  views,  which 

*  See  MaIcfolm*8  Central  India. 
Vol,  II.— 69 


466  HISTORY  OK  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [OHAP.  XXII. 

were  solely  bent  upon  the  extension  of  predatory  power 
for  the  interest  of  himself  and  bis  ferocious  bend  of  Patans^ 
o^ver  whom  he  maintained  an  authority  by  superior  art^ 
but  in  whose  hands  he  was  sometimes  a  mere  instrument. 
When  it  suited  his  views  of  plunder,  Umeer  Khan  some- 
times advanced  claims  in  Holkar's  name,  but  those  claims 
were  not  pressed  where  the  consequences  might  involve 
the  state  of  Holkar  with  the  British  government.  At  this 
departure  from  Rampoorah,  he  caused  a  jagheer  to  be 
conferred  on  his  relation  Ghuffoor  Khan,  whom  he  left  as 
his  agent  and  director  with  Toolsee  Bye. 

The  conduct  of  the  administration  was  worthy  of  such 
a  regency ;  there  was  no  regular  collection  of  revenue, 
the  government  had  not  the  power  of  reducing  its  army, 
and  the  finances  of  the  state,  even  uader  the  most  skilfiol 
management,  were  inadequate  to  the  support  of  the  estab- 
lishments. Bodies  of  troops,  under  various  commanders, 
were  therefore  s^it  to  collect  or  extort  subsistence  from 
the  provinces,  without  much  regard  to  the  rights  of  neigh- 
bouring states ;  many  of  them  became  disobedient ;  one 
body  of  Holkar's  troops,  under  Mohummud  Ally  Khan 
Bungush,  went  into  rebellion  at  a  very  early  period, 
plundered  the  districts  in  Candeish,  and  would  have 
forced  their  way  through  the  Nizam's  territory  into 
Holkar's  district  of  Amber,  but  the  subsidiary  forces  of 
Poona  and  Hyderabad  were  called  out  to  oppose  them, 
when  the  rebels  ^ere  dispersed,  and  Bungush  was  86nt 
as  a  state  prisoner  to  the  fort  of  Bombay. 

The  government,  if  such  it  may  be  designated,  of  Holkar 

was  alternately  swayed  by  two  factions,  the  Mahrattaa 

and  the  Patans,  who  were  constantly  intriguing  against 

each  other,  and  nothing  could  exceed  the  state  of  anarchy 

f  which  prevailed  throughout  the  country — at  the  court, 


CHAF.  ZXir.]  SIND1A*6  HIUTART  £STAB£ISBMBNT.  4^7 

bribery,    execution^    and    murders;    in'  the  proyinees^ 

violence,  rapine,  and  bJoodsMed* 
Sittdia's  territorj  was  meteiy  as  nmoh  disturbed  as  tfaa^i 
A  Y>  ^o..  ^  Holkar.     His  nnlitary    estahluabment 

A.D.  1809.  ^  T    *  t  .      /.  .  ; 

far  exceeded  lu&  nnancial  raedna^  aM^  to 
rid  himself  of  the  damours  of  hi»  troops,  her  was  obfiged 
to  send  theny  out  to  subsist  .upon  the  districts  in  Hm 
mann^  which  was  adopted  by  Holkar  ;  bot  some  found 
employmesii  m  redooing  several  refractory  ammeendara 
and  rajas,  who  were  SiodSaV  tribntaries.  Arnuei 
accnstomed!  to  rapine  and  viplence  in  extensive  regions 
were  now  confined  to  tracts  comparativriy  small-;  the 
harden  of  their  exactions  became,  in  many  places,  intoler- 
able, and  dbtrict8>  before  coltivated  and  populous,  winre 
fast  canning  to  waste  and  wretchedness^  For  the  supj^ly 
of  personal  exigencies  Sindia  was  obliged  to  have  reooanse 
to  a  banker,  who  at  large  rates  of  interest  famished  him 
with  occasional  advances  of  money  ;  and  of  all  his  pecut 
niary  resources,  the  pensions  which  he  and  his  family 
derived  irom  the  British  government  were  the  security 
most  acceptable.  On  the  death  of  Ambiyee  Inglia^  Siodia 
proceeded  to  reduce  the  territory  in  Gohud  held  by 
Ambajee's  family,  and,  having  established  his  camp   at 

Gwalior  in  I&IO,  though    he  frequently 
A.D.  ISJO,  ^^^^  ^  pilgrimages   and  expeditions,  he 

had  never  moved  his  head-^qnarters  firom  that  spot ;  hence 
Sindia'fi  camp,  as  it  is  called,  has  beootfie  a  greb^t  city* 
His  authority  was  considerably  strengthened  by  the 
reduction  of  Inglia's  jagheer  ;  and- the  death  of  his  father-- 
in-law, Shirzee  Bao  Ghatgay,  having  happened  during 
the  preceding  season,  was  important  both  in  tranquillizing 
the  domestic  feuds  and  public  dissensions,  which  that 
turbulent  man  was  perpetually  exciting.     The  articles  of 


468'  HTffTORT  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XXIL 

the  treaties  with  Sindia  and  Holkar  reiq)ecting  Sbirzee 
Bao  were  subsequently  annulled  by  the  British  govern-^ 
ment.  He  afterwards  exercised  considerable  power^.and 
frequently  dictated  to  his  son-in-law  in  the  most  audacious 
manner:  the  circumstances  which  led  to  his  death 
originated  in  a  violent  altercation  respecting  a  jaghe^, 
which  Shirzee  Bao,  in  opposition  to  Sindia,  wished  to 
confer  on  some  rich  sillidars,*  the  Nimbalkurs  of  Watar. 
Sindia,  unable  longer  to  endure  his  violent  and  contumacious* 
behaviour,. ordered  him  to  be  arrested,  when  Shirzee  Rao 
having  refused  to  obey  the  mandate,  Anund  Bao  Sindia, 
the  son  of  Manajee  Phakray,  transfixed  him  with  his  spear^ 
and  thus  rid  the  world  of  a  being  than  whom  few  worse 
have  ever  disgraced  humanity.  Doulut  Bao,  if  he  did  not 
order,  approved  of  the  deed  ;  and  it  is  said  that  he  has 
all  his  life  been  a  prey  toremorse  for  the  atrocious  actions 
to  which  he  was  induced  to  lend  his  sanction  when  under 
the  influence  of  the  monster  Ghatgay.f 

The  state  of  affairs  at  Nagpoor  under  the  government 
of  Rughoojee  Bhonslay  partook  of  the  weakness  and  con> 
fusion  prevalent  in  the  territory  of  Sindia  and  Holkar, 
with  this  difference,  that  the  troops  of  Bughoojee  were 
inferior,  and  the  country  became  in  consequence  more 
exposed  to  the  attack  of  freebooters  from  without.  Invited 
by  these  circumstances,  Umeer  Khan,  in  1809,  after 
estabUshing  himself  in  Bajpootana,  made  a  pretext  of  some 
alleged  claim  of  the  Holkar  family  to  carry  his  ravages 

*  Poor  soldiers  are  at  least  as  common  in  Mahrashtra  as  in  other 
parts  ol  the  world.  The  Nimbalkurs  of  Watar  are  the  only  rich  sillidars 
with  whom  I  am  acquainted.  Watar  is  a  village  between  Phultun  and 
the  Mahdeo  hills,  where  the  different  members  of  this  inferior  branoh  of 
the  Nimbalkur  family  have  expended  vast  sums  of  money  in  the  erec- 
tion of  palaces,  which  are  mor^  remarkable  for  their  solidity  than  their 
elegance.  They  have  at  least  the  merit  of  being  the  most  lubBtantial 
dwellings  in  the  west  of  India. 

t  Malcolm,  Prinsep,  Mahratta  MSS.,  and  oral  information. 


CHAt>.  2X11.]  PINDdAREKB.  469 

into  Berar,  and  to  let  loose  the  Pindharees,  as  vrell  as  his 
own  followers,  to  plunder  the  territory  of  llughocgee ;  bnt 
ihe  British  government^  glad  at  the '  moment  of  >an  oppor* 
tunity  to  employ  its  troops,  gratuitously  interposed,  and 
forced  thebe  predatory  bands,  which  no  state  adcnowledged, 
to'  recross  th^e  Nerbnddah. 

The  Pindharees,  a  class  of  the  lowest  freebooters,  whom 
we  have  already  had  frequent  occasion  to  mention,  were  • 
early  known  in-  the-  Deccan.  Great  numbers  of  them 
followed  the  army  of  the  first  Bajee  Bao ;  and  it  probably 
was^  an  object  of  that  great  man's  policy  to  draw  them  out 
of  the  Mahratta  country.  It  is  certain  that  he  left  his 
Pindharees  in  Malwa  with  his  ofScers  Sindia  and  Hoikar, 
that  they '  always  aiktended  iheir  armies  when  they  invaded 
the  Moghul  provinces,  and  that  the  Pindharees  of  each  of . 
these  leaders  distinguished  themselves  as  Sindia  Shahee 
and  Holkar  IShahee,  or  the  respective  followers  of  Sindia 
and  Holkar. 

In  1794  Sindia  assigned  some  lands  to  the  Pindharees 
near  the  banks  of  the  Nerbuddah,  which  they  soon  extend- 
ed by  conquests  from  the  Grassias,  or  original  indep^dent 
landholders  in  their  neighbouCrhdod.  Their  principal 
leaders  at  that  time  were  two  brothers,  named  Heeroo  and 
Burrun,  who  are  said  to  have  been  put  to  death  for  their 
aggressions  on  the  territory  of  Sindia  and  Bughoojee 
Bhonslay.  The  sons  of  Heeroo  and  Burrun  became 
Pindharee  chiefs;  but  Khureem  Khan,  a  Pindhara,  who 
had  acquired  great  booty  in  the  plunder  of  the  Nizam's 
troops  afber  the  battle  of  Hurdia,  and  was  distinguished  by 
superior  cunning  and  enterprize,  became  the  principal 
leader  of  this  refuse  of  the  Mahratta  armies. 

Khureem  got  the  district  of  Shujahalpoor  from  Umeer 
Khan,  which,  with  some  additions,  was  afterwards  con- 


470      '  HISTOBY  Of  THE  MAHBATTAS.  [CHAP.  XXM. 

firmed  to  him  by  Sindia^  through  the  int^est  of  Bhirsase 
Rato  Ghatgay*  Banng  the  war  of  1803^  and  ihe  subse^ 
qn^nt  disturbed  stato  of  the  couiitr j,  Kboreem  Qoutrived 
to  obtkia  poafiefisiofi  of  siei'^eral  distriote  in  Malwa^  belonging 
tb  Sindia^s  jagheerdarB ;  and  bill  laiid  revlBime  at  6ne  time 
is  said  to  have  amounted  to  15  lakha  of  rupees  a  year« 
He  also  wrests  some  territory  from  the  nabob  of  Bhopiaul 

•  on  which  he  built  a  fort,  as  a  plltce  of  s^curliy  &r  his 
family,  and  of  deposit  for  his  phmder.  Khuceekn  was 
otigitally  a  Sindia  Shahee,*  but,  like  most  of  the  Pindha- 
rees^  except :  about  5,000  of  the  Holkior  Shahees,  who 
remained  failhfiil,  he  changed  .  sides,  or  plujiidered  his 
master  whenever  it  suited  his  conveniesice,  which  Was  as 
often  as  he  found  an  of^ortunity.     Sindia,  jealous  of  Ub 

^  encroachments,  on  pretence  of  lending  him  some  guni^, 
inveigled  him  to  an  interview,  made  him  pi^isonery.pltmdei'-r 
ed  his  camp^  recovered  the  usurpfed  districts,  and  lodged 
Khureem  in  the  fort  of  Qwalior.f 

A  number  of  leaders  started  up  after  thd  confinement  of 
Khureem,  of  whom  Cheeteo,  D6st  Mobumm'uid^  Ifamdar 
Khas,  and  Shaikh  XHilloo  became  the  ni^ost  con8picu<>Us« 
They  associated  themselves  with.  Umeer  Khan  In  J809> 
during  his  expedition  to  Berar;  and  in  ISljQ,  wthen 
Khureem  Khan  purchased  his  release  from  Gwalior.,  thdy 
assenlbled  under  that  leader  a  body  of  ^,000  horse  .and 
fiomefaattalionsoftiewly. raised  infantry^  with  which  they 
again  proposed  tp  invade  ^rar ;  but  Cheetoo,  always  jealous 
of  Khureem's  ascendancy,  KVas  detached  biy  Eugho^jee 
Bhonslay  from  the  alliai^ce,  and  afterwards  ^^operated 
with  Sindia  in  attacking  him ;  Khureem  was  in  conse- 
quence driven  to  seek  an   asylum,  with  his  old  pati'on 

*  Sir  John  Malcolm.  f  FriDSep. 


GBAP.  xxn,]      rnt.  isxpsoition  of  the  prNnnxtKEs.  47]: 

Umeer  Khsui^  but,  by  the  infiuenoe  of  Sihdia^  Umeer  Khan 
kept  him  in  a  state  of  confinement  until  the  year  1816.* 

When  the/Mahrattas  ceased  to  spread  themselves,  the 
Findharees,  who  had  attended  their  armies^  were  obliged 
to  plunder  the  territories  of  their  former  protectors  for 
sabsistenoe,  and  on  being  au£Pered  to  exist  atall^  their 
numbers  were  very  soon  augmented.  To  the  unemployed 
soldiery  of  India,  particularly  to  the  Mahomedans,  the  life 
of ia  Pindhara  had  many  allurements ;  but  the  Mahratta 
horsemen  who  possessed  hereditary  rights,  or  had  any 
pretentions  to  respectability,  did  not  readily  join  them^ 

In  every.  1,000  Findhareea,  about  400  were  tolerably 
well  mounted  and  armed  ;  of  that  number,  about  every 
fifteenth  man  carried  a  matchlock,  but  their  favourite 
weapon  was  the  ordinary  Mahratta  spear,  which  is  from 
13  to  18  feet  long.  The  remainiBg  fiOO  .were  common 
plunderers  and  fbllowers,  armed^  like  the  bazar  retainers 
of  every  army  in  India,  with  all  sorts  of  weapons. 

Before  the^Plndhatees  set  out  on  an  expedition,  a  leaxler 
sent  notice  to  the  inferior  chiefs,  and  hoisted  his  standard 
on  a  particular  day  after  the  cessation  of  the  rains,  generally 
about  the  Dussera.  As  soon  as  the  rivers  were  fordable, 
and  a  sufficient  numiber  had  assembled,  they  moved  off  by 
the  most  un^equented  routes  towards  their  destination* 
Commencing  with  short  marches  of  about  10  miles,  ihey 
gradually  extended  them  to  30  or  40  miles  a  day,  until  they 
reached  some  peaceful  region  against  which  their  etzpedif 
tipn  was  intended.  Terror  and  dismay  burst  at  once  on  tibe 
helpless  population  ;  villages  were  seen  in  flames,  wounded 
and  houseless  peasants  flying  in  all  directions,  fortified 
places  shutting  their  gates,  and  keeping  up  a  perpetual 
firing  from  their  walls.     The  plunderers  dispersed  in  small 

*  Pablio  Bacords,  Prineep^  Sir  John  Maloolm. 


472  HISTORY  OP  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XXH. 

parties,  and  spread  themselves  over  the  whole  face  of  the 
country;  all  acting  on  a  concerted  plan,  they  swept  round 
in  a  half  circle,  committing  every  sort  of  violence  and 
excess, — torturing  to  extort  money,  ravishing,  murdering, 
and  burning  in  the  deifenceless.  villages  ;.but  seldom  ventur- 
ing on  danger,  unless  the  prospect  of  booty,  was  very 
certain. .  When  tiiej  approached  a  point  on  the  {rentier, 
very  distant  from  where  they  had  entered,  they  united  and 
and  went  off  in  a  body  to  their  homes.  Whilst  they  con-> 
tinned  their  excesses,  marauders  of  all  descriptions  sallied 
out  to  join  them,  or  to  profit  by  their  presence,  and  whole 
districts  became  a  scene  of  rapine  and  conflagration. 

The  ordinary  modes  of  torture  inflicted  by  these  mis«^ 
creants  were  heavy  stones  placed  on  the  head  or  chest;  red 
hot  irons  applied  to  the  soles  of  the  feet ;  tying  the  head  o£ 
a  person  into  a  tobra,  or  bag  for  feeding  horses,  filled  with 
hot  ashes  ;*  throwing  oil  on  the  clothes  and  setting  fire  to 
them ;  besides  many  others  equally  horrible.  The  awful 
consequences  of  a  visitation  from  the  Pindharees  can 
scarcely  be  imagined  by  those  who  have  not  witnessed 
them.  For  some  time,  until  the  districts '  in  Malwa^ 
Marwar,  Mewar,  and  the  whole  of  .Bajpootana  were 
exhausted,  and  the  Findharees  were  encouraged  and 
exdited  to  venture  on  more  fertile  field^,  their  iitavagea 
were  chiefly  confined  to  those  countries  and  Berar ;  a  few 
of  them,'  however,  ventured  almost  every  year .  into  the 
dominions  of  the  Nizam  and  the  Peishwa,  though  little  notice 
was  taken  of  them  by  the  British  government  whilst  they 

refrained  from  molesting  its  own  subjects*  and  t^ritoryi 

1*1  ,        ( .  • 

*  For  a  long  tiniQ  they  respeoted  the  persons  of  the  British  subjects^ 
to  which  the  author  can  himself  bear  testimony,  having  accidentally 
paswd  through  a  body  of  PindbareeB  in  thu  middle  of  a  night  ^90 
they  had  committed  great  excesses  ;  and  to  him,  though  unarmed  and 
unattended,  they  offered  neither  molettatlon  nor  insult. 


CHAP.  XXIlJ    '  THE  BAJPOOT  STATES.  473 

But  even  had  no  other  causes  arisen  to  excite  the  Pindharees 

to  extend  their  depredations,  it  was  impos- 
sible, in  the  state  in  which  India  was  left, 
by  the  half-measures  and  selfish  policy  adopted  by  the 
British  government,  that  any  part  of  it  could  long  remain 
exempt  from  predatory  inroad.    The  Rajpoot  states  were 
overrun   by    Umeer     Khan,    Sindia,    Holkar,    and     the 
Pindharees ;  and    the  territories  of  Sindia    and  Holkar, 
intermixed  as  they  were  in  Malwa,  and  in  the  hands  of  a 
powerful  and  lawless  soldiery,  soon  became,  like   Raj- 
pootana,  common  prey.     The  aggressions  of  Sindia    and 
Holkar  on  each  other  gave  rise  to  disputes,  and  even  to 
battles  ;  but  to  no  political  warfare.     Had   Sindia  been 
able  to  pay  up  the   arrears  due  to  his   troops,  and  to 
command  the  services  of  those  who  owed  him  allegiance, 
he  might,  at  Jeswunt  Rao's  death,  have  made  himself 
complete  master  of  Holkap's  dominions  ;  but  intrigues  were 
substituted  for  military  force,  and  these  were  counteracted. 
Although  the  chiefs  were  not  at  war,  the  troops  of  the 
Rajpoots  and  of  Umeer  Khan,  and  those  of  Sindia,  Holkar, 
the  Powars  of  Dhar,  and  the  Pindharees,  fought  frequent 
battles  amongst  each  other,  when  plunder  was  in  dispute, 
all  which  had  no  other  effect  than  that  of  rendering  yet 
more  miserable  the  already  unhappy  country,  and  stirring 
up  materials  for  predatory  power,  on  which  Umeer  Khan 
and  Sindia  began  to  found  higher  hopes  when  they  foresaw 
a  prospect  of  support  from  the  head  of  the  empire. 

To  him,  therefore,  we  now  return,  in  order  to  detail  the 
events  preceding  that  revolution  in  Maharashtra  with  which 
this  history  closes. 


Vol.  11.-60 


474 


CHAP.  xxm. 

From  A.D.  1803  to  A.D.  1817. 

The  Peishwa^s  proceedings  after  being  re-establislied  on  his 
mtisnud, — Appoints  Sewdasheo  Bhow  Mankesir  to  conduct 
affairs  loith  tlie  Brifishresidency. — Ingratitude  to  Khundee 

*  Rao  Mastia — and  total  disregard  of  the  claims  of  the  for- 
mer servants  of  the  state. — Appoints  BaUajee  Luxvmon 
sur-soobehdar  of  Candeish  and  Buglana. — Treacherous 
seizure  and  murder  ofilve  Bheels  at  Kopergaom. — Rebellion 
of  the  Pritee  Needhee — suppressed  by  Bappoo  Gohla^  who 
is  enriched  in  consequence. — Appa  Dessaye  Nepankur — 
called  to  interfere  in  tJie  wars  of  Kolapoor  and  Sawurit" 
waree. —  Affairs  of  tliese  petty  states. — Revert  to  affairs  at 
Poona. — Collusion  of  Sewdasheo  Mankesir  and  Khoosroo^ 
jee  Moodliee. — Mr,  Elphinstone  is  appointed  resident.-^ 
Settlement  with  tlie  southern  jagheerdarsy  who  are  compell" 
ed  to  submit  to  the  Peishuoa.^ — Suppression  of  piracy  in  the 
Concan. — Treaties  with  Kolapoor  and  Sawuntwaree. — 
Exultation  of  the  Peishwa — he  raises  a  brigade  of  regular 
troops. — Accusations  against  Khoosroojee  Moodhee  by 
Sewdaslieo  BIiow  Mankesir. — Rise  of  Trimbukjee  Dainglia. 
— Bajee  Rao  extends  his  views  of  policy — recruits  his 
army. — Conduct  of  Bappoojee  Sindia  in  regard  to  the 
surrender  of  Dharwar. — Trimhuhjee  Dainglia  becomes 
prime  minister. — Mode  of  letting  the  districts  in  farm. — 
Bajee  Ra6*s  neglect  of  civil  government — amasses  con^ 
siderable  icealth — perseveres  in  sequestrating  jagheers. — Case 
of  MaJidoo  Rao  Rastia. — Plan  of  an  extensive  confederacy. 


CHAP.  XXIII.]  BAJBB  RAO^S  PBOCBEDINQS.  475 

— Endeavours  to  establish  an  ascendancy  in  GuzeftaU-^ 
Affairs  of  the  Baroda  goverftment — Al^le  management  of 
Lieutenaait-Colonel  Walker. —  Claims  of  tJie  Peishwa — 
Counterclaims  of  tine  Gaehwar. — Attempt  at  adjustment 
--fails. —  Gungadhur  SJiastree  is  deputed  to  Poena — pro^ 
press  of  his  Mission — Jie  tr  murdered  by  Trimbukjee. — 
Trimbulcjee  delivered  up  to,  il\je  British  government — effects 
his  escape  from  confinement, —  The  Peishwa  raises  troops 
through  Triwhuckjee  for  the  purpose  of  maintaining  war 
secretly  against  the  British  government. — Condtu^ofthe 
resident  for.def&itmg  this  design. — Tlie  troops  assefnbled 
are  declared  insurgents — pursued^  and  attacked. — Inter- 
course-  suspended.-^Proposed  preliminary  to  an  adjust- 
ment— Bcgee  Rao  denies  all  knowledge  of  Trimhuljee  or 
his  adherents — Bouses  to  comply  with  the  proposed  terms. 
— Poona  surratmded* — The  Peishtca  submits. — Ifew 
treaty. 

Bajse  Bao  was  scarceljr  reestablished  on  his  musnud 

when  he  erinced  the  distrast  and  duplicity 

of  his  character  towards  his  new  allies, 

'I 

and  openly  avowed,  in  regard  to  many  persons  subject  to 
his  authority,  that,  in  entering  on  the  alliance  with  the 
English,  a  principal  inducement  was  a  motive  of  revenge. 
He  kept  up  a  correspondence  with  the  chiefs  confederated 
against  the  British  power,*  and  ascribed  his  connexion  with 
that  government,  which  to  them  he  reprobated  and  deplor- 
ed, to  necessity,  occasioned  by  their  absence,  and  to  the 
treachery  of  the  southern  jagheerdars.  He  withheld  the 
services  of  his  troops  as  much  as  possible,  and  prevented 

'*'  After  Bajee  Rao*8  deposal,  it  was  found  that  Sindia*s  villager,  withia 
the  Peiehwa's  boundary,  ceded  by  the  treaty  of  Surjee  ADJengaom,  were 
all  secretly  oontinued  to  Sindia  by  Bajee  Bao. 


^4^6  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTA8,  [CHAP.     XXIII. 

the  Putwurdhuns  from  accompanjring  General  Wellesley, 
by  secretly  inciting  the  raja  of  Kolapoor  to  invade  their 
jagheer,  thereby  hoping  to  make  a  merit  witli  Sindia,  and 
and  afford  to  himself  an  opportunity  of  wreaking  his 
vengeance  on  the  family  of  Pureshram  Bhow,  by  making 
it  appear  that  they  were  enemies  to  the  alliance  with  the 
British  government,  and  had  forfeited  their  jaglieer  by 
disobedience  to  him. 

These  indications  spoke  very  unfavourably  to  his  new 
allies  of  what  might  be  expected  from  the  Peishwa  in  case 
any  reverse  should  attend  the  British  arms.  Bajee  Eao, 
as  the  reader  has  had  ample  occasion  to  observe,  was  not 
deficient  in  a  species  of  ability,  but  he  had  a  little  talent 
for  government ;  intrigue  was  with  him  a  passion ; 
profound  in  the  arts  of  deceit,  he  believed  all  his  plans 
infallible,  and  at  this  period  no  person  shared  his  entire 
confidence.  He  aimed  at  conducting  the  administration 
himself;  but  as  his  chief  business  for  some  time  lay 
with  the  British  resident,  with  whom  it  was  his 
plan  to  avoid  all  personal  discussion  where  difference  of 
opinion  might  arise,  he  found  it  expedient  to  intrust  the 
management  of  that  important  branch  to  Sewdasheo 
Bhow  Mankesir,  whom  we  have  already  mentioned  as 
the  agent  of  Govind  Rao  Pingley,  the  Peishwa's  envoy 
at  Hyderabad.  Sewdasheo  Bhow  was  subsequently 
employed,  on  the  part  of  Sindia  and  Bajee  Rao,  to 
endeavour  to  engage  the  Nizam  in  the  proposed  con- 
federacy against  the  British  government  during  the  last 
war  with  Tippoo,  at  the  moment  when  the  speedy 
reduction  of  Seringapatam  and  the  fall  of  the  Sultan 
crushed  their  machinations. 

Sewdasheo  Mankesir  was  a  Deshist  Bramin,  one  of  the 
family  of  the  deshpandya  of  the  wllage  of  Taimboornee, 


CHAP.  XXni.]  BAJEE  RAO'b  NEW  MINISTER.  477 

and  at  one  time  gained  a  livelihood  by  reciting  Kuthas* 
in  Poona,  before  he  entered  the  service  of  Pingley  ;  bnt 
notwithstanding  his  humble  origin,  he  was  dignified  in  his 
manner,  polite  and  affable  in  conversation,  and,  as  a 
statesman,  possessed  of  considerable  ability.  His  avowed 
enmity  to  the  alliance  with  the  English  was  Bajee 
Ilao's  chief  motive  for  selecting  him  as  minister  for  their 
affairs ;  and  during  several  months  the  Peishwa  was  at 
pains  to  show  that  circumstances  alone  had  forced  him 
to  sign  the  articles  of  the  treaty ;  but  the  success  of  the 
war,  the  protection  which  the  pres^Gice  of  the  British 
troops  afforded,  and  the  power,  the  security,  and  the 
comforts  to  which  he  had  hitherto  been  a  stranger,  and 
which  he  soon  experienced  in  the  connectimi,  not  only 
reconciled  him  to  it,  but  induced  him  to  declare,  and 
probably  for  a  time  with  sincerity,  that  he  considered  the 
alliance  as  the  most  fortunate  of  events.  The  forts 
hitherto  in  possession  of  Amrut  Bao  or  Nana  Fumnwees 
were  reduced  and  given  up  to  the  Peishwa ;  his  country, 
which,  for  a  time  after  his  re-establishment,  was  overran 
by  freebooters,  and  exhausted  from  the  effects  of  war  and 
famine,  even  under  the  disadvantage  of  a  pernicious 
revenue  system,  gradually  recovered  itself  iif  most  places  ; 
and  his  authority,  at  first  scarcely  acknowledged  beyond 
the  environs  of  Poona,  soon  became  respected  throughout 
his  dominions. 

The  British  force,  although  seldom  required  to  be  put 
in  motion,  was  the    chief   cause    of  strengthening  his 

'*'  Sewdasheo  Bhow  Mankesir  was  a  great  musician  and  composer  ;  all 
the  airs  of  which  he  is  the  author  are  distinguished  b}*  a  peculialr  plain- 
tiveness,  and  several  of  them  are  well  worthy  of  being  preserved.  Some 
of  our  countrymen  at  Poona,  who  have  leisure,  may  be  induced  to  do  so, 
before  they  are  forgotten  or  corrupted  by  the  general  bad  taste  of  the 
Becoan,  which,  according  to  a  saying  of  the  natives  of  Hindostan,  is  the 
grave  of  music. 


478  HISTORY  OF  THE  KAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.    XXIII. 

authority  by  its  presence,  and  gave  a  power  and  stability 
to  his  government  which  he  had  never  known  since  his 
first  accession  to  the  musnud.  Adherents  were  not  long 
wanting,  and  a  few  bad  been  fscithful  even  in  his  adversity. 
Khtu)dee  Bao.  Bastia,  sur-soobehdar  of  the  ConoaA  from 
the  time  qf  Bajee  Bao's  flight  to  his  restoration,  had 
shown  great  fidelity  to  hi^  cause,  and,  his  respectable 
support  was  at  first  of  much  conseqaenbe  to  the  Feishwa ; 
but  his  infiuence  was  undermined  by  Sewdasheo'  Bbow 
Mankesir,  who  unjustly  represented,  his  being  in  league 
with  the  British  resident  in  m-ery  measure  proposed ;.  and 
in  a  few  years,  on  an  acciisation,  nev^  attempted  to  be 
proved,  of  corrupt  practices  in  his  government  in  the 
Concan,  he  wias  removed  from  office^  and  his  jagheer  was 
AT)  1804  sequestrated..  The.  year  after  the  re- 
establishment  of  the  Peishwa,  Khundee 
Bao  Bastia.had  an . opportunity  of  performing  a  service 
of  i9ome  importance.  When  Amrut  Bao  and  Moroba 
Fumuwees  joined  General  Wellesley,  Baba  Bao  Phurkay 
went  off  with  the  Hoojrat  Pagah,*  and  acted  during  the 
war  with  Bughoojee  Bhonslay  against  the  British  govern- 
ment. After  the  peace,  Baba  Bao  returned  frpm  Nagpoor, 
gave  his  followers  the  slip^  and  retir^  to  Mer^oh,  where 
he  was  protected  by  Appa  Sahib  Futwurdhun,  the  son  of 
Pureshram  Bhow.  His.  troops,  thuR  left  to  themselves, 
plundered  the  country  and  erected  the  standard  of 
insurrection ;  Bajee  Bao  had  no  disposable  force,  and  the 
British  troops  could  not  at  that  time  be  spared  to  bunt 
down  horse.  Khundee  Bao  Bastia,  having  formerly 
served  with  the  men  exciting  these  disturbances,  had  the 

♦  The  Hpojrats,  or  household  troops,  were  oris:inany  the  raja's,  and 
afterwards  the  Pelshwa's,  personal  cavalry.    Many  of  them  were,  to  the 
asty  composed  ol  the  immediate  dependants  of  the  raja  of  Satara. 


CHAP.  XXinJ      INGRATITUDE  OP   KHtJNDEE   RAO   RA8TIA.  479 

address  to  effect  an  arrangemeut  with  the  whole  body, 
and  bronght  them  under  the  Peishwa's  authority,  at  a 
critical  time,  when  they  might  have  committed  infinite 
mischief.  But  Bajee  Rao  made  no  permanent  provision 
for  the  commanders  of  the  army,  the  soldiery  of  the 
country,  nor  the  civil  servants  of  the  government.  They 
had  seinred  the  state  under  Nana  Furnuwees,  which  was 
of  itself  a  strong  reason  with  him  for  excluding  them  from 
employment;  His  total  disregard  of  their  blaims  and 
their  necessities  must  iiievitably  hare  increased  -the  dis- 
orders prevalent  on  his  restoration,  and  under  ordinary 
circumstances,  had  he  persevered  in  such  a  tine  of 
conduct,  it  probably  would  have  required  the  whole 
power  of  the  British  government  to  keep  him  on  his 
musnud ;  but  the  severe  famine  of  1804  destroyed  vast 
numbers  of  men  and  horses  ;  a  provision  was  thus  opened 
to  many  of  the  remaining  sillidars  by  the  qiiantity  of  land 
and  tmtun^  to  which  they  succeeded  by  deaths  amongst 
their  relations  and  fellow-villagers;  and  as  Sindia  was 
then  exchanging'  his  Rajpoots  and  '  Mahometans  for 
Mahrattas,  a  great  part  of  those  persons  who  would  have 
joined  an  insurrection  became  interested  ifci  the  tranquillity 
of  the  country,  or  were  withdrawn  to  another  scene* 

Ballajee  Luximon,  the  dewan  of  Wittul  Nursing 
Vinchorkur,  who,  during  his  master's  minority,  managed 
the  a^airs  of  the  jagbeer,  was  a  staunch  adherent  of  the 
family  of  Rngoba,  and  one  of  the  very  few  req)ect- 
able  m^i  who  to  the  last  preserved  a  large  share  of 
Bajee  Rao's  confidence.  He  was  appointed  with  the 
fullest  powers  sur-soobehdar  of  Candeisb  and  Buglana  ; 
and  a  body  of  the  Peishwa's  infantry  under  Munohurgeer 
Gosaeen  was  sent  to  support  him.  But  such  was  the  state 
of  those  provinces  tiiat  they  were  never  restored  to  order 


480  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XXIII. 

under  the  Peishwa's  government*  Holkar's  ravages  had 
been  followed  by  various  plunderers ;  and  the  Bheels,  who 
until  1802  had  lived  intermixed  with  the  rest  of  the  popula- 
tion, betook  themselves  to  the  mountains,  and  carried  on 
precisely  the  same  system  of  plunder  as  is  now  practised 
by  the  brigands  of  Italy  and  Spain. 

One  of  the  first  aots  of  Ballajee,'  instigated  by  the 
Gosaeen,  has  left  a  stain  on  his  memory  which  cannot  be 
effaced*  Finding  it  impracticable  to  reduce'  the  Bheels 
by  foTce^  he  inveigled  the  whole  tribe  of  theiti,  with  their 
wives  and  families,  to  an  interview  at  Kopergaom,  on  pre- 
tence of  affording  them  a  settlement,  when  they  were 
treacherously  seized,  and  most  barbarously  precipitated 
into  wells,  where  the  whole  perished.  This  inhuman  action 
had  the  effect,  in  some  degree,  of 'checking  the  Bheels 
about  Ohandore-  and  the  southern  part  of  Buglana  ;  but  to 
the  northward,  and  along  the  Sautpoora  mountains,  it 
drove  them  to  desperation,  and  they  continued  to  molest 
the  country. 

During  the  war  between  Holkar  and  the  British  govern- 
,  ment,  Futih  Sing  Manay  returned  to  the 

Peishwa'n  territory,  and  recommenced  his 
ravages  to  the  south  of  the  Neera  with  an  army  of  nearly 
30,000  men.  But  Bulwtmt  Rao  Fumuwees,  the  mootaliq 
of  the  Pritee  Needhee,  assisted  by  the  troops  of  Chintamun 
Bao  Putwurdhun,  planned  a  judicious  attack  on  his  camp, 
routed  his  troops,  killed  Futih  Sing  Manay,  together  with 
a  great  number  of  his  followers,  and  completely  dispersed 
them  ;  after  which  he  formally  addressed  a  despatch, 
stating  the  particulars,  to  the  Peishwa,  who  approved  of 
the  service  performed,  and  was  much  gratified  by  this  act 
of  courtesy  from  the  mootaliq  of  the  Pritee  Needhee. 
Bulwunt  Rao  was  at  this  time  chief  direcj;^  of  his  master's 


CHAP.  XXIIl.]  AFFAIRS  OF  THE  PRITEE  NEEDBKE.  481 

affairs.     Fureshram  Sree  Newas,  the  son  of  the  deceased 

Bowan  Bao,  Pritee  Needhee,  was  a  young  man  of  some 

spirit,  but  of  weak  intellect  and  of  dissolute   morals.     He 

was  bom  on  the  day , of  his  fathw's  death,  and  during  his 

minority  had  be^i  kept  in  a  state  of  tuteflage  by  Nana 

Furnuwees,  and  reared  with  hereditary  enmity  to  ihe 

house  of  Bagonath  Bao.    Bajee  Bao,  before  his  connection 

with  the  British  government,  had,  with  Sindia's  assistance, 

laid  a  plan  for  seizing  the  Pritee  Needhee  in  his  own  house 

at  Poena ;  but  it  was  frustrated  by  his  bravery,  and  the 

exertions  of  one  of  his  adherents,  named  Doulut  Bao 

Ghatgay,  by  whose  assistance  he  cut  down  the  persons  who 

laid  hold  of  him,  and  immediately  fled  from  Poena  to  his 

own  jagheer  at  Kurar. 

The  management  of  his  jagheer  was  in  the  hands  of  his 

mother,  who  was  assisted  by  Bulwunt  Bao  Furnuwees,  the 

mpotaliq  already  mentioned.     The  Pritee  Needhee  wished 

to  assume  the  control  himself,  and  he  was  assured  by  his 

mother  that  he  should  be  placed  in  authority  ;  but  being 

deceived  by  false  hopes  for  a  period  of  years,  he  at  last 

determined  on  asserting  his  lights  by  force.     Bajee  Bao 

saw  their  differences  with  satisfaction,  as  he  wished  for  a 

favourable  opportunity  of  stripping  the  Pritee  Needhee  of 

his  possessions ;  but  this  extreme  measure 

he  at  first  would  not  venture  upon,  as  he 

apprehended  that  the  Pritee  Needhee  might  be  supported 

by  the  Purtwurdhuns.    Pretending,  therefore,  to  be  anxious 

to  mediate  between  the  parties,  he  decided  in  favpur  of 

Bulwunt  Rao  Furnuwees,  in  which  he  was  supposed  to 

have  been  influenced  by  the  good  conduct  of  the  mootaliq 

in  suppressing  the  depredations  of  Futih  Sing  Manay.    In 

order  to  support  Bulwunt  Bao,  he  sent  a  body  of  his  troops 

under  Bappoo  Gokla  to  enforce  submission,  and  the  Pritee 
Vol.  II,— 61 


48*2  HISTORY  OF  «'««  MAHRATTAS.  fCHAP.  XXHI. 

Needhee  was  placed  in  oonfinement  by  bis  mother  in  the 
gurhee  of  Mussoor.  Gokia  returned  to  Poona,  the  country 
Avas  tranquillized,  the  adherents  of  Fureshram  sought 
«afety  in  concealment,  and  it  was  generally  supposed  that 
the  Pritee  Needhee  would  remain  a  prisoner  for  life.  But 
Pureshram  Sree  Newas  had  a  fHend  from  whom  no  one 
expected  his  succour.  His  wife,  one  of  the  most  respectable 
ladies  in  the  country,  p^rt;eiving  the  weakness  and  violence 
of  her  husband's  character,  had  several  years  before 
endeavoured  to  bring  him  into  his  mother's  views,  which 
so  exasperated  the  Pritee  Needhee  that  he  never  after- 
wards would  live  with  her.  He  chose  as  his  mistress  a 
Telin,  or  wife  of  an  oil-seller,  with  whom  he  cohabited, 
and,  to  the  great  scandal  of  his  caste,  as  a  Bramin,  made 
no  secret  of  the  connection.  The  Telin,  after  the  Pritee 
Needhee  was  confined,  had  the  address  to  obtain  possession 
of  the  fort  of  Wassota,  situated  in  a  most  inaccessible  part 
of  the  Syhadree  mountains,  where,  having  collected  some 

followers,  she  headed  a  party,  attacked 

•     A.D.  1807.  ^        ,  J   XI.  •  A 

mussoor,  and  rescued  the  pnsoner.  As 
)50on  as  the  Pritee  Needhee  found  himself  at  liberty,  he 
hoisted  his  standard,  declared  himself  the  servant  of  the 
raja  of  Satara,  and  bound  by  no  tie  to  obey  the  Punt 
Purdhan.  The  inhabitants  of  the  tract  between  the  Neera 
and  Warnah,  in  which  the  Pritee  Needhee's  districts  were 
situated,  being  prone  to  insurrection,  the  standard  of 
rebellion  soon  found  supporters,  and  some  of*  the  old 
retainers  of  the  Pritee  Needhee's  family  joined  him.  The 
temporary  power  thus  obtained  by  the  assemblage  of  a 
body  of  troops  was,'  however,  exceedingly  abused.  He 
committed  great  cruelties  on  such  of  the  adherents  of  his 
mother  and  of  Bulwunt  Rao  as  fell  into  his  hands  ;  and  he 
rendered   himself  odious  to  the  peasantry  by  a  system  of 


CHAP.  XXIII.]      REBELLION   SUFPBESSED  BY   BAPOO  GOKLA.  ^83 

plunder  and  extortion  worthy  of  the  lowest  Fuidhffrft. 
Had  the  Pritee  Needhee  posseBsed  moderation  and  ability 
equal  to  his  spirit,  there  were  materials  for  a  rebellion  in 
that  quarter,  which  Bsgee  Bao,  unassisted  by  British 
troops,  eould  never  have  aiippresaed ;  but,  before  he  had! 
made  adequate  prepara^oas  for.  registance,  Gokia  once 
more  came  against  him ;  the  few  faithful  sillidars  who* 
accompanied  him,  reconunended  his  retiring  ta^  the  hillsy 
and  raising  the  Ramoosees^  unftil,  like  Chiteer  Sing,  he 
could  attack  witih  efifect.  Begardless,  however,  of  this^ 
advice,  he  waited  fiM*  Giokla^  neatr  Wussimtgurh  ;.  a  few- of 
his  men  stood  by  him^  bat  most  of  them  fled  at  the  first 
charge* 

The  Fritee  Needhee  wa&  supposed  to  have  been  killed  ; 
he  was  taken  up  by  bis  enemries  for  dead  ;  bat  although 
he  had  lost  his  haivi,  aaid  w^e  severely  wounded  in  the 
head,  he  recovered,  and  was  ever  after,  during  the  reign 
of  Bajee  Bao^  conAned  in  the  cky  of  Poonea,  where  a  small, 
portion  of  his  late  extensive  jagheer  was  assigned  for  his 
support;  tiiie  remainder,  without  any  separate  provision 
for  the  opposite  party,  was  sequestrated*  Bulwunt  Bao 
Fumuwees  regretted  the  opportunity  thias  afforded  to 
Bajee  Bao  by  their  di£Gbrefiees  when  too  late ;  the  country 
was  soon  reduced,  all  the  garrisons  having  surrendered 
excepting  the  Ibrt  of  Wasseta,  which  held  out  for  eight' 
months,  when  the  Telin,  after  a  spirited  defence,  surrender- 
ed, in  consequence  of  a  fire  which  destroyed  her  granary. 
The  jewels  and  private  property  of  the  Pritee  Needhee's 
family  were  seized  by  Bapoo  Gk)kki,  Mid  never  accounted 
for  to  the  Peishwa.  In  order  to  prevent  the  odium  likely 
to  arise  from  having  thus  reduced  the  Fritee  Needhee, 
Bajee  Bao  allowed  Bapoo  Gokla  to  retain  po«sessioii  of 
the  conquered  districts,  as  if  they  were  kept  mote  as  a 


484  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [OHAP.  XXIII. 

punishment  to  the  Pritee  Neediiee  than  as  an  axivantage 
to  himself.  During  the  period  Gt)kla  retained  possession 
of  the  conquered  territory,  his  exactions  were  most  severe, 
and,  being  supported  by  a  large  force,  they  were  irresis- 
tible.  By  these  means  Bappoo  Gokla  became  the  wealthiest 

of  the  Peishwa's  sirdars.  He  succeeded 
to  the  command  of  his  tmcle's  troops, 
when  the  latter  was  killed  by  Dhoondia  Wang  as  already 
mentioned  ;  but  he  owed  his  elevation  chiefly  to  General 
W.ellesley,  whom  he  accompanied  in  the  war  of  1803,  and, 
excepting  Appa  Uessaye  Nepankur,  was  the  only  good 
ofHcer  in  the  immediate  service  of  Bajee  Hao. 

Appa  Dessaye's  name  is  Seedojee  Kao  Nimbalkur  ;  we 
have  already  had  occasion  to  mention  this  person  on  more 
than  one  occasion,  but  about  this  period  he  became  more 
conspicuous  from  the  following  circumstances. 

About  the  year  1785,  the  petty  states  of  Kolapoor  and 
Sawuntwaree,  always  jealous  of  each  other,  went  to  war, 
because  Luximee  Bye,  the  wife  of  Kem  Sawunt,  dessaye 
of  Waree,  and  niece  of  Mahadajee  Sindia,  had  obtained 
some  privileges  of  royalty  for  her  husband  from  the  Moghul 
emperor,  through  her  uncle's  all-powerful  influence  at  the 
court  of  Delhi.  With  a  few  intermissions,  and  with 
various  success,  this  warfare  had  continued  for  23  years, 
when  at  last  the  troops  of  Kolapoor  gained  a  victory  over 
those  of  Sawuntwaree  in  a  pitched  battle  fought  at  the 
village  of  Chowkul,  and  the  fort  of  Waree  was  immediately 
besieged.  Kem  Sawunt  had  been  dead  some  years  ;  he 
had  left  four  widows,  the  eldest  of  whom,  Luximee  Bye, 
become  regent  on  account  of  the  minority  of  Kem  Sawunt's 
only  son  by  Dawee  Bye,  his  third  wife.  Luximee  Bye, 
when  her  capital  was  besieged,  called  in  the  aid  of  Wiswas 
Hao  Ghatgay  and  Appa  Dossaye.     Wiswas  Rao  Ghatgay 


CHAP.  XXIII.]  APPA  BBSSATE  NEPAKKUR.  j4g5 

had  been  put  in  possession  of  ttro  districts,  called  Chic- 
kooree  and  Menowlee,  belonging  to  Kolapoor,  by  Shirzee 
Bao  Ghatgay.  His  pretended  right  to  dispose  of  them 
originated  in  their  having  been  conquered  by  the  first 
Mahdoo  Eao,  and  bestowed  on  the  family  of  Putwurdhnn ; 
and  Sindia  having  authority  for  possessing  himself  of  the 
sequestrated  jagheer  of  the  Putwurdhuns,  Shirzee  Rao, 
who  had  seized  those  two  districts,  made  them  over  to  his 
brother,  Wiswas,  when  he  was  ordered  by  his  son-in-law 
to  join  him  in  Malwa.  Wiswas  Rao  would  have  been 
driven  out  of  them  by  the  raja  of  Kolapoor,  but  he  was 
supported  by  Appa  Dessaye,  who  afterwards  took  them 
for  himself.  The  Peishwa,  on  the  plea  of  wishing  to  avoid 
disputes  with  Sindia,  pretended  to  take  no  concern  in  those 
districts,*  but  it  was  on  the  authority  of  his  secret  orders' 
that  Appa  Dessaye  seized  them,  and  Bajee  Rao  at  a  sub- 
sequent period,  in  1812,  asserted  his  own  claim  to  them 
on  grounds  which  were  admitted  by  the  British  government. 
On  the  present  occasion,  when  Luximee  Bye  applied 
for  aid,  Appa  Dessaye,  with  the  Peishwa's  secret  concur- 
rence, readily  afforded  it ;  the  siege  of  Waree  was  raised, 
and  the  territory  of  the  Kolapoor  rajta  above  the  Ghauts 
was  invaded ;  so  that  the  Kolapoor  troops  were  recalled 
from  the  Concan  to  defend  their  own  capital.  Applica- 
tion was  made  to  the  British  government  for  its  mediation, 
but  Lord  Minto,  then  governor-general,  declined  all  inter- 
ference ;  and  the  Peishwa,  who  was  the  principal  cause  of 
the  disturbance,  began  to  hint  at  his  rights,  of  supremacy 
over  all  parties — a  disposition  to  encroachment  which,  if 
checked  by  the  British  authorities  on  its  very  first  indica- 
tion, would  have  been  of  essential  importance  to  the 
stability  of  Bajee  Rao's  government. 

*  Colonel  Close's  despatches)  5th  Mny  1808. 


485  HISTOBY  OF  TH£  MAHBATTAS.  [OHAF.  XXIII. 

Appa  Dessaye,  however,  made  himself  complete  master 
of  Chickooree  and  Menowlee,  and  endeavoured  to  estab- 
lish his  >aatbority  over  Sawuntwaree.  The  son  of  Kem 
Sawmit  was  strangled  at  the  instigation  of  Appa  De8saye'3 
earcoon,  with  the  ooncarrenoe  of  Luxioiee  Bye,  and  of 
Poond  Sawunt,  the  next  heir  to  the  principality.  But 
Appa  Dessaye  did  not  profit  by  this  atrocious  deed. 
Foond  Sawunt,  taking,  advantage  of  the  .weak  state  of 
Appa  Dessaye's  troops,  the  greater  part  being  withdrawn 

to  maintain  the  war  above  the  Ghauts, 
drove     them     from    the    country,    and 
possessed  himself  of  the  government.. 

Lnxiraee  Bye  died  soon  after,  when  Poond  Sawunt 
found  a  .rival,  rather  than  a  coadjutor,  in  the  person 
'of  Doorga  Bye,  the  second  widow  of  Kem  Sawunt, 
and  ihe  daughter  .  of  a  Mahratta  officer  named 
Khanwelkur. 

In  the  meantii&e  the  utmost  apparent  cordiality  sub* 
fiisted  between  the  British,  resident  and  the  Feishwa's 
court.  Bajee  Bao,  as.  often  as  he  could  find  a  pretext, 
was  prosecuting,  with  inflexible  perseverance,  his  &vourite 
plan  of  sequestrating  the  jagheers  of  all  whom  he  con-^ 
sidered  the  political  opponents  of  his  family,  and  appro- 
priating their  Revenues  to  his  own  uae.  Whilst  thus 
engaged,  Bajee  Rao  was  happy.  On  every  occasion  he 
enlarged  on  the  blessings  he  enjoyed  through  his  alliance 
with  the  British  government ;  he  professed  the  warmest 
affection  and  friendship  for  the  resident,  Colonel  Close  ; 
and  it  is  not  probable  that  Bajee  Bao,  in  all  he  thus 
expressed,  was  in  a  great  measure  sincere. 

Colonel  Close  was  in  the  habit  of  receiving  ail  native 
visitors  through  an  agent,  a  Parsee,  named  Khoosroojee, 
familiarly  styled  the  Moodhee — a  person  of  comprehensive 


CHAP.  XXIII.]  KHOOSKOOJEK  MOODHEK.  487 

judgment,  and  of  great  slddress,  who  soon  attained  consi- 
derable influence  with  his  master.  Sewdasheo  Bhow 
Mankesir  slnd  the  Moodhee  soon  formed  a  compact,  and 
having  united  with  them  Byajee  Naik,  a  Hoojrah, 
or  piBTsonal  servant  of  the  Peishwa,  by  whom  Byajee 
was  much  trusted  as  a  spy,  they  contrived  to  persuade 
Bajee  Eao  that,  by  gaining  Khoosroojee  to  his  interests, 
he  might  commaiid  the  services  of  the  British  resi- 
dency— a  proposal  well  suited  to  the  mind  of  Bajee 
Rao,  by  whom  no  means  were  spared  to  attain  an  end 
so  desirable. 

The  triumvirate,  in  all  probability,  participated  in  the 
spoils,  and  all  intercourse,  public  as  well  as  private,  went 
on  so  agreeably  by  the  agency  of  those  persons  that  there 
was  no  cause  of  dissatisfaction.  Any  subject  likely  to 
occasion  unpleasant  discussion  was  either  postponed,  or  so 
arranged  that,  before  being  brought  forward  on  either 
side,  it  was  smoothed  of  its  asperities,  so  that  little 
difficulty  remained  in  the  adjustment. 

The  services  of  Colonel  Close  during  this. year  were 
called  for,  on  a  very  important  occasion  to  Hyderabad, 
and  he  never  returned  to  his  situation  at  Poena.  Mr. 
Henry  Bussell  succeeded  to  the  temporary  charge  of  that 
residency  until  the   return  of  Mr.   Elphinstone   from   a 

mission  to  Cabul,  and  the  same  harmony 

A  D  1810 

continued  to  prevail.  Khoosroojee,  though 
a  servant  of  the  British  residency,  had  been  permitted  to 
accept  the  high  office  of  sur-soobehdar  of  the  Camatic 
under  the  Peishwa's  government,  and  he  appointed  as  his 
deputy  a  Bramin  named  Bappoo  Sawney. 

Mr.  Elphinstone  had  been  an  assistant  to  Colonel  Close 
at  Poena  before  he  was  attached  to  General  Wellesley's 
staff  in  the  war  of  1*803,  so  that  be  took  charge  of  his 


/ 


488  HISTORY  OF  THE_MAHR1TTAS.  [CHJUP.  XXIII. 

appointment  as  resident  with  considerable  local  informu* 

A  D  1811  ^^^^'     ^^S  ^^  *^®  habit  of  communicat- 

ing with  the  natives  direct,  he  saw  all 
persons  who  had  business,  and  discontinued  the  form  of 
introduction  through  any  one  agent.  This  alteration, 
superadded  to  a  quarrel  which  had  taken  place  between 
Khoosroojee  and  Sewdasheo  Bhow  Mankesir,  was  a  soiifce 
of  secret  vexation  and  discontent  to  the  former,  as  it  so 
greatly  tended  to  lessen  his  importance  and  his  gains  ;  but 
Khoosroojee  had  much  personal  influence  with  the  Peishwa, 
which  he  unfortunately  exercised  in  prejudicing  his  mind 
against  the  resident,  by  representing  him  as  one  who 
entertained  the  same  sentiments  as  General  Wellesley, 
whom  Bajee  Bao  hated  because  he  had  opposed  his  schemes 
of  vengeance  against  Amrut  Bao  and  the  family  of 
Pureshram  Bhow  Putwurdhun.  Several  instances  might 
be  adduced  of  the  effect  which  the  Moodhee's  insinuations 
produced  on  the  mind  of  the  Peishwa  ;  but  although  many 
subjects  hitherto  kept  back  were  now  brought  into  discus- 
,  sion,  in  hopes  of  creating  necessity  of  again  interposing 
the  agency  of  the  Moodhee,  Baj^e  Bao  had  soon  reason  to 
acknowledge  the  impartiality  of  the  resident  on  the  subjects 
from  which  his  chief  prejudice  against  him  had  arisen. 

As  soon  as  he  had  resumed  the  lands  of  the  inferior 
jagheerdars  who  had  ever  been  disobedient  to  himself,  or 
who  had  taken  an  active  part  against  his  father,  the  Peishwa 
desired  Bappoo  Gokla  to  make  over  the  Pritee  Needhee's 
district  to  the  state,  and  again  brought  forward  his  complaints 
and  claims  against  other  gre^t  jagheerdars,  particularly  the 
Putwurdhuns,  Bastia,  and  the  dessaye  of  Kittoor. 

These  persons,  presuming  on  the  protection  already 
afforded  to  them  by  the  British  government,  neglected  to 
obey  the  orders  of  the  Peishwa,  and  omitted  to  send  their 


CHAP.  XXIII.]  SETTLEMENT  WITH  THE  SOUTHEBN  JAGHEERDABS.    489 

troops,  which  were  now  much  wanted  to  defend  the 
country  from  the  Pindharees,  whose  inroads  were  every 
year  becoming  more  powerful  and  destructive.  When 
Bajee  Rao  embraced  the  British  'alliance,  he  wrote  to  the 
jagheerdars  in  question  to  assist  the  British  troops.  Most 
of  them,  being  personally  acquainted  with  Greneral 
Wellesley,  readily  obeyed  Bajee  Bao's  orders,  co-operated 
in  his  re-establishment,  and  were  disposed  to  forget  past 
injuries,  until  the  rancorous  revenge  and  studied  aggres- 
sions of  Bajee  Rao  completely  alienated  their  minds.  They 
were  only  deterred  from  supporting  the  Pritee  Needhee's 
rebellion  by  the  fear  of  the  subsidiary  force,  and,  had  the 
interposition  of  the  British  government  been  withheld, 
they  would,  when  joined  to  the  Pritee  Needhee,  have 
probably  eflfected  another  revolution,  as  it  was  estimated 
they  Qould  at  that  time  bring  into  the  field  nearly  20,000 
horse.  In  considering ,  a  plan  of  settlement  between  these 
jagheerdars  and  the  Peishwa,  several  modes  were  discussed 
at  a  very  early  period  by  the  British  authorities,  ffo  have 
avowedly  withheld  support  from  both  paii;ies  woidd  have 
involved  the  country  in  war  and  confusion ;  to  have 
assisted  in  the  destruction  of  families,  in  whose  favour  so 
much  might  be  urged,  would  have  been  unjust;  audit 
would  have  been  still  more  so  to  raise  them  into  inde- 
pendent principalities  under  the  guarantee  of  the  British 
government  It  therefore  appear  advisable  to  steer  a 
middle  course  ;  and  it  was  determined  to  enforce  tlie  service 
of  their  troops  as  due,  to  the  Peishwa,  and  to  cause  them 
to  restore  all  usurped  lands  ;  but  to  guarantee  their 
territory  as  long  as  they  chose  to  abide  by  the  tenor  of 
their  original  engagement  to  the  Poena  state. 

With  this  arrangement  of  the  southern  Mahratta  country, 
it  was  resolved  to  combine  the  effectual  suppression  of 

Vol.  II.— 62 


490  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XXIlt. 

piracy  in  the  states  of  Kolapoor  and  Sawiintwaree,  which, 
it  was  foreseen,  could  never  be  rooted  out  until  some 
harbt)urs  and  fortresses  on  the  coast  of  Malwan  were  placed 
in  the  hands  of  the  British  government. 

The  Putwurdhuns  were  very  averse  io  acknowledge 
fealty  to  Bajee  Rao,  but  they  at  last  submitted,  and 
complied  with  the  conditions  imposed  by  the  British 
government.  The  raja  of  Kolapoor  nearly  lost  his  capital 
by  the  intrigues  of  the  Peishwa,  who  secretly  encouraged 
him  to  resist  the  demands  of  the  English,  hoping  that  his 
general^  Appa  Dessaye,  then  besieging  Kolapoor  as  if  in 
his  own  quarrel,  might  be  able  to  reduce  it  before  the 
terms  were  accepted  ;  whilst,  on  the  other  hand,  in  order 
to  cause  delay,  he  declared  to  the  resident  that  the  British 
government  had  no  right  to  enter  into  a  treaty  with  the 
raja  of  Kolapoor,  who  was  his  subject— an  assertion  as 
bold  as  it  was  false.  Before  any  of  the  objects  could  be 
effected,  Mr.  Elphinstone  found  it  necessary  to  assemble 
an  arnfy  at  Punderpoor,  and  move  it  down  to  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  the  Kistna.  In  regard  to  the  jagheerdars, 
besides  what  has  been  already  stated  in  the  general  plan 
of  settlement,  Appa  Sahib  Putwurdhun  was  obliged  to 
surrender  the  person  of  Baba  Rao  Phurkay — a  concession 
to  the  Peishwa,  on  the  part  of  the  British,  government, 
which  was  very  unpopular  in  the  Mahratta  country,  and, 
although  it  may  have  been  strictly  just,  the  policy  of  the 
measure  is  questionable.  Baba  Rao  was  confined  by  the 
Peishwa  in  the  fort  of  Bassein,  where  he  shortly  after  died. 
By  the  terms  tendered  and  accepted  by  the  raja  of  Kola- 
poor, he  renounced  all  right  to  Chickooree  and  Menowlee, 
which  were  ceded  to  the  Peishwa ;  but  all  other  places 
taken  from  the  raja,  in  consequence  of  the  disputed  right 
to  these  districts,  were  restored.     To  the  British  govern- 


CHAP.  XXIII.]       SUPPRB8SI0N  OF  PIRACY  IN  THE  CONCAN.  491 

ment  the  raja  ceded  the  harbour  of  Malwan,  which  inoluded 
the  forts  and  island  of  Malwan  or  Sinde^droog  and  its 
dependencies ;  he  also  agreed  to  renounce  piracy,  to  permit 
no  armed  vessels  to  be  fitted  out,  or  to  enter  his  ports,  on 
pain  of  becoming  lawful  prize  to  the  British  government, 
and  to  restore  wrecks,  as  well  as  to  assist  vessels  in  distress. 
He  also  became  bound  for  himself  and  his  successors  to 
pursue  no  manner  of  hostility  against  any  other  state 
without  the  consent  of  the  British  government.  The 
British  government  renounced  its  long-existing  claims 
against  the  raja,  and  became  bound  to  guarantee  his 
possessions  against  the  aggressions  of  all  foreign  powers 
and  states. 

Poond  Sawunt,  dessaye  of  Sawuntwaree,  was  at  the 

same  time  bound  down  to  suppress  piracy, 
to  make  over  the  fort  of  Vingorla  and  the 
battery  of  Gunaramo  Tembe,  with  his  port  ^nd  limits  ;  and, 
in  case  of  being  guilty  of  further  piratical  acts,  the  forts  of 
Newtee  and  E.airee  were  likewise  to  be  required  of  him. 
British  merchants  were  to  be  allowed  free  ingress  and 
egress  to  and  from  the  dessaye's  territory^  on  paying  the 
customary  duties  ;  but  all  articles  of  consumption  required 
for  the  British  troops,  stationed  within  the  territory,  were 
to  pass  duty  free. 

Soon  after  the  conclusion  of  the  agreement,  Poond 
Sawunt  died,  and  Doorga  Bye  became  regent.  This  old 
lady,  regardless  of  the  guarantee  of  the  British  govern- 
ment, attacked  the  possessions  of  the  raja  of  Kolapoor, 
took  the  fort  of  Burratgurh,  which  had  formerly  belonged 
to  Sawuntwaree,  and  refused  to  evacuate  it.  A  British 
detachment  from  the  Madras  establishment  was  brought 
down  to  protect  the  Kolapoor  territory,  when  she  with- 
drew   the    garrison    of    Burratgurh,    but    continued  to 


492  HISTORY  OP  THE  MAHRATTA8.  [CHAP.  XXIII. 

brave  the  threats  and  despise  the  arguments  which 
were  oflPered  to  deter  or  induce  her  to  refrain  from 
ao[gression.  No  retaliation  was  permitted  against  Doorga 
Bye  till  every  reasonable  proposal  had  failed^  when  the 
British  troops  were  ordered  to  occupy  some  of  the  districts, 
with  a  view  of  forcing  her  into  terms.  No  opposition  was 
actually  made,  but  the  British  troops  were  kept  perpetually 
on  the  alert  by  threatened  attacks,  and  thus  was  engender- 
ed a  state  of  aflPairs,  neither  of  peace  nor  of  war,  but  which 
occasioned  all  the  expense  and  inconvenience  of  the  latter. 
Doulut  Rao  Sindia,  though  unconnected  with  the  Waree 
state  after  the  death  of  Luximee  Bye,  interested  himself 
in  behalf  of  Doorga  Bye,  and  much  discussion  and 
correspondence  resulted  from  her  contumelious  behaviour  ; 
nor  did  she  desist  from  her  vexatious  opposition,  until,  in 
consequence  of  many  hostile  acts  against  the  British 
government,  her  territory  wap  reduced  in  the  beginning 
of  1819  by  a  British  force  ;  but,  after  exacting  the 
necessary  securities,  the  principality  of  Sawuntwaree  was 
left  in  its  original  independence. 

In  the  meantime,  although  Bajee  Rao  was  disappointed 
in  the  hope  of  being  able  to  ruin  the  southern  jagheerdars, 
they  were  compelled  to  bow  before  him.  He  could 
scarcely  refrain  from  insulting  the  Putwurdhuns  when 
they  came  to  pay  their  respects,  and  his  exultation  at 
getting  Baba  Rao  Phurkay  into  his  power  knew  no 
bounds.  He  was  profuse  in  his  acknowledgments  and 
expressions  of  gratitude  to  the  governor-general  and  the 
resident ;  but  he  at  the  same  time  declared  that  he  should 
wish  not  to  have  a  single  Surinjamce  horseman*  in  his 
service,  and  proposed  raising  a  brigade  of  infantry,  to  be 
disciplined  entirely  by  European  officers,   and   paid,   like 

♦  That  IP,  horse^furnished  by  jagheerdars. 


CHAP.  XXIII.]  BRITISH  SUBSIDIARY  FORCE.  493 

the   British  sepoys,  direct  from  the  treasury.     To  this 
proposal   the    governor-general     readily     acceded,     and 

Captain  John  Ford,  of  the  Madras 
establishment,  who  had  been  long  attached 
to  the  escort  of  Colonel  Close,  was,  at  the  recommendation 
of  Khoosroojee,  selected  by  the  Peishwa  as  commandant  of 
the  brigade,  and  able  officers  from  the  line,  chosen  by 
Captain  Ford,  were  lent  from  the  Bombay  establishment 
to  assist  in  its  formation  and  discipline.  The  men, 
excepting  a  small  proportion  of  Mahrattas,  were  chiefly 
raised  in  the  campany's  provinces  in  Hindostan,  and, 
on  entering  their  battalions,  swore  fidelity  to  the 
Peishwa  whilst  he  continued  in  alliance  with  the  British 
government.* 

The  cantonment  allotted  for  this  brigade  was  about  four 
miles  to  the  north-west  of  Poena.  One  brigade  of 
British  troops  was  stationed  on  a  spot  originally  selected 
for  the  protection  of  the  city  in  its  immediate  vicinity  ; 
and  the  rest  of  the  British  subsidiary  force  occupied  a 
position  about  half-way  between  Poona  and  Ahmednugur, 
near  the  village  of  Seroor,  on  the  river  Ghore. 

The  Peishwa  had  soon  a  fresh  instance  of  the  utility  of 
the  British  force,  by  finding  it  necessary  to  call  in  a  part 
of  it  against  Appa  Dessaye,  who,  although  he  came  to 
Poona  on  being  ordered,  refused  to  comply  with  certain 
claims  devolving  on  the  Peishwa  by  the  late  settlement,  or 
to  give  up  some  territory  belonging  to  the  raja  of  Kola- 
poor.  The  British  authorities  interposed,  but  Bajee  Bao 
artfiiUy  contrived  by  his  intrigues  to  induce  Appa  Dessaye 
to  trust  to  his  lenity,  and  to  resist  the  demands ;   by  which 

*  Oral  information.  If  I  am  not  mistaken,  this  condition  was 
proposed  and  insisted  upon  by  the  Hindostan  sepoys  themselvesi 
without  its  being  suggested  by  their  officers. 


494  HISTORY  OP  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XXIU. 

insidious  conduct  the  dessaye  was  led  on  to  forfeit  one- 
fourth  of  his  jagheer  to  the  Peishwa. 

We  have  akeady  alluded  to  the  quarrel  between 
Khoosroojee  Moodhee  and  Sewdasheo  Bhow  Mankesir. 
Their  differences  likewise  originated  in  the  intrigues  of 
the  Peishwa,  who,  haying  been  informed  of  their  collusion, 
concluded,  with  some  justice,  that  such  a  cable  might  as 
often  act  against  him  as  for  him^  and  he  therefore 
determined  on  creating  a  division  between  them.  It  was 
with  this  view  that  he  conferred  the  appointment  of 
sursoobehdar  of  the  Carnatic  on  the  Moodhee  in  preference 
to  Sewdasheo  Bhow,  who  would  have  been  much  gratified 
by  it.  The  Moodhee  was  thus  secured  in  Bajee  Bao's 
interests,  but  the  envy  of  Mankesir  was  excited,  and  he 
in  a  short  time  informed  the  Peishwa  of  the  corrupt 
practices  of  the  Moodhee  in  the  aflfairs  of  his  government; 
Tliese  charges  Bajee  Rao  secretly  advised  his  minister  to 
prefer  to  the  resident,  which  was  accordingly  done ;  and 
as  the  Moodhee  was  a  servant  of  the  British  government, 
they  would  have  been  immediately  investigated,  but  the 
Peishwa's  object  being  answered  by  the  accusation  from 
Mankesir,*  be  interfered  to  prevent  the  inquiry,  and,  as 
it  related  to  an  affair  connected  with  his  government,  the 
proceedings  were  quashed  at  his  request,  f  This  intrigue 
answered  its  purpose  by  incensing  Khoosroojee  against 
the  minister ;  and  as  friendship^  according  to  the 
interpretation  of  the  court  of  JSajee  Rao,  was  to  aid  and  to 
conceal  the  acquisition  of  corrupt  emolument,  the  Peishwa 
secured  the  good-will  of  Khoosroojee  ;  but  the  nature  of 

*  The  accutiation  was  not  made  by  MaDkesir  himself,  but  by  three 
persons  employed  by  him  and  the  Peishwa. 

f  The  above  is  from  native  information  of  respectability  ;  but  I  am 
not  certain  of  the  date,  or  whether  Mr.  Bussell  or  Mr.  Elphinstone  was 
resident  at  the  time.    I  think  the  former. 


CHAP.  XXni.]  APPOINTMENT  OF   TRIMBDKJEE  DAINGLIA.  495 

the  Moodhee's  confidential  situation  at  the  residency  being 
incompatible  with  his  appointment  as  governor  of  a 
Mahratta  province,  he  was  afterwards  required  by  Mr. 
Eiphinstone  to  resign  the  one  or  the  other,  and  he 
accordingly  relinquished  the  latter.*  Trimbukjee  Dainglia 
was  immediately  appointed  to  the  vacant  office.  Trim- 
bukjee was  originally  a  jasoos,  or  spy,  and  brought  himself 
to  the  Peishwa's  notice,  when  he  fled  to  Mhar  from  the 
power  of  Holkar,  by  carrying  a  letter  to  Poena,  and 
bringing  back  a  reply  in  a  very  short  space  of  time. 
Being  afterwards  entertained  on  the  personal  establish- 
ment of  the  Peishwa,  his  activity,  intelligence,  and  vigour 
soon  became  conspicuous  ;  and  by  unceasing  diligence, 
and,  above  all,  by  being  pander  to  his  vices,  never  hesi- 
tating to  fulfil  his  wishes  whatever  they  might  be,!  ^^ 
gradually  gained  the  confidence  of  his  master,  and  was 
the  only  man  who  ever  obtained  it.  When  Gunput  Rao 
Phansay,  the  respectable  commandant  of  the  PeishWa^s 
artillery,  was  deprived  of  his  jagheer,  Trimbukjee  waa 
appointed  commandant  in  his  stead.  He  at  first  courted 
Mankesir  and  Khoosroojee  ;  but  having  discoverd  their 
collusion,  he  disclosed  it  to  the  Peishwa,  and  though  it 
did  not,  for  some  time,  become  apparent,  he  entirely 
supplanted  Mankesir  in  his  master's  councils,  and  retained 
Khoosroojee  in  the  manner  already  described. 

Bajee  Rao's  success  in  bringing  his  jagheerdars  under 
his  authority  encouraged  him  in  more  extensive  plans  for 
aggrandizing  his  power.  He  occasionally  mentioned  his 
claims  on  the  Nizam,  but  as  often  as  the  resident  prepared 
for  entering  on  the  investigation,  Bajee   Rao  found   some 

♦  Native  information, 
t.  Trimbuckjee  once  told  Mr.  Elphinstone  in  conversation — **  If  my 
master  order  me,  I  will  kill  a  cow"— a  declaration  of  servile  devoted- 
nesS|  equally  strong  and  impious. 


496  HISTOBY  OF  THE  MAHBATTAS.  'fCHAP.  XXIII. 

excuse  for  delay.  He  likewise  spoke,  at  first  distantly,  of 
his  claims  on  Sindia  and  Holkar,  although  sensible  that 
they  were  dissolved  by  treaties  to  which  he  was  himself  a 
party  ;  and  he  pressed,  with  seeming  earnestness,  early 
settlement  of  the  debts  due  to  him  by  the  Gaekwar — a 
subject  which  had  already  for  several  years  occupied 
attention,  and  to  which  we  shall  presently  advert. 

Unfortunately  for  Bajee  Rao,  the  low  favourite  whom 
he  had  chosen,  and  who  had  much  of  the  character  of 
Shirzee  Rao  Ghatgay,  entertained  a  strong  prejudice 
against  Europeans,  and  his  arrogant  presumption  and 
unprincipled  mind  were  equal  to  any  attempt.  Bajee  Rao, 
at  first,  in  wishing  to  extend  his  power,  entertained  no 
hostile  designs  against  the  British  government ;  but,  elated 
by  his  increasing  consequence,  without  reflecting  from 
whence  it  was  derived,  and  flattered  by  the  suggestions  of 
Trimbukjee,  who  tried  to  persuade  him  that  he  would 
recover  by  the  force  of  his  wisdom  all  that  his  ancestors  had 
gained  by  their  swords,  he  became  irritated  by  opposition 
to  his  wishes,  and  was  hurried  forward,  until  he  was  over- 
whelmed in  the  intrigues    and  crimes    which  Dainglia 

led  him  on  to  perpetrate.  In  frequent 
consultations  with  the  Moodhee  and  Trim- 
bukjee, they  advised  him,  before  entering  on  the  more 
important  discussions  with  the  British  government,"  to 
increase  his  military  establishment, which, without  any  design 
or  appearance  of  hostility,  would,  they  represented,  tend  to 
render  him  more  respectable  in  the  eyes  of  all  India,  and 
give  weight  to  arguments  with  his  allies.  Of  the  benefit 
derived  by  the  British  government  from  the  treaty  of 
Bassein,  the  Moodhee,'  perhaps  from  conviction,  impressed 
Bajee  Rao  with  the  most  exaggerated  opinion  ;  and  he  may 
have  thought,  from  the  evident  desire  of  concihation  which 


CHAP.  XXIII.]  BAJEE  RAO'S  TROOPS.  49? 

existed  in  the  councils  of  the  British  governmentj  that 
much  would  be  conceded  to  avert  a  war.  The  annual 
inroads  of  the  Pindharees,  and  a  pilgrimage  undertaken  by 
Bajee  Rao,  for  the  second  time,  to  a  celebrated  temple  in 
the  Oamatic,  furnished  ampld  excuse  for  raising  troops, 
had  a  pretext  been  wanting,  but  the  fact  was,  the  resident 
had  been  constantly  pressing  on  the  attention  of  the  ministef 
the  inadequate  force  maintained  by  the  Peishwa  for  the 
protection  of  his  country.  Up  to  1812,  exclusive  of  the 
troops  maintained  by  the  jagheerdars  and  the  Sebundees, 
dr  irregular  infantry,  employed  in  collecting  the  revenue, 
his  army  amounted  to  no  more  than  2,500  horse  and  3,000 
infantry.  Four  thousand  horse  were  that  year  added  to 
the  establishment,  and  several  hundreds  each  year  sub- 
sequently ;  but  instead  of  continuing  to  increase  the  levies 
of  horse  so  useful  to  check  the  Pindharees,  a  large  body  of 
Gosaeen  infantry  was  now  entertained  at  Trimbukjee's 
suggestion  ;  and  Arabs,  whose  enlistment  Bajee  Rao  had  at 
one  time,  not  only  prohibited,  but  had  begged  of  the 
Bombay  government  to  arrest  on  their  route  from  the  coast 
to  his  dominions,  now  met  with  every  encouragement.  An 
opportunity  of  exercising  the  new  levies  soon  occured  by 
the  refusal  of  Bappoo  Sindia,  killidar  of  Dharwar,  to 
surrender  that  fortress.  Having  come  to  pay  his  respects 
to  the  Peishwa  on  his  route  to  the  Carnatic,  Bajee  Rao 
desired  him  to  give  up  the  fort  to  Trimbukjee.  "  If  youi* 
highness,"  replied  the  killidar,  "  will  send  a  gentleman  to 
relieve  me  in  the  command,  or  if  you  will  send  a  carcooii 
in  your  own  name  to  whom  I  can  comftiit  my  charge,  your 
servant  will  present  the  keys  to  him,  but  I  will  never  give 
over  the  fort  of  Dharwar  to  such  a  person  as  Trimbukjee 
Dainglia.'*  In  consequence  of  this  speech,  as  soon  as  he 
had  reached  the  door  of  the  Peishwa's  tent,  he  was  arrestedj 

Vox.  Il,--63 


498  QISTOBT  OF  THB  UAHBATTAS.  [CHAP.  ZXIU. 

bound^  and  tortured  by  Trimbnkjee,  until  a  promise  of 
surrender  vras  extorted.  His  carcoon,  a  Bramin  on  whom 
the  kilUdar  could  r^ly,  was  despatched  with  Trimbukjee^ 
who,  accompanied  by  a  body  of  troops,  proceeded  to  take 
possession ;  but,  on  approaching  the  gate,  the  ciarcoon 
begged  permission  to  go  on  a  few  minutes  in  advance  of 
the  party,  that  he  might  speak  to  the  garrison,  and  make 
some  arrangements,  when,  no  sooner  had  he  got  inside, 
than  he  shut  the  gate,  and,  on  pretence  of  being  detained 
by  the  garrison,  opened  a  fire  on  Trimbukjee  and  his 
followers,  who  were  obliged  to  retire  with  precipifcaticm. 
This  insult  could  not  be  resented  at  the  time,  nor  until  the 
Peishwa's  return  to  Poena,  when  Dharwar  was  invested  ; 
but  the  faithful  carcoon  did  not  surrender  until  an  order 
was  obtained  from  his  imprisoned  master,  /through  the 
interposition  of  Bappoo  Gokla. 

About  this  period  the  conduct  of  Ehoosroojee  Moodhee, 
which  from  the  first  had  not  escaped  the  resident's  observa- 
tion, became  such  as  to  render  it  necessary  to  remove  him 
from  Poona,  in  order  to  prevent,  as  far  as  possible,  the  bad 
effects  of  the  dangerous  opinions  which  he  inculcated.  His 
past  services  entitled  him  to  all  due  consideration  from  the 
British  government ;  and  it  would  have  been  both  difficult 
and  ill-judged  to  have  proved  the  circumstances  by  which 
he  had  forfeited  his  claim  to  its  reward.  A  liberal  pro- 
vision was  therefore  made  for  him  in  his  native  province, 
Guzerat ;  but,  about  the  eve  of  his  intended  departure,  he 
died  by  p(»son.  Whether  it  was  administered  by  others, 
or  taken  wilfully  or  accidentally  by  himself,  could  never 
be  discovered,  although  the  case  underwent  a  long  and 
strict  investigation.  If  he  knew  more  secrets  with  respect 
to  foreign  intrigues  than  Bajee  Bao  and  Trimbukjee 
DaingUa  thought  fit  to  trust  to  any  third  person  beyond 


OHAP.  iXIII.]  TBIMBUXJSB  DAIMQLIA  AS  PRIMB  MINISTEB.  499 

their  own  power,  his  death  may  be  imputed  to  their 
machinations  ;  but  it  was  the  general  opinion  of  the  people 
at  Foona  that  he  had  poisoned  himself  through  a  fear  df 
the  loss  of  reputation,  when,  by  removal  from  power  and 
office,  his  corrupt  practices  might  become  public.  It  is, 
however,  remarkable  that,  in  succession  to  this  general 
report,  the  Peishwa,  who  had  before  quashed  the  proceed- 
ings against  him,  now  became  his  accuser  ;  and  Bappoo 
Sawney,  the  deputy  of  the  deceased,  was  called  upon  by 
Bajee  Rao  to  account  for  the  defalcation,  bribery,  and 
corruption  of  his  master.  During  the  proceedings  Bappoo 
Bawney  died  suddenly — of  fright,  it  was  said,  at  what  he 
might  expect  if  proved  delinquency  threw  him  into  the 

power  of  Trimbukjee  DainHia.  This 
person,  who  had  been  for  some  time  the 
chief  director  of  the  Feishwa's  councils,  was  at  last 
appointed  his  minister  in  the  transaction  of  affairs  with 
the  British  Government.  He  studied  his  master's  humours, 
and  attained  entire  ascendancy  over  his  mind ;  his 
measures  were"  vigorous,  though  marked  by  ignorance, 
violence,  and  treachery.  His  punishments  were  at  once 
lenient  and  severe ;  robbery  and  murder  might  be  compen- 
stated  by  a  small  fine,  but  a  failure  in  a  revenue  contract 
was  an  unpardonable  offence. 

The  Peishwa  farmed  his  districts  to  the  highest  bidder ; 
and  those  who  failed  in  their  contracts  were  compelled  to 
surrender  their  whole  properly  with  that  of  their  securities; 
and  should  all  be  insufficient,  they  were  thrown  into  hill- 
forts,  and  treated  with  the  greatest  rigour.  On  one 
occasion,  Trimbukjee,  before  his  power  was  completely 
established,  being  enraged  at  some  delay  on  the  part  of  a 
banker  who  had  become  securiiy  for  a  revenue  contractor, 
used  him  in  the  harshest  manner,  and  at  last  ordered  the 


500  HISTORY  OF  THB  MA&RATTAS.  [CHAP.  XXIII. 

banker  to  be  dragged  before  him^  when  he  struck  him  a 
violent  bio  won  the  head,  which,  owing  to  a  heavy  ring 
on  his  finger,  proved  instantly  fatal ;  bnt,  although  the 
person  thus  deprived  of  life  wasaBramin  of  respectabiUty,* 
no  notice  was  taken  of  the  circumstance. 

These  severities  to.  the  contractors  did  not  deter  others 
from  adventuring  on  the  same  course ;  for  Bajee  Bao,  who 
let  the  districts  himself,  was  an  adept  in  the  art  of  flattery, 
and  hia  manner  p^usible  to  a  degree  which  few  could 
resist.  His  cour,t,  which  was  gay  and  licentious  beyond 
ihat  of  any  other  Peishwa,  soon  became  agreeable  to  the 
generality  of  Bramins  in  Poena,  and  a  high  oiSfer  for  a 
district  was  a  sure  way  to  the  temporary  notice  of  the 
prince.  All  his  expenditure  was  regulated  by  contract. 
The  net  revenue  of  the  state  was  about  120  lakhs  of  rupees, 
of  which  Bajee  Bao  saved  annually  about  50  lakhs,  and 
had,  at  this  period,  collected  treasure  exceeding  50  millions 
of  rupees.  Whilst  thus  intent  on  amassing  wealth,  his 
time  was  divided  in  the  encouragement  of  the  grossest 
debauchery,  and  the  practice  of  the  most  absurd  superstitions. 
He  aspired  to  a  character  for  sanctity ;  was  rigid  in  the 
observance  of  every  form  required  by  the  rules  of  caste ; 
and  the  murder  of  Narain  Rao,  attributed  to  his  parents, 
was  a  subject  of  inquietude  and  remorse.  To  atone  for 
their  crime,  he  planted  several  hundred  thousand  mango 
.trees  about  Poona,  gave  largesses  to  Bramins  and  religious 
establishments,  and  was  particularly  generous  to  the  temple 
at  Punderpoor.  As  an  instance  of  his  superstition  may  be 
jnentioned  a  dream  of  one  of  his  religious  attendants,  who 
declared  he  saw  the  ghost  of  Narain  Bao,  and  that  it  ha4 
ordered  a  dinner  for  one  hundred  thousand  Bramins — an 
entertainn^ent  which  was  immediately  provided. 

*  The  banker's  name  waa  Sabharam  Naik  Looadee. 


CBAP.  XXIII.]  BAJSB  BA0*8  ADMINISTRATION.  501 

To  the  complaints  of  his  subjects  he  never  listisned  ;  and 
if  the  villagers  endeavoured  to  approach  his  presence,  they 
were  driven  away  by  the  attendants.  The  farmers  of  the 
districts  had  generally  the  superintendence  of  civil  and 
criminal  justice,  and  their  powers  in  this  respect  enabled 
them  to  increase  their  collections  by  fines  and  exactions. 
There  was  a  nominal  court  of  justice  at  Poena  under  a 
Shastree,  who  had  a  very  large  establishment.  It  wad 
supported  entirely  by  the  corrupt  emoluments  which  power 
^laUed  its  members  to  draw  from  the  public,  and  was  so 
notoriously  corrupt  that  the  poorer  suitor,  unless  he  had 
interest,  or  could  bribe  some  great  man  of  whom  the 
Shastree  stood  in  awe,  was  cert^n  to  lose  his  cause. 

Defective  as  the  system  was  under  Mahdoo  Bao  Ballal, 
the  Shastree  who  then  superintended  and  directed  the 
Punchayets  was  a  person  of  strict  integrity,  and  that 
Peishwa's  reign  was  always  referred  to  as  the  times  when 
a  poor  man  had  justice ;  even  the  adminiiftration  of  Nana 
Furnuwees  was  spoken  of  with  applause ;  but  Bajee  Bao, 
the  only  Peishwa  who  had  full  leisure  to  amend  the  civil 
government,  had  neither  ability  nor  inclination  for  the  task. 

He  persevered  in  hia  plan  of  sequestrating  jagheers,  and 
Mahdoo  Bao  Bastia  having  failed  to  produce  hia  quota,  of 
horse  for  muster,  the  Peishwa  represented  to  the  British 
resident  this  departure  from  what  was  stipulated  as  wilful 
disobedience  to  his  authority.  The  agreement  in  question 
being  one  of  those  concluded  through  the  interposition  of 
the  British  government,  Bastia  was  called  upon  by  the 
resident  to  fulfil  his  engagement  with  the  Peishwa,  other* 
wise  he  must  abide  by  the  consequences.  Bastia  hesitated, 
declared  his  inability  to  furnish  so  many  horse,  owing  to 
the  disobedience  of  the  Duflays,  who  were  jagheerdars 
under  him,  and,  by  the  Peishwa's  usual  artifice,  was  secretly 


502  HI8T0B7  OF  TBB  HAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  ZXIII. 

encouraged  to  believe  thlit^  by  trusting  to  his  lenity^  more 
favourable  terms  might  be  obtained.  It  was  in  vain  that 
the  resident  represented  his  situation  in  its  true  colours,  and 
warned  him  of  his  ruin ;  he  steadfastly  refused  compliance, 
and  was  stripped  by  the  Peishwa  of  all  his  possessions. 

Every  day  made  it  more  evident  that  the  Peishwa' s 
government  was  now  aiming  at  the  revival  of  the  old 
Mahratta  policy,  and  was  running  a  course  equally  incom- 
patible with  the  Peishwa's  alliance  and  his  political 
existence,  unless  it  were  expected  that  he  could  overturn 
the  British  government.  By  Trimbukjee's  advice  he  had 
sent  agents  in  the  preceding  year*  to  the  courts  of  Sindia 
and  Bughoojee  Bhonslay ;  he  also  despatched  an  envoyf  to 
Holkar,  with  whose  court  Bajee  Bao  had  never  before  held 
any  friendly  communication ;  but,  what  was  still  more  extra- 
ordinary, he  sent  an  agentt  to  reside  with  the  Pindharees, 
and  had  a  secret  interview  at  Kopergaom  with  some 
of  their  chiefs,  ^he  object  of  his  missions  to  the  Mahratta 
courts  above  named  was  to  negotiate  a  secret  treaty  of 
general  .confederacy  and  support,  which  was  actually  con- 
diuded.  The  declared  intention  seems  to  have  been  for  the 
purpose  of  strengthening  themselves,  and  imiting  together 
in  case  the  Britisn  government  should  meditate  further 
encroachment  on  any  of  the  states  concerned,  or  to  act 
offensively  against  the  British  should  an  opportunity  arise, 
either  in  consequence  of  their  expected  failure  in  the 
Nepaul  war,  then  going  forward,  or  on  any  future  occa* 
sion ;  but  those  of  his  coimtrymen  who  know  Bajee  Bao 
best  are  of  opinion  that,  notwithstanding  these  extensive 

*  Trimbnkjee  is  sappoaed  to  hftve  held  oommanioation  with  Sindift  and 
Rnghoojee  Bhonslay  as  far  baok  as  1811,  no  doubt  with  his  master V 
approbation. 

f  The  envoy  was  a  Bramin,  named  Qunneeh  Punt. 

t  This  agent  was  a  Mahratta,  his  name  Kistnajee  Gaekwar, 


CHAP.  XXIII.]  ANABCHT  IN  BABODA.  503 

and  apparently  welUordered  intrigues,  he  had  neither  a 
fixed  plan,  nor  any  serious  intention  of  making  war  upon 
the  English  at  this  period ;  certain  it  is/  however,  that  his 
measures  were  such  as  would  have  suhjected  him  to  tlie 
iossof  hismusnud,  had  the  facts  been  formally  substantiated 
and  strict  justice  enforced. 

His  next  scheme  was  to  establish  his  ascendancy  in 
Ouzerat.  Like  his  claims  on  the  Nizam,  he  frequently 
expressed  a  wish  to  have  his  affairs  with  the  Gaekwar 
settled  ;  but  as  often  as  the  wish  was  met  by  the  British 
government,  he  contrived  to  delay  the  adjustment  There 
had  been  no  settlement  between  the  Gaekwar  and  the 
Peishwa  since  the  accession  of  Govind  Bao.  On  the 
suppression  of  the  rebellion  of  Abba  Shelookur,  the  Baroda 
government  agreed,  as  already  mentioned,  to  hold  Ameda- 
bad  in  farm  from  the  Peishwa,  including  the  tribute  of 
Katty war,  with  Pitlaud,  Nappar,  Coura-Banpoor,  Dhua* 
dooka,  Gogo,  and  some  rights  in  Cambay,  for  the  annual 
sum  of  five  lakhs  of  rupees.  When  the  Bombay  govern- 
ment sent  the  detachment  into  Guzerat  to  support  the 
party  of  Bowjee  Appajee  at  Baroda,  the  government  was 
last  approaching  to  that  state  of  anarchy  and  confusion  in 
which  the  dominions  of  Sindia  and  Holkar  were  afterwards 
involved.  This  fine  province  was  in  a  great  degree 
preserved  from  similar  miseiy  by  the  active  interference  of 
the  British  government  under  the  able  arrangements  of 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Walker,  the  resident.  The  revenues 
of  the  state  amounted  to  55  lakhs  of  rupees,  and  its  expen- 
diture to  82.  The  power  of  the  government  was,  as  we 
have  seen,  in  the  hands  of  a  body  of  Arab  mercenaries, 
and  the  divisions  in  the  family  of  Gaekwar  afforded  a  wide 
field  of  hope  and  of  profit  to  military  adventurers  of  all 
descriptions,   who  abound  in  that  quarter.    The  Arabs 


504  HISTORY  OF  THK  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.   XXIIT. 

were  driven  out ;  the  debts,  exclusive  of  the  heavy 
balance  due  to  the  Peishwa,  were  compromised  for 
a  sum  less  than  42  lakhs;  and  money  was  raised 
6n  the  security,  or  advanced  from  the  treasury,  of  the 
British  government '  for  its  liquidation.  Mulhar  Rao 
Gaekwar,  whose  rebellion  brought  the  English  permanently 
to  Baroda,  Tvent  off  from  Neriad,  as  the  reader  may 
recollect,  about  the  time  when  the  Arabs  were  besieged  in 
Baroda,  He  was  afterwards,  when  nearly  famished,  taken 
prisoner  by  Babajee,  commander  of  the  Gaekwar' s  troops, 
delivered  over  to  the  charge  of  the  British  government, 
and  long  kept  a  prisoner  at  large  in  the  fort  of  Bombay, 
or  its  environs,  where  he '  ended  his  days.  Eanhojee 
surrendered  himself  in  1808,  and  at  first  was  allowed  his 
Mberty  and  an  ample  pension ;  l)ut  his  natural  turbulence 
and  love  of  intrigue  could  ill-brook  the  undisturbed  calm 
of  such  a  life.  In  a  short  time  he  forfeited  the  advantaofes 
he  enjoyed,  engaged  in  plots  against  the  existing  govern- 
ment, and  was  finally  conveyed  to  Madras  as  a  state 
prisoner. 

The  collection  of  the  tribute  in  Katiywar  required  a 
<^onsiderable  force  every  year  from  Baroda.  The  Mahrattas 
give  the  name  of  Kattywar  to  the  whole  western  peninsula 
of  Guzerat,  although  strictly  applicable  to  one  district  only 
of  that  extensive  tract  which  derives  its  name  from  the 
Kattees,  a  very  peculiar  race,  who  worship  the  sun.  The 
whole  region  is  inhabited  by  a  warlike  people,  chiefly 
Jarejah  Kajpoots,  who  are  under  separate  chiefs^  and 
whose  internal  divisions  had  early  made  them  an  easy  prey 
to  the  plundering  bands  of  Eantajee  Eudum  Banday  and 
Dummajee  Gaekwar.  The  resident,  attended  by  a  British 
force,  repeatedly  accompanied  the  Gaekwar' s  army,  and 
contributed  much  to  tranqoillize  the  province,  and  to 


CHAP.  XZIII.]  ABLE  SUPERIKTSNDSNCE  OF  LIEUT.-COL.  WALKER.   505 

improve  its  revenues.     He  also  humanelj  exerted  himself^ 

though  in   the  end  with   little  success,  to   suppress  the 

barbarous  practice  of  female   infanticide,  to  which  the 

Jarejah  Bajpoots  are  prone.     From  all  these  circumstances 

the  Baroda  government  fell  much  under  the  control  of  the 

British  resident ;  but  as  Lieutenant-Colonel  Walker  was 

enabled  to  direct  its  principal  acts  without  paralyzing  its 

internal  authority,  much  benefit  resulted  to  the  country 

from  his  snperinteidency. 

'   The  ministry  was  chiefly  composed  of  a  set  of  Purvoes, 

a  caste  frequently  remarkable  for  great  fidelity  and  bravery, 

and,  when  poor,  they  are  often  frugal  to  parsimony  ;  but 

it  may  be  observed  of  the  Purvoes,  that  wherever  they 

attain  power,  and  can  command  wealth,  they  are  lavish 

and  improvident.     The  head  of  this  ministry  was  Bowjee 

Appajee,  who  died  in  July  1803 ;  but  having  previously 

adopted  his  nephew,  Seetaram  Bowjee,  as  his  son,  he  was, 

with  the  consent  of  the  resident,  appointed  his  successor* 

After  a  patient  trial  of  his  abUity  and  resources,  Seetaram 

was  found  incompetent  to  the  duty,  and  his  uncle  Babajee, 

hitherto  at  the  head  of  the  army,  was  invited  to  assist  him. 

Futih  Sing,  the  brother  of  the  Qaekwar,  and  the  heir 

apparent,  whose  liberty  had  been  purchased  from  one  of 

Holkar's  commanders  who  carried  him  off  from  Poena 

in  1803,  was  also  at  the   same  time  brought  into  the 

administration.    Futih  Sing  chose  as  his  secretary  Gunga- 

dhur  Shastree,  originally  in  the  service  of  the  Phurkay 

family  at  Poena,  and  a.  man  of  considerable  activity  and 

address,  who  had  been  very  useful  to  the  resident  in  the 

important  measures  he  had  effected.     Lieutenant-Colonel 

Walker  placed  the  highest  confidence  in  the  integrity  and 

fidelity  of  the  Shastree,  and  upon  the  death  of  Babajee, 

and  great  misconduct  gn  the  part  of  Seetaram,  Gungadhur 
Vol.  II.— 64 


506  HISTOIIT  or  TBB  HAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  ZZIII. 

ghastree^  supported,  as  he  was,  both  by  Futih  Sing  and  the 
resident,  soon  became  prime  minister  in  all  but  the  name. 

The  first  arrangement  of  any  importance  which  took 
place  between  the  government  of  Poena  and  that  of  Baroda, 
after  the  treaty  of  Bassein,  was  the  settlement  of  the  farm 
of  Ahmedabad  and  its  dependencies. 

The  former  agreement  was  made  in  October  1800,  and 
tiie  term  of  its  duration  was  to  have  been  five  years ;  but 
as  Banpoor,  Gogo,  Dhundooka,  and  the  Peishwa's  rights 
in  Cambay  were  ceded  to  the  British  government  by  the 
treaty  of  Bassein,  the  Gaekwar  was  anxious  to  obtain  a 
perpetual  lease  of  the  remainder,  as  the  evils  divided 
authority  would  be  avoide4,  and  his  own  destricts  become 
more  valuable  in  consequence.  The  British  government 
was  equally  desirous  of  having  the  farm  continued,  both 
for  the  reasons  mentioned,  and  because  much  confusion 
and  oppression  were  likely  to  be  averted  by  the  arrange-* 
ment.  The  Peishwa,  on  these  representations,  and  upon 
condition  of  receiving  five  and  a  half  lakhs  of  rupees  for 
the  remaining  districts,  consented,  without  difficulty,  to 
allow  the  Gaekwar  to  retain  them  for  ten  years,  from  June 
1804,  and  a  new  agreement  was  concluded  accordingly. 
But  at  the  expiration  of  the  period,  the  Peishwa's  views 
were  entirely  altered,  and  five  times  the  amount  of  the 
Bum  realized  from  the  districts  could  not  compensate,  in 
his  estimation,  for  the  advantages  of  an  increased  political 
influence  on  the  side  of  Guzerat ;  nothing  could  induce 
him  to  renew  the  lease.  Long,  however,  before  the  period 
of  renewal,  the  question  of  his  claims  upon  the  Gaekwar 
had  become  a  subject  of  attention  with  the  British  autho- 
rities. The  governor-general  deemed  it  advisable  to  allow 
the  two  states  to  settle  their  affairs  by  direct  negotiation, 
and  to  desire  that  the  arbitration  of  the  British  government 


CHAP.  XXIIL]  BABOPA  INDEBTED  TO  BAJEB  RAO.  '^ffj 

shonld  not  be  resorted  to,  ezcept  in  the  event  of  a  failar^ 
on  their  part  to  effect  an  accommodation.     At  an  early 
stage  of  the  discussions^  an  agent  of  the  Gaekwar  govern- 
ment,  named  Bappoo  Myraul,  was  sent  to  Poona.    The 
debts  of  the  Gaekwar  to  the  Peishwa,  according  to  the 
statements  of  the  latter^  which  appear  to  have  been  correct, 
amounted  to  nearly  a  crore  of  rupees  ;  bat,  as  the  chief 
cause  of  the  embarrassments  of  the  Baroda  government 
originated  in  the  attachment  of  the  family  to  the  cause  of 
his  father,  Bajee  Eao  generously  acceded  to  the  relinquish* 
ment  of  60  lakhs  of  rupees  of  this  demand.    The  Baroda 
government,   without  claiming  exemption  as  matter  of 
favour,  advanced  counter-claims  on  the  follov^^ing  grounds. 
When  Dummajee  gave  up  half  of  Guzerat  to  Ballajee 
Bajee  Bao,  in  1751,  he  retained  his  rights  in  Baroacb 
undivided,  and  the  Peisbwa  got  Jumbooseer  and  some  other 
districts  as  an  equivalent  for  his  share*    By  the  treaty  of 
Baroda,  in  1775,  Bugonath  Bao  obtained  from  Futih  Sing 
Gaekwar  the  cession  of  his  rights  in  Baroach  for  the  East 
India   Company ;  and  by  the    treaty    of   Poorundhur, 
although  the  Poona  ministry  had  no  power  to  alieiKite 
Baroach  from  the  Gaekwar,  it  was  wholly  ceded  to  the 
British  government.     It  was  in   vain    that  Futih  Sing 
demanded  his  rights  in  Baroach  from  the  English  who 
kept  them,  or  from  the  Peishwa  who  had  given  them  away  f 
and  although,  when  the  war  was  renewedj  General  Goddard 
put  Futih  Sing  in  possession  of  several  of  the  Peishwa's 
districts,  he  was  compelled  to  relinquish  them  by  the  treaty 
of  Salbye.     Mahadajee  Sindia,  on  the  conclusion  of  that 
pacification^  obtained  Baroach  from  the  British  govern- 
ment :  with  Sindia's  successor  it  remained,  until  it  fell,  by 
right  of  conquest,  to  the  English  in   1803;    and  the 
Gaekwar  now  advanced  a  demand  on  the  Peishwa  for  the 


508  HISTORY  OF  THK  MAHRATTAS.  [cHAP.  XXIIT. 

amount  of  his  share  of  its  revenue  since  the 'treaty  of 
Poomndhur. 

His  other  counter-claims  were  on  account  of  expenses 
incurred  in  reducing  the  rebellion  of  Aba  Shelookur^  and 
in  maintaining  an  extraordinary  number  of  troops  for  the 
defence  of  the  Peishwa's,  as  well  as  of  his  own,  possessions  in 
Guzerat.  These  intricate  claims  occasioned  infinite  discus- 
sion ;  and  when  Bajee  Bao  adopted  the  plans  of  Trimbukjee, 
he  threw  every  obstacle  in  the  way  of  a  settlement,  because 
the  outstanding  demands  on  Baroda  and  Hyderabad  were 
reserved  as  a  means  of  communicating  with  these  courts  ; 
from  which,  owing  to  the  nature  of  their  engagements 
with  the  British  government,  his  intrigues  might  otherwise 
have  been  excluded.  Bappoo  Myraul,  the  Gaekwar's 
agent  at  Poena,  a  sensible,  upright  man,  and  of  a  cautious, 
observant  disposition,  was  soon  found  unfit  for  the  Peishwa's 
purpose.  Some  other  agent  must  be  sent  with  whom  the 
settlement  could  be  conducted.  The  Gaekwar's  government, 
therefore,  resolved  on  sending  Gungadhur  Shastree, 
both  for  the  adjustment  of  the  accounts,  and  for  obtaining 
a  renewal  of  the  lease  of  the  Peishwa's  share  of  Guzerat. 

Accordingly  the  Shastree  proceeded  to  Poena  ;  but  such 

was  the  eeneral  dread  of  the  violent  and 

A  D  1814 

unprincipled  conduct  of  the  powerful 
Trimbukjee  towards  all  who  opposed  his  wishes,  that  "the 
Gaekwar  asked  and  obtained  the  formal  guarantee  of  his 
minister's  safety  from  the  British  government.  As  early 
as  September  1811,  it  had  been  proposed  to  send  Gunga- 
dhur Shastree  to  Poena,  the  proposal  was  at  that  time 
readily  and  distinctly  acceded  to  by  the  Peishwa  ;  but  on 
the  Shastree's  arrival,  in  1814,  Bajee  Eao  objected  to  him, 
and  even  refused  to  see  him,  on  the  plea  of  his  having 
been  insolent  to  him  when  a  carcoon  in  the  service  of 


CHAP.  XXm.]   FROaRESS  OF  QVNaADHUR  SHASTRKR'S  MISSION.        50) 

Phurkaj.  The  fact  was,  the  Baroda  minister,  Seeiaram 
Bowjee,  jealous  of  the  Shastree,  and  already  seduced  bj 
the  Peishwa,  represented  the  Shastree  as  a  person  wholly 
in  the  interests  of  the  English. 

It  must  be  explained  that  Bajee  Bao,  on  the  decline  of 
Seetaram  Bowjee's  influence  at  Baroda,  attempted,  with 
success,  to  gain  him  to  his  views ;  and  on  the  resident's 
discovering  the  intrigue,  and  protesting  against  it,  the 
Peishwa  first  denied,  and  afterwards  justified,  the  corres- 
pondence, by  endeavomring  to  prove  his  right  to  appoint 
the  dewan  at  Baroda,  according  to  the  ancient  practice  in 
the  plenitude  of  the  Peishwa's  power.  Such  a  right,  in 
regard  to  the  Senaputtee  or  his  mootaliq,  Gaekwar,  never 
did  exist  of  the  part  of  the  Peishwa  ;  but,  without  reference 
to  the  alleged  right,  or  the  object  of  the  intrigue,  the 
reasons  urged  did  not  appear  sufficient,  in  Mr.  Elphinstone's 
opinion,  for  the  Peishwa's  refusing  to  transact  business 
with  the  accredited  agent  of  a  government  in  alliance  with 
the  nation  which  he  represented,  especially  after  having 
once  assented  to  his  mission :  the  Peishwa's  objections 
were  therefore  overruled. 

The  proposed  renewal  of  the  lease  of  Ahmedabad,  for 
reasons  already  explained,  was  positively  rejected  by  the 
Peishwa  ;  and  Trimbukjee,  having  obtained  the  appoint- 
ment of  sur-soobehdar,  prepared  his  troops  and  agents, 
who,  in  the  Peishwa's  name,  took  possession  of  the  districts 
in  Guzerat,  and  very  soon  commenced  a  systematic  plan 
of  insurrection  and  intrigue,  which  threatened  to  throw  the 
whole  country  into  confusion  and  disorder.*    No  better 

*  In  the  rains  of  1815,  the  British  troops  in  the  cantonment  at  Eaira^ 
their  usual  strength  being  much  reduced  at  the  time,  were  for  several 
nights  in  expectation  of  being  attacked  in  their  lines  by  the  Eoolees, 
who  are  very  numerous  in  that  quarter,  and  were  excited  ikgainst  the 
Britiah  government  by  Trimbukjee's  agents. 


510  HI8T0BT  OF  THE  MAHBATTAS.  [CHAP  XX1I& 

success  attended  the  other  objects  of  the  mission  to  Poena ; 
nnd  the  Shastree,  at  last,  with  the  concorrence  of  the 
resident,  determined  to  return  to  Baroda,  and  leave  the 
questions  to  the  arbitration  of  the  British  government. 

This  determination  produced  a  marked  change  towards 

the  Hhastree  in  the  conduct  and  demeanour 
of  the  Peishwa  and  Trimbukjee,  who,  fore- 
seeing that  they  should  thus  be  shut  out  from  Baroda, 
resolved  to  spare  no  pains  in  gaining  the  Shastree  to  their 
interests.  It  wsls  just  at  this  period  that  Trimbukjee  was 
appointed  to  carry  on  the  communications  between  his 
master  and  the  British  government. 

The  Shastree  was  induced  to  postpone  his  departure, 
and  every  means  was  employed  to  conciliate  his  regard 
and  confidence.  Trimbukjee  assailed  him  on  the  side  of 
his  vanity,  which  was  the  weak  point  of  the  Shastree's 
character,  and  persuaded  him  that  the  Peishwa,  in  admira-* 
tion  of  his  talents,  both  throughout  the  negotiation  in 
which  he  was  then  opposed  to  his  government,  and  in 
regard  to  what  he  had  effected  at  Baroda,  had  resolved  to 
appoint  him  his  own  minister.  As  a  proof  of  the  sincerity 
of  this  proposal,  the  Peishwa  offered  his  sister-in-law  in 
marriage  to  the  Shastree's  son,  and  acceded  to  an  adjust- 
ment of  the  Gaekwar's  affairs  for  a  territorial  cession,  on  a 
plan  suggested  by  the  Shastree,  though  without  consulting 
his  own  court  or  obtaining  the  sanction  of  the  British 
authority.  Every  arrangement  was  made  for  the  intended 
nuptials,  when  the  Shastree,  having  received  no  reply  from 
the  Gaekwar  respecting  the  territorial  cession,  became 
apprehensive  that  it  might  be  supposed  he  was  neglecting 
his  master's  interests  in  forwarding  his  own,  hesitated  and 
suspended  the  solemnization  of  the  marriage,  after  great 
p  expense  had  been  incurred  by  preparations.    This  conduct 


CHAP.  XZniJ  MURDER  OF  GUNaADHUlt  SHASTREE.  511 

was  deeply  resented  ;  and  the  refusal  of  the  Bhastree  t^ 
permit  his  wife  to  visit  the  Peishwa's  palace^  or  to  witness 
the  scenes  of  gross  debauchery  to  which  every  lady  who 
entered  it  was  subjected^  was  an  offence  which  Bajee  Bao 
never  forgave  in  him  or  in  any  other  person.  Trimbnkjee, 
however,  affected  to  treat  the  Bhastree  with  more  cordiality 
and  friendship  than  ever. 

The  Peishwa  proceeded  on  a  pilgrimage  to  Punderpoor, 
and  the  Shastree  accompanied  him,  although  his  colleague^ 
Bappoo  Myraul,  warned  him  of  his  danger,  and  begged 
that  he  might  at  least  be  permitted  to  attend  him  ;  but 
the  infatuated  man  would  neither  listen  to  his^  advice,  nor 
allow  him  to  be  of  the  party.  At  Punderpoor,  on  the 
night  of  the  14th  July,  Gungadhur  Shastree,  who  had  that 
day  dined  with  the  Peishwa,  was  invited  by  Trimbukjee 
to  repair  to  the  temple,  for  the  purpose  of  paying  his 
devotions  on  an  occasion  of  particular  solemnity*  The 
Shastree,  being  a  little  indiaposed,  excused  himself,  but 
upon  earnest  and  reiterated  entreaties  he  at  last  complied. 
With  a  few  unarmed  attendants,  he  proceeded  to  the 
temple,  where  he  performed  his  devotions,  conversed  with 
Trimbukjee,  and  payed  his  respects  to  the  Peishwa,  wha 
was  seated  in  the  upper  veranda  of  the  temple,  and  on  that 
occasion  treated  him  with  particular  condescension. 

The  unfortunate  Shastree,  who,  like  many  others,  could 
never  resist  the  agreeable  manners  of  Bajee  Bao,  quitted 
his  presence  in  the  highest  spirits,  and  set  out  on  his  return ; 
but  he  had  scarcely  proceeded  300  yards  when  he  was 
attacked  in  the  street,  and  almost  literally  cut  in  pieces, 
Trimbukjee  Dainglia  hired  the  assassins ;  two  agents  of 
Seetaram  Bowjee  from  Baroda  assisted  in  pointing  out  the 
Shastree ;  and  the  Peishwa,  if  he  did  not  instigate, 
approved  of  the  murder,  which  was  rendered  'peculiarly 


512  HISTOBY  OF  THE  MAHEATTiJ.  [CHAP.  XXIII. 

atrocioas  in  a  Hindoo,  by  being  not  only  perpetrated 
on  a  Bramin,  but  upon  the  consecrated  ground  of 
Punderpoor,  a  place  of  extraordinary  sanctity.  As  Bajee 
Rao  and  Trimbukjee  denied  all  knowledge  or  participa- 
tion in  the  deed,  the  resident,  who  at  the  Peishwa's 
request  had  not  accompanied  him  to  Punderpoor,  called 
for  an  immediate  inquky  into  the  circumstances  for 
the  satisfaction  of  the  British  government :  but  no  inves- 
tigation took  place.  The  general  voice  of  the  country 
pronounced  Trimbukjee  the  perpetrator  of  the  murder ; 
Bappoo  Myraul  openly  accused  him  of  it,  and  the  resident 
instituted  a  very  minute  and  strict  inquiry,  which  clearly 
established  his  guilt.  The  Peishwa  was  called  upon  to 
place  him  under  restraint,  and  afterwards  to.  deliver  him 
up  to  the  British  government ;  but  he  refused  compliance, 
evaded  the  demand,  and  for  a  time  seemed  resolved  to  staud 
or  fall  with  his  favourite.  Being,  however,  unprepared 
for  extremities,  and  the  British  troops  being  assembled 
^i  Poena,  his  natural  timidity  prevailed  over  every 
other  sentiment,  and  on  the  25th  September  he  delivered 
up  Trimbukjee,  whom  he  had  previously  sent  into  confine- 
ment in  the  fort  of  Wussuntgurh.  The  two  agents  of 
Seetaram,  being  deeply  implicated,  were  seized  at  the 
same  time,  and  delivered  to  the  Gaekwar,  by  whom  they 
were  confined  in  hill-forts.  Seetaram,  who,  in  conjunc- 
tion with  the  agents  of  Trimbukjee,  had  been  levying 
troops  whilst  the  Peishwa  hesitated  to  deliver  up  his 
favourite,  was  removed  frdm  the  administration  at  Baroda, 
and  taken  into  custody  by  the  British  government.  Thia 
measure  was  much  against  the  inclination  of  the  regent 
Futih  Sing,  who  on  this  occasion  betrayed  symptoms  of 
being  himself  swayed  by  the  intrigues  of  the  court 
of  Poena. 


CHAP.  XXIII.]  TittMBUKJBB  EFFBCfTS  HIS  ESCAPE.  513 

TrimbTikjee  was  confined  by  the  British  government  in 

the  fort  of  Tannah,  on  Salsette,  whence 
he  effected  his  escape  over  the  wall 
between  seven  and  eight  o'clock  of  the  evening  of  the  12th 
September,*  The  guard  over  Trimbukjee,  owing  probably 
to  excessive  precaution^  had  no  mixture  of  sepoys  upon  it, 
but  was  composed  entirely  of  Europeans.  From  this 
circumstance,  the  Peishwa  was  able  to  communicate  with 
Trimbukjee,  and,  for  some  days  previous  to  his  making 
the  attempt,  several  of  his  friends  and  servants  were  wait- 
ing in  the  neighbourhood  with  full  expectation  of  his 
joining  them.  The  principal  agent  of  communication  was 
a  Mahratta  horsekeeper,  in  the  service  of  one  of  the  officers 
in  the  garrison,  who  passing  and  re-passing  the  window  of 
Trimbukjee's  place  of  confinement,  when  in  the  act  of 
airing  his  master's  horse,  sung  the  information  he  wished 
to  convey,  in  an  apparently  careless  manner,  which  the 
Europeans,  from  want  of  sufficient  knowledge  of  the 
language,  could  not  detect.  The  difficulties  of  this  escape 
were  exaggerated  into  an  exploit  worthy  of  Sivajee,  and 
greatly  contributed  to  raise  the  fame  of  Trimbukjee 
amongst  his  countrymen,  with  whom  it  gained  him  a 
degree  of  popularity  which  he  had  never  enjoyed  while  in 
power.  He  confided  his  safety  to  the  Bheels,  Ramoosees, 
and  Mangs,  and  resided  chiefly  in  the  hills  about  Nassuck 
and  Sungumnere,  sometimes  in  Candeish  and  Buglana, 
and  frequently  amongst  the  Mabdeo  hills  towards  Satara, 
but  never  in  the  original  haunts  of  Sivajee,  where  he  would 
not  have  been  safe.  This  circumstance  is  to  be  accounted 
for    in    his    having    treacherously   seized  Chitoor  Sing, 

*  Trimbukjee,  in  conversation  with  different  officers  on  his  guard  at 
Tannahi  before  he  had  any  hopes  of  escape,  admitted  the  marder,  bat 
said  he  had  merely  obeyed  his  master's  orders. 

Vol.  II.- 65 


514  HISTORY  OF  THK  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XXIII. 

who  was  extremely  popular  in  that  part  of  the  Mahratta 
country. 

Chitoor  Sing,  since  we  had  last  occasion  to  mention  him, 
after  the  battle  of  Poona  in  1802  had  served  in  most  parts 
of  India.  He  was  conspicuous  in  the  charge  made  upon 
the  74th  i^giment  at  the  battle  of  Assaye,^  and  was  afters- 
wards  in  the  armies  of  Holkar,  Umeer  Khan,  and  the 
Bajpoots.  In  1812  he  was  returning  home  through 
Candeish,  when  Trimbukjee  seduced  him  to  a  conference, 
took  him  prisoner,  loaded  him  with  irons,  and  threw  him  into 
the  fort  of  Kangooree  in  the  Concan.  Many  vain  attempts 
were  made  by  his  partizans  to  effect  his  rescue,  till  at  last 
a  Gosaeen  of  the  same  name,  aided  by  some  of  the  Bamoosee 
chiefs,  taking  advantage  of  the  interest  felt  for  him  in  the 
country,  gave  out  that  Chitoor  Sing  had  escaped,  and 
obtained  possession  of  the  fort  of  Prucheetgurh,  by  a 
daring  and  well-planned  enterprize,  suggested,  it  is  said,  by 
a  traditionary  account  of  one  of  Sivajee's  exploits,  f  They 
afterwards  took  many  other  forts,  and  raised  a  formidable 
insurrection,  which,  though  generally  kept  in  check  by 
the  troops  of  Bappoo  Gokla,  was  never  reduced  by  the 
Peishwa's  government.  Their  real  object  was  plunder, 
but  their  avowed  purpose  was  the  re-establishment  of  the 
Mahratta  sovereignty,  and  the  release  of  the  raja  of  Satara ; 
and  had  Trimbukjee  Dainglia  fallen  into  their  hands,  they 
would  have  put  him  to  death  ;  Chitoor  Sing  lingered  in 
prison  at  Kangooree,  where  he  died  in  the  end  of  April 
1818.  His  brother  Shao  died  at  Satara,  3rd  May  1808, 
and  was  succeeded  by  his  son,  Pertab  Siew,  or  Sing,  tiae 
present  raja,  then  in  his  sixteenth  year. 

*  I  know  this  oircumstance  from  Jeewunt  Bao  Gborepuray,  who  was 
himself  in  that  charge,  and  with  Chitoor  Sing. 

t  The  manner  of  it  has  already  been  explained  in  a  note  on  Sivajee*8 
life,  ohapter  4,  page  118. 


CHAP.  XXIII.]  BAJEE  BAO  AGAINST  THE  BRITISH  GOVERNMENT.  ^15 

However  strong  the  suspicion  of  the  Peishwa's  conni- 
vance at  the  escape  and  concealment  of  Trimbukjee,  there 
was  no  proof  of  the  fact ;  and  as  it  was  thought  he  would 
rest  satisfied  in  having  effected  his  freedom,  little  notice 
was  taken  of  the  circumstance.  Sewdasheo  Bhow 
Mankesir  was  again  called  into  the  Peishwa's  councils ;  More 
Dixit,  a  student  of  Sassein,  and  Chimnajee  Karain,  both 
Concanist  Bramins,  who,  like  most  of  Bajee  Bao's  courtiers, 
had  gained  the  favour  of  their  prince  by  the  dishonour 
of  their  families,  were  likewise  employed  in  the  adminis- 
tration ;  and  Captain  Ford,  the  commandant  of  the  regular 
brigade,  in  whom  the  Peishwa  placed  considerable  con- 
fidence, because  his  prosperity  depended  on  the  stability  of 
his  government,  was  frequently  the  channel  of  communi- 
cation between  the  British  residency  and  the  Peishwa's 
ministers.  The  utmost  cordiality  seemed  to  prevail  between 
the  court  and  the  residency  at  Poena ;  but  nothing  could 
be  more  deceitful  on  the  part  of  Bajee  Rao.  He  was  now 
engaged  in  the  most  active  negotiations  with  Sindia, 
Holkar,  the  raja  of  Nagpoor,  Umeer  Khan,  and  the 
Pindharees  against  the  British  government ;  he  made  great 
additions  to  his  army,  and  supplied  Trimbukjee  with  large 
sums  of  money,  directing  hira  to  raise  troops  at  different 
places,  in  his  own  territory,  which,  even  if  discovered  by 
the  British  government,  might  appear  to   be  plundering 

Pindharees  or  insurgents.  The  resident, 
who  had  early  and  exact  information  of 
Trimbukjee' s  secret  proceedings,  applied  to  the  minister 
to  ascertain  whether  the  assembly  of  such  troops  was 
authorised  or  not  by  the  Peishwa  ;  and  he  was  assured, 
not  only  that  it  was  not  authorised,  but  that  no  such 
assembly  existed.  Mr.  Elphinstone  was  therefore  bound 
to  consider  it  an  insurrection ;  he  told  the  minister  that 


516  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XXIII. 

such  levies  were  going  forward  ;  that  the  principal  body 
was  assembling  near  Nattapoota,  a  village  south  of  the 
Neera,  within  50  miles  of  Poona,  and  he  begged  that 
immediate  steps  might  be  taken  for  its  dispersion. 
Although  the  minister  continued  to  deny  the  existence 
of  any  assembly  of  troops,  a  part  of  Bappoo  Gokla's 
horse  was  sent  down,  as  was  pretended,  for  the  resi- 
dent's satisfaction.  They  quietly  occupied  a  position 
in  the  very  district  where  insurgents  were  collecting, 
hut  declared  they  could  hear  nothing  of  them.  The 
Peishwa  also  persisted  in  denying  all  knowledge  of  Trim- 
bukjee,  or  of  an  insurrection,  and  called  on  the  resident, 
if  he  really  did  believe  such  an  absurd  report,  to  take  his 
own  measures  for  suppressing  it.  It  was  by  this  time 
known  to  the  resident  that  the  Peishwa,  during  a  visit  to 
the  country,  had  invited,  and  positively  given  Trimbukjee 
an  audience  at  Phoolshuhur,  within  17  miles  of  Poona ; 
but  what  made  this  meeting  the  more  remarkable  is  the 
fact,  afterwards  ascertained,  that  Trimbukjee  came  there 
attended  by  a  large  body  of  horse,  who  surrounded  the 
village  during  the  interview.  The  subsidiary  force  was 
then  in  an  advanced  portion,  near  Jaffeirabad,  for  the 
purpose  of  protecting  the  country  from  the  ravages  of  the 
Pindharees,  and  of  assisting  in  giving  effect  to  political 
measures  to  the  northward;  but  it  was  now,  with  the 
consent  of  the  governor-general,  ordered  to  act  against 
the  insurgents.  Whilst  two  detachments  of  the  Madras 
urmy  advanced  to  the  frontiers  of  the  Nizam's  territory — 
the  one  to  Tooljapoor,  the  other  to  Beder — Colonel  Lionel 
Smith,  who  commanded  the  Poona  subsidiary,  marched  to 
the  Neera  with  a  light  division,  leaving  his  reserve  to 
follow  at  leisure.  The  insurgents  had  moved  from  Natta- 
poota    to    Jhutt ;    but,    on    Colonel    Smith's    approach. 


CHAP.  XXIII.]  INSUEKECTION.  Hf 

they  countermarched,  and  passed  by  a  rugged  and 
unfrequented  route  through  the  Mahdeo  hills ;  Colonel  Smith 
followed  them,  but  they  had  gained  many  hours'  march 
before  the  division  got  into  their  tract  ;  the  pursuit, 
however,  was  taken  up  by  a  party  of  infantry  from  the 
reserve,  under  Major  Smith  of  the  Madras  native  infantry, 
who,  after  a  persevering  march,  surprised  and  killed 
several  of  them  ;  but  they  had  previously  marked  their 
course  by  several  acts  of  atrocity,  particularly  by  the 
murder  of  Lieutenant  Warre  of  the  Madras  artillery.  The 
object  of  this  body  in  moving  to  the  northward  was  to  join 
another  party,  assembled  in  Candeish  under  Trimbukjee's 
relation,  Godajee  Dainglia  ;  but,  before  their  arrival. 
Lieutenant  Evan  Davies,  of  the  Bombay  establishment, 
at  the  head  of  a  body  of  the  Nizam's  horse,  had  attacked 
and  dispersed  the  troops  of  Godajee, 

The  existence  of  the  insurrection  coidd  be  no  longer 
denied  by  the  Peishwa  ;  orders  were  therefore  issued  to 
the  jagfaeerdar  of  Yinchoor  to  act  against  them  ;  and 
some  time  after,  a  letter  from  the  Vinchorkur,  with  a 
fictitious  account  of  their  attack  and  dispersion,  was  sent 
for  the  perusal  of  the  resident,  and  the  officer  commanding 
the  subsidiary  force. 

In  the  meantime  the  Peishwa  continued  to  levy  troops, 
both  cavalry  and  infantry  ;  every  endeavour  was  used  to 
induce  him  to  desist ;  he  was  warned  of  the  consequences 
of  such  proceedings,  and  of  the  dangerous  course  he  had 
followed  in  abetting  the  insurgents,  and  thus  evincing 
intentions  decidedly  hostile  to  the  British  government. 
But  he  still  persevered ;  the  language  of  his  ministers 
assumed  a  peremptory  tone,  and  they  demanded  from  the 
resident  whether  he  intended  war  or  peace.  Mr. 
Elphinstone,  in  order  that  nothing  might  be  wanting  to 


518  HISTORY  OP  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XXUI. 

bring    the    Peishwa    to   a   sense   of   his  situation,   had 
suspended  the  intercourse  between  the   residency   and  the 
Poona  court  about  the  time  when  Colonel   Smith   pro- 
ceeded against  the  insurgents  ;  he  now,  in  expectation  of 
receiving  instructions  from  the  governor-general,  directed 
Colonel  Smith  to  move  towards  Poona  with  the  light  divi- 
sion, acquainting  the  Peishwa  with  his  having  done  so ; 
the  plan  he  pursued  was  to  proceed  gradually,   giving  the 
Peishwa  time  to  correct  his  errors,  if  so  disposed,  at  the 
same  time  relaxing  nothing  of  the  steadiness  and   dignity 
which  became  the  representative  of  the   British  nation. 
Many  reasons,  however,  combined  to  render  it  advisable 
to  bring  matters   to   an  issue.     The  insurgents   gained 
ground   in   Candeish :   a  fort  fell  into  their  hands ;   the 
Peishwa's  levies,   and  the  repairs  of  his  forts,   which  had 
been  going  on  for  some  time,  proceeded  with  great  activity, 
and  as  the  rainy  season  approached,  it  was  apprehended 
the  Peishwa  might  betake  himself  to  a  hill-fort,  inacces- 
sible at  that  season,  and  commence  a  war  which  must  be 
protracted,  and  would  probably  encourage  all  the  Iklahratta 
powers  to  unite  in  his  cause.     At  this  important  crisis  the 
communication  between  Calcutta  and  Poona.  was  interrupted 
by  disturbances  in  Kuttack  ;  but,  in  the  absence  of  the 
expected  instructions,   Mr.   Elphinstone   had  fortunately 
received  a  private  letter  from  the  secretary  to  the  governor- 
general,   which   mentioned  the   surrender  of  Trimbukjee 
Dainglia   as   an    indispensable   preliminary  to   any   new 
settlement  whatever.     On  this  information  he  determined 
to   act   without   delay.     Having    intimated    a    desire  to 
communicate  with  the  minister,  the  Peishwa  requested  to 
see  him,  and  throughout  a  long  conference  displayed  an 
unusual    degree    of    coolness    and    self-possession.     He 
entered  into  a  warm  and  most  eloquent  defence  of  himself ; 


CHAP.  XXIII.]    BA JEE  RAO  REFUSES  TO  COMPLY  WITH  THE  TERMS.  519 

reverted,  as  usual,  to  his  obligations  to  the  British 
government,  and  spoke  with  so  much  apparent  reason  and 
candour  of  his  own  situation,  and  of  the  consequences  of 
the  conduct  and  views  imputed  to  him,  that  any  person 
who  had  not  considered  the  weight  of  the  evidence,  and 
fully  understood  the  character  of  Bajee  Rao,  must  have 
felt  disposed  to  give  credit  to  the  soundness  of  his  argu- 
ments, even  if  he  had  been  inclined  to  doubt  the  sincerity 
of  his  protestations.  But  whilst  his  actions  contradicted 
his  words,  Mr.  Elphinstone  was  not  to  be  deceived  ;  he 
tried,  however,  by  every  means,  both  during  the  conference 
and  subsequently,  to  induce  the  Peishwa  to  prove  the 
sincerity  of  his  professions,  and  avert  the  danger  by 
which  he  was  threatened  ;  he  distinctly  told  him  that 
Trimbukjee  Dainglia  must  be  delivered  up,  or  not  suffered 
to  remain  in  his  territory,  and  that  ihe  consequences  of  % 
refusal  must  involve  the  state  in  immediate  hostilities.  At 
last,  after  several  days  had  passed  in  this  manner,  the 
resident  formally  demanded  the  seizure  of  Trimbukjee  in 
the  space  of  one  month,  and  the  immediate  delivery  of 
three  principal  forts — Bingurh,  Poorundhur,  and  Baigurh 
— as  a  pledge  for  the  fulfilment  of  the  demand.  Bajee 
Eao,  still  under  an  impression  of  the  high  importance  of 
his  alliance  to  the  British  government,  believed  that  the 
resident  would  not  proceed  to  extremities ;  and  he  hoped 
that,  without  making  such  a  humiliating  concession,  or 
surrendering  pledges  so  important,  he  should  be  able  to 
temporize  until  the  season  was  advanced,  and  should  find 
time  to  call  into  operation,  with  fiill  effect,  the  ettensive 
confederacy  planned  by  himself  and  his  favourite.  Even 
when  Mr.  Elphinstone,  on  the  7th  of  May,  intimated  his 
determination  to  surround  the  city  of  Poona,  Bajee  Rao 
still  refused  compliance  with  the  terms  required.    At  last, 


520  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XXIII. 

at  one  o'clock  in  the  morning,  the  Peishwa  sent  a  messen- 
ger in  hopes  that  the  resident  might  be  induced  to  postpone 

or  to  relinquish  his  intention  :  and  it  was 
only  on  finding  him  steady  to  his  purpose 
that  the  messenger  told  him  he  was  instructed  to  comply 
with  his  demands.  During  the  discussion  the  day  had 
dawned  ;  the  troops  were  moving  round  the  city,  and  had 
completely  surrounded  it  before  the  resident  could  reach 
the  head  of  the  line.  They  were  withdrawn  as  soon  as 
the  order  for  the  surrender  of  the  forts  was  sent  out  :  and 
the  Peishwa,  as  if  at  length  sensible  to  his  situation, 
and  resolved  to  give  up  his  favourite,  issued  a 
proclamation,  offering  rewards  for  the  seizure  of  some 
of  Trimbukjee's  adherents,  and  a  sum  of  two  lakhs  of 
rupees,  and  an  enam  village  of  1,000  rupees  a  year, 
to  any  person  who  should  bring  in  Trimbukjee  Dainglia, 
dead  or  alive.  He  likewise  seized  some  of  Trimbukjee's 
adherents,  sequestrated  the  property  of  others  concerned 
in  the  insurrection,  and  manifested  an  apparently  strong 
dosire  to  comply  w^ith  the  recommendation  of  his  allies. 
Although  these  proceedings  did  not  deceive  his  own 
subjects,  and  the  proclamation,  without  the  Peishwa's 
cordial  concurrence,  was  of  little  importance  to  the 
apprehension  of  Trimbukjee,  still  it  seemed  reasonable  to 
admit  these  acts  as  a  concession  of  that  preliminary,  with- 
out which  no  proposals  for  present  satisfaction  or  future 
security  w^ould  have  been  received  by  the  British 
authorities. 

The  instructions  of  the  governor-general,  which  reached 
Poona  on  the  10th  of  May,  were  frame  for  the  purpose  of 
circumscribing  the  Peishwa's  power,  of  imposing  such 
restrictions  as  should  prevent  the  evils  apprehended  from 
the  course  of  policy  pursued  by  the  Court  of  Poona  for 


CHAP.  XXIII.]  NEW  TREATY  WITH  BAJKE  RAO.  521 

several  years,  and  of  obviating  inconveniencies  found  to 
«xist  in  the  performance  of  the  articles  of  the  treaty  of 
Bassein. 

A  new  treaty  was  therefore  drawn  np,  by  which,  in 
order  to  mark  the  foundation  of  the  whole  proceedings,  the 
Peishwa  was  compelled  to  admit  the  guilt  of  Trimbukjee 
Dainglia  as  iihe  murderer  of  Gangadhtu*  Shastree,' the 
accredited  agent  of  the  Gaekwar  state,  residing  under 
the  guarantee  of  the  British  Government  within  the 
Peishwa's  territory,  and  his  consequent  obligation  to 
seize  and  deliver  him  up  to  the  British  Government ;  until 
the  accomplishment  of  which,  the  family  of  Trimbukjee 
Dainglia  were  to  be  given  over  as  hostages. 

The  Peishwa  engaged  to  have  no  communication  with 
any  foreign  power  whatever,  neither  to  send  nor  to  receive 
wukeels,  and,  as  head  of  the  Mahratta  empire,  renounced 
all  rights  beyond  the  boundary  of  his  own  dominions 
between  the  Toongbuddra  and  Nerbuddah;  he  relinquished 
all  future  demands  on  the  Gtiekwar,  iwid  agreed  to  com- 
promise a]l  past  claims  on  him  for  the  annual  sum  of 
four  lakhs  of  rupees.  He  also  agreed  to  let  the  farm  of 
Ahmedabad  to  the  Gaekwar  for  four  and  a  half  lakhs  of 
rupees  a  year,  exclusive  of  the  tribute  of  Kattywar  and 
his  other  rights  in  Guzerat,  which  were  dismembered  by 
another  article.  Instead  of  furnishing  the  contingent  of 
5,000  horse  and  3,000  infantry  required  by  the  treaty  of 
Bassein,  he  agreed  to  cede  territory  yielding  34  lakhs  of 
rupees  for  that  purpose.  This  cession  included  Dharwar 
and  Kooshgul  with  some  undefined  districts  in  the  Carnatic, 
the  Concan  north  of  Bombay,  and  the  Peishwa's  revenue  in 
Guzerat,  except  Ahmedabad  and  Oolpar  ;  but  Ahmedabad 
was  subsequently  included.      The  Peishwa    also     ceded 

the  fort  of  Ahmednugur,  together  with  all  his  rights  north 
Vol.  II.— 66 


522  HISTOBT  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [cHAP.  XXIH. 

of  the  Nerbuddah ;  he  recognised  the  settlement  with  the 
jagbeerdars  concluded  in  1812;  and,  at  the  recommenda- 
tion of  the  British  government,  restored  the  jagheer  of 
the  unfortunate  Mahdoo  Bao  Bastia  ;  finally,  be  renounced 
Mailghiit,  a  possession  on  the  Nizam's  frontier,  which  the 
Peishwa''8  troops  had  occupied  in  1811. 

In  ooBsequence  of  this  .treaty,  by  which  important 
advantages  were  seonred  to  the  Gaekwar's  government,  a 
new  arrangement  was  concluded  with  him,  which  had  for 
its  object  the  consolidation  of  the  territories  of  the  respective 
govemmenta,  and  also  to  impoeie  on  the  Gaekwar  a 
more  adequate  proportion  of  the  mUitary  charges  of  the 
province  of  Guzerat  than  he  had  been  hitherto  called  upon 
to  bear ;  for,  although  his  irregular  troops  were  maintained 
at  a  great  expense,  they  were  found  wanting,  in  eificiency, 
and  the  duty,  as  well  as  extra  charges  of  field  service,  fell 
upon  the  British  government.  It  was  therefore  proposed 
that  a  part  of  the  irregulars  should  be  discharged,  that  the 
subsidiary  force  maintained  by  the  Gaekwar  should  receive 
an  addition  of  1,000  regular  infantry  and  two  regimentd 
of  oavahry ;  and  tlmt  districts,  lying  conveniently  for  the 
meditated  consolidation,  should  be  assigned  to  the  British 
government  for  defraying  the  additional  expense.  To  this 
plan  the  Baroda  government  acceded,  and  a  treaty  to  that 
effect  was  concluded  on  the  6th  November.* 

*  The  above  chapter  is  on  the  authority  of  ESnglish  records  and  oral 
information,  Mahratta  MSS.  and  personal  observation. 


523 


CHAP.   XXIV. 

From  A.D.  1814  to  A.D,  1817. 

Tlie  Marquis  of  Hastings  asswnes  cliarge  of  tlie  ffovemment 
of  British  India^ — State  of  India  from  the  increase  of 
predatory  power, — Patans  and  Pindharees.-^Plan  for 
improving  the  defensive  military  positions. — Failure  of  the 
negotiations  with  Bhopaul  and  Jeypoor — defensive  alliance 
embraced  by  Appa  Sahib,  the  regent  cU  Nagpoor--^Appa 
Sahib  falls  into  the  views  of  the  Poona  court — murders 
Pursajee. — Progress  of  the  Pindharees* — Plans  of  the 
Marquis  of  Hastings  for  the  suppression  of  the  predatory 
system — political  and  mUitai*y  arrangements. — Sindia  is 
forced  into  the  govemor^eneraFs  views — progress  of  the 
negotiations  loith  the  Rajpoots,  Umeer  Khan,  the  chiefs  in 
JBundeloundy  and  the  Nabob  of  BhopauL 

In  October  1813  the  Marquis  of  HastingSy  then  Earl  of 
Moira^  assamed  charge  of  the  government  of  British  India 
as  successor  to  Lord  Minto. 

In  addition  to   affairs  immediately  pressed   upon  his 

notice,  the  new  governor-general  instituted 
inquiries  into  every  department  of  the  state^ 
extending  his  interrogatories  to  the  public  character  and 
services  of  individuals,  by  which  he  not  only  collected  a 
mass  of  information,  but  awakened  a  lively  attentioif  in  the 
minds  of  the  officers  throughout  the  vast  army  of  British 
India,  and  inspired  them,  by  tUs  obvious  desire  to  ascertain 


524  HISTOBY  OFTHB  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XXIV. 

real  merit,  with  the  hope  of  honor  and  reward  both  for  past 
and  future  exertions. 

The  defective  nature  of  the  political  arrangements  con- 
cluded by  the  British  authorities  in  1805-6  and  become 
very  evident  from  the  state  of  anarchy  existing  in  Malwa 
and  Rajpootana  ;  and  the  necessity  of  suppressing  the 
spreading  hordes  of  Patans  and  Pindharees  was  universally 
acknowledged.  The  numbers  of  these  marauders  had 
augmented  to  about  50,000  men,  of  whom  about  one-half 
were  Pindharee  horse.  Both  the  one  and  the  other  were 
systematic  plunderers ;  but  the  Patans  were  associated 
under  Umeer  Khan  for  the  purpose  of  invading  and  plun- 
dering such  states  as  they  could  overpower  or  intimidate, 
whilst  the  object  of  the  Pindharees  was  universal  rapine. 

The  Patans,  therefore,  required  infantry  and  guns,  and 
in  this  respect  no  native  army  in  India  was  more  efBcient : 
iheir  .artillery  was  excellent ;  and  they  had  some  of  the 
oldest  of  Holkar's  battalions  as  the  foundation  of  their 
infantry,  which  was  estimated  at  about  10,000  and  their 
cavalry  at  15,000  men.  They  were  also  distinguished 
from  Pindharees  by  having  a  fixed  rate  of  monthly  pay, 
though  it  was  seldom  punctually  received. 

These  plunderers,  especially  the  Pindharees,  were  always 
gaining  an  accession  of  strength  as  the  countries  around 
them  became  exhausted  ;  for  not  only  did  every  lawless 
man,  who  could  command  a  horse  and  a  spear,  join  them^ 
but  the  more  peaceable  part  of  the  community  were  driven 
for  subsistence  into  the  same  course  of  life;  so  that 
additional  wants  and  accumulating  strength  tended  of 
themselves  to  enlarge  the  sphere  of  Pindharee  operations^ 
without  other  less  appai*ent  sources  of  augmentation, 
derived  from  the  secret  support  and  encouragement  of 
various  principal  chie&  of  the  Mahratta  empire* 


CHAP.  XXIV.]         RUGHOOJEB  BH0N8LAY  REJECTS  TERMS.  525 

Eepresentations  of  the  growth  and  formidable  nature  of 
this  predatory  power  were  early  made  to  the  Court  of 
Directors  ;  but  as  the  question  seemed  to  involve  a  revision 
of  their  political  relations  with  several  of  the  native  states^ 
years  had  elapsed  before  any  latitude  was  granted  for 
departing  from  the  defensive  system  of  policy  pursued 
since  the  settlement  of  1805-6. 

The  authorities  at  homo,  however,  regretting  the  manner 
in  which  some  of  the  Rajpoot  states  had  been  thrown  off, 
were  desirous  of  repairing  what  was  still  in  their  power, 
by  taking  the  raja  of  Jeypoor  under  British  protection, 
and  orders  to  that  effect  were  received  at  Bengal  in  1814  ; 
but  as  the  measure  was  part  of  a  plan  which  the  Marquis 
of  Hastings  had  in  view  for  effecting  a  complete  arrange- 
ment, he  postponed  attempting  it  until  a  more  favourable 
season. 

As  a  prelude  to  the  great  object  contemplated,  it  being 
supposed  that  Rughoojee  Bhonslay,  from  his  dread  of  the 
Pindharees,  and  from  a  sense  of  the  gratuitous  aid  which 
had  been  more  than  once  afforded  when  Nagpoor  was 
threat^aed,  might  now  bo  induced  to  enter  on  a  defensive 
alliance  with  the  British  government,  proposals  to  that 
effect  were  made  to  him  ;  but  a  long  negotiation  through 
the  resident,  Mr.  Jenkins,  ended  in  a  positive  rejection  of 
the  terms. 

The  chief  end  of  these  overtures,  in  the  present  instance, 
was  with  a  view  of  connecting  the  chain  of  military  posts 
between  the  frontier  of  the  British  possessions  in  Bundel- 
cund  and  the  territory  of  their  ally,  the  Nizam.  The  same 
object  was  attainable  by  taking  Govind  Rao  Nana,  the 
chief  of  Sagm',  and  Wuzeer  Mohummud,  nabob  of  Bhopaul, 
under  British  protection ;  but  being  by  tliis  time  involved 
iu  hostility  with  the  .Qoorkhas  of  Nepaul^  Lord  Hastings 


526  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XXIV. 

intended  to  postpone  the  oflfer  of  protection  to  the  princi- 
palities  in  question,  when  he  obtained  information  that  a 
negotiation  for  a  treaty,  offensive  and  defensive,  was  in 
progress  betwixt  Sindia  and  Bughoojee  Bhonslay,  and^also 
between  Sindia  and  the  ministers  of  Toolsee  Bye  Holkar  :* 
he  farther  learnt  that  Sindia,  who  had  made  great  efforts 
against  Bhopaul  the  preceding  year,  was  determined  to 
renew  the  siege;  that  in  its  exhausted  state  even  the 
heroism  of  Wuzeer  Mohummedf  must  prove  unavailing  ; 
and  finally,  that  this  chief  earnestly  solicited  to  be  taken 
under  British  protection. 

From  these  circumstances,  Lord  Hastings  determined 
on  adopting  the  proposed  measure,  and  directed  certain 
terms  to  be  offered,  which  comprehended  the  free  ingress, 
egress,  and  residence  of  British  troops  within  the  nabob^s 
territory,  and  the  surrender  from  Bhopaul  of  a  fort  as  a 
present  depot*  To  support  the  negotiations,  the  troops  in 
Bundelcund  were  reinforced,  the  Hyderabad  subsidiary 
moved  from  Jaulna  to  Elicbpoor,  the  Poena  subsidiary 
from  Seroor  to  Jaffeirabad,  a  large  reserve  was  formed  in 
the  Deccan,  and  the  army  of  Guzerat  occupied  a  position 
at  Soneepoor,  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Myhie. 

Wuzeer  Mohummud  appeared  most  ready  to  embrace 
the  terms,  and  it  was  in  consequence  intimated 
to  Sindia,  by  the  resident  in  his  camp,  that  tha 
principality  of  Bhopaul   was  under  British   protection. 

^  ^g^g         Sindia  protested  most  vehementiy  against 

the  measure,  declared  the  nabob  to  be  his 
dependant,  and,  in  defiance  of  the    assembled  armies, 

*  These  negotiations,  of  which  the  governor-general  had  obtained 
intelligenoe^  were  the  prelude  to  the  treaty  of  oonfederacy,  of  which  the 
first  article  expressed  the  determination  of  these  princes  to  serve  and 
obey  the  Peishwa. 

t  See  Sir  John  Maloolm^s  Central  India  for  an  interesting  and 
animated  aooount  ol  the  defenoe  of  Bhopsiil. 


OHAP.  XXIV.]       GENEBAL  OOHFBDEBAOY  AGAINST  THE  BRITISH.  52T 

threatened  an  immediate  attack  upon  him.  His  battalions 
advanced,  and  although  under  a  certain  assurance  that  an 
attack  on  Bhopaul  would  occasion  an  immediate  rupture 
with  the  English,  Hindia,  for  a  time,  seemed  quite 
determined  to  risk  the  event ;  but  his  action  fell  short  of 
his  words,  and  ultimately  his  army  was  withdrawn.  His 
conduct  was  to  be  accounted  for  in  the  unfavourable  com- 
mencement and  brilliant  termination  of  the  Nepaul  war ; 
but  the  first  impressions  throughout  India  respecting  that 
warfare  inspired  hopes  in  all  who  wished  the  overthrow  of 
the  British  power.  Of  that  number,  the  Peishwa,  from 
the  time  he  was  guided  by  the  councils  of  Trimbukjee 
Dainglia,  and  especially  after  having  instigated  and  parti- 
cipated in  his  crimes,  may  be  considered  the  chief ;  it  was, 
however,  at  one  time  supposed  that  the  plan  of  the  general 
confederacy  already  mentioned  did  not  originate  with  the 
Mahrattas,  but  was  suggested  through  Sindia  by  the 
Nepaulese.  » 

The  Peishwa  and  Rughoojee  Bhonslay  assented,  with 
seeming  cordiality,  to  the  proposed  connection  of  the  Bri- 
tish government  with  Bhopaul ;  but  no  agreement  ever 
took  place  with  Wuzeer  Mohummud.  As  long  as  he  was 
threatened  by  Sindia,  he  not  only  appeared  to  accede  to 
the  terms,  but  gave  out  that  he  was  under  the  protection 
of  the  British  ;  but  when  the  danger  subsided,  he  objected 
to  the  surrender  of  a  fort,  and  the  negotiation  terminated. 
The  descendant,  however,  of  the  nabob  of  Bhopaul,  who 
in  1779  dared,  in  defiance  of  Mahratta  hostility,  to  befriend 
the  English  detachment  under  General  Goddard,  could  be 
forgiven  for  an  evasion,  by  which,  if  he  refused  protec- 
tion, he  also  preserved  independence.  The  failure  of  this 
arrangement  prevented  the  prosecution  of  any  plan  of 
settlement  with  Govind  Bao  Nana  at  this  period. 


528  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XXIV, 

In  the  ensuing  year,  after  the  termination  of  the  war  in 

Nepaul,  the  raja  of  Jeypoor,  being  much 
pressed  by  Umeer  Khan,  applied  for 
protection  from  the  British  government,  which  Lord 
Hastings,  with  a  view  to  the  general  plan  of  settlement, 
was  willing  to  afford  ;  but  the  raja  broke  off  the  negotiation 
as  soon  as  he  had  induced  Umeer  Khan  to  withdraw,  and, 
like  Wuzeer  Mohummud,  showed  that  necessity  alone 
prompted  his  application. 

Tlie  nabob  of  Bhopaul,  however,  died  on  the  17th  March 

1816,  and  Rughoojee  Bhonslay  on  the  22nd 
of  the  same  month.  Wuzeer  Mohummud 
was  succeeded  as  nabob  of  Bhopaul  by  his  son  Wuzeer 
Mohummud,  and  Bughoojee  Bhonslay  was  succeeded  by 
his  only  son  Pursajee.  But  Pursajee,  whose  intellects 
were  always  weak,  fell  into  a  state  of  idiotism  immediately 
afterwards ;  and  his  cousin  Moodajee,  usually  styled  Appa 
Sahib,  the  son  of  Vcnkajeo  Munnya  Bappoo,  who  com- 
manded at  the  battle  of  Argaom,  was  chosen  regent 
although  not  without  considerable  opposition.  To  secure 
an  ascendancy,  by  no  means  fully  established,  Appa  Sahib 
applied  to  the  British  resident  to  bo  admitted  to  the  defen- 
sive alliance,  before  proposed  to  Rughoojee,  which  was 
promptly  acceded  to,  and  a  treaty  was  signed  27th  May 
1816.  A  stipulated  money  payment,*  calculated  to  defray 
the  additional  expense  of  field  charges  for  one  regiment 
of  cavalry  and  6,000  infantry,  was  to  be  paid  by  the 
Nagpoor  government,  and  a  contingent  of  3,000  horse  and 
2,000  foot  was  to  be  maintained  by  the  terms  of  the  alliance. 
A  subsidiary  force  was  immediately  formed,  and  until 
Appa  Sahib  was  secured  in  the  government,  the  whole 
continued  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  capital,  it  being 

*  Of  soYen  and  a  half  lakhs  of  rupees  annuallj. 


CHAP.  XXIV.]  MURDER  OF  PURSAJEE.  529 

agreed  that,  when  the  troops  were  required  in  advance, 
or  even  on  ordinary  occasions,  two  battalions  only  should 
remain  at  Nagpoor.  By  the  end  of  October  1816,  Appa 
Sahib  had  completely  established  his  authority,  but  being 
immediately  assailed  by  the  intrigues  of  the   Peishwa,  he 

A  D  1817  ^^^  ®^^^  came  into  the  views  of  the  Poena 

court ;  being,  however,  apprehensive  that 
if  he  threw  off  the  support  of  the   British  government 

during  the  life-time  of  Pursajee,  a  party 

might  endanger  his  power,  he  one  nighl 

caused  Pursajee  to  be  secretly   strangled,   and   on   the 

following  m'orning  it  was  announced  and  believed  that  he 

had  been  found  dead  in  his  bed. 

In  the  meantime  the  aggressions  of  the  Pindhareea 
increased,  nor  could  the  British  government  defend  its 
territory  from  their  ravages,  although  large  armies,  at  a 
vast  expense,  were  annually  called  into  the  field.  During 
the  season  of  1815-16,  or  from  October  till  May  inclusive 
of  those  years,  the  Pindharees  pushed  their  depredations 
to  a  great  extent,  and  were  very  successful  in  eluding  the 
parties  sent  in  pursuit  of  them.  In  the  ensuing  seasons 
they  were  less  fortunate  in  their  escapes  :  the  British 
detachments,  performing  extraordinary  marches,  frequently 
came  up  with  them,  sometimes  fell  upon  them  accidentally, 
and  cut  off  many  of  their  parties.  The  Pindharees  never 
fought,  and  seldom  defended  themselves  against  British 
troops ;  but  these  successes,  though  in  many  instances 
higlily  creditable  to  the  zeal  and  perseverance  of  the  army, 
were  but  a  more  palliative  to  this  growing  and  deep-seated 
evil.  It  was  observable  that  for  several  years  the  territory 
of  the  Mahrattas  was  in  general  respected,  and  their  ravages 
directed  principally  against  that   of  the  Nizam  and  the 

British  government. 
Vol.  11.-67 


530  HTSTOBT  OF  THE  MAHBATTAS.  [CHAP.   XXIY. 

To  prevent  suspicion  from  this  circumstance,  the  Peishwa 
sent  a  party  of  horse  to  plunder  in  his  own  country,  who 
gave  themselves  out  as  Pindharees  ;*  and  Sindia  professed 
the  greatest  desire  to  suppress  them ;  but  his  commanders 
openly  Countenanced  them,  and  it  was  manifest  that  both 
Sindia  and  Holkar  were  not  only  unwilling  but  unable  to 
restrain  their  dependants. 

The  subsidiary  treaty  with  Nagpoor,  and  the  acquisition 
of  the  Peishwa's  rights  by  the  treaty  of  1817  over  his 
remaining  tributaries  in  Bundelcund,  greatly  improved  the 
defensive  means  hitherto  adopted  by  the  British  govern- 
ment ;  but  the  governor-general,  before  receiving  authority 
from  England,  had  come  to  the  resolution,  as  early  as 
December  1816,  of  effectually  suppressing  the  Pindharees; 
various  reasons,  however,  induced  him  to  defer  carrying 
his  plan  into  effect  until  the  close  of  the  ensuing 
rains ;  and  in  the  meantime  the  Court  of  Directors  had 
sanctioned  offensive  operations  to  the  extent  of  driving  the 
Pindharees  from  their  haunts  on  the  banks  of  the  Nerbuddah 
and  from  Malwa* 

The  views  of  the  Marquis  of  Hastings  were  more 
enlarged ;  he  aimed  at  their  complete  suppression  by 
eradicating  the  predatory  system  from  Central  India,  so  as 
to  carry  peace  to  those  desolated  provinces,  and  security  to 
the  rest  of  the  country.  Berar  was  supposed  to  be  settled 
by  the  late  subsidiary  alliance ;  and  the  Peishwa,  crippled 
by  the  treaty  of  Poona,  might,  it  was  hoped,  see  the  neces- 

*  The  fact  here  recorded  is  stated  on  good  authority,  hut  it  was  not 
suspected  or  known  till  after  the  war  ;  the  party  was  sent  by  Trimbokjee 
iti  (he  end  of  1816,  or  very  early  in  1817,  into  the  southern  Concan, 
where  they  plundered  and  committed  very  great  excesses.  Havini;  dis- 
persed, they  afterwards  re-apsemb1ed  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Nattapoota. 
'Xhey  baited  one  night  in  Satara  on  their  way  down,  of  which  place 
some  of  them,  I  believe,  ^ere  natives,  at  all  events  they  were  afterwards 
well  known  tb^re. 


CHAP.  XXIV.]   NEW  TREATIES  WITH  THE  NATIVE  STATES.  631 

sity  of  refraining  from  hostilities,  secret  or  avowed,  if  he 
wished  to  retain  the  territory  still  left  to  him.  The  plan, 
therefore,  of  the  governor-general  embraced  principally, 
the  possessions  of  Sindia,  Holkar,  the  Bajpoots,  the  nabob 
of  Bhopaul,  and  the  principalities  of  Bundelcund.  The 
former  treaties  with  Sindia  and  Holkar  became  virtually 
annulled  from  the  period  when  their  dependants  began  to 
ravage  the  territory  of  the  British  government.  Many 
proofs  of  secret  ho^ilities,  particularly  on  the  part  of 
Sindia,  had  come  to  the  knowledge  of  the  governor-general, 
besides  the  treaty  of  confederacy  by  which  all  the  Mahi'attas 
engaged  to  serve  and  obey  the  Peishwa  ;  he  therefore 
determined  on  submitting  a  plan  of  a  treaty  of  concert  and 
alliance  to  those  two  states, — to  declare  the  treaties  of 
1805  annulled,  so  that  he  might  be  at  liberty  to  admit  the 
claims  of  every  state,  tributary  or  otherwise,  that  had  any 
pretentions  to  independence ;  and  to  guarantee  rigJits  and 
possessions  in  all  instances  where  the  state  or  principality 
agreed  to  make  common  cause  against  the  predatory 
system  ;  but  he  resolved  to  admit  of  no  neutrality.  He 
adopted  as  a  principle  not  to  disturb  occupancy,  but  to 
treat  with  the  existing  government  or  chiefs  who  might  be 
in  possession  of  the  country  at  the  time.  Thus  Umeer 
Khan,  though  an  undeserving  instance  of  the  operation  of 
this  general  benefit,  if  he  agreed  to  the  proposals,  and  dis- 
missed his  patans,  was  to  be  guaranteed  in  the  jagheer 
which  he  held  from  Holkar,  On  these  principles,  and  to 
the  above  effect,  as  soon  as  the  military  preparations  were 
in  sufficient  progress,  orders  were  despatched  to  the 
various  political  agents. 

The  military  plan  was  equally  simple  and  comprehensive. 
Armies  were  to  bo  assembled  around  the  territories 
described,  to  close  in   by  simultaneous     movements    to  a 


53^  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XXIV. 

common  centre,  so  as  to  hem-in  the  Pindharees  and  their 
abettors  at  all  points;  taking  care  to  provide  efficient 
means  for  resisting  or  following  up  any  bodies  of  the 
enemy  who  might  pass  through  the  advancing  divisions. 
For  this  purpose  fivQ  divisions  were  prepared  in  the 
Deccan,  and  placed  under  the  orders  of  Sir  Thomas  Hislop, 
commander-in-chief  of  the  Madras  array.  One  division 
was  held  ready  in  Guzerat,  and  four  divisions,  with  two 
in  reserve,  were  to  co-operate  from  Bengal  under  the 
personal  command  of  the  Marquis  of  Hastings,  who  took 
the  field  that  he  might  be  on  the  scene  of  operations,  and 
superintend  the  execution  of  his  arrangements.  Sir 
John  Malcolm  was  appointed  political  agent  of  the 
governor-general  with  the  army  of  the  Deccan,  and  had 
also  command  of  one  of  the  divisions  destined  for  active 
operations  in  the  field.  The  preparations  in  the  south,  as 
th^  troops  had  so  far  to  march,  were  necessarily  public, 
but  those  to  the  northward  of  Bundelcund  were  managed 
with  secrecy,  so  as  not  to  give  the  alarm  to  Sindia,  until 
he  should  find  himself  compelled  to  submit  to  the  intended 
propositions,  or  obliged  to  commence  war  under  great 
disadvantage. 

Tlie  forces  of  the  Deccan,  including  a  sixth  or  reserve 
division  formed  at  Adonee  under  Brigadier-General  Pritzler 
the  Guzerat  division  under  Brigadier-General  Grant  Keir, 
and  the  troops  left  for  the  protection  of  Poena,  Hyderabad, 
and  Nagpoor,  amounted  to  upwards  of  57,000  regulars,  of 
which  number  5,255  were  cavalry.  The  army  which  took 
the  field  in  Bengal  consisted  of  about  34,000  regulars,  of 
which  the  cavalry  amounted  to  nearly  5,000.  Besides 
these,  there  were  13,000  irregular  horse  on  the  strength  of 
the  Deccan  army,  and  nearly  10,000  with  the  army  of 
Bengal,  many  of  them  good  troops. 


CHAP.  XXIV.]       PLAN  FOR  EXTIRPATING  THB  PINDHAREES.  §33 

The  1st  division  of  the  army  of  the  Deccan  under  the 
command  of  Sir  Thomas  Hislop,  preceded  by  the  3rd 
division  under  Sir  John  Malcolm,  was  destined  to  advance 
into  Malwa,  and  cross  the  Nerbnddah  at  Hindia.  The  5tb 
division,  consisting  of  the  Nagpoor  subsidiary  force  under 
Colonel  Adams,  was  to  advance  by  Hooshingabad.  The 
2nd  division  under  Brigadier-General  Doveton,  and  the 
4th  division  under  Brigadier-General  Smith,  were  to  occupy 
positions,  the  former  in  Berar,  and  the  latter  in  Candeish, 
and  to  act  according  to  circumstances.  The  army'  of 
Quzerat  was  to  advance  by  Dohud  into  Malwa. 

The  four  principal  Bengal  divisions  were  to  be  assembled 
at  Bewaree,  Agra,  Sikundra  near  Kalpee,  and  at  Kalinjer, 
in  Bundelcund.  The  two  divisions  in  reserve  were  intended 
as  detachments  of  observation  ;  the  one  was  stationed  under 
Brigadier-General  Toone  on  the  upper  Saone,  the  other  under 
Brigadier-General  Hardyman  in  Hewah,  on  the  upper 
Nerbuddah.  The  division  from  Bundelcund,  nndei*  the 
command  of  General  Marshall,  was  to  advance  with  the 
Deccan  army  against  the  Pindharees.  The  division  from 
Bewaree,  the  most  northern  point,  was  under  the  command 
of  Major-GeneralOchterlony,  and  was  intended  to  expedite 
the  arrangements  with  the  Bajpoots,  and  to  co-operate  in 
overaweing  the  Fatans  or  attacking  the  Pindharees.  The 
main  body,  to  be  assembled  at  Sikundra,  was  under  the 
personal  command  of  the  Marquis  of  Hastings,  and  was 
prepared  with  considerable  celerity  and  secrecy  by  the 
middle  of  October.  It  was  destined  to  cross  the  Jumna  by 
a  bridge  of  boats  a  little  above  Kalpee  to  march  due  west, 
and  to  occupy,  in  the  first  instance,  a  position  south  of 
Gwalior,  whilst  the  division  from  Agra,  under  Major- General 
Donkin,  took  up  its  station  at  Dholpoor,  immediately  to  the 
northward.     This  judicious   manoeuvre,  which  gave  the 


534  HISTOEY  OF  THE  MAHEATTAS,  [CHAP.     XXIV. 

command  of  Sindia^s  camp  with  the  best  part  of  his 
artillery,  was  executed  with  great  success  ;  it  disarmed 
one  important  member  of  a  hostile  confederacy  formed 
against  the  British  government,  and  compelled  Sindia  to 
sign  a  treaty,  which,  however  unpalatable  at  the  moment, 
was  really  ensuring  his  safety. 

In  September  it  was  intimated  to  Sindia  through  Captain 
Close,  the  resident  in  his  camp,  that  the  army  of  the  Deccan 
was  about  to  advance  foi*  the  extirpation  of  the  Pindharees, 
and,  as  matter  of  form,  passports  were  requested  for  the 
free  ingress  and  egress  of  the  British  troops  through  his 
territory.  At  this  period  Siridia's  army  at  Gwalior  was 
more  than  usually  turbulent — a  circumstance  principally 
attributable  to  a  strong  excitement  caused  by  reports  of 
the  Peishwa's  determination  to  break  with  the  English^ 
and  a  general  hope  that  their  master  w^as  about  to  join 
him.  Sindia,  in  reply  to  the  application  for  passports, 
stated  that  he  had  not  given  up  his  intention  of  punishing 
the  Piiidharees,  and  requested  that  the  troops  might  be 
stopped  ;  but  this  being  declared  impossible  after  what  had 
happened  in  the  last  two  years,  the  passports  were  granted. 
Before  the  middle  of  October  the  views  of  the  governor - 
general  were  completely  unfolded  to  Sindia  by  a  paper 
prepared  and  sent  from  the  camp  at  Sikundra.  It  contained 
remonstrances  on  his  evasive  conduct  for  having  harboured 
freebooters,  who  had  plundered  the  British  territory  at  the 
veiy  time  when  he  was  pledging  himself  to  punish  their 
depredations,  and  it  combated  the  plea  he  had  advanced  of 
inability  to  suppress  them  ;  if,  however,  that  plea  were 
admitted  as  personal  exoneration,  it  constituted  a  virtual 
dissolution  of  the  treaty,  and  more  especially  annulled  those 
stipulations  in  regard  to  his  dependants  in  Rajpootaua ; 
because,  if  unable  to  restrain  such  dependants,  when  they 


CHAP.  3CXIV«]  NEW  TREATY  WITH  THE  SINDIA.  535 

committed  aggressions  on  the  Britidh  government,  the  treaties 
which  bound  that  government  to  regard  them  as  the  subjects 
of  Sindia  could  no  longer  be  considered  in  force.  The  paper 
in  question  further  declared  that  the  British  govemment  had 
no  other  view  than  the  effectual  extinction  of  all  predatory 
associations,  and  Captain  Close  was  authorised  to  com-^ 
miinicate  the  mode  in  which  Sindia's  aid  was  solicited  for 
that  purpose.  He  was  required  to  place  his  troops  at  the 
disposal  of  the  Brjtish  government,  to  be  stationary  or 
employed  at  its  option,  with  a  British  officer  superintend- 
ing each  of  the  principal  divisions;  and  any  of  Sindia's 
officers,  supporting  or  harbouring  freebooters  were  to  be 
dealt  with  as  rebels.  A  contingent  of  5,000  horse,  to 
be  employed  under  the  direction  of  British  officers  against 
the  Pindharees,  and  funds  allotted  for  its  expenses  for  three 
years,  from  the  pension  payable  by  the  British.govemraent 
and  tlie  tribute  demandable  from  Boondee  and  Joudpoor. 
The  lands  recovered  from  the  Pindharees  belonging  to 
Sindia  to  be  restored  to  him,  and  to  the  rightful  owners,  in 
all  cases  where  they  co-operated  for  their  suppression ; 
where  they  did  not,  the  whole  to  be  given  up  to  Sindia. 
As  a  security  for  the  fulfilment  of  the  proposed  terms, 
the  forts  of  Hindia  and  Asseergurh  were  demanded,  but 
Sindia's  flag  was  to  be  allowed  to  fly,  and  a  few  of  his 
troops  permitted  to  remain  in  each  of  them.  The  tribute 
due  to  Sindia  by  the  Rajpoot  principalities  was  not  to  be 
affected  by  any  agreements  which  the  British  government 
might  make  with  them;  on  the  contrary,  its  due  receipt 
was  to  be  guaranteed  to  him.  A  treaty  to  this  effect  was 
signed  by  Sindia  on  the  5th  November,  and  ratified  by 
the  governor-general  on  the  following  day:  Hindia  was 
given  up  according  to  the  terms  of  the  treaty  ;  but 
Jeswunt  Rao  Lar,  the  killidar  of  Asseergurh,  refused  to 


536  HISTORY  OP  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAl*.  XXIV. 

obey  the  order  of  surrender.  The  three  principal  divisions 
of  Sindia's  army  were  thus  stationed — the  first  at  Ajimere 
under  Bappoojee  Sindia,  the  same  person  who  treacherously 
deserted  on  Monson's  retreat ;  the  second  at  Jawud  under 
Jeswunt  Kao  Bhow  ;  and  the  third  at  Bhadurgurh  under 
Colonel  Jean  Baptiste.  The  British  officers  chosen  to 
superintend  those  divisions  were,  in  their  respective  order, 
Major  Ludlow,  Captain  Cauliield,  and  Major  Bunce. 

Soon  after  Sindia  had  siji^ned  the  treaty,  General 
Donkin's  division  proceeded  to  the  westward  for  the  pur* 
pose  of  co-operating  iti  the  general  plan,  but  the  Marquis 
of  Hastings  continued  to  move  about  to  the  southward  of 
Gwalior,  to  observe  the  motions  of  Sindia,  who,  though 
compelled  to  accept  the  terms  imposed,  was  watching  the 
progress  of  events  in  the  Deccan,  intriguing  with  the 
Peishwa,  and  endeavouring  to  stir  up  the  Goorkhas  of 
Nepaul  to  make  common  cause  with  the  Mahrattas. 

In  the  meantime  tho  political  agents  of  the  British 
government  were  actively  engaged  in  negotiations  with  the 
petty  states.  The  raja  of  Kerowlee,  a  dependant  of  the 
Peishwa,  to  whom  the  raja  had  paid  a  small  tribute  of 
25,000  rupees  a  year,  was  the  first  to  accept  the  proiFered 
protection.  He  acknowledged  the  supremacy  of  the 
British  government,  was  guaranteed  in  his  possessions,  and 
in  his  particular  case  the  tribute  was  remitted.  He  agreed 
to  furnish  troops  to  the  extent  of  his  means.  This  agree- 
ment was  signed  on  the  9th  November,  and  on  the  same 
day  Umeer  Khan's  agent  at  Delhi  accepted-  the  terms 
offered  for  his  master.  His  jagheer  was  guaranteed  and 
taken  under  British  protection,  on  condition  of  disbanding 
his  followers,  except  a  small  number  for  the  internal 
management  of  his  jagheer,  which  were  to  attend  on  the 
requisition  of  the  British  government ;  he  was  also  to 


CHAP.  XXIV.]  TREATIES  WITH  NATIVE  STAXES.  537 

relinquish  all  connection  with  freebooters,  and  to  give  up 
his  artillery  for  an  equitable  pecuniary  compensation. 
After  the  conclusion  of  the  treaty  with  Sindia,  Captain 
Tod,  assistant  to  the  resident  in  Sindia's  camp,  was  sent  on 
a  political  mission  to  the  Bajpoot  states.  The  raj-rana^ 
Zalim  Sing  of  Kotah,  who  governed  the.  principality  in 
the  name  of  his  imprisoned  sovereign,  with  all  the 
prudence  and  vigour  of  the  ablest  of  the  Mafaratta 
Peishwas,  immediately  acceded  to  the  terms  proposed, 
blocked  up  the  passes  in  his  country,  and  furnished  a 
contingent  to  act  with  the  British  troops.  A  treaty  was 
afterwards  concluded  with  him  on  the  26th  December. 

In  Bundelcund,  Gk)vind  Rao  Nana  had  signed  a  treaty 
on  the  1st  November,  by  which  his  tribute  and  milita.ry 
service,  transferred  from  the  Peishwa  to  the  British  govern- 
ment by  the  treaty  of  Poena,  was  commuted  for  the  cession 
of  a  part  of  the  district  of  Mahabuk,  which  lay  within  the 
British  frontier  in  Bundelcund.  Winaek  Kao,  the  chief 
who  had  possession  of  Sagur,  refused  the  proffered  terms. 
The  rjya  of  Simpthur  and  the  soobehdar  of  Jhausee  readily 
accepted  the  terms  of  protection  and  guarantee  ;  and  the 
nabob  of  Bhopaul  not  only  accepted  them,  but  entered 
most  heartily  into  the  cause.  The  political  arrangements 
in  Bundelcund  were  conducted  by  Mr.  Wauchope  ;  those 
already  mentioned  as  concluded  with  the  rajas  of  Kerowlee 
and  Kotah,  and  Umeer  Khan  were  framed  by  Mr. 
Metcalfe,  the  resident  at  Delhi ;  but  that  of  Umeer  Khan, 
though  signed  by  his  agent  on  the  9th  November,  was  not 
ratified  by  himself  for  some  time,  as  the  crafty  Patau  was 
then  engaged  in  other  negotiations  with  the  Peishwa's  agent 
in  his  camp,  and,  like  Sindia,  was  watching  the  important 
events  which  were  passing  at  Poena  and  Nagpoor.* 

*  In  addition  to  the  authorities  quoted  for  the  preceding  chapter,  I 
have  to  acknowledge  my  obligations  to  Mr,  Prinseps  narrative. 

Vol.  II.— 68 


538 


CHAP.  XXV. 

A.D.  1817  AND  A.D.  1818. 

The  Peishwa  proceeds  to  Punderpoor — pretended  reduction: 
of  his  military  establishment. — Poona  auxiliary  force. — 
Sir  John  Malcolm^  political  agent  of  the  govemor^generalj 
arrives  at  Poona — interview  loith  the  Peishwa  at  Maholy — 
is  deceived  by  Bajee  Rao — system  recommended  in  conr 
sequence. — 'Advance  of  the  divisions  of  the  Deccan  army. — 
Peishwa^ s  proceedings  at  Maholy — invests  Bappoo  Gokla 
with  full  powers — plan  for  corrupting  the  troops^-fdelity 
of  the  sepoys-T-murder  of  the  resident  prevented  by  Gokla, — 
Festival  of  the  Dussera — alarming  appearances  at  Poona-^ 
Peishwa  hesitates— arrival  of  the  European  regiment. — 
British  troops  take  up  a  new  position — are  suddenly 
attacked  by  the  Peishwa^  s  army — battle  ofKhirkee — residency 
plundered  and  burnt — violent  proceedings  of  the  Peishwa — 
remonstrances. — Interview  between  the  residents  moonshee 
emd  Gokla. — General  Smith  returns  to  Poona^— flight  of  the 
Peishwa. — Poona  is  occupied — pursuit  of  the  Peishusa — 
defence  of  Korygaom. — The  Peishwa  continues  his  flight — 
pursuit  taken  up  by  General  Pritzler — resumed  by  General 
Smith, — Mr,  Elphinstone  is  appointed  commissioner^  and 
two  divisions  of  the  army  of  tlie  Deccan  placed  at  his 
disposal. — Capture  of  Satara. — The  Satara  proclamation 
— new  distribution  of  tJw  force. — General  Smith  surprises 
the  Peishwa^ s  army  at  Ashtah — death  of  Gokla — rescue  of 
t/ie  raja  of  Satara. — Affairs  of  Nagpoor — treacJterouls' 
attack  on  the  British  troops — Battle  cf  Seetabuldee — arrival 


CHAP.  XXV.]      PEISHWA  PRETENDS  TO  REDUCE  HIS  ARMY.  539 

of  General  Doveton, — Appa  Sahib  surrenders  himself — 
his  guns  are  stormed  and  taken — attack  on  Nagpoor 
repulsed-^  Arabs  capitulate — operations  of  General, Hard^ 
manj  and  reduction  of  the  northern  districts, — Appa  Sahib 
is  reinstated, — Revert  to  affairs  in  Malwa  and  Hindostan. 

In  the  month  of  July,  as  soon  as  the  arrangements 

resulting  from  the  treaty  of  Poena  were 
put  in  a  train  of  adjustment,  the  Peishwa 
left  his  capital,  and  proceeded  on  his  annual  pilgrimage  to 
the  temples  of  Punderpoor,  unaccompanied  by  the  resident, 
which  promised  to  have  a  good  effect  in  marking  the 
restoration  of  confidence  on  the  part  of  the  British  govern- 
ment. He  immediately  reduced  his  military  establishment, 
chiefly  his  cavalry;  but  it  was  subsequently  discovered 
that  he  had  given  every  sillidar  seven  months'  pay,  with 
orders  to  remain  at  his  village,  and  to  hold  himself  in 
readiness  to  return  when  called  upon,  with  as  many  of  his 
friends  as  he  could  collect. 

The  regular  battalions  raised  by  the  Peishwa  were 
transferred  as  part  of  the  contingent,  which  was  placed 
under  the  direction  of  the  British  Government,  and  now 
termed  the  Poena  auxiliary  force  ;  but  at  Bajee  JSao's 
particular  request,  that  he  might  be  able  to  confer  the 
command  on  Captain  Ford,  one  of  the  battalions  was  to 
be  retained  in  his  own  pay,  and  in  lieu  of  it  a  new  corps 
was  to  be  recruited.  Every  exertion  was  made  to  raise 
the  stipulated  number  of  horse ;  but  the  Peishwa's 
emissaries  opposed  the  recruiting  by  every  means  they 
could  devise.  From  Punderpoor,  the  Peishwa,  instead  of 
returning  to  Poena,  proceeded  to  Maholy,  village  near 
Satara,  and  a  sacred  place  at  the  junction  of  the  Tena  and 
EListna.    During  his  stay  there,  Sir  John  Malcolm  arrived 


540  H18T0BY  OF   THE   MAHRATTA8.  [CHAP.   XXV. 

at  Poon^,  having,  on  his  appointment  as  political  agent  to 
the  governor-general,  with  his  usual  great  activity,  visited 
all  the  native  courts  in  the  Deccan,  for  the  purpose  of 
consulting  with  the  residents  previously  to  entering  on  the 
3oene  of  operations  in  Malwa ;  and  the  Peishwa,  on  hearing 
of  his  arrival,  invited  him  to  a  conference  at  Maholy. 

In  the  course  of  conversation,  the  Peishwa  complained 
much  of  the  degraded  state  in  which  he  was  left  by  the 
late  treaty,  lamented  the  loss  of  that  friendship  which  had 
hitherto  been  only  productive  of  benefit,  but  enlarged  on 
the  gratitude  which  he  felt,  and  must  ever  feel,  for  the 
portection  and  support  he  had  experienced  from  the 
British  government.  Sir  Jbhn  Malcolm  endeavoured  to 
soothe  him,  explained  in  a  general  manner  the  plans  of 
the  Marquis  of  Hastings  for  the  suppression  of  the 
Pindharees,  and  strongly  .J^commended  him  to  adopt  a 
line  of  policy  calculated  to  assure  the  British  government 
of  his  sincere  desire  to  promote  the  alliance,  and  secure  itft 
friendship  :  that  the  restoration  of  what  was  already  for- 
feited be  must  not  expect,  but,  by  pursuing  the  course  now 
recQmmended,  and  aiding  the' operations  with  his  utmost 
means,  he  might  rely  on  the  justice  and  liberality  of  the 
governor-general  for  obtaining  considerably  acquisitions 
as  a  recompense  for  the  fidelity  of  which  he  boasted,  and 
which  he  might  now  display.  The  Peishwa's  professions 
were  most  cordial,  and  communicated,  as  usual,  with  ao 
great  an  appeai*ance  of  candour  and  good  sense,  that  Sir 
John  Malcolm,  was  completely  deceived,  and  retux'ued  to 
Poona  in  the  full  conviction  that  Bajee  Rao  would  now 
heartily  engage  in  tie  British  cause,  and  that,  by  encouragn 
ing  him  to  raise  troopa,  and  treating  him  with  perfect 
confidence,  he  would  prove  a  faithful  ally.  Mr.  Elphinstpne, 
though,    be  e;i^pre6sed  his    opijaions    would  not  oppose 


CHAP   XXV.]  PEISHWA's  SCHEMES.  541 

the  liberal  system  recommended  by  Sir  John  Malcolm ; 
but  he  contemplated  and  foretold  a  diiferent  result,  especit- 
ally  on  considering  the  tempting  opportunity  which  would 
be  afforded  by  the  advance  of  General  Smith's  division  to 
tlie  frontier,  and  the  exposed  state  of  the  handful  of  troops 
at  Poona. 

The  forts  of  Singurh,  Eaigurh,  and  Poorundhur  were 
restored  to  the  Pekhwa  during  the  month  of  August.  T!he 
excessive  heavy  rains  of  this  season,  prolonged  to  an 
unusually  late  date,  delayed  the  advance  of  the  whole  Deccan 
army.  Brigadier-General  Smith  had  transported  his 
division  across  the  Ghore  by  the  9th  October,  and  by  the 
20th  occupied  convenient  positions  close  to  the  Chandore 
range  of  hills,  with  a  view  of  advancing  into  Candeish,  as 
soon  as  it  should  appear  requisite.  A  battalion  of  light 
infantry^  with  some  auxiliary  horse,  were  left  between 
Seroor  and  Ahmednugur;  one  auxiliary  battalion  was 
stationed  for  the  protection  of  the  Seroor  cantonment,  and 
the  Peishwa's  own  corps,  consisting  of  from  400  to  500 
men,  remained  at  Dhapooree,  in  its  first  cantonment^  a 
few  miles  to  the  north-west  of  Poena.  The  company's 
European  regiment  from  Bombay  was  to  be  held  in 
readiness  to  join  the  brigade  at  Poena  about  the  end  of 
October. 

The  Peishwa  did  not  return  to  his  capital  until  the  end 
of  September.  During  his  stay  at  Maholy  he  was  most 
•  actively  engaged  in  those  schemes  he  had  long  meditated 
against  the  British  government ;  but,  by  the  advice  of 
Bappoo  Gokla,  he  had  determined  on  changing  his 
plans  of  covert  hostility  to  an  open  attack,  as  soon 
as  be  should  be  prepared*  The  reoommendation  of  Sir 
Jcdm  Malcolm  ti>  recrtut  hia  ainnyy  tot  Hm  purpose  of 
aiding  in  the  Pindharee  war^  afforded  (ui  excellent  cloak 


642  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XXV. 

to  his  designs.  Gokla  was  now  the  leader  of  all  his 
measures^  and  Bajee  Rao  was  induced  to  give  him  a  formal 
writing  under  his  own  seal,  which  he  confirmed  on  oath, 
binding  himself  to  be  implicitly  directed  by  his  counsel, 
and  investing  him  with  the  full  powers  of  his  government. 
This  measure  seems  to  have  been  adopted  not  merely  as  a 
security  to  Gokla,  but  as  a  means  of  allaying  the  mistrust 
which  the  sillidars  entertained  towards  Bajee  Eao,  and 
was  the  condition  on  which  several  of  the  jagheerdars 
pledged  themselves  to  stand  by  him.  This  circumstance, 
though  reported  in  the  country,  was  not  fully  ascertained 
until  after  the  commencement  of  hostilities.  Bappoo  Gokla 
received  ten  millions  of  rupees — ^nearly  a  million  sterling 
— to  assist  in  the  expense  of  preparation.  From  the  time 
of  his  first  determination  to  break  with  the  English,  Bajee 
Bao  restored  the  lands  of  many  of  his  jagheerdars,  and 
for  several  years  had  been  endeavouring  to  render  himself 
more  popular  with  all  classes  of  his  subjects.  He  unfolded 
his  intention  of  going  to  war  with  the  English  to  the  raja 
of  Satara  ;  and,  whilst  he  exacted  from  him  and  his  mother 
an  oath  of  secrecy  and  support,  he  sent  them  and  all  their 
family  into  strict  confinement  in  Wassota.  His  recruiting 
went  forward  with  remarkable  activity ;  his  forts  also  were 
garrisoned,  stored,  and  repaired ;  and  orders  were  issued 
to  prepare  his  fleet.  Many  Bheels  and  Ramoosees  were 
engaged  in  his  interest  by  Trimbukjee  Dainglia ;  and 
especial  missions  were  despatched  to  Nagpoor  and  the 
camps  of  Sindia,  Holkar,  and  Umeer  Khan ;  but  the 
schemes  which  he  personally  directed  were  the  seduction 
of  the  native  troops  and  the  assassination  of  the  resident. 
His  plan  of  corrupting  the  troops  extended  even  to  the 
Burop^an  !offic^r»;taBd  the  £^ent  ^employed  f for  the  latteb 
purpose  was  Jeswunt  Rao  Ghorepuray,  who  for  many^ 


k 


CHAP.  XXV.]  JftSWUNT  JlAO  GHOREEUIUY.  .  543i 

years  had  I'esided  at  Poona,  was  intimately  acquainted 
with  many  of  the  officers,  and,  since  the  treaty  of  Surjee 
Angengaom,  had  received  a  pension  .of  1,000  rapees  a 
month  from  the  British  government.  *  Jeswunt  Rao  had 
ex|>6ri^Dced  jnubkJkindneiBs  fbom  Mr.  'Mphinstone ;  bnt  aii 
this  period,  in  consequence  of  some  petty  intrigues  in 
which  he  had  made  an  improper  use  of  his.  iiiame,  the  resi- 
dent was  obliged  to  treat  him  with  unusual  reserve.  Bajee 
Rao,  judging  the  opportunity  favourable,  sent  for  Jeswunt 
Bao,  and,  after  many  promises,  exacted  an,  oath  of  se<^ecy, 
and  communicated  the  plan  for  corrupting .  the  European 
officers — a  commission  which  Jeswunt  .Rao,  although  he 
well  knew  its  futility,  like  a  true  Mahratta  readily  under- 
took, upon  receiving  an  advance  of  50,000  rupees.  So 
far  he  kept  his  oath  as  to  say  nothing  of  these  circum- 
stances ;t  but  Jeswunt  Rao  had  a  gjreat  personal  regard 
for  Mr.  Elphinstone,  and,  throughout  the  rise  and  progress 
of  the  Peishwa's  preparations,  gave  early  and  constant 
warning  of  what  might  be  expected.  Jeswunt  Rao 
Ghorepuray  was  the  only  man  of  family  who  at  the 
rupture  openly  espoused  the  British  cause  ;  but,  of  all  its 
adherents,  none  was  of  so  much  importance,  or  rendered 
himself  so  eminently  useful,   as  a  Bramin  named  Ballajee 

« 

*  It  may  be  here  mentiooed  that  Jeswunt  Bao  Ghorepuray  had  a 
just  claim  to  the  fort  and  valley  of  Hondoor,  held  by  his  brother  Khundee 
Rao  Ghorepuray,  but  which  Jeswunt  Bao  had  made  over  to  the  Peishwa 
in  exchange  for  other  villages.  The  British  government  approved  of 
the  transactioD,  and  promised,  at  the  time  the  transfer  was  made,  to  put 
the  Peishwa  in  possession  of  Sondoor,  but  various  causes  prevented  the 
fulfilment  of  this  promise  until  the  end  of  October  of  this  year,  when 
Sondoor  surrendered  to  a  part  of  the  reserve  under  Colonel  Thomaa 
Munro,  detached  from  the  force  of  Brigadier-General  Pritzler  for  the 
express  purpose. 

t  Independently  of  its  having  been  found  in  the  Peishwa's  acoounts, 
I  became  acquainted  with  the  circumstances  from  an  iudividual  then 
high  in  Bajee  Bao's  cootidence,  whose  name  it  would  be  improper  to 
publish. 


i 


J541  HISTORY  OF  THX  MAHKATTAS.  [CHAP.  XXV. 

Punt  Nathoo,*  whose  vigilance^  judgment,  fidelity,  and 
firmness  at  that  trying  period  entitle  him  to  be  mentioned 
in  this  place. 

The  reports  of  corrupting  the  troops  were  brought  front 
all  quarters  ;  some  of  the  sepoys  indignantly  refoaed  what 
to  them  were  splendid  offers  ;  and  others,,  pretending  to 
acquiesce,  communicated  the  circumstances  to  their 
officers  ;  but  the  extent  of  the  intrigues  could  not  be  ascer- 
tained, and  they^  at  last  became  alarming,  even  to  those 
who  knew  the  fidelity  of  the  Bombay  sepoys,  from  the 
circumstance  of  the  Peishwa's  having  many  of  their  fami- 
lies and  relations  in  his  power,  against  whom  he  commenced 
a  system  of  persecution,  which  he  threatened  to  perpetuate 
if  the  sepoys  reihsed  to  desert  the  British  service. 

It  was  the  Peishwa's  wish,  previous  to  the  commence- 
ment of  hostilities,  to  invite  Mr.  Elphinstone  to  a 
conference,  and  murder  Kim  ;  but  this  plan  was  opposed  by 
Gokla,  who,  though  he  concurred  in  that  of  corrupting  the 
sepoys,  and  was  most  sanguine  in  his  belief  of  his 
complete  success,  disdained  to  perpetrate  so  base  a  crime, 
especially  as  Mr.  Elphinstone  bad  more  than  once  proved 
himself  his  friend.  But  Bajee  Rao  was  unwilling  to  relin- 
quish a  favorite  scheme  of  personal  revenge,  and  proposed 
to  assassinate  the  resident  as  he  rode  out ;  or,  should  that 

*  At  my  particular  request,  he  wrote  a  very  correct  and  voluminous 
history  of  his  own  times,  in  which  he  quotes  his  authorities.  It  was 
translated  for  me  by  my  friend  Mr.  William  Richard  Morris,  of  the 
Bombay  civil  service,  whose  valuable  asaistance  I  have  already  acknow- 
ledged ;  but  the  original  MS.  is  in  possession  of  its  author,  who,  for 
various  prudential  reasons,  was  desirous  of  retaining  it.  Ballajee  Punt 
Nathoo  was  the  carcoon  of  the  ill-requitted  Khundee  Rao  Ba8titi,who  at 
his  death  appointed  him  guardian  to  his  children.  He  endeavoured  to 
interest  Colonel  Close  in  their  behalf,  was  in  the  habit  of  coming  much 
to  the  residency,  and  at  last  attached  himself  to  Mr.  Elphinstone,  openly 
embraced  the  British  cause,  and  proved  himself  well  entitled  to  the 
munificent  reward  which  was  conferred  upon  him  before  Mr.  Elphin- 
stone assumed' the  government  of  Bombay, 


CHAP.  XXV.]        BAJEE  RAO  CELEBRATES  THE   DUSSERA.  545- 

fail,  to  get  Trimbukjee,  with  a  body  of  Bheels,  to 
endeavour  to  surprise  the  residency  by  night,  whilst  a 
simultaneous  attack  should  be  made  on  the  cantonment. 

The  last  interview  which  took    place    between    Mr. 

Elphinstone  and  the  Peishwa  was  on  the 
4.  14th  of  October,  when,  although  the  latter 
adverted  to  the  loss  of  territory  and  reputation  he  had 
suffered  by  the  late  treaty,  he  continued  to  express  grate- 
ful acknowledgments  for  the  former  friendship  of  the 
British  government.  On  Mr.  Elphinstone's  mentioning 
how  anxiously  the  advance  of  the  troops  was  desired, 
Bajee  Rao  repeated  the  assurances  which  he  had  of  late 
frequently  made  through  his  ministers,  that  his  troops 
should  be  sent  to  the  frontier  to  co-operate  against  the 
Pindharees  immediately  after  the  Dussera. 

The  festival   of  the   Dussera  took  place  on  the  19th 

October,  and  was  the  most  splendid  military 
October  19.  ,     ,  .  i    •         .i 

spectacle  ever  witnessed  smce  the  accession 
of  Bajee  Rao,  Two  circ.umstances  were  particularly 
observable  on  this  occasion  ;  a  marked  degree  of  slight 
towards  the  resident,  and  at  the  moment  of  the  Peishwa's 
quitting  the  ground,  a  large  compact  mass  of  horse,  under 
an  officer  named  Naroo  Punt  Aptey,  gallopped  down,  as  if 
they  had  intended  to  charge  the  flank  of  the  British  troops, 
but  wheeled  off  as  they  came  close  up.  The  intention  of  this 
manoeuvre  was  to  show  sepoys  their  insignificance  when 
compared  to  this  host  of  Mahratta  spears,  and  might  be 
supposed  to  have  its  effect  in  aiding  the  Peishwa's 
intrigues.  It  would  have  been  difficult  to  convince  the 
Mahrattas,  in  that  vaunting  moment,  that  of  the  three 
weak  battalions  then  peaceably  and  unsuspectingly  stand- 
ing before  them,  one  should,  in  less  than  three  months, 
repulse  their  whole  army. 

Vol.  II.— 69 


546  HISTORY  OF  THE   MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.   XXV. 

After  the  Dussera  every  day  became  more  interesting, 

and  by  the  25th  parties  of  troops  were 
coming  into  Poona  from  all  quarters,  by 
day  and  by  night.  General  Smith's  force  was  now  at  a 
distance,  and  the  European  regiment  from  Bombay  could 
hardly  be  expected  in  less  then  ten  days.  The  position 
occupied  by  the  brigade  almost  joined  the  northern 
environs  of  Poona ;  it  had  been  originally  taken  up  by 
Sir  Arthur  Wellesley  for  the  protection  of  the  city,  but 
circumstances  were  now  reversed.  Gardens  and  inclosures, 
with  high  prickly-pear  hedges,  ran  in  many  places  within 
half  musket-shot  of  the  lines,  affording  not  only  every 
advantage  for  the  attack  of  the  Arabs  and  irregulars,  but, 
in  case  of  disaffection  amongst  the  sepoys,  every  facility  to 
desert.  Small  parties  of  horse  came  out,  and  encamped 
round  the  British  cantonm^t,  and  in  a  few  days  were 
augmented  to  large  bodies,  whilst  a  strong  corps  of  Gosaeen 
infantry  occupied  a  position  on  one  of  the  flanks.  Thd 
Sungum  being  at  some  distance  from  the  cantonment,  th« 
Vinchorkur's  horse,  with  some  infantry  and  guns,  encamped 
between  the  residency  and  the  village  of  Bambooree : 
but  besides  these  preparations,  all  reports  concurred 
in  representing  <that  an  immediate  attack  was  meditated. 

For  several  nights  the  Peishwa  and  his  advisers  had 
deliberated  on  the  advantage  of  surprising  the  troops 
before  the  arrival  of  the  European  regiment ;  and  for  this 
purpose,  on  tiie  28th  October,  their  guns  were  yoked, 
their  horses  saddled,  and  their  infantry  in  readiness*  This 
intelKgence  was  brought  to  Mr.  Elphinstone  a  little  before 
midnight  of  the  28th,  and  for  a  moment  it  became  a 
question  whether  sielf-defence,  under  all  circumstances, 
did  not  require  that  the  attack  should  be  anticipated.  It 
was  an  hour  of  anxiety  :  the   British  cantonment  and  the 


CHAP.  XXV.]  PEISHWA's  TREACHERY.  547 

residency  were  perfectly  still,  and  the  inhabitants  slept  in 
the  complete  repose  inspired  by  confidence  in  that  profound 
peace  to  which  they  had  been  long  accustomed  ;  but  in 
the  Peishwa's  camp,  south  of  the  town,  all  was  noise  and 
uproar,  Mr.  Elphinstone  had  as  yet  betrayed  no  suspicion 
of  the  Peishwa's  treachery,  and,  as  he  now  stood  listening 
on  the  terrace,*  he  probably  thought  that,  in  thus  expos- 
ing the  troops  to  be  cut  off  without  even  the  satisfaction 
of  dying  with  their  arms  in  their  hands,  he  had  followed 
the  system  of  confidence,  so  strongly  recommended,  to  a 
culpable  extremity  :  but  other  motives  influenced  his  con- 
duct at  this  important  moment.  He  was  aware  how  little 
faith  the  other  Mahratta  princes  placed  in  Bajee  Rao,  and 
that  Sindia,  who  knew  him  well,  would  hesitate  to  engage 
in  hostilities  until  the  Peishwa  had  fairly  committed  him- 
self. Apprized  of  the  governor-general's  secret  plans,  and 
his  intended  movements  on  Gwalior,  which  many  circum- 
iatances  might  have  concurred  to  postpone,  Mr.  Elphinstone 
had  studiously  avoided  every  appearance  which  might 
affect  the  negotiations  in  Hindostan,  or,  by  any  prepara- 
tion and  apparent  alarm  on  his  part,  give  Sindia's  secret 
emissaries  at  Poena  reason  to  believe  that  war  was  inevit-r 
able.  To  have  sent  to  the  cantonment  at  that  hour  would 
have  occasioned  considerable  stir ;  and  in  the  meantime,  by 
the  reports  of  the  spies,  the  Peishwa  was  evidently  deliberat- 
ing ;  the  din  in  the  city  was  dying  away ;  the  night  was 
passing ;  and  the  motives  which  had  hitherto  prevented 
preparation,  determined  Mr.  Elphinstone  to  defer  it  some 
hours  longer.     Major  J,  A.  Wilson,  the  officer  in  command 

''^  As  I  was  the  only  person  with  Mr.  Elphinstone  during  that  night, 
though  I  here  narrate  simply  what  I  saw  and  heard,  some  apology  to 
him  may  be  necessary  for  publishing  without  his  sanction  what  relates 
to  him  personally,  but  I  trust  that  the  occasion  is  sufficienty  interesting 
to  the  public,  and  honorable  to  him,  to  authorize  my  having  done  so. 


548  HISTORY  OP  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.   XXV. 

of  the  European  regiment  on  its  march  from  Bombay, 
had  already  been  made  acquainted  with  the  critical  state 
of  affairs,  and  was  hastening  forward. 

Next  morning,  however,  the  officer  in  command  of  the 

brigade   at  Poena  was  requested  to  keep 

October  29.  .      .  . 

the  men  ready  in  their  lines,  but  with   as 

little  appearance  of  bustle  as  possible.  At  three  o'clock 
in  the  afternoon,  Mr.  Elphinstone  sent  a  message  to  the 
Peishwa,  mentioning  that  his  highness' s  horsemen  were 
crowding  in  upon  the  position  of  the  brigade  ;  that  such 
a  mode  of  encamping  had  never  been  practised  or  permit- 
ted by  British  troops,  and  therefore  the  commanding 
officer  confined  his  men  to  their  cantonment  until  those  of 
his  highness  should  be  withdrawn,  lest,  by  their  contiguity, 
disputes  might  arise  between  them.  This  message  was 
delivered- by  Captain  Ford,  and  created  a  great  sensation. 
Gokla  recommended  that  the  attack  should  not  be  delayed, 
the  Peishwa  hesitated,  stating  that  he  wished  a  little  more 
time  to  make  sure  of  corrupting  the  sepoys  ;  the  European 
regiment  was  still,  as  he  believed,  at  a  great  distance,  and 
every  hour  was  adding  to  his  army ;  another  night  was 
thus  wasted  in  consultation,  and   at  four  o'clock   of  the 

following  afternoon,  the  European  regi- 
ment by  great  exertions  marched  into  the 
cantonment.  Mr.  Elphinstone  now  determined  on  remov- 
ing the  troops  from  their  present  very  bad  position  to 
another  in  many  respects  more  eligible,  at  the  village  of 
Khirkee,  four  miles  distant,  which  had  been  early  pointed 
out  by  General  Smith  as  the  proper  one  to  be  occupied  in 
case  of  an  apprehended  rupture.     The  troops  accordingly 

took  up  their   ground   at  Khirkee  on  the 

1st  November,  and   the  residency  being 

clpse  to  the  town,  250  men  were   sent  for  its   protection. 


CHAP.  XXV.]  FIDRLTTY  OF  THT5  SKP0T8.  549 

The  Peisliwa  was  apprized  of  the  intended  movement  5 
but  his  army  supposed  that  the  British  troops  had 
withdrawn  from,  fear,  and  w^as  much  encouraged  in 
consequence.  The  cantonment  was  plundered  ;  an  officer,* 
on  his  route  to  Bombay,  wag  attacked,  wounded,  and 
robbed  in  open  day ;  the  language  of  the  Peishwa's 
ministers  was  that  of  perfect  slight ;  his  trpops  every- 
where began  to  insult  individuals  as  they  passed  ;  and 
they  continued  to  push  forward  their  parties  as  if  in 
defiance.  They  proposed  forming  a  camp  betwixt  the  old 
cantonment  and  the  new  position,  and  a  party  of  horse 
moved  down  for  the  purpose.  A  second  message  was 
therefore  sent  to  the  Peishwa,  begging  that  the  motives 
of  the  movement  might  not  be  misconstrued  ;  for,  if  the 
British  troops  were  pressed  upon  as  in  the  old  position, 
those  of  his  highness  must  be  treated  as  enemies.  The 
Peishwa  now  believed,  from  the  reports  of  his  emissaries, 

that  the  sepoys  were  completely  seduced. f 
On  the  4th  November,  More  Dixit,  the 
minister  who  had  formed  an  attachment  to  Major  Ford, 
and  was  anxious  to  save  him,  communicated  this  circum- 
stance, and  that  his  master  was  determined  to  cut  off  the 
British  detachment  without  sparing  a  man.^     He  advised 

*  Lieutenant  Shaw.  Yeesram  Sing,  a  horseman  of  Bajee  Bao*s 
personal  retinue,  was  the  individual  who  speared  him. 

t  Many  of  the  sepoys  behaved  with  admirable  fidelity  ;  one  native 
officer,  Jemadar  Shaik  Hoossein,  of  the  2nd  battalion  6th  regiment,  on 
being  tampered  with,  encouraged  the  overtures,  by  the  advice  of  his 
adjutant,  Lieutenant  Robert  Billamore,  who  was  instructed  on  the 
subject.  The  Peishwa  sent  for  the  jemadar,  made  him  great  promises^ 
and  desired  a  carooon  to  give  him  10,000  rupees,  but  the  latter  gave  the 
jemadar  one-half,  and  kept  the  other  himself.  The  jemadar  brought 
the  money  to  his  officer  in  a  bag  of  rice,  just  before  hostilities 
commenced. 

X  Dr,  Coats  and  Captain  Ford,  the  latter  only  if  he  stood  neutral, 
were  to  be  the  sole  exceptions.  Dr.  Coftts  had  attended  the  Peishwa  in 
an  illness,  had  gratuitously  performed  many  cures  amongst  the  people 
of  the  country,  and  had  spread  vaccination  for  many  miles  around  ;  tho 
anecdote  proves  that  Bajee  Bao  was  not  wholly  devoid  of  gratitttde^ 


550  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.   XXV. 

him  to  stand  neuter,  when  his  property  should  be  spared 
and  his  family  protected ;  but  on  Captain  Ford's  telling 
him  he  would  immediately  join  his  countrymen,  he  took 
an  affectionate  leave  of  him,  promising,  at  all  events,  that 
he  would  do  his  best  to  befriend  his  family ;  but  as  there 
was,  he  observed,  no  saying  what  turn  the  war  might 
ultimately  take,  he  exacted  a  like  promise  from  Captain 
Ford,  which  was  readily  granted.  Until  this  communica- 
tion was  made.  Captain  Ford,  though  in  daily  intercourse 
with  the  city,  and  made  acquainted  with  the  circumstances 
by  Mr.  Elphinstone,  was  perfectly  confident  that  the  Peishwa 
had  no  intention  of  going  to  war,  and  his  astonishmeiit 
and  alarm  were  proportionally  great.  The  Peishwa's 
reason  for  still  wishing  to  procrastinate  was  the  expected 
an'ival  of  the  Petwurdhuns  and  Appa  Dessaye  Nepankur ; 
matters,  however,  were  brought  to  a  crisis  before  they 
could 'join  his  army.  General  Smith,  who  continued  in  the 
position  already  described,  on  hearing  what  had  taken 
place,  was  prepared  to  expect  a  rupture  ;  and  therefore, 
witliout  waiting  for  orders  from  Sir  Thomas  Hislop,  con- 
centrated his  force  at  Phooltamba,  on  the  Godavery,  and 
ordered  the  light  battalion  to  fall  back  to  Seroor  ;  it  was 
also  settled  between  hijn  and  the  resident  that,  in  case  the 
communication    were    interrupted,    the    general    might 

conclude  that  the  troops  at   Poena  were 

attacked.     On  the   3rd    November    Mr, 

Elphinstone  directed  the  light  battalion  and  a  party  of 

auxiliary  horse,  stationed  at  Seroor,  to  move  to  Poena, 

As  soon  as  the  news  of  these  arrangements  reached  the 

Peishwa,  he  determined  to  delay  the  attack 

no  longer.     His  preparations  began  about 

seven  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  5th  ;  but  in  the  early 

part  of  the  day  he  sent  out  several  messages  calculated  to 


I 


CHAP.  XXV.]  BATTLE  OF   KHIBKEE.  561 

lull  the  resident's  suspicions  ;  such  as,  that  his  troops  were 
alarmed  bv  hearing  that  those  at  Khirkee  were  under 
arms  ;  that  he  was  about  to  perform  a  religious  ceremony 
at  the  temple  of  Parbuttee,  and  that  the  troops  were  drawn 
out,  in  honor  of  the  occasion,  to  form  'a  street  as  he  passed. 
In  the  afternoon,  when  all  was  in  readiness,  the  whole  of 
his  principal  officers  having  assembled  at  his  palace, 
Wittoojee  Gaekwar,  a  personal  servant  of  the  Peishwa, 
was  despatched  to  Mr.  Elphinstone,  by  Gokla's  advice,  to 
inform  him  that  the  assembly  of  troops  at  Poena  was  very 
offensive  to  the  Peishwa  ;  to  desire  him  to  send  away  the 
European  regiment,  to  reduce  the  native  brigade  to  its 
usual  strength,  when  it  must  occupy  a  position  which  tho 
Peishwa  would  point  out,  and  that  if  these  demands  were 
not  complied  with,  he  could  withdraw  from  Poena  and 
never  return.  Mr.  Elphinstone  denied  the  Peishwa's  right 
to  require  the  removal  of  the  European  regiment,  explained 
the  reason  of  his  having  called  in  the  light  battalion,  and 
recommended  that  the  Peishwa  should  send  his  troops  to 
the  frontier  as  he  had  promised,  in  which  case  all  cause  of 
complaint  would  be  removed  :  there  was  a  good  deal  more 
passed,  as  the  conversation  on  the  part  of  the  messenger 
was  intended  to  engage  as  much  attention  as  possible  ;  but 
he  at  last  withdrew,  warning  the  resident  of  the  bad  con- 
sequences of  his  refusal.  In  the  meantime  the  Peishwa's 
officers  at  the  palace  were  despatched  to  their  troops  ;  Bajee 
Rao  in  person  proceeded  to  the  Parbuttee  ;*  and  Wittoojee 
Gaekwarhad  scarcely  quitted  the  residency  when  intelligence 
was  brought  that  the  army  was  moving  out  on  the  west 
side  of  the  city.  There  was  a  momentary  consultation 
about  defending  the  residency,  but  it  was  instantly 
abandoned  asimpracticable,  and  it  was  determined  to  retire 

'*'  Situated  on  a  hill  on  the  south  side  of  Foona,  and  already  mentioned. 


552  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XXV. 

to  Khirkee,  for  which  purpose  the  nature  of  the  ground 
afforded  great  facility.  The  river  Moola  betwixt  the 
Sunffum  and  the  village  of  Khirkee  forms  two  curves  like 
the  letter  S  inverted.  The  residency  and  the  village  were 
both  on  the  same  side  of  the  river,  but  at  the  former  there 
was  a  ford,  and  near  the  latter  a  bridge  ;  so  that  the  party, 
by  crossing  at  the  ford,  had  the  river  between  them  and  . 
the  Peishwa's  troops  the  greater  part  of  the  way.  From 
the  residency  no  part  of  the  Mahratta  army  was  visible 
excepting  bodies  of  infantry,  which  were  assembling  along 
the  tops  of  the  adjoining  heights,  with  the  intention  of 
cutting  off  the  residency  from  the  camp,  and,  having  this 
object  in  view,  they  did  not  molest  individuals.  On 
ascending  one  of  the  eminences  on  which  they  were  form- 
ing, the  plain  beneath  presented  at  that  moment  a  most 
imposing  spectacle.  This  plain,  then  covered  with  grain, 
terminates  on  the  west  by  a  range  of  small  hills,  while  On 
the  east  it  is  bounded  by  the  city  of  Poena,  and  the  small 
hills  already  partially  occupied  by  the  infantry.  A  mass 
of  cavalry  covered  nearly  the  whole  extent  of  it,  and 
towards  the  city  endless  streams  of  horsemen  were  pouring 
from  every  avenue.* 

Mr,  Elphinstone  had  personally  reconnoitred  the  ground 
in  front  of  the  village  of  Ktiirkee,  and  ascertained  that 


*  Those  only  who  have  witnessed  the  Bore  in  the  Gulf  of  0»mbay, 
and  have  seen  in  perfection  the  approach  of  that  roaring  tide,  can  form 
the  exact  idea  presented  to  the  author  at  sight  of  the  Peishwa's  army. 
It  was  towards  the  afternoon  of  a  very  sultry  day  ;  there  was  a  dead 
oalm,  and  no  sound  waa  heard  except  the  rushing,  the  trampling  and 
neighing  of  the  horses,  and  the  rumbling  of  the  gun-wheels.  The  effect 
was  heigh t^ed  by  seeing  the  peaceful  peasantry  flying  from  their  work 
in  the  fields,  the  bullocks  breaking  from  their  yokes,  the  wild  antelopes 
startled  from  sleep,  bounding  ofp,  and  then  turning  for  a  moment  to 
gaze  on  this  tremendous  inundation,  which  swept  all  before  it,  levelled 
the  hedges  and  standing  corn,  and  completely  overwhelmed  every 
ordinary  barrier  as  it  moved. 


CHAP.  XXV.]  THE  BATTLE  OF  EHIRKEB.  553 

there  was  a  ford  between  that  village  and  Dhapooree,  which, 
although  difficult,  was  practicable  fop  six-pounders,  three 
of  which,  manned  by  native  artillerymen,  belonged  to  the 
auxiliary  force,  and  was  attached  to  Captain  Ford's  corps. 
It  had  been  arrainged,  in  case  of  an  attack,  that  Captain 
Ford  was  to  join  the  brigade  under  Lieutenant- Colpnel 
Burr  ;  and  Mr.  Elphinstone  had  been  at  pains  to  explain 
to  all  conoerned  the  advantage  of  always  acting  on  the 
offensive  against  Mahrattas.  When  the  party  was  fording 
at  the  residency,  a  messenger  was  despatched  to  warn  the 
troops  of  the  approach  of  the  enemy,  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Burr,  the  officer  in  command,  wished  to  have  acted  on  the 
defensive  ;  but  as  the  message  required  him  to  move  down 
and  attack  the  Feishwa's  army,  he  immediately  sent  the 
battalion  companies  of  the  2ud  battalion  6th  regiment  to 
protect  the  stores,  ammunition,  and  followers  in  the 
village  of  Khirkee,  left  his  camp  standing,  and  instantly 
marched  down  by  the  high  road  for  about  a  mile  ;  then, 
wheeling  to  the  right,  he  moved  in  the  direction  of 
Dhapooree,  to  facilitate  the  junction  of  Captain  Ford's  corps, 
and  bring  his  front  parallel  to  that  of  the  enemy.  Li  a 
few  minutes  the  expected  corps  was  seen  approach- 
ing ;  the  resident's  party  had  joined,  and  Colonel 
Burr  advanced  to  the  attack*  The  Mahrattas,  who 
had  sent  on  their  skirmishers,  some  of  whom  had  already 
suffered  from  the  fire  of  the  light  infantry,  were  surprised 
by  this  forward  movement  in  troops  whom  they  had  been 
encouraged^  to  believe  were  already  spiritless  ;  and  a 
damp,  which  had  been  spreading  over  the  whole  army  by 
the  accidental  breaking  of  the  staff  of  the  Juree  Putka 
before  they  left  the  city,  was  now  much  increased.  Gokla, 
with  the  true  spirit  of  a  soldier,  was  riding  from  rank  to 

rank,  animating,  encouraging,  and  taunting  as  he  thought 
Vol.  ir.— 70 


554  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS,  [CSBAP.  KXV. 

most  effectual ;  but  the  Peishwa's  heart  failed  him,  and, 
after  the  troops  had  advanced,  he  sent  a  message  to  Gk>kla, 
desiring  him  "  to  be  snre  not  to  fire  the  first  gun."  At 
this  moment  the  British  troops  were  halted,  their  guns 
Were  unlimbering, — it  was  the  pause  of  preparation  and  of 
Anxiety  on  both  sides ;  but  Gokla,  observing  the  messenger 
from  the  Peishwa,  atid  suspecting  the  nature  of  his  errand, 
instantly  commenced  the  attack  by  opening  a  battery  of 
nine  gunfs,  detaching  a  strong  corps  of  rocket-camels  to 
the  right,  and  pushing  forward  his  cavalry  to  the  right 
and  left.  The  British  troops  were  soon  nearly  surrounded 
by  horse ;  but  the  Mahratta  infantry,  owing  to  this  rapid 
advance,  were  left  considerably  in  the  rear,  except  a 
regular  oattalion  under  a  Portuguese,  named  De  Pento, 
which  had  marched  by  a  shorter  route,  concealed  for  a 
time  under  cover  of  the  enclosures,  and  were  now  forming, 
with  apparent  steadiness,  immediately  in  front  of  the  1st 
battalion  7th  regiment,  and  the  grenadiers  of  the  2nd 
battalion  6th :  no  sooner,  however,  were  there  red  coats 
and  colours  exposed  to  view  of  the  English  sepoys,  than 
the  latter,  with  one  accord,  pushed  forward  to  dose,  and 
in  their  eagerness  got  detached  from  the  rest  of  the 
line.  Gokla,  hoping  that  they  might  either  be  disposed 
to  come  over,  or  that  he  might  be  able  to  take 
advantage  of  their  impetuosity,  prepared  a  select^  body  of 
6,000  horse,  which,  accompanied  by  the  Juree  Putka, 
and  headed  by  several  persons  of  distinction,  had  been 
held  in  reserve  near  his  left,  and  were  now  ordered  to 
charge.*  The  Mahratta  guns  ceased  firing  to  let  them 
pass  ;  and  they  came  down  at  speed,  in  a  diagonal  direction 

•  Naroo  Punt  Apty,  Mahdoo  Rao  Rastin,  and  Aba  Poorundhnree 
irere  all  in  this  charge.  Ookla  advanced  a  considerable  distance  with 
them,  until  his  horse  was  wounded  :  he  told  Naroo  Punt  that  most  ol 
the  sepoys  were  friendly,  and  would  fire  over  his  head. 


CHAP.  XXV.]  THE  BATTLE  OF  KHIRKSB.  555 

across  the  British  fironi  Criving  their  ^e^  and  receiving 
that  of  the  line,  they  rode  right-at  the  7iii.  Colonel  Bnrr 
took  his  post  with  the  colours  of  th^^t  corps ;  H  had  long 
been  his  own  battalion,  he  had  ^^  formed  and  led"  it  for 
many  years ;  he  was  then  suffering  under  a  severe  and 
incurable  malady,*  but  he  showed  his  wonted  coolness  and 
firmness  in  this  moment  of  periL  He  was  the  first  to 
perceive  the  nK>ving  mtass :  he  had  just  tim?e  to  stop  the 
pursuit  of  De  Pento's  battalion,  already  routed,  xud  to 
call  to  the  men,  who  could  not  be  dressed  in  fine,  to 
reserve  their  fire,  and  prove  thiemselves. worthy  of  all  his 
care.  Fortunately  there  was  a  deep  slough,  of  which 
neither  party  were  aware,  innnediately  in  front  of  the 
British  left.  The  foremost  of  the  horses  rolled  over^  and* 
many^  before  they  eould  be  pulled  up,  tumbled  over  those 
in  firont ;  the  fire,  hitbaio  reserved,  was  now  given  with 
great  effect,  numbers  fell,  the-  confusion  became  extreme, 
and  the  force  of  the  chsfrge  was  completely  checked:  a 
very  small  proportion  eame  in  contact  with  the  bayonets, 
a  few  continued  the  attack  in  the  rear,  but  many  turned 
back  ;  some  gallopped  round  the  left  as  if  to  plunder  the 
camp,  but  they  were  driven  off  by  a  few  shots  from  two 
iron  guns  at  Khirkee^  and  the  sepoys  had  nearly  repulsed 
the  attack  before  a  company  ^f  Europeans  could  arrive  to 
their  support.  This  failure  completely  disconcerted  the 
Mahrattas ^  they  began  to  drive  off  their  guns;  their 
infantry  retired  from  th^  distant  position  they  occupied, 
and  upon  the  advance  of  the  British  line  the  whole  field 
was  cleared.    The  brigade  returned  to  its   position   at 

*  Colonel  Burr  had  lost  the  use  of  his  side  from  a  paralytic  stroke^ 
and  both  mind  and  body  were  impaired,  but  ho  was  foremost  in  the 
post  of  honor.  On  this  occasion,  two  of  his  attendants  were  shot  by  his 
side,  his  horse's  head  was  grazed  by  a  ball,  and  another  went  through 
his  hat. 


556  HlBTORt  OJf  TdE  ttAfiRAirtAS.  [CHAP.  XitV. 

Khirkee    after    nighirfaU,   and  the  light  battalion  and 

auxiliary  horse  joined  it  next  morning.     The  report  of 

their  arrival,  and  the  effect  of  the  forward  movement, 

deterred  Gokla  from  renewing  the  attack.    The  Mahrattas 

in  Captain  Ford's  battalion  deserted,  and  a  part  of  the 

newly-raised  aaxiliary  horse  were,  at  their  own  desine, 

permitted  to  quit  the  British  camp ;  but  not  one  sepoy  of 

the  regillar  service  left  his  colours.     The  number  of  the 

British  troops  engaged  at  the  affair  of  Khirkee,  including 

Captain  Ford's  l)attalion,   was  2,800  rank  and  file,  of 

whom  about  800  were  Europeans.    Their  loss  was  com? 

paratively  trifling,  amounting  only  to  86  men  in  killed 

and  wounded,  50  of  whom  were  of  the  sepoys  on  the  left 

The  Mahratta  army  consisted  of  18,000  horse  and  8,000 

foot  with   14  guns.*    They  suffered  considerably,  having 

lost  500  men  in  killed  and  wounded  ;  and  though  the 
proportion  of  horses  killed  on  the  spot  was  inconsiderable, 

a  very  great  number  were  disabled.    Amongst  the  sufferers 

was  the  minister  Moro  Dixit,  who,  by  rather  a  strange 

fatality,  was  mortally  wounded  by  a  grape  shot  from  one 

of  the  guns  attached  to  the  battalion  of  his  friend  Captain 

Ford. 

Hostilities  were  no  sooner  commenced  than  the  ferocious 

and  vindictive  character  of  Bajee  Bao's  previous  orders 

became  apparent  from  the  proceedings  in  every  direction, 

probably  before  he  had  time  to  stop  them.     The  residency 

was  plundered  and  burnt,  and  <ff  the  resident's  library  and 

private  apartment  not  one  stone  was  left  upon  another ; 

the  fapiilies  and  followers  of  the  troops  who  fell  into  the 

hands  of  the  Mahrattas  were  fobbed,  beaten,  and  frequently 

mutilated;  the  gardens  were  destroyed,  the  trees  were 

*  This  number  is  given  from  the  actual  returns,  and  does  not  include 
5,000  horse  and  2,000  foot  stationed  with  the  Peishwa  at  Parbuttee,  so 
that  Bajee  Bao  had  already  coUeoted  33,000  men  at  Poena, 


CHAP.  2CXV.]  ATROCITIES  IN  THE  DEOCAN.  557 

torn  from  the  roots,  and  the  graves  were  dug  up.  An 
engineer  officer  on  survey  was  attacked  and  killed ;  two 
brother,  of  the  name  of  Vaughan,  one  of  them  a  captain 
in  the  Madras  army,  were  taken  while  travelling  between 
Bombay  and  Poena,  near  the  village  of  Tullygaom,  and 
though  they  made  no  resistance,  were  most  barbarously 
hanged  under  the  superintendence  of  a  Bramin,  named 
Babjee  Punt  Gokla.*  These  atrocities,  excepting  the 
plunder  of  the  adherents  and  servants  of  the  British 
government,  were  not  perpetrated  under  Bappoo  Grokla's 
sanction ;  but  as  he  had  been  intrusted  with  the  entire 
powers  of  the  state,  Mr.  Elphinstone  took  the  first 
opportunity  of  intimating  to  him  that  any  individual, 
however  exalted  his  rank,  who  might  order  the  death  of  a 
British  prisoner,  should  answer  for  it  in  his  own  person. 

Two  officers.  Cornets  Hunter  and  MorrisonJ  of  the 
Madras  establishment,  on  the  route  from  Hyderabad  to 
Poena  with  a  small  escort,  were  attacked  when  tiiey 
approached  the  latter  place,  and  after  a  manful  resistance, 
being  compelled  to  surrender,  they  were  confined  in  a 
hill-fort ;  some  small  parties  who  stood  on  the  defensive 
in  various  situations,  and  surrendered  on  terms,  were 
permitted  to  join  the  British  camp.  Amongst  this 
number  was  the  resident's  moonshee,  who,  having  a  party 
of  Arabs  in  his  pay,  defended  his  house  in  the  city 
for  several  days,  until  Gokla  interposed,  and  sent  for 
him.  During  their  interview,  at  which  several  persons 
were  present,  Gokla  showed  him  the  Peishwa'gi  paper 
investing  him  with  the  full  powers  of  his  government,  and, 
after  some  conversation,  observed — "I  have  given  you 

*  This  person  is  now  a  prisoner,  in  a  woodan  cage,  in  the  fort  qI 
Singurb.  Bajee  Bao  disavowed  the  murder  of  the  Vaughans,  l^ut 
acknowledged  that  the  residency  was  destroyed  by  his  orders.    ^ 


558  HJSTORY  OF  THE  M^HBATTAS.  [CHAP.  XXV. 

protection  because  your  master  WW  au  old  friend  of  mine ; 
we  are  now  enemies ;  the  trial  we  have  already  had" 
(alluding  to  the  action  of  the  5th)  ^^  has  not  turned  out  as 
I  expected,  but  tell  him  we  shall  persevere ;  we  may  have 
taken  our  shrouds  about  our  heads^  but  we  are  di^termined 
to  die  with  our  swords  ii}  our  hands." 

As  soon  as  General  Smith  found  the  qommunieation  cut 
off,  he  advanced  on  Popua.  From  the  time  hfc  divisiop 
quitted  Seroor,  be  was  followed  by  flying  parties  of 
Mahrattas,  who,  owing  to  fais  want  of  cavalry,  harassed 

his  march,    He  arrived  on  the  evening  of 

the  13tfa,  and  preparations  were  made  to 

attack  the  Peishwa  before  day-light  of  the  15th.     His 

army,  having  obtained  a  considerable  addition  by  the 

junction  of  most  of  the  southern  jagheerdars,  had  come  out 

a  few  days  before,  and  encamped  with  its 
left  on  the  late  cantonment  of  the  British 
troops,  and  its  right  stretching  along  the  Hyderabad  road 
for  several  miles.  The  intended  attack,  however,  on  the 
morning  of  the  15th,  was  postponed  by  General  Smith  in 
consequence  of  unforeseen  difficulties  at  the  ford.  About 
sunset  on  the  evening  of  the  16th  an  advanced  brigade 
was  ordered  to  cross  the  ford,  and  take  up  a  position  to 
the  east  of  the  Peishwa's  army,  at  the  village  ofQhore- 
puray,  for  the  purpose  of  co-operating  in  an  intended 
attack  on  the  ensuing  morning  :  it  was  opposed  by  a  body 
of  the  Peishwa's  infantry,  supported  by  parties  of  horse 
and  two  guns  ;  but  having  succeeded  in  getting  to  its 
&tatio(n,  though  with  the  loss  of  84  men  in  killed  and 
wounded,  it  was  no  longer  molested  during  the  night  In 
the  morning,  when  General  Smith  moved  towards  the 
camp,  he  found  it  abandoned,  and  that  the  Pcisbwa  had 
fled  towards    Satara.     During    the  day    the   city  was 


CHAP.  XXV.]      BAJEE  RAO  PURSUED  BY  GENERAL  SMITH.  559 

surrendered,  and  the  greatest  care  being  taken  on  this, 
as  on  every  occasion,  by  General  Smith  for  the  protection 
of  tiie  peaceable  part  of  the  comraunity,  order  and 
tranquillity  were  soon  re-established.  General  Smith 
remained  at  Poena  for  five  days,  during  which  time  the 
communication  with  Bombay  was  opened,  and  a  party 
being  detached  for  the  purpose,  succeeded  in  capturing 
several  guns  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  fort  of  Singurh. 
Some  of  the  inhabitants  of  Poena,  who  fled,  as  usual,  with 
their  property  towards  the  hill-forts,  were  sufferers  on  this 
occasion,  as  a  great  quantity  of  baggage  was  taken  at  the 
same  time  with  the  guns,  and  became  the  booty  of  the  army. 
On  the  22nd  November,  General  Smith,  having  been 
joined  by  a  regiment  of  native  cavalry,  commenced  pursu- 
ing the  Peishwa,  who  remained  at  Maholy ;  and,  during 
his  stay  there,  sent  a  party  to  Wassota,  for  the  purpose  of 
bringing  the  raja  of  Satara,  his  mother,  and  brothers  to 
his  camp,  but  he  had  quitted  Maholy  prior  to  the  raja's 
arrival,  owing  to  the  approach  of  General  Smith,  before 
whom  he  fled  to  Punderpoor,  and  thence,  turning  up  the 
bank  of  the  Beema,  he  continued  his  flight  until  he  ascended 
the  Lag  Ghaut,  north  of  Joonere,  where  he  occupied  a 
position  at  Bamunwaree.  This  part  of  the  country  is 
exceedingly  strong,  with  mountains  on  .  all  sides,  and  the 
passes  were  stockaded  by  Trimbukjee  Dainglia,  who  here 
joined  the  Peishwa  with  a  reinforcement.  The  raja  and 
his  family  were  brought  into  his  camp  whilst  on  the  route 
from  Punderpoor,  General  Smith  followed  the  Peishwa 
until  he  was  past  Poena,  when  he  proceeded  to  Seroor  : 
he  there  deposited  his  batteriilg  train  and  heavy  baggage, 
and  left  a  battalion  of  native  infantry  and  a  body  of 
auxiliary  horse  to  reinforce  the  station  ;  he  then  proceeded 
by  Ahmednugur  down  the  Nimbadewra  Ghatit,  *  and  up 


JgQ  HISTORY   OF   THE  MAHRATTA8.  [CHAP.  XXV. 

the  bank  of  Paira  to  Sungumnere.     Finding  he  hUd  got 
to  the  northward  of  the  Peishwa,  he  ascended  the  Wursura 
Ghaut,  and  here  he  divided  his  force,   sending  back  a  part 
by  Ahmednugur,   and,  with  a  light  division,  continuing 
the  pursuit  of  the  Peishwa,  who  fled  to  the  southward  as 
soon  as  he  heard  of  General  Smith's  arrival  at  Sungumnere, 
giving  out.  that  he  intended    to  attack  Poona.     Great 
exertions  were,  therefore,  made  to  come  up  with  him  ;  but, 
in  the  meantime,  the  most  remarkable  event  of  the  war 
took .  place  from  the  following  circumstances.     General 
Pritzler,  it  must  be  premised,  was  at  this  time  advancing 
with  the  reserve  division  of  the  Deccan  army  from  Adonee 
towards  Punderpoor,  for  the  purpose  of  co-operating  in 
the  pursuit  of  the  Peishwa,  and  Smith,  deeming  it  probable 
that  be  should  get  to  the  northward  of  the  Peishwa,  as  in 
fact  he  did,    and  that  the  Mahratta  army,  afraid  of  being 
driven  back  upon  Pritzler,  might  descend  into  the  Concan, 
where  there  was  a  small  force  fitted  out  by  the  Bombay 
government,  under  Lieutenant-Colonel  Prother,  employed 
in  reducing  the  country,  and  which  might  thus  be  exposed 
to  be  cut  off,  it  became  necessgiry  to  provide  against  such 
an  event     Accordingly  Lieutenant-Colonel  Burr,  who  was 
stationed  at  Poona,  was  directed,  in  case  he  should  have 
positive  information  that  the  Peishwa  had  descended  into 
the  Concan,  to  detach  the  2nd  battalion  6th  regiment  from 
his  own  immediate  command,  to  reinforce  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Prother :  and  in  that  case  he  was  authorized  to 
call  in  to  Poona  the  2nd  battalion  1st  regiment,  lately  left 
by  General  Smith  to  reinforce  the  cantonment  at  Seroor. 
But  when  the  Peishwa  commenced  his  flight  to  the  south- 
ward. Colonel  Burr,  hearing  that  he  meditated  an  attack 
on  Poona,  sent  off  an  express  for  the  2nd  battalion  1st 
regiment  to  reinforce  himself. 


CHAP.  XXV.l  CAPT.   STAUNTON  IN  PURSUIT  OF  THB  PEISHWA.  561 

The  battalion,  on  receipt  of  iJiis  application,  commenced 

its  march  from  Seroor  on  the  last  day  of 
the  year,  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  evening. 
It  consisted  of  little  more  than  500  rank  and  file,  and  was 
supported  by  two  six -pounders,  well  manned  by  24  Euro- 
peans of  the  Madras  artillery,  under  a  sergeant  and  a  lieute- 
nant. It  was  also  accompanied  by  300  of  the  newly-raised 
irregular  horse,  and  the  whole  were  under  the  command 

of  Captain  Francis  Staunton.  Having 
*  '  marched  all  night,  by  ten  o'clock  on  the 
morning  of  New  Year's  Day,  Captain  Staunton  reached 
the  high  ground  above  the  village  of  Korygaom,  on  the 
Beema,  where  he  beheld  the  whole  of  the  Mahratta  horse, 
consisting  of  about  25,000,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the 
river.'  He  continued  his  march  towards  the  bank,  and  the 
Peidiwa's  troops  believed  that  he  intended  to  ford,  but  as 
soon  as  he  had  gained  the  neighbourhood  of  the  village, 
he  immediately  took  post  in  it.  Korygaom  is  a  moderate 
sized  village,  immediately  overhanging  the  steep  bank  of 
the  Beema  ;  but  owing  to  the  immense  beds  of  the  Indian 
rivers,  which  are  never  filled  except  during  the  rains,  the 
channel  occupied  but  a  small  part  of  the  space  between 
the  banks,  so  that  the  village  was  50  or  60  yards  from 
the  water.  There  is  a  mud  wall  which,  at  one  time, 
probably  surrounded  the  village,  but  it  is  now  full  of  large 
breaches  on  the  side  next  the  river,  and  on  the  east  it  is 
completely  open.*  Most  of  the  Peishwa's  infantry,  in 
number  about  5,000,  had  gone  on  in  advance  towards 
ihe  Bhore  Ghaut,  east  of  Poena ;  but  on  first  descrying 
the  battaUon,  immediate  orders  were  sent  to  recal  them. 

*  I  write  this  description  of  the  village  from  recollection  ;  I  have  not 
seen  it  for  seven  or  eight  years :  not  indeed  since  the  morning  after 
Captain  Staunton  evacuated  it,  when  though  I  carefully  examined 
.that  scene  of  rescent  and  desperate  conflict,  I  at  that  time  had  no 
intention  of  publishing  an  account  of  it. 

Vol.  11,-71 


562  HISTOBT  OV  THE  MAHRATTAS.     .  [CHAP.  XXV. 

As  soon  as  they  arrived,  three  bodies  of  600  choice 
men  in  each,  consisting  of  Arabs,  Gosaeens,  and  regular 
infantry,  mixed  together,  advanced  on  three  different 
points,  under  cover  of  the  bank  of  the  river,  and  sup- 
ported by  two  guns,  to  storm  the  village.  A  continued 
shower  of  rockets  was  at  the  same  time  poured  into  it,  and 
many  of  the  houses  were  set  on  fire.  Captain  Staunton 
had  selected  a  commanding  position  for  the  guns ;  but 
unfortunately  the  interior  of  the  village  was  not  sufficiently 
reconnoitred,  as  there  was  a  strong  square  enclosure  com- 
manding most  of  the  streets,  of  which  the  enemy  obtained 
possession,  and  whence  they  could  not  be  dislodged.  The 
village  was  immediately  surrounded  by  horse  and  foot,  and 
the  storming  party  was  supported  by  fresh  troops.  All 
access  to  the  river  was  speedily  cut  off;  Captain  Staunton 
was  destitute  of  provisions,^  and  this  detachment,  already 
fatigued  from  want  of  rest  and  a  long  night  march^  now 
under  a  burning  sun,  without  food  or  water,  began  a 
struggle  as  trying  as  ever  was  maintained  by  the  British 
in  India.  Every  foot  of  ground  was  disputed,  several 
streets  were  taken  and  re-taken,  but  more  than  half  the 
European  officers  being  wounded,  the  Arabs  made  them* 
selves  masters  of  a  small  temple,  towards  the  east  side  of 
the  village,  generally  used  as  a  clioultry,  where  three  of 
the  officers  were  lying  wounded.  Assistant-Surgeon 
Wingate,  one  of  their  number,  got  up,  and  went  out,  but 
was  immediately  stabbed  by  the  Arabs,  and  his  body 
cruelly  mangled.  Lieutenant  Swanston,  who  had  two 
severe  wounds,  had  the  presence  of  mind  to  advise  his 
remaining  companion'  to  suffer  the  Arabs  to  rifle  them 
unresistingly,  which  they  did,  but  committed  no  further 
violence  ;  and,  in  the  meantime,  a  party  of  the  battalion, 
under  Lieutenant  Jones  and  Assistant-Surgeon  Wyllie, 


CHAP.  XXV.]  HEROIC  CONDUCT  OF  BRITISH  OSTICERS.  563 

arrived  to  their  rescue,  re*took  the  choultry,  avenged  the 
death  of  Mr.  Wingate,  and  carried  their  companions  to  a 
place  of  greater  safety.  The  sufferings  of  tihe  wounded 
became  extreme  from  thirst ;  and  the  men  who  continued 
to  conflict  were  fainting,  or  nearly  frantic,  from  the  dread- 
ful privation  of  water.  Some  of  the  artillerymen,  all  of 
whom  bore  a  very  conspicuous  part  in  this  glorious  defence, 
proposed  to  Captain  Staunton  that  they  should  surrender 
if  terms  could  be  obtained.  His  determined  refusal  did 
not  satisfy  them,  but  Lieutenant  Chisholm,  their  officer^ 
being  killed,  the  enemy,  enconrged  by  this  circumstance,, 
rushed  upon  one  of  the  guns  and  took  it.  Lieutenant 
Thomas  Pattinson,  adjutant  of  the  battalion,  lying  mortstlly 
wounded,  being  shot  through  the  body,  no  sooner  heard 
that  the  gun  was  taken,  than,  getting  up,  he  called  to  the 
grenadiers  "  once  more  to  foljow  him,"  and,  seizing  a 
musket  by  the  muzzle,  rushed  into  the  middle  of  the  Arabs, 
striking  them  down  right  and  left,*  until  a  second  ball 
through  his  body  completely  disabled  him.  Lieutenant 
Pattinson  had  been  nobly  seconded  ;  the  sepoys,  thus  ledy 
were  irresistible,  the  gun  was  re-taken,  and  the  dead 
Arabs,  litterally  lying  above  each  other,  proved  how 
desperately  it  had  been  defended.  The  body  of  Lieutenant 
Chisholm  was  found  by  his  gun  with  the  head  cutoff; 
Captain  Staunton  judiciously  took  advantage  of  the 
circumstance  by  pointing  it  out  to  the  men,  and  telling  them 
**  such  was  the  way  all  would  be  served,  who  fell  dead  or 
alive  into  the  hands  of  the  Mahrattas,"   on  which  they 


*  Lieutenant  Pattineon  was  a  very  powerful  man,  being  6  feet?  inches 
in  keight ;  nothing  oould  exceed  his  heroic  conduct  on  the  memorable 
occasion  where  he  received  his  wounds ;  he  did  not  expire  until  tiie 
regiment  reached  Seroor,  but  unfortunately,  in  his  last  momenta,  be 
laboured  under  an  impression  that  his  corps  had  been  defeated,  which 
caused  him  great  distress. 


564  HISTORY  OT  THE  MAHEATTAS*  [CHAP.  XXV. 

declared  "  they  would  die  to  a  man,"  and  the  conflict  was 
resumed  by  all  with  the  most  determined  valour.  Captain 
Stamiton,  Lientenant  Jones,  and  Assistant-Surgeon  WylKe 
were  the  only  officers  who  remained  fit  for  duty,  and 
manfully  persevered  in  continuing  the  defence.  Their  situa- 
tion  towards  evening  was  very  hopeless  ;  Captain  Staunton 
had  apprized  Colonel  Burr  of  the  difficulties  he  laboured 
under,  and  an  unavailing  attempt  from  Poena  bad  been 
made  for  his  relief.  As  the  night  fell,  however,  the  vigour 
of  the  attack  relaxed,  and  the  men  were  able  to  procure  a 
supply  of  water.  By  nine  o'clock  at  night  the  firing 
ceased,  and  the  village  was  evacuated  by  the  Peishwa's 

troops.*  Next  morning  the  Mabratta 
army  was  still  hovering  round  the  village, 
and  Captain  Staunton  opened  his  guns  upon  them  as  soon 
as  he  could  see.  They  appeared  to  draw  off  in  the  direc- 
tion of  Poona  ;  but  they  had  heard  of  General  Smith's 
approach,  who  was  hastening  forward  with  avery  small  force^ 
in  hopes  that  the  Peishwa  might  be  encouraged  to  make  a 
stand ;  but  Captain  Staunton,  not  knowing  of  General 
Smith's  advance,  and  having  reason  to  believe  the  enemy 
was  in  wait  for  him  on  the  route  to  Poona,  gave  out  that 
it  was  his  intention  to  proceed  thither.  As  soon  as  it  was 
dark,  however,  taking  as  many  of  the  wounded  with  him 
as  he  could  carry,  he  moved  out  of  the  village  at  first  in 
the  direction  of  Poona,  then,  changing  his  route,  he  retreat- 
ed to  Seroor,  where  he  arrived  next  morning,  wiih  the  loss 
of  175  men  in  killed  and  wounded,  of  whom  20  were  of 
the  small  detachment  of  artillery.     Besides  these,   about 

*  To  oommemorate  this  glorions  defence,  a  monament  was  erected  by 
governmeDt,  recording  the  names  of  those  who  fell ;  the  corps  was  made 
grenadiers,  as  their  Ist  battalion  had  been  for  the  defence  of  Mangalore^ 
and  **  MangaUre  and  KorygaonC^  became  the  animating  motto  of  the 
regiment. 


CHAP.  XZV.]  STAUNTON  RBTRKATS  TO  SEROOS.  565 

<me-tliird  of  the  auxiliary  horse  were  killed,  wottnded,  and 
missing.*  The  Mahrattas  lost  500  or  600  men,  and  have 
the  generositj,  on*  all  occasions,  to  do  justice  to  the  heroic 
defenders  of  Korygaom,  Doring  the  conflict  the  Peishwa 
sat  on  a  rising  ground  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river, 
about  two  miles  distant.  Gokla,  Appa  Dessaye,  and  Trim* 
bakjee  directed  the  attacks,  and  at  one  time  Trimbukjee 
entered  the  village.  Bajee  Bao  frequently  expressed  his 
impatience,  and  asked  his  commanders  ^^  where  were  now 
their  boasts  of  defeating  the  English  when  they  could  not 
overcome  one  battalion  ?"  The  raja  of  Satara  was  with 
the  Peishwa,  and  having  put  up  an  aftabgeer,  or  screen 
from  the  sun,  the  latter  begged  he  would  put  it  dpwn, 
j  ^^  otherwise    the    English    would    send  a     cannon-ball 

through  it." 

After  leaving  Korygaom,  the  Peishwa  fled  towards  the 
Camatic,  followed  by  General  Pritzler,  who  took  up  the 
pursuit  near  the  Salpee  Ghaut.  On  Bajee  Rao's  arrival 
on  the  Gutpurba,  he  was  surprised  to  find  a  part  of  the 
country  already  in  possession  of  the  British  government; 
It  appeared  that  Brigadier-General  Munro,  who  had  been 
originally  sent  up  by  the  Madras  government  as  commis- 
sioner to  receive  charge  of  the  districts  in  the   Camatic, 

*  There  were  eight  European  officers  on  this  memorable  defenoet 

2nd  battalion  1st  beqimsnt. 

Captain  Staunton. 

Lieutenant  and  Adjutant  Pattinson,  died  of  his  wonnds. 

Lieutenant  Conellan,  wounded. 

Lieutenant  Jones. 

Assistant- Surgeon  Wingate,  killed. 

A&TILLBBT. 

I  Lieutenant  Ghisbolm,  killed. 

Assistant- Surgeon  Wyllie. 

I  AUXILIARY  HORSE. 

Lieutenant  SwanstoD,  wounded. 


566  HISTOBT  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XZT; 

cedifid  by  the  treaty  of  Poona  in  June  1817,  had  collected 
a  few  regulars  in  addition  to  his  own  escort^  and,  by  his 
personal  influence  and  experience,  had  raised  the  native 
population,  who  were  averse  to  the  Mahrattas,  as  they 
had  been  to  Tippoo,  and  eagerly  desired  a  change  of 
government. 

The  Peishwa,  in  pursuing  the  southern  route,  was 
supposed  to  have  some  hope  of  being  joined  by  the  raja 
of  Mysore  ;  but,  disappointed  in  this  respect,  and  alarmed 
at  the  progress  of  General  Munro,  he  turned  suddenly 
round,  passed  General  Pritzler,  and  re-crossed  the 
Kistna,  where  General  Smithy  having  arrived  with  the 
lighjb  division,  pressed  him  very  hard,  until  he  got  down 

the  Salpee .  Ghaut,  and  went  off  in  the 
dhrection  of  Sholapoor.  Genital  Smith's 
division  was  then  halted  for  the  purpose  of  allowing 
General  Pritzler  to  join,  in  order  to  form  a  new  distribution 
of  the  force,  according  to  a  plan  proposed  by  Mr. 
Elphinstone,  who  now  took  upon  him  the  direction  of 
affairs,   by  authority  received  from  the,  governor-general* 

When  the  Marquis  of  Hastings  heard  of  the  Peishwa's 
treachery,  superadded  to  the  numerous  proofs  of  his 
insidious  and  persevering  ii\trigues  against  the  British 
government,  he  determined  to  put  an  end  to  the  dynasty 
of  his  family,  and  to  annex  his  dominions  to  the  company's 
territory,  merely  reserving  a  small  tract,  sufficient  for  the 
comfort  and  dignity  of  the  imprisoned  raja  of  Satara, 
which  might  serve  as  a  -  counterpoise  to  the  remaining 
influence  of  the  Bramins,  conciliate  the  Mahratta  nation, 
and  leave  an  opening  for  the  employment  of  many 
persons,  in  their  own  way,  whom  it  would  have  been 
expensive  to  subsist,  and  who  could  not  obtain  a  livelihood 
under  the  English  administration.     Instructions  to  this 


GAAP.  XXV.]      MR,  ELPHINSTONB  APPOINTED  COMMISSIONER.  567 

effect  were  transmitted  to  Mr.  Elphinstone,  vesting  him 
with  full  powers  as  sole  commissioner  for  the  settlement 
of  the  territory  to  be  conquered.  The  4th  and  6tli 
divisions  of  the  Deccan  army,  nnder  Generals  Smith  and 
Pritrier,  were  withdrawn  from  Sir  Thomas  Hislop's 
control^  and  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  commissioner 
These  instructions  were  received  by  Mr.  Elphinstone 
6arly  in  January,  bnt  various  reasons  indnced  him  to 
reserve  their  promulgation  for  a  short  period,  nntil  it 
could  be  done  under  impressions  more  favourable  to  the 
British  cause  than  existed  at  the  moment ;  and  be  then 
followed  up,  in  a  manner  which  should  convince  the 
Mahratta  nation  of  the  advantages  of  submission,  and  the 
hopelessness  of  resistance.  Hitherto  the  pursuit-  of  the 
Peishwa  had  been,  productive  of  nothing  important, 
excepting  the  political  effect  of  holding  him  up  as  a 
fiigitive.  Whenever  Bajee  Rao  was  pressed,  Gokia,  wiiJi 
all  the  light  troops,  hovered  round  the  pursuing  divisions, 
firing  long  shots  with  their  matchlocks,  throwing  rockets 
in  favourable  situations,  and  cutting  off  cattle  and 
baggage.  Some  skirmishes  took  place  in  consequence^ 
and  the  Mahrattas  frequently  suffered  from  the  shrapnell 
shells  of  the  horse  artillery  ;  but  these  affairs  were  attended 
with  no  advantageous  result  to  either  party. 

The  two  divisions  having  united  at  Rehmutpoor,   the 

Februar   7         "^^^^^    ^^^^'    ™^®'*    *^®    command    of 

Greneral    Smith,    proceeded    to    Satara, 

which  it  was  thought  advisable  to  reduce,  on  account  of  the 

importance  attached  to  the  possession  of  that  fortress  in 

the  minds  of  the  Mahratta  people.     It  scarcely  made  any 

resistance,   and  was  surrendered  on  the  evening  of  the 

10th  February,  when  the  British  colours 

*  •  .  were   hoisted,  but  next  day  they  were 


568  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XXV, 

hatded  down,  and  the  Bhugwa  Jenda,  or  standard  of 
Sivajee  and  bis  descendants,  was,  with  due  forms,  hoisted  in 
its  place.  A  manifesto  was  at  the  same  time  published  by 
the  commissioner,  in  the  name  of  the  British  government, 
succinctly  representing  the  whole  conduct  of  Bajee  Rao, 
and  stating  the  reasons  of  its  being  deemed  incumbent  on 
the  British  to  deprive  him  of  public  authority  ;  to  exclude 
him  and  his  family  from  all  concern  in  Deocan  affairs; 
to  take  possession  of  his  territory,  and  to  govern  the 
whole  under  the  authority  of  the  company,  excepting  a 
small  tract  to  be  reserved  for  the  raja  of  Satara.  It  wa,s 
•  declared  that  there  should  be  no  interference  with  the 
tenets  of  any  religious  sect ;  that  Mwuturiy  enam  lands, 
established  pensions,  and  annual  allowances  should  be 
respected  and  continued,  provided  the  owners  withdrew 
from  the  service*  of  Bajee  Rao,  and  retired  to  their  habita- 
tions in  two  months  from  that  date.  Farming  of  revenue 
was  to  be  abolished,  and  the  hereditary  district  and  village 
officers  were  called  upon  to  reserve  the  revenue,  otherwise 
they  would  be  compelled  to  make  good  the  payments  ; 
^nd  should  they  or  any  other  wutundars  afford  aid  or  pay 
money  to  the  deposed  Peishwa,  their  wutuns  were  declared 
liable  to  cpnfiscation.  No  notice  was  taken  of  jagheers, 
as  it  was  soon  understood  they  would  be  kept  or  restored 
according  to  the  readiness  with  which  the  holders  under 
the  Peishwa  should  tender  their  allegiance  to  the  new 
government,  and,  whilst  retained,  they  became  a  powerful 
security  for  the  fidelity  of  the  claimants. 

The  reader  who  has  perused  the  foregoing  pages  with 
attention  will  be  able  to  judge  of  the  m^its  of  this 
proclamation,  and  how  well  it  was  calculated  to  the  end 
in  view,  especially  when  -  seconded  by  strenuous  and 
persevering  ex;ertiQns  on  part  of  th^  milit^iry. 


CHAP.  XXV.]  DIVISION  OT  THB  BRITISH   FOROES.  569' 

A  new  distribntion  of  the  two  divisions  of  the  army 
was  immediately  formed — one  fot  the  purpose  of  pursuing 
Bajee  Rao,  the  other  for  besieging  his  forts.     General 
Smith  chose  the  former,  as  promising .  the  most  active 
service,  and  marched  with  two  -regiments  of  cavalry,  a 
squadrofl  of  the  22nd  dragoons,   1,200   auxiliary  horse^ 
and  2,500  infentry,  in   quest  of  the  Peishwa.     General 
Pritzler,  in  the  meantime,  attacked  the  strong  hill-forts 
immediately  south  of  Poena,  whilst  a  small  force,  originally 
sent  back   by   Sii"  Thomas    Hislop,    under    Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Deacon^  to  occupy  the  intended  position  of  the 
44th   division   in   Candeish,    had   moved   down   at    Mr. 
Elphinstone'fi  request,  arid  laid  siege  to  Chakun.     Other, 
divisions  were  likewise  occupying  the  country  ;   General 
Munro  in  the  Camatic  was  eminently    successful  ;    the 
small    force    of    Liientenant-Colonel     Prother,    already 
mentioned,  had  tak^n  many  forts  in  the  Concan  ;    and 
another    small     detachment    under     Lieutenant-Colonel 
Kennedy,  likewise  fitted  out  by  the  exertions  of  Sir  Evan 
Nepean,  governor  of  Bombay,  had  commenced  operations 
in  the  Concan,  south  of  Bancoote. 

Whilst  the  new  arrangement  of  flie  divisions  and  the 
reduction  of  Satara  were  in  progress,  Bajee  Rao  remained; 
in '  the  neighbourhood  of  Sholapoor,  where  he  exacted 
large  sums  of  money  from  the  carcoon  of  the  late 
Sewdasheo  Bhow  Mankesir.  That  minister  died  at  Poena 
a  short  time  before  the  breaking  out  of  the  war,  and  with 
the  general  respect  of  all  parties.  During  the  short  time 
he  was  employed  after  the  surrender  of  Trimbukjee,  be 
honorably  endeavoured  to  convince  Bajee  Eao  of  the  futility 
and  wickedness  of  the  course  he  meditated  ;  and  that  there 
now  was  neither  honor  nor  safety  to  the  Mahratta  nation^ 
excepting  by  a  faithful  adhOTcnce  to  that  alliance,  whicb^ 
Vol.  II.— 72 


570  HISTOBT  OF  THE  HAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XXV. 

when  contracted^  ixught,  in  his  opinion,  have  been  avoided. 
The  Feishwa  deceived  him.  respecting  the  secret  insurrec- 
tion ;  and  though  so  well  acquainted  with  Bajee  Bao's 
character,  when  the  facts  were  forced  upon  his  conviction, 
he  gave  venfc  to  expressions  of  indignation  and  disgust  at 
the  unparalleled  deceit  and  treachery  of  his  master* 

At  Sholapoor  Bajee  Bao  was  joined  by  a  body  of  horse 
from  Nagpoor  under  Gunput  Bao,  to  whom  we  shall 
hereafter  revert.  In  the  meantime  General  Smith  was 
marching  towards  the  Mahratta  army;  the  Peishwa 
decamped  and  moved  to  the  westward,  as  Gokla  conceived 
be  should  have  no  difficulty  in  passing  the  British  detach- 
ment, and  avoiding  them  or  not  as  he  thought  proper. 

On  the  19th  General  Smith  arrived  at 
Yellapoor  ;  he  heard  that  the  Peishwa  was 
on  the  route  from  Sholapoor  towards  Punderpoor.  He 
therefore  marched  all  that  night  in  hopes  of  coming  upon 
him  ;  but  before  morning  he  learnt  ibat  he  had  gone  to 
the  northward,  and  was  encamped  at  Ashtah.  Taking, 
therefore,  the  cavalry  and  horse  artillery,  desiring  the 
remainder  to  follow  as  expeditiously  as  they  could,  General 
Smith  pushed  forward,  and  came  in  sight  of  the  Mahrattas 
about  half-past  eight,  just  as  they  were  moving  off  the 
ground.  The  Peishwa  sent  Gokla  a  taunting  message  for 
having  thus  allowed  the  army  to  be  surprised,  to  which 
the  latter  replied  tliat  he  might  rest  assured  his  rear  should 
be  guarded.  Gokla,  having  desired  Appa  Dessaye  Nepau- 
kur,  who  was  at  the  head  of  about  4,000  men,  to  support 
him,  waited  with  500  horse  for  the  approach  of  the  cavalry, 
who  were  then  advancing  in  three  columns,  the  dragoons 
being  in  the  centre,  the  7th  on  the  right,  and  the  2nd 
regiment  on  the  left.  Gokla's  friends  advised  him  to  retire 
for  support,  and  return  better  prepared  to  meet  them ;  but 


CHAP.  XXTJ]  capture  OF  THE  BAJA  OF  SATARA.  571 

to  this  he  objected,  and  merely  replied,  "  whatever  is  to 
be  done,  must  be  done  here."  As  the  British  troops  came 
near,  the  Mahrattas  fired  a  volley  with  little  effect ;  and 
300  of  them,  with  Gokla  at  their  head,  came  galloping 
down  diagonally  across  the  front,  wheeled  suddenly  round 
on  tibe  flank  of  the  7th  regiment  of  cavalry,  as  they  were 
forming  after  crossing  a  ravine,  and,  driving  upon  them 
with  their  spears,  occasioned  considerable  confusion  ;  but 
Captain  Dawes,~of  the  22nd  dragoons,  instantly  throwing 
back  a  troop  of  his  men,  charged  along  the  rear  of  the 
7th,  and,  dashing  into  the  middle  of  the  Mahrattas,  in  a 
few  minutes  dispersed  them  in  flight.  Gokla  fell  on  this 
occasion  by  the  hand  of  a  dragoon  ;  and,  though  supposed 
to  have  been  wounded  before  he  came  in  contact  with  his 
antagonist,  fought  bravely  to  the  last,  literally  dying,  as  he 
had  pledged  himself,  with  his  sword  in  his  hand.  Govind 
Bao  Ghorepuray  and  Anmid  Bao  Babur,  hoih  persons  of 
distinction,  were  killed  with  him.  The  Mahrattas  were 
pursued  for  some  miles  ;  several  elephants,  a  quantity  of 
baggage,  and  a  few  horses  were  taken ;  but  the  most 
important  result  was  the  capture  of  the  raia  of  Satara  with 
his  mother  and  brothers,  who  on  this  occasion,  to  their 
great  joy,  were  rescued  from  the  power  of  Bajee  Rao,  and 
the  thraldom  of  the  Concanee  Bramins.  Prior  to  this 
event,  the  Mahrattas  had  resolved  to  stand  a  general  action, 
as  soon  as  Bamdeen,  a  partizan  of  Holkar's  should  arrive. 
For  this  purpose  the  Peishwa's  infantry  and  guns,  before 
left  at  Nepanee,  had  arrived  at  Kurar ;  but  the  unexpected 
attack  of  General  Smith  and  the  death  of  Grokla  com- 
pletely disconcerted  their  arrangements.  The  affair  of 
Ashtah,  trifling  as  it  was,  had  a  very  material  efiect  in 
hastening  the  termination  of  the  war,  and  these  advantages 
were  purchased  with  the  loss  of  only  one  man  killed,  and 


572  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHBATTA8.  [OHAP.  XXV. 

16  or  20  wounded ;  amongst  tine  latter  was  General  Smith* 
The  Mahrattas,  in  the  charge  and  daring  the  pursuit,  lost 
about  100  men.     The  raja  of  8atara,  having  been  made 

over  to  the  care  of  Mr.  Elphinstone,  Gene- 
ral Smith  proceeded  to  Seroor^  and  thence 
resumed  the  pursuit.     Baj^e  Bao  remained  &r  a  time  at 

Kopergaom,  where  he  was  joined  by  the 
expected  BamdeeU)  and.  deserted  by  his 
lukewarm  friends  the  Putwurdbuns.  £Ee  aexrt  eontinned 
his  route  towards  Chandore,  intending  ultimately  to 
proceed  to  Nagpoor,  where  events,  as  interesting  as  those 
already  detailed,  had  taken  place  before  this  periods 

We  left  Appa  Sahib  in  February  1817  established  in 
the  regency.  It  was  not  discovered  at  the/  time  thai  he 
had  been  accessory  to  the  death  of  the  Baja  Pursajee ; 
and  be  was  therefore  proclaimed  hi^  successoc  by  thendme 
of  Moodajee  Btionslay.  The  emissarieR  of  the  Peishwa 
were  so  successful  at  N^gpoor  that,  until  'the  fdgned 
insurrection,  set  up  by  Bajee  Bao  under  Triunbukjte,  was 
checked,  Appa  Sahib  had  pledged  himself  to  take  part  in 
the  warfare  begun  in  that  insidious  manner  ;  but,  on  hear* 
ing  of  the  Peishwa's  submission,  he  completely  chaoiged 
his  conduct,  and,  although  he  continued  in .  constant 
correspondence  with  Poena,  the  resident  did  not  anticipate 
any  more  serious  departure  from  the  terms  of  his  alliance, 
until  it  was  known  that  the  Peishwa-  had  attacked  the 
British  troops.  Upon  this  intelligence  Appa  Sahib  secretly 
determiaed  to  make  common  cause  with  him,  and  imme- 
diately exerted  himself,  by  every  means  in  his  power,  to 
augment  his  military  establishment.  Mr.  Jenkins,  on 
perceiving  these  preparations,  sent  to  Colonel  Adams, 
requesting  that  a  brigade  of  his  division  might  be  left  to 
the  southward  of  the  Nerbuddali,  and  that  a  part  of  it 


(3HAP.  XXV.]  TBBACHSSOUS  CONDUCT  OF  BAJEE  RAO.  578 

ehoiild  be  held  read j  to  inarch  on  Nagpoor.    This  appli^ 

cation,  however,  was  merely  precantioaary ;  Appa  Sahib 

betrayed  n6  other  indication  of  hostile  designs ;  on  the  con-* 

trary,  he  ^a9  profuse  in  his  professions  of  friendship,  and 

iny<eighed  bitterly  against  the.  conduct  of  Bajee  Rao  in 

treacherously  attax^king  the  English  ;  but  on  the  night  of 

:  the  24:th  November  he  sent  to  inform  Mr. 

J^ikins  that  a  khillut  had  arrived  for  him 

from  the  Peishwa,  who  had  also  sent  him  a  Juree   Futka, 

and  conferred  on  him  the  title  of  Senaputtee ;  that  he 

intended  to  go  in  state  to  his  camp  to  receive  these  honors 

next  .day,  and  invited  the  resident   to  be  present  at  the 

oereociony.     Mr.  Jenkins'  remonstrances  against    such  a 

proceeding  were:,  of  course,  of  no  avail;  the  insignia  were 

received,  andiAppa  fSahib's  troops  immediately  took  up 

positions  in  the  vicinity  of  the  residency,  so  threatening 

that  Mr.  Jenkins,  wias  induced  to  call  in  the  brigade  from 

its  caatohmeht,:  about  three  miles  westward  of  the  city. 

Next  day  appearances  were  so  hostile  that  preparations 

for  defending  the  residency  became  neces- 
November  26.  ,      ®  j         x  t_   j    x 

sary,  and  an  express  was  despatched  to 
call  in  the  2nd  division  of  the  Deecan  army,  under  Gene- 
ral Doveton,  The  whole  force  at  Nagpoor  consisted  of  a, 
brigade  of  two  battalions  of  Madras  Inative  infantry,  the  Isfc 
battalion  20th  regiment,  and  1st  battalion  24th  regiment, 
both  considerably  .reduced  by  sickness ;  the  resident'* 
escort  of  two;  companies  of  native  infantry ,^three  troops  of 
the  .6th  regiment  o£  Bengal  native  cavalry,  and  four  six-> 
pounders  manned  by  Europeans  of  the  Madras  artillery, 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Hopeton  Scott  was  the  senior  officer. 

The  residency  lies  to  the  v^est  of  the  city  of  Nagpoor, 
and  is  separated  from  it  by  a  rocky  hill,  running  north 
and  south,  called  Seetabuld^e,     At  each  extremity  of  this 


574  HISTOBT  OF  THE  MABEATTAS.  [CHAP.  XXV. 

hill,  ax^d  distant  about  30  yards  from  each  other,  are  two 
eminences  ;  that  to  the  north,  which  is  close  to  the 
residency,  is  considerably  larger  and  a  little  higher  than 
that  to  the  sonth  ;  but  the  base  of  the  latter,  being  close 
to  the^huts  of  a  village ;  communicating  with  the  suburbs, 
and  affording  fecility  to  the  approach  of  irregulars,  waa  « 
most  important  point,  and  was  occupied  by  300  men  of  the 
24th  regiment,  under  Captain  Sadler,  supported  by  a  six- 
pounder.  The  three  troops  of  cavalry  under  Captain 
Fitzgerald  occupied  the  enclosures  surrounding  the  resi- 
dency, being  behind  and  partly  to  the  right  of  the  larger  hill, 
upon  which  the  remainder  of  the  force  was  posted.  In 
the  evening,  as  the  British  pickets  were  about  to  be  placed, 
a  party  was  fired  upon  from  the  village,  at  the  bottom  of 
the  lower  hill ;  but,  under  the  possibility  of  a  mistake, 
they  forbore  returning  it,  until,  upon  a  continuance  of  the 
aggression,  they  gave  their  fire,  and  retired  upon  the 
smaUer  hiU,  mider  a  heavy  discharge  of  matchlocks,  which 
became  the  general  signal  for  an  attack  on  the  British 
position.  A  smart  fire  was  maintained  on  both  sides  till 
two  o'clock  in  the  morning,  when  it  slackened  on  the  part 
of  the  Mahrattas,  but  was  renewed  with  great  fury  with 
cannon  and  musketry  at  daylight.  The  heaviest  loss 
which  the  British  had  hitherto  sustained  was  at  the  smaller 
hilL  Frequent  attempts  had  been  made  by  the  Arabs  to 
carry  it,  and  that  post  had  been,  in  consequence  of  ihe 
slaughter,  repe^ftedly  reinforced.  At  last^  by  the  accidental 
explosion  of  a  tuknbril,  some  confusion  was  created,  of 
which  the  Arabs  took  immediate  advantage,  charged  up 
the  hill  sword  in  hand,  carried  it,  and  immediately  turned 
the  gun  against  the  larger  hill,  where  the  casualties  became 
distressingly  severe.  Emboldened  by  their  success,  the 
enemy's  horse  and  foot  closed  in  from  every  direction,  and 


CHAP,  XXV.]  ENGAGKMEUT  IT  SBETABULDBE,  575 

prepared  for  a  general  assault  To  add  to  this  appalling 
crisis,  the  Arabs  got  into  the  huts  of  the  British  troops, 
and  the  shrieks  of  the  women  and  children  reached  the 
ears  of  the  sepoys.  The  residency  grounds,  where  Captain 
Fitzgerald  was  posted,  were  also  attacked;  guns  were 
brought  up,  and  bodies  of  horse  threatened  to  break  in. 
Captain  Fitzgerald  had  repeatedly  applied  for  permission 
to  charge,  and  was  as  often  prevented  by  orders  from  the 
commanding  officer ;  but,  seeing  the  impending  destruc- 
tion, he  made  a  last  attempt  to  obtain  leave.  Colonel 
Scott's  reply  was — "Tell  him  to  charge  at  his  peril." 
"  At  my  peril  be  it,"  said  the  gallant  Fitzgerald  on  receiving 
this  answer,  and  immediately  gave  the  word  to  advance. 
As  soon  as  he  could  form  clear  of  the  enclosures,  he 
charged  the  principal  body  of  horse,  drove  them  from  two 
guns  by  which  they  were  supported,  pursued  them  to  some 
distance,  cut  a  body  of  infantry  accompanying  them  to 
pieces,  and  brought  back  with  him  the  captured  guns. 
The  infantry  posted  on  the  hill  witnessed  this  exploit  with 
loud  huzzas  ;  the  greatest  animation  was  kindled  amongst 
them :  it  was  proposed  to  storm  the  smaller  hill  as  soon  as 
the  cavalry  returned,  but  another  explosion  of  ammunition 
having  taken  place  amongst  the  Arabs  on  the  south  hill, 
the  same  accident  by  which  it  had  been  lost,  men  and 
officers,  mingling  together,  rushed  forward:  irresistible 
under  such  an  impulse,  they  carried  everything  before 
them,  pursued  the  Arabs  dovm  the  hill,  took  two  of  their 
guns,  spiked  them,  and  returned  to  their  postsr.  The  Arabs 
again  assembled,  and  evinced  a  determination  to  recover  their 
ground ;  but  as  they  were  preparing  to  advance,  a  troop  of 
cavalry,  under  Comet  Smith,  ciiarged  round  the  base  of  the 
hill,  took  them  in  flank,  and  dispersed  them.  The  British 
troops  now  advanced  from  the  hills,  drove  the  infantry  from 


576  HISTORY  OP  THE  MAHRATTA8.  £CHAP.  XXV. 

the  adjoining  hats,  and  by  noon  this  trying  conflict,  only 
equalled  during  the  war  by  the  defence  of  Korygaom,  had 
wholly  ceased.  Instances  ofheroismequalto  that  of  Pattinson 
are  adducible,  particularly  that  of  Lieutenant  John  Grant, 
adjutant  of  the  24th  regiment,  who,  though  impeded  by  two 
severe  wounds,  was  foremost  in  the  storm  of  the  smaller  hill, 
and  received  a  third  and  mortal  wound  as  the  post  was  carried^ 
The  British  had  not  1,400  men  'fit  for  diity  in  the 
defence  of  Seetabuldee,  whereas  the  army  of  Appa  Sahib 
amounted  to  18,000  men,  half  of  whom  were  infantry,- anii 
of  these  3,000  or  4,000  were  Arabs,  who  fought  with  much 
resolution.  The  British  lost  333  in  killed  and  woundedj 
amongst  whom  12  were  European  officers.*  The  Mahratta^ 
lost  about  an  equal  number.  The  disproportion  at  Nagpoor 
was  not  much  greater  than  at  Poena  ;  but  the  presence 
of  an  European  regiment,  and  the  advantage  of  acting 
offensively,  gave  a  very  different  character  to  th6  contest. 

Appa  Sahib  being  foiled  in  his  treacherous  attempt,  sent 
wukeels  to  express  his  sorrow,  and  to  disavow  his  having 
.  authorized  the  attack;  but  Mr.  Jenkins  refused^  to  treat 
with     him    under    present     circumstances,     until '    he 
disbanded  his  troops,  though  he  agreed  to  a  suspension  of 
hostilities.     Reinforcements  poured    into  Na(gpoar    from 
all  quarters.     Lieutenant-Colonel  Gahan  with  a  brigadid 
_       from  Colonel  Adams'  division  ■  appeared 
on  the  29th,  Major  Pitman  arrived   with 
a  detachment  on  the  5th  December^  and 
General  Doveton,  with  the  whole  2nd  division,  had  reached 
Nagpoor  before  the  middle  of  that  month.     On  the  morn- 
ing of  the  15th  Mr.  Jenkins  (iemfeiid^ 
the  absolute  submission  6t  Appa  .Saliibj 

*  Tnolading  Mr.  Sotheby  of  the  oivil  sevvice,  let  assistant  to  thQ 
resident,  who  was  killed. 


CHAP.  XXV.]         THB  BATTLE  OF  NAGPOEK.  577 

requiring  of  him  to  disband  his  troops,  to  place  his  terri- 
tory at  the  disposal  of  the  British  government,  and  to 
surrender  himself  as  a  hostage  for  the  performance  of 
these  conditions  ;  but  he  was  at  the  same  time  given  to 
understand  that,  upon  compliance,  no  harder  terms 
should  be  enforced  than  a  cession  of  territory  equal 
to  meet  the  expenses  of  the  subsidiary  force^  and  as 
much  control  in  his  internal  government  as  should 
prevent  similar  treachery  in  future.  Till  four  o'clock 
on  the  following  morning  was  the  time  allowed  for  his 
acceptance  of  the  terms.  At  six  o'clock  it  was  intimated 
that  the  troops  would  not  permit  Appa  Sahib  to  come 
to  the  residency  as  he  wished  >  a  respite  of  three  days 
was  requested,  but  three  hours  only  were  granted. 
When  the  time  expired,  the  troops  advanced  j  Appa 
Sahib  then  eame  in,  and  the  army  was  halted  in 
hopes  that  his  force  would  be  disbanded,  and  his 
guns  given  up.  Such  of  the  latter  as  were  in  the 
arsenal  were  surrendered,  but  on  advancing  to*  take 
possession  of  the  others,  a  cannonade  was  opened  upon 
the  British  troops.  The  line  was  in  consequence 
immediately  formed,  and  the  guns  were  stormed 
and  taken,  but  with  the  loss  of  141  men  in 
killed  and  wounded.  Two  of  Appa  Sahib's  officers, 
Gunput  Rao  and  Mun  Bhut,  were  the  persons 
who  maintained  this  resistance,  and,  it  was  supposed, 
without  their  master's  orders.  Gunput  Rao  afterwards 
went  off  towards  the  Peishwa's  territory,  and  joined 
Bajee  Rao,  as  already  mentioned,  near  Sholapoor; 
but  Mun  Bhut,  with  the  Arabs,  retired  to  the  fort  of 
Nagpoor,  where  an  attempt  was  made  to  storm  one  of  the 

gates  on  the  24th  December,  and  repulsed 

with  the  loss  of  269  men  in  killed  and 
Vol.  II.- 73 


578  ttlStORt  OF  XflE  MAHBArrAS.  [chap.  XXV. 

wounded.  The  Arabs  afterwards  offered  to  surrender, 
on  being  permitted  to  march  out  with  their  property, 
families,  and  arms — terms  which  were  admitted,  because 
time  was  of  importance^  and  there  was  no  efficient  batter* 
ing  train  on  the  spot* 

The  reserve  division  of  the  Bengal  army  stationed  at 
Bewah  under  Brigadier*General  Hardyman  was  ordered 
down  to  Nagpoor  when  the  Marquis  of  Hastings  was  first 
apprized  of  the  defection  of  Appa  Sahib  ;  but  the  order 
was  not  received  until  the  6th  December,  so  that  General 
Hardyman  did  liot  reach  the  neighbourhood  until  the 
whole  was  settled  by  General  Doveton;  but  on  the  19  th 
December  he  routed  a  body  of  the  enemy  assembled  at 
Jubbulpoor,  reduced  that  place,  and  co-operated  with  Lieute- 
nant-Colonel M'Morine  in  occupying  the  whole  of  Appa 
Sahib's  northern  territory,  excepting  Choureeagurh  and 
Mundelah/  Hostilities  at  the  capital  were  brought  to  a  con- 
clusion by  the  capitulation  of  the  Arabs  and  the  surrender  of 
Mun  Bhut ;  Mr.  Jenkins,  owing  to  the  interruption  of  the 
communication,  had  received  no  instructions  relative  to 
Appa  Sahib  in  case  of  submission  ;  and  therefore,  in 
consequence  of  what  had  been  already  proposed,  although 
the  terms  had  not  been  complied  with,  Mr.  Jenkins,  on  a 
consideration  of  all  circumstances,  conceived  it  incumbent 
on  the  British  government  to  reinstate  Appa  Sahib,  but 
deemed  it  necessary  that  his  government  shoxdd  be  most 
effectually  controlled.  For  this  purpose,  to  secure  the 
subordination  of  the  capital,  the  Seetabuldee  hill  was  to  be 
fortified  ;  the  British  troops  to  have  complete  military 
occupation  of  the  whole  country  ;  and  a  territorial  cession, 
amounting  to  about  24  lakhs  of  rupees,  equal  to  the  full 
charge  of  the  subsidiary  force,  was  demanded.  A  treaty 
to  this  effect  was  drawn  out,  and  about  to  be  submitted  for 


CUAP.  XXV.]  AFFAIRS   IN   CENTRAL   INDIA.  579 

the  raja's  acceptance,  wheo,  on  the  2nd  January,  Mr. 
Jenkins  received  instructions  from  the  Marquis  of 
Hastings,  issued  on  first  hearing  of  the  raja's  defection 
before  being  informed  of  what  had  ^^passed  subsequent  to 
the  arrival  of  General  Doveton.  These  instruction  forbade 
any  reconciliation  with  Appa  Sahib  himself,  and  directed 
that  the  son  of  the  daughter  of  the  late  Pursajee,  a  minor, 
should  be  placed  on  the  musnud,  and  affairs  confided  to  a 
regency,  selected  by  the  British  government.  Afterwards, 
however,  upon  considering  the  motives  which  swayed 
the  resident,  respect  for  the  moral  obligation  implied  by 
the  terms  of  his  personal  surrender  induced  the  governor- 
general  to  confirm  the  treaty*  on  ,the  terms  proposed  by 
Mr.  Jenkins. 

At  tills  point,  therefore,  we  shall  for  the  present  leave 
the  detail  of  Deccan  affairs,  and  return  to  the  operations 
which  were  about  to  be  commenced  by  the  British  armies 
in  Central  India,  when  their  Mahratta  allies  at  Poona 
and  Nagpoor,  taking  advantage  of  the  removal  of  the 
British  troops,  treacherously  attempted,  as  we  have  seen, 
to  annihilate  the  detachments  at  their  capitals.! 

*  The  treaty  was  dated  6tb  January. 

f  Authorities  as  for  the  preceding  chapter. 


580 


CHAP.  XXVL 

A.D.  1817  AND  A.D.  1818. 

Pindharees. — Dimsions  close  in  upon  the  durras  of  Khureem 
KJian  and  Wasil  Mohummud — pursuit  cf  Cheetoo  hy 
Sir  «/.  Malcolm. — Cheetoo  is"  protected  in  HaUuxr^s  camp 
— hostile  appearances. — General  Malcolm  forms  a  junction 
with  Sir  Thomas  Hislop — battle  of  Mehidpoor — treaty 
with  Hclkar.-^Cheetoo  is  protected  hy  Jesumnt  Rao  Bhowj 
one  of  SindicCs  generals — Jeswunt  Rao  is  in  consequence 
treated  as  an  enemy — Camp  attacked,  and  Jawud  stormed 
by  General  Braume — destruction  of  the  durras  of  Wasil 
Mohummud  and  Khureem  Khan — and  of  Cheetoo— 
dispersion  of  the  Pindharees — and  dismemberment  of  the 
Patan  association, — TrecUies  with  Rajpoots. — Recompence 
to  the  raja  of  Boondee  and  nabob  of  Bhopaul. — Sir  John 
Malcolm  appointed  to  the  government  of  Central  India, — 
Operations  in  Bundelcund. — Storm  of  Talneir. — Opera- 
tions against  the  Peiskwa — Affair  of  Sewnee. — Bajee  Rao 
reduced  to  great  distress — writes  to  Sir  J.  Malcolm^ 
wJto  negotiates  with  him — interview — surrender — terms — 
remarks. — Seizure  of  Trimbukjee. — Escape  of  Appa  Sahib. 
^^Seige  and  capture  of  Aseergurh. 

DuBiNO  the  rains  of  1817,  the  Pindliarees   in    three 

separate  bodies,  or  durras,  nnder  their 

leaders  Cheetoo,    Khnreem    Khan,  and 

Wasil  Mohnmmud,  occupied  positions  between  Indore  and 

Sagur.    Khureem    Khan    was    particularly    actiye    in 


CHAP.  XXVI.]  TOTS  PINDHABER9.  581 

recruiting  his  durra,  and  was  anxious  to  concert  some 
general  plan  for  eluding  the  coming  storm  ;  but  the 
enmity  between  him  and  Cheetoo  was  too  rancorous  to 
admit  of  cordial  co-operation,  even  in  self-defence.  They 
were  promised  assistance  by  all  the  native  princes, 
according  to  their  hopes  or  fears,  but  none  stood  forth 
openly  in  their  favour.  The  left  division  of  the  Bengal 
army  assembled  on  the  10th  October  at  Kalinjer  in 
Bundelcund  under  Major-General  Marshall,  and  reached 
Sagur  by  the  28th.  Whilst  on  its  march,  a  party  of 
Pindharees  from  the  durra  of  Wasil  Mohummud  got  in 
its  rear,  and  began  to  ravage  the  territory  in  Bundelcund  : 
but  their  progress  was  arrested  by  a  detachment  from  the 
governor-generars  division,  which  obliged  them  to  return 
to  Malwa ;  and  this  was  the  only  enterprize  attempted 
by  the  Pindharees.  General  Marshall,  without  noticing 
this  attempted    diversion,  marched  on  according  to  his 

instructions,  and  arrived  at  Bylee  on  the 
10th  November,  where  he  opened  a  com- 
munication with  Colonel  Adams,  whose  division  was 
already  in  its  prescribed  position  at  Hooshingabad.  Sir 
Thomas  Hislop  by  the  same  time  had  reached  Hurda,  and 
assumed  command  of  the  first  division  of  the  Deccan  army ; 
Sir  John  Malcolm,  with  the  third  division,  composed  of  the 
Nizam's  battalions  and  the  Mysore  irregular  horse,  had 
arrived  in  that  neighbourhood  some  time  before  ; 
and  the  Guzerat  division,  having  advanced  from  Baroda, 
was  in  its  position  at  Dohud.  Everything  was  now 
ready  for  the  combined  movement,  when  news  of  the 
breaking  out  of  hostilities  at  Poena  reached  Sir  Thomas 
Hislop.  Conceiving  from  this  intelligence,  and  from 
recent  accounts  of  apprehended  treachery  in  the  court  of 
Nagpoor,  that  it  would  be  necessary  to  support  Brigadier- 


582  HISTOKY  OF  THE   MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XXVI. 

Generals  Smith  and  Doveton,  General  flislop,  departing 
from  his  instructions,  inunediately  reinforced  General 
Malcolm's  division  with  a  brigade  of  the  regular  troops, 
and  sent  him  forward  to  co-operate  against  the  Pindharees, 

whilst  he  himself,  with  the  first  division, 

xiOVOiUDor  19 

began  to  retrace  his  steps  towards  Burhan- 

poor.  Sir  John  Malcolm  crossed  the  Nerbuddah  on  the 
16th  November,  and  Colonel  Adams  on  the  14th.     By  a 

concerted  movement  with  General  Marshall, 

the   three  divisions   respectively   reached 

Ashtah,  Bassein,  and  Ratgurh  on   the  22nd,  and  thence, 

in  the  same  manner,  reached  TuUain,  Bairsea,  and   Ganj 

Basouda  by  the  26th.  They  thus  drove 
the  Pindharees  from  their  accustomed 
haunts,  and  their  lands  were  either  taken  possession  of,  or 
restored  to  the  agents  of  Sindia  and  the  nabob  of  Bhopaul. 
The  durras  of  Wasil  Mohummud  and  Khureem  Khan 
united  about  Seronje,  and  thence,  invited  by  Sindia,  took 
the  route  of  Gwalior  ;  but  Cheetoo  went  oflF  to  the  north- 
west, in  hopes  of  support  from  Holkar,  and  from  Jeswunt 
Bao  Bhow,  one  of  Sindia's  officers  stationed,  as  already 
noticed,  at  Jawud.  Lord  Hastings'  camp  at  this  period 
was  at  Erich,  and  he  had  placed  detachments  connecting 
his  o^vn  with  General  Marshall's  division.  Upon  ascertain- 
ing that  Khureem  and  Wasil  Mohummud  had  come  to  ihe 
northward,  one  of  the  detachments  moved  from  Burwa 
Sagur  through  Dutteea,  across  the  Sii^dh,  so  as  to  cut 
them  off  from  Gwalior ;  and  Lord  Hastings  brought  his 
division  within  30  miles  of  Sindia's  camp,  which  had  the 
effect  of  completely  overaweing  that  chieftain.  The 
Pindharees,  unable  to  advance  to  Gwalior,  or  to  return  to 
the  southward,  whence  General  Marshall  and  Colonel 
Adams  were  closing  in  upon  them,  remained  at  Shahabad 


CHAP.  XXVI.]      PROGRESS  OF  THE   PINDHAREE  WARFARE.  583 

until  General  Marshall,  though  he  advanced  tardily,  was 
elose  upon  them.  They  then  forced  the  Lodwana  Ghaut, 
leading  into  Huraotee,  which  they  were  enabled'to  efFect, 
owing  to  the  misconduct  of  a  party  of  Zalim  Sing's  troops 
posted  there  ;  but  General  Marshall  succeeded  in  destroying 
a  fe  w  of  them.  They  then  intended  to  cross  the  Chumbul  by 
the  Loharee  ford  ;  but  they  were  intercepted  by  General 
Donkin ;  and  Khureem,  with  Wasil  Mohummud,  after 
having  burnt  their  baggage,  went  off  to  the  southward,  at 
the  head  of  4,000  of  the  best-mounted  of  their  followers, 
with  whom  they  succeeded  in  passing  Colonel  Adams' 
division,  and  directed  their  flight  westward  into  Meywar. 
Of  those  who  were  left  behind,  some  were  cut  off  by  the 
troops,  and  some  by  the  exasperated  villagers  ;  one  con- 
siderable body,  however,  got  dear  off  to  the  southward, 
and,  after  traversing  the  whole  Deccan,  entered  the  com- 
pany's provinces  in  the  Oamatic,  where  they  were 
annihilated,  or  completely  dispersed,  before  the  end  of  the 
ensuing  January. 

The  scene  of  operations,  was  now  changed;  Gieneral 
Marshall  was  posted  at  Seronje,  Colonel  Adams  moved 
down  upon  Gungxaur,  and  General  Browne^  detached  with 
a  part  of  the  Marquis  of  Hastings'  division,  also  proceeded 
westward,  in  a  parallel  direction  to  the  northward  of 
Colonel  Adams  ;  General  Donkin,  re-crossing  the  Chumbul, 
took  post  at  Shapoora,  west  of  the  Bunass.  But  whilst 
such  was  the  progress  of  the  Pindharee  warfare  in  the  east 
of  Malwa,  more  important  events  were  passing  to  the 
westward. 

When  Cheetoo  went  off  towards  Holkar's  camp,  he  was 
pursued  by  General  Malcolm  with  the  thicd  division ;  but 
there  being  reason  to  apprehend  that  hostility  was  meditated 
by  Holkar's  army,  Colonel  Adams  for  a  time  inclined  his 


584  HISTORY  oir  the  mahrattas.  [chap.  XXVI. 

inarch  to  the  west,  in  order  to  be  able  to  support  Sir  John 
Malcolm  ;  on  its  being  understood,  however,  that  the 
governor-general  disapproved  of  Sir  Thomas  Hislop's 
retrogade  movement,  and  had  ordered  him  oft  as  first 
directed,  Colonel  Adams  co*operated,  as  before,  against 

Khureem    and  Waail   Mohummud.     Sir 

John  Malcolm  continued  to  pursue  Cheetoo, 

until  the  latter  found  refuge  in  Holkar's  camp,  in  the 

vicinity  of  Mehidpoor^  when  the  third  division  halted  at 

Agur  on  the  4th  December* 

It  has  hitherto  been  quite  unnecessary  to  refer  to  the 
everlasting  turmoil  of  Holkar's  dUrbar.  The  Mahratta 
faction,  which  Toolsee  Bye,  the  regent,  joined,  had,  in  a 
moment  of  superiority  over  their  Patau  rivals,  put  the 
minister  Ballaram  Seit  to  death,  which  threw  the  principal 
power  into  the  hands  of  Tattya  Jogh,  and  Holkar's 
hereditary  dewan,  Gimput  Rao,  a  man  of  weak  intellect, 
under  the  guidance  of  Tattya  Joghj  he  was  also  the 
paramour  of  Toolsee  Bye,  over  whom  her  passion  gave 
him  entire  ascendancy.  When  the  Peishwa's  emissaries 
were  negotiating  the  confederacy  against  the  British 
government,  one  of  their  objects  was  to  reconcile  the  Patau 
and  Mahratta  factions  ;  but  at  the  crisis  when  the  British 
army  crossed  the  Nerbuddah,  there  Was  a  division  amongst 
all  parties  and  factions  in  Holkar's  camp.  Gunput  Rao 
had  been  for  a  time  gained  over  to  the  Peishwa's  cause, 
and  Toolsee  Bye  had  no  will  but  his  ;  Tattya  Jogh,  suspected 
of  being  favourable  to  a  negotiation  opened  by  Mr.  Metcalfe 
on  the  part  of  the  British  government,  was  placed  under 
restraint,  and  the  war  faction,  or,  in  other  words,  Bajee 
Bao's  influence,  predominated^  The  negotiation  alluded 
to  as  opened  by  Mr.  Metcalfe  was  part  of  the  governor- 
general's  plan,  who,  as  will  be  recollected,  intended  to 


CHAP.  XXVI.]  GKNERAL  INDICATIONS  OP  HOSTILITY.  585 

form  a  treaty  with  Holkar,  nearly  similar  to  that  which 
was  concluded  with  Sindia.     The  proposals  were  made 
to    Holkar    at    the    same    time    that    the    terms    were 
offered  to  Umeer  Khan  ;  but  no  reply  was  received  until 
the  middle  of  November,  when  a  secret  communication 
from  Toolsee  Bye,  offering  to  place  the  young  Mulhar  Rao 
and  herself  under  the  protection  of  the  British  government, 
was,  by  the  advice  of  Tattya  Jogh,  transmitted  to  Mr. 
Metcalfe.     The  regency,  however,  being  under  the  control 
of  their  own  soldiery,  were  obliged  to  yield  to  the  popular 
cry  in  the  camp,  and  to  move  towards  the  Deccan,  trust- 
ing to   some   favourable    opportunity   of  effecting   their 
purpose,    though    now    obliged  to  join   in  the    general 
demonstrations  of   loyalty    in    favour  of  the    sovereign 
Peishwa.     But   Gunput  Rao    having,   as    already  men- 
tioned, been   gained  over,  Toolsee  Bye   likewise  seceded 
from  the  plan  of  seeking  protection   from  the  British  ;  and 
Tattya  Jogh,  the  original  proposer  of  that  measure,  was 
placed  in  confinement.     The  soldiery  were  averse  to  the 
admission  of  terms  from  the  British  government,  because 
the  chiefs  knew  they  must  lose  the  power  and  consequence 
which  the  existing  state  of  anarchy  conferred,  and  the 
troops  apprehended  the  loss  of  their  bread.     Before  Holkar's 
army  quitted  Rampoorah,  some  advances  were  made  by 
the  Peishwa's  agent,  and  larger  sums  were  promised  as 
soon  as  they  should  cross  the  Nerbuddah.     They  were 
joined  by  Roshun  Beg,  one  of  Holkar's  commanders,  with 
14  battalions  before  they  reached  Mehidpoor,  and  all  were 
apparently    enthusiastic    in   the    Peishwa's    cause.     The 
arrival  of  General  Malcolm's  division  in  their  neighbour- 
hood caused  some  alteration  in  the  minds  of  the  regency ; 
but  the  general  indications  of  hostility  were  so  strong  that 
Sir  John  Malcolm  retired,  upon  the  first  division  advancing, 
Vol.  II.— 74 


586  HTSTOBT  OP  THE  MAHBATTAS.  [CHAP.  XXVT. 

to  Oqjein.  The  division  from  Guzerat  ought  to  have  been 
hj  that  time  about  the  same  point,  but  Sir  William  Grant 
Keir  had  fallen  back  a  considerable  distance,  at  the 
requisition  of  the  Bombay  government,  as,  in  consequence 
of  the  Peishwa's  defection,  disturbances  were  apprehended 
in  Guzerat ;  but  of  this  movement  the  governor-general 
disapproved,  and  the  division  was  ordered  to  return  for  the 
purpose  of  co-operating  as  at  first  directed. 

In  the  meantime,   the  first  and  third  divisions,  having 

united,  advanced  towards  Holkar's  camp« 
Terms  agreeably  to  Lord  Hastings*  instruc- 
tions were  ofiered,  and  a  show  of  negotiation  was  kept  up 
by  Ghuffoor  Khan  and  the  Patau  commanders,  in  the 
name  of  Mulhar  Kao  Holkar  ;  but  their  horse  committed 
hostilities,  molested  the  foragers,  carried  off  cattle,  and 
at  last  made  a  direct  attack  on  a  body  of  the  Mysore  horse. 

So  determined  were  the  Patans  to  cut  off 
all  chance  of  pacification,  that,  suspecting 
the  regency  of  an  intention  to  accept  the  terms,  they  con- 
fined Gunput  Rao,  and  put  Toolsee  Bye 
to  death.  When  Sir  Thomas  Hislop  found 
his  parties  attacked,  he  immediately  determined  on  bring- 
ing affairs  to  a  crisis.  Holkar's  troops,  estimated  at 
nearly  20,000  men,  of  whom  about  one-half  were  in&mtry, 
were  posted  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Seeprah,  and  on  the 
opposite  side  from  that  on  which  the  British  army  was 
advancing.  Sir  Thomas  Hislop  had  four  regiments  of 
native  cavalry,  two  squadrons  of  dragoons,  a  battalion  of 
Europeans,  and,  including  the  Nizam's  corps,  seven  batta- 
lions of  native  infantry,  besides  a  considerable  body  erf 
irregular  horse.  The  position  of  Holkar's  troops  at  the 
point  attacked  was  exceedingly  strong.  The  ford  by  which 
it  was  determined  to  cross  was  about  800  yards  from  the 


CHAP.  XXVL]       defeat  OF  H0LKAB*8  A&MT.  ,  5S7 

enemy's  line  of  infantry,  which  was  drawn  up  at  an  angle 
of  the  Seeprah,  with  its  lefb  flank  protected  by  the  steep 
bank  of  that  river,  and  its  right  covered  by  a  deep  ravine ;. 
its  front  was  lined  with  a  formidable  artillery,  consisting 
of  about  70  pieces,  many  of  them  heavy  guns,  which,  being 
well  served,  overpowered  the  Mght  English  field-pieces, 
and  occasioned  a  heavy  loss  before  the  British  troops,  after 
crossing  the  ford,  had  time  to  form  an  advance,  which 
they  did  with  all  their  characteristic  bravery.  The  first 
and  second  brigades,  gallantly  led  on  by  Sir  John  Malcolm, 
bad  the  principal  duty  to  perform  ;  the  Madras  rifle  corps 
bore  a  very  conspicuous  part  in  the  battle,  but  earned  the 
honor  at  a  high  price,  having  suffered  most  severely. 
Holkar's  artillerymen  stood  bravely  to  their  guns,  even 
after  their  battalions  had  retired ;  but  all  the  cannon  were 
taken,  excepting  five  or  six  of  the  lighter  pieces,  which 
were  carried  off  by  the  flying  troops.  Holkar's  horse 
showed  considerable  spirit  in  skirmishing  before  the  British 
army  crossed  the  river,  but  fled  as  soon  as  the  action  became 
general.  This  victory  cost  the  British  troops  a  loss  of 
778  men  in  killed  and  wounded,  of  whom  38  were  Euro- 
pean officers.  Holkar's  army  lost  3,000  men,  principally 
in  the  pursuit ;  but  it  is  creditable  to  his  battalions  that  two 
bodies  of  the  in&ntry  effected  their  retreat  when  the 
British  general  was  so  strong  in  cavahy.  One  of  these 
bodies,  under  Boshun  Beg,  reached  Bampoorah,  where  it 
wa3  attacked  and  dispersed  on  the   lOth  January  by  the 

division  under  General  Browne,  detached, 
as  already  mentioned,  from  the  force 
under  the  personal  command  of  Lord  Hastings.  The  other 
body  was  under  Bamdeen,  a  person  notorious  in  the  intri- 
gues and  anarchy  of  the  period,  who  made  good  his  way  to 
the  DeccaU;  and  joined  Bajee  Bao,  as  already   mentioned, 


5gg  HIBTOBT  OF  THE  MAHRATTAB.  [CHAP.  ZXVL 

at  Kopergaom.  After  the  battle,  Sir  John  Malcolm, 
with  a  light  force,  followed  up  the  main  body  of  the  fugi- 
tives on  the  route  towards  Mundisore  ;  whilst  Sir  Thomas 
Hislop,  joined  by  the  Guzerat  division,  followed  in  the 
same  direction  a  few  days  afterwards.  At  Mundisore  the 
submission  of  the  young  Holkar  was  tendered,  and  a  treaty 
was  concluded   on  the  6th  of  January.     By  this  treaty 

Holkar  confirmed  the  agreement  with 
Umeer  Khan ;  ceded  several  districts  in 
perpetuity  to  the  rana  of  Kotah,  which  Zalim  Sing  had 
before  only  rented ;  transferred  his  tribute  on  the  Rajpoots 
to  the  British  government ;  and  also  ceded  to  it  hi*  territory 
north  of  the  Boondee  hills,  and  south  of  the  Sautpoora 
mountains.  He  agreed  to  commit  no  hostilities,  to  have 
no  communication  with  other  states,  and  to  entertain  in  his 
service  no  native  of  Europe  or  America,  without  the  sanction 
of  the  British  government ;  to  discharge  his  superfluous 
troops,  but  to  maintain  a  contingent  of  3,000  horse, 
which  were  to  co-operate  with  the  English  troops 
when  required.  The  jagheer  of  GhufFoor  Khan  was  to  be 
continued  under  the  guarantee  of  the  British  government. 
A  wukeel  from  Holkar  was  to  reside  at  Calcutta,  and  a 
resident  envoy  was  to  be  appointed  to  Holkar's  court. 
The  British  government  became  bound  to  protect  the  terri- 
tories of  Holkar,  and  to  maintain  a  field  force  for  that 
purpose. 

Sindia's  durbar,  after  the  conclusion  of  the  treaty  with 
•Holkar,  became  perfectly  tractable  ;  but  some  of  his  officers 
still  showed  a  determination  to  support  the  Pindharees. 
After  the  battle  of  Mehidpoor,  Cheetoo  proceeded 
to  Jawud,  and  was  admitted  into  the  camp  of  Jeswunt 
Rao  Bhow,  who  at  first  refused  to  receive  Captain  Caul- 
field,  the  superintendoig  officer  appointed  to  his  division. 


CHAP.  XXVI.]  THE  PINDHAREES.  §89 

But  afterwards,  pretending  to  comply  with  whatever  was 
required,  he  desired  Cheetoo  to  withdraw,  and  allowed 
Captain  Caulfield  to  join  him.  It  was  found,  however, 
that  he  harboured  and  protected  the  Pindharees,  whom  he 
would  neither  arrest  nor  expel  from  his  camp  ;  and  the 
Marquis  of  Hastings  at  last  gave  orders  that  he  should  be 
treated  as  a  public  enemy.  The  division  under  General 
Browne  was  sent  against  him  ;  and  here,  as  at  Bampoorah, 
this  division  was  distinguished  by  the  prompt  and  efBcient 
manner  it  performed  the  required  service ;  the  camp  of 
Jeswimt  Rao  was  beat  in,  his  guns  were  captured,    one  of 

the  gates  of  Jawud  was  blown  open,  and 
the  town  taken  on  the  28th  January.  The 
districts  occupied  by  Jeswunt  Bao  Bhow  had  been  usurped 
from  the  rana  of  Oudepoor,  with  whom  an  agr^ment, 
similar  in  principle  to  those  with  the  other  Eajpoot  states, 
had  been  concluded  by  the  British  government  on  the 
13th  January.  Kumulnere,  Rypoor,  and  Ramnugur — 
three  forts  of  some  consequence,  particularly  Kumulnere 
—being  situated  in  the  usurped  districts.  General  Donkin 
was  ordered  to  reduce  them,  which  was  effected  with  little 
trouble  by  the  middle  of  Februlary.  When  General 
Donkin's  division  was  broken  up,  the  service  in  this  quarter 
being  by  that  time  completed,  a  part  of  it  joined  Sir  David 
Ochterlony,  then  engaged  in  negotiating  with  the  Patans, 
and  aiding  in  the  settlement  with  iiie  Rajpoots. 

In  the  meantime  Cheetoo,  with  his  durra  of  Pindharees, 
had  gone  off  in  a  north-westerly  direction,  when  the 
pursuit  was  taken  up  by  the  Guzerat  division  with  consider- 
able effect.  A  part  of  the  durra  was  destroyed,  and  several 
of  their  parties  were  overtaken  in  villages.  Cheetoo,  find- 
ing himself  harassed,  turned  suddenly  to  the  southward, 
.and,  by  passing  through  a  very  difficult  country,  where 


590  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [OHAP.  XXVI, 

« 

Sir  William  Grant  Itair  found  it  impossible  to  follow  him, 
he  effected  his  escape  ;  he  re-appeared  near  Dhar,  whither 
he  was  followed  by  the  Guzerat  division,  by  another  route* 
The  broken  remains  of  the  durras  of  Wasil  Mohummud 
and  Khureem,  at  the  time  when  they  thought  themselves 
secure  from  pursuit,  were  completely  surprised  in  the  middle 
of  January  by  a  detachment  from  Colonel  Adams'  divisioBi 
which  destroyed  a  great  number  of  them.  Khureem  was 
not  with  bis  followers  at  the  time,  having  been  left  in  a 
jungle  as  they  were  flying  through  Huraotee  ;  but  he  was 
in  Jawud  when  the  town  was  stormed  by  General  Browne, 
and  escaped  on  foot  with  great  difficulty.  After  a  variety 
of  adventures,  IDiureem  surrendered  himself  to  Sir  John 
Malcolm  on  the  15th  February ;  Namdar  Khan  came  in 
on  the  3rd  February,  with  such  of  his  followers  as 
remained,  and  many  of  the  principal  chiefs  followed  his 
example.  The  only  terms  required  by  Namdar  Khan 
were  an  assurance  that  he  should  not  be  sent  to  Europe  or 
Calcutta.  Many  persons  belonging  to  the  durras  of  Waail 
Mohummud  and  Elhureem  gave  themselves  up  to  Zalim 
Sing  of  Kotah,  and .  the  small  parties  dispersed.  Wasil 
Mohummud  in  person  took  refuge  in  Sindia's  camp  at 
GwaUor,  where  ike  British  authorities  would  not  seize  him, 
but  caused  Sindia  to  do  so,  that  it  might  be  manifest  to  all 
India  that  an  enemy  of  the  British  government  could 
nowhere  find  an  asylum.  He  was  not  imprisoned,  but 
kept  at  Ghazeepoor  under  a  strict  watch  ;  and  at  last, 
being  intercepted  in  an  attempt  to  escape,  he  destroyed 
liimself  by  poison. 

Of  the  Findharees,  Cheetoo's  durra  alone  remains  to 

be  accounted  for.     The  main  body  had 

hitherto  escaped  ;  but  on  the  25th  January 

it  was  completely  surprised  and  dispersed  by  a  detachment 


CHAP.  XXVI.]  CHEETOO  THE  PINDHAREE  CHTEP.  591 

from  the  garrison  of  Hindia  ;  and  the  Bhcels  and  Grassia^ 
in  the  neighbourhood,  from  whom,  it  may  be  recollected, 
the  Pindharees  took  several  districts,  being  encouraged  to 
attack  the  fugitives,  spared  none  who  fell  into  their  hands. 
Cheetoo  with  200  followers  escaped :  he  endeavonred  to 
make  terpis  for  himself  through  the  nabob  of  Bhopanl, 
but  his  demands  were  extravagant,  and,  being  again  pur- 
sued, his  followers  dropped  oflF  daily.  He  afterwards 
went  through  a  variety  of  adventures,  and  we  shall  again 
have  occasion  to  mention  him  ;  but  at  length,  hunted 
from  his  last  asylum,  and  still  bearing  up  with  a  spirit  and 
perseverance  worthy  of  the  leader  of  a  better  band, 
Cheetoo,  when  singly  pursuing  his  flight,  was  devoured 
by  a  tiger  in  the  jungles  adjoining  the  fortress  of  Aseer- 
gurh.  The  Pindharees  thus  dispersed,  without  leaders, 
and  without  a  home  or  a  rendezvous,  were  afterwards 
little  heard  of,  though  flying  parties  were  seen  in  the 
Deccan  until  the  termination  of  the  war  with  the  Peishwa : 
they  mingled  with  the  rest  of  the  population,  but  the 
real  Pindharees  still  retain  their  name,  though  some  of 
them  have  become  active  improving  farmers.* 

With  regard  to  the  Patans,  Umeer  Khan,  after  he  had 
made  the  agreement  with  Mr.  Metcalfe  for  himself,  did  not 
ratify  it  until  he  heard  of  the  defence  at  Seetabuldee) 
when,  considering  the  Mahratta  game  as  completely  lost, 
he  immediately  dismissed  the  Peishwa's  agents,  retified 
the  engagement  with  the  British  government,  and 
endeavoured  by  every  means  in  his  power  to  fulfil  its 
stipulations. 

The  advance  of  Sir  David  Ochterlony,  who  judiciously 
interposed  his  division  between  the  two  principal  Patan 

*  I  know  personally  some  of  this  description  settled  in  the  Deccan, 
8Bd,  I  dare  say,  many  may  be  found  oultivating  the  fields  in  Malwa. 


592  HISTORY  OF  THR  MAHRATTAS.  [cUAP.  XXVI. 

camps,  would  soon  have  compelled  Umeer  Khan  to-  sub- 
mission, had  coercion  become  necessary ;  but  his  presence 
in  that  situation  was  afterwards  very  important  in  enabling 
Umeer  Khan  to  obtain  the  prohiised  guns,  and  to  satisfy 
the  turbulent  soldiery.  The  Patans  were  prevented  from 
trying  their  strength  by  the  fate  of  Holkar's  troops  at 
Mehidpoor,  by  the  influence  and  cunning  of  Umeer  Khan, 
and  by  the  address  and  firmness  of  Sir  David  Ochterlony. 
Some  of  them  were  dismissed  with  part  of  their  arrears, 
some  of  them  were  taken  into  the  service,  and  the  whde 
were  overawed  or  conciliated  without  bloodshed. 

The  presence  of  Sir  David  Ochterlony  likewise  facilitated 
the  negotiations  with  the  'Rajpoots,  and  enabled  the 
Marquis  of  Hastings  to  complete  his  plans,  or  put  the 
whole  into  a  train  of  adjustment  by  the  middle  of  February. 
A  treaty  with  Joudpoor  was  signed  on  the  6th  January, 
but  the  negotiation  with  Jeypoor  did  not. terminate  irntil 
the  2nd  April,  when  a  treaty  was  concluded.  All  the 
other  states  and  principalities,  excepting  Sagur,  of  which 
the  British  government  took  possession,  accepted  the  terms 
offered  by  the  govemor^general ;  and  Sindia  having  given 
up  the  district  of  Ajimere,  and  relinquished  his  tribute  on 
the  raja  of  Boondee,  in  exchange  for  part  of  the  lands  of 
the  jagheerdar  of  Yinchoor,  situated  in  Malwa,  and 
forfeited  by  his  adherence  to  the  cause  of  Bajee  Rao,  the 
British  government  was  thus  enabled  to  riecomp^ise  iiie 
hitherto  ill-requited  raja  of  Boondee,  who  behaved  so  well 
to  the  English  when  retreating  under  Colonel  .M<msonb 
Not  only  was  the  tribute  thus  obtained  from  Sindia  reliur 
qiiishied  by  the  British  Qoveminent,  but  all  the  possessions 
usurped  from  the  raja  by  Holkar  were  restored,  and 
Sindia's  encroachments,  within  his  frontier,  were  also 
recovered  for  him  by  negotiation.    The  record  of  this 


CHAP.  XXVI.]  SIB  JOHN   MALCOLM'S  GARBKR.  593 

instance  of  national  gratitude  will  be  read  by  every  Briton 
with  satisfaction,  and  the  Marqais  of  Hastings  also  had  it 
in  his  power  to  confer  on  the  nabob  of  Bhopaul  a  reward 
equally  suitable,  not  only  for  the  friendship  of  his  ancestor 
towards  General  Goddard's  army,  but  for  the  zeal  he  had 
himself  displayed  in  the  British  cause*  during  the  present 
war,  since  he  speeded  to  the  proffered  terms  in  the  month 
of  November.  A  treaty  was  concluded  with  him  on  the 
26th  February,  by  which  a  small  contingent  of  600  horse 
and  400  infantry  was  all  that  was  required  to  be  furnished 
for  the  service  of  the  British  government,  and  five  districtsf 
were  ceded  to  him  in  perpetuity  for  their  support.  Some 
forfeited  lands  of  the  Yinchorkur,  and  a  part  of  the 
district  of  Shujawulpoor,  were  afterwards  added ;  the  fort 
of  Islamnuggur,  a  much-valued  possession,  was  likewise 
obtained  for  him  from  Sindia  by  negotiation.  These 
cessions  placed  the  principality  of  Bhopaul  on  a  very 
respectable  footing ;  and  amongst  the  natives  of  India, 
where  the  recollections  of  benefits  and  injuries  are 
treasured  up  for  generations,  nothing  in  the  whole 
administration  of  the  Marquis  of  Hastings  conveyed  so 
deep  an  impression  of  the  value  of  British  friendship,  as 
the  conduct  of  its  government  to  Boondee  and  Bhopaul. 

The  military  operations  in  Central  India  being  completed. 
Sir  John  Malcolm  remained  there  as  agent  for  the  governor- 
general;  and  by  the  active  exertions  and  conciliatory 
methods,  which  during  a  long  career  have  characterized  his 
services,  and  which,  on  the  whole,  have  been  surpassed  by 
those  of  no  living  servant  of  the  East  India  Company,  that 
officer  introduced  order  and  peace  in  an  extensive  tract, 
where  those  blessings  had  been  long  unknown. 

'*'  He  sold  his  jewels  to  support  troops. 

f  Ashtah,  lohawur,  Sehar,  Dowaha,  and  Bewapana. 

Vol.  II.— 75 


594  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XXVI. 

The  division  under  General  Marshall  was  ordered  from 
Seronje  into  Bondelcnnd  ;  and,  after  reducing  Sagur, 
took  Dhamounee  and  Mundelah,  belonging  to  the  territory 
of  Nagpoor,  the  killidars  of  which  had  refused  to  surrender, 
in  consequence  of  secret  orders  from  Appa  Sahib.  At  the 
same  time  that  General  Marshall  was  sent  into  Bundelcund, 
the  greater  part  of  the  first,  third,  and  fifth  divisions  were 
placed  at  the  disposal  of  Mr.  Elphinstone,  to  assist  in  the 
more  important  revolution  going  forward  in  the  Deccan. 

Sir  Thomas  Hislop,  as  commander-in-chief  at  Madras, 
proceeded  to  Fort  St.  George ;  but,  on  his  way  to  the 
southward,  he  took  possession  of  those  places  in  his 
immediate  route  which  were  ceded  to  the  British  govern- 
ment by  Holkar.  The  killidar  of  Talnier,  from  a 
pertinacity  common  to  governors  of  forts  in  India,  resisted 
the  order  of  surrender ;  and,  although  warned  from  the 
first  that  he  should  be  treated  as  a  rebel  if  he  refused  to 
obey  the  orders  of  his  government,  he  continued  to  fire 
upon  the  British  troops.  A  storming  party  was  therefore 
sent  to  force  the  entrance  of  the  fort,  which  is  by  five 
successive  gates  ;  of  these,  the  first  and  second  were  passed 
without  difficulty,  and  at  the  third  the  killidar  came  out 
and  surrendered  himself.  He  also  returned  with  the 
party  through  the  third  and  fourth  gates,  which  were 
opened,  but  at  the  fifth  gate  there  was  some  demur  made 
by  the  Arabs  when  told  they  must  surrender  at  discretion ; 
the  wicket,  however,  was  at  last  opened,  and  a  few  officers 
and  men  had  entered,  when  the  Arabs,  from  some  mis- 
apprehension, rushed  upon  them,  cut  most  of  them  down 
and,  amongst  the  number,  killed  Major  Gordon  and 
Captain  Macgregor.  Their  companions  behind,  hearing 
of  what  had  been  perpetrated,  with  the  exasperated 
feelings  of  British  troops  where  they  suspect  treachery. 


CHAP  XXVI.]        EXTEAOBDINABT  TREACHERT.  595 

ruslied  in  as  fast  as  thej  could  gain  admittance,  and  of  a 
garrisoi;!  of  about  300  men,  ope  only,  by  leaping  the  wall, 
escaped  with  life.  Sir  Q3iomas  Hislop,  under  the  tome 
impulse  by  which  the  troops  were  actuated,  ordered  the 
killidar  to  be  hanged  as  the  cause  of  all  the  bloodshed^ 
without  reflecting  on  the  probability  of  his  not  beings  even 
in  the  first  instance,  wholly  to  blame  for  his  lamenjbable 
catastrophe!  and  that  his  subsequent  conduct  entitled  him 
to  clemency. 

In  taking  possession  of  the  forts  in  the  territory  ceded 
by  Holkar,  Sir  Thomas  Hislop  was  aided  by  the  second 
division  under  General  Doveton,  who,  shortly  after  the 
surrender  of  Nagpoor,  had  proceeded  to  the  westward, 
believing  that  everything  in  the;  quarter  he  had  just 
quitted  was  finally  arranged  ;  but  no  sooner  was  Appa 
Sahib  reinstated  on  his  musnud,  than  he  renewed  his 
intrigues,  encouraged  the  savage  Goands  to  revolt,  sent 
secret  orders  to  his  kiUidars  to  resist  the  orders  of 
surrender  which  he  had  granted  in  favour  of  the  British 
government,  and  applied  to  Bajee  Bao  for  assistance.  An 
application  to  this  effect  had  arrived  at  the  time  Gunput 
Bao  joined  the  Peishwa  near  Sholapoor,  and  frequent 
messengers  followed,  subsequent  to  the  affair  of  Ashtah, 
imploring  succour. 

We  left  Bajee  Bao  on  the  route  to  Chandore.  Before 
he  reached  that  place,  hearing  of  the  approach  of  the 
divisions  under  Sir  Thomas  Hislop  and  General  Doveton, 
he  returned  to  Kopergaom  ;  but  there,  having  learnt  that 
General  Smith  was  advancing,  he  pursued  his  route  to 
Bheer,  and  thence,  turning  off  to  the  eastward,  hastened 
towards  Chandah  ii\  the  territory  of  Nagpoor,  sending 
Gunput  Bao  forward  to  the  assistance  of  his  master  by  a 
different  route. 


596  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XXXl. 

Sir  Thomas  Hislop  endeavoured  to  intercept  or  overtake 
the  Peiflhwa's  army,  but,  finding  they  were  beyond  the 
readi  of  pursuit,  he  continued  his  march  to  Poena,  and 
left  flie  conduct  of  operations  to  Generals  Doveton 
and  Smith.  The  former  took  the  route  by  Basum  and 
Kuriaja,  the  latter  moved  eastward  along  the  line  of  the 
Oodavery. 

In  the  meantime,  Mr.  Jenkins,  having  discovered  Appa 

Sahib's  extraordinary  treachery,  arrested 

Maroh  15«  ,.  .  ..  «•  •.. 

mm ;  and  preparations  bemg  made  to 
oppose  the  advancing  succour,  Gunput  Bao's  party  was 
met  on  the  banks    of  the  Wurdah,    and  driven'  back 

by  a  detachment   under   Colonel    Scott. 

Colonel  Adams  with  his  division  also 
arrived  on  the  banks  of  the  Wurdah  in  a  few  days  ;  and 
Bajee  Rao,  uncertain  how  to  proceed,  halted  at  Pander 

Koura  to  the  west  of  the  Wnrdah.     There 

he  was  hemmed  in  by  the  divisions  of 
Doveton  and  Adams,  and,  in  endeavouring  to  avoid  the 
former,  was  driven  upon  the  latter  near  Sewnee,   where  a 

considerable  number  of  his  followers  were 

killed.  Many  of  his  jagheerdars  had 
quitted  his  standard  before  this  event,  aild  most  of  them 
took  advantage  of  the  opportunity  to  disperse  to  their 
homes.  The  Peishwa's  brother,  Chimnajee  Appa,  fled  to 
the  southward  with  Appa  Dessaye  Nepankur  and  Naroo 
Punt  Apty,  and  surrendered  himself  to  a  party  detached 
to  intercept  him  by  General  Smith.  Colonel  Adams,  as 
soon  as  the  persuit  ceased,  proceeded  again&t  Chandah, 
which  was  held  by  the  partizans  of  Appa  Sahib,  and  after 
a  short  siege  carried  the  place  by  assault.  Bajee  Bao, 
followed  by  General  Doveton,  fled  in  great  consternation 
to  the  northward,    and  for  six  days  his  army  suffered 


CHAP.  XXVI.]  BAJEE   RAO  OFFERS  TO  SURRENDER.  597 

severely  from  fatigue  and  privation.  He  had  faint  hopes 
of  aid  from  Sindia ;  but  all  he  now  desired  was  a  good 
opportunity  of  throwing  himself  in  the  way  of  the  British 
general.  He  had  made  many  overtures  to  Mr.  Elphinstone, 
^  but  as  they  always  implied  an  ability  to  treat,  he  was 
distinctly  told  his  submission  only  could  be  accepted.  He 
again  despatched  agents  to  Mr.  Elphinstone  and  to  the 
resident  at  Nagpoor,  but  continued  his  route,  forded  the 
Taptee  on  the  5th  May,  and  advanced  towards  Sindwa, 
where  he  intended  to  cross  the  Nerbuddah ;  but  finding 
that  point  guarded,  and  that  Sir  John  Malcolm  had  made 
every  preparations  to  intercept  him,  he  sent  forward  an 
agent,  Anund  Rao  Chundawurkur  with  a  letter  to  that 
officer,  and  retired  to  wait  the  result  at  Dholkote,  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Asseergurh.  That  fortress,  though 
stipulated  to  be  given  up  by  Sindia  in  the  treaty  of  the  5ih 
November,  was  still  held  by  his  killidar,  Jeswunt  Tlao 
Lar,  who  had  always  reftised  to  surrender.  Here  Bajee 
Rao,  with  about  8,000  men,  remained  in  a  state  of  the 
utmost  disquietude  and  alarm ;  he  was  unacquainted  with 
the  country,  and,  excepting  the  Vinchorkur  and  Aba 
Poorundhuree,  abandoned  by  almost  every  person  of 
consequence  in  the  Mahratta  country  ;  the  fords  and  passes 
to  the  northward  were  guarded,  and  troops  were  closing 
in  upon  him  on  every  side.  His  Agent  reached  General 
Malcolm's  camp  at  Mhow,  near  Indore,  on  the  16th  May. 
On  receiving  the  Peishwa's  overtures.  Sir  John  Malcolm, 
who  had  been  furnished  with  a  copy  of  the  governor- 
general's  instructions  to  the  commissioner  in  the  Deccan, 
resolved  to  make  the  Peishwa's  letter  the  basis  of  a 
negotiation  for  his  surrender.  Accordingly  two  of  his 
political  assistants.  Lieutenants  Low  and  M'Donald,  were 
despatched  towards  the  camp  of  Bajee  Bao,  instructed  to 


598  HISTORY  OF  THB  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XXVI. 

open  a  negotiation,  requiring  him  to  renounce  all 
sovereignty  for  himself  and  family  for  ever  in  the  Deccan, 
to  which  he  was  never  to  return ;  and  to  surrender 
Trimbukjee  and  the  murderers  of  the  Vaughans.  After 
these  preliminaries.  Lieutenant  Low  was  to  insist  upon 
his  immediately  separating  himself  from  Bamdeen,  and 
all  proscribed  rebels  and  Pindharees,  and  advance  to^meet 
Sir  John  Malcolm,  who  in  such  case  promised  to  become 
the  medium  of  an  adjustment  with  the  British  government, 
and  obtain  for  him  a  liberal  maintenance  at  such  holy  city 
as  he  might  select  for  his  future  residence.  The  governor- 
general  did  not  approve  of  any  deputation  to  Bajee  Rao,  both 
because  it  had  a  tendency  to  cramp  the  military  operations 
against  him,  and  conveyed  an  impression  of  the  Peishwa's 
being  in  a  condition  to.  treat,  when  he  was,  in  fact, 
eager  to  submit.  Some  circumstances  proved  the  justness 
of  these  opinions  ;  and,  in  several  respects,  there  was  an 
inconsiderate  zeal  evinced  in  the  proceedings  on  this 
occasion  which  has  not  escaped  censure.  The  Marquis  of 
Hastings,  although  he  had  given  the  outline  of  the  conduct 
to  be  observed  towards  the  Peishwa,  reserved  to  himself 
the  particular  terms  to  be  granted  to  him,  after  obtaining 
his  submission  to  a  justly  offended  nation ;  but  before  his 
sentiments  in  regard  to  the  first  steps  taken  by  Sir  John 
Malcolm  could  be  received,  Bajee  Rao,  on  the  3rd  June, 
after  a  protracted  negotiation,  surrendered  himself,*  on 
condition  that  the  stipulated  maintenance  should  not  be 
less  than  eight  lakhs  of  rupees  a  year,  which  was  promised 
to  him  by  Sir  John  Malcolm,  from  an  idea  that  it  should 

♦  Before  surrenderiDg  himself,  he  had  an  interview  with  Sir  J. 
Malcolm,  and  in  a  private  conference  displayed  his  usual  address  and 
eloquence,  appealing  to  8ir  John  as  the  last  of  bis  three  earliest  and 
best  friends— Colonel  Close  being  dead,  and  General  Wellesley  (the 
Duke  of  Wellington)  in  a  distiuit  land. 


CHAP.  XXVI.]  DEPOSAL  OF  BAJEE  RAO.  599 

not  be  less  than  the  pension  of  his  brother  Amrut  Rao. 
The  Marquis  of  Hastings  deemed  the  amount  too  great ; 
and  seeing  that  his  deposal  was  declared,  and  his  country 
almost  entirely  reduced,  knowing  also  the  intriguing 
disposition  of  Bajee  Rao,  and  the  amassed  treasure  which 
he  and  his  adherents  might  secrete  for  purposes  hostile  to 
the  British  government,  it  was  generally  considered  the 
extreme  of  liberality.  But  there  was  a  conditional  promise 
to  Bajee  Rao  in  favour  of  jagheerdars  who  had  adhered  to 
his  cause,  and  of  Bramins  and  religious  establishments 
supported  by  his  family,  which  was  quite  unnecessary,  and 
certainly  should  have  been  avoided ;  because  it  implied 
that  Bajee  Rao  was  in  a  condition  to  treat,  not  only 
for  himself,  but  for  others  ;  it  detracted  in  some  degree 
from  the  liberality  of  the  British  government  in  the 
settlement  of  the  conquered  territories,  and  it  obtained 
for  Bajee  Rao,  amongst  such  of  the  Mahrattas  as  were 
disposed  to  advocate  his  cause,  praise  which  he  did  not 
merit,  and  honor  which  it  never  could-  have  been  the 
intention  of  Sir  J.  Malcolm  to  confer.  Whilst  commenting, 
however,  in  this  instance,  on  the  supposed  failings  of  the 
politician,  justice  is  due  to  the  generous  feelings  of  the 
man  :  Sir  J.  Malcolm  saw  the  prince  whom  he  had  visited 
nine  months  before  in  the  midst  of  a  gay  court,  and  in  a 
newly-erected  palace  on  the  banks  of  the  Kistna,  now  a 
harassed  and  houseless  fugitive ;  he  forgot  the  manner  in 
which  he  had  been  so  grossly  deceived  ;  he  thought  only 
of  the  contrast  in  the  Peishwa's  situation,  and  of  the 
benefits  which  the  British  government  had  derived  from 
its  connection  with  that  misguided  and  unfortunate 
individual ;  and  he  pitied  those  faithful  adherents  who  still 
followed  their  sovereign  in  hopeless  adversity,  and  forfeited 
their  all,  when,  by  personal  submission,  they  might  have 


goo  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XXVI, 

secured  their  possessions.  The  Marquis  of  Hastings  ratified 
the  terms ;  and  Beithoor,  a  place  of  sanctity  near  Cawn- 
pore,  was  appointed  for  Bajee  Kao's  future  residence,  to 
which  he  was  immediately  conducted. 

Bamdeen  surrendered  on  being  promised  pardon,  but 
Bajee  Kao  evaded  compliance  with  that  part  of  the  stipulated 
terms  which  required  the  surrender  of  Trimbukjee;  he 
escaped  to  the  southward,  and  for  a  time  attempted  to 
collect  adherents,  and  conceal  himself  as  before ;  but 
Captain  Briggs,  Mr.  Elphinstone's  agent  in  Candeish, 
discovered  the  place  of  his  retreat,  and  by  a  well-concerfced 
plan  sent  a  party  of  irregular  horse  under  Lieutenant 
Swanston,*  who  seized  him  in  the  village  of  Aheergaom. 
He  was  afterwards  conveyed  to  the  fort  of  Chunargurh  in 
Bengal,  where  he  remains  a  prisoner.  The  surrender  of 
Bajee  Bao  was  an  important  event,  and  was  rendered  more 
so  by  the  escape  of  Appa  Sahib — a  circumstance  xwhich 
partly  actuated  Sir  John  Malcolm  during  the  negotiation. 

After  the  arrest  of  Appa  Sahib  by  Mr.  Jenkins,  the 
governor-general  directed  that  be  should  be  sent  to 
Allahabad,  and  there  confined.  He  was  accordingly  sent 
off  fi'om  Nagpoor  for  that  purpose ;  but  having  corrupted 
some  of  the  sepoys  of  a  Bengal  corps  on  his  guard,  and 
being  furnished  with  a  suit  of  their  regimentals,  he  got 
off  in  that  disguise  on  the  morning  of  the  13th  May,  and 
fled  to  the  Mahdeo  hills  between  Nagpoor  and  the 
Nerbuddah,  whence  it  was  impossible  to  dislodge  liim 
during  the  monsoon.  Here  he  was  joined  by  Cheetoo 
Pindharee;  and  the  person  of  Appa  Sahib  became  a 
rallying-point  for  all  the  disbanded  and  broken  troops  of 
the  country.     The  unfortunate  negligence  which  occasioned 

*  The  same  officer  who  assisted  in  the  defence,  and  was  severely 
wounded,  at  Korygaom, 


OHAP.  XXVI.]    SIEGE  AND  CAPTURE  OF  ASEEBGURH.  gQI 

his  escape  was  productive  of  much  harassing  service,  owing 
to  insurrections  in  various  quarters. 

The  grandson  of  the  late  Bughoojee  Bhonsia  j,  a  minor 
named  Goozur,  was  in  the  meantime  adopted  bjthe  widow 
of  the  late  Bughoojee,  and,  assuming  the  name  of  his 
grandfather,  was  seated  on  the  musnud  The  widow  was 
considered  regent ;  but  for  the  present,  and  during  the 
minority,  the  whole  administration  was  committed  to  the 
charge  of  the  resident,  who,  in  the  rajahs  name,  directed 
every  departnient  under  the  immediate  superintendence  of 
officers  appointed  by  himself. 

The  season  was  considerably  advanced  before  troops 
could  be  spared  to  co-operate  m  a  combined  attack  upon 
the  position  of  Appa  Sahib ;  it  was  hoped  lie  might  be 
taken  ;  but  being  assisted  by  the  skill  and  intelligence  of 
Cheetoo,  he  passed  one  of  the  parties  which  was  hemming 
him  in,  and  though  subsequently  exposed  to  imminent 
danger  from  a  guard  of  British  troops,  he  succeeded  in 
gaining  the  fort  or  neighbourhood  of  Aseergurh. 

That  celebrated  fcM^ress  was  besieged  by  General 
Doveton,  Sir  John  Malcolm  co-operating  with  a  force  from 
Malwa.  After  a  respectable  defence  during  about  20  days, 
it  surrendered  on  the  9ih  of  April  1819.  Appa  Sahib,  if 
he  ever  had  been  in  the  fort,  made  his  escape.  He  after- 
wards sought  refuge  amongst  the  Seiks,  where  he  still  is ; 
and  no  desire  being  evinced  by  the  British  government  to 
receive  his  submission,  he  has  sunk  into  the  insignificance 
to  be  expected  from  a  person  of  his  week  and  treacherous 
character.  The  dreadfol  fate  of  Cheetoo,  as  he  attempted 
to  fly  from  Aseergurh,  has  been  already  told.* 

*  Authorities  as  in  the  preoeding '. 
Vol,  n,— 76 


602 


CHAP.  XXVII. 

A.D.  1818  AND  A.D.  1819. 

The  final  reduction  and  settlement  of  the  Peiahioa^a  territory 
— Capture  of  the  principal  forts  by  General  Pritzler, — 
The  raja  of  Satara  placed  on  his  throne^ — Successes  of 
General  Munro — attack  and  dispersion  of  the  remaining 
infantry  at  Sholapoor. — Reduction  of  the  Concan  accom- 
plished by  the  Bombay  government — Appointment  of 
officers  to  the  civil  government  of  the  country — instructions 
— proceduve.  — The  capture  ofMallygaom  andPrucheetgurh 
completes  the  reduction  of  the  Peishwa's  territory — m^yde 
of  preventing  insurrection — of  settling  the  Bheels — detection 
of  a  conspiracy. — Claims — tlie  Nizam^-jagheerdars. — 
Judicial  and  revenue  administration — Punchayets — rewards 
— charitable  donations, — Hindoo  college. — Remarks  on  the 
settlement. 

In  the  preceding  chapter  we  were  drawn  forward  to 
mention  the  last  event  of  the  war^  whilst  the  reduction  and 

settlement  of  the  Peishwa,'s  territory 
remains  to  be  briefly  explained.  By  the 
10th  of  April  the  strong  forts  of  Singurh,  Poorundhur^ 
and  Wassota,  with  many  others,  had  been  taken  by  the 
besieging  force  under  Q-eneral  Pritzler.  Though  places  of 
that  remarkable  strength  which  has  been  already  described, 
none  of  them  made  a  good  defence,  none  stood  the  assault, 
and  as  their  previous  history  was  scarcely  known,  their 
capture  excited  less  interest,  even  among  the  besiegers, 


CHAP.  XXVII.]   CAPTUBE  OF  FORTS  BY  GENERAL  PRITZLER.  603 

than  it  otherwise  wa«  calciilated  to  prodiice.  An  exception 
must  be  made  in  regard  to  Wassota  ;  the  wild  country 
through  which  the  troops  advanced  for  about  20  miles,  far 
exceeded  in  sublimity  and  grandeur  any  pre-conceived 
ideas  the  British  officers  might  hare  formed  of  those  vast 
mountains,  dells,  and  forests,  which  they  were  told  existed  in 
the  Ghaut-Mahta.  '  The  nfecessary  artillery  wafe  transported 
with  extraordinary  labour,  through  thick  jungles  and 
deep  valleys,  where  natural  baririers  presented  themselves 
in  every  succeeding  hill,  at  which  a  handful  of  men 
might  have  arrested  a  host ;  and  when  at  last  brought  to 
the  point  of  bombardment,  intense  interest  was  excited  for 
the  two  officers.  Cornets  Hunter  and  Morrison,  who,  the 
reader  may  recollect,  were  taken  prisoners  at  the 
Commencement  of  the  war,  and  were  now  in  confinement  in 
this  fortress.  The  wives  and  families  of  the  raja  of  Satara 
and  his  brothers  were  alsd  in  Wassota,  and  these  princes 
were  present  in  the  British  camp.  The  obstinacy  of  the 
killidar,  who  at  first  would  listen  to  ho  terms  of  surrender, 

was  in  this  instance  a  cause  of  general 
regref.  At  length  the  mortars  opened  ; 
and  though  tte  peal  of  evefy  salvo  as  it  reverberated  from 
the  surrounding  rocks  carried  with  it  an  anxiety  for  the 
,  fate  of  the  prisoners,  the  bombardment  was  kept  up  for 
about  20  hours,  with  such  effect  that  the  killidar  capitulated, 
and  fortunately  none  of  the  captives  suffered.  The  two 
British  officers  were  found  in  a  dress  of  coarse  unbleached 
cotton,  made  into  a  form  neither  European  nor  Indian, 
but  partaking  of  the  nature  of  both  ;  their  beards  had 
grown,  and  their  appearance  was,  as  may  be  imagined, 
extraordinary ;  but  their  health  was  perfectly  good.  They 
had  been  kept  in  ignorance  of  the  advance  of  their  country- 
men, or  the  state  of  the  war ;  the  firing,   in  driving  in  the 


g04  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XXVII. 

outposts,  was  represented  by  their  guard  as  the,  attack  of 
some  insurgents  in  the  neighbourhood ;  the  bursting  of 
the  shells  oyer  their  heads  was  the  fir^  intimation  of 
approaching  deliverance,  and  the  most  joyful  sound  that 
hsui  reached  their  ears  for  five  dreary  months.  They  Jiad 
been  at  first  used  vary  harshly  in  the  fort  of  Kangooree^ 
but  they  were  removed  to  Wassota  by  G(iU's  orders,  and 
a  letter,  in  his  own  hand-writing  to  the  kiUidar,  desiring 
him  to  treat  the  two  poor  Europeans  well,  was  one  of 
several  instances  of  a  like  generous  character,  tending  to 
prove  that  G^kla  had  no  participation  in  the  cruelties  of 
his  master,  and  at  that  moment  excited  some  feeling  of 
pity  for  his  fate.  On  most  occasions  ti:ie  captive  officers 
had  been  humanely  treated  by  the  native  soldiery,  and 
ihey  met  with  some  remarkable  acts  of  disinterested 
kindness  and  sympathy. 
Shortly  after  the  reduction  of  Wassota,  the  raja  of 

•  Satara  was  with  great  pomp  seated  on  his 
throne  by  the  commissiioner,  when  he 
published  tw^  prodamations — the  one  announcing  his 
connexion  with  the  British  government,  the  other  making 
over  entire  powers  for  the  arrangement  aild  government 
of  his  country  to  the  author  of  this  woirk,  who  was  the 
agent  selected  by  Mr.  Slphinstone  for  that  purpose.  In 
the  first  proclamation  the  raja  dwelt  on  the  injuries 
received  fi*om  Bajee  Bao  ;  amongst  these  was  an  order, 
the  existence  of  which  was  confirmed  by  the  killidar  of 
Wassota,  to  put  the  whole  family  to  death,'  rather  than 
suffer  them  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  British  government. 
The  raja  Pertab  Siew  (or  Sing)  was  in  his  27th  year, 
naturally  intelligent  and  well-disposed,  but  bred  amongst 
intrigues,  surrounded  by  men  of  profligate  character,  and 
ignorant  of  everything  except  the  etiquette  and  parade 


CHIP.  XXVII.]        ADVANCE  OF  QSNBBAL  MUNBO^S  FORCES.  gQS 

of  a  court.  His  whole  family  entertained  the  most 
extravagant  ideas  of  their  own  oonsequence^  and  their 
expectations  were  proportionate ;  so  that  for  a  time  the 
bounty  which  they  experienced  was  not  duly  appreciated. 
As  it  was  inconvenient  to  reduce  the  whole  of  that 
strong  country  at  this  pwiod,  a  battalion  of  sepoys  and 
500  auxiliary  horse  Were  left  for  the  protection  of  the  raja 
and  the  defbnCe  of  the  fort.    After  these  arrangements^ 

a  part  of  the  besieging  division  was 
detached  to  assist  m  the  capture  of  the 
forts  to  the  northward  of  Poena,  and  General  Pritzler 
proceeded  to  the  Carnatic  to  place  himself  under  the 
orders  of  General  Munro. .  That  gallant  officer  with  a 
mere  handftd  of  men  bad  .taken  a  number  of  very  strong 
forts,  amongst  others  Badamee,  which  he  carried  by  assault. 
Having  added  to  his  limited  means,  by  raising  a  great 
body  of  irregulars,  he  had  already  possessed  himself  of  the 
country  in  that  quarter.  On  being  reinforced,  he  imme- 
diately marched  to  the  northward  against  the  remainder  of 
Bajee  Bao's  infantry,  which,  in  number  about  4,500,  with 
13  guns,  were  levying  contributions,  under  Gunput  Bao 
Phsmsay,  in  the  Nizam's  districts  near  Beejapoor.  On 
hearing  of.  General  Munro's  approach,  they  retreated 
under  the  walls  of  the  strong  fort  of  Sholapoor,  where  they 
W)ere  follow^  up,  attacked,  routed,  and  pursued  with  great 
slaughter.  The  pettah  of  Sholapoor  had  been,  previously 
carried  by  escalade  i  and  the  fort,  after  a  short  siege, 
surrendered.  As  General  Munro  advanced  from  the 
Carnatic,  be  sent  his  irregulars  to  the  right  and  left 
of  his  column  of  march,  who  occupied  the  villages, 
fought  with  spirit  on  several  occasions,  stormed  fortified 
places,  and  took  possession  in  name  of  ^'  Thomas  Munro 
Buhadur." 


606  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XXVII. 

The  Bombay  government  having  conquered  the  Concan 
by  its  own  exertions,  Mr.  Elphinstone  did  not  interfere  in 
its  settlement^  especially  as  few  of  the  difficulties  to  be 
apprehended  above  the  Ghauts  existed  in  the  low  country. 
Mr.  Peily  and  Mr  Marriott  were  appointed  to  the  charge 
of  the  civil  duties— the  former  in  the  southern,  the  latter 
in  the  northern,  Concan,  or  to  tiie  territory  south  and  north 
of  river  Penn.  Baigurh,  famous  as  the  capital  of  Sivajee, 
and  a  place  as  impregnable  as  Q^ibraltar,  surrendered  to 
Oolonel  Protfaer  on  the  7th  May :  it  cdhtained  the  Peishwa's 
elder  wife,  Wiaratniissee  Bye :  a  fortunate  shell  having  set 
fire  to  her  habitation  and  destroyed  it,  she  prevailed  on  the 
Arab  kiUidar  to  capitulate.  Waranussee  Bye  was  allowed 
to  retire  to  Waee  near  Satara,  where  she  resided  for  nine 
or  ten  months^ until  it  was  discovered  that  her  being  there 
facilitated  Bajee  Bao's  persevering  intrigues,  when,  with 
a  suitable  «Bcbrt,  she  was  despatched  to  join  her  husband 
at  Beithoor. 

In  regard  to  the  settlement  above  ike  Ghauts,  Q^neral 
Munro^  a&  wd^hfiiveseen^  took  possesion  of  the  Oamatic, 
which  hp  subsequently  made  over  to  Mr.  ChapUn,  an 
experienced  civil  servant  of  the  Madras  establishment, 
who  was  appointed,  under  Mr.  Elphinstone,  principal 
collector  of  die  Mahratta  country  south  of  the  Eistna,  and 
political  ag^at  with  the  raja  of  Kolapoor  and  the  southern 
jagheerda^s. 

To  the^management  of  the  provinces  extending  from 
the  Eistna  to  the  N^buddah^  Mr.  Elphinstone,  at  different 
periods,  during  the  progress  of  the  conquest,  appointed 
four  subordinate  agents.  The  territory  reserved  for  the 
raja  o£  Satara  was  the  tract  between  the  Wamah  and  the 
Neera,  extending  from  the  base  of  the  Syhadree  moun- 
tains on  the  west  to  Punderpoor  on  the  east,  or  nearly  to 


CHAP.  XXVII.]  MAINTENANCE  OF  OBDER.  607 

the  Nizam's  boundary.  Until  reduced,  and  some  progress 
made  in  its  settlement,  the  8atara  t^ountry  was  managed 
entirely^  qa  a  British  province.  Captain  Henry  Dundas 
Bobertson  had  diarge  of  the  city  md  district  of  Poena,  of 
which  he  was  collector  of  therevwue,  judge,  andmiagistrate. 
His  district  lay  between  the  Neera  and  Beema.  From  the 
Beema  to  the  Chandore  hills  was  intrusted  to  Oaptain 
Henry  Fottinger,  with  the  same  authority  &s  was  delegated 
to  Captain  Bobertson;  and  Captain  John  Briggs,  in  the 
province  of  Candeish,  in  addition  to  the  duties  of  those 
officers,  was  agent  for  effecting  a  settlement  with  the  Bheels. 

With  each  of  those  officers,  whose  authority  nearly 
resembled  that  of  the  great  sur-soobehdars  under  the 
Peishwa's  government,  experienced  natives  were  appointed 
to  conduct  the  numerous  subordinate  situations,  with 
permanent  salaries,  on  a  scale  of  liberality  which  rendered 
their  offices,  both  in  regard  to  power  and  emolument, 
exceedingly  respectable. 

To  get  possession  of  the  oountry ;  to  prevent  the  revenue 
of  the  current  year,  or  the  treasures  of  the.  Peishwa, 
from  being  made  applicable  to  purposes  of  hostility ;  to 
protect  and  conciliate  the  inhabitants;  to  attempt  no 
innovations ;  and  to  endeavour  to  show  the  people  that  they 
were  to  expect  no  change,  but  the  better  administration  of 
their  own  laws,  were  the  primary  objects  to  which  the 
commissioner  directed  the  attention  of  his  agents.  As  the 
country  was  drained  of  British  troops,  the  greater  part  of 
which  had  proceeded  in  pursuit  of  the  flying  Peishwa, 
the  means  of  those  agents  were  at  first  limited  ;  but  by 
raising  irregulars,  taking  such  places  as  they  could  reduce, 
destroying  or  executing  straggling  plunderers,  especially 
when  they  were  found  torturing  or  murdering  the 
villagers,  opening  negotiations  with  the  killidars  of  the 


608  HISTOBY  OF  THE  MAHBATTAS.  [CHAP.  XXVII. 

stronger  forts^  and  representing  ihe  hopelessness  of 
.resistance,  the  country,  with  ihe  assistance  af  such 
regulars  as  coul4  he  i^ared,  fell  almost  as  fast  as  men 
could  be  collected  to  keep  possession.  It  not  unfrequently 
happened  that  irregulars,  who  had  left  Bajee  Hao's 
service  a  few  days  or  hours  before,  entered  that  of  the 
British  govemm^it ;  and  instances  are  adducible  where, 
haying  quitted  the  Peishwa,  th^  were  enlisted,  subsisted, 
supplied  with  ammunition,  and  fighting  for  the  new 
government  within  little  more  than  24  hours  ;  so  readily 
do  the  irregular  troops  of  India  transfer  tlieir  allegiance  to 
the  prevailing  power.  To  these  men  the  new  conquests 
were  fi^quently  of  necessity  intrusted,  and  they  proved  in 
no  instance  treacherous  or  disobedient. 

By  the  month  of  May  a  small  detachment  of  regulars 
jBrom  Poena  under  Major  Eldridge  had  obtained  possession 
of  the  numerous  hill-^forts  between  the  city  and  the 
Ahm^dnugur  hills,  some  of  which  are  as  strong  as  any  in 
the  worlds  Hie  defences  are  entirely  composed  of  solid 
rock,  in  which  caves  are  hewn  that  r^idered  the  garrison 
safe  from  the  effect  of  shells,,  and  a  very  few  resolute  men 
could  maintain  an  assault  against  any  numbers* 

Another  small  detachment  under  Lieutenant-Colonel 
M'Dowell  was  equally  successful  in  reducing  the  forts  in  > 
the  Chandore  range  ;  an^  by  the  end  of  May  the  Arabs 
in  Oandeifih,  and  the  insurgents  under  the  pret^ded 
Chitoor  Sing  in  the  Satara  territory,  were  the  only 
o^^onents  of  the  Britbh  government  within  the;  dominions 
of  the  late  Peishwa. 

On  the  13th  Junetiie  Arab  garrison  of  the  strong  fort 

of    Mallyffaom    surrendered   to    Colonel 

Tuna  1  Q  •/  ^ 

M'Dowdl,  after  a  very  obstinate  defMice, 
during  which  they  repulsed  an  assault,^  and  occasioned  a 


CHAP.  XXVn.]  PROGRESS  OF  SETTLEMENT.  gQS 

loss  to  the  besiegers  of  upwards  of  200  men  in  kiUed  and 
wounded.  In  the  opposite  quarter  of  the  country,  and  on 
the  ensuing  day,  the  fort  o(  Prucheetgurh  and  the 
pretended  Chitoor  Sing  were  taken  by  a  detachment  under 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Cramingbam.*  These  events^  except 
a  few  detached  expeditions  in  the  ensuing  season,  and;  the 
siege  of  Aseergurb  already  mentioned,  put  an  end  to 
military  operations  in  ilie  Mahratta  territory. 
The  progress  of  the  settlement  went  forward  as  rapidly 

as  the  conque&t.  After  the  first  instruc- 
tions were  in  train,  the  next  object  was 
to  obtain  full  information  respecting  individuals,  that  their 
claims  to  consideration  might  be  fully  understood. 
Inquiries  were  also  circulated  by  the  commissioner  to  his 
agents,  and  by  them  to  their  subordinate  agents,  on  the 
usages  and  laws  of  the  country,  in  which  all  the  intelligent 
part  of  the  community  were  called  upon  for  their  opinions, 
A  mass  of  valuable  information  was  thus  speedily  collected 
and  from  the  judicious  nature  of  the  queries,  so  far  from 
alarming  the  inhabitants — an  inconvenience  to  which 
such  interrogatories  are  particularly  liable  in  India — 
these,   on  the  contrary,   being  committed  to    men  who. 

*  Pruoheetgarb,  in  a  most  inaooeesible  situatioDy  was  taken  by  an 
enterprize  successful  from  its  apparent  Impractioability.  The  fort  was 
commanded  by  an  adjoining  bill^  from  which  a  bri^  fire  soon  drove 
the  besieged  from  the  gate,  to  seek  shelter  behind  some  stone  houses  in 
the  fort ;  upon  which  Captain  Spiller  suggested  the  possibility  of 
blowing  a  hole  in  the  gate  with  musketry..  This  strange  breach  was 
effected  under  a  heavy  fire  from  his  companions,  which  prevented  the 
besieged  from  suspecting  what  was  going  forward  at  the  gate.  Oaptaia 
Spiller  went  in  first,  but  a  grenadier  sepof,  who  attempted  to  follow, 
could  not  get  through  owing  to  his  cartridge-box  ;  Captian  Spiller  was 
therefore  obliged  to  return  until  he  had  made  the  entrance  sufficiently  ■ 
large,  by  which  time  be  was  joined  by  Colonel  Cunningham  and 
Assistant- Surgeon  Badford,  when  they  got  in,  one  by  one,  concealii^ 
themselves  in  the  gateway  untU  their  party  had  entered.  They  then 
rushed  upon  the  garrison,  completely  surprised  them,  and  carried  the 
place  without  the  loss  of  a  man. 

Voi.  11,-77 


610  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XXYIU 

knew  the  natives,  tended  to  gain  their  confidence,  and 
were  in  this  respect  useful  to  the  new  government  To 
keep  down  insurrection,  to  settle  daims  and  rewards 
consequent  upon  such  a  revolution,  to  make  some  provision 
for  all  who  suffered,  and  to  better  the  condition  of  those 
whom  the  voice  of  the  community  pointed  out  as  fit 
objects  of  bounty,  were  a  part  of  the  duties  which 
devolved  upon  the  commissioner. 

In  regard  to  insurrection,  vigilance  was  enjoiqed  and 
strictly  maintained  by  a  system  of  private  intelligence, 
which  the  Mahrattas  consider  necessary  to  good  govern- 
ment, and  which  the  state  of  the  country,  as  well  as  the 
usage  of  the  people,  rendered  necessary;  armed  men 
travelling  without  passports  were  required  to  deposit  their 
weapons,  and  the  hoarded  resources  of  the  late  government 
were  seized  wherever  found ;  but  as  it  was  not  intended 
to  disarm  the  Mahrattas,  still  less  to  create  a  vexatious 
search,  which  might  in  the  slightest  degree  interfere  with 
private  property,  or  even  to  exact  from  inoffensive  indivi- 
duals all  that  they  were  known  to  possess  belonging  to 
Bajee  Rao,  great  relaxation  in  these  respects  soon  took 
place.  After  the  first  year,  no  passport  was  required 
from  any  body  of  armed  men  not  exceeding  25,  and  no 
search  for  treasure  was  authorized  without  previously 
obtaining  satisfactory  testimony  in  regard  to  the  informa- 
tion concerning  it.  A  strong  military  force  occupied 
positions  at  Belgaom,  Kuladgee,  Eurar,  Satara,  Sholapoor, 
Poena,  Seroor,  Joonere,  Ahmednugur,  and  Mallygaom, 
and  numbers  of  the  enemy's  irregular  infantry  were 
employed  in  the  British  service.  The  ranks  of  the  auxiliary 
horse  were  already  filled  by  men  enlisted  beyond  the 
borders  of  the  Mahratta-  country  ;  but  more  than  half 
the  horses    which    returned    from    Bajee    Rao's    army 


<IHAP.  XXVII.]  SUPPRESSION  OF  THE  BHEELS.  61 1 

died  in  the  oonrse  of  six  monflis  from  the  fatigue  thejr 
had  andergone. 

The  Bheels  in  the  mountains  adjoining  Candeish  con-' 
tinned  to  disturb  the  country  for  some  time  after  the  new 
govm*nment  was  established.  The  plan  adopted  for  settling 
them  was  to  appropriate  waste  lands  for  such  as  chose  to 
cultivate  them,  and  to  grant  to  every  chief  an  allowance 
for  a  certain  number  of  men,  for  which  they  became  bound 
to  restrain  the  excesses  of  the  rest.  To  force  them  to  accept 
of  these  terms,  their  supplies,  which  were  drawn  from  the 
plains,  were  stopped,  parties  issuing  out  to  plunder  were 
cut  off,  and  vigorous  attacks  were  made  on  the  points  in 
the  hills  occupied  by  the  refractory  chiefs.  These  measures 
at  length  reduced  them  to  submission,  but  it  must  be  the 
work  of  many  years  to  reform  their  habits. 

There  were  few  attempts  at  insurrection ;  one  conspiracy 
was  detected,  which  had  for  its  object  the  release  of  the 
pretended  Chitoor  Sing,  the  murder  of  all  the  Europeans 
at  Poona  and  Satara,  the  surprise  of  some  of  the  principal 
fortjk  and  the  possession  of  the  person  of  the  raja  of  Satara. 
The  persons  concerned  were  men  of  desperate  fortunes 
among  the  unemployed  soldiery :  many  of  them  were 
apprehended  and  tried  ;  and  the  ringleaders,  some  of  whom 
were  Bramins,  were  blown  from  guns — ^an  example  which, 
though  severe,  had  a  great  effect  in  restraining  that 
intriguing  race,  and  preventing  similar  attempts  in  the 
country. 

As  to  claims,  the  most  important  upon  the  British 
government  were  those  which  regarded  the  settlement  with 
its  ally,  the  Nizam  ;  but  no  arrangement  of  their  mutual 
affairs  could  be  made,  until  it  had  been  fully  ascertained 
what  surplus  revenue  the  British  government  should  derive 
from  the  conquest.     The  advantages   immediately  gained 


612  HISTORY  OP  THE  HAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XXVI2* 

by  the  Nizam  were  exemption  from  debts  amomiting  to 
about  60  millions  of  rupees  ;  and  which,  on  the  most 
moderate  estimate,  he  could  not  have  settled  with  the 
Peishwa  without  making  a  cession  of  territory  equal  to  10 
hkbs  of  rupees  a  year.  The  shares  of  revenue  within  the 
boundary  of  the  soobehdar  of  the  Decean,  which  the 
Peishwa  or  his  subjects  had  enjoyed  up  to  the  breaking 
out  of  the  war,  and  of  which  the  Nizam  now  retained  the 
collections,  were  more  than  equal  to  12  lakhs  of  rupees  a 
year,  and  the  cessions  which  fell  to  him  from  the  govern- 
ments of  Holkar  and  the  raja  ofNagpoor  amounted  to 
nearly  six  more ;  so  that  the  Nizam  obtained  an  addition 
of  at  least  28  lakhs  of  rupees  of  annual  revenue. 

Though  the  British  government  gained  much  by 
additional  strength  and  security,  it  was  doubtful  how  far 
its  income  was  benefited  by  the  conquest.  The  provision 
for  the  raja  of  Satara  was  completed  by  a  treaty  dated 
25th  September  1819,  by  which  he  agreed  to  hold  his 
territory  in  subordinate  co-operation  to  the  British  govern- 
ment ;  neither  to  increase  nor  diminish  his  military  force 
without  its  sanction;  and,  as  a  fundamental  condition,  he 
was  positively  prohibited  from  holding  any  intercourse 
wifli  persons  not  his  own  .subjects,  except  through  the 
resident  at  his  court.  The  company  charged  itself  with 
the  defence  of  his  territory,  which  for  a  time  was  to  be 
governed  under  an  dgent  of  that  government,  until  the 
raja  and  his  people  were  made  acquainted  with  business.*  . 

*  The  plan  followed  in  the  raja's  country  was  simply  to  amend  the 
native  system,  aod  to  place  the  routine  of  business  in  that  train,  which 
it  was  possible  might  be  preserved  after  the  interference  of  the  British 
government  was  withdrawn.  The  raja  himself  was  taught  to  eipect 
power  according  to  his  ability  to  exercise  it,  and  in  a  short  time  labouBed 
as  astudnously  as  any  carcoon  under  his  government.  The  entire 
powers  of  the  state  were  formally  delivered  over  to  him  on  the  6th  Apnl 
1822,  at  whioh  period  the  boon  thus  confened  by  the  British  nation  on 


CHAP.  ZXVII.]  >      THB  JAGHBEBDARS.  gjg 

Next  to  the  provision  for  the  raja  of  Satara  was  a  reward 
to  the  raja  of  Kolapoor,  who^  on  the  first  dedaration  of 
hostilities,  espoused  the  British  cause.  The  mudi^desired 
districts  of  Chiekooree  and  Menowlee,  with  the  history  of 
which  the  reader  is  akeady  acquainted,  were  therefore 
restored  to  him — a  recompense  equal  to  his  highest 
expectation. 

The  next  claims  were  those  of  the  jagheerdars  ;  but  it 
may  be  first  proper  to  mention  that  every  species  of  here- 
ditary right  not  jagheer,  all  other  rent-firee  lands,  all 
established  pensions,  charitable  and  religious  assignments 
and  endowments,  were  restored  ;  and  that  every  promise 
held  out  by  the  proclamation  of  Satara  was  fulfilled  without 
reserve  or  modification,  excepting  with  respect  to  the 
Dukshina,  which  will  be  subsequently  explained.  In 
regard  to  jagheers,  there  were  various  points  for  considerar 
tion.  In  the  first  instance,  unless  specially  exempted, 
every  jagheer  was  taken  possession  of,  like  the  territory 
in  the  immediate  occupation  of  the  Peishwa's  agents, — and 
all  jagheers  falling  within  the  Nizam's  boundary  were 
declared  to  be  irrecoverably  lost  to  their  late  owners. 
Jagheers  also,  which  had  been  sequestrated  by  the  former 
government,  were  not  restored.  Certain  jagheerdars, 
whom  we  shall  designate  of  the  first  class,  were  the  old 
mankurees,  or  native  chiefs  of  the  country,  whom  the 
reader  has  it  in  his  power  to  trace  from  the  earUest  history 
of  Maharashtra,  such  as  the  Nimbalkurs  of  Phultun, 
the  Duflays  of  Jhutt,  the  Ghorepurays  of  Moodhole^ 
&c.,  &c.     Others,    in    the    second  class,  were  the  old 

the  decendant  of  Sivajee  was  certainly  appreciated  by  the  country 
generally,  as  well  as  by  his  relations  and  himself  ;  but  time  must  prove 
whether  this  liberal  experiment  on  the  part  of  the  authorities  of  the 
East  India  Company  will  be  attended  with  any  lasting  good  effect  to 
the  governors  or  the  governed. 


6^4  HISTOBT  OF  THE  MAHBATTAS.  [CHAP.   XXTII. 

aristocracy  of  Sivajee  and  his  desceiidaQts,  such  as 
the  Purdhans,  the  Pritee  Needhee,  Angria,  and  the  raja 
of  Akulkete.  A  third  class  was  that  which  was 
raised  by  the  Peiahwas,  some  of  whom  had  established 
claims  by  their  early  submission,  or  former  serrices  to  the 
British  government ;  but  even  of  those  dependants  of  the 
Peishwa,  who  had  adhered  to  him  to  the  last,  it  was,  as 
remarked,  ^^  politic  and  humane  to  allow  them  a  liberal 
maintenance,  but  it  was  neither  required  by  humanity 
nor  policy  to  give  such  persons  the  command  of  troops, 
paid  from  the  revenue  which  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of 
then- conquerors."* 

The  various  claima  of  each  of  these  classes  being 
considered,  the  first,  or  old  hereditary  jagheerdars,  had 
the  whole  of  their  lands  restored.  Of  the  second  class, 
-the  Punt  Suchew  was  the  only  one  of  the  Purdhans  to 
whom  the  Peishwa  had  left  a  vestige  of  power  c  he.  was 
one-  of  the  first  who  joined  the  British  cause  a6ker  the 
proclamaUoti  of  Satara,  and  his  territory,  valued  at  three 
lakhs  of  rupees  of  annual  revenue,  and  which  indudeis 
•the  spot  where  Sivajee  first  established  himself,  was 
immediately  placed  in  his  own  hands.  The  Pritee 
Needhee  took  the  first  opportunity  of  escaping  from  the 
Peishwa's  camp,  and  the  lands  held  in  his  name,  which 
were  assigned  fbr  his  maintenance,  but  never  committed 
to  his  own  management,  were  given  up.  The  raja  of 
Akulkote  was  one  of  those  jagheerdars  who,  from  the  first, 
would  have  resisted  Bajee  Bao's  -  authority,  had  he  not 
been  overawed  by  i^e  subsidiary  force  ;  he  joined  in  the 
war  with  reluctance,  quitted  the  Peishwa  early,  and  his 
jagheer  was  immediately  relinquished.  Of  the  third  class 
of   the   jagheerdars,    tfie  Putwurdhuns   were  the  most 

*  ElphinBtone's  despatches. 


CHAP.  XXVII.]  CLAIMS  OF  THB^  JAGHEEBDARS.  61'5 

conspicuous ;  Gunput  Bao  Putwurdhun  of  Tasgaoniy  one 
of  the  surviving  sons  of  Pureshram .  Bhow,  never  joined 
the  Peishwa,  and  took  an  early  opportunity,  before  the 
^atara  proclamation,  of  assuring.  Mr..  Elphinstone  of  hi;^ 
determi^atipn  not  todo  so;  his  lands  were  confirmed  to, 
him.  The  other  members  of  this  powerful  family  left 
Bajee  Rao  about  the  end  of  February :  a  like  favour- 
able consideration  was  shown  to  them.  Appa  Dessaye 
Nepankur  did  not  join  to  Peishwa  till  late ;  he  never 
acted  with,  vigour  against  the  British  troops,  and  on  one, 
occasion  behaved  remarkably  well  to  some  prisoners. 
He,  as  well  as  the  Putwurdhuns  and  Bastia  maintained  a 
Qommunication  with  Mr.  Elphinstone  throughout  the  war;^ 
but  as  he  did  not  quit  the  Peishwa  standard  until  a  late 
period,  he  lost  a  part  of  his  jagheer  by  the  restoration  of 
Ghickooree  and  Menowlee  to  Kolapoor,  and  he  likewise 
lost  considerably  by  revenues  within  the  territory  of  the 
Nizam  ;  but  for  these  last  he  was  at  a  subsequent  period 
partly  compensated,  and  the  rest  of  his  jagheer  was 
restored.  Hahdoo  Bao  Eastia  had  less  reason  than  any 
other  jagheerdar  for  those  ideas  of  honor  which  induced 
many  of  them,  to.  adhere  to  the  falling  fortunes  of  him 
whom  they  eopsidered  the  chief  of  the  Hindoos.  He 
quitted  Bajee. Rao  after  the  afiair  of  Sewnee,  and.  thus 
lost  the  claim  of  fidelity  to .  the  Peishwa,  or  of  gratitude 
to  the  British  government.  All  jagh^ers  granted  under 
the  Mahratta  governments  are  for  personal  support,  or 
the  maintenance  of  troops ;  and  each  chief  has  a  certain 
portion  of  his  jagheer  allotted  for  the  former  purpose.  To 
Buoh  persons  as  had  forfeited  all  claim,  like  Rastia,  and 
even  to  those  who  rather  feared  persecution  than  expected 
favour,  their  personal  estates  were  in  every  iustanp^ 
restored.    The  Pritee  I^eedhee,  the  Pujat  Sucbew,  the  raja 


616  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS.  [CHAP.  XXVII. 

of  Aknlkote,  the  Daflajs^  and  the  I^itnbalkurs  were^  at 
their  own  request,  placed  under  the  raja's  government, 
and  their  lands  guaranteed  to  them.  To  all  the  great 
jagheerdars  the  same*  powers  were  permitted  within  their 
own  territory  as  had  always  existed ;  and  even  towards 
those  chiefs  who  had  lost  their  lands,  great  delicacy,  and  as 
little  interference  as  possible,  were  enjoined.  The  equitable 
and  enlightened  law  which  levels  all  distinctions  would 
have  been  intolerable  to  men's  minds  in  the  existing  state 
of  the  Mahratta  country,  and  would  have  been  as  little 
relished  by  the  lower  as  by  the  higher  classes  of  society. 

The  punchayet  was  the  ordinary  tribunal  for  the 
decision  of  civil  suits,  and  it  is  that  which  gives,  and,  if 
judiciously  administered,  probably  always  will  give,  more 
satisfaction,  and  be,  in  their  own  opinion,  of  greater 
benefit,  to  the  natives  of  Maharashtra  than  any  other  mode 
of  trial.  The  English  officers  of  government,  who  had 
been  accustomed  to  the  courts  of  Udalut,  could  not  recon- 
cile themselves  to  the  corruption,  delay,  and  apparent 
injustice  of  some  of  their  decisions  ;  but,  in  commenting 
on  the  evils  of  the  Mahratta  system,  it  is  to  be  feared  they 
forgot  the  many  defects  of  their  own.  Although 
punchayets  are  continued  under  the  provisional  government 
which  is  still  maintained  in  the  conquered  territory,  it  is  to 
be  apprehended  they  can  neither  exist,  nor  have  a  fair  trial, 
where,  whilst  some  are  prejudiced,  others,  overwhelmed 
by  business  of  various  kinds,  are  discouraged  by  the 
difficulties  they  find  in  the  system ;  and  a  few  (though  I 
do  believe  such  selfishness  in  the  present  state  of  feeling 
to  be  rare),  considering  it  at  variance  with  the  interest  of 
the  civil  service,  only  strive  to  discover  objections,  which 
in  some  shape  may  be  found  to  every  form  of  administra- 
tion, but  which  time  and  vigilance  would,  in  this  instance, 


CHAP.  XXVII.]  THE  PTJNCfflTETS.  617 

in  a  great  measure  remove.  On  the  temper,  zeal,  and 
perseverance  of  the  government  oflScers,  much  must 
depend :  punchajets,  where  neglected  or  merely  tolerated, 
cannot  prosper  ;  they  require  a  pure  and  steady  super- 
intendence, with  all  the  weight  of  authority  to  correct  and 
amend  the  faults  of  the  people  which  are  confoimded  with 
the  defects  of  the  system.  A  very  active  able  agency 
would  at  first  be  necessary  after  a  plan  of  reform  had  been 
digested ;  but  once  instituted,  carefiilly  watched  and 
-encouraged  at  the  outset,  and  carried  on  for  a  time,  much 
less  interference  would  become  requisite  on  the  part  of 
government ;  and  not  only  would  the  natives  be  called  upon 
to  administer  justice  in  the  form  most  popular  among 
them,  but,  leaving  advantages  to  policy  out  of  the  question, 
the  punchayet  might  be  made  a  powerful  instrument  for 
improving  the  minds  and  amending  the  morals  of  the 
natives  of  India.  At  present,  even  in  the  Mahratta 
country,  those  who  have  a  suit  will  frequently  solicit  the 
decision  of  an  English  judge;  but  the  same  persons,  if 
intelligent  men,  when  exempt  from  the  impulse  which 
influences  their  opinions  under  such  circumstances,  will 
invariably  declare  that  the  punchayet,  in  civil  cases,  is 
far  better  suited  to  the  country  at  large  than  any  mode 
of  decision  by  individuals. 

The  criminal  law  in  the  conquered  territory  was 
adminiBtered,  as  it  usually  had  been,  by  the  decision  of 
individual  judges,  assisted  by  Hindoo  authority  in  regulat- 
ing the  measure  of  punishment ;  but  the  evidence  and 
sentences,  in  all  important  cases,  were  subject  to  the 
approval  of  the  commissioner  before  being  carried  into 
execution.  Punchayets  in  criminal  cases  had  been  known  in 
\.he  Satara  country  constituted  of  the  servants  of  govern- 
ment. The  same  mode  was  rev  ived  in  that  territory,  but 
Vol.  II. -78 


Ql$  HISTORY  OF  TfiE  MAHHATTAS.  [CHAP.  XXVII. 

punchayets  in  criminal  cases  might  be  chosen  from  the 
body  of  the  people^  although  the  advantages  of  a  trial  by 
jury  would  not  be  at  first  appreciated,  and  would  require  to 
be  introduced  by  persons  thoroughly  acquainted  with  the 
natives. 

The  revenue  system,  of  settling  with  the  people  through 
tKe  agents  of  government,  instead  of  renting  the  districts, 
was  the  means  of  abolishing  many  grievances ;  but  in  the 
Peishwa's  country,  especially  in  the  villages,  Vhere  a 
portion  of  the  inhabitants  were  composed  of  the  soldiery, 
there  was  not  so  much  oppression  as  might  have  been 
expected. 

The  mode  of  settlement  for  the  jagheerdars  has  led  to  a 
brief  notice  of  the  revenue  and  judicial  system,  and,  in 
regard  to  the  latter,  has  called  forth  reflections  which  have 
been  seldom  intruded  on  the  reader  in  the  plain  narrative 
now.  kbout  to  be  concluded. 

Mr.  Elphinstone  took  charge  of  the  government  of 
Bombay  on  the  1st  November  1819,  and  Mr.  Chaplin 
succeeded  him  as  commissioner  for  the  conquered  territory  ; 
but  liberal  pensions  in  land  or  money  were  previously 
granted  to  those  adherents  of  the  British  government 
whose  services  during  the  revolution  had  merited  such 
rewards.  The  ministers  of  the  late  government  wholly 
unprovided  for,  and  those  of  the  times  of  Nana  Fui;nuwees, 
who  were  pining  in  want,  had  also  pecuniary  sBsignments 
for  their  maintenance  during  life.  Chiefs,  not  jagheerdars, 
who  were  reduced  to  absolute  indigence,  had  also  a 
provision  according  to  cir^mistances. 

The  Dukshina,  as  the  reader  may  remember,  was  a 
charitable  institution,  originally  established  by  Dhabaray 
Senaputtee,  and  perpetuated  by  the  first  Bajee  Rao  and 
^s  successors.      The  great  Madhoo   Bao    confined  the 


CHAP.  XXVII.]       HINDOO  COLLEGE  INSTITUTED  AT  POONA.  gig 

donations  principally  to  poor  Bramins,  whose  proficiency 
in  science  and  mythology  *  entitled  them  to  distinction ; 
and  the  rewards  were  conferred  in  proportion  to  their 
acquirements,  moral  conduct,  and  sanctity.  During  the 
reign  of  the  second  Bajee  Bao,  though  a  portion  was 
always  reserved  as  the  reward  of  learning,  it  degenerated 
into  an  indiscriminate  distribution,  dictated  by  the  supersti- 
tious idea  of  feeding  and  bestowing  on  Bramins  as  an 
atonement  for  sin.  Many  poor  Bramins,  however,  had 
become  greatly  dependent  on  this  charity,  and  therefore  to 
have  stopped  it  at  once  would  have  been  inconsistent  with 
the  human  munificence  which  pervaded  every  act  of  the 
British  government  in  the  conquered  territory  ;  but,  to 
have  continued  that  promiscuous  alms  to  all  Bramins,  who 
chose  to  collect  at  Poona  for  the  purpose,  would  have  been 
a  wasteful,  and  in  many  respects  a  useless  and  pernicious, 
expenditure.  It  was  at  first  therefore  bestowed  under 
certain  limitations;  the  portion  assigned  to  men  of 
learning  was  duly  distributed ;  and  that  the  benefit 
to  the  country  might  be  rendered  more  essentially 
important,  as  the  donations  at  the  Dukshina  were 
circumscribed,  a  Hindoo  college  was  instituted  at  Poona, 
where  the  minds  of  the  youth  might  acquire  such 
instruction  in  their  own  way  as  they  are  disposed  to 
receive  in  ipathematics,  astronomy,  medicine,  &c.  ;  and 
pains  were  taken  to  erase  from  their  elementary  books 
of  ethics  such  principles  of  morality  as  have  a  dangerous 
or  a  doubtful  tendency.  Though  the  institution  of  the 
college,  which  was  committed  to  Mr.  Chaplin,  was  at 
first  regarded  with  some  signs  of  distrust,  before  the  end 
of  1822  there  were  143  Bramins,  students  or  candidates 
for  admission,  even  before  fit  teachers  for  all  the  branches 
had  been  found. 


>.  * 


620 


BISTORT  OF  THE  MAHRATTAS. 


[CHAP.  XXVII. 


The  saving  to  the  British  government  from  the  revenues 
of  the  Peishwa's  territory,  after  all  these  arrangements 
were  completed,  became  very  inconsiderable ;  bnt  by  lapses 
of  lives  of  the  pensioners,  effectnal  protection  to  the  country, 
fortunate  seasons,  and  progressive  improvement  of  agricul- 
ture, the  revenue  in  three  years  increased  upwards  of 

17  lakhs  of  rupees. 

Thus  was  completed,  imder  the  direction  of  the  Hon'ble 
Mountstuart  Elphinstone,  this'  important  change  in  the 
government  of  ihe  Mahratta  country  ;  the  liberality  of  the 
settlement  authorised  by  the  Marquis  of  Hastings  far 
exceeded  the  expectations  of  the  people,  and  more  was  in 
consequence  done  for  tlie  tranquillity  of  the  Deccan  in 

18  months  than  had  ever  followed  a  revolution  in  that 
disturbed  country  after  a  period  of  many  years.    The  name 

the  British  government ;  and  the  memory  of  benefits 
conferred  by  him  on  the  inhabitants  of  Maharashtra  will 
probably  survive  ftiture  revolutions,  and  will  do  much  in 
the  meantime  to  preserve  the  existence  of  British  India.* 

*  Authorities  as  in  the  preceding. 


THE  END. 


^ 


1 1  lM\ 


'•    / 


ADVERTISBMENTS. 


Second  Edition, 

MANUAL 

OP 

INDIAN    SPORT. 

Beprinted  from  the  Times  of  India. 

A  Handt  little  volame,  elegantly  bonod — an  in- 
dispensable companion  to  Sportsmen  yisiting  India. 
This  little  work  is  intended  to  serve  as  a  Vadt 
Mecum  for  the  nse  of  Indian  sportsmen  in  the 
jnngle.  The  Compiler  has  attempted  to  collect  in 
a  conveniently  concise  form  the  lessons  learned  by 
many  a  mighty  *  Forest  Banger'  and  *  Old  Shikarry* 
in  the  Forest  and  the  Field.  Campbell,  Elliot, 
fl.  A.  L.,  Shakespear,  Williamson,  Markham,  Bice, 
Forsyth,  Gordon  Camming,  Fayrer,  and  many  others 
contribute  their  rich  and  vaHed  experiences.  The 
book  has  been  very  favourably  reviewed  by  the 
Press. 


OPINIONS  OF  THB  PBBSS. 

Wb  have  to  tcknowledge  withthaokfl  aeopy  of  this  ia- 
terestiog  little  work,  being  a  reprint  from  artiolee  appear* 
infc  from  time  to  time  in  the  Timbs  of  Ibdia.  The  aatho-* 
rities  made  nse  of  by  the  complier  in  attemptiDg  to  collect, 
in  a  conveniently  concise  form,  the  lessons  learnt  by  many 
a  mighty  forest-ranger  and  ^  Old  Shikarry,*'  give  the  book 
a  vtflne  that  all  Indian  sportsmen  will  appreciate,  particu- 
larly as  it  is  intended  to  serve  as  a  vade  mecum  for  nse  in 
tiie  jangle.  We  can  cordially  recommend  the  Manual  we 
have  so  cursorily  noticed  to  the  attention  of  onr  sporting 
readers,  as  well  as  the  non-profeesional  public,  to  whom  the 
information  conveyed  is  pleasantly  readable  and  coDeisdy 
arranged.— ifa<iro«  Athenaum, 

Wb  have  received  from  the  Times  of  India  Press  a 
copy  of  **  A  Manual  of  Indian  Sport,"  which  is  a  reprint 
of  certain  articles  that  had  appeared  in  that  paper.  The 
descriptions  of  the  different  animals  given  are  generally 
correct,  and  to  a  novice  at  big  game  shooting  the  work  wiU 
be  found  very  useful,  whilst  even  an  ezperieoced  spoiti- 
man  may  gain  from  it  some  useful  hints. — En§li»hmam, 

A  ooFT  of  a  book  entitled  **  A  Manual  of  Indian  Sport*' 
has  been  forwarded  to  us  by  the  Proprietors  of  the  TiMaa  of 
Ibdia.  The  volume  ism  reprint  of  papers  which  appeared, 
from  time  to  time,  in  the  columns  of  the  Timbs  of  Ibdia« 
giving  an  account  of  the  various  beasts  of  sport  to  be  found 


ADVERTISEMENTS. 


in  the  Indian  {angles,  with  directions  how  to  track  and 
destroy  them,  together  with  Talaable  hints  regarding  the 
presenration  of  the  skinSi  &c«,  of  the  animals.  In  the  pre- 
face the  author  very  modestly  says  he  is  a  mere  **  eom- 
{»iler  "  having  collected  in  a  small  compass  the  *'  lessons 
earned  by  many  a  *  Forest  Ranger*  and  *  Old  Shikarry*  in 
the  Forest  and  the  Field."  Bat  on  perasing  the  work,  which 
consists  of  twenty-six  chapters  extending  to  one  hand  red 
and  sixty-five  pages,  there  will  be  fonnd  mnch  original 
matter  nsef  al  to  every  Indian  sportsman.  We  recommend 
the  pnblication  to  all  lovers  of  i  angle  sports  as  containing 
valuable  information  and  hints  given  in  a  dear  aod  coneiae 
style. — Sindian, 

**  A  Manual  ov  Indian  Spobt*'  is  a  neat  little  vo- 
lume, made  up  of  a  series  of  papers  contributed  to  the 
TiMBS  OF  India,  and  printed  at  the  Timbs  of  India 
Press.  We  cannottell  what  experienced  sportsmen  may  have 
to  say  of  these  papers,  but  they  are  full  of  interest  and  in- 
formation to  the  general  reader.  Those,  too,  who  are  fond 
of  an  occasional  shot,  but  have  no  claim  to  rank  among  the 
**  mighty  hunters,"  will  find  the  book  well  worth  pemaaU— 


**A  Manual  of  Indian  SFOBT."^Sach  is  the  title 
of  an  exquisitely  bound  little  volume,  in  clear  neat 
^pe,  and  re-printed  from  the  Tihss  of  India,  which 
we  have  received.  Interesting  principally  to  the  **  Old 
Shikarry,"  but  not  much^  less  interesting  to  the  gene- 
ral  reader,  the  volume  is  quite  a  little  treasure,  as 
while  conveying  graphic  hints  to  the  former  as  how  he  is 
best  to  proceed  through  the  daogeroos  passes  of  an  Indian 
)angle,  the  latter  will  not  be  uninterested  to  learn  more 
than  perhaps  he  knew  before  of  the  various  **  marks"  and 
natures  of  the  different  wild  animals  that  infest  our  eastem 
woods. «  Each  ehapter  clearly  defines  Its  own  object,,  and 
is  highly  readable.  Certainly  none  of  our  young  shikarries 
(and  old  ones  too,  for  the  matter  of  that)  whose  name  is 
**  legion,"  ought  to  be  without  this  little  volume,  which 
while  serving  them  as  a  guide,  would  prove  highly  interest- 
ing likewise  through  the  dangers  of  the  jungle.  A  refer- 
ence to  its  pages  would  mote  than  bear  out  what  we  have 
said.    The    compiler    has    our  oongratnlatioaar--rPQo»a 

Gilt  Cloth  Limp  Bound. 

PBICB  »l'%. 

With  PoBtoge  Jri-t2. 


TIMES  OF  INDIA  OFFICE, 

Vo.  9,  OHUBGH  OATB  STRKRT,  BOMBAT. 
jjOnDOS  i  W.  J.  JOHNSON.  121  FL.EKT  8TRSET,