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Kx tract from the University of Sydney Manual of Public 

AND GEOGRAPHY.- (Junior Grade). 

1. Four prizes of the value of £7, £6, £4, and £3 
respectively, founded by Venour Nathan, Esq., will be 
awarded as the result of an examination in Australian 
Hist(,)ry and Geography, to be held concurrently with the 
Junior Public Examination. 

2. They will be open to competition amongst efficient 
members of a cadet or volunteer corps who are not over 1 8 
years of age on the first day of examination, and who have 
either passed the Junior Public Examination or who pass 
the Junior Public Examination at the time of competition 
for the prize. 

3. The text-books recommended are A. W. Jose's 
" Short History of Australasia," together with suitable 
books on Australian Geography, such as E. C. Andrew's 
" Geography of New South Wales," Professor Gregory's 
" Geography of Victoria," etc. 

4. Candidates who wish to compete must make 
application in writing to the Registrar not later than the 
date for receiving Junior applications Each application 
must be accompanied by a certificate from the candidate's 
teacher or other responsible person that the candidate is an 
efficient member of a cadet or volunteer corps. The 
successful candidates will be required to produce certificates 
of birth. 

5. The prizes will be awarded only when in the 
opinion of the examiners the competitors show sufficient 







Third Edition, Revised and Enlarged 






Printed by Websdale, Shoosmith Ltd. 


Angus & Robertson, Ltd., Sydney 

London : The Australian Book Company 

21, Warwick Lane, E.C. 


In writing this History recourse lias been had, as far as 
possible, to original documents and sources of information 
contemporary with the events they describe. 

I desire to acknowledge the help I have received from 
Professor E. E. Morris, of Melbourne University ; David 
Scott Mitchell, Esq. ; Dr. Hocken, F.L.S., of Dunedin ; 
J. B. Walker, Esq. ; the Hon. A. C. Gregory, M.L.C. of 
Queensland ; John Bagot, Esq. ; and Thomas Gill, Esq. ; 
all of whom have read the advance sheets of this work and 
made valuable comments. In a few instances, however, 
I have felt myself unable to accept their advice ; and, 
while expressing my gratitude for their very welcome 
suggestions, I wish to make it clear that they have no 
responsibility for statements made in the following pages. 

The illustrations are taken from authentic and in most 
cases contemporary documents, a large number of them 
drawn from the unequalled collection of David Scott 
Mitchell, Esq. To him, and to H. C. L. Anderson, Esq., 
M.A., Principal Librarian of the Public Library of New 
South Wales, I tender my best thanks for their help in 
this matter. 



As regards the body of the book, a few errors have been 
corrected, a few ambiguous sentences rewritten, and the 
book has been brought up to date by the addition of a 
section dealing with the years since Federation. My 
thanks are due, for advice and corrections, to kindly 
critics in the press and elsewhere. 

For much of the information contained in the new 
chapter on Australian Literature, as well as for careful 
revision and kindly criticism of it, I am indebted to^Mr. 
Bertram Stevens. 

A. W. J. 

February, 1909. 


I.— The First Visitors 1-11 

A. Foreigners 1 

B. The English {1688-1770) 6 

XL— The Penal Settlement 12-31 

A. Plans and Preparations {1783-88) ... 12 

B. The Baby Colony {1788-1804) ... 17 

C. Biot and Mutiny {1804-9) 28 

III.— The Colony Expands 32-40 

A. A New System (1810-18) 32 

B. The Troubles of Government {1810- 

18S1) 36 

0. Exploration and Settlement {182g-S0)... 40 

IV.— The Days of Bourke 60-67 

A. Political Agitation {1831-7) ... .„ 60 

B. The Opening Up of Port Phillip 

{18S6-7) 52 

C. Land Regulations {I8S4-SI) ... ... 68 

D. The Settlers and Their Surroundings 60 

v.— The Daughter Colonies 68-84 

A. 'Tasmania {1803-S6) 68 

B. Western Australia {1820-40) 75 

C. South Australia {1830-41) 80 

VI.— The Coming of Self-Government 85-104 

A. New SoxUh Wales {1837-61) 85 

B. Tasmania {1836-66) 97 

C. South Australia {1841-51) 100 

VII.— Nkvv Zeat.akd in the Early Days .« ... 105-121 

A. The Maoris and Their Land ... 105 

B. Early Discoverers {1642-1774) ... 109 

C. Mi8sio7iaries and Chiefs {1775-18S0)... 112 

D. Britiiih Interference (1831-9) 118 

VIIL— Nbw Zealand, 1839-1851 .- 122-142 

A. Golond Wakefield {1839-40) 122 

B. The Scramble for Land {1SS9-4S) ... 1'25 

C. War with the Maoris {1843-6) .. 130 

D. The Administratio7i of Governor Grey 

{1846-50) 139 

IX. — The Gold Discoveries and their Results ... 143-162 

A. First News of Gold (1849-51) ... 143 

B. The Troubles of Victoria (1851-6) ... 148 
G. Settling into Shape (1853-9) 158 

X.— Filling In the Map 163-181 

A. Coastal Districts (1838-41) 163 

B. The Inland Wastes (1844-58) ... 167 

C. Crossing the Contintnt (1858-63) ... 174 

XI. - Constitutional Govhrnment 182-196 

A. New Sotith Wale>i (1S60-85) 182 

B. Victoria (1860-85) 189 

C. Tasmania (1860-89) 196 

XII. -Constitutional Government (Continued) ... 196-213 

A. The Waste Lands (1861-3) 196 

B. Queensland (1859-90) 198 

C. South Australia (1860-80) 203 

D. West Australia (1840-96) .... ... 209 

XIII. -New Zealand since 1850 214-231 

A. The New Constitution 214 

B. The Maori War (1856-65) 215 

C. Troublous Times (1865-68) 223 

D. Peace and Progress (1870-90) ... 229 


XIV.— Australasia 

A. Europeans in the SotUh Seas ( 1803 -99 J 

B. Tke Period of Annexation (1882-95) ... 
G. Federation (1850-1908) 

XV.— Australian Literature 

A. Introductory 

B. The Reginninqs ... 

C. The Immigrant Observers 

D. The Work of the Native- Born... 

Index I.— General 






Index II.— History of Separate Colonies 



For the convenience of readers who wish to follow tip the 
history of separate colonies consecutively, the following marginal 
signs are used throughout : — 

(At the end of sections) c.p. — , meaning continued on page — . 

(At the beginning of sections) fr.p. — , meaning continued from 


Australia, Showing Inland Settlement and Coastal 

Discoveries Frontispiece 

Tracks of the Early Explorers Facing 48 

Tasmania 74 

New Zealand 131 

Goldfields in 1852 151 

Australia, Showing Proposed and Present Boundaries... 197 


Fac-simile (slightly reduced) of Title Page of the First 

Book on Australia Facing 1 

Map of the Southern Pacific Ocean, Circa 1600 3 

Pblsart's Ship * Batavia' 5 

William Dampier 7 

Captain Cook 9 

The 'Endeavour' Careened 10 

Sir Joseph Banks 11 

Governor Phillip 15 

Private of the New South Wales Corps 19 

Governor Hunter 20 

George Bass 22 

Matthew Flinders 24 

Sydney from the West Side in 1800 25 

Governor Kino 27 

Governor Bligh 28 

John Macarthub ... 29 

Governor Macqdarie 36 

Brisbane in 1837, from a Pencil Drawing by Conrad 

Martens in the Possession of Adrian Knox, Esq. ... 42 

Hamilton Hume 43 

Allan Cunningham 45 

Governor Bourke, from his Statue in the Domain, Sydney 50 
Signatures on Batman's Treaty, from the Original in the 

Melbourne Public Library 55 

John Pascoe Fawkner 56 

Commandant's House, Melbourne, 1837 68 

General Post Office, Sydney, in 1833 60 

Currency Note 62 

Holey-Dollar AND Dump .« ... ... ... 63 

Hobart Town in 1820 .►. 70 

Governor Arthur 73 

Frkmantle IN 1831 77 

Albany, King George's Sound, in 1833 79 

Edward Gibbon Wakefield 81 

William Charles Wentworth 86 

Robert Lowe 

Early View of Melbourne 

Sir John Franklin 

A Maori Chief 

Rev. Samuel Marsden 

Te Rauparaha 

Signatures to the Treaty op Waitangi 

Wellington in 1842 

Plan of Ruapekapeka 

Section of Ruapekapeka .. 

Sir George Grey 

Edward Hammond Hargraves 

The Ophir Diggings, from a Drawing by G. F. Angas 

Victorian Gold License .. 

Rev, John Dunmobe Lang, D.D. 

E, J. Eyre 

Charles Sturt 

LuDWiG Leichhardt , 

Sir T. L. Mitchell 

J. McDouall Stuart 

Robert O'Hara Burke 

W. J. Wills 

Monument at Mansfield to Police Killed by Bushrangers 

William Bede Dalley 

Sir George Bo wen 

Brisbane in 1860 

Station on the Overland Telegraph Link 

A Pa 

Maoris Defending a Pa 

Te Kooti 

Sir Henry Parkbs 



memorial que ha pre(cntado a fu Ma 
gcftad el Capitan Pedro Fernandez 
dc Quir , fobre la poblacion y dcfcu* 
brimiento de la quarca parte del mun 
do, Auftriaiia incognita,(u gran rique 
^A y fertilidadtdcfcubJerta por el 
mifmo Capitan, 

CottUccXiciadel Ctjnfejp Rcaldc Pamplona, Imprcfl* 
pgr Carlos dc Labaycii. Af o itfjo. 

Fac-similk (Swqutly Rkduced) of Titi,k Pagr ok tiik First Book on Austkalia. 


A. Foreigners. 

When we look at a map of the world, and see the long 
chain of islands that stretches south-east from Asia to 
within a few miles of Cape York, it must seem a strange 
thing that Australia should have been so little known 
before the time when England founded a colony here. 
One would think it easy for even unskilful seamen to creep 
from island to island along the Malay Archipelago till they 
reached the continent that spreads out below it : and yet, 
as far as we can make out, the aboriginal tribes that w© 
call " blackfellows " must have come to the country very 
many hundreds of years ago, and were left quite undisturbed 
by settlers until the English arrived. 

There are three main reasons for this. In the first place, 
the tribes of eastern and south-eastern Asia were not 
particularly adventurous voyagers. All the bold Asiatic 
seamen — at least all those of whom history tells us anything 
— lived up in the north-west corner of the Indian Ocean, 
and so thought themselves very bold indeed when they 
managed to sail as far east as Java. In the second place, 
the Malay Islands enjoy a tropical climate and are extremely 
fertile, while the north coast of Australia is, on the whole, 
barren and uninviting. If Malays did land on the continent 
they must have thought it a poor place compared to their 
own country, and felt not at all inclined to change their 
abode. In the third place, it happens that the only parts 
of the Australian coast which look at all pleasant from the 
sea are the eastern part, and the southern as far west as Port 
Fairy or thereabouts ; and by a curious series of accidents 
the European explorers, when they came, lit upon nearly 


all the rest of the coastline and missed the pleasant part. 
When at last Captain Cook happened to find that, it did 
not take long for Europeans to make up their minds about 
coming out here to live. 

Between four and five hundred years ago there began in 
Europe a great movement of all the western nations. From 
the time of the Roman Empire Europe had traded a good 
deal with India and China, and these countries had a great 
reputation for wealth. But about the middle of the 
fifteenth century the overland route by which this trade 
went was finally blocked by the Turks, and merchants were 
Portugal therefore anxious to find a new route by sea. The 

Spain little state of Portugal was first in the field, and its seamen 
crept year after year down the west side of Africa, until in 
1492 Vasco da Gama sailed round the southern end of that 
continent and across the Indian Ocean. About the same 
time Columbus, who had persuaded the King of Spain to 
send him to find India by sailing westwards across the 
Atlantic, came upon a number of islands which he thought 
were part of Malaysia, but which are now called the 
West Indies. To prevent the Portuguese, who had gone 

Treaty of east, from quarrelling with the Spaniards, who had gone 

" mu *' west, the Pope arranged a treaty by which the new 
discoveries were shared between the two nations. A line 
was drawn on the map down the Atlantic in longitude 45* 

Treaty of W.; Portugal was to have all east of this, and Spain all west. 
io29 ' When after some years the two nations met on the 
opposite side of the globe, a similar line was drawn in the 
Pacific Ocean (about longitude 147° E.), only in this case 
Portugal was to keep west of the new line, and Spain east 
of it. Now, although nothing was known of Australia in 
those days, yet a great deal had been guessed. The early 
mapmakers liked to make their map symmetrical : in the 
westernt half they put Europe on the north and Africa on 
the south with a big sea, the Mediterranean, between the 

t This was, of course, before the discovery of America. 


two ; in the eastern half they had Asia on the north and 
the Indian Ocean for the sea in the middle, and they 
invented a big southern continent to fill up, making it 


stretch across from the bottom of Africa and rise eastwards 
to meet the peninsula of Further India. So both Spaniards 
and Portuguese were on the lookout. If the Portuguese 
found Australia — and it is very probable that they did — 
they took good care to say nothing about it, because the most 
valuable districts lay on the Spanish side of the treaty 
line. As for the Spaniards, they sent several ships across 
the Pacific from their possessions in South America, but 
none of them hit the Australian coast fairly. They dis- 
covered the Philippines, the Solomon Islands, the Marquesas 
Islands; and at last in 1606 de Quiros*, coming past 
Tahiti, thought he had found the continent. He called it 
La AustHalia d^l Espiritu Santo (Austrialia of the Holy 
Ghost), and sailed away back to Peru. But his 
second in command, Luis de Torres, stayed behind, and 
proved that de Quiros Avas wrong by sailing round the 
new-discovered land, which turned out to be one of the 
New Hebrides. Then Torres started westwards, and got 
in among the islands south of New Guinea. He even saw 
the Australian coastline some distance south of Cape York ; 
but he thought it was only one more island among the 

* Fernandez de Quir was a Portuguese : but, being in the Spanish aeryice, ha is 
I de I 

usually known 

Quiros, which is the Spanish form. 


many, and turned up through the straits that are now 
called after him without knowing what he really had seen. 
The Meanwhile another nation had come on the scene. In 

^ 1580, Spain had annexed Portugal and all her empire; but 

as the Portuguese valued their discoveries because of their 
trade, and the Spaniards despised trade and wanted gold 
mines, Spain did not take much trouble to preserve what 
she had acquired. Just about the same time, too, the 
Dutch were engaged in a bitter war against Spain ; and, 
as they were enthusiastic about trade, they took trouble to 
conquer from her all the colonies that had once been 
Portugal's. They also, when they reached Malaysia, began 
to send out exploring ships towards the unknown Southern 
Land. And, quaintly enough, almost at the time when 
Torres on the eastern side of Cape York was imagining 
himself among islands in an open ocean, a Dutch ship (the 
Dayfke7i, or Dove) was sailing further and further down 
the western side of Cape York into the Gulf of Carpentaria, 
in the belief that the coast to eastward was part of New 
Guinea, and that there was no water passage at all where 
we know Torres Straits are. Of course the Duyfken^s 
captain, when he returned to the Dutch station in Java, 
rej)orted that there was no outlet at all eastwards into the 
Pacific, a mistake repeated by other expeditions that 
followed in the Dui/f/cen's track. On the west coast of 
Australia, however, discovery followed discovery, as ship 
after ship on its way from Holland to Java was driven 
south-east out of its proper course. The captains left their 
names, or the names of their ships, all the way round from 
the Gulf itself — named after a General Carpenter, who was 
head of the Dutch East India Company — to Cape Leeuwin 
(Lioness, the name of a ship) and Nuyts' Land ; but they were 
not attracted by the look of the land, which they described as 
barren, while " wild, black, and barbarous," " cruel, poor, 
and brutal," were some of their adjectives for the native 


In 1628 a ship of war, under the command of Francis 
Pelsart, was driven on a reef off the west coast of Australia, 
among the islands called 
Houtman's Abrolhos. 
Pelsart got his crew to 
shore, and then set off 
in one of the ship's 
boats for Java, where 
he was given another 
frigate and sent back to 
fetch away his men. 
But when he returned 
he found that one part 
of the crew had muti- Pblsart's Ship. 

nied and murdered more than a hundred of their fellow- 
sufferers — indeed, the mutineers came off in boats to seize 
the newly-arrived ship, intending, if they were successful, 
to become pirates. Pelsart, warned in time, made them 
prisoners, executed all but two, whom he put ashore, and 
sailed back to Java with the remnant of the refugees. 

Not long afterwards a new governor, Antony van 
Diemen, came to Java; and in 1642 he sent out Abel 
Tasman (already a noted voyager among the islands of 
Asia) with a couple of ships to make what discoveries he 
might well to southwards. Tasman went across the Indian 
Ocean to Mauritius, and then struck south, so as to place 
his ship in the belt of steady westerly winds that lies south 
of latitude 40°. These drove him straight to the shores 
which we call Tasmania, but which he named Yan Piemen's 
Land, in honour of the man who had sent him out. In 
Blackman's Bay he anchored and landed, but saw no 
natives. What he did see was rather terrifying — the 
tracks of an animal like the tiger, and two trees with steps 
cut in them five feet apart, which made him think the 
people who used them must be giants. So away he 
sailed east again, and in no long time reached New Zealand. 


Here he met natives — not giants, indeed, but very fierce — 
who prevented him from landing at all ; and when he came 
back to Java, by way of the northern side of New Guinea, 
his report was sufficiently discouraging to prevent any 
1644 more Dutch ships from visiting those parts. He himself 
was sent off again to make one more attempt at finding a 
passage to the south of New Guinea ; but, in spite of all his 
care, he made the old mistake, and sailed across the western 
mouth of Torres Straits, under the impression that it was 
merely a large bay. 

B, Thb English (1688-1770). 

In those days it was not so well settled as it is now that 
every civilised nation is responsible for the doing of its 
citizens. Nowadays, no Englishman would fit out a ship 
to plunder the merchant vessels of a nation with which 
England is at peace; or, if one did, he would be 
called a pirate, and hunted to death by warships. 
Three hundred years ago, however, it was not an 
uncommon thing for high-spirited young men who had no 
money to join a number of seamen of different nations who 
lived among the West Indian Islands, and harried the 
commerce and colonies of Spain. Towards the end of the 
seventeenth century these buccaneers — as they were called 
— found their old quarters becoming too hot for them ; and 
one crew decided, as it was too risky to plunder Spanish 
ships in the West Indies, to betake themselves to the East 

npier. Indies and plunder Dutchmen instead. Among them was 
a young Englishman named William Dampier, who 
accompanied them round Cape Horn, across the Pacific 
Ocean, and through Malaysia to the western shores of 
Australia, where, with some trouble, he managed to leave 
them and get back to England. Here he published an 

1688 account of his voyage, and as a result was sent out in 
1699 in command of the Roebuck to make a careful survey 
of the coast he had been on, and to discover whatever new 


William Dampikr. 

land he could. Both his visits, unfortunately, were paid 
to the most barren part of the whole coastline ; wliereas, 
directly he left it, he came 
upon New Guinea and other 
richly-wooded tropical islands, 
which made poor Australia 
seem still poorer and more 
barren by comparison. So his 
reports were not a whit more 
favourable than any previously 
written. The land, he said, 
was sandy and waterless, the 
natives were " the miser- 
ablest people in the world," the 
trees were stunted, and there 
was very little to eat. He 
seems to have come across some kangaroos, and enjoyed a 
meal of their flesh ; but the greatest delicacy he could find 
was a catch of sharks (!), inside one of which he declares he 
found the head of a hippopotamus. After that it is hardly 
surprising to find that his book of travels was at first looked 
upon in England as a romance ; but he was really a very 
careful, truthful, and observant explorer. There is a 
romance, however, with which Dampier was closely con- 
nected. In 1705 he helped to fit out an expedition bound 
for the Pacific to destroy Spanish commerce on the South yfrar of the 
American coast. When the ship reached a small island, succession, 
called Juan Fernandez, it was found to be so leaky that 
one of the crew, Alexander Selkirk by name, preferred to 
stay alone on the island. The ship did go down on its way 
home, but Dampier escaped ; and in 1709, finding himself 
again near Juan Fernandez, he managed that the ship 
whose sailing master he then was should put in and take 
Selkirk off. And out of Selkirk's account of his four 
years' loneliness Daniel Defoe constructed for us a romance 
that everybody knows — the tale of " Robinson Crusoe." 



Nothing is known of any discoveries in Australia for 
seventy years after Dampier left it for New Guinea. 
But there was a good deal of discussion, and scientific men 
compared the different accounts of the explorers, and the 
conclusion to which they came was a strangely wrong one. 
All the old maps insisted on a great mass of dry land 
stretching up from the Antarctic regions; and it seemed 
possible that the land Tasman had called New Zealand was 
a northern peninsula of this " Great South Land." On the 
other hand, Dutch navigators were positive that New 
Guinea extended down the eastern side of the Gulf of 
Carpentaria. As for the rest of the surveyed coast, it had 
islands along it, and the Pacific was known to be an ocean 
of many islands. What more probable than that the 
whole supposed coastline should be merely a line of island 
groups ? In any case, there was an absolutely unknown 
region between Tasmania and New Guinea one way and 
Nuyts' Land and the New Hebrides the other Avay — 
which, by the bye, Dean Swift made use of to locate 
Lilliput in his "Gulliver's Travels." 

Jook ^t 1^^^ ^^ opportunity was found of settling all these 
questions definitely. In 1768 Lieutenant James Cook was 
sent in command of the ship Endeavour to convey a party 
of scientific men to Tahiti, where they wished to mak« 
astronomical observations. He went out round Cape Horn, 
with instructions to search diligently for traces of a 
southern continent in the Pacific. Accordingly, when the 
business at Tahiti was finished, he made his way towards 

p 103 Tasman's New Zealand, and sailed round both islands, 
making good maps as he went, and proving, of course, that 
they were islands, and had no connection with any Great 
South Land. That being settled, he determined to visit 
Tasman's other discovery, and steered straight for Tas- 
mania; but when not far off a lucky storm drove liim 
northwards, and at six o'clock in the morning of April 1 9, 
1770, his first lieutenant, Hicks, saw a long stretch of land 


Captain Cook. 

to the north-west — the Ninety-mile Beach of Eastern 
Gippsland. Of what lay to southwards Cook know a little, 
for Tasman had been there. 
The north was a pure mys- 
tery. So after a couple 
of hours he headed the 
Endeavour north-east along 
the coast, watching the 
shape of it, as it changed 
from day to day, for a 
harbour where his ship 
might lie in safety. A 
southerly wind carried him 
past Jervis Bay, and the 
rough surf frustrated an 
attempt at landing near 
Clifton; but at daybreak on the 28th he sighted the 
opening into Botany (which he at first called Stingray) 
Bay, and by afternoon the Endeavour was at anchor 
inside it. A full week was devoted to exploring the The first 
neighbourhood and trying to make friends with the 
natives. Both enterprises turned out unlucky. The 
blackfellows ignored the strangers as far as possible, 
and either ran away or threw spears at them when any 
communication was attempted. As for exploration, a 
book published later in England under his name, and 
with his authority, talked about " great abundance of 
grass" and "the finest meadows in the world," besides 
"a deep, black mould, fit for the production of grain 
of any kind ; " and it was largely this description which 
afterwards made the British Government believe a young 
colony in New South Wales would almost immediately 
be able to supply itself with food — a belief which nearly 
resulted in the wholesale starvation of the first settlers. 

On May 6 the Endeavour sailed again, keeping as 
close to the shore as was safe. Cook charted and named 



Aug, 21 


all the striking features of the coastline as he passed, some- 
times from their appearance — Broken Bay, for instance — 

sometimes after his 

^'^^%^ '^^^^^^"^i^Src^S friends or superior 

Port Jackson and Port 
Stephens, after the two 
Secretaries to the Ad- 
miralty. Once round 
Sandy Cape, he found 
himself among the 
shoals of the Great 
Barrier Reef; and a 
little north of where 
Cairns now stands the 
ship ran suddenly on 
a coral reef, stayed 
there for twenty-three 
that she was barely 
river, which Cook named 

The " Endeavour" Careened. 

hours, and sustained such damage 
carried into the mouth of a little 
after her. It took two months to patch her up and make 
ready for a fresh start ; then, with exceeding care. Cook 
threaded his way in and out of the reefs till he had rounded 
Cape York. And there, being at last certain that he had 
been sailing along the eastern side of a continent — since he 
had now connected his discoveries with those of the Dutch 
nearly two hundred years before — he landed on a little 
island in the straits and, with hoisting of flags and much 
tiring of musketry, took possession of the whole eastern 
coast for the King of England, giving it the name of New 
South Wales. 

One of Cook's companions on this memorable voyage 
was stirred by it to take a strong and lasting interest in 
the lands he had helped to discover. Joseph Banks had 
joined the expedition as botanist at his own expense, and 
from first to last was the most active of explorers when- 



ever a landing was made. It was the number of 
plants which he and his fellow-botanist, Solander, collected 
there that suggested to Cook 
the name, which he after- 
wards adopted for his first 
Australian landing place, of 
" Botany Bay ; " while the 
heads of that bay still bear 
the names of the botanists. 
When the expedition re- 
turned to England, Banks' 
journal was used as much 
as, and perhaps more than, 
Cook's in compiling the 
authorised account of the 
v^oyage. Later on, when 
there was talk of making a settlement in New South Wales, 
Banks was consulted again and again. It was more 
his work than any other man's that the settlement was in 
the end made ; and from the time of its making he 
helped the settlers in every possible way. He sent 
out plants ; he obtained sheep from the King's own 
flock ; he offered to engage the African explorer, Mungo 
Park, to make discoveries inland; he heartily backed up 
Flinders, the greatest of our explorers by sea ; he was in 
constant communication with many of the governors, 
especially Governor King, whose successor he practically 
appointed. To him, in fact, more than to any other man, 
it is due that, in spite of many early misfortunes, the 
English colony took firm hold on the soil of New South 

Sir Josbph Banks. 

A. Plans and Preparations (1783-1788). 
Cook had no idea of the importance of his discovery; 
indeed, he was rather apologetic for having done so little. 
Both he and those who sent him out were much more 
interested in the Great South Land, whose whereabouts was 
still a puzzle. It did not seem to be anywhere south of 
Tasmania, certainly. But it might lie further to the east, 
between New Zealand and South America ; indeed, there 
was another legend that a Spanish pilot, Juan Fernandez, 
had discovered a fertile country with large rivers in it not very 
1772-5 far south-west of Chili. So on Cook's second voyage he let 
Australia quite alone, and went sailing here and there all 
over the South Pacific ; he ransacked it thoroughly from 
Tahiti to the Antarctic ice, and from Tierra del Fuego to 
New Zealand, and after two years went back to England 
quite satisfied that there was no Great South Land worth 
looking for. A third voyage which he began in 1776 was 
given up to explorations in the North Pacific, between 
Alaska and north-eastern Asia ; Cook just put in at a 
Tasmanian harbour and at Queen Charlotte Sound in New 
Zealand, but did nothing more in our part of the world ; 
and in an unfortunate quarrel with the natives of Hawaii, 
where he was spending the winter of 1778-9, the great and 
adventurous seaman was killed. 
irofthe So for several years Australia was left to itself. But in 
volution, those years England was occupied in fighting several other 
776-178S jj^ations ; and one result of all this fighting was to set men 
thinking of the new land in the southern seas. In the first 
place, we were fighting our own cousins, the Americans. 
Or, to put it more correctly, we were helping some of the 
English colonists in America to fight the 


helped were the fewer in number, and in the end we and 

they were defeated. So bitter had been the fight that it 

became impossible for our friends (who were called 

" Loyalists ") and the men who had conquered them to live 

in the same country, and we were in honour bound to find 

some place where our friends could live in peace. It 

occurred to some Englishmen that such a place might be 

found in the land which Cook had discovered : and James Matra's 

IMatra, who had been a midshipman on the Endeavour^ 

drew up a scheme by which the Loyalists should be set 

down in New South Wales to found a colony there, with 

labourers brought from China and the South Sea Islands 

to do all the hard work for them. 

But there was a great difficulty in the way, which arose 
from this same " War of the American Revolution." 
England was fighting also with France ; in fact, it was the 
help of France which had given victory to the Americans, 
and that help had been possible because France had at last 
a strong navy. Now the French had been quite as much p. 26 
interested as ourselves in southern exploration, and part of 
Cook's work on his second and third voyages had been to 
follow in the tracks of some French ships and find out what 
they had discovered. So it was not unlikely that, if the 
Loyalist colony was formed as Matra proposed, a strong 
French fleet would come down upon it and seize the 
country. He therefore went to the English Ministry and 
asked for help ; if the scheme was carried out under the 1733 
direct orders of the Government, there would be no fear of 
a French attack. 

Before the Ministry would do anything it had to be 
clearly proved that England would get some advantage out 
of this new settlement. Again the recent war provided 
useful arguments in its favour. We had been fighting 
Spain and Holland as well as France ; if we had to fight 
them again. New South Wales would be an a'^Imirable 
centre from which to attack the Dutch and Spanish islands 


in the Malay Archipelago. But the argument which in the 
end prevailed was much more pressing than that. It was, 
that New South Wales would be a most suitable place to 
which to send convicts. 
Trans- For more than a hundred years we had been in the habit 
of shipping off certain classes of prisoners to America, to 
be used there by landowners as labourers on their plan- 
tations. When the American war broke out it at once 
became impossible to do this any longer, and the English 
prisons soon became full ; for before the war a thousand 
used to be transported every year, and room had 
to be found for all these. Parliament in 1779 discussed 
several plans for getting rid of the extra numbers ; and 
when Matra's proposal was brought before Lord Sydney, 
the Home Secretary (who at that time looked after our 
prisons and our colonies, too), it struck him at once that 
all the people whose disposal was troubling him — convicts 
and Loyalists and all — might be arranged for together in 
the new country. The Loyalists could make use of the 
convicts in Australia as they had done before in Virginia ; 
and the Government, if it got rid of its convicts, could 
afford to protect the colony from a French invasion. 

The plan seemed a good one. But the Government took 
a long time to make up its mind. Australia was a very 
long way off, and a ship was sent to search for some nearer 
place along the west coast of Africa. When after all it 
became clear that Africa would not do, the Loyalists had 
grown tired of waiting, and had settled down in Canada ; 
and thus it came about that the new colony, when it was 
founded, had no free settlers at all, but was made up 
of convicts and the marines sent out to keep them 
in order. On the 18th of August, 1786 — almost exactly 
sixteen years after Cook had annexed the Australian coast — 
Lord Sydney gave formal directions that a fleet should be 
The First S<^* ready to take out 750 convicts. Two years' food was 
Fleet |;q \jq p^t on board, as well as plenty of clothing and tools 


for house-building and farming; cattle and hogs and seed 
corn were to be obtained at the Cape of Good Hope on the 
way out ; and a good stock of 
glass beads and pocket looking- 
glasses and " real red feathers " 
was laid in for trade with the 
South Sea Islanders, besides 
some Dutch money and beer to 
bribe the Dutch agents in the 
Malay Archipelago. Lord 
Sydney himself chose the man 
who was to command the expe- 
dition — and there was need of 
a very careful choice, for on 
the first Governor of the new governor PniMiir. 

colony everything depended. It would be his business first Phillip's 
of all to convey more than a thousand people, three-quarters 
of them prisoners, safely on an eight months' voyage across 
seas not very well known to a country of which no one 
really knew anything. Arrived there, he would have to 
make for himself everything that men need in a civilised 
settlement; he must build houses, cultivate crops, raise 
cattle, make roads, and do all this by the labour either 
of prisoners who did not want to work, or of marines 
who had quite enough to do in looking after the prisoners. 
He would have to maintain the laws, and to make a great 
many of them, because there were very few already made 
that exactly fitted the situation ; most laws assume that 
the majority of people prefer to obey them, but in the new 
country three people out of every four would be likely to 
break the laws whenever they could. It was a difficult 
position to hold, but Lord Sydney found the right 
man. Captain Arthur Phillip had fought in the Seven 
Years' War, and in the more recent war against France, 
and in both had gained promotion ; but his governorship 
of New South Wales was the best work of his life. 


For eight months he worked incessantly at all the details 
of the expedition — the food, the clothes, the stores, the tools, 
even the razors. The slow-moving departmental officials 
could not keep pace with him at all ; they were accustomed 
to making arrangements for a six weeks' trip to America, 
and would, but for Phillip, have made exactly the same 

lay 12, 1787 arrangements for the voyage to Australia. As it was, 
the fleet sailed with very little ammunition on board, and so 
little spare clothing that it was proposed to use floursacks 
for many of the convicts. But at last, after calling at Rio 
Janeiro and the Cape of Good Hope for provisions and live- 
stock and seeds, Phillip on January 18, 1788, reached 
Botany Bay. A few days on shore convinced him that no 
settlement could flourish amid the swamps that bordered 
on it, and he went round by boat to Port Jackson, where 
he " had the satisfaction of finding the finest harbour in the 
world." Returning to Botany Bay, he gave orders that the 
fleet should sail at once for its new quarters. What 
followed has been thus described by an eye-witness : — " The 
Governor, with a party of marines and some artificers 
selected from among the seamen of the Sirius and convicts, 
arrived in Port Jackson and anchored off the mouth of the 
cove intended for the settlement on the evening of the 25th ; 
and in the course of the following day sufficient ground was 
cleared for encamping the officers' guard and the convicts 
who had been landed in the morning. The spot chosen for 
this purpose was at the head of the cove, near a run of fresh 
water, which stole silently along through a very thick wood, 
the stillness of which had then, for the first time since the 
creation, been interrupted by the rude sound of the labourer's 
axe and the downfall of its ancient inhabitants — a stillness 
and tranquillity which from that day were to give place to 
the voice of labour, the confusion of camps and towns, and 
the busy hum of its new possessors In the 

in. 26, 1788 evening of this day the whole of the party that came round 
in the Supply were assembled at the point where they had 


first landed in the morning, and on which a flagstaff had 
been purposely erected and an Union Jack displayed, when 
the marines fired several volleys, between which the 
Governor and the officers who accompanied him drank the 
healths of His Majesty and Royal Family, and success to 
the new colony." The transports which anchored in Sydney 
Cove that same evening were unloaded within ten days, and 
on February 7 the new colony was founded with all due 

B. The Baby Colony (1788-1804). 

Fine harbours were not enough to feed a thousand PhiiHp 
people on, and the land near Sydney was soon found 1788-1792 
bo be very poor. Phillip explored the country as well 
IS he could; he discovered Broken Bay, with its two 
wings, Brisbane Water and Pitt Water — more fine har- 
bours — and made an attempt to strike inland towards 
the distant Blue Mountains. First, however, he had 
ione something of more immediate practical use — he had 
sent one of his ships under Lieutenant King to occupy 
NTorfolk Island ; and the accounts of it that came back 
went near to causing the abandonment of New South Wales 
in favour of this fertile little spot. Troubles of all kinds 
soon came to vex the Governor's heart. The sheep died. 
The cattle strayed and were lost. The convicts were lazy. Early 
The officers of the guard quarrelled among themselves. '°^ ^^ 
Major Ross, Phillip's second in command, declared the 
colony would not be self-supporting for a hundred years. 
"It will be cheaper to feed the convicts on turtle and 
venison at the London Tavern than be at the expense of 
sending them here." When the Sirius was sent to the Cape 
for flour, she could only bring back four months' supply. i790 
All public works had to be stopped, and the food allowance 
made as small as possible. Phillip's private store of flour 
went into the common stock ; the Governor refused to fare 
one whit better than the convicts. He despatched a couple 


of hundred people to Norfolk Island to relieve the distress 
in Sydney; scarcely were they landed when the Sirius went 
ashore, and a quantity of stores was totally lost. Mean- 
while two ships had been sent from England with help, 
but the one that carried most provisions was wrecked near 
the Cape of Good Hope, while the other (which had some 
stores on board) had also two hundred convicts; and within 
the month another thousand convicts were put ashore, with 
news of yet a thousand more to come. 

Phillip was at his wits' end. He had found fair agrL 
cultural land at the head of the harbour, where Parramatta 
now stands, and had marked out a township there, to be 
called Rosehill. But the first fleet was quite lacking in 
farmers. His own butler was found to know a little about 
farming, and was given charge of a hundred convicts to do 
the best he could. Letter after letter went to England 
asking for free settlers, or for men who could give instruc- 
tion in farming and carpentering and tool-making ; but free 
settlers were few and far between, and out of five " experts " 
who arrived in 1790 only one was in any way qualified for 
the work. The natives, too, were hostile. Phillip did 
his best to treat them kindly, but few of the settlers 
followed his example ; stragglers from the township were 
killed by way of revenge, and the bush was set on fire 
whenever the white men turned their stock into it for 
pasturage. As for the convicts, the workers with whom 
this new colony was to be built up, their condition was 
most pitiable. Phillip's own contingent had been brought 
out in good health, owing to his personal care ; but the 
second fleet lost 270 out of its thousand passengers on the 
voyage, and landed nearly 500 sick. The third fleet did 
better, but even so landed nearly a third of its convicts too 
ill to work. 

In spite of all the Governor kept heart, and by 1792 
had reason to think the worst was over. In July of that 
year the danger of a permanent famine was past, although 



for a long time there were recurring periods of scarcity. 
The Rosehill settlement had grown apace, and had a popu- 
lation of two thousand, of whom sixty-four were farmers 
working their own land. Sydney had more than a thousand 
inhabitants, and Norfolk Island about as many, with a 
hundred and fourteen farmers among them. The Hawkes- 
bury Yalley had been explored from its mouth to the 
Grose junction, and good land found at many points along 
it. The guard of marines was replaced by a regiment of The New 
soldiers specially raised for the work, and there was hope Wales 
of strict discipline in future. So after much labour Phillip ^^^^ 
persuaded the English Government to give him leave of Grose and 
absence, and at the end of the year left his governorship ^*§nj" 
in the hands of Major Grose, the new regiment's commander. ^°1^q2^^^' 

This unfortunate step gravely imperilled the success of 
the colony. Phillip's desire had been so to use his convict 
material as to make New South Wales before 
long a settlement attractive to free immigrants. 
But Grose brought in military rule : for the 
next seventeen years the New South Wales 
Corps was the real governor ; and few of its 
officers were inclined to let such a chance 
slip. They had, indeed, joined the corps in 
order to make their fortunes — men who went 
a-soldiering for renown and the joy of 
fighting would have joined some regiment 
for home service, where every day another 
war with France was coming nearer. But the 
Eastern seas were still for Englishmen the 
home of great wealth to be suddenly ac- 
quired. Poor men had gone to India and 
returned millionaires : why should not Aus- 
tralia, people thought, give similar chances ? Landing with 
such hopes, and finding them so grievously disappointed, 
most of the officers set themselves to make what money 
they could ; and under Grose's rule they were given every 

A Private 


N.S. Wales 


chance. They allotted themselves large areas of land and 
the pick of the convicts to work it. They took over from 
the civilian administrators all control of affairs. Being 
almost the only moneyed men in the colony, they very soon 
became the only merchants, and sold goods at exorbitant 
prices. More especially — for this was the quickest way of 
becoming rich — they imported and sold large quantities of 
rum. When in 1794 the Hawkesbury Yalley was settled, 
and grain from its farms became plentiful, they soon found 
that it was more profitable to turn the grain into spirits 
than to sell it for food — and the rum* industry thus estab- 
lished was for many years the bug-bear of governor after 

For some time the home Government refused to 
accept Phillip's resignation, in the hope that he would 

return to the colony 
and take up again the 
work he had done so 
well. In the end 
they sent out another 
naval officer. Captain 
Hunter, who had been 
Phillip's second-in-com- 
mand on the first 
fleet. After five years 
he was succceeded by 
a third seaman, Cap- 
tain King, the officer 
GovKRKOR HuNTKR. ^^10 had first occupicd 

Hnnter ^^^ ruled Norfolk Island. Under both Governors the colony 
17J5S00' increased slowly in size and prosperity. The same troubles 
beset both. Provisions were always running scarce, for the 
fertile farms were found to suffer badly from floods. Free 
immigrants were slow in coming, and free settlers with 

* " Rum " waa the name used in those days for anj' form of spirits, Just as " gin " 
ia now used in West Africa. 


money were rarer still ; so that the ring of officers gained 
power every day, and was able to defy openly the 
Governor's edicts. Rum-selling and rum-distilling debauched 
the convicts and their guards. The soldiers rioted ; the 
officers quarrelled with each other and the civilians. 
Discipline was, indeed, so hard to maintain even within the 
small area actually occupied — which consisted of a strip 
east and west along the Parramatta, a strip north and south Expiora- 
along the Hawkesbury, and a slant strip connecting the inland 
two — that neither King nor Hunter much encouraged 
explorations inland. Phillip had pushed to the Hawkes- 
bury-Nepean line, and there his successors stayed their 
hand. When the Cowpastures were discovered in 1795, 
they were rigidly reserved from settlement as a grazing 
ground for the cattle found on them — the descendants of 
those that had strayed in Phillip's time. The Blue Mountain 
barrier was attacked three or four times through the Grose 
and Nattai Valleys by private enterprise ; but when in 1799 
Wilson, a convict, struck south-west across the Mittagong 
tableland and reached the Lachlan, Hunter refused to make 
any use of this rather embarrassing discovery. New South 
Wales, he considered, was a convict depdt, which it was his 
business to keep in order ; even the Hawkesbury was so 
far away as to be scarcely manageable — how could he hope 
to maintain discipline if settlement spread a hundred miles 
off? The mountains, in fact, were for these early governors 
— all seamen — rather a useful fence to keep their prisoners 
from straying than a cramping barrier to be broken through 
as soon as possible. The sea was their element, and to its 
shores they clung. 

Along its shores, indeed, much exploring work was coastal 
done both north and south. It began with two "^fi??°J" 
young officers of the Reliance — the ship that brought 
out Governor Hunter — George Bass, the surgeon, and 
Matthew Flinders, one of the midshipmen. These 
two were great friends, and ready to face any dangers 




Georgb Bass. 


SO long as they could make discoveries. They secured 
a boat eight feet long — aptly christened the Tovi Thumb 

— and, after a preliminary 
trip round Botany Bay, 
started in March, 1796, 
down the coast southwards 
from Sydney to look for 
a large river of which 
there were rumours. The 
first night they stood in 
to land, expecting to find 
themselves near Botany 
Bay ; but the current had 
taken them down below 
BuUi, a steady north wind 
prevented their return, and 
they had to run for the Five Islands, and at last to land 
near Wollongong in order to get drinking water. Here 
they were met by natives (who were inclined to give 
trouble till Flinders amused them by clipping their beards 
with a pair of scissors), and thought it better to get back 
Sydneywards. So, rowing their hardest against wind and 
current, and camping on the beach near Coalcliff — too 
tired, though, to notice the coal — they narrowly escaped 
boatwreck in a sudden "southerly buster," and in the end 
found their " large river " to be merely the inlet of Port 

Next year it happened that a store ship was wrecked on 
one of the islands below Cape Howe, and some of the crew, 
getting to the mainland in boats, tramped along the coast 
three hundred miles to Sydney, which only three of them 
reached alive. On their way they passed Coalcliff 
and saw coal lying on the beach, Bass was sent to 
investigate, and found a layer of it six feet thick running 
for eight miles along the face of the clifTs. The news 
brought by the shipwrecked men stimulated him to a bigger 


voyage of discovery. Flinders was away at Norfolk Island, 
but Governor Hunter provided a whaleboat with a crew of 
six and six weeks' provisions, and Bass went south on his 
old tracks. He passed Wollongong, and the lUawarra 
coast, and a shallow harbour with a river running into it, 
that he contemptuously called Shoalhaven ; touched at 
Jervis Bay, which was already known, discovered the 
picturesque Twofold Bay, and, slipping round Cape Howe, 
ran south-west along a coastline that was quite unknown. 
Off Wilson's Promontory he was driven by a storm to 
shelter in Western Port, which he explored thoroughly; 
but the delay there of thirteen days nearly exhausted his 
stock of provisions, and he had to make for Sydney as 
straight and as quickly as possible. 

This voyage made him more eager than ever to continue 
his discoveries. If his calculations were correct, he had got 
so far in behind the coast discovered by Tasman that it was 
almost impossible for it to be part of the mainland 
of Australia. Tasmania was an island — he was sure 
of that — but to prove it he must sail right round it. 
And the next year (1798), Flinders being back from 
Norfolk Island, the two friends obtained a twenty-five-ton 
sloop (the Norfolk) from the Governor, ran down to Furneaux 
Island and thence to the Tasmanian coast, and traced the 
coastline westwards steadily (exploring the Tamar estuary 
on the way) till they rounded its north-western corner, and 
saw open ocean in front. They sailed completely round the 
island (Flinders making careful maps as they went), 
explored the Derwent as far as their ship could sail, and 
then returned in triumph to Port Jackson. Hunter gave 
Bass' name to the straits in which he first had sailed. And 
then Bass drops out of authentic history. It is generally 
understood that he was persuaded to join a commercial 
expedition (some say it was a smuggling venture, others 
that he was armed with Governor King's passport) to Chili, 
and no more was heard of him. 

FHnders was more fortunate. In 1799 he took the Flinders 





to Endand 

Mattiikw Flinders. 

Norfolk along the coast northwards and mapped it 
out carefully as far as Hervey Bay. When he took 
their great value was acknow- 
ledged, and the British 
Admiralty gave him a 
ship of his own, the 
Investigator^ with which 
to make a thorough 
survey of the whole 
Australian coast. He 
struck it near Cape 
Leeuwin, put in at 
King George's Sound, 
and then sailed slowly 
round the Great Bight 
to Kangaroo Island. No 
man had ever landed 
there before ; seals and kangaroos lived on it quietly 
together, and allowed themselves to be killed quite tamely. 
" The seal, indeed," said Flinders, " seemed to be much the 
most discerning animal of the two, for its actions bespoke 
a knowledge of our not being kangaroos, whereas the 
kangaroo not infrequently appeared to consider us to be 
seals." Just beyond the island the English ship fell in 
with a French ship, Le Geographe, commanded by Captain 
Baudin, which had been surveying the coastline westwards 
from Western Port, and the two captains exchanged news 
of their discoveries ; Flinders, however, went on with his 
survey and, using greater care than Baudin had done, dis- 
covered and sailed in through the narrow entrance of Port 
Phillip, which the French had not noticed. This, however, 
turned out to be no new discovery, since Murray of the 
Lady Nelson had been in the bay ten weeks before. 

When Flinders arrived in Sydney, he found there 
another French ship, Le Naturaliste by name ; and not 
long afterwards Baudin came back to refit and get pro- 
visious. It is curious to read of this friendliness at a tim© 



when England and France were fighting hard in Europe. 

The French, moreover, were the one nation whose enterprise French 

' . , . voyagers 

we might fear in Australia. They had been interested m 

it almost as early as we were. De Bougainville sailed in the 

neighbouring seas two years before Cook, and Marion du 

Fresne two years after him. La Perouse reached Botany 

Bay only a week later than Phillip. D'Entrecasteaux in 

1792 visited Tasmania. This very expedition of Baudin's 

resulted in strewing French names all over southern 

Australia — the whole south coast was called Terre Napoleon, 

and Spencer's Gulf became Golfe Bonaparte. But we can 

Sydney fro.m the West Sidb in 1800. 

understand that the trade of Sydney already made the 
French explorers envious, when we read their description 
of it. In the harbour of Port Jackson, only fourteen years 
after its discovery by Phillip, they saw coal-ships ready to 
sail for India and the Cape of Good Hope side by side with 
well-armed smugglers bound for Peru ; other ships were on 
their way to China, to New Zealand, to the South Sea 


Islands, to Vancouver ; American vessels were never 
absent ; and the whalers, the sealers for Bass Straits, and 
many smaller craft added to a constant bustle of shipping 
which Baudin's crews had not expected to find at the other 
end of the globe. 
Flinders Flinders' work was not yet finished. He next went 
northwards, and continued his survey of the Queensland 
1802-3 coast from Hervey Bay right round Cape York to the 
bottom of the Gulf of Carpentaria, where he connected with 
the surveys of the old Dutch maps ; so that at last the 
whole coastline of the continent was clearly known, and he 
could contentedly return to England. Just then began a 
long series of misfortunes. His own ship, the Investigator^ 
was found to be unseaworthy, and he took passage for home 
on the Porpoise. This ship was wrecked on the Queensland 
coast, and he had to put back in an open boat to Sydney 
for help. Starting again in a small schooner, the Cumber- 
land, he found it necessary to put in at the Mauritius, 
which then belonged to France. The governor there, 
instead of imitating the kindness shown in Sydney to 
Baudin, threw Flinders into prison and seized all his maps 
and papers ; they were sent to France by the very ships 
which had enjoyed our hospitality, the Geographe and 
Naturaliste ; and while the real discoverer spent six long 
years and more in his island prison, his maps were published 
in France, with French names replacing the English ones, as 
the glorious result of Baudin's voyage and the work of 
Frenchmen alone. He was set free in 1810, just before 
the English took Mauritius, and on his return to England 
published his journals, of which he had luckily left copies 
with King in Sydney ; but the best part of his work had 
been already used by others to obtain a reputation for 
themselves.* It is, however, to a suggestion made by him 
in his introduction to these journals that Australia owes its 

* Baudin had died before Flinders was imprisoned, and had no share in this 
injustice, which he would probably have prevented. 



name. Before this time it had been known as "New 
Holland," and the word " Australia " had been but rarely 
and vaguely used. 

Flinders, of course, had not the whole field of coast 
exploration to himself, though he was by far the greatest 
of our discoverers by sea. Vancouver in 1791 had entered 
King George's Sound. Shortland in 1797 discovered the 
Hunter River, and coal was exported from it as early as 
1799. Murray, as we have seen, was first inside Port 
Phillip, though only by a few weeks ; and Murray's ship, 
then under Lieutenant Grant, had surveyed the Victorian 
coast a year or two before, so that Baudin's French names 
are left only on a small strip of coast from Cape Northum- 
berland (the first point seen by the Lady Nelson) to 
Encounter Bay, where the 
French ships met Flinders. 
On the west coast, beyond the 
Leeuwin, French names re- 
appear, for English ships had 
not yet visited these parts. 

From the year 1 800 onwards 
Captain King was Governor 
of New South Wales. It was 
he who had received Baudin 
so kindly, but he knew well 
enough what the French had 
in view. As soon as he could, 
therefore, he organised two 
expeditions to secure the country about which the French 
had been most inquisitive. Lieutenant Bowen being sent to 
the Derwent, and Colonel Paterson a year later to the Tamar; 
while a third expedition under Colonel Collins, one of 
Phillip's men, was sent direct from England to occupy Port 
Phillip. Unfortunately, Collins, who camped near the mouth 
of the bay, in the Sorrento district, was deterred from fur- 
ther exploration by magnified reports of the number of natives 

Governor King. 







at the head of the bay. Instead of thoroughly exploring the 
coast-line, he obtained permission from King to move his 
party to Tasmania, and settled at Sullivan's Cove on 
the Derwent (where Hobart now stands), Bowen's camp 
across the river at Risdon being moved to join his later on. 
As for Port Phillip, it was left alone for many years. 





a Riot and Mutiny (1804-9). 

It was not only fear of the French that moved King to 
make these new settlements. The convicts had been 
getting harder to manage of late years, partly because of 

the quarrels among their 
rulers, partly because a 
new class of convicts — 
political prisoners from 
Ireland — was being sent 
out, and these men were 
not inclined to be 
treated like thieves and 
criminals of that kind. 
They were already stir- 
ring up the others to 
revolt, when Tasmania 
was occupied for the 
purpose of sending them 
there to be kept in isolation ; and in 1804 an attempt 
at rebellion was actually made. It came to nothing, 
because the best of the Irish prisoners would have 
nothing to do with it, and the rebels so lacked organisa- 
tion that a couple of dozen soldiers were able to disperse 
three hundred of them by a single charge. But it kept 
the Governor on tenterhooks, and made him feel (as he 
hated to feel) how much his authority depended on the 
unruly New South "Wales Corps. In 1806 he resigned 
his position and left the colony, being succeeded by 

Governor Bligu. 


a fourth naval officer, Captain Bligh, whom Sir Joseph 
Banks had strongly recommended for the post. Bligh, 
who had by his overbearing conduct already brought 
about the famous " Mutiny of the Bounty " and by sheer 
pluck and judgment had extricated himself from its very 
serious consequences, came out with the full intention of 
putting down all disorder and disobedience with a strong 
hand. Of course he at once fell foul of the New South 
Wales Corps, more especially of its ringleader, John 
Macarthur, a man whose influence on the young colony 
was so important that it deserves a separate paragraph. 

Macarthur came out in Phillip's time as a lieutenant in 
the Corps, and obtained his share of the land which Grose 
distributed among its officers. 
But he was a man of ideas, 
and the trafficking and rum- 
selling in which his friends 
indulged did not content him 
at all. He used his farms 
for experiments, and at last 
made up his mind that sheep 
would thrive here better than 
any other stock, and that the 
colony was admirably fitted 
to produce good wool. He 
fetched sheep from the Cape, 
where Boer farmers had a few 
flocks of the much-prized Spanish merino breed. When in 
England in 1803, he obtained from King George some 
much better sheep of the same breed, and so interested the 
British Government in his projects that he took back to 
the colony a grant of ten thousand acres of land wherever 
he liked to pick them. He was a man of hasty temper 
and great obstinacy, and repeatedly came into collision with 
both Hunter and King ; for, while doggedly pursuing his 
own schemes, he was always ready to back his less worthy 

John Macarthur. 



comrades of the Corps against the naval governors. Con- 
sequently King was by no means disposed, when Macarthur 
produced his grant, to let him have all he wanted, especially 
as he wanted the pick of the Cowpastures, that jealously- 
guarded reserve for the herd of Crown cattle. Still, it was 
certain that Macarthur had the good of the colony at 
heart, and King compromised with him : he got land in the 
coveted district, but only 5000 acres of it, which he called 
Camden, after the Secretary of State who had obtained 
him the grant. In all directions he was active ; his crops 
flourished like his flocks ; he bought a whaler ; he made 
preparations for vine-growing and wine-making. 

To Bligh, however, the progress of the colony was not 
so important as its discipline, and he ruled it as he would a 
man-of-war. Macarthur's enterprise and public spirit affected 
him little compared with the belief that Macarthur was in- 
subordinate and a supporter of the rum-sellers. "What 
have I to do with your sheep, sir?" he burst out at the 
offender. "Are you to have such flocks of sheep as no 
man ever heard of before 1 No, sir ! " The Corps' privi- 
leges, which it had so abused, were fiercely attacked. 
Macarthur's Camden grant was threatened with confis- 
cation. The more important free settlers stood by the 
Corps. The smaller settlers and the emancipated convicts, 
The whom the Corps despised, sided with Bligh. At a 
Mutmy critical moment Macarthur was arrested and brought 
before a civilian judge who was well known to be his 
bitter enemy. He appealed to his military friends, who 
Jan 26, 1808 released him. The same afternoon Major Johnston (acting 
as Lieutenant-Governor on a written requisition from 
Macarthur's party) marched his regiment from the barracks 
to Government House, and arrested Bligh and the civilian 
officials; the next morning he formally deposed the 
Governor, and took the administration of affairs into his 
own hands. For a year Bligh was kept under arrest in 
Sydney ; then he was shipped off for England by Colonel 


Paterson, who had come over from Tasmania to supersede 
Johnston. About the same time Johnston and Macarthur 
sailed for England to explain their conduct, and the 
colony settled down to wait, rather uncomfortably, for the 
Home Government's decision. 


A. A New System (1810-1818). 

This time the British Ministry put its foot down. 

The Corps had procured Hunter's recall and King's 

resignation, but it could not be allowed to depose a 

Disci- Governor at its own will and pleasure. At the end of 
pline . 

restored 1809 Colonel Lachlan Macquarie landed in Sydney, and at 

once announced the will of the Imperial authorities. Bligh 
was to be reinstated as Governor for a day, before handing 
Macquarie over his position to Macquarie himself. Everything that 
1810-21 ' had been officially done in the colony since Bligh's deposi- 
tion was cancelled — all appointments, all land grants, all 
trials ; though Macquarie afterwards took care that this 
decision should not be rigorously enforced. Finally, the 
New South Wales Corps was to become one of the ordinary 
regiments of the British army, and was to be sent back to 
Europe at once.* Another regiment came out with Mac- 
quarie to supply its place, and others were to follow in 
rotation, so that none should acquire any special intimacy 
with the population they controlled. Bligh, who had hung 
about the coast of Tasmania instead of going straight to 
England, did not arrive in Sydney in time to be reinstated, 
but when he got home he was made a rear-admiral, while 
Johnston was dismissed from the army, and Macarthur 
forbidden to return to New South Wales for eight years. 

Macquarie's arrival was the beginning of a new system 
of administration in Australia. Up to this time the 
Governor had been an officer of the navy, whereas his 
authority had depended on the military ; and between army 
and navy in those days there was a good deal of jealousy. 

*It was disbanded a few jears later. 


Moreover, the military officers were permanent residents 
and landowners, and had very large private interests, 
which made them oppose the Governor's measures in- 
stead of loyally supporting them. Now for the first time 
the Governor was an army officer commanding troops whose 
interests and duty were the same — to carry out his orders 
and support his authority. This gave Macquarie far more 
power than his predecessors had possessed, and enabled him 
to alter completely the status of the colony. It had been a 
prison for the confinement of bad characters ; it was now 
to be a home for their reformation. Phillip had asked for 
free settlers to found an empire ; his successors, getting 
none, had abandoned the Imperial idea ; Macquarie was 
ready to take up Phillip's task with the materials he had 
at hand, and to carry out in full the half-neglected theory 
of transportation, according to which it gave prisoners a 
chance of atoning for their faults by living an orderly life 
in a new country. 

Settlement, therefore, was to be encouraged in every 
way. Macquarie made a tour through the territory he 
governed, visiting the Hawkesbury first, then the two isii 
posts in Tasmania, then the chief harbours on the 
New South Wales coast. Everywhere he marked out 
townships and roads, and encouraged the settlers to im- 
prove their farms and houses by a promise of Govern- 
ment help. Everywhere he urged them to explore the 
country further. 

As a natural result, the great problem of the Blue Crossing 
Mountains was soon solved. For twenty-five years this Blue 
petty range, nowhere more than four thousand feet high, 
had confined the colony to a strip of coast not forty miles 
wide. It is, as a matter of fact, a detached tableland, cut 
off from the main dividing range by one deep valley and 
intersected by several others, all edged by cliffs four or five 
hundred feet high. The earlier explorers, following 
European precedent, had tried to make their way up these 



valleys, and had invariably been blocked by the cliffs. 
Bass, who had once or twice on his journey scaled the 
cliffs, seems to have as soon as possible descended them 
again and renewed his journey up the Grose only to be 
blocked once more. In 1813 Gregory Blaxland, who had 
visited the lower Cox Valley with the Governor and dis- 
cussed matters with him, determined to try a new plan. 
With Lieutenant Lawaon and a young colonist named 
Wentworth he went straight up the side of the ridge that 
overhangs Penrith and deliberately kept along the top of 
the hills as due west as he could go, avoiding every gully, 
and so piercing the heart of the tableland itself. After 
seventeen days' hard work in thick bush and rugged 
country, they found themselves on the point of Mount 
York, looking down on a beautiful grassy valley, and the 
next day made their camp amid grass three feet high on 
the bank of a fine stream — the Lett. Having pushed on 
to the hill now called Mount Blaxland, they returned with 
the news to Sydney. 

The Macquarie was delighted, and sent one of the Govern- 

Table- ment surveyors, G. W. Evans, to extend and report on the 

new discoveries. Evans pushed on three weeks' journey 

beyond Mount Blaxland, over the main range, down the 

Fish River, and across a splendid stretch of open country 

known later as the Bathurst Plains ; and in a second 

journey not long after crossed the rough country beyond, 

and came upon a second large river. A road made in hot 

haste along Blaxland's track opened up these grazing 

grounds for settlement, and in 1815 Macquarie rode across 

with his wife and laid out the new township of Bathurst 

on the river since known by his surname* — his Christian 

name, Lachlan, falling to Evans' second river. 

These two rivers were a great puzzle to the geographers. 

Both flowed inland, but in different directions; it was 

* The Macquarie is formed by the junction of the Fish River with another 
called CaqipbeU s llivcr. 


natural to suppose that they would get larger as they went 
on — yet along the whole coastline of the continent no 
estuary of a really big river had been discovered. 
Macquarie determined to send the Surveyor-General, John Oxloy 
Oxley, to find out what did become of his two namesakes. 
In April, 1817, Oxley, with Allan Cunningham, the 
botanist, and ten more in his party, started down the 
Lachlan. A fortnight's journey brought them to a vast 
swamp; they got round that, and presently reached a 
second ; through that, and into a third, larger and more 
impassable than the others. In despair Oxley turned back ; 
two days more would have brought him to the Lachlan's 
junction with the Murrumbidgee. 

He now struck northwards across country to find the 
Macquarie ; when he reached it provisions were running 
short, and he had to make his way back to the settlement. 
But next year he was off again with Evans and a new 18I8 
party to Wellington, where he had met the river in 1817, 
and from that place downstream in boats till he once more 
came upon huge swamps. This, he thought, must mean 
that both rivers discharged into a shallow inland sea of no 
value. It was better to keep on dry land, and he turned 
east towards the black Warrumbungle Range. Across the 
flooded Castlereagh, over the range behind it, through the 
Liverpool Plains to the Peel, and up the dividing range at 
its head, the expedition climbed to Mount Seaview, that 
overlooks the Hastings Yalley ; then they scrambled down 
to the river, gave Macquarie's name to the inlet at its 
mouth, and made their way to Newcastle after five months 
of most arduous and important exploration. 

Nor was it the Government only that was busy with 
such expeditions. In 1814 Hamilton Hume and his 
brother climbed on to the tableland that lies round 
Berrima, and the firstnamed spent several years in opening 
up fertile country beyond it, past Goulburn as far as Lake 
Bathurst. The settlers who soon followed in his track 



pushed on further still, and before long news came back to 
Sydney of new rivers, bigger than any yet known, that 
rose in a tangle of ranges far to southwards. And thus the 
colony, which at Macquarie's arrival contained some two 
thousand square miles at most, at his departure had been 
explored four hundred miles inland, and spread more than 
three hundred miles from north to south. 

B. The Troubles of Government (1810-31). 

managing the colony Macquarie was less success- 
from first to last he was only anxious 
to do his best for the 
people under his charge. 
His great desire was, 
as we have said, to give 
every man a fair chance. 
"My principle is," he 
wrote afterwards, " that 
when once a man is free 
his former state should 
no longer be remem- 
bered, or allowed to act 
against him ; let him 
then feel himself eli- 
gible for any situation 
The which he has, by a long term of upright conduct, 
■^'pist'^" proved himself worthy of filling." So he took every chance 
Question ^£ patronising the emancipists, encouraging them to take 
up land, appointing them to important offices, and doing 
his best to promote friendship between them and the free 
settlers. But these — the chief of them, at any rate — were 
either ex-officers of the New South Wales Corps or men who 

They were not 

who had been sent out to 

reinstate Bligh. And they were personally very bitter 

against any attempts to rank men who had been convicts 

Governor Macquarik. 

had sided with them in the Bligh troubles, 
inclined to oblige the Governor 


beside men who were free from the first. They had 
protested against King, when he allowed emancipists to 
share in their pet trade of rum-selling; they had been 
violently indignant with Bligh when he took legal advice 
from an emancipist attorney. Under Macquarie's rule they 
had much worse to put up with. He made magistrates of 
the freed men, insisted on their practising as lawyers, and — 
unkindest cut of all — invited them to dinner and invited 
the free men to meet them. In return he was harassed in 
every possible way. As each regiment replaced its prede- 
cessor, its officers were dragged into the quarrel. The first 
judge of the Supreme Court, coming out in 1814, refused 
to let any emancipist practise before him. He was recalled, 
and his successor refused to let anyone who had ever been 
convicted sue another man for a debt. Free magistrates 
would not sit on the Bench with ex-prisoners. 

Macquarie was naturally hot-headed and vain. He had Mac- 
practically absolute power in the colony. He knew he was and hfs 
doing good work, and thought his mistakes should be siit)jects 
passed over for the sake of his achievements. One section 
of his subjects idolised him as its champion, another 
ridiculed and attacked him daily. It was not unnatural 
that he should get into the habit of believing overmuch in 
the virtues of his friends, and imagining base motives in 
the most honest of his enemies. Other things also he began 
to carry too far ; he was proud of his roads and bridges and 
public buildings, and went to extremes in securing the 
skilled labour necessary for them ; he was proud of his 
humane treatment of the convicts, and succeeded in pam- 
pering the least deserving of them. If a good workman 
was in Government employ, he scamped his work in order 
to appear useless, for good workmen were too useful to 
be let out on ticket-of -leave ; if a rogue was assigned to 
a private employer, he behaved badly so as to be sent back 
to Government work and its many indulgences. The 
Governor was bewildered ; the men from whom he should 


have got good advice had deliberately set themselves 
against him ; he grew more autocratic, less tolerant of 
opposition. His enemies complained of him at home ; a 
1819 Commissioner was sent out by the British Parliament to 
report on the whole business. Mr. Bigge, the gentleman 
chosen, made a long and careful series of reports on every 
branch of colonial administration. On the emancipist 
question he was against Macquarie's policy ; he condemned 
the extravagant expenditure on public works ; but on 
other matters gave Macquarie some of the credit he deserved. 
For indeed he had done well. During his rule population 
trebled, farm land increased fourfold, and live-stock ten- 
fold. Good roads and strong bridges helped the most 
remote settlers to bring their produce to market. Schools 
were established wherever children could be got together. 
Commerce was encouraged by the founding of the Bank 
of New South Wales, thrift by that of the Savings Bank ; 
seamen welcomed the erection of the South Head light- 
house ; measures were taken to make the periodical 
Hawkesbury floods less ruinous to the farmers ; the 
various religious and benevolent societies received all 
possible help. Whatever the richer free men might think 
or say, among the rest of the colonists Macquarie was 
deservedly popular to the last; and, in spite of all his 
faults, no other Governor so shaped for good the destiny of 
New South Wales. 
Brisbane ^^^ successor was a very different man. Sir Thomas 
^182™' ^^i'^bane came out to introduce a number of reforms 
which had been recommended by Commissioner Bigge ; 
but their exact nature was not decided on till he 
had been in the colony two years, and meanwhile he 
was anxious not to be mixed up with the emancipist 
quarrel, which for many years remained the chief question 
in colonial politics. So he left business as much as possible 
to the permanent officials — who sided with the free or 
"exclusive" party — and occupied himself with the study of 


science at Parramatta. The reforms, when they were made 
known, proved to be of very great importance, for they 
embodied the ideas to which PhilUp had given expression 
thirty-six years before. New South Wales was henceforth The Be- 


to be no longer a penal establishment ; there was even talk of 
of abolishing transportation altogether. It was to be a 
colony of free men, entrusted by degrees with their own 
government, to whom convicts should be sent out as in old 
times to Virginia, in order to provide the labour necessary in 
opening up new territory. Free immigration was, therefore, 
to be encouraged. A Legislative Council was given to the 
Governor for his advice ; he could act against the Council's constitution 
wishes, but must in that case refer the matter to England for '^ ° ^^'^^ 
final decision. A regular Supreme Court was established, 
and trial by jury allowed in certain cases. Brisbane him- 
self helped on the movement towards self-government by 
annulling the censorship which previous Governors had 
exercised over the newspaper press. 

For the moment most of these measures played into the 
hands of the " exclusives ;" and Brisbane, whose neglect of 
his official duties had also favoured that party, left the colony 
without having pleased either party. General Darling, Darling 
who followed him, was at least more decided in his actions. ^JJIJl^gj' 
He was a martinet and a man of routine, given the 
governorship in order to set straight the details of the new 
system of administration. He began his work by weeding 
out every emancipist from the Public Service, and proceeded 
to introduce Acts which would have annulled the recently- 
granted liberty of the press. That liberty he found The 
extremely inconvenient for him. Under the old censor- war^ 
ship only one newspaper was published, the Sydney 
Gazette* which was completely controlled by the Govern- 
ment; liberty had resulted in the appearance of two 
newpapers, the chief being the Australian^ with W. C. 

*Thi3 was first brought out in 1S03 as a fmir-page weekly, published by the 
GoTernor's authority, the owner being a certain George Howe. 


Wenfcworth as one of its editors. Now Wentwortli was 
born on Norfolk Island, where his father was the first 
surgeon ; he had shared in Blaxland's notable expedi- 
P- ^* tion, which had revolutionised the colony ; he had just 
returned from England, where his book on Australia had 
been much praised ; and he was an ardent advocate ot 
freer institutions, and a bitter opponent of that "exclusive" 
party which was trying to keep all power in its own hands. 
As a consequence his paper attacked Governor Darling 
hotly, and that gentleman - became eager to crush it as 
quickly as might be. But it happened that in the new 
constitution there was a clause making it necessary, before 
an Act could become law, that the Chief Justice should 
certify it as not contrary to the laws of England. Chief 
Justice Forbes was strongly "anti-exclusive," and persis- 
tently refused to give his certificate to any of Darling's 
Acts against the press ; the ordinary law, he said, was 
quite strong enough to check unjustifiable virulence. So 
the Governor began a series of libel actions against the 
offending editors, which, as they were tried before juries of 
military officers, he generally won ; but the chief result of 
this was to bring about the institution of ordinary juries 
in all cases, and so to deprive the "exclusives" of yet 
another weapon. When Darling was recalled in 1831 the 
political fight was as bitter as ever. 

G, Exploration and Settlement (1822-30). 

While Sydney was distracted with these disputes, the 
rest of the colony was growing and prospering. The 
encouragement of free immigration brought in large num- 
bers of young and adventurous men, each with a little 
money of his own. To these land-grants were allotted in 
proportion to the number of convicts they offered to take 
as servants — a hundred acres were given for each convict — 
and they took up farms in the neighbourhood of Bathurst, 
Goulburn, Campbelltown, and Maitland. Others brought 



cattle or sheep and travelled them beyond the settled 
districts into the waste lands that Oxley had discoveredj 
where there was no rent to pay and abundant pasturage in 
good seasons. This spread of settlement did much to 
improve the convicts also. In Macquarie's time they had 
been herded in great gangs for work on the roads or public 
buildings, whereas now they were split up in twos and threes 
all over the country under the control of men who wanted 
good work, and were willing to encourage those who did 
their best. Moreover, it was an essential part of Bigge's 
scheme of reform that convicts should be classified, so that 
the worst criminals should be separated from those who 
were suffering for technical or thoughtless crimes, and who 
might therefore with care be made good and worthy citizens 
again. Tasmania and, later, Norfolk Island were made 
receptacles for the very worst class ; others were sent for a 
time to Port Macquarie. But this district was too valuable 
to be made into a mere gaol-enclosure, and in search for a Qxley in 
more suitable spot further north along the coast Surveyor M^eton 
Oxley lit upon the site of Brisbane. 

How he did it was told afterwards by one of his com- 
panions. He had been up as far as Port Curtis, and had 
seen no place fit for his purpose. On his way back he 
went into Moreton Bay, which had been visited by Cook 
and Flinders without any result. But as Oxley landed 
there came down to the beach a crowd of painted black- 
fellows, with a white man in their midst, who hailed his 
fellow-countrymen with great delight. When he was calm 
enough to tell his story, it was discovered that he was 
Thomas Pamplilett, a cedar-getter of Illawarra, who had Pamph- 
been blown out to sea in a small boat with three others ^^^^ 
about eight months before. In the belief that the storm 
had swept them southwards, they steered north as soon as 
it abated, and when they made land set out to walk 
still northwards along the coast in the hope of reaching 
Sydney. Presently they came upon a very large river, up 



v'liich they had to travel for a month before they could 
cross it. All this time they were among friendly blacks, 
who looked after them, and used to take them off one at a 
time to help in fights with other tribes ; consequently, when 
Oxley landed, Pamphlett was alone with his black friends. 
He was immensely surprised to find out where he was. 
** North of Sydney !" he said. " I thought we were some- 
where below Jervis Bay." The refugees two days later 
took Oxley to the mouth of the river, up which he sailed 
for about fifty miles through fine forest country. He was 
delighted at the discovery. So large a river, he thought, 
must be the long-looked-for outlet to that great inland sea 
into which he imagined the western rivers to flow. He 
christened it with the Governor's name, and within a year 

Brisbane in 1837. 

had established a settlement, at first at Humpy Bong, near 
the river-mouth, afterwards on its bank at the -site of the 
present city of Brisbane. 
Work But while the convict system was inspiring these 
Interior discoveries along the coast, the growth of free settle- 
ment was urging men to pursue their explorations 
inland. Two problems especially were pressing to be 
solved. The one was to find some easy road to the 
fertile Liverpool Plains which Oxley had crossed in 
1818 — he had entered them over the rugged War- 



ruinburigle Range, and had left them by passing the 
still more rugged ranges at the head of the Hast- 
ings, so that his tracks were of no use for settlers. 
The other was to discover what lay in the great triangle 
south-west of Goulburn, about which nothing was 
known south of the Lachlan or west of the Monaro Plains. 
Governor Brisbane was much interested in this latter 
problem, and proposed to land a party of convicts at 
Wilson's Promontory, and let them make their way across 
country to Sydney. But 
Hamilton Hume, whom he 
consulted on the matter, 
preferred the opposite 
route ; he suggested start- 
ing from Goulburn and 
making for Western Port. 
Brisbane readily agreed to wM^A 
this. A party was made ^ 
up and put under the 
command of Hume, as 
an experienced bushman, 
and Ho veil, an old sea- 
captain, who knew how 
to take astronomical observations and determine the longi- 
tude and latitude of places they might reach. They started 
from Appin early in October, 1824, and soon after passing 
the limits of settlement found the Murrumbidgee River 
in full flood. With a rough boat, made with one of 
their carts and plenty of tarpaulin, they got safely across 
this obstacle, and plunged into the very rugged and difficult 
country that lies behind what we now call Tumut and 
Adelong. Here the carts were abandoned, and the stores 
put on bullock-back ; they spent most of their time 
crawling up and down precipitous cliffs, following some- 




times native paths, 
kangaroos. From one 

oftener the slight tracks left by 
hill they saw with admiration a 


noble half-circle of snow-covered peaks about twenty miles 
away ; but the sight warned them to go no further in that 
direction, and they turned westward into more fertile but 
still difficult country. Suddenly they came upon a splendid 
river winding in a broad valley between low hills ; the 
stream was full of fish, and its banks crowded with wild 
duck ; the valley was thickly studded with large blue gums 
in an undergrowth of kurrajong, flax, and ferns. A two 
days' journey down it from their first camp near Albury 
disclosed no possible crossing-place, but a similar journey 
upstream brought them to narrows. They made a boat of 
wickerwork and tarpaulin, safely transferred their stock 
rrhe and stores, and set out again over much easier country, 
pi^ygjgQf crossing river after river on the way. The big stream 
Victoria ^^lej named the Hume* ; then came the Mitta-Mitta, the 
Ovens, the Broken River, and the Goulburn. Here the 
country altered again ; they were once more entangled in 
the main dividing range, difficult here not so much for its 
height as for the thickness of its scrub. They climbed 
Mount Disappointment, and saw nothing but more ranges ; 
they tried Kingparrot Creek, and were driven back by 
bush fires ; at last they crossed the range further to the 
west, and joyfully came down into the coast country near 
Port Phillip, which they reached not far from Geelong. 

The return was nearly as troublesome as the journey had 
been, for provisions ran out and their beasts were footsore ; 
but once more they turned the kangaroos to good use, by 
making stockings of their leather for the bullocks. When 
they got back to Sydney, however, there were yet more 
troubles to come. In the first place Oxley, who had 
prophesied that the southern districts would be barren and 
waterless, was jealous of the success obtained by an 
unofficial expedition. In the second place, Hume and 
Hovell had quarrelled over the exact whereabouts of their 
furthest camp. Hume rightly said it was on a branch of 

* Now the Upper Murray. 




Port Phillip, while Ho veil maintained that it was on 
Western Port — and Hovell's opinion was unfortunately 

The other problem — a route to the Liverpool Plains cunning. 
— was attacked by Allan Cunningham, who had spent 
the years since his 1817 trip with Oxley in botanising 
all round the Australian coast with Captain Philip King, 
son of the former Governor. Brisbane aided him to form 
an exploring party, and he made his way north from 
Bathurst towards the heads of the Castlereagh and Goul- 
burn, where after considerable difficulties a gap was 
discovered, to which he gave the name of Pandora's Pass, 
This success led him to devote several years more to 
exploring the districts further north. In 
within a few miles of the Upper Darling, 
pushed across the Namoi 
and Dumaresq Bivers on 
to the splendid tableland 
of the Darling Downs. 
And in 1828 he worked 
inland from Moreton 
Bay and discovered a 
practicable pass from 
the coast to the Downs, 
which is still called by 
his name. 

1826 he got 
In 1827 he 


But during this last 
j ourney of Cunningham's 
another explorer had arisen, whose work, if of less immediate 
usefulness than the botanist's passes and downs, was at 
once more arduous, more striking, and of even greater 
permanent value. Sturt was an officer in the 39th 
Regiment, which formed part of the Sydney garrison in 
Governor Darling's time. He had already made several 
journeys into the bush on his own account, when Darling 
picked him to head an expedition which was intended to 



carry on Oxley's search for the end of the two big inland 

rivers, the Macquarie and Lachlan. The years 182G-7-8 

were years of drought, and it was hoped that this would 

make it possible to get through the swamps which had 

stopped Oxley. At the end of 1828 Sturt and Hume, with 

eleven others in the party, entered the unknown country, 

and found it possible to follow in a boat the main channel 

of the river among half-dry marshes. But presently this 

disappeared in a network of shallow and snaggy creeks, 

so they left the boat and took to horseback, making a ride 

of more than two hundred miles over scrub-covered plains 

that had evidently been flooded not long before. Quite 

unexpectedly one day the ground seemed to gape open 

^, before them, and they found themselves on the bank of a 
on the ' •' 

Darling broad, muddy stream, They were thirsty, and rushed to 
drink of it, but were amazed to find the water salt. 
Surely, thought Sturt, this must mean that the inland sea 
is not far off. They tracked the river, which Sturt called 
the Darling, fur miles down past the mouth of the Bogan, 
which they hoped was the missing Macquarie ; followed 
this stream some way up, worked round the marshes again 
to meet the Castlereagh (which was dry), and tracked its 
bed to the Darling, which they found no less salt than it 
had been lower down. The whole country was drought- 
stricken and not worth further trouble. The only chance 
of finding good land now was to follow one of Hume's 
rivers, since Oxley's gave such unpromising results. 

Accordingly Sturt, with a party of eight, left Sydney 
towards the end of 1829 to find out what became of the 
Murrumbidgee. From Jugiong to below Hay the expe- 
dition marched slowly along its bank, carrying stores and a 
couple of boats on bullock- drays. Then they fell in with 
the usual swamps, and determined to use boats henceforth, 
making a dejiot of provisions in case of their return, and 
sending the drays back to Goulburn. The boat party had 
scarcely started when they passed the mouth of the 


Lachlan. Seven days more brought them to a narrow 
reach, with a swift current, and while they were every 
moment expecting to be upset among the snags, they were Murray 
suddenly shot out into midstream of a fine river more than 
a hundred yards wide, that flowed through well-grassed 
country under the shade of noble trees. This, Sturt knew, 
must be the stream fed by all Hume's other rivers, from the 
Hume to the Goulburn ; and he at once decided to track 
it to the sea, feeling it impossible that so great a body of 
water should lose itself, as the Macquarie had done, in a 
marsh or desert. Day after day he followed its windings, 
landing every night to camp in spite of danger from 
hostile natives, of whom he saw large numbers. Once, 
where a long spit of sand narrowed the stream, his party 
was in imminent peril of being overwhelmed by a huge 
mob of blacks, who were dancing and howling in full war- 
paint on the spit. Sturt had his finger on the trigger of 
his gun — for he hoped that by killing one black he might 
frighten away the rest — when four men came racing down 
the opposite bank of the river, and a couple of them 
plunged in, swam to the sandspit, and with violent lan- 
guage and gestures checked the hostile crowed. The four 
were blackfellows with whom Sturt had previously made 
friends, and their interposition saved his party from 
certain death. 

A little below this memorable sandbank another broad 
river was found coming in from the north. Sturt suspected 
it to be the Darling, although its waters were fresh, and 
his Darling had been unmistakably salt ; but he had no 
time to verify his suspicions. The main river (called by 
Sturt the Murray) still ran on west into much poorer 
country ; then there was a sudden turn to the south, and 
in a day or two the boat was borne into a broad lagoon. 
The river channel at the lower end of this was so shallow 
that Sturt left the boat and, clambering over a number 
of sandhills, found himself on the shores of Encounter Bay. 


Now l)egan the worst difficulties of all. A veBsel had 
been sent round to meet tliom in St, Vinccnt'a Gulf, 
altliough llovell had actually named Encounter liay as the 
point where they would reach the Hea. They were tf>o 
worn out to cross to the Gulf by land, and a lie.ivy surf 
made it impossible to fetch the boat home by sea ; the only 
thing to do was to go back by the way they Inul come. 
For a thousand miles they pulled wearily upstream, sometimes 
rowing for ten or eleven hours at a stretch to get clear of 
hostile blacks. Often men fell asleep at the oar ; some 
fainted ; one lost his senses ; but not a man murmured in 
8turt's hearing, so devoted were they to their great leader. 
At last two of them were sent ahead by land to a depots 
and the rest waited in camp a long week for their return. 
All hope was gone, when the two faithful fellows were seen 
coming with a supply of provisions ; as they reached the 
camp they sank down with limbs swollen and quite 
unable to bear them. When Sturt at lafit arrived in Sydney 
he went blind, and did not recover his siglit for a long 
Minor Such explorations as these, of course, went far Ijeyond 
the bounds within which settlement was probable for many 
years. But the colony was filling out all the time. The 
district of Illawarra, for some years past a favourite haunt 
of cedar-getters, was formally occupied in 1826 by the 
establishment of a military station at Wollongong. 
Wellington had been similarly settled in 1824. In 1825 
large tracts of land round Port Stephens, together with the 
coal mines of Newcastle, were handed over to the Aus- 
tralian Agricultural Company, which had been formed in 
England to carry on farming in Australia with the best 
stock, the best machinery, and the best staff to be got in 
the world. Its promoters were drawn from the head officials 
of the Bank of England and the East India Company, 
as well as from the British Ministry, and the enterprise 
promised well. 



In these years also there were renewed rumours of a French 
proposed French intrusion ; some pointed to Western port, 
some to the western and northern limits of the continent. 
Accordingly steps were taken to seize the threatened points 
before the French could reach them. Melville Island, in 
the north, was occupied in 1824, but abandoned five years 
later. In 1826 three ships landed a party of convicts and 
their guards in King George's Sound, where they founded 
the township of Albany. As for Westernport, to which 
Ho veil was sent with a similar party, the French had been 
there first, and had abandoned it in disgust, and the 
English expedition was soon only too glad to follow their 


A. Political Agitation (1831-7). 

Bourke Darling's successor, Sir Richard Bourke, was a stronger 
^1831-y ''^^^ wiser man, though even he at last was entangled in a 

dispute which arose out of 


.-^" /<£**/ x:^") 

Governor Bourkk. 

the same old exclusive- 
emancipist question, and 
resigned his post because 
of it. For six years, how- 
ever, he succeeded by great 
tact and absolute justice 
in holding the balance even 
between the two contend- 
ing parties ; and both sides, 
while they attacked each 
other and the home Govern- 
ment sometimes very bit- 
terly, had little but praise 
to bestow on the Governor. During his rule pro- 
gress was made towards a settlement of three important 
questions. In the first place, the English system of law, 
which had been introduced by an Act of 1828, was incom- 
plete as long as the old colonial jury system was retained ; 
and a persistent agitation was kept up by Wentworth and 
his friends to obtain juries after the English fashion. 
There a man accused of committing a crime was tried 
before a jury of twelve civilians ; in New South Wales, 
until Bourke's time, such a trial took place before seven 
military men. Bourke passed an Act giving the accused 
man his choice, and the military juries were swept away 
altogether soon after the next Governor arrived. 


But Wentworth was fighting for a more important 
reform than that. The colony was still very much in the 
power of whoever might happen to be Governor. During Beform 
Darling's rule the Legislative Council had been altered so council 
as to consist of seven official members and seven non-official, 
with the Governor as fifteenth ; but all the non-official 
members were nominated by the home Government, and 
the colonists had thus no voice in appointing any of the 
men by whom they were ruled. . This was now an anomaly, 
since the money which the local Government handled was no 
longer provided by England ; and Wentworth revived an old 
and famous watchword of the English Commons, when at 
meeting after meeting he advocated " No taxation without 
representation ! " The people of New South Wales, he 
said, by paying taxes and in other ways provided the 
money which the Council disposed of ; they, then, were the 
people whose votes should elect that Council. The granting 
of this reform also was delayed till after the arrival of 
Governor Gipps ; but it was during Bourke's time that the 
movement attained strength and practically won its 

The third question was the most vital of all : Should 
transportation be abolished 1 The leaders of English 
politics at this time were men who had set themselves in 
every possible way to make people humane. They abolished 
slavery throughout the Empire ; they greatly improved the 
condition of English prisons ; and their attention was 
naturally directed to the treatment of prisoners in Australia. 
A rising of convicts near Bathurst in 1830, and a serious 
mutiny at Norfolk Island in 1834, caused very close 
investigation into the whole system, and in 1837 the 
House of Commons appointed a Select Committee to make 
full enquiries, which reported that transportation did not 
do very much good in England, and was as bad as it could 
possibly be for the colonies. 


B. The Opening Up op Port Phillip (1835-T> 

None of these questions were finally settled in Bourke's 

governorship, which is best remembered by events of a 

different kind, and notably by the explorations of Sir 

Thomas Mitchell and the founding of the colony of Victoria. 

The discoveries of earlier explorers spread out from the 

settled districts like the rays of a starfish — Cunningham's 

to the north, Oxley's and Sturt's north-west, and Hume's 

Sir south-west. Mitchell, the Surveyor-General, determined 

Mitchell to connect all these rays, and so obtain a clear idea 

of the whole country within four or five hundred 

1831 miles of Sydney. His first expedition mapped out more 

carefully the districts north of the Liverpool Plaitis. His 

1835 second followed Sturt's tracks towards the Bogan and 
Darling, but found the country in a very different state ; 
the river banks were well grassed, and the Darling was no 
longer a salt stream. Mitchell was so delighted with what 
he saw that he established the depdt of Fort Bourke, and 
traced the river's course for some three hundred miles 

As he had already made sure of its connection with the 
Namoi, Gwydir, and Condamine, the one thing left to do 
was to make sure whether it ran into the Murray or 
wandered away somewhere west. This task he undertook 

1836 the next year. Following Oxley's route down to the 
Lachlan valley (most of which was now occupied by thriving 
cattle stations) he traced that river to the Murrumbidgee, 
and proceeded to and along the Murray till he reached the 
broad river which Sturt had taken for the Darling. He 
made sure, by going some way up it, that it really was the 
Darling, and then turned back past the Murrumbidgee 
Murray junction with the intention of making his way to 
Hume's tracks and finding the connection of the Murray 
with Hume's series of rivers. But near Swan Hill he 
came upon the Loddon, and was led to climb first Mount 
Hope and then Pyramid Hill ; and the view threw him 


into raptures. " Fit to become eventually one of the great Auetrali 
nations of the earth," " Of this Eden it seemed I was the 
only Adam," " The sublime solitude of these verdant 
plains" — these were some of the phrases in which he 
expressed his delight. The Murray valley was at once 
abandoned in favour of such splendid regions, and the 
expedition struck across the Loddon and Avoca to the 
head waters of the Wimmera through " exuberant " soil 
that choked its dray- wheels till they made no more than 
three miles a day. Once past the dividing range, Mitchell 
hit on the broad Glenelg, and was even more enthusiastic 
and poetical in recording its many beauties. It led him, 
however, only to a shallow estuary and a sandy bar ; he 
turned eastwards and, coming down upon Portland Bay, 
found himself in a settlement of white men — a farm and 
whaling station established not long before by two brothers 
named Henty, from Tasmania. The Hentys were con- 
siderably alarmed. Mitchell's party was a good deal bigger 
than those of former explorers, and marched very much in 
military fashion. Five-and-twenty men in such guise, 
appearing suddenly from the unknown bush, put the little 
settlement on its defence, and a four-pounder cannon was 
brought to bear on the suspicious-looking strangers. Ex- 
planations followed ; the expedition was welcomed and 
supplied with provisions, and Mitchell determined to make 
for Sydney as straight as he could. He crossed the 
Pyrenees and camped near Oastlemaiiie, making a journey 
thence to the top of Mount Macedon, from which he could 
look across forty miles of grassy plain to the great bay of 
Port Phillip ; then, returning to his camp, he hastened to 
the Murray a little below Albury, crossed it, and reached 
Sydney in triumph after a seven months' journey full of 
exciting and important discoveries. 

This expedition, in opening up the fertile inland districts 
of what is now Victoria, did but complete an enterprise that 
was already in hand. In the settling of the waste lands of 


the world a strange series of accidents delayed beyond its 
time the colonisation of Australia ; in Australian history 
the colonisation of Port Phillip was delayed by accidents no 

p. 28 Jess strange. Collins had pitched his camp at Sorrento, 
and the dreary sandhills drove him in disgust to Hobart ; 

p, 44 Hovell's mistake in 1824 had misled the party he brought 
round later into making a vain attempt to establish them- 
selves at Westernport. The British Government, anxious 
to avoid a too great scattering of settlers in a land where 
order was kept none too easily, discouraged all unofficial 
occupation of a coastline so far from Sydney. But in 1834 
the Hentys, of Launceston, made a permanent settlement 
on the western shore of Portland Bay, cultivating the 
ground and running large herds of cattle there for the pro- 
visioning of their whalers. Their success roused another 
Tasraanian to action. 
John John Batman, born at Parramatta in 1800, was in 1834 
already one of the best known of Tasmanian settlers. Ho 
had captured single-handed the most daring of Tasmanian 

p. 72 buslirangers, Matthew Brady. He was one of the few who 
had at all distinguished themselves in the Black War, In 
1827 he vainly petitioned Governor Darling for leave to run 
sheep and cattle at Westernport. The example of the 
Hentys determined him to carry out his project, leave or 
no leave — not at Westernport this time, but on Port 
Phillip, of which Hume had given a glowing description in 
a Sydney newspaper of 1833. He formed an association to 
undertake the enterprise, including in it five officials and 
the nephew of Governor Arthur. The Governor himself 
privately approved of the scheme, though he found it con- 
venient afterwards to write against it. On May 29, 1835, 
Batman landed at Indented Head, well within the great 
bay, and found the country all that a sheep-owner could 
desire. Four days later his ship lay in the mouth of the 
Yarra, and he started on a walk that took him up past 
Sunbury, across country eastward, and to the Plenty 


River, in the district now occupied by the village of 
Eltham. He had met some blackfellows near Geelong, and 
made friends with them ; here were more, a tribe of 
fifty, with no less than eight chiefs, from whom Batman, 
with many ceremonies and a great deal of explanation, pur- 
chased a huge block of land. There were 600,000 acres in The 
it, stretching from the main range to Geelong and past jveaT"" 
the head of Corio Bay so as to include the Queenscliff'^'*"*^'^^''^ 
Peninsula ; and the price of it, set forth solemnly in trip- 


licate agreements, was 40 pairs of blankets, 130 knives, 42 
tomahawks, 40 looking-glasses, 62 pairs of scissors, 250 hand- 
kerchiefs, 18 red shirts, four flannel jackets, four suits of 
clothes, and 1501b. flour. Cheap land, certainly, although 
there was still a rent to pay — more blankets and knives 
and tomahawks and looking-glasses and so on, and seven 
tons of flour every year.* But at least the flour and 
blankets were really valuable to the land-sellers, which is 
more than can be said for the glass beads and rubbish for 

* The cash value of this rant was about £3-20 a year. 


which natives in other parts of the world have often 
bargained away their country. 

On his way back from the blackfellows' camp Batman 
came upon a lagoon full of wild duck, the site of to-day's 
West Melbourne ; and on June 8 he took a boat up the 
Yarra to the falls (lately cut away — just below Prince's 
Bridge), and " this," said he, " will be the place for a 
village." The village was duly set there, and is now called 
Melbourne. But it was not of Batman's setting. He left 
the Yarra the same day and returned to Launccston, 
stopping at his first landing place, Indented Head, to erect 
a hut for the men he left in charge, to command a view of 
the entrance bay and to warn off intruders. A fortnight 
more saw him in Hobart, urging upon Governor Arthur his 
claim to be confirmed in the possession of the land he had 
just acquired. And while he was thus busied, a second 
party of settlers sailed from Launceston across the straits, 
examined and abandoned Western port, and, passing into Port 
Phillip, skirted its eastern shores unavailingly until they, too, 
anchored in Hobson's Bay. After a useless row up the Salt- 
water River, they, too, discovered the admirable village site at 
the Yarra Falls — " the velvet-like grass carpet, decked with 
flowers of most lively hues, most liberally spread over the 

land, the fresh water, the 
fine lowlands and lovely 
knolls around the lagoons 
on the flat, the flocks almost 
innumerable of teal, ducks, 
geese, and swans and minor 
fowl, filled them with joy." 
With great promptitude 
they brought their ship 
right up to the desired 
spot and landed their live 
stock. Two days after, oii 
JoTiN Pascob fawknkr. September i, 1835, the first 

hut was put up ashore ; and one of the Batman party, arriv 


ing next day from Indented Head, was astonished to find a 
strange ship in Batman's river and a busy party of 
strangers building, mowing, and ploughing on the Associa- 
tion's land. 

This double occupation, of course, caused many quarrels. 
Fawkner, the promoter of the second enterprise, was a 
townsman, not a farmer like Batman. He had practised 
as a lawyer in the Launceston courts, had kept a hotel, 
and published a newspaper. In the end, therefore, it 
naturally happened that he became more closely identified 
with the town his enterprise had founded, while the earlier 
occupiers devoted themselves to pastoral work in the sur- 
rounding districts, and eventually spread their flocks over 
the country between Geelong and the Hentys' station. 
But Melbourne itself in those early days was the merest 
hamlet. Emerald Hill was a sheep station, and Prahran a 
cattle run. The residents had the greatest difficulty in 
getting supplies from Launceston, because every ship was 
fully laden with live stock, which paid better. 

All these parties — the Hentys', Batman's, and Fawkner's 
— had deliberately taken their chance of being repudiated 
by the authorities. Governor Arthur, although he made Official 
complimentary remarks about Batman, said the country 
was beyond the bounds of Tasmania, and he could do 
nothing. Governor Bourke, within whose jurisdiction 
Port Phillip lay, issued a proclamation denouncing all 
parties alike as trespassers. The Home Government was 
appealed to, and stood by its old resolution not to expand 
the bounds of settlement. Then Bourke, who had only 
done his strict duty in making the proclamation, interceded 
with Lord Glenelg, the British Colonial Secretary. He 
pointed out how useless it was to forbid an enterprise 
which had already been warmly taken up; the settlers 
were actually on Port Phillip, and would stay there 
whether the Government recognised them or not ; if left to 
themselves, they would scatter more widely than ever ; it 




Apr.^e, year Bourke came himself, and confirmed the layin 
^^^ ' Melbourne and Williamstown. Before the end of 

would be better to establish definite central townships and 
ports, and to control settlement by leasing the land in 
moderate areas and by appointing magistrates and other 
necessary ofiicials. Bourke was given his own way. When 
Mitchell looked down from Mount Macedon, he may have 
seen the ship that brought into Port Phillip its first ad- 
iieibourm ministrator — Captain Lonsdale. In March of the next 

out of 


year ninety acres of Melbourne land had been sold, at an 

average price of under £S0 ; two years later the price Avas 

more like £5000. 

As for Batman's 

treaty, it was ignored 

altogether ; but as 

compensation to him 

and his friends for 

their enterprise and 

. expenditure, they 

were allowed to take 

up free of charge 

seven thousand pounds' worth of land in the splendid lake 

country west of Geelong. 

Commandant's House, Melbourne, 1837. 


C, Land Regulations (1824-31). 

Again and again during the years that followed Bris- 
bane's arrival the British Government had protested 
against the way in which the colony's population was being 
dispersed over an enormous area. It was not easy for 
anyone living in England, a country of small and well- 
cultivated farms, to understand how different the conditions 
were in New South "Wales, where first-class farm labourers 
were rare, and where the climate, the spasmodic rivers, and 
the nature of the soil made it more profitable to run stock 
over large tracts of bush land. In Brisbane's time grants 
were made in proportion to the number of convicts em 


ployed by the grantee, with a maximum of two thousand 

acres — sometimes the area was proportioned to the amount 

of money which the applicant was prepared to spend on it. 

In 1824 regulations were forwarded from England which 

ordered that the whole country should be surveyed, and a 

price fixed for land in each parish ; but Governor Darling's 

commission, issued the next year, gave him power to confine 

the survey to certain districts. In 1831 another set of 

regulations arrived, which abolished all land grants, insisted 

that all land should be sold by auction, and fixed a minimum 

price of five shillings an acre. This order might have been rpj^g 

disastrous had not Darling already limited the colony, for * ^qq^' 

landlaw purposes, to districts fairly within reach of the^°^^*^®^* 

capital. These "boundaries of the colony, within which 

settlers will be permitted to select land," comprised, roughly 

speaking, the districts east of a line from Wellington to 

Yass and south of the Liverpool Range, with a coast line 

from the Moruya to the Manning — to which the Port 

Macquarie district was afterwards added. 

This was a very small bite out of a colony which extended 
from Cape York to Bass Straits. For the rest of that huge 
territory no system yet devised was suitable. Farms — The 
even two-thousand acre farms — had no place in the great 
plains of the Darling watershed. Their usefulness was for 
" runs " — vast areas of grass land, insufiiciently watered, 
within which the flock-owner might move his stock from 
place to place as the grass gave out and the waterholes 
went dry. To these men — " squatters," as they were soon 
called, because they were not authorised to occupy — a few 
thousand acres were useless, and leave to buy land at five 
shillings an acre was a mockery. Not much less of a 
mockery was an ofier to lease them the land at £1 per square 
mile. They made no efibrts to legalise their position in 
an 3^ way ; the Government might proclaim them trespassers, 
but they knew well enough that no Governor would ruin 



the valuable wool industry by actually prosecuting them 
for trespass. Bourke's common sense at last saw a way 
out of the difficulty. He divided the plain country into 
"pastoral districts," and gave the occupants of each district 
a license to go on trespassing within its boundaries on pay- 
ment of a small annual fee. This scheme was formally 
embodied in an early Act of his successor, Gipps, and by 
1843 the whole country from the Darling southwards was 
c.p. 86 divided among a few hundred squatters. 

D. The Settlers and Their Surroundings. 

Commu- It is interesting to make a picture in one's mind of New 
nications *=*, ^ 

South Wales as it appeared to the colonists in Bourke's 

time, when people proudly wrote home that two steamers 
were already plying between Port Jackson and the Hunter, 
and in Sydney itself " more than one hackney-coach " had 
begun to carry passengers about the streets. Stage-coaches 

carried the mails west 
to Bathurst and south 
to Goulburn along 
good main roads, 
taking about two 
days on the journey 
— letters had to be 
short, for the charge 
was four shillings an 
ounce. The Hunter 
valley was similarly supplied with its mails from Newcastle, 
while sailing vessels kept up communication along the 
coast southwards to the Shoalhaven and north to Port 
Stephens, Port Macquarie, and Moreton Bay. Thirty- 
five trading vessels and an equal number of whalers, 
owned by local men, constituted the colony's mercantile 
B'7«li- Under Bourke the inland traffic was no longer exposed 
ranging ^o a danger which had been very serious only a few years 

QmnsRAii Post Offick, Sydney, in 


before — the raids of bushrangers. This evil, which in 
Tasmania more than once developed into a merciless war 
between the outlaws and the law-abiding settlers, did not 
take so grave a shape on the mainland. Nor was there a 
permanent body of bushrangers in these early years, such 
as grew up during the gold-rushes thirty years later under 
the leadership of Gardiner and Ben Hall. Here and there 
a gang of escaped convicts eluded the police and terrorised 
the settlers for some months: one such gang in 1826 was 
audacious enough to attack houses in what are now the 
suburbs of Bur wood and Auburn, not twelve miles out of 
Sydney. The career of most escapees, however, was shorter 
and less exciting. They were usually convicts who had 
been assigned as servants to up-country settlers, and had 
chanced upon cruel and brutal masters : from this servitude 
they took refuge in the bush, living on blackfellow's fare 
unless they could steal provisions from some outlying 
shepherd's hut. On the whole they were guilty of few 
violent crimes, and sooner or later were driven by starvation 
to surrender. But under Governor Darling this fluctuating 
body of petty robbers was largely increased by escapees 
from the road-making parties, whose condition the martinet 
Governor changed for the worse and made almost unbearable : 
and these men, who were as a rule the most incorrigible of 
the convict population, used their illegal freedom to commit 
every sort of crime. So it was that from about 1827 
onwards highway robbery became frequent, and by 1830 a 
regular system had been developed, which practically ensured 
that no man could travel a hundred miles along any road in 
the colony without being "stuck up" by armed bushrangers, 
To meet this violence an equally violent law was enacted. 
The Bushrangers Act of 1830, among other severe clauses, 
contained one which rendered any man, free, freed, or 
convict, liable to be imprisoned on suspicion by an officer or 
magistrate, and marched perhaps hundreds of miles under 
arrest before he could prove that he was earning his living 


p. ISG 


lawfully. This Act, harsh and unjustifiable as it was, at 
any rate effected its object. There was an outbreak at 
Bathurst in 1830, mostly of assigned men who had been 
half-starved ; but when this was put down, bushranging 
ceased to be a serious evil, until the gold-fever revived it in 
a new and far more virulent form. 

By Bourke's time also commerce was free from another 
trouble which had in the early days considerably hampered 
it. This was the scarcity of coin, which had during 
Hunter's and King's rule made it necessary to use flour 
and rum as a means of paying debts. The Government 
brewery in 1804 accepted payment for its beer in "wheat, 
barley, hops, casks, or iron hoops." King issued twopenny 
pieces in copper, and in his accompanying proclamation 
named Johannas, Ducats, Mohurs, Pagodas, Dollars, Rupees, 
and Guilders — a motley collection — as coins legally circu- 
lating in the colony. With all this variety money was still 
scarce, and traders began to issue promissory notes — known 



HoBART Town. 



On>4^mand i Promise to Pay the Bear 


^ Value received. /^^ 


as "currency," while money was called "sterling" — for 
sums from £1 down to threepence, the latter to be paid (in 
a note issued at Hobart) " in Spanish dollars at five shillings 
each." For notes payable in " currency," the holder could 
get only more notes, which were of little or no use in 
trading outside the colony. The value of these notes, there- 



fore, went down considerably; and when in 1816 Mac- 
quarie abolished them by proclamation, it was agreed by the 
Sydney merchants that £1 "currency" should be considered 
worth only 13s. 4d. "sterling." 

Macquarie had in 1813 made an attempt to increase the 
amount of coin by a singular device. Although accounts 
were reckoned in pounds, shillings, and pence, the actual 
coin most in use was the Spanish dollar, which was made 
in Mexico — the great silver-producing country of those 
times — and circulated nearly all over the world. Out of these 
dollars (legally worth five shillings each) Macquarie ordered 
a small central piece to be punched : this " dump " was 
made a coin worth fif teenpence, and the rest of the dollar — 
at once, for obvious reasons, christened " holey-dollar 
— still represented a value of five shillings. This bold device 
carried the colony on to 1825, by which time whole dollars 




IIoi.KY- Dollar. 



had again dropped in value, notwithstanding proclamations, 
to about four shillings, holey-dollars to three shillings or 
less ; while a tradesman might still receive in settlement of 


his little bill not only Spanish silver and English coppar, 
but French, Indian, American, or even Sicilian coins, with 
values varying from tenpence to four shillings and four- 
pence. This muddle, complicated by the persistence in 
some districts of the old "currency" system, lasted till 
1829, when Governor Darling finally settled the confusion 
by insisting that in future all reckonings must be made 
with reference to the ordinary English coinage. 

The Abo- Nearly all over the world, wherever civilised white men 
have occupied a newly-discovered country, their most 
immediate and one of their most lasting troubles has been 
to pacify and live quietly among the native inhabitants. 
The Red Indians in North America, the Zulus and other 
tribes in South Africa, the Maoris (as we shall see later 
on) in New Zealand, have had an important and often a 
retarding influence on the process of colonising those regions. 
In Australia, however, the influence of the aboriginal tribes 
has been much smaller. Their numbers were very small 
compared with the area of land over which they roamed : 
they were split up into small communities, and did not 
readily combine against a common enemy ; they had no real 
or permanent chiefs — the " King Billys " whom one meets 
in their settlements or hanging round country towns are 
victims of the white man's imagination, with a title invented 
for his amusement. In New South Wales, more especially, 
the blackfellow was seen almost at his weakest. In mid- 
Queensland there are tribes who have often proved them- 
selves ferocious and formidable enemies; but the tribes 
with whom English settlers first came into contact had 
much less power of united action. 
Their Their origin is still an unsolved problem, but they seem 

Origin j^^^ ^ have been the first owners of Australian soil. These, 
driven south across Bass Straits by the incoming tribes, 
took refuge in Tasmania, and are now extinct. The 
invaders, as far as we can gather from the study of their 
customs, passed into this country from New Guinea down 

p. 73 




the Cape York Peninsula, and separated at the bottom of 
it, their lines of travel spreading out fanwise across the 
continent. Thus a traveller from St. Vincent's Gulf to the 
Gulf of Carpentaria might find himself continuously among 
tribes with similar customs and dialects that varied little 
from each other : but anyone crossing the country from 
Adelaide to Sydney would come upon different usages and 
different languages in nearly every tribe he met. Curiously 
enough, just as in mediaeval Europe languages were known 
by the word used for Yes (the Lingua di Si, the Langue 
d^Oc^ (fee), so in Eastern Australia tribe-groups were known 
by their word for No — the Kamilaroi of the Namoi Plains 
using " Kamil," the Wiradhuri of Riverina saying " Wir- 
rai," and so on. 

The blackfellow's life was a hard one. Rarely was he so Their 
lucky as the Port Jackson tribes, who had a perennial 
supply of fish ready to their hand. More often he roamed 
through inhospitable bush or sterile plains, learning great 
cunning in his attempts to snare the opossum and kangaroo, 
but often subsisting on snakes, grubs, roots, manna — any- 
thing, in fact, which could be chewed. He had no ideas 
of cultivation. His tribe claimed a certain district for its 
own hunting : within its boundaries, when once he was 
full-grown and admitted with solemn rites to manhoods 
every living thing was his to eat if he could catch it.* 
This law, as may be imagined, caused much ttouble between 
whites and blacks when first the settlers pushed their herds 
westwards into the great plains ; for the blackfellow could 
not at first understand why he might kill all the kangaroo 
he liked but was punished for touching a bullock. This 
very freedom and independence, which made it so hard for 
the tribes to act unitedly, at the same time made each 
individual blackfellow a valuable guide and ally to our 
pioneers : and their value was increased by the fact that 

♦ There were, however, religious scruples, based on 4 man's descent, which 
forbade certain men to eat certain animala- 


Black- nearly always they were willing to be friendly at first sight, 
and Hostility, as a rule, came later, when the white man, 
Manf through ignorance or malice, went counter to their ideas of 
right and wrong. " Go away ! go away ! " cried the natives 
of Port Jackson as Phillip's fleet stood into the harbour : but 
when Phillip landed he soon made friends with them, and 
it was an unfortunate collision with the French sailors of 
La Perouse's expedition that first made discord between 
natives and newcomers. At the same time their very 
intrepidity and manliness seemed to foreshadow that they 
would be dangerous enemies when irritated, and it was a 
long time before the settlers ceased to fear an outbreak. 
Fear of the blacks, indeed, was not the least of the motives 
which prevented early governors from exploring the country 
far inland. 

For many years the relations between black and white 
men remained on the same footing. Settlers took up 
country without taking any account of the natives' rights. 
The tribes dwindled away, some demoralised by drink and 
the vices of the meaner whites, some retreating into the 
more sterile interior as squatters occupied the better eastern 
lands. Individual blacks were employed on the stations, 
where their quickness and knowledge of animals rendered 
them invaluable. But those who preferred to lead their 
own life grew more and more hostile as their hunting- 
grounds were taken from them : and by the end of Governor 
Bourke's rule complaints were coming in from all parts of 
the colony that white men had been murdered and their 
flocks raided, while the settlers in too many places had 
taken the law brutally into their own hands. At Myall 
Creek, in 1839, a whole tribe was captured by a body of 
shepherds and stockmen, and massacred in cold blood. 
This and similar acts so roused the tribes of the interior 
that in 1842 there broke out what was practically a Black 
War, and from Portland Bay to the Darling Downs every 
outlying settlement was full of raids and reprisals. But 


the alarm was only temporary : the risings were put down 
one by one, either with violence or by the peaceful 
intervention of the State-appointed ' Protectors of the 
Aborigines,' of whom George Robinson was the chief. p, 75 
Since then the tribes of south-east Australia have dwindled, 
and are now mostly settled in a few reserves under State 
care. Over the great plains of the interior, from Central 
Queensland almost to the West Australian coast, and from 
Carpentaria south-west to Encounter Bay, their kinsmen 
roam more freely, still sometimes a danger to the scanty 
white population that lives among them, and sometimes the 
victims of careless white brutality. 


A. Tasmania (1803-36). 

p. 27 Tasmania, as we have seen, was first occupied in 
1803 in order to anticipate the French, who were sup- 
posed to be desirous of setting up rival colonies in the 
southern seas. Bowen pitched his camp at Risdon, on 
the eastern bank of the Derwent ; but Collins, who was 
disappointed with Port Phillip, and had heard poor reports 
about the Tamar, the northern Tasmanian River, transferred 
his party shortly afterwards to the Derwent, and chose a 
better situation on the opposite bank of the river, a little 
nearer the sea. When Bowen went back to Sydney his 
detachment was brought over to join that of Collins, and it 
was thus settled that the future capital should be where 
Hobart stands now. 

King looked after the new settlement with much interest, 
and sent over as many cattle as he could spare. Bligh 
transferred to it some of the best farmers obtainable from 
Norfolk Island, which he was ordered to abandon. But 
Early within the next few years there was constant famine in the 
Troubles ^^^Iq island. Its own farms were a failure, partly because 
the labourers employed on them were half-hearted and 
unskilful, partly because the blacks were a much fiercer 
race than those of the mainland, and made repeated attacks 
on the newcomers. New South Wales, which was supposed 
to supply food, was itself starving because of floods in the 
Hawkesbury. At one time the islanders lived entirely on 
kangaroo meat; convicts were let loose to hunt down 
kangaroos, for which they got eightpence a pound, and 
many of them naturally took the opportunity to escape 
into the bush. 


In spite of Collins' disapproval, the Tamar had not been 
neglected. In 1804 Colonel Paterson landed there with a 
settling party, and camped not far from the river's mouth, 
at George Town. A year or two later, however, he moved 
up to the present site of Launceston. At first this settle- 
ment was quite distinct from the one which Collins 
governed, though it shared the same troubles from famine 
and the blacks, and in 1807 a track was found across the 
island from Launceston to Hobart. But in 1810 Collins 
died, and soon after Governor Macquarie came over to p- 33 
see what progress had been made ; and in the general 
rearrangement it was decided that for the future the whole 
island should be under one ruler, with Hobart as his 

The first lieutenant-governor under this new arrange- T)&Yey 

^ ^ Qovernor, 

ment was Colonel Davey, an officer of the marines who 1813-17 
had served at Trafalgar. This very rough-and-ready 
gentleman walked ashore on arrival in his shirtsleeves, and 
cfriled at the first house he came to for a drink ; and this 
beginning was rather typical of his four years of govern- 
ment. He treated the colony as a camp, administering 
rough justice during office hours and enjoying himself with 
some boisterousness when off duty. One very wise thing isis 
he did : the port of Hobart, which had been forbidden to 
trading ships, was thrown open to all comers, and soon 
became a centre of attraction both for merchantmen and 
whalers. The farming industry, too, was encouraged, and 
in 1816 the settlers supplied not only Tasmania, but the 
mother colony also, with wheat. On the other hand, it was 
in Davey's time that bushranging became a serious evil. The 
Tasmanian convicts, being those who had committed fresh ranger* 
crimes in Australia, were usually the worst of their kind ; 
and the nature of the country — with narrow strips of 
fertile soil running up the river valleys between rugged 
spurs of the central tableland — offered them opportunities 
both of escape and of easily raiding the farms afterwards. 




Brutal to begin with, they lived a brutalising life in the 
recesses of the Tiers, and made themselves by the vilest 
ruffianism so terrible to peaceful folk that many farms were 
abandoned ; yet their success appealed to men of a better 
class, and among others a land surveyor and a commissary 
of stores were induced to join their ranks. 


Davey in despair put the whole island under martial 
law. Macquarie, as Governor-in-Chief, cancelled this order, 
SoreU *^^ Davey resigned. His successor, Colonel Sorell, had a 
^181^2^' ^®^^ military idea of colonisation, and called the settlers to 
his counsels instead of treating them as private soldiers 
under his command. A subscription was raised among 
them ; large rewards were offered for the capture of a 
bushranger ; the convict working-gangs were more strictly 
disciplined ; and the marauders, cut off from communication 
with their friends in these gangs, and zealously hunted up 
and down the island by police and soldiers, soon began to 
betray each other to their pursuers. When in 1821 
Macquarie again visited Tasmania, he found that four 


years of Sorell's rule had doubled the population and 
trebled the acreage of farmlands. Sheep, moreover, were 
found to do very well in the central uplands, and the 
importing of some of Macarthur's merinos from Camden 
soon resulted in gaining a reputation for Tasmanian wool 
which has endured to the present day. 

Sorell, recalled in 1824 amid the regrets of the colonists, 
was succeeded by the strongest of all Tasmanian governors, 
George Arthur. He had already served with distinction Arthur 
as Governor of British Honduras, where he was known as isuSe'' 
a strict and energetic ruler and a strong advocate of 
humanity to the negro slaves. Sorell in his later years 
had allowed the discipline of the colony to relax, and bush- 
ranging had begun again. Arthur took firm hold of the 
reins. It was not necessary, he thought, that Tasmania A Strong 
should be a free country ; it was urgently necessary that it UvJe 
should be a moral and orderly country. As an Act of the 
British Parliament had in 1825 practically separated 
Tasmania from New South Wales, ■**■ he found himself 
unhampered by interference from officials at Sydney, and 
with great boldness altered or annulled laws which he 
objected to, and suspended officials with whom he was for 
any reason displeased. When the land regulations of 1831 
(enforcing sale at not less than five shillings an acre) 
arrived in the colony, he set them at nought as far as he 
could by issuing land-grants broadcast before the date on 
which the regulations could come into force. 

Such arbitrary conduct, of course, brought him into 
collision with the free settlers again and again ; and there 
were now a good many free settlers, for Macquarie's glow- 
ing report of his second visit had induced a large number 
of people to emigrate to Tasmania from England in 1822. 
But in Arthur's eyes free men were only there on suffer- 
ance. He, like Macquarie, felt that his first duty was to 

* Arthur and his successors were nominally still Lieutemnt-Governors, "in the 
absence of the Governor," who was also the Governor of New South Wales, and 
took care to remain absent. 


the convicts, for whose reception the island had been set 
apart. His chief work was to terrorise the evil-doers 
among them, and to encourage those who showed any signs 
of reform ; to that work all consideration of the free 
settlers must be subordinated. Sorell had made an attempt 
to weed out the worst characters by establishing an isolated 
penal settlement at Macquarie Harbour, on the west coast, 
where the intricate bush at its back and the Avild seas that 
beat on it seemed to make absconding impossible. But to 
desperate men neither barricade was absolutely impassable. 
Matthew Brady, with ten others, escaped by sea in a stolen 
boat, and revived the worst terrors of the old bush- 
ranging days, A few prisoners penetrated the bush itself, 
and their sufferings on the way made them irredeemably 
inhuman by the time they descended on the farms 
inland. Arthur did his best to make this establishment at 
once less brutalising and more disciplinarian. The revival 
of bushranging was quelled by stern and sharp punish- 
ment, and Brady himself was at last captured by John 
Batman, the coloniser of Port Phillip. After a while the 
length (a month or more) of sea voyage to the harbour was 
found to be a great disadvantage — one party of convicts 
seized the ship that was taking them round and sailed off to 
China with it ; free settlements, besides, were approaching 
it too nearly. Arthur accordingly resolved to remove 
Port the whole establishment, and, after making a trial of Maria 
Island, finally fixed on a site at Tasman's Peninsula, which 
is almost completely severed from the mainland by two 
inrunning bays that leave only the seventy-eight yards' 
width of Eaglehawk Neck between them. Here doubly 
and trebly convicted prisoners were dealt with under an 
unrelenting system ; the better behaved, as in New South 
Wales, were assigned to free masters all over the colony ; 
and between the two classes there was interposed a series 
of road-making gangs, by whose labour the main highway 
from Hobart to Launceston and other roads were 
constructed and kept in repair. 




However despotic the Governor might be, his power was 
undoubtedly used to good ends. The colony grew and 
prospered. The Van Diemen's Land Company, formed in 
1825, obtained large grants of land on the north coast at 
Circular Head and inland from it near the present 
Waratah, and in 1828 began to raise stock on a large scale. 
When Arthur left it was 
found that the population 
had trebled since his ar- 
rival, the revenue had in- 
creased sixfold, and the 
volume of trade from 
£75,000 to £900,000. But 
of all his rule perhaps the 
most important achieve- 
ment was at the same time 
the most painful to think 
of — his settlement of the 
native question, which then 
threatened the peace of the 
island. The Tasmanian 
blackfellow, as has been said already, was less manageable 
than his distant cousins on the Australian continent, and 
came into contact with a worse class of white men. From the 
first they were suspicious of the white intruders, for at 
Risdon in the early days fifty of them had been shot by the 
soldiers in a momentary panic without having done anything 
unfriendly. From that time the colonists and the blacks 
regarded each other as natural enemies. Every governor 
in turn proclaimed that a black man's murder would be 
punished as severely as a white man's, but it was impossible 
to control the actions of scattered settlers and convict 
storekeepers on the distant bush farms. The natives in 
their turn attacked isolated homesteads, and learnt to 
imitate the cruelties of the bushrangers. At one time they 
vere organised and led by an Australian blackfellow chief, 

Governor Artiiur, 

Black 3 







Settled ill 1837 

Musquibo, whom Governor King had captured and sent 
over to Tasmania for safe keeping. 

For this unendurable state of things, existing at his 
arrival, Arthur tried many remedies. Proclamations were 
in vain; the capture and execution of Musquito only 
embittered his followers. In 1828 reserves were set apart 
for native use, and " capture parties " were sent abroad to 
bring recalcitrants in to the appointed districts. But 
most of these parties simply took to hunting down the 
blacks and killing them; even Batman, who took every 
care to explain his friendly motives, found himself 
more than once forced into a fight. At last Arthur's 

patience gave way. 
The whites, he knew, 
had first been in the 
wrong, but as matters 
stood they must be 
protected. He deter- 
mined to make a line 
of beaters half-way 
across the island,* 
who, advancing stead- 
ily from north to south 
and wheeling round 
their right flank, should 
drive the black inhabi- 
tants before them into the cul-de-sac of Forestier's Peninsula. 
For nearly two months the long line kept pace across hills 
and valleys, through dense bush, over difficult rivers, till it 
was concentrated between Spring Bay and Sorell ; then it 
closed in triumphantly on East Bay Neck, — and found 
not a soul in front of it. One old man and a boy, cap- 
tured on the way, were the sole trophies of an undertaking 

♦ The line extended from St. Mary's to Deloraine, and then south past Lake 
Echo along the Dee and Derwent. This included the homes of the more important 
and dangerous tribes. 


that had cost the colony more than thirty thousand 

At that moment of almost ridiculous failure Arthur had Goprge 

the courage to own his policy wrong and to reverse it com- 
pletely. The reserve on Bruny Island had been exceedingly 
well managed by a bricklayer, George Robinson. He had, 
indeed, so won the hearts of the blacks in his charge that 
Arthur had allowed him to go unarmed into the bush and 
communicate with the west coast tribes. To him the whole 
management of native business was now confided. The 
"capture parties " were disbanded. Robinson, with a few 
friendly natives, went freely to and fro among the tribes, 
and within four years had brought nearly the whole black 
population to Hobart. Their numbers were found to 
have been much exaggerated : one dreaded tribe consisted 
of twenty-six all told, sixteen being men. But the terror 
they had excited was too great for much pity to be shown 
them ; they were deported to the islands on the north-east 
corner of Tasmania, and there died off rapidly of mere 
home-sickness.* In 1847 a feeble remnant of forty-four 
was removed to Oyster Cove, a little below Hobart. In 1876 
died the last of them, Truganini, one of the friendly guides 
who had helped Robinson to complete his work forty years ^ p 97 

B. Western Australia (1826-40). 

Between 1820 and 1850 the men most influential in 
re-shaping the life of the British nation were theorists, 
working out in practical politics the ideas which 
they got from the study of philosophy. They reformed 
Parliament, and the poor laws, and the factories, and 
the English system of taxation. It was to be expected, 
therefore, that some of them should also try their 
hand at reforming the system under which our colonies 

♦ This had been anticipated, but Robinson himself declared there was no danger 
of it. 


were founded and governed. Only, as Parliament 
and the factories were immediately under their eyes, 
while the colonies were a long way off and not like any- 
thing they had personal experience of, their reforms at 
home were more reasonable than those which affected the 
colonies ; though after some years, when they had learnt 
something of the actual conditions under which colonists 
lived, they managed to do better and more lasting work on 
this side of the world also. 

The first colonial experiment of this theoretical kind was 
p. 49 a most lamentable failure. In 1826 a military station had 
been fixed at King George's Sound, to prevent the French 
from occupying that part of the Australian coast. In 1827 
Captain Stirling, who had been sent to inspect this station, 
cruised along the western coast on his way back, and went 
home full of enthusiasm over a grand river he had found 
there —one which its Dutch discoverer a hundred and 
thirty years before had called the Swan River, because of 
the black swans that he saw on it. His report induced 
a Mr. Peel to plan out designs for a new and successful 
kind of colony. Ten thousand people were to be sent out 
by Peel and his friends. They were to grow sugar, and 
flax, and cotton, and tobacco, to raise horses for India and 
cattle for the warships' beef -casks; and they were to be 
given four million acres of Western Australian lands for 
their colony, in consideration of spending £30 on every 
man sent out. The British Government was not quite 
Dec. 6, 1828 ready to encourage a few men on such a magnificent scale, 
but it adopted a good many of Peel's ideas ; and in the 
end a proclamation was made to the public, specifying the 
Theory terms on which colonists would be allowed to go to the 
Swan River settlement. Immigrants were to form parties, 
in which five people out of every eleven should be women. 
They must go out at their own expense, and maintain 
themselves after arrival ; but for every £3 tliey took with 
them in money or goods they should get 40 acres of 



land. Land, indeed, was to pay for everything. The 
Governor was to get land (a hundred thousand acres of it) 
instead of a salary, and some of his under officers came on 
similar terms. 

Forty acres for £3 meant eighteenpence an acre, and the 
lowness of the price attracted a great many. But everybody 
seems to have been so delighted with the prospect of 
owning land, that no one thought of enquiring what kind of 
land it was. In colonising by theory that sort of thing is 

Frkmantlk in 1S31. 

apt to happen. Captain Fremantle, sent out in advance 
of the first settlers to get things ready for them, found that 
the country which had looked so inviting from the sea was 
a mixture of sandhills and scrub. The emigrants who 
followed had to camp for a time on Garden Island, a 
bleak spot in the open ocean ; at last Captain Stirling, 
who had been made the first Governor, fixed on the 
site of Perth for his capital, while the beach of Fre- 
mantle at the river mouth became a makeshift port. There 



Governor , 



the unfortunate settlers landed their valuable goods, chosen 
in England mainly for the amount of money they repre- 
sented, not for their usefulness in beginning life in a new 
country. A seventy-guinea piano was hardly the sort of 
furniture suitable to a pioneer homestead ; but it was good 
for a 980-acre land order, and, having secured that, was 
left to rot on Fremantle sands. By way of making the 
failure of this crude scheme absolute, the Governor ordained 
that those who claimed the largest areas should have the 
first choice of land. All the country near Perth was 
promptly taken up in blocks of fifty and a hundred 
thousand acres, and the settlers who had come out to take up 
and cultivate small farms found themselves obliged to 
make their choice in districts many miles from their market. 
The large landholders were in the end no better off. Peel, 
who had really hoped to make a great success, and had 
brought out with him good labourers, good tools, and good 
stock — everything, in fact, of the best — got no reward at 
all for his enterprise. His land proved worthless, his 
labourers ran away, his tools rusted, his stock strayed, and 
was poisoned wholesale by eating noxious scrub. Never 
was a more unmistakable collapse. Settlers who had any 
money left used it for getting away to the eastern colonies, 
as, luckily for themselves and Victoria, the Hentys were able 
to do. Those who had none stayed and fought their luck 
doggedly. There was the usual trouble with the blacks — 
even more than the usual, for the western tribes are a 
wilder and more implacable race than those of the south- 
eastern coasts. By 18:^5 two or three townships had 
sprung up in the country east of Perth, the station at King 
George's Sound had been taken over, and a couple of 
settlements had been made on the intermediate coastline. 
Bxplora- During these barren years there were a few attempts at 
exploration, but the inland country was so desolate that 
no results of any value were obtained. One series of 
adventures is notable less for its practical value than for 



the sake of its hero. Early in 1838 Lieutenant George 
Grey started from Brunswick Bay, on the north-western Grey 
coast, with the intention of marching across country to 
Perth ; but the coast range was too rugged to be passed, 
and the only discovery of interest was the Glenelg River, 
near which Grey found rock-paintings whose origin is still 
a puzzle to the antiquarian. Baffled here, he took ship for 
Perth vid the Mauritius, and in 1839 undertook a new enter- 
prise of less gigantic dimensions. He was landed with a 
party of twelve and three boats on Bernier Island, in 

Albany, King George's Sound, in 1833. 

Shark's Bay, and pulling across to the mainland discovered 
the Gascoyne River. Then storms damaged the boats and 
destroyed the depot of provisions, a mirage caused the 
party a long useless tramp inland, and an attack by black- 
fellows added to their troubles. Grey determined to make 
his way back to Perth by boat along the coast in the teeth 
of obstinate southerly winds. At Gantheaume Bay even 
this hope was taken from him, for both boats were 
damaged beyond repair in the surf. In despair he set out 
to walk the rest of the distance, some three hundred miles ; 
he himself pushed ahead with a few men, and, through the 


bush knowledge of his native guide, Kaiber, reached Perth 
in great destitution ; a relief party which was at once sent 
out picked up the rest of his men straggling along the sea 
coast, almost too weak to move at all. One, a boy of 
eighteen who had volunteered for the expedition, was dead. 
Little came of all this suffering. Grey had crossed several 
previously unknown rivers, but found only one district 
worth settling in — that of Champion Bay ; and even there 
no action was taken for a long while after. As reward for 
his services he was sent to act as Resident at the settlement 
c. p. 209 on King George's Sound. 

a South Australia (1830-41). 

The first model colony, as we have seen, was to a great 

extent a failure. Out of that very failure sprang the 

E. G. second, planned carefully so as to avoid the glaring errors 

field" of its predecessor, though the first outline may have been 

sketched independently. In 1829 a London publisher 

issued "A letter from Sydney, the principal town of 

Australasia together with the Outline of 

a System of Colonisation." The letter was written from 
the standpoint of an "exclusive." Wentworth and his 
friends were called " rebels," whom " nothing but a sense 
of weakness deters from drawing the sword." New South 
Wales was no place for a gentleman. The refinements of 
English life could not exist there, for there was no leisured 
class. A leisured class must have servants to do the work, 
and of free servants (for convicts were to be shunned) there 
were none. A labourer might work for j^ou during the 
first year or two after his arrival from England ; but he 
would be sure to save money out of his wages, and buy 
land with it — for land, said the letter, was much too easily 
got in New South Wales — and then the refined master 
would find himself without a servant, and must spend his 
leisure in working for his own living. These conditions 
produced a new kind of society, and not a good kind. A 



really valuable colony would be one in which the state of 
society in England was faithfullly reproduced. 

How was this to be done ? The letter had its remedy His Colo 
cut and dried. All the enumerated evils arose from the Scheme 
cheapness of land — make land dear. Then the labourer 
could not afford to buy it and set up for himself ; wherefore 
he would remain a labourer, happy and contented, earning 
his master's living as well as his own, and the master 
would have time to read and converse on intellectual 
matters with his equally leisured neighbours. Therefore — 
sell land at a high price, use the money thus obtained in 
bringing out emigrant labourers, and take care only to 
bring just as many as would actually be wanted to culti- 
vate the land sold. So everybody would be happy — the 
rich would hold all the land, and the poor would never 
lack employment. The whole arrangement went like clock- 
work — in theory. 

The author of this letter was one of a set of men whose 
influence on the whole of our colonial empire during the 
next twenty years 
was to be very great 
indeed. Edward 
Gibbon Wakefield 
was the friend of 
Lord Durham and 
Charles Buller, who 
between them (with 
Wakefield's help) 
gave a new constitu- 
tion to Canada. An- 
other of his friends, 
Lord Grey (who 
should not be con- 
fused with Sir George 

Grey), seriously interfered by his mistaken zeal with the 
prosperity of British South and West Africa. Wake- 

Edward Gibbon Wakefield. 


field himself did a good deal to mould the destinies of both 
South Australia and New Zealand, and was not without 
influence on the other Australian colonies ; for it was his 
denunciation of land grants which brought about their 

p. 88 cessation in 1831, and his South Australian plans affected 
the price of land in all the districts further east. 

1830 Wakefield followed up his letter by founding a colonisa- 

tion society to carry out its suggestions, and the report of 

p. 47 Sturt's discoveries on the Lower Murray suggested a site 
for his model colony. He and his friends at once demanded 
from the British Government a charter giving them 
complete control of the whole southern territory between 
West Australia and New South Wales. So extensive a 
charter was refused, and in 1834 they tried again. This 
time they asked for less absolute powers : they would be 
content to sell land and use the proceeds for assisting 
immigration. A " South Australian Association " was 
formed, including many members of Parliament. Pamphlets 
favouring the scheme were issued broadcast, and a bill was 
introduced into the House of Commons. The Association 
M's.P., among whom was the historian Grote, pushed it 
through against a small opposition. The Duke of 
Wellington helped it in the House of Lords. 

The Act embodied a great deal of Wakefield's original 

scheme. South Australia was to have no convicts sent to 

The it. The land was to be sold at not less than twelve 

Austra- shillings an acre,* and the receipts were to form an Emigra» 

^*^ ° tion Fund ; whole families must emigrate together, though 

only those under thirty would be paid for out of the fund, 

and men and women must, as far as possible, come in equal 

numbers. This part of the business was entrusted to a 

board of eight commissioners. The administration of other 

public affairs was to be in the hands of a Governor, as in 

the other colonies. The British Government was to be at 

no expense in the matter, and could take over the colony 

* In New South Wales at this time the orice was 53. an acre. 


entirely, if in twenty years there were not twenty thousand 
people in it. Colonel Torrens was made chairman of the 
Board, a Mr. Fisher was to represent it in the colony, and 
Captain Hindmarsh was appointed Governor. 

One mistake of the West Australian colonisers was 
repeated with disastrous results. As before, the word land 
had a magical sound about it, and men did not trouble 
themselves about the quality of land available. In fact, 
one clause of the Act deliberately insisted that all land 
within the colony must be sold for the same price; the 
price might be altered from time to time, but if in July 
(say) it was fixed at £1, then £1 must be the price of every 
acre sold then, however fertile or barren the soil might be. 

In July, 1836, after an abortive landing on Kangaroo 
Island, the first settlers, with some trouble, found a site 
for the capital on the banks of the River Torrens, about 
six miles from the sea. When Governor Hindmarsh 
arrived at the end of the year, he, as a naval man, took 
great exception to this choice, which involved the use of a Hindmarsh 
miserable little creek as a port ; but the original site was ^JggJ^g*^'"* 
confirmed at a meeting of settlers, and the town named 
Adelaide, after the then Queen of England. Soon there 
were more quarrels — not unnaturally, seeing how Parlia- 
ment had divided authority between the commissioners 
and the Governor. Fisher gave orders to the emigration 
agent ; Hindmarsh removed the agent and appointed 
another. When some of the commissioners' officers 
quarrelled among themselves the Governor suspended them 
all round. At last the home Government, tired of the 
complaints of both sides, recalled Hindmarsh, removed 
Fisher, and sent out Colonel Gawler to take the place of both. 

Governor Gawler found everything at sixes and sevens. Q^wier 
The rich landholders, who ought by theory to have been ^^l^^^' 
living on their estates and employing the poorer immigrants 
to plough and sow them, were clustered together in 
Adelaide and engaged chiefly with speculating in town lots. 


The commissioners themselves had encouraged this specu- 
lation by shifting the price of land for no particular reason. 
They began with £1 an acre, dropped to 12s., with a 
notification that it would shortly be £1 again, and ex- 
pressed a hope that they would soon be able to make it £2. 
The labourers who came out stood on their dignity. 
The demanded exorbitant wages, and did little for their pay — 

Fails partly because they lacked colonial experience — so tha,t 
really important work was entrusted to emancipists from 
Tasmania. The immigrant labourers might have worked 
for themselves, but land was priced too high for them, 
and many went eastward to the cheaper lands of 
Tasmania and New South Wales. Very little money 
was made in the colony, and the greater part of what had 
been brought out was paid away for provisions imported 
from the older settlements. Gawler was at his wits' end, 
and could think of no remedy but relief works, which 
certainly kept the poorer people from starving, but at the 
same time kept them from tilling the soil as Wakefield's 
schemes had insisted they should. When Gawler arrived 
the finances were in a hopeless muddle ; the only thing 
certain was that the year's authorised expenditure had 
been run through in the first three months. He used 
the whole of his own fortune in paying Government 
labourers, and pledged his word that the home Govern- 
ment would pay nearly £400,000 more. But this was too 
much for that Government's patience. The Act had 
stipulated that no expense was to fall on British funds, 
and the British Ministry thought they had been quite 
generous enough in advancing £155,000 to meet Gawler's 
expenses. They stopped at that, notified the colonists that 
not a penny more would be paid, and recalled Gawler in 
disgrace —which he did not altogether deserve. At his 
departure South Australia was practically bankrupt. Its 
official expenditure was nearly six times its revenue, and 
its people paid away for imported goods nearly ten times 

c.p. 100 the value of their produce. 


A. New South Wales (1837-51). 

Even Bourke, with all his care, found himself at fr. p. m 
last mixed up in the emancipist quarrels, and resigned qq^^pp' ^ 
his post because of them, leaving to his successor, Sir 1838-46 
George Gipps, a host of unsolved but very urgent problems 
to deal with. Gipps was probably the ablest Governor 
New South Wales has ever had, but his position was 
certainly the most difficult of any administrator's since 
Phillip. His duty was to represent the Home Government 
at a time when its right to control the colony was being ^ 
fiercely disputed. The price of land and the terms on which pi^jtion 
it should be sold, or leased to squatters — the convict system, 
and the cost of it — immigration, the police, education, and 
half a dozen other important matters were in Gipps' hands 
when he arrived. The control of all of them was claimed by 
local politicians for a local Parliament, and Gipps had to 
support the British Government's claims and to assert its 
power, while all the time he was much inclined to sympathise 
with many demands of the local men. It happened, too, 
that in a matter relating to New Zealand land he was p 120 
obliged to act against the interests of Wentworth ; and th© 
popular leader, never forgiving his disappointment, turned all 
his agitation against English control into a series of per- 
sonal attacks on a Governor who was only doing his duty. 
Through it all Gipps stood firm, helping his subordinates 
with clear judgment and unfaltering support ; while one 
after another the Colonial Secretaries at home acknow- 
ledged his great qualities by leaving much to his discretion, 
and frequently by reversing their own decisions in obedience 



to his advice. No Governor has been more unpopular, 
none less deserved unpopularity. 

Three great questions, relating to transportation, self- 
government, and the land laws, were now ripe for decision. 
The first was soon done with. The Parliamentary Com- 
mittee of 1837-8 had reported against transportation, and 
the ghastly evidence it had collected horrified public 
opinion in England. In New South Wales men at first 
feared that no more convicts would mean no more labour, 
and that large landholders would thus be ruined. But 
they were given their choice between convict labour and 
self-government. " No one," said Charles Buller, " would 
think of proposing that a convict colony should be allowed 
to rule itself." Such a choice was quickly made, and 
in 1840 a British Order-in-Council made Tasmania 
and Norfolk Island the only convict settlements of Aus- 

Now that there were no more convicts to come, the 
emancipist question became one of little importance, 

and survived mostly in dis- 
plays of personal feeling 
towards a few of the more 
prominent emancipist poli- 
ticians. Wentworth became 
the leader of all who wished 
to have more local control 
over the business of the 
colony, and in 1842 their 
wish was partly gratified. An 
Imperial "Act for the Govern- 
ment of New South Wales and 
Van Diemen's Land " gave 
the colony not " responsible " 
A New government (as we call the system which exists here now) 
''°Uon'^" ^^^ " representative " government — a sort of half-way stage, 
in which the Governor still appointed his Ministers on his 

WiLLUM Charlks Wbntwoeth. 


own judgment, and himself directed their policy, and did 
a great deal which a Premier does now ; while, on the other 
hand, he no longer had Macquarie's power of making laws, 
or even Bourke's full power of choosing the Council which 
was to help in making them. The new Council, which first 
met in 1843, consisted partly of nominated members, six 
official and six non-official; but they were quite in the 
minority, seeing that the elected members were twenty- 
four in number — one for Melbourne, five for the rest 
of the Port Phillip district, and eighteen for the various 
other parts of New South Wales. The Act provided also 
for District Councils, which were to take over from the 
central government all " roads-and-bridges " business, pay- 
ing their expenses by rates levied within the district just 
as municipal councils now do. This provision would 
have given the colony a system of full local govern- 
ment such as it has been waiting for ever since ; 
but, unfortunately, it was complicated by a clause vvhich 
forced the district councils to pay half the police expenses, 
while the Governor retained the whole police control. 
Such a mistake gave Wentworth the opportunity he 

wanted, and one of the first acts of the new Legislative Council 
' ® asserts 

Council was to declare, firstly, that district councils ought itself 
not to pay for a force which they could not control ; and 
secondly, that the colony ought not to pay any expenses 
connected with the Imperial Government's convicts. Gipps 
yielded on the first point, but was firm on the second. 
Britain paid for the actual convict establishments, rightly 
and willingly ; but the Council wanted to be paid also for 
all convicts who misbehaved in the colony and were sent to 
ordinary gaols therefor ; and that the Governor could not 
grant. From that time Gipps and his Council were at 
daggers drawn ; though he began by using mild and 
conciliatory language, the Opposition leaders abated nothing 
of their aggressive tone ; and soon the plain speaking of 
their resolutions against him was only equalled by that of 


p. 81 


his comments on the resolutions when he forwarded them 
to the Colonial Secretary at home. Wentworth was, of 
course, the man whose reputation 
and experience gave weight to 
these attacks ; but they were 
pointed and embittered by the 
genius of Robert Lowe, who learnt 
in New South Wales the art of 
political war which he was later 
to practise so successfully in 
the Imperial Parliaments of the 

The land laws were a con- 
7 V V . stant subject of discussion. The 

RoBKRT LowK. difficulty with regard to them was 

twofold — there was the question of land sales and the price 
to be fixed, and the question of land leases and squatters' 
licenses. In the land sales matter South Australia was the 
stumbling-block. Its commissioners were asking 12s. an 
acre, and hoping soon to make the price £1 ; but 
how could they get buyers while across the eastern border 
land was to be had at 5s, 1 Accordingly in 1838 Gipps 
was ordered to make the price 12s. in New South Wales 
also, and in 1840 Lord John Russell appointed a Land 
and Emigration Commission to look after these matters 
throughout the British colonies. This commission was 
thoroughly imbued with Wakefield's ideas, and took 
advantage of its powers to experiment largely with his 
theories. It demanded that auction sales should be done 
away with, and that all Australian land should be open 
for sale at a pound an acre, quite irrespective of its quality. 
A strong protest from Gipps brought about the concession 
that land on the Sydney side should be disposed of as 
before, but Port Phillip and its backlands were to be 
treated separately under the new order as to fixed price. 
Gipps again came to the rescue with a refusal to sell at all 


any Land within five miles of the chief southern townships 
— Melbourne, Geelong, and Portland. Even with that 
restriction one capitalist managed to secure at £1 an acre 
the whole of what is now the Melbourne suburb of 

Lord John Russell gave in at once to the wise and 
masterful Governor, and his successor, Lord Stanley, himself 
a strong man, was glad to have a strong man's help. In 
1842 a Crown Lands Sale Act of the Imperial Parliament 
settled that land throughout Australia must be sold by One 
auction. The price was not to be less than £1 an acre, but an Acre 
might be as much more as the Governor thought fit, and 
was to vary with the distance of the land from townships. 
Bourke's system of squatting licenses was formally sanc- 
tioned. All the money obtained from sales or licenses was 
to be used, in one way or another, for the benefit of the 

It was this Act that, more than anything else, made 
Gipps' life a burden to him. Wentworth and his friends 
found many opportunities for attacking him, but none so 
good as three provisions of the Act gave them. In the 
first place, said the Opposition, £1 an acre was far too high 
a price. A few years before there had been a great deal of 
speculation in land, and prices had gone up. This " land 
boom " (as it would be called nowadays colloquially) had 
collapsed in 1840, and in 1843 as a result of it the Bank of 
Australia stopped payment and was wound up. Sheep 
were being sold for anything down to sixpence a head, and 
the squatters were only saved from absolute ruin by the 
discovery that you could get about six shillings' worth of 
tallow per sheep by boiling them down. To ask a pound 
an acre for country lands in such circumstances was 
tyrannical, said Wentworth ; to which Gipps replied that 
there was no great need to sell the land at that moment, 
and it could wait till it was worth the price asked. The 
second point of attack was more serious. All the land 


Financial fund was to be spent for the colony's benefit, but not 
necessarily by the colony's representatives. Half was to 
form an immigration fund ; out of the rest Gipps was 
empowered to pay for looking after the aborigines, for the 
making of roads and bridges outside the settled districts, 
and for the maintenance of a Border Police force in the 
back country ; any surplus was to be paid into the general 
revenue of the colony. Here, said Wentworth, was taxation 
without representation — the Crown was getting money 
from colonists and allowing them no voice in the disposal of 
it. Bourke, he claimed, had promised that the Council 
should control all the land revenue. Gipps denied so far- 
reaching a promise, and held that Bourke's words applied 
only to the surplus, which the Council did control. 

Squatters' occupation licenses provided the third and 
Squat- most vital point at issue. The Act gave the Governor 
Licenses power to settle this matter, and Gipps issued a series of 
1844 regulations by which each run was to be separately licensed 
at a fee of £10, whereas previously each squatter had taken 
out a license and had held under it as many runs as he 
liked. The actual amount of money in question was very 
small, and there was no doubt that the squatters were 
getting great privileges at a ridiculously low price, t The 
real trouble was not about money at all. It was just this : 
to whom did the waste lands of Australia belong ? The 
Imperial view, stoutly upheld by Gipps, was that all the 
waste lands of the Empire belonged to the Crown, which 
held them to be used or disposed of for the benefit of all 
citizens of the Empire. If that was so, it was evidently 
right that the Governor in each colony should control 
that colony's waste lands, and settle the price at which 
they were to be sold or leased, and the use to be made of 
the proceeds. But Wentworth's party maintained that 
all land within the colony's boundaries belonged to the 

t One squatter for nearly 400,000 acres paid £S() a year. Four of the large land- 
holders under Bourke's system pnid no more tor uearly eight million acree than 
four others did for l-20th of that area. 



colonists, and in that case the Governor had no more right 
to make regulations about it without the consent of his 
Council, than he had to levy customs duties or alter the law 
at his own will and pleasure. Wentworth talked about 
taxing by prerogative, as if Gipps was an Australian 
Charles I levying ship-money. Gipps considered himself to 
be defending the rights of the Empire against the claims of 
a few provincialists. 

On these matters of finance and land the Council as 
a whole was fighting the Governor. 

importance there was on which the Council was divided 
within itself. Almost from the moment of their first 
landing the settlers of Port Phillip chafed against their 
inclusion in New South Wales. Their first administrator, 

One other matter of of Port 

EarijY Vikw of Mklcourne. 

Captain Lonsdale, had been superseded by Mr. Latrobe, Lonsdale 
who, first as Superintendent and then as Lieutenant- 1836-9 
Governor, brought the young colony through fourteen 
years of very varied experience ; but Latrobe was sup^Hnten- 
merely an oflicial under the control of Gipps, and Gipps' iS-m 


very ability made him unlikely to trust overmuch to a 
subordinate's discretion. So Port Phillip took its orders, 
very unwillingly, from a department three weeks distant, 
and the inhabitants of Melbourne occupied their spare 
time in drawing up petitions for separation. The Sydney- 
siders, they said, were tainted with convictism : they were 
jealous of Melbourne's progress, and spent the proceeds of 
Melbourne land sales on extravagances in Sydney. When 
the Emigration Commissioners in 1840 ordered that Port 
Phillip should be treated as a separate district, they fixed 
See map, its northern boundary at the Murrumbidgee, and gave it 
^* the coast as far north as Moruya. The Sydney Council 

was up in arms at once, protesting against so great a 
sacrifice of territory ; and in deference to its objections 
Lord Stanley during the next year adopted the boundary it 
had suggested, and fixed the line where it now runs — along 
the Murray, and from its head in a straight line to Cape 
Howe. This, of course, gave ground for another charge to be 
hurled by Melbourne against Sydney. Not even the conces- 
sion of six members in the new Council satisfied the agitators; 
the capital was too far away. Business men could not 
afford to leave their afiairs for five months every year in 
order to attend meetings at Sydney, especially when they 
were sure to be outvoted. In 1844 all six members for 
Port Phillip were Sydney residents ; and when a motion 
proposed by one of them for separation was defeated in the 
Council by a majority of three to one, Melbourne deter- 
mined to apply in future direct to the authorities at home. 
Gipps was strongly in favour of severing the connection, 
and Lord Stanley accordingly promised to take the matter 

But in 1845 Lord Stanley resigned his post. The whole 

Peel Ministry soon followed him, and its successors were 

A Chan drawn from the party of colonial reformers. Lord John 

of Policy Russell, the Colonial Secretary of 1839-41, was the new 
at Home ' •' -r^ ^^ 

Premier ; the new Colonial Secretary was Earl Grey, 


formerly one of the Wakefield party ; Charles Buller and 
another friend held important posts in the Colonial Office. 
A fresh chapter of colonial policy had begun. The men 
who a few years before had busied themselves with invent- 
ing new systems of colonisation, and had disturbed half 
Australasia in endeavouring to apply them, were now only 
too eager to let the colonists alone. The new creed was 
that Australia must have everything it wanted, even to 
independence. " We are, I suppose," wrote one of the 
party, "all looking to the eventual parting company on 
good terms." Gipps was quite unfit to be the mouthpiece 
of such a policy, and it was just as well that he resigned, 
quite broken down in health, before the task was required 
of him. His successor. Sir Charles Fitzroy, came to his Fitzroy 
work free from all the prejudices which on both sides had 1846-56'^' 
embittered the struggle between Council and Governor. 
He had no desire to interfere more than he could help in 
colonial politics. He was personally quite uninterested in 
finance or the land laws or separation. He left these 
matters as much as possible to the Council and its leaders, 
Deas Thomson as head of the executive and Wentworth as 
chief critic. They could arrange matters among them- 
selves, and whatever Deas Thomson decided to do Fitzroy 
was willing to support steadfastly. The Council was given 
a great deal of that control over the finances for which it had 
fought so hard. The squatters' troubles were appeased by 
an Imperial Act which allowed them to lease their runs for 
a fixed period, with the right to buy what they wanted at 
the end of the lease for the bare value of the unimproved 

But just as things were settling down quietly, a new^pj^Q j, , 
proposal from home (or rather the revival of an old one) of. 
threw the colony once more into confusion. Ever since 1840 ism 
Tasmania had been the receptacle for all transported convicts, 
and had received them at the rate of 3000 a year. To so 
small a colony this flood was overwhelming. Lord Stanley 


1845 hoped to mitigate the evil by making a new convict settle- 
ment at Port Curtis, then beyond the most northern 
stations of the Moreton Bay district ; but this scheme came 
to nought, and jMr, Gladstone, who was Colonial Secretary 

1846 during the last few months of the Peel Ministry, proposed 
another solution of the question. His idea was to revive 
transportation to New South Wales under three conditions : 
for every convict a free emigrant was to be sent out, for 
every man a woman, and there was to be none of the 
herding convicts together in gangs which had made the old 
system so horrible. A committee of the New South Wales 
Council agreed to these proposals, but the Sydney public 
was aghast when it heard of them. 

While this scheme was being discussed, a less openly 
offensive one was being put into operation. From the very 
first one strong argument for transportation was that it 
gave offenders a chance to reform in a new land. During 
the forties a suggestion was made that this chance might 
at least be given to offenders whose punishment was over ; 
; Exiles ' *^^ presently there began to arrive in Australia men who 
had served a term of imprisonment in England, and had 
been shipped out by Government with pardons conditional 
on their remaining in their new home. These " exiles," as 
they were called, were at first welcomed both in Port 
Phillip and in Sydney, and more were asked for. But 
Earl Grey could not leave well alone. He tried to stretch 
a point by sending out not pardoned men, but men on a 
ticket of leave. Now the "exiles," being free within 
Australia, could be sent there without notice ; but the 
ticket-of-leave men would be still legally convicts, and 
subject to police supervision, so that it was necessary 
by law, before sending them out, to proclaim New South 
1848 Wales once more a place to which convicts could be 
sent. At this news Sydney blazed into fury, and 
Melbourne was not behindhand. Charles Cowper carried 
resolution after resolution in the Council and helped Lowe 


to rouse public opinion outside. When the ship Hashemi/, 
with two hundred ticket-of-leave men, arrived in Port June ii, 1849 
Jackson, there was a great public meeting on Circular Quay, 
and men talked of the Boston tea riots and the American 
Revolution. Melbourne followed suit when the Randolph Aug. 
anchored in Hobson's Bay ; and presently it became known 
that at Capetown, in the Cape Colony, there had been a 
similar attempt to land convicts, and an equally determined 
resistance. Fitzroy took things quietly ; he was inclined 
to side with Wentworth and the country folk, who rather 
hankered after assigned labourers, and to despise the 
turbulent townspeople ; but it was wise to yield, and he 
sent on ship after ship as they followed each other to the 
scantily-populated settlements round Moreton Bay, where 
labour of any class was much needed. 

Earl Grey refused for some time to take No for an 
answer. The Council, he said, had changed its opinion 
before, and might again. But this time there was no 
chance of change ; a strong Anti-transportation League 
was formed, and organised a continual stream of petitions 
from all parts of the colony ; and the Council in 1850 sent 
home a flat refusal to accept any convicts of any kind under 
any conditions. Earl Grey yielded then, very unwillingly, 
with hints that after all the North Australian convict 
colony might be founded. But within a year he was out of 
office, and his successors gave the colonists an unqualified 
assurance that Eastern Australia had heard the last of 

Meanwhile the Port Phillip people had at last got Separa- 
their desire. Lord Stanley's good wishes had been of no Port 
effect because he left office almost immediately, and Earl ^ ^^ 
Grey was busied with other matters. In 1847, it is true, 
he promised separation ; but his promise was so entangled 
with fanciful devices for the election of the legislature by 
municipal councils that it seemed of little value to the 
impatient colonists. Next year a fresh election to the New 


South Wales Council gave Melbourne an opportunity of 
expressing its opinion very pointedly. "When polling day 
came round, two candidates were nominated to represent 
the town, of whom one was Earl Grey himself ; and he was 
elected by a majority of nearly three to one. " Of course,'' 
said the malcontents who had nominated him, " we shall 
have practically no representative at Sydney, but then the 
men we have now are Sydney men, and so worse than 
nobody." They tried to repeat the performance by electing 
five other Englishmen to be members for the Port Phillip 
district, but the rest of the electors thought that was over- 
doing the joke a little, and put in local men. One such 
jest, however, was quite enough to astonish and arouse Earl 
Grey. He revived an old custom by which the British 
Board of Trade looked after colonial affairs, and, adding 
to the Board three strong men interested in the colonies, 
called on it to devise a scheme for giving self-government 
to the Australian colonies. The Board sent back a recom- 
mendation that Port Phillip be granted complete separation 
from the older colony, and be called Victoria ; the boundary 
p. 92 '^^^ ^^ t)e as Lord Stanley had fixed it eight years before. 
As for self-government in general, it was proposed to leave 
matters very much in the hands of the various Councils, 
which were to construct and submit to the Government at 
home such Constitutions as they might think best fitted for 
their colonies. But on two points the Board expressed a 
strong opinion. The District Councils ought certainly to be 
revived, and to be allowed a large sum from the proceeds of 
land sales to spend on local roads and bridges. And Australia 
as a whole ought to have identical laws on certain subjects 
for which purpose the Governor of New South Wales (the 
mother colony) should be made Governor-General, and 
should be able to summon a " General Assembly of Aus. 
tralia," with power over customs, the post oiTice, shipping, 
1850 and a few other matters of general interest. After a year's 
delay the Imperial Parliament passed an Act which 



embodied all the Board's recommendations except those 
referring to federation ; of them there was left only the 
empty title of Governor-General for Fitzroy, which served 
his successor's turn and was then dropped as meaningless. 

Next year the New South Wales Council did its part of 
the work. After a characteristic grumble at not having 
got all it wanted — though it was now given almost every- 
thing but the control of the land fund — it proceeded to 
form the new legislatures on its own model. The Sydney 
Council was to have fifty-four members, the Melbourne 
Council thirty — two-thirds in each case being elected 
representatives and the rest nominees of the Crown. 

C.p. 143 

B. Tasmania (1836-56). 

Arthur was recalled in 1836 to take up a more fr.p. 75 
complicated task in Upper Canada, where there were 
agitations that de- 
manded a strong 
man to control 
them. By way 
of a change the 
Home Govern- 
ment replaced him 
with a ruler of 
very different 
qualities — Sir 
John Franklin — 
who was all for 
mildness and affec- 
tion as a means 
of reforming the 
convict. Such a 

man was not well fitted for carrying out the iron system which Franklin 
his predecessor had established ; and he brought with him 1837-43' 
a secretary, Captain Maconochie, whose theories carried 
mildness to extremes. Naturally, the men whom Arthur 

GovBRNOB Franklin 


had trained to his arrangements could not understand the 
A Centre new ideas, and Franklin never succeeded in working quite 
Educa- amicably with them. Among the free settlers, however, 
^°^ his reforming energy showed itself in a more valuable way. 
To further religion and education were his chief aims. 
The settlers, he said, were surprisingly intelligent, and 
lived in " ease and opulence ; " what they wanted were 
clergymen and schoolmasters. So he sought everywhere to 
supply this lack ; even the famous Dr. Arnold, of Rugby, 
talked of coming out to work in Tasmania, and sent at 
Franklin's request a young Cambridge graduate, J. P. Gell, 
to found a school which might " hereafter become a college 
or university for that part of the world."* For a few years 
Tasmania was the scientific centre of Australia. Botanists, 
geologists, and other scientific investigators — among whom 
Hooker and Strzelecki are the best known — studied Nature 
on the little island. Franklin himself had no mean reputa- 
tion among them ; he had served as midshipman under 
Flinders in the Investigator, and lost his life in after years 
while endeavouring, in the cause of science, to discover the 
Northwest Passage from the Atlantic to the Pacific. 

All his efi'orts, however, could not do away with the fact 
that Tasmania was a colony for convicts. When New 
South Wales in 1840 was closed to the importation of 
criminals, Tasmania got all the more. When the mother 
colony, three years later, was given the right to elect most 
of her Council, Tasmania, though named in the Imperial 
Act, was refused that privilege because of her convictism. 
Political In 1846 there was talk of closing Norfolk Island, where 

^o^ ®^ Maconochie's theories had broken down in practice, and 
transferring its gangs of prisoners to the already over- 
stocked Port Arthur. At that the free settlers roused 
themselves to make a determined stand. They had already 

wiimot quarrelled bitterly with Franklin's successor. Sir Eardley 


Governor, ^yjjjjjot, over the same question which Gipps and Went- 

* i.e., the whole of Australia, as Arnold makes plain later in his letter. 


worth fought out in New South Wales. It was utterly 
unjust, they said, that they should pay out of their own 
pockets police expenditure which was caused chiefly by the 
British Government's convict system. Wilmot forced a 
vote through the Council — one of twelve nominees, half 
officials — and the six non-official Councillors resigned at 
once, and made triumphal processions through the larger 
towns of the island. Wilmot was recalled by Mr. Glad 
stone, Latrobe was sent over from Port Phillip to put 
matters straight, and a new Governor was hurried out from 
home to restore the " Patriotic Six." 

Wilmot had owed his appointment to his writings upon DenLson 
the convict system ; Sir William Deuison obtained his 1847-66 
because he had for some years controlled convict labourers 
in the English dockyards. His particular work, wrote 
Earl Grey, was to be the organising of similar labour in his 
new domain. But the days of convict labour were nearly 
over. The protest against the transfer of Norfolk Islanders 
grew into a demand that transportation should cease 
altogether. Earl Grey promised that it should, and then 
tried to shuffle out of his promise. The movement was 
taken up beyond the colony. It was no longer a merely 
Tasmanian question, for as long as convicts were sent there, 
so long would they dribble across the straits into Port 
Phillip. As the Hashemy and Randolph had excited Sydney p. 95 
and Melbourne, so the Neptune, turned away from Cape- 
town, aroused the citizens of Hobart to vigorous and 
sometimes violent protests. Charles Cowper came over 
from Sydney to aid them. The Anti-transportation League 
took up their cause. When the Act of 1850 gave 
Tasmania, among the other colonies, the right to a Council 
two-thirds elective, that body immediately petitioned 
against having to receive any more convicts. Earl Grey 
was stubborn to the last, but when he fell the victory was 
won. On the 14th of December, 1852, Sir John Pakington, iprans- 
Lord Derby's Colonial Secretary, formally declared that no portation 


more convicts should be sent to any Australasian colony,* 
and followed this up next day with the proposal to people 
Norfolk Island with the Pitcairners, descendants of the 
men who had more than sixty years before mutinied against 
Bligh on board the Bounty. The suggestion was intended 
as a seal on the Government's formal promise. With 
Norfolk Island thus occupied, and the larger colonies self- 
governed, no room was left east of the Great Bight for any 
but free settlers. 

There was still one relic of the old times which men 
gladly saw disappear. Tasman, when he discovered it, had 
called the island Van Diemen's Land, and the name had 
stayed by it ever since. From the time when King 
established on it a prison for doubly- convicted men, that 
name and its adjective, Vandemonian, had been terms of 
reproach — since 1840 more so than ever. Now that the 
colony could rank itself with its free sisters, it chafed at 
the continuance of the brand ; and at last an Order-in- 
Council was procured by which, since the beginning of 
1856, " Van Diemen's Land " exists no longer, but is 
e.p. 196 replaced by " Tasmania."! 

C, South Australia (1841-51). 

fr.p.84 South Australia also had waited many years for any 

sort of self-government, but not for Tasmania's reason 
— not convicts but bad financing, that went near to 
bankruptcy, caused that delay. Gawler's gallant but 
ill-judged struggle had plunged the colony deep in 
debt, and the settlers by 1840 were in a mutinous 
temper. The Colonial Office, looking about for a strong 
man, bethought itself of a young officer just home from 
Australia, where he had already shown great pluck and 
judgment both on adventurous journeys and in dealings 
with the blacks at Albany ; and Captain George Grey, 

* Western Australia, of course, excepted. See p. 209. i. i. • u . 

t To prevent confusion the modern name has been used throughout this book. 

p. 79 


before he had been two months in England, found himself 
on his way out again to take over the thankless task of 
repairing South Australia's fortunes. One advantage he Grey 
had which had been denied to Gawler ; for the Board of ^isn.t^' 
Commissioners was abolished, and there was no authority 
that could interfere with the Governor. Grey took the 
bull by the horns. Most of the relief works were a New 
stopped without a moment's delay ; in the remainder ®sinie 
wages were cut down to a minimum, lest they should 
keep in Adelaide labourers who were so badly needed in 
the country. The year's expenditure was reduced more 
than sixty per cent. There were tumults, but Grey stood 
firm. At once things began to improve, for the colony's 
ill-luck had already in two ways provided its own remedy. 
Settlement on country lands had been blocked because the 
rich clung to the town, and the poor could not afiford to 
pay twenty shillings an acre ; now, however, many private 
owners were in a mood to sell at any price— which the 
Governor was not allowed to do — and so the poorer workers 
got their chance of taking up land ; while young Sydney 
squatters, who had brought sheep and cattle overland to 
sell in hungry Adelaide, found plenty of room for new 
stations between the coast range and the Murray. Gawler 
might have profited by all this, had not his relief system 
attracted labourers to the town. Directly Grey's stern 
retrenchment dispersed them, squatters and small farmers 
alike found them plenty of useful employment. While in 
May, 1841, four-sevenths of the population was in Adelaide, 
in 1843 not more than a third was left there. Many 
difiiculties were still pressing, but the Home Government 
gave the colony £155,000 to set its finances straight. By 
the same Act of 1842 a small nominee Council was set up 
— three officials and four non-officials — and a half-promise 
was made that when the colony could pay its way steadily 
it should be given a larger, two-thirds elective, Council of 
the New South Wales type. 



Very soon South Australia was growing more foodstuffs 
than it wanted, and wheat and dairy produce were exported 
to the other colonies. Mines, too, were being discovered — 
a new thing, except for the coal mines of Newcastle, in 
The Australasian lands. A carter, dragging a log behind his 
dray as he brought his team down the steep side of the Mount 
Lofty Range, knocked out of a rut a glistening piece of rock. 
He examined it carefully ; its brightness and weight con- 
vinced him it was valuable. Presently he found that the hill- 
side was covered with similar stones. Experts in Adelaide 
pronounced it to be an ore of silver and lead, and soon a 
rich mine was opened on the ridge. Copper and tin had 
already been found on the upper waters of the Gawler, but 
not in paying quantities. In 1842 specimens of copper 
ore were picked up on the range further north, not far 
from the river Light. Captain Bagot, whose son found 
them first, and his overseer, who had found more of the 
bright green ore, quietly took up eighty acres of the useless- 
looking land at the regulation price of £1 per acre, and 
astonished the colony by opening out the famous Kapunda 
copper mine. After that the whole length of the range 
was carefully searched, and in May, 1845, another discovery 
of copper ore was made at Burra Burra, fifty miles further 
away. There was bound to be a scramble for the spoil if 
the land was put up to auction in the usual fashion ; but 
speculators saw a cheaper way than that. The law pro- 
vided that a compact block of at least twenty thousand 
acres could be claimed as a " special survey " by anyone 
who would pay £1 an acre for it cash down. Captain 
Bagot's friends made up a company to do this ; so did a 
number of Adelaide tradesmen. Grey, naturally anxious 
to get a fair price for such valuable land, was yet bound 
down by the law to let it go for £20,000. Bagot's party 
proffered the money, but part of it was in cheques 
and bills. Grey insisted that cash meant gold, and 
he would take nothing else. There was a rumour 


that Sydney capitalists were on their way to the colony, 
laden with the necessary coin. Delay meant that neither 
Bagot's party, the " nobs," as they were called, nor the 
rival company, the " snobs," would get a penny out of their 
own South Australian mines. They were driven to 
combine for the moment, and between them scraped 
together twenty thousand sovereigns and secured the land. 
But they were still rivals. Instead of working the whole 
block jointly, they drew a line across it from east to west, 
and drew lots for choice of sections. The " snobs " won, 
chose the northern half, and in one year had mined more 
than 10,000 tons of ore. The unlucky " nobs " put twice 
as much money into their half as they were able to get out 
again, and were at last glad to sell it for £9000. 

There was no doubt now about the colony's prosperity. 
Grey could safely be spared, and Lord Stanley sent bim Robe 
posthaste to New Zealand, where everything was topsy- Isi^^s' 
turvy. His successor. Colonel Robe, is chiefly remembered 
for his ill-advised attempt to prevent any more cheap 
purchases of valuable mines. He proposed that a royalty 
should be paid to the Crown on all minerals found on 
private land. The official members of his Council sup- 
ported him, the unofficial men were against him. When 
he used his casting vote as well as his proper vote (for the 
Governor had both), the non-officials walked out of the 
room and left the Council without a quorum. Thus baffled. 
Robe fell back on the Crown's prerogatives. Theoretically, 
all land within the Empire belongs to the Crown, and the 
real landowner is legally a perpetual tenant. Robe took 
advantage of this fiction to demand royw-lties, and refused 
to grant any more land unless the purchaser bound himself 
to pay them. There was an outburst of protestations. 
Robe was recalled, and Sir Henry Young replaced him, 
with orders to restore the old form of grant, and let Young 
royalties alone. But the whole affair had excited a strong ^JJ^^y 
desire for self-government. Lord Glenelg, when the 


colony was founded, had promised an elected Council when 
there should be a population of fifty thousand. Lord 
Stanley had added the condition that the colony should 
pay its way. By 1849 both conditions were fulfilled, and 

p. 06 South Australia shared with its eastern sisters in the 
benefits of the Act of 1850. In 1851 the new Council was 
constituted of twenty-four members, sixteen being elected ; 
so that at the end of that year all Australia east of the 

ap. 168 Great Bight was equally self-governing, and had begun to 
think of even fuller liberty. 


A. The Maoris and Their Land. 

About twelve hundred miles south-east of the coast of 
New South Wales lie two long and narrow islands whose 
recent history has been closely bound up with that of ?*^®*r 
the Australian continent. Like it, they were isolated 
from the rest of the world until very modern times. 
Like it, they were discovered and left unused by the 
Dutch, re-discovered and in the end occupied by the 
English ; and the English occupation was in their case also 
hurried on because we feared that the French would fore- 
stall us. In almost every other respect they differ from it 
very much. Australia is a dry land of vast plains and low 
perverse ridges ; its trees are fond of a stiff gray foliage 
that is admirably suited to withstand hot winds ; its natives 
are few in proportion to its area, and their chief occupation 
is procuring food enough to keep them alive. In nearly 
three million square miles of continent only two or three 
hummocks in one corner rise more than seven thousand 
feet from the sea. The islands of New Zealand, on the 
other hand, are mountainous from end to end, and the one 
great plain of Canterbury is furrowed with rivers fed from 
perpetual snow. Almost everywhere, save on ridges lofty 
enough to be covered with ice, there is fertile soil covered 
with pasture, or bush, or forest, all equally green. The 
natives, called Maoris, were (until white men came) spread 
thickly over the whole of the North Island and a great part 
of its southern neighbour. Food was abundant, and not 
even the constant wars between the tribes could keep 
down their numbers. 





These Maoris did not reach their present home so very 
long before the white men. Their legends, which agree 
well with those of other islands in the Pacific, tell us they 
came originally from " Hawaiiki," bringing with them the 
plants which were their chief food — the calabash-gourd, the 

taro, and the 
sweet potato. Ha- 
waiiki has been 
identified by some 
authorities with 
Hawaii, in the 
Sandwich Islands: 
and it is certain 
that Maori and 
Samoan and Ha- 
waiian are of the 
same stock. But 
others think that 
they all came ori- 
ginally from Ma- 
laysia ; and there 
still are cousins of 
theirs on the Ma- 
clay coast of New 
Guinea. About 
the time when Edward III was ravaging France, canoe after 
canoe was pouring out its warriors upon the North Island of 
New Zealand to harry and to extirpate some earlier race of 
whom we know nothing. "Te Ika a Maui" the warriors called 
this new home of theirs— "The fish of Maui"— which he, their 
god, drew up from the sea depths to give them a resting place 
after their weary voyage. The southern island was " Te 
Wai Pounamu " — " The water of greenstone " — a valuable 
stone, very hard, of which the chiefs made their axes ; and 
indeed it was this island and its greenstone that the whole 
expedition had set out to look for. But for some reason <>" 

A Maori Ghikf. 


other (probably the colder winters of the south, to which 
these natives of the tropics were unused) they never com- 
pletely covered Te Wai Pounamu ; the lands on which we 
found them in any number comprised the whole of "Maui's 
Fish," and the northern end only of its neighbour. 

On these they settled down to farm and fight — for in 
farming and fighting, and sometimes fishing, the Maori's 
life was spent. They cultivated the yam and the sweet 
potato, which, with fern roots and dried fish, were the main 
part of their diet. But these were labours of necessity. 
Their amusement was to fight ; they took their fighting in 
the same spirit as stirs us to a cricket match. If their 
enemy was starving they sent him food ; they saw no fun 
in fighting starving men. If he had another engagement, 
or wanted to get in a crop, they put off the attack till he 
was ready. There were even cases in which the two 
parties met beforehand for a friendly discussion of the plan 
of campaign. Still, when the war-game began, they took 
it very seriously. There was no make-believe about the 
slaughter. " Come ashore ! come ashore !" they called out 
to Cook ; " come and be clubbed to death ! " Dead enemies 
they ate to crown their triumph ; for to be eaten was the 
worst of disgraces. 

Out of a multitude of customs that astonished and Their 
puzzled their European visitors two specially deserve ^^3''°°^' 
notice. One was called the Muru (literally, plunder). By 
this custom a man who committed certain offences rendered 
himself liable to have his property taken from him by a 
party of raiders, one of whom would in serious cases also 
fight a duel with him. This raiding in itself was evidently 
a kind of rough justice for wrong done, just as a wrongdoer 
nowadays is ordered by a judge to pay a sum of money as 
damages to the person injured. What made the Maori 
custom puzzling was the nature of the acts which provoked 
it. If a man's child was burnt to death accidentally, the 
mother's relations had the right of plundering the negligent 


father. A bush fire that ran across some old, deserted 
burial ground would subject the man who first lit it to a 
raid at the hands of everyone whose ancestors had been 
buried there. Moreover, the offender felt insulted if no 
raid was made on him. The greater the crime the more 
property was taken, and it was the highest possible com- 
pliment to take everything and club the offender as well. 
One can understand that when this custom was first 
enforced against Europeans the result was bad blood ; for 
the white man, not knowing what wrong he had done, 
looked upon his raiders as so many barefaced thieves, and 
the Maoris were indignant that any objection should be 
made to a rule so well understood among themselves. 

The Muru applied only to white men living among the 
The Tapu natives. The second custom, the Tapu, was a matter of 
greater moment, and was probably at the bottom of most 
collisions between Maori and European. This Tapu had 
two branches : in one light it was a sacredness attaching to 
certain people and their property, which prevented other 
people from interfering with them ; in another it was an 
accursedness attaching to certain people and their pro- 
perty, which forbad them to have any dealings with the 
rest of the tribe. The Tapu of sacredness, for instance, 
applied to all chiefs ; what belonged to them might not be 
touched by any meaner man. Food cooked for a chief, 
thought the Maori, would poison a slave ; a fire blown up 
by a chief's breath was not for a commoner's cooking. On 
the other hand, all who touched a dead body (except in 
war), or had to do with the burying of one, were Tapu in 
the other sense. If they entered a house it must be 
destroyed ; if they touched any man, he was unclean 
perhaps for months. Their hands, more especially, were 
so utterly accursed that food touched by the hand was 
useless even for its owner, and he had to feed off the 
ground, gnawing what others threw to him as best he 
could with hands behind his back. Nor was a Tajiu 


necessarily permanent. A man or place might be approach 
able to-day and Tapu to-morro-w. The sweet-potato fields 
were Tapu at harvesting time, and their cultivators on any 
working day. A white man living with natives might in 
time find out some of the complex rules which governed 
these matters ; but explorers were almost sure sooner or 
later to fall into some trap, and then, as with the Muru, 
bad blood resulted, the European thinking the Maori 
unreasonable, the Maori feeling that the European was an 
impious ruffian. 

B. Early Discoverers (1642-1774). 

The first discovery of New Zealand by white men has 
already been mentioned. Tasman in 1642, sailing east- p. 6 
ward from Tasmania, anchored off the end of South Island* 
in the bay now named after him. Before he could land his Tasman 
ships were attacked by a fleet of war canoes, and a boat's 
ci'ew in passing from one ship to the other lost three men. 
At that Tasman fired on the canoes, and the Maoris fled in 
disorder. But the attack had been fierce enough to make 
him doubtful about landing. He sailed away northwards 
— never finding out that there was a big strait close to him 
— named the northernmost cape he saw after Governor Van 
Diemen's wife, and made for Batavia by way of Fiji and 
the north coast of New Guinea. On his map the new 
country is called Statenlandt, but Dutch geographers soon 
changed the name to that which it still bears — New Zealand. 

For more than a hundred years the Maoris were left 
alone. Then came Cook, searching for the Great South cook 
Land, eager to know whether this coastline of Tasman's 
charting was one of its northern promontories. On October 
8th, 1769, he landed in Poverty Bay, but his boat party 
was at once attacked, and a Maori had to be shot before 
the white men could get away. Still Cook did not despair. 

• strictly speaking, Te Wai Pounamu ia Middle Island, and Stewart Island ia 
South Island ; but of late years the name Middle Island has been dropped, and the 
two large islands are called North and South respectively. 


Ho landed again next day, and tried to make friends with 
the natives through Tupia, a Tahitian whom he had 
brought with him. Tupia's language was understood, but 
it seemed impossible to keep the natives quiet ; there was 
another scuflfle, and another was shot. Then Cook tried to 
capture some of them, and succeeded in taking three boys> 
Kind treatment pacified them, but when they were landed 
again their countrymen made no effort to be more friendly 
than before. So Cook gave up his attempts in disgust, and 
sailed southwards along the coast. Here he was in another 
tribe's territory, and had better success ; now and then a 
few Maori warriors would come on board, and some went 
so far as to stay among the strangers all night. Presently, 
at a cape which he called Turnagain, he altered his course 
and stood back to the northwards, and there, not long after 
passing Poverty Bay again, he found a tribe friendly 
enough to take him through their village and explain their 
way of life. So he coasted along round East Cape and the 
great curve of the Bay of Plenty till he came to Mercury 
Not. 1769 ^^Ji where he took formal possession of the land for 
England ; then, still hugging the coast, he made for Tas- 
man's Cape Maria Van Diemen, and from there struck 
across the open sea past Cape Egmont to the bay where 
Tasman had first anchored. Avoiding his predecessor's 
mistake, he surveyed the deep bight more carefully, and 
discovered the strait which bears his name ; and on the 
Jan. 80, 1770 shores of Queen Charlotte's Sound took possession of South 
Island in the name of the British King. A short voyage 
took him up the east coast to Cape Turnagain, and being 
thus sure that this northern land was an island (since he 
had now sailed round it) he turned south, struck the 
southern land off Kaikoura, and followed that coastline 
also completely round by Banks' Peninsula and South 
Cape and the long west coast stretch till he came again 
into Cook Strait and anchored in Admiralty Bay. From 
p. 8 that place on the 31st March he set sail for the discovery 
of Eastern Australia. 


On the whole, Cook's relations with the natives had been 
friendly. Now and again he was compelled to use firearms^ 
but with Tupia's help he generally persuaded each tribe to 
trade, and he took care to punish his own sailors if they 
injured peaceful natives. Three times in after years he 
re- visited the islands, and found the Maoris on each occasion 
friendly. One piece of thoughtfulness especially won their 
favour. Thinking (wrongly, as it turned out) that their 
cannibal habits arose from the want of animal food — for 
beside dogs and rats there was not a four-legged animal in 
all New Zealand — he left among friendly tribes several 
pigs, sheep, and goats, besides fowls, potatoes, cabbages, 
and other vegetables. Some weed poisoned the sheep and 
goats ; but the pigs and fowls throve and multiplied, and 
the new kind of potato suited the Maori taste amazingly 

Not all their visitors, however, behaved so well. In 
1770, while Cook was still in New Zealand waters, a The 
French captain, De Surville, landed at Doubtless Bay, and 
found that, thanks to Cook's tact, the natives were inclined 
to be friendly. Suspecting that some of them had stolen a 
boat, he chose to revenge himself by destroying their 
village and kidnapping their chief. Two years later a 
second Frenchman, Marion du Fresne, crossed the Tasman ^^^g 
Sea from Tasmania and anchored in the Bay of Islands. 
For a month Maoris and French were the best of friends. 
Suddenly, just before the time fixed for their departure, 
du Fresne and sixteen companions were set upon, killed 
and eaten. They had violated the Tapu, it appears : they 
had cooked their meals with the wood of sacred images. 
Maori law and religion demanded that they should die. 
But Crozet, du Fresne s second in command, knew nothing 
of this. To him the natives seemed a cowardly set of 
traitors. He shot down their warriors wherever he could 
find them, and destroyed everything within his reach that 
belonged to them. Sixty years afterwards the story was 



still fresh in Maori memories, and chiefs petitioned for 
English protection against " the tribe of Marion." 

During Cook's second visit a similar misfortune befell 
Pur-^ one of the ships under his command. Captain Furneaux 
put in to Queen Charlotte's Sound towards the end of 1773 
to refit after a stormy voyage, and lost a boat's crew of ten 
men, who had contrived to quarrel with the Maoris over a 
sailor's stupid practical joke. The next day an officer 
disturbed more than a thousand Maoris at their cannibal 
feast. But Furneaux, rightly thinking that there had been 
no treachery, but only a sudden dispute, rescued and 
buried what was left of the dead bodies, and sailed away 
without attempting indiscriminate revenge. 

C. Missionaries and Chiefs (1775-1830). 

Such stories as these did not encourage quiet Euro- 
peans to frequent or to settle in New Zealand, though 
adventurers went there by the score. Sealers haunted the 
Otago Sounds ; timber ships were loaded with North 
Island kauri logs ; whalers put in at convenient harbours, 
and even attracted natives to form part of their crews. 
Such intercourse was unlikely to make for peace, for the 
adventurers were not men who would accommodate them- 
selves to the very complex ceremonial of Maori life. The 
early settlers were, as a rule, worse. They were mostly 
fugitives from justice, or men whose conduct had expelled 
them from civilised communities, and they helped to 
degrade the ignoble Maori ferocity by adding to it vices of 
their own. Among these " pakeha Maoris " (as those 
whites were called who lived Maori lives) there were, 
of course, some fine characters, whose influence on the 
tribe that adopted them was good, and from whom 
we have since learnt to understand a good many of the 
puzzling native customs ; but, taking it all round, the 
European element during the early years of this century 
was a bad one — vicious, lawless, and uncontrollable. 



Governor King, however, was minded to make friends 
with the manly islanders to the south-east of his dominion. 
It happened that, while he was in charge of Norfolk 
Island, Grose sent him a couple of young chiefs who had 
been kidnapped from the Bay of Islands to instruct the 
Norfolk Island convicts in flax-growing. King was as 
tactful as Cook had been, treated them as chiefs should be 
treated, and soon took them back to their own country. A isoe 
few years later, when he became Governor, he brought over 
a still greater chief, Te Pehi, to Sydney, entertained him 
well, and sent him back in a King's ship with many Marsden, 
presents. Now one of King's great friends was Samuel 
Marsden, an energetic 
clergyman, who had 
arrived in New South 
Wales in 17 94 as Church 
of England Chaplain. 
His career in that 
country was in many 
respects not unlike John 
Macarthur's. He was 
an enthusiastic breeder 
of stock ; he was in- 
terested in every en- 
terprise that could in- 
crease the colony's 
prosperity ; he was 

a strong " exclusive " and a bitter opponent of Governor 
Macquarie. So thoroughly did he enter into the public 
life of New South Wales that his work here will always be 
judged according to the political prejudices of his critics ; 
but with reference to New Zealand matters are on a 
different footing. There his work was one of pure 
benevolence, so ably and persistently carried out as to 
deserve fully the success that attended it. 

Samuel, Mausdkn. 


At King's table he met the chief Te Pehi, and was at 
once interested in his accounts of Maori life. Returning 
from a visit to England three years later, he travelled in 
the same ship with a young warrior whose uncle, Hongi, 
was the great chief of the Bay of Islands tribe. Sending 
this young man on before to tell his countrymen that there 
were some good white men in the world, Marsden was 
preparing to despatch two missionaries to his new field of 

The interest, when news came of a more than usually horrible 

Massacre massacre at Whangaroa. The captain of a trading ship 

named the Boyd had flogged one of his crew, who was a 

Maori chief. A chief's back is more sacred than any other 

part of him except his head ; to flog him violates the Tapu 

1800 most atrociously. The Boyd anchored off Whangaroa, the 
chief's own home, and his insulted tribesmen slaughtered 
nearly every soul on board, crew and passengers, leaving 
only four alive out of seventy. Te Pehi, who lived near, 
rescued the four — a woman, a boy, and two children — but 
got little good of it ; for vindictive Europeans destroyed his 
village in the belief that he had aided the massacre, and 
the Whangaroa men killed him a short time after for 
helping the survivors to escape. 

The news of this slaughter induced Governor Macquarie 
to forbid Marsden's projected expedition, but he did his 
best to stop the increasing friction between white and 
native by making the owner of every ship that traded with 

1818 New Zealand liable to pay a thousand pounds if the crew 
quarrelled with the Maoris while there. Presently Marsden 
persuaded him to take more active measures. Hongi and 
his nephew were brought over to Sydney, and Macquarie 
gave them and another chief oiSicial authority to control 
the intercourse between their tribes and Europeans, 
appointing a Mr. Kendall (grandfather of Henry Kendall, 
the poet) as resident magistrate for the Bay of Islands 
district. In November, 1814, the brig Active sailed from 
Sydney, carrying JNIarsden himself, Kendall, and two 


missionaries, Hall and King, besides workmen and live 
stock to make a permanent settlement under Hongi's pro- 
tection. By way of a beginning Marsden went personally 
among the men of Whangaroa, and reconciled them with 
Hongi's men, who were friends of their victim Te Pehi ; and 
on Christmas Day, under the shadow of the Union Jack, 
the tribes assembled to hear for the first time in a regular 
Church of England service the doctrines of peace and 

For the next twenty years the history of New Zea- 
land is full of disappointments. The missionaries worked 
hard ; many a time they stood between excited war parties 
and prevented a conflict. Marsden came over many times 
to see his friends, and used his influence to discourage 
the trade in arms ; almost his last days were spent 
in making peace between two fighting chieftains. But 
all their influence was of little avail against the Maoris' 
natural joy in war, exaggerated and debased by the The 
low whites who traded and settled among them. And war o/the 
under the new conditions was becoming less of a fairly- "^nies"" 
conducted sport than before, more an instrument of 
blood thirstiness and tyranny. Guns were irresistible. 
But guns and powder and shot could not be made as clubs 
and spears had been — they must be bought from white 
traders. Small or poor tribes had not the wherewithal 
to buy them; consequently, small and poor tribes went to 
the wall, and three or four great chiefs, with their pros, 
perous and well-armed tribes at their back, held the island 
in a state of terror. Hongi, protector of the missions, Hongi 
chafed under Marsden's refusal to barter arms with him. 
He was an ambitious man — "There is but one king in 
England," he said, " there shall be but one among the 
Maoris." In 1820 he went to England with Kendall, the 
magistrate, and was made much of. George IV gave 
him valuable presents, and London society added many 
more, for this old cannibal was the lion of the season ! 


Hongi took everything with polite pleasure, came 
back to Sydney, disposed of nearly all his treasures 
there, and sailed for his home with three hundred 
muskets and plenty of ammunition as the final pro- 
ceeds of his voyage. Then he burst into action. One 
raid dispersed and almost destroyed the tribes of the 
Thames valley. Another devastated the Auckland isthmus 
and the Waikato country. A third was directed 
against the Arawa, the sacred pioneer tribe of the original 
immigration, who guarded the nation's holiest relics on an 
island in Lake Rotorua. Even from the east coast war 
parties marched to join in a great uprising against the new 
tyrant, but his firearms again gave him the victory at 

Hongi's actual dominion was in the northern peninsula, 

which after his death remained comparatively quiet. But 

^^ now wars broke out in the 

lands between Mount Egmont 
and the Hot Lakes, where 
a Waikato chief and one of a 
kindred tribe in turn at- 
tempted to make themselves all 
powerful. By this time mus- 
kets were common, and no 
single tribe could quite master 
the others. Further south, 
however, a new power was 
growing up under the cleverest 
of all Maori statesmen, the 
TB RATTPARAHA. ^^iiei Rauparaha. He was at 

Raupara- first the leader of a tribe that held Kawhia on the west 
coast, and was always in danger of being extirpated by its 
Waikato neighbours. Muskets there were unobtainable: 
white traders rarely landed on those shores, and the great 
trading station was at the Bay of Islands, in Hongi's 
hands. In 1817 Rauparaha had joined a war party that 


went rav?»ging down the island to the very end of it, and 
had heard of another rendezvous for white men in Queen 
Charlotte's Sound. From that time he determined to 
establish himself on or near Cook Strait, and to become 
the Hongi of the south. Using all the arts of diplomacy, 
he gathered round him one after another of the smaller 
tribes who feared the Waikato. He obtained the help of 
Te Heu Heu himself, a giant chieftain who held the district 
of Lake Taupo in undisturbed possession while war raged 
all round on the coasts. He moved liis followers step by 
step, fighting here, treaty-making there, till by 1828 they 
were established along the coast from Wanganui to Port 
Nicholson, with the island fortress of Kapiti as their 
refuge and headquarters. 

From this position of vantage Rauparaha sent war parties 
across the Strait to invade the South Island, taking the 
opposite shores from Cloudy Bay to Tasman Bay for his 
followers' use, but extending his ravages as far south as 
Akaroa. The killing of his uncle in a raid on Kaiapoi 
roused him to take a fearful vengeance. For a few tons of 
flax he hired an English ship to convey himself and his 
warriors secretly to Banks' Peninsula. When the ship 
anchored there the Maoris kept themselves hidden in its 
hold, while the white captain enticed on board the chief of 
the Kaiapoi tribe and his family. Holding them as 
prisoners, Rauparaha stole out at night upon their village, 
slaughtered its inhabitants, and brought back their bodies 
to be cooked for a cannibal feast in the ship's galley ; while 
the captured chief was taken to Kapiti, and killed there 
after many tortures. 


D. British Interference (1831-9). 
The news of so ghastly a deed as this, perpetrated 
with the help of an Englishman, stung the Sydney authori- 
Busby ties into action. Governor Darling proposed to send Sturt 
across as Resident, but his recall hindered matters a little, 
1883 and it was two years before Mr. James Busby was formally 
made Resident by the English Government. He had no 
great powers, as Bourke plainly told him, but had to depend 
on the help of the missionaries and what influence he could 
gain over the native chiefs. He began with a piece of bad 
luck. A shipwrecked crew had quarrelled with the 
Taranaki Maoris, who killed some of them and captured a 
woman and her two children ; an English warship was sent 
to rescue them, and its commander managed to involve 
himself twice during the affair in the massacre of natives who 
were trying to bring the children back peacefully. But 
Busby did his best, went from tribe to tribe with the 
missionaries, hearing patiently the Maori side of matters, 
and steadily refused to be driven into harsh measures 
against men who were by now intensely suspicious of all 
Europeans. In 1835 he collected all the chiefs of the 
north and formed them into a confederation called the 

Oct. 28 

United Tribes of New Zealand, with power to make laws ; 
the southern chiefs were asked to Join in, and the British 
King was nominated Protector of the confederacy. The 
British King, however, had no intention of accepting this 
offer. Busby strongly urged that England should take the 
responsibility of intervening between Maori and Pakeha, 
especially in the matter of land sales, where the customs of 
t!?^*^ buyer and seller were widely different. In 1837 Captain 
^ment" Hobson of the Fuittles7iala>, fresh from the founding of 
Melbourne, put forward a plan for establishing Government 
stations under British consuls at the principal ports. But 
the Ministry in London was worried with political troubles 
in Canada and racial troubles in South Africa already, and 
was inclined to think colonies an unprofitable nuisance 


Another colony, more responsibility, new worries from the 
other side of the world — such folly was not to be thought 
of. Upon which decision Ministers were suddenly con- 
fronted with the obstinate activity — upsetting all their 
non-interference resolutions — of the indomitable Edward 
Gibbon Wakefield. 

Of course, all these years had not gone by without any 
attempt to settle Europeans permanently in so delightful 
a country. When in Brisbane's time free immigrants p. 4o 
began to make their way in increasing numbers to New 
South Wales, New Zealand also was thought of, and in 
1825 a company was formed to settle the lands round 
Hokianga. Some intending colonists were actually sent 
out, but their first appearance in the country took place at 
an unlucky moment. Hokianga River was the boundary 
between two tribes which were just then working them 
selves up for a fight, and the new arrivals found themselves 
confronted with all the gruesome pantomime of a Maori 
war dance. There was howling and prancing and horrid 
gesture, there was the mimicry of battle and slaughter, 
with all the detail of a cannibal feast for a wind-up. The 
settlers looked at each other — and sailed posthaste for 

Another attempt at colonisation, more ludicrous, but in 
the end more serious also, was made by a puzzle-headed 
adventurer who called himself Baron de Thierry. His 
parents were French, but he had been in the British army d© 
and diplomatic service, and he adopted either nationality ^'^^^^^y 
as circumstances suggested. With a couple of hundred 
acres bought at Hokianga he conceived the idea of starting ^ggj 
a Maori kingdom ; but neither England nor France would 
back his claims, and for twelve years he wandered about 
the world trying to make his fortune. In 1835 he recurred 
to his original plan, and announced himself as a sovereign 
chief of New Zealand and defender of its liberties. The 
English, while formally disowning his claims, let him take 


possession of his two hundred acres and issue edicts at his 

will, which amused Pakeha and Maori alike by their 

bombast and their assumption of royal style. But in a 

year or two rumours began to spread that all this was 

leading up to something more serious. De Thierry boasted 

of support from France. Certainly there were more French 

ships than usual off the coast ; and Louis Philippe, the 

French monarch at that time, was known to be quite 

unscrupulous in his diplomacy. A French ship captain, it 

was said, had bought land at Akaroa, in South Island. 

Men wondered, and took alarm. 

qij^Q But it was Wakefield, as we have said, who actually 

Wake- forced the British Government into action. In 1836, 
neld ^ ^ ' 

Scheme -vrhile South Australia was still in founding, he gave 
evidence before a Parliamentary Committee about the 
scandals of New Zealand land sales, and drew a picture of 
the reckless adventurer inducing the poor native to barter 
his land unknowingly " for a few trinkets and a little 
gunpowder." In 1837 he helped Lord Durham, who had 
been in the collapsed scheme of 1825, to found the New 
Zealand Association, with a most admirable and philan- 
thropic plan of colonisation on such terms as should be fair 
to everybody. After long palavering with an unwilling 
Ministry this plan also fell through, partly because both 
Wakefield and Lord Durham had done work (in connection 
with the Canadian troubles) of which the Government dis- 
approved. Even Lord John Russell declared that New 
Zealand must be treated as an independent country, almost 
at the very time when his famous declaration that Britain 
claimed the whole of Australia finally warned the French 
off that continent. Wakefield and his friends took the 
bull by the horns. They formed a New Zealand Company 
for making a colony on the regular Wakefield lines. They 
calmly sold New Zealand land in London, under the 
Government's nose — land, as usual, which they had not yet 
obtained from its native owners. They shipped off the first 


batch of settlers quietly, with Colonel Wakefield, brother 
of the prime mover, in command. Then, and not till then, 
Lord Durham waited on the Colonial Secretary and told 
him what had been done. 

At last the Government bestirred itself. Hobson was 1819 
made Lieutenant-Governor, and sent off in a hurry to treat 
with the chiefs. Any land he could obtain from them was 
to form part of the colony of New South Wales, and no 
other land sales were to be recognised except after full 
enquiry by the Governor. Luckily Gipps, who had sue- p. 8« 
ceeded Bourke in 1838, was a man whom the home 
Ministry trusted, and a good deal was left for him and 
Hobson to settle between them. And so before the end of 
1839 three separate expeditions were descending upon the 
far-off Maori lands — Colonel Wakefield, with his unauthor- 
ised cargo of speculative settlers, making for Cook Strait ; 
Hobson in haste to reach the older settlement on the Bay 
of Islands ; and a French company (the Nanto-Bordelaise, 
promoted mainly by merchants of Nantes and Bordeaux) 
commissioned by the King of the French to occupy as much 
territory as possible, beginning with the Akaroa concession^ 
on condition that at least a quarter of it should become 
the property of the French crown. 

A. Colonel Wakefield (1839-40). 

Colonel Wakefield won the race easily. On the 16th 

of August his ship reached Queen Charlotte's Sound, and 

The Bush ^® lost no time in crossing to Port Nicholson, where the 

Spon company had directed him to form a settlement. In great 
haste — for he had heard that missionaries were coming 
from the north to see the natives had fair play — he sum- 
moned all the chiefs he could get together, displayed his 

Sept. 27 stock of arms and ammunition, and persuaded the greedy 
natives to sign documents which, by English law, would 
give him the whole of their tribal territory. Hurrying 
from the Port to Kapiti he interviewed Rauparaha and 

Oot. 24 procured his signature to another document of the same 
kind. Other chiefs came in, signed, and went off with the 
coveted guns ; and on the 8th of November a third deed 
completed, in Wakefield's eyes, the transfer of huge 
territories to the possession of the New Zealand Company. 
It is worth our while to take Wakefield's claim to pieces. 
In the first place, he had been carefully instructed to make 
sure that all the native owners approved, and that each 
transaction was thoroughly understood by the whole tribe 
which it affected. He made no attempt to carry out these 
instructions. A Pakeha Maori of poor character, whom he 
had picked up near Port Nicholson, made a few clumsy 
explanations to some of the chiefs in that district ; and 
that was all. Gibbon Wakefield's remarks of three years 

p. 120 "^ 

before were exactly descriptive of his brother's conduct. 
In the second place, the land mentioned in his documents 
stretched far beyond the boundaries of the tribes with 
whom he dealt. It was as if a man should claim to own 

NEW ZEALAND, 1839-1851. 123 

the colony of New South Wales by virtue of an alleged 
grant from the Corporation of Sydney. Wakefield had 
seen chiefs of three tribes at most, whose territory com- 
prised perhaps fifty miles of coastline north of Port 
Nicholson, and an undefined district of South Island 
bordering on Cook Strait. By his documents these chiefs 
were made to hand over to him all the lands which now 
are included in four provinces — Taranaki, Wellington, 
Marlborough, and Nelson — quite irrespective of the fact 
that in the North Island part of them alone there were ten 
other tribes who had not been consulted in any way about 
the transfer. The payment (which was partly made in 
scissors, combs, beads, sealing-wax, and Jews' harps) was at 
the rate of about sixpence per thousand acres, and the first 
result of it was to set all the lucky chiefs fighting over a 
division of the goods. 

Even more serious than the other objections to this 
astonishing claim was one founded on Maori land customs. 
Englishmen are accustomed to individual ownership of 
land. A particular section belongs (say) to Mr. Robinson. 
If you wish to own it, you and Mr. Robinson agree on a 
price, sign before witnesses a document in which the 
agreement and the price are stated, and when you have 
paid your money the land is yours. Ownership and sale 
of that kind were quite unknown to the Maoris. With 
them the land belonged to the whole tribe — not to any 
single person ; and no one man, not even the chief himself, 
could sell it or give it away. There were only two ways in 
which territory could properly change owners : the whole 
tribe must either unite to dispose of it by a solemn act, or 
be completely defeated and driven out of it by another 
tribe which immediately proceeded to occupy its conquest. 
This principle, when you understand it, is fairly simple, 
but Colonel Wakefield, and many Englishmen after him, 
took no trouble to understand it ; or, if they did, then 
hoped that the ignorance of the home Government on 








Feb. 6, 1840 

such matters would allow them to press claims which were 
in every way invalid and absurd. 

The home Government, however, was not quite as 
ignorant as Wakefield hoped. Hobson's instructions laid 
on him the special duty of seeing that false claims to land 
were not set up to overreach the natives. Directly he 
reached Sydney he consulted Gipps, and a proclamation 
was drawn up announcing that no purchases of land in 
New Zealand would be recognised by the authorities unless 
and until they had been enquired into and confirmed by 
Government Commissioners. Soon after his arrival in the 
Bay of Islands he called the chiefs together at Waitangi, 

where Busby lived, and after 
full explanation and two 
days' discussion concluded 
with them the famous and 
important Treaty of Wai- 
tangi. This contained three 
clauses, each of which was 
interpreted to the chiefs by 
their friends the mission, 
aries, and well debated among 
them both in council and 
in their villages during the 
evening. The first clause 
yielded to the Queen of Eng- 
land "all the rights and 
\/ -X^'k powers of sovereignty" which 

^7)^ "IRSS^ ^Y^Q chiefs had in their districts. 

Signatures to the Treaty of The second clause guaranteed 

WAITANGI. ^^ ^^^ ^^.^gg »^^jj ^^^ ^^^.g 

turbed possession of their lands," and ordained that, if at 
any time the tribes wished to sell land, they should offer 
it first to the British Government. The third clause gave 
the natives of New Zealand all the rights and privileges 
of British subjects. Here was an open and honourable 


NEW ZEALAND, 18S9-1861. 125 

transaction ; there were no beads and Jews' harps about it; 
the wording of the treaty was clear and simple — the chiefs 
understood it, and Hobson understood it. When in after 
years the friends of the New Zealand Company tried to 
upset the arrangement, they had to take refuge in talk 
about "naked savages" — as if a man's intelligence 
depended on his wearing clothes — and to describe the 
treaty as " a praiseworthy device for amusing and pacifying 
savages for the moment." 

B, The Scramble for Land (1839-43). 

It was certainly time that some control should be 
established over the greediness of the white men for land. 
When Hobson demanded particulars of the claims Land 
made by Europeans, he found that they amounted to more 
than half the area of the islands ; and out of the total of 
seventy thousand square miles, sixty-eight thousand were 
set down as purchases of the last two years. The Land 
Commissioners soon discovered how preposterous these 
assertions were. Many claims overlapped ; purchases 
along the coastline were assumed to extend an indefinite 
distance inland ; sometimes a mere right to fish in a certain 
bay, or to obtain wood and water on its shores, was 
impudently transformed by the white bargainer into a claim 
to ownership of the whole surrounding district. In nearly 
all cases there was the further difl&culty that the alleij;ed 
Maori settler had no right to sell. He might be a chief 
acting without the consent of his tribe ; more often he was 
an insignificant member of the tribe greedy for guns ; most 
often of all he was a perfect stranger to the district he 
pretended to sell, and signed the deeds without knowing or 
caring what they meant. 

As may be imagined, Hobson did not get much enjoy- 
ment out of his Lieutenant-Governorship. The Company 
was only one among many powerful claimants. Sydney, 
more especially, was full of them, with Wentworth at their 


head, who had obtained a grant of nearly half the South 
Island from five petty chiefs who were visiting New South 
p. 68 Wales. But here Gipps was a tower of strength, and the 
Sydney speculators had to acknowledge themselves beaten. 
Another more immediate danger arose from the French 
The expedition to Akaroa. Hobson had sent the Waitangi 
Settlers Treaty round North Island to be signed by the chiefs, and 
was delighted to find signers in South Island also. To make 
quite sure of his ground there he formally annexed it to 
the British Empire both by virtue of the treaty and by 
right of Cook's discovery. In spite, however, of all these 
precautions, there were rumours of a proposed French 
annexation in South Island on the ground that England 
was exercising no real authority there except on the shores 
of Cook Strait. French newspapers even suggested a con- 
vict settlement. In July, 1840, a French frigate, Tj'Aube, 
was lying in the Bay of Islands, when Hobson heard that 
p. 121 the ship sent out by the Nanto-Bordelaise Company was 
making for Akaroa. He at once put two and two together, 
and quietly sent off the British warship Britomart to the 
threatened spot. L'Atcbe followed closely In its wake ; 
the Britomart ran into a storm and was badly damaged ; 
but the French ship also met with bad weather, and for 
several days could not get round Banks' Peninsula. At 
last it sailed into Akaroa Harbour to find that England 
had won the race by four days, and France had lost her 
last opportunity of making a white man's colony in the 
South Pacific. The French Company's settlers, however, 
were allowed to occupy the land their countrymen had 
bought, and for some years the Peninsula remained practi- 
cally French, with a French warship constantly hovering 
about for its protection. 
The New ^^ ^^^ *^® New Zealand Company, after all, that 
CQ^^^^y gave Hobson the most trouble. At every step his decisions 
clashed with the Company's interests. His treaty had 
gravely endangered Wakefield's purchases, and prevented 

NEW ZEALAND, 1839-1851. 


any more of the same profitable kind. His work was to 
keep the peace, to protect the Maoris ; Wakefield's was to 
acquire land even at the risk of war and to settle white 
men on districts from which the Maoris must be got rid of 
as soon as possible. Hobson made his headquarters in the 
Bay of Islands, among the whalers and the kauri getters ; 
the Company's principal station was on Cook Strait, and its 
trade was to be agriculture. Its first township, at the head 
of Port Nicholson, was found unsuitable, and in March, 
1840, Wakefield moved across to a place on the western 
shore called Te Aro, where he founded the town of 


-so named out of gratitude for the great 

Wkllingtox in 1842. 

Duke's help in passing Gibbon Wakefield's South Australian 
Bill. Hobson, about the same time, was finding the Bay 
of Islands an inconvenient position for managing his 
dominions, and the Company's men hoped he might move 
his headquarters to their new town ; but in those days 
Cook Strait was really the southern end of British settle- 

p. 82 


ment (Akaroa being French), and a more central place was 
found in Auckland, where two gulfs, almost meeting each 
other, gave easy access to either east or west coast at 
pleasure. Many things helped to produce friction. Hobson 
was on good terms with the missionaries. "Wakefield 
jeered at them and snubbed them. The Wellington towns- 
folk set up a half-independent government of their own, 
alleging that the Lieutenant-Governor was neglecting them 
and order must be kept somehow ; Hobson, with the naval 
man's keen anger against anything like mutiny, talked 
about high treason and sent troops to put it down. 
Land But these troubles were trifling compared with the Com- 

trouDles pg^jjy'g struggles to retain its huge nominal territory. The 
lesson of South Australia had not yet been learnt, and the 
same old process was going on of selling land in England 
by blocks at a fixed price before either buyer or seller knew 
what sort of land it was, or even whether it was the Com- 
pany's to sell. Emigrants paid their money, made th© 
voyage out, and found on arrival that the land they 
imagined theirs was in the possession of brown and tat- 
tooed cannibals — such was still their idea of the Maori. 
They clamoured against the Company. Wakefield assured 
them it was the Governor's fault, not the Company's.. 
Hobson declined to recognise the Colonel's enormous claim. 
Gipps was appealed to, and adjudged to the complainants. 
a block on Port Nicholson, about one-hundredth part of the 
claim. At that they took the matter home, where they had 
the very great influence of Lord Durham and his friends, 
to back them. The Whig Ministry then in oflice was getting 
weaker and weaker every day ; Lord Durham's set was 
an important section of the Whig party ; to conciliate it 
Ministers would do a good deal. Lord John Russell, th© 
Colonial Secretary, after some feeble expostulations did 
nearly all that the Company asked. Gipps was its most 
formidable opponent; his influence was removed by a 

Dec. 9, 1840 despatch which made New Zealand a separate colony 

NEW ZEALAND, 1839-1861. 129 

unconnected with New South Wales ; his award of land 

was set aside in favour of an arrangement by which the Hobson 

Company was to be allowed four acres for every pound it had 1841-2 ' 

spent. Finally, its position was made formal and secure by Feb. 12, I84i 

the grant of a Royal Charter. Even now its directors 

were not satisfied. Wakefield had claimed twenty million 

acres ; Gipps had granted a hundred and ten thousand ; the 

new award increased this to a million ; the directors 

demanded that they should be allowed to pick the million 

where they liked, and that it should be the Crown's duty 

to buy off all natives claiming ownership of the land they 

picked. But a new Ministry came into power, and the 

last demand remained unsatisfied. 

Meanw^hile in New Zealand itself the confusion grew 
worse daily. Gibbon Wakefield saw how easy it was 
to force Governor Hobson's hand by simply unloading ship- 
fuls of emigrants on New Zealand soil. Once there, they 
could be trusted to insist on getting land somewhere, and 
Hobson would be compelled to do something for them. 
So Colonel Wakefield was instructed to be ready to form 
new settlements ; smaller companies, really brandies of the 
great one, were formed at Plymouth and other English 
seaport towns ; and presently bodies of settlers, all of whom 
had bought blocks of unknown land before they sailed, 
arrived at Taranaki under Mount Egmont, and at Nelson Mar.-Sept, 
in Tasman Bay. Some of the Wellington settlers also ^^*^ 
moved up the coast to Wanganui. Everywhere the new 
arrivals came into conflict with Maori owners who denied 
that they had ever parted with their land. Wellington 
itself was on such land ; at Wanganui only the actual 
town site was indisputably Wakefield's ; at Taranaki there 
were all sorts of Maori interests — some claimed as 
occupants, some because their fathers had been occupants, 
others by right of conquest. The native claimants nearly 
everywhere behaved better than the intruders. If white 
men built huts on disputed ground, the Maoris destroyed 


the huts and carefully preserved all property found in 
them to be handed back to the owners. When the whites 
at Nelson mined coal on land that was not theirs, they were 
not interfered with while working, but every night the coal 
was piled back into the holes from which it had been dug. 
Actual conflict the Maoris avoided as much as possible, 
because they were gentlemen — the undiscerning settlers 
thought it was because they were cowards. 

But actual conflict was not far off. Nothing else, 
indeed, could be expected; for Europeans in those days 
knew little about the better side of native character, and 
thought that all " uncivilised " people were equally savage 
and unintelligent. In Parliamentary debates of the time one 
finds two ideas strongly insisted on. The first is, that 
brown or black natives of any country had no right to any 
more of the land than they were actually occupying. The 
second is, that such natives should be petted and protected 
if they were humble and weak, but could not be considered 
to have any valid laws of their own which might conflict 
with civilised laws. The Wakefield school of colonisers 
thought that they were really helping the Maoris 
by using their land and introducing English laws ; 
they genuinely felt that chiefs who objected were ungrate- 
ful wretches. 

C. War with the Maoris (1843-6). 

1843 It happened that at Nelson there was not enough farm 

land to divide among all the colonists who had bought blocks 
before they left England. The nearest available land was on 
The the Wairau River, that runs into Cloudy Bay. Now, this 
Conflict ^^s part of the territory mentioned in the document which 
Rauparaha had signed in 1839, and Colonel Wakefield 
believed that he had other rights to it. Rauparaha abso- 
lutely denied that he had sold it, and when surveyors came 
burnt their huts and removed their marks. Captain 
Wakefield (a third of the Wakefield brothers), who was 

NEW ZEALAND, 1839-1851. 





Indicates land enclosed by 



Banks Peninsula 


head of the Nelson settlement, at once started for the 
Wairau with a police magistrate and an armed force in 
order to arrest Rauparaha. The party found him with his 
son-in-law, another great chief, camped on the ground, and 
the magistrate calmly produced a pair of handcuffs and 
proposed to take them prisoners there and then. " We are 
on our own land," they said. " Do we go to Port Jackson 
or Europe to steal your lands 1" The magistrate threatened 
to use force. " This," said Rauparaha, " is the second time 
you have threatened to fire ; you should not be so thought- 
less." The English party advanced, and a shot was fired 
by one of them which killed a woman, daughter of one 
chief and wife of the other. At that the Maori restraint 
gave way. " They have begun it," cried the chiefs ; *' wel- 
come darkness and death ! " Firing broke out on both 
sides. There was a rush of Maoris that swept the English- 
men up and over the hill. Then Captain Wakefield waved 
a white handkerchief and Rauparaha called to his men to 
spare the fugitives, but the other chief rushed up, crying, 
" Remember your daughter," and killed Wakefield and 
eight others in cold blood. The bodies were left where they 
fell, nineteen in all. Rauparaha, carrying the handcuffs 
that had been meant to manacle him, crossed the Strait and 
summoned his tribesmen to sweep the Pakeha from their 
land. Two men only at that moment prevented the imme- 
diate sack of Wellington — Hadfield, the missionary, and a 
young chief who was to be notable hereafter, Wiremu Kingi 
te Rangitake. 
By the time this happened Hobson was no longer Gover- 

Hobson's ^^^ ^^ New Zealand. Deprived of the strong support which 

■Work Gipps had been always ready to give him, suffering from 

repeated strokes of palsy, fretted by the turbulence of 

Wakefield's followers and the daily increasing suspicions of 

Sept 10 1842 *^® Maori chiefs, he died at his post a worn-out and dis- 
pirited man. Under his rule eleven thousand settlers had 
established themselves in the new country — more than six 

NEW ZEALAND, 1839-1851. 133 

thoustind on the shores of Cook Strait, four thousand in the 
north, and about nine hundred at Taranaki. None of the 
settlements, however, were really thriving. Auckland lived 
on Government expenditure, and the Company's men on 
their own capital, waiting for something definite to be done 
about the land they had so rashly bought. In the far north 
there was still some trade with whalers and timber ships ; 
but the one cheerful spot in all the islands was Akaroa, 
where the French settlers were living peacefully in a little 
paradise of gardens and vineyards. The colony's finance was 
in ruins : it owed nearly £50,000 to New South "Wales, and 
its ordinary expenditure was more than double of the revenue. 
Yet little of the blame for all this can be laid on Hobson's 
shoulders. His virtue was that from first to last he had 
done justice between man and man, white and Maori. 
" Mother Yictoria," wrote a chief to the Queen, " my sub- 
ject is a Governor for us Maoris and for the pakeha in this 
island. Let him be a good man, as the Governor who has 
just died." 

Lieutenant Shortland, Hobson's second in command, Malad- 
kept things going as well as he oould for a year, with as tioi^ 
much goodwill as his predecessor but less tact. All 
Hobson's troubles were his also, and when the Wairau 
afifray induced the home Government to send out a new 
Governor, Captain Fitzroy, no one was very sorry, and 
Shortland himself probably least of all so. But Fitzroy's Fitwoy 
rule, although he had the advantage of strong support from 1843-6 
Lord Stanley, the Colonial Secretary of Sir Robert Peel's 
Ministry, did more harm than ever. His term of office 
began, it is true, under most difficult and disheartening 
circumstances. He found discontent widespread, trade 
paralysed, and the treasury empty. The Government 
officials had received no pay for six months. The Wairau 
conflict had excited the natives, and there were ominous 
appearances of another outbreak. Such a crisis Fitzroy 
was unable to face firmly. He did not seem able to make 


up his mind definitely for any length of time, whether 
the subject was land purchase, finance, or treatment 
of the natives. Hobson had refused to allow anyone to 
buy land direct from the Maoris. The Government, he 
said, would buy what land was wanted, and white settlers 
must bargain with the Government. Fitzroy cancelled this 
decision, and allowed whites to buy land direct so long as 

Oct. 1844 they paid the Government ten shillings an acre of the price ; 
and presently this weak policy was weakened still more by 
lowering the Government's share from ten shillings to a 
penny. As for finance, the Governor tried to procure 
money alternately by customs duties and a property tax, 
and got so little from either that he was forced to raise a 
loan of £15,000 for ordinary expenses. His native policy 
was more disastrous still. Almost his first act of authority 
was to look into the troubles at Wairau. He rated the 
Nelson settlers soundly and deservedly for their impatient 
aggression ; then he crossed to Kapiti, heard Rauparaha's 
account of the matter, and rebuked him for the slaughter of 
prisoners in cold blood, but announced his decision that the 
white men were first in the wrong and he would not avenge 
their deaths. Such a verdict was strictly just, nor could 
Fitzroy have peaceably enforced any other : but it seriously 
affected European prestige among the natives. To demand no 
vengeance for the death of your kin — to claim no share in 
the land where their blood has been shed — these things in 
Maori eyes were the merest cowardice : from end to end of 
the island every tribesman soon heard the news, and every- 
where the native took on himself the airs of a superior. 
The Waikato chief reviewed his war forces within two miles 
of Auckland, and invited Fitzroy to be present. The 
Taranaki claimants became aggressive : " Waitara shall not 
be given up," wrote Wiremu Kingi, whose tribe had left the 

p. 117 district with Rauparaha years before, but had not therefore 
lost their right to hold it. 

NEW ZEALAND, 1839-1851. 136 

In the north more serious trouble was brewing. The 
Wairau affray had frightened away traffickers from New 
South Wales. The customs duties cut off trade with the Hone 
whalers. When the natives grumbled at their desertion an 
American Pakeha, with a jerk of his thumb over his 
shoulder, pointed to the Union Jack flying on a hill behind 
the Bay of Islands settlement. " That's what's wrong," 
said he ; and Hone Heke, a son-in-law of the famous Hongi, 
marched his men in upon the settlement and burnt the juiy s, 1844 
flagstaff at a great war dance. Fitzroy hurried troops to 
the place, and received apologies from the neighbouring 
chiefs. But at this moment there came to the colony very 
disturbing news. A Committee of the British House of 
Commons, led by Lord Howick (who was afterwards Earl 
Grey), had resolved that the Treaty of W^aitangi was an 
injudicious error, and that natives had no right to any land 
they did not actually occupy. The Committee's report 
was only carried by seven votes against six, and Parlia- 
ment refused to adopt it ; moreover, the whole business 
was rather a party demonstration against the Tory 
Ministry than a genuine decision on the merits of the case. 
But the Maori did not understand these distinctions ; he 
only knew that his treaty was being disparaged and his 
land rights threatened. Heke cut down the flagstaff j^^ jq ^g^g 
again, and a body of soldiers was sent up to re-erect and 
guard it. Fitzroy offered a reward of £100 for Heke's 
capture, and Heke in return made the same offer for 
Fitzroy's head. The settlement was rushed and the flag- jj^ ^ 
staff destroyed a third time ; the settlers defended them- 
selves bravely till their powder magazine blew up and then 
abandoned the town, which was fired and burnt to the 
ground. There was a panic among the whites as this news 
spread ; Auckland, Wellington, and Nelson were fortified. 
The Waikato tribe contemptuously offered to protect the 
Governor against Heke. Fitzroy's failure could scarcely 
have been more ignominious ; and Lord Stanley, when the 


Grey news reached home, recalled him in disgrace, and sent 
ent lor ^ o » 

Captain George Grey hastily over from South Australia to 
p. 103 save New Zealand from ruin, as he had already saved the 
other Wakefield colony from bankruptcy. 

Before Grey could arrive, war had begun. Heke, 
debarred from further attack on Europeans by the watch- 
fulness of a chief friendly to the British, was busy 
strengthening his pas. These fortifications, which have 
played a great part in all the Maori wars, were palisaded 
enclosures, generally placed on the top of a hill, with only 
one approach from below, and that a very difficult one, 
Inside the enclosures were shallow ditches for the defenders 
to lie in while firing between the palisades ; behind were 
more rows of stakes, each with its ditch, huts that covered 
shelter pits, and often underground passages from pit to 
ditch. Fitzroy sent up a force of four hundred British 
soldiers with as many friendly natives to capture Heke ; 
but the first attack on a comparatively weak pa showed 
how impossible it would be to storm such defences without 
Dhaea- having knocked a hole in them with artillery. Accordingly 
the British troops were reinforced, and five guns sent up 
one a thirty-two pounder, to attack Heke's men at Ohaeawae. 
The Maoris were cheerful and excited — there was to be real 
fighting again, something like old times. Food for the 
British had to be brought nineteen miles along bad bush 
tracks, but no attempt was made to intercept it — "How 
oould they fight us," said the chiefs, "if they were 
starving?" They made repeated rushes from the pa, 
capturing once a British flag, which they immediately 
hoisted in full view underneath their own. The British 
commander, in exasperation, ordered an assault before the 
palisading had been thoroughly battered down. The 
soldiers charged with great bravery and broke through the 
outer rows of stakes, only to find a third unbroken row of 
tree trunks fifteen feet high ; from that they retired 
sullenly, having lost half their number. When some days 

NEW ZEALAND, 1839-1851. 


later more ammunition arrived for the thirty-two-ponnder, 
it was found that the Maoris had decamped, and our 
troops claimed a victory, — but Heke's warriors scouted the 
claim ; to abandon a pa, they said, was nothing ; a fight 
is won by killing men, and they had killed many Pakehas, 
and lost very few men themselves. 

Before Fitzroy had ventured to move again Grey 
arrived and took over the management of ajffairs. Here at 
last was a man who knew his own mind, and was deter- 
mined at all costs to carry through any policy he might 
decide on. He began by announcing at every opportunity 
that the Treaty of Waitangi stood good, and should not be 
departed from. That settled, he gave every chief his 
choice : there were 
to be no neutrals in 
the matter. They 
must be active 
friends, or be counted 
as enemies. He had 
become Governor on 
the 18th November, 
at Auckland. On 
the 27 th he was at 
the Bay of Islands, 
and gave Heke four 
days to surrender. 
Heke refused. Grey 

Plan of RuAPEKArEKA. 

collected his troops — soldiers, 
marines, seamen, colonist volunteers, and friendly Maoris 
— and by the end of December was battering at the 
almost impregnable pa of Ruapekapeka. His heaviest 
guns, however, were not up till the 9 th of January, and on 
the 10th they had hammered three holes in one face of the 
stockade. Next day, Sunday, the Maori garrison went out 
at the back of their pa to hold service and cook their 
meals : the war game, they thought, like other games, must 
not be played on Sunday. Grey's friendly natives were 




on the alert, saw that the pa was almost empty of 
defenders, and beckoned the British to enter by the 
breaches. Heke's men made a gallant attempt to recap- 
ture their stronghold, but were driven fighting into the 
Peace ^ victory was all Grey wanted to restore the prestige 

of the British power. Heke's 
men came in readily now, 
on the promise of a free 
pardon. The Governor hurried 
to Wellington, where Raupa- 
raha and his son-in-law were 
stirring up the Port Nichol- 
son tribes to intrude again upon 
^ land which Fitzroy had bought 
from them. A short peace 
was arranged. Maori and 
European, said Grey, should 
live under equal laws, but there 
must be an end of violence 
and blood. In May the 
trouble broke out again. Grey 
determined to have no more of 
it, seized Rauparaha unex 
pectedly, and drove the other 
chief into the recesses of the 
forest, Wiremu Kingi again 
giving the British a great deal 
of help. The Maori spirit of 
"~^ resistance was at last broken 
and from north to south of 
the island men acknowledged the power and the justice 
of Grey. 

NEW ZEALAND, 1839-1851. 



D. The Administration op Governor Grey (1846-50). 

The war once finished, he set himself to understand and 
utilise the warriors he had conquered. He learnt the 
Maori language that he might speak directly with them, Grey and 
and studied their traditions and customs to become Maoris 
acquainted with their ways of thinking. The younger 
chiefs he enrolled in a new police force, while the elder 
were made magistrates to keep order among the tribes. He 
connected the scattered British settlements with good 
roads, made largely by Maori labour. When one important 
chief forbade road-making in his territory. Grey sent his 
wife a horse and carriage, with a friendly note to explain 
that driving was a healthy form of exercise for ladies — 
and the road was made forth- 
with. Schools for chiefs' sons 
were built and endowed. 
There was one more minor 
outbreak at Wanganui, dur- 
ing which the natives sent 
their white enemies a couple 
of canoes filled with vege- 
tables, and were astonished to 
find their fair play miscon- 
strued; but Grey settled it 
amicably, and crowned his 
peace-making by allowing 
Rauparaha to go home again. 

When, some years later, he at last resigned his Governor- 
ship and left New Zealand, every tribe lamented. Depu- 
tation after deputation of chiefs came to bid him farewell. 
" When you came," said one orator, " it was like the shock 
of an earthquake; your fame rose to the centre of the 
island, and extended to the waves on the ocean's shore." 
Then, bursting into half-lyrical eloquence, he addressed 
Grey as " the peacemaker, the honourable, the friendly 
one ..." and ended, " Go, then, pride of the tribes . . . 

Sir Georqb Gret. 


but, Father, when thou hast seen Waiariki,* return, return 
to us ! » 
^' tle*^^ With his own countrymen Grey had a far more dijQficult 
Company task. He had seen in South Australia the mischief 
wrought by speculative trafficking in unknown land. 
He was set on maintaining fully every detail of the 
Treaty of Waitangi. In both matters he was at 
variance with the leaders of the Company's settlements. 
He had found time in the midst of his preparations 
p. 134 against Hone Heke to annul Fitzroy's " penny-an-acre " 
proclamation, and he persistently cancelled wherever he 
could all land grants which violated one of Hobson's 
original rules — that not more than 2560 acres should be 
granted to any one person. Although this last attempt set 
even the missionaries against him, his services in controlling 
the Maoris might have won over all opponents within the 
colony itself ; but it was opposition in England from which 
he had most to fear. While Fitzroy was still Governor, 
June 1845 Charles Buller in Parliament attacked the Waitangi 
Treaty and all who upheld it, though after a fierce three 
nights' debate he was beaten by a majority of fifty. But 
in the same year Lord Stanley left office, and in June of 

1846 the Peel Ministry was upset, and Earl Grey (who 
had been Lord Howick) became Colonial Secretary 
under Lord John Russell. This was the Company's 
opportunity : the Colonial Office was manned with its 
friends, and the time was come to secure its mastery over 
the islands it had so long coveted. At the beginning of 

1847 Governor Grey received from his namesake in England 
an Act, a Charter, and a set of Instructions. Taken 
together, these documents revived the unjust decision of 
the 1844 Committee, abolished all native rights in land not 

p. 135 

actually occupied, and set up a Constitution by which the 
Maoris and a good many of the European colonists would 
be excluded altogether from any share in their own 

• Queen Victoria. 

NEW ZEALAND, 1839-1851. 141 

government. It was a critical moment in New Zealand 
history, but Grey was equal to it. Fortified by the protests 
of the Anglican Bishop Selwyn (a man no less noble than 
nimself) and the Chief Justice, he refused to obey the 
Colonial Secretary's orders, and sent home a despatch 
strongly urging that they be cancelled. Bishop Selwyn's 
protest was also forwarded, and a numerously-signed 
petition to the same effect. The Waikato chiefs took 
alarm, and wrote importunately to the Queen. Under 
such a chorus of reproaches Earl Grey staggered, and (to 
his honour be it said) yielded all along the line. The new 
Constitution was suspended for five years ; the chiefs were 
formally assured by a letter from the Earl that the treaty 
was not to be interfered with ; the Governor was knighted, 
and asked to draw up a Constitution of his own which 
should be just to Maoris, colonists, and the mother country 

Grey's triumph was the Company's death-blow. Its 
funds were exhausted, it could get no new settlers, and 
money had to be borrowed from Parliament. The Acts 
which granted the loan of £236,000 stipulated that the 
sum must be repaid by 1850, or the Company's whole 
property surrendered to the Crown. When the year came, 
the surrender took place ; but friends in Parliament, active 
to the last, obtained a final allowance of £268,000 more, 
which was to be paid out of New Zealand land revenues. 

But colonisation was by no means at a standstill. Grey 
planted round Auckland four settlements of veteran 
soldiers, who held small plots of land on condition that they 
should be always available for garrisoning or defending the 
capital. The Company, dying though it was, retained 
strength enough to promote and aid two larger and more 
important settlements in the South Island. A Scottish 
company took up the work of establishing in Otago a 
colony of Presbyterians, adherents of the Free Church, 
which had in 1843 severed itself from the Established 


Presbyterian Church of Scotland. In 1844 a tract of 
400,000 acres was bought from the few natives who 
roamed along the coastline between Otago Harbour and 
Molyneux Bay; in 1848 the first settlers landed, and 
within six years there was a population of over two 
thousand. The land system was purely Wakefield's ; each 
acre cost £2, of which ten shillings paid for the land, 
another ten shillings went towards road-making, five 
shillings was set apart for schools and churches, and the 
remaining fifteen shillings went to form a fund for shipping 
labourers from Scotland. A second South Island 
province took its rise from similar sources. The High 
Church party in England followed the example set by the 
Free Church party in Scotland. A Canterbury Association 
was formed ; the great central plains, containing two and 
a half million acres, were handed over to it, after Grey 
had, as far as he could find out, satisfied all native claims. 
A charter was granted in 1849, and immigrants began to 
arrive by the end of the following year. Here, at last, 
Wakefield saw his theories completely justified. The land 
was higher-priced than ever — out of £3 an acre, .£1 was 
allotted to the emigration fund, £1 to schools and churches, 
and 10s. to road-making, the rest being paid over to the 
Government as purchase money. But here there were 
none of the native troubles which had interfered with the 
success of Wellington ; nor were the South Australian diffi- 
culties repeated, for the country was fertile and well watered, 
and poor people who wanted land could find cheaper acres in 
the North Island. So Canterbury grew and prospered ; 
and as at the same time a settlement was forming itself 
among the peaceful tribes of Hawke's Bay, Grey saw 
before he left eight centres of colonisation thriving under 
his rule — at Auckland, Wellington, Wanganui, Taranaki, 
Napier, Nelson, Canterbury, and Otago. 


A. First News of Gold (1849-51). 

Australia under English rule had undergone many trans- ^*®p J^ 
formations since Phillip first passed between the Heads of freedom 
Port Jackson. Under the naval governors it had been a gaol. 
Macquarie had tried to make it a reformatory. After his 
retirement the tide of free immigration set in strongly, until 
the convict element was first diluted, then swept away 
altogether ; and the strong restraining hand of Gipps so 
disciplined young Australian politicians that it became at 
last possible and right to trust them with the administra- 
tion of their country's affairs. The Imperial Act of 1850 P- ^ 
expressed this trust in a practical shape ; and the last five 
months of 1851 saw the meeting in four colonies of the 
Councils which were to create our modern systems of full 

It was a very lucky thing that so much freedom in 
designing these Constitutions was given to the men on the 
spot. It might easily have happened that the British 
Government should take that task upon itself — and if the 
Act of 1850, instead of being an "enabling" Act, had 
contained an ideal system of government for Australia as 
it was in that year, that system would have been found 
quite unsuitable and unworkable when the time came to 
put it into force. A Constitution of 1850 would have been 
devised for a community of squatters and farmers ; before 
the end of 1851 squatter and farmer were beginning to 
wonder whether they were of any political importance at 





In 1839 Count Strzelecki found gold in iron ore near 
Hartley, in the Blue Mountains : but the possible yield 
was so small, and the danger of exciting a large convict 
population by the news was so great, that Gipps persuaded 
the discoverer to say nothing in public about it. Two years 
later the Rev. W. B. Clarke found grains of gold in a creek 
near Bathurst, and for a time there was much discussion of 
the possibilities thus opened up. From England in 1844 
came the prophecy of an eminent man of science, Sir R. 
Murchison, that the Australian main range would be found 
as rich in gold as the Ural Mountains of Russia, which it so 
much resembled. But nothing practical came of all this 

Early in 1849 a merchant ship from California put into 
Port Jackson with the news that great deposits of gold had 

been discovered in 
^^**^^"^ t-h® gullies of Sierra 

Nevada, behind San 
Francisco. The dis- 
coverer, curiously 
enough, was an 
engineer from New 
South Wales. His 
fellow - countrymen 
were quick to follow 
on his trail, and 
among them was 
Edward ^argraves, 
a colonist of more 
than twenty years' 
a small squatter, and in his first 

Edward Hargraves. 

He had been 

Edward standing. 

gr^es search after unoccupied pasture-land had ridden over the 
unpromising tangle of gullies that lies north-west of 
Bathurst, along the southern watershed of the Macquarie ; 
and his new Californian abode reminded him continually of 
those rides eighteen years before. " Slate, quartz, granite," 


he argued, " if these mean gold country in America, why 
not in New South Wales?" He learnt the art of gold- 
washing — the use of the " pan " or " dish " for prospecting, 
in which water is swilled round and round over a shovelful 
of dirt till all the earth has been washed away, and the 
heavier specks of gold are seen glinting at the bottom ; the 
use of the " cradle," in which the earth is washed by a 
continual stream of water down a long trough with bars of 
wood fixed across its bottom behind which the gold lodges. 
Armed with this knowledge and his own happy guess, he 
made back to Sydney, and rode at once across the 
mountains to Bathurst and thence to Guyong. There he 
picked up a young bushman named Lister, and on February 
12th, 1851, the two started off down Lewis Ponds Creek 
into the country of slate, quartz, and granite. The creek 
was mostly dry ; but where the Summerhill Creek came in 
from Frederick's Valley a reef of hard rock, stretching ophip 
across the creek bed, held back a pool of water. Hargraves 
dug out and washed a panful of earth — in the bottom 
of the pan was a tiny nugget. Five more panfuls 
he washed, and in all but one the " colour " showed freely. 
With each dish his excitement grew ; at last he turned 
upon young Lister, who was watching him with some 
amazement, and " My boy," he cried, " I shall be a baronet, 
you will be knighted, and my old horse will be stuffed, put 
into a glass case, and sent to the British Museum ! " 
Another young bushman, James Tom, was now added to 
the party, and the Macquarie Valley was traversed as far 
as Burrandong ; then Tom and Lister explored the Turon, 
while Hargraves went north-west to Mitchell's Creek, 
everywhere finding the " colour " over a district about 
seventy miles long by forty wide. There was no room for 
mistake. The discoverer returned in haste to Sydney, and 
after parleying for some weeks with the Government, 
disclosed his secret. Th'> Government Geologist confirmed 
the news, and by the mi' die of May four hundred diggers 


were camped on the golden creek junction, which Hargraves 
had already named " Ophir." 

The news spread rapidly. Sofala, on the Turon, 
became even more popular than Ophir. The mountain 
road from Sydney to Bathurst was thronged with would-be 
diggers. From end to end of the Dividing Range men 
searched the creeks for gold. At Tuena, on the Aber- 
crombie, at Araluen, on a branch of the Moruya, new fields 
were opened up ; stray prospectors proclaimed their success 
in a dozen river valleys from Armidale south to Albury. 
The townsfolk began to abandon their work wholesale. 
Men of all trades and professions were scattered along 
miles of creekbed ; even from independent Victoria set in 
a stream of gold-seekers, bound for the riches of the older 
colony they had so lately despised, Melbourne took 
alarm, and its citizens offered a reward of £200 to the man 
who should discover gold on their side of the border. 
Victorian "^^^ response was almost immediate. One party made a 
fields ^^^ ^^^y sixteen miles from Melbourne, in the bed of 
Anderson's Creek. Another laid open a quartz reef near 
Clunes, on one of the sources of the Loddon. In a short 
time a third field was proclaimed at Buninyong. But all 
these were overshadowed by the opening up of a long gully 
not far north of this latter place, where the Ballarat 
Diggings soon became the scene of great excitement. In a 
month 2500 people were on the ground, and new arrivals 
came in at the rate of a hundred a day; on "Golden 
Point " men made thirty or forty pounds a day each for 
weeks at a time. Yet before long Ballarat itself was 
almost deserted in favour of Mount Alexander, where on 
Forest Creek (near Castlemaine) the gold was to be had 
for less trouble in shallower workings ; and before the end 
of this exciting year prospectors had crossed the barren 
granite of the Mount itself, and settled down north of it 
upon the almost limitless wealth of Bendigo. 




B. The Troubles of Victoria (1851-5). 

By this time Victoria was in the utmost turmoiL 

"Within three weeks," wrote Governor Latrobe in 

October, "Melbourne and Geelong have been almost 

Latrobe emptied of many classes of inhabitants. ... In some 


1851-4 of the suburbs not a man is left, and the women for self- 
protection forget neighbours' jars, and group together to 

The keep house." Farms, shops, ships, were alike deserted, not 
Bush only by the men on them, but by their owners and masters. 
It was shearing time, but there were no shearers; it seemed 
likely that at harvest time there would be no reapers. By 
December the situation had grown still more serious. " It 
really becomes a question," wrote Latrobe, " how the more 
sober operations of society, and even the functions of 
Government, may be carried on." There were twelve 
thousand people on Forest Creek in an area less than four 
miles square. The police in town and country had almost 
entirely abandoned duty. It was only by summoning 
military help from Tasmania that the Governor could 
provide an escort for the convoy which brought gold 
to Melbourne; and while a force of thirty men was all 
that Tasmania could spare for that purpose, more than 
tliree thousand islanders of the roughest class had already 
come over to add to the chances of riot and disorder. The 
supply of food, too, was becoming a serious question ; most 
foodstuffs had doubled in price, bread had risen from 5d. to 
20d. the loaf in Melbourne — and a good deal more on the 

Every month the problem grew more difl&cult of solution. 
The summer heats, drying up the watercourses and so 
making cradling and washing almost impossible, had 
somewhat checked the inflow of diggers from the other 
colonies ; but with the first rains of autumn they came 
faster, and with them came shipload after shipload of gold- 
mad men from England and America. Gradually the 
more immediate necessity of providing iood for these 


thousands was got over. People began to recognise that 
it was nearly as profitable to trade with lucky diggers as 
to dig for gold oneself — and the trader's profits were much 
more certain. Of crime there was comparatively little 
among the great hordes at Bendigo and Ballarat, for 
robbery was the only crime that tempted anyone just then, 
and against robbery the whole mass of gold-seekers took 
very strong measures. 

Outside the actual goldfields, however, there was still 
much lawlessness. The Mount Alexander road was in- 
fested by bushrangers, especially where in crossing the 
Dividing Range it traversed the gloomy Black Forest. 
Melbourne also was full of disorder, for in it the stream of 
fortunate gold-winners, always free with their money, met 
that other stream of outlaws, whose one aim was to 
get money somewhere and somehow. And while 
criminals thus naturally drew towards the capitali 
its police as naturally were tempted away from it ; 
for it was more than flesh and blood could stand, 
even at ten shillings a day, to be constantly arresting 
drunken men with two or three hundred pounds loose 
in their pockets. Latrobe, who worked incessantly 
and made a point of personally looking into every difficulty, 
did his best. A body of two hundred police, recruited in 
Tasmania from among a number of veteran soldiers 
who had been settled on the land there, supplied the 
place of those Victorian constables who had left their 
work at the close of 1851, while in October, 1852, an 
extra regiment was sent from England to help in keeping 

Meanwhile there was arising a graver trouble than 
any that regardod the supply of food or police. Of 
starvation, after the first few months, there was little fear. 
From robbery and murder any mass of men could soon be 
trusted to protect themselves. But in all half-civilised 
communities it is popular to denounce and resist the 


interference of outside authorities. The diggers of the 
early fifties were to a large extent not Victorians, or 
Australians, or Britons : even of those that came from the 
other colonies many were escaped or recently pardoned 
convicts. The noisier and more active section on every 
field was made up of men from all the world over ; some, 
coming from countries autocratically governed, did not 
know how to use the freedom that was theirs in a British 
colony ; some had been expelled from country after country, 
and had come to this end of the world in the hope of 
finding a place where law and order would not 
interfere with them. Moreover, the diggers as a whole 
were not yet inclined to settle down permanently in the 
colony.* They wandered from field to field, intent on 
"making their pile" and then spending it in Europe, if 
they had the luck to get so far. As for the country in which 
they happened to be, its welfare was a matter which 
concerned them little ; it was not their home, but simply a 
place to be exploited and left as soon as possible. The 
Victorian Government, they thought, should see that they 
were well looked after — but it was tyrannical to demand 
anything from them in return. 

License Unfortunately, it cost money to look after them, and the 
Victorian Government had none too much. From the first 
Fitzroy in New South Wales had charged a license fee of 
thirty shillings a month to each digger, and Latrobe followed 
his example. But the circumstances of the two colonies 
were very different. The New South Wales goldfields 
were scattered, and had comparatively small populations ; 
when the Turon diggers threatened a riot, half a company 

Fob., 185S of soldiers was enough to prevent disturbance. The big 
Victorian goldfields, on the other hand, were not far apart, 
were within easy distance of Melbourne and its collection 
of criminals, and were thickly populated. A rising at 

• Immig^rants from Enpland often brouirht their families with them— other 
immigrants rarely. Half the arrivals from England were women and children ; 
barely a fifth from other places. 



Sofala might at most have threatened the safety of 
Bathurst. A rising at Ballarat would spread instantly to 
Castlemaine and Ben- 
digo, and its leaders 
could control a force of 
over fifty thousand men 
within easy marching 
distance of Melbourne. 
Besides this, Fitzroy had 
ready to hand the whole 
machinery of govern- 
ment, adapted to a popu- 
lation of two hundred 
thousand, which could be stretched without much difficulty 
to include an inrush of ten or twelve thousand more. Lat- 
robe's machinery, which he was only at the time of the rush 
taking over from New South Wales, was devised for a scat- 
tered population of seventy thousand ; when, after a few 
months, he had to cope with double as many (in a year or 
two with four times as many), it is hardly to be wondered at 
that there was great danger of the machine's breaking down. 
From the very first the license fee yielded far less than 
it should. It is not an easy task to collect forty thousand 
fees month by month among a crowded and shifting 
population. Latrobe found the 30s. fee was bringing in 
too little to pay the actual expenses of managing the 
goldfields, and proposed to double it. There was a 
unanimous outcry, and the Mount Alexander men held 
frequent meetings, at which not only the increased fee, but 
any fee at all, was denounced as unjust and tyrannical. 
Latrobe thought it best to back down, and secured peace 
for a time by doing so ; but the diggers did not forget that 
a few riotous demonstrations had utterly dismayed the 
colonial authorities, and were encouraged to try the same 
method again. At first the new Victorian Council was 
inclined to sympathise with the digger? because the 



Governor claimed full control of the gold revenue in the 
Crown's name. It seemed possible that there would be the 
same trouble in this matter as there had been about the 
land revenue in Gipps' time. But when Sir J. Pakington, 
the English Secretary for the Colonies, put at the Council's 
disposal the whole of the gold revenue, as well as all that 
was left of the land revenue, the diggers' refusal to pay was 
looked upon in a very different light. Pakington suggested, 
and Latrobe advised, that the fee for digging should be 
abolished and replaced by a royalty, to be levied in 
Melbourne on gold exported from the colony. This would 
be easier to collect, and would be paid only by those who 
had obtained gold — whereas the license fee was levied in 
advance on successful and unsuccessful alike. The Council 
shelved this proposal without much thought, but the 
rumour of it had stirred up the diggers again. 

The licensing system grew more and more unpopular. 
Growing Two days in every week were given up by the police to 
tent^" going round the mining camps in search of men without 
licenses. Anyone who could not produce his piece of paper 
was arrested and hauled off to the chief officer's tent, 
outside which he was ignominiously chained to a log. Now 
the man who had no license usually bolted directly he saw 
the police coming, and often got clean away, for no digger 
would help his pursuers. The man who really had taken 
one out would stand his ground, and perhaps find at the 
last moment that he had lost his paper ; he, therefore, who 
had obeyed the law, would find himself in chains, and 
would chafe most bitterly against the system that put him 
there. There was a riot at the Ovens Diggings, near 
Beechworth, but this was quelled without much difficulty. 
At Castlemaine the police, by an unfortunate error of 
judgment, gave the discontented part of the population a 
chance of organising opposition to them. Presently there 
was a rumour that in New South "Wales the fee was to be 
abolished altogether. The malcontents took hold of this 




•asxaoi'i aioo xviyojji.v 




belief and spread their organisation through all the 
neighbouring camps ; Bendigo became their headquarters, 
and the new diggings at Heathcote supplied a formidable 
contingent to their ranks. 
Bendigo In August, 1853, they sent Latrobe a petition which 
action formulated their demands clearly. The chief were that the 
fee be reduced to 10s. a month, and that, " as the diggers 
have uniformly developed a love of law and order," armed 
police be no longer sent to collect it. Latrobe pointed out 
that it was a matter for the Council to deal with. The 
Bendigo men replied that they were not represented on the 
Council, and that, whatsoever the law might say, they 
were not going to pay more than ten shillings in future. 
They resolved further that anyone who did pay more than 
ten shillings should be turned out of the diggings ; as for 
themselves, they would adopt a policy of "passive resis- 
tance " — if the Governor refused to take ten shillings, they 
■would pay nothing, and let him arrest them all, and see 
how he liked it. Again, Latrobe suggested the abolition of 
licensing and the levying of a royalty ; again the proposal 
was shelved in the Council ; again the authorities had to 
back down before the diggers, and agree to a fee of two 
pounds only to cover three months. This time the demon- 
stration of what could be done by rioting was even more 
striking, for at Ballarat and Beech worth the movement had 
not been encouraged, and at Castlemaine it had collapsed ; 
the concession was made to malcontents at Bendigo and 
Heathcote only, and was made when there was already on 
its way to the colony a body of troops sufficient to have 
restored order completely. By the end of 1853 Latrobe 
found himself once more able to command obedience ; but 
his powers of ruling the colony had been finally and fatally 
discredited. "With the best of intentions, with all the 
prestige of hard work and long service, he had failed to 
maintain the authority of the law. His position had been 
extremely difficult; his own perception of what was best 


to do had been made of no effect by the obstinacy of his 
constitutional advisers, — but in that half-and-half system of 
government, neither parliamentary nor autocratic, the 
Governor's responsibility was greater by far than his power. 
Latrobe thankfully obtained permission to retire, and was 
succeeded by Sir Charles Hotham. 

The new Governor was warmly received on all the 
goldfields, and at once noted the real solution of the 
difficulty. As long as the digger had no interest in the 
country he lived in, he would be a grumbler and a law- 
breaker ; let him settle down, marry, and make the place 
his home, and he would soon become a law-abiding citizen 
who could be trusted with a vote. "Where the soldier 
will fail," Hotham wrote, "the interest of the wife and 
child will prevail." For some time his hopes seemed likely 
to be fulfilled. Bendigo, after a sternly suppressed attempt 
to use force in expelling Chinese from the diggings, grew 
quiet and law-abiding. Ballarat had long been so — the 
most domestic of the mining camps, it was specially noted 
for its orderliness, its schools, and its quietness on Sundays. 
Hotham set himself to retrench the extravagant expendi- 
ture of Government, and to make preparations for giving 
the diggers what they seemed to deserve — direct representa- 
tion in the Council. 

Of a sudden the turmoil broke out again. On the night 
of October 6th, 1854, James Scobie was found murdered at 
Ballarat, near the Eureka Hotel. The miners accused the 
landlord, who was an ex-convict from Tasmania ; but the 
magistrates found him not guilty. Immediately there was 
a riot; the chairman of the bench, it was said, was a 
corrupt man, a special friend of the landlord's, and had 
been bribed by him as by many others before. The hotel 
was sacked and burnt to the ground, and threats were made 
of attacking the Government camp, in which the supposed 
murderer had taken refuge. Hotham had no intention of 
letting the diggers bully him as they had Latrobe. He 


marched up an armed force of soldiers and police, and 
arrested four of the ringleaders in the riot. At the same 
time he had the landlord rearrested, and, after enquiry, 
dismissed the corrupt magistrate. 

But the lessons of previous years were not so easily to be 
unlearnt. At last Ball a rat had committed itself to 
action against the authorities, and professional agitators 
were soon on the spot. The old grievances were brought 
out again, and new ones were easily found. The ringleaders 
of the hotel-burning riot were convicted, and in sentencing 
them the judge made injudicious references to the great 
Bristol riots of the Reform Bill time, and to the disturbances 
which broke out in Ireland during 1848. Many of the' 
Ballarat diggers had taken part in those troubles, and 
bitterly resented the judge's attack. A Reform League 
was constituted, with a programme of demands that 
included the release of the hotel-burners, the abolition of 
license fees, and nearly all the points of the famous Charter.* 
As usual, the cry of " no taxation without representation " 
figured largely among the League's watchwords. A 
deputation was sent to Melbourne, but persisted in 
"demanding" the release of the rioters, and Hotham 
declined to yield to such arrogance. The League, in answer, 
showed its desires in action. At a meeting held on Bakery 
Hill, a number of licences were publicly burnt, and peace- 
able diggers were warned to become Leaguers by a notice 
that " this meeting will not feel bound to protect " anyone 
who did not join within a fortnight. The Gold Commissioner 
next day sent out police to search for unlicensed miners, 
and when these were pelted with stones, brought a force of 
soldiers to their help. Shots were fired, and men wounded 
on both sides. 

By this time the whole camp was in an uproar. Ko one 
worked any longer. The diggers began to prepare for more 

• These were (1) universal suffrage, (2) equal electoral districts, (3) vote by 
ballot, (4) annual parliaments, (5) no property qualification for niembera, 
(6) payment of members. 


fcerious resistance. The officials sent hastily for more 

troops. Eight prisoners had been taken on the 30th, and 

everyone expected an attack on the Government camp for 

their release. But the leaders of the Lea^^ue had larger The 

ideas ; they had already begun to hope for a complete stockade 

political revolution, for a rising that should embrace every 

goldfield in Victoria, and for absolute separation from and 

independence of the mother country. The Reform League, 

in fact, had become an instrument of foreigners and political 

rebels. To release a few prisoners was beneath them ; they 

set to work to form a permanent fortified camp on the 

Eureka lead, where tliey could command the main 

Melbourne road about a mile from Ballarat. Inside 

the hastily-erected stockade they proclaimed the " Republic 

of Victoria," and over it hoisted a new flag — blue, with the 

stars of the Southern Cross upon it. For two days they 

were left alone ; the commander of the troops in Ballarat 

itself was busy preparing his own camp for defence. But 

when he found out what was really happening, he made up 

his mind to stop it once for all. Early in the morning of 

the 3rd December he marched a force of three hundred 

men against the stockade, within which lay a body of rebels 

nearly five times as large. A volley was fired from the 

stockade ; the troops replied vigorously, then charged, 

carried the defences, and dispersed their opponents in all 

directions. When Ballarat woke up that Sunday the reign 

of the League was over, the Republic and its flag were 

gone, and quiet people found themselves free to go about 

their business. 

This was the end of rioting. Sharp measures had been Reforms 

necessary, but at last it was clearly understood throughout 

Victoria that the new Governor could not be bullied into 

remedying grievances. That being clear, Hotham did his 

best to set matters straight. Some time before he had 

appointed a Commission to investigate the whole system of 

management on the goldfields, and during 1855 he 


reconstructed that system on the Hnes of the Commission's 
report. The license Avas changed from a monthly 
permit to a yearly, to be called a " Miner's Right," and to 
cost twenty shillings only ; the revenue thus lost was to be 
made up by an export duty of half a crown an ounce on 
gold. By a clause in the new Constitution Act the 
possession of a miner's right carried a vote with it. Thus 
the real grievances of the mining population were done 
away with, and though in Melbourne there was a sort of 
echo of the Republican movement, and the captured ring- 
leaders of the stockade were persistently acquitted by jury 
after jury in defiance of the evidence, there was from that 
time no further agitation outside the law. 

C. Settling into Shape (1853-9). 

In the other colonies the great rush to Victorian 
goldfields at first caused some dismay. New South Wales 
lost a quarter of its population, Tasmania a third ; from 
South Australia went more than a hundred every day. 
Material ^^on, however, matters began to right themselves. Diggers 
Progress \^^^ ^o be fed, and were willing to pay high prices for the 
food. So across the Murray came the sheep and cattle of 
New South Wales, the wheat of South Australia, to supply 
Bendigo and Ballarat ; and back across the Murray to 
Adelaide or to Sydney went a good deal of Victorian gold 
in payment. South Australia even cut a road through 
the mallee scrub towards Mount Alexander, and estab- 
lished a police escort to take the winnings of South 
Australian miners safely to Adelaide. In Tasmania the 
times of alarm lasted longer ; but there, too, in the end 
the colony profited — for a good many ex-convicts were got 
rid of at Victoria's expense, and their place was filled by 
steady workers brought out from England. 

In other ways, too, Australia was progressing. Wentworth 
added to the long list of his achievements on behalf of his 
well-loved country by carrying an Act to incorporate the 


University of Sydney, which was opened in October, 1852. 
The Australian Museum was founded in the following year, 
and the Sydney Grammar School a year later. Victoria 
was not slow to follow suit, opening the University of 
Melbourne in 1854, and the Public Library in 1856. Those, 
too, were the days of the first railways ; by 1858 the New 
South Wales Government controlled lines from Sydney to 
Parramatta and to Campbelltown, and from Newcastle to 
Maitland, which had been laid down by private companies, 
while similar companies owned railways from Melbourne 
towards Geelong and Castlemaine, as well as the lines 
connecting the main city with its suburbs on Port Phillip. 

But the great permanent work of these years was the ^ The 

. Oonstitu- 

settlement of the colonial constitutions. As has been said, tion» 

the Act of 1850 allowed each colony to recommend the 
form of government it preferred, and when the various 
recommendations reached London in 1854 they were found 
to be much alike. A few alterations were made in the 
bills sent from Sydney and Melbourne, and in ] 855-6 the 
four eastern colonies received the constitutions under which 
(with few alterations) they have since lived. Each was given 
two Houses of Parliament — a Council and an Assembly. 
The Assembly in all consisted of members elected by the 
mass of the people ; three colonies required that the voter 
should have a small property qualification, but South Aus- 
tralia gave a vote to all men of full age who had lived six 
months in the colony. The various Councils, however, 
differed from each other a good deal. In New South "Wales 
members were to be nominated by the Governor and his 
Ministry for a term of five years ; by that time the colonists 
might be supposed to know definitely what they wanted. 
The other three colonies preferred elective Councils and 
required a fairly large property qualification in voters, 
Victoria and Tasmania giving votes also to members of 
professions. In order to make these elected Councils 
stable bodies, which should not be liable to change 



their way of thinking all of a sudden — as Assemblies 
sometimes do — it was provided that members should 
retire in batches, so that at each election only a 
small number of Councillors could be changed. The 
Assemblies, on the other hand, could not last more than 
five years (three in South Australia) ; and all members 
retired at the same time, so that it was possible to have a 
completely new Assembly after a single election. It was 
thus hoped that, while the Assembly represented what the 
colony thought in a particular year, the Council would 
represent a sort of average of what the colony had been 
thinking for the last ten years or so, — and that, between the 
two, Acts of Parliament might be reasonably up to date 
without being rash. 

In 1855 there were still only four colonies east of 
longitude 129°. But the Imperial Act of 1850 had provided 
that any part of New South Wales north of latitude 30° 
might be cut oS to form a new colony, and the Constitution 
Act of 1855 left the boundary undefined. The Moreton 
Bay settlement, moreover, was rapidly growing. Thrown 
open to free settlers in 1842, it was at first somewhat 
l)r. Lang neglected for the better known and more accessible lands 

around Port Phillip, but 
by 1851 mustered a 
population of nearly 
nine thousand, of whom 
nearly five thousand 
were free immigrants. 
This result was largely 
the work of Dr. John 
Dunmore Lang, a Pres- 
byterian clergyman of 
Sydney, who from his 
arrival in 1824 to his 
death in 1878 was ac- 
tive in every scheme 
that he believed favourable to the progress of his adopted 

Dr. John Dunmorb Lano. 


country. His career was fuller of party strife than that of 
most politicians, and it is not yet possible to judge it 
impartially without being accused of partizanship : but 
there are no two opinions about his strenuous zeal in the 
interests of Moreton Bay. He spent three years in Eng- 
land arranging for the emigration of suitable settlers, who 
established themselves on arrival in the farm lands behind 
Brisbane, and have since become the backbone of southern 
Queensland. It was from one of the ships that brought 
them out — the Fortitude — that Fortitude Valley, in the 
suburbs of Brisbane, has taken its name. 

In the new Sydney Assembly the question of separation 
was very soon raised, for there was a rumour that when More- 
ton Bay became an independent colony, convicts would again The 
be sent out to it — and indeed some of the bigger landowners tion of 
in the north, who needed labourers badly, had petitioned land 
for separation on those terms. The British Government 
soon reassured the protesting Assembly on this point, and 
the question of boundaries was then warmly discussed, ggemap 
Latitude BO" was not at all a suitable boundary, but the p- ^^^ 
mention of it seemed to mean that the valleys of the 
Clarence and Richmond Rivers were to form part of the 
new colony. After much petitioning and passing of 
resolutions, the matter was finally decided by a series of 
despatches in which Governor Denison pointed out how the 
physical features of the district in dispute made a natural 
dividing line further north. Through the rough country, 
he said, about the head of the Dumaresq and Clarence, it 
was difficult for men to penetrate either south from the 
Darling Downs or north from New England ; consequently, 
while the trade of the Downs went naturally to Moreton 
Bay, that of New England went as naturally to Newcastle 
or Sydney. When these arguments were confirmed by 
petitions which proved that the Clarence River people, as a 
whole, preferred to stay in the mother colony, the British 
Government hesitated no longer ; in 1859 the boundary 


was fixed where it now is, and the districts to the north 
started on an independent career as the colony of Queens- 
land, with Sir George Bowen for first Governor, and a 
c.p. 198 Constitution practically the same as that of New South 

A. Coastal Districts (1838-41). 

Mitchell's series of explorations during the governor- fr, p.63 
ship of Bourke had, as we have seen, connected the 
discoveries of his predecessors in such a way as to 
give the colonists a complete picture of their territory 
south-east of the Barwon-Darling-Murray line — complete, 
that is, except for the still unexplored knot of 
mountains in the extreme south-east corner. A line 
drawn from Spencer Gulf to Hervey Bay would to-day 
include nearly four-fifths of the population of Australia, 
and by 1838 all the necessary exploring work within that 
line had been done, and details could be filled up by the 
squatters, who pushed ever further and further from the 
coast in search of pasture for their flocks. There were still 
three things left for the explorer to do. The little south- 
eastern corner had to be opened up. Some connection had 
to be made between the main colonies and the isolated 
West Australian settlement. And the whole of the interior 
was still an unknown mystery — it might be a sea, it might 
be a sandy desert ; all that men knew was that it sent no 
great rivers to the coast. 

The minor problem was soon solved when once Port 
Phillip had become an acknowledged and permanent strse- 
settlement. McMillan, the manager of a station on the ^Gipps^ 
Upper Snowy River, pushed across to Omeo in 1839, and 
on down the Tambo next year to Lake King. Hard on his 
heels followed another more carefully-conducted party, 
organised by one of the Macarthurs, and led by Count 
Strzelecki, a Pole and a man of science. This expedition 
started from the Upper Murray and clambered up the 



main range at its highest point, where on a bleak tableland 
rise a number of hummocks, no one much higher than the 
others. Picking out the one which seemed to him the 
highest, Strzelecki called it Kosciusko, after the great 
Polish patriot whom he revered ; and the honour he intended 
has been confirmed by Australians who, when a higher 
point was found, transferred to it the name of Strzelecki's 
choice. From this point the expedition followed McMillan 
to Omeo and Lake King, but pressed on from the 
Macalister, where he had turned back, along the Latrobe 
towards Westernport. The bush was dense and tangled, 
and Strzelecki, afraid of losing his way altogether if he 
diverged from a direct course, insisted on pushing 
straight through every obstacle. Provisions had come to 
an end ; the horses and baggage had to be left behind ; at 
the rate of two miles a day or thereabouts, scrambling, 
staggering, hewing their way inch by inch, with native 
bear's flesh for their only food, the party won through at 
last to Westernport. Their report of the country east of 
those dense forests roused others to find new roads to it. 
McMillan had already come back from his Monaro station 
with cattle, and was establishing stations between Omeo 
and Corner Inlet. A Melbourne party made its way round 
by sea and discovered the western lakes of Gippsland, 
which McMillan and Strzelecki had missed by keeping well 
inland. When a road was at last found north of Kooweerup 
Swamp, so that land traffic could pass direct from Melbourne 
itself, the speedy and profitable settlement of Gippsland (as 
Strzelecki had named it) was assured. 

Even before these discoveries the second problem had 
Eyre in been attacked. Among the first of the "overlanders," who 
A-ustralia brought stock overland from New South Wales to the newly- 
settled districts round Adelaide, was a young Yorkshireman, 
Edward John Eyre. Mere cattle-droving was not adven- 
turous enough for him ; after one or two journeys by the 
1838 usual Murray route he plunged boldly into the unknown 



E. J. Eyrb. 

Wimmera country as far as Lake Hindmarsh, but beyond 
that was baffled by impenetrable mallee scrub. Then for a 
year he devoted himself to business, but the old recklessness 
was upon him, and 
he threw himself 
heartily into South 
Australian schemes 
for enlarging the 
boundaries of settle- 
ment there. He ex- 
plored the coast to 
the west of Spencer 
Gulf as far as Streaky 
Bay, and found it 
barren and water- 
less ; then, himself 
paying one-third of 
the expenses, he led 

an expedition northwards from Adelaide to reach the centre 
of the continent. Keeping along the western spui-s 
of the Flinders Range, he reached Lake Torrens, 
which was salt and swampy; he edged his way round this 
among the stony foothills, and came to a country where 
even the rain-water grew salt after lying a few hours on the 
ground, while another salt swamp, to which his name was 
given, seemed to bar his passage further north. Determined 
to do something of importance before his return to Adelaide 
he made southwest wards for Streaky Bay, and, after some 
delays, pushed on to Fowler's Bay, where he formed a 
summer camp and a depdt of provisions. 

The country ahead of him was even more waterless than 
any he had hitherto crossed. For the most part it was 
bare rock, breaking down to the sea in cliffs four hundred 
feet high. Here and there — fifty miles, a hundred miles, a 
hundred and forty miles apart — there were patches of sand 
Seneath which, by digging, it was possible to find a little 





water. Now and then, but very rarely, a little grass or a 
small patch of miserable scrub was kept alive by the dew. 
The only reasonable hope of a successful journey across this 
wilderness lay in constant communication with a ship that 
should meet him to replenish his stores, and this had 
been arranged for as far as Fowler's Bay, but further 
than that Gawler, who was then Governor at Adelaide, 
would not let his vessel go. He had no money for 
work beyond the South Australian border, nor, if he 
had, was he inclined to spend it on an enterprise so mad as 
Eyre now proposed. 

Eyre Eyre was obstinate. If the ship would not come with 
the Bight him, he would go without it; if the country could not 

support a party, he would go by himself. He sent back all 

his men but an old overseer of his, Baxter, who begged 

Feb. 26, hard to be allowed to stay ; then those two, with three 

blackfellows and a few horses and sheep, faced the terrible 

desert. They endured everything that had been foreseen, 

and more. The live stock travelled so slowly, from thirst, 

that all the sheep and most of the provisions were eaten 

before half the journey was over. Again and again a camp 

had to be formed, while one or two of the party pushed on 

to find and bring back water. More than once their lives 

depended on dew collected by Eyre in a sponge and squeezed 

into a quart pot. The sun flamed all day ; the nights were 

bitter cold. At the end of two months the blackfellows 

began to steal what was left of the provisions ; when 

charged with it, two of them deserted, and though they 

came back in a few days, it was only to do a worse mischief 

still. One night, as Eyre was driving the horses from a 

scanty pasturage back to camp, he heard a shot, and 

presently saw Wylie (one of the deserters) running towards 

him and calling him to come. In the camp Baxter lay 

dying, shot through the heart ; the baggage was strewn in 

confusion over the ground ; the two other natives, who had 

evidently murdered Baxter to obtain the rest of the foodi 


were not to be seen. Wylie himself was hardly to be 
trusted after his recent escapade ; still, there was nothing 
for it but to push on, although every time they stopped to 
rest it became harder to summon up energy enough to move 
again. Week after week Eyre and Wylie toiled on, till 
their provisions were quite exhausted, although water was 
becoming more plentiful ; then, in the nick of time, they 
found a French whaler at anchor in a little bay. The rest 
and help thus obtained enabled Eyre to complete his journey 
with comparative ease, and on the 7th of July he reached 
Albany. For fifteen hundred miles he had forced his way 
through the worst even of Australian deserts, and gained 
as his sole reward the conviction that, as he was the first, 
so he would be the last to travel by that road. 

B. The Inland Wastes (1844-58). 

Certainly his experiences warned other explorers to avoid 
the arid west, and for the next twenty years men's energies 
were concentrated on two routes by which tiiey hoped to 
open up the eastern half of the continent. One series of 
discoverers pushed north from the Murray, the other west 
from the Queensland coast ; all had as their goal the broad 
peninsula that spreads between the Gulf of Carpentaria 
and the waters of the Timor Sea. Sturt heads the first 
series ; after him, at a long interval, come McDouall Stuart 
and Burke and Wills. The second series, besides the 
veteran Sir Thomas Mitchell, includes the names of 
Leichhardt, Kennedy, and Gregory. When these men had 
finished their labours, Australia east of 130° was mapped 
out in all its main features. 

Sturt, whose Murray voyage had been the beginning of sturt 
South Australia, settled down in the new colony first as 
Surveyor-General, subsequently as Colonial Treasurer and 
finally as Colonial Secretary. But Eyre's march fired his 
ambition, and in the spring of 1844 he was once more at the 
bead of a well-equipped expedition bound for the centre of 





the continent. To avoid the so-oalled lakes that had blocked 
Eyre in 1840, he followed the line of the Murray and 
Darling to near Lake Cawndilla, and then set his face 
towards the Barrier Range, where he hoped to find a river 
running from the north-west. 
Baffled in this, he followed the 
range to its end, proceeding 
with great care from waterhole 
to waterhole, so that his live 
stock should never be in danger 
of death from thirst. By the 
end of the year he had reached 
a spot near Mount Poole, in 
the Grey Range, and there 
found himself suddenly shut 
in on all sides by the summer 
droughts. Few Australian 
summers have been more 
of 1844-5, and the autumn 
brought no relief ; ink dried on the pen, lead dropped out 
of the shrivelled pencils, the woodwork of the drays almost 
fell to pieces ; the explorers tried vainly to find a way out 
of their refuge, where the water began to run low. At 
last, worn with despair and stricken by scurvy, they sat idly 
day after day in a sort of cave which they had dug in the 
hillside to protect them from the scorching sun. In the 
middle of July, after six months' torture, rain came in 
torrents. A month later Sturt set out again over plains 
where the grass had already sprung plentifully, crossed 
Cooper's Creek where it ran in a tangle of indefinite 
channels, and a little beyond it found himself once more in 
a region of sandhills. Beyond the sandhills came a bare 
expanse of sandstone covered with quartz pebbles — the 
Stony Desert — and beyond that more sandhills ; then, 
spurring him on with momentary hope, the well-grassed 
channels of Eyre's Creek ; then sandhills again, and salt- 

CiiARiiKS Sturt. 
fiercely hot than 



encrusted plains to which he saw no end. East and north- 
east, had he but known it, lay the Diamantina and the 
Herbert, permanent watercourses that would have led him 
into valuable country. But he was bound for the centre 
of the continent, and that way the desert was impenetrable ; 
he fell back to the depot at Fort Grey, and made a fresh 
start. This time he pushed more directly north, and found 
Cooper's Creek running strongly in a single channel through 
fertile country, but beyond it, between him and the 
Diamantina plains, the Stony Desert thrust itself for- 
biddingly, with its same further edge of sandhill and salt 
plain. Sturt was utterly tired out. Moreover summer 
was coming on again, hot as ever, and he was many miles 
from Fort Grey. He turned back for the last time. 
Cooper's Creek was drying up rapidly, and in Strzelecki's 
Creek, along which his road lay, there was barely enough 
muddy water left to help him back. Hot winds blazed 
about him till his thermometer burst. Fort Grey had been 
deserted by the depot, and Sturt's strength only just carried 
him to join it under Mount Poole ; then everything but 
food and water was abandoned, and by forced marches the 
expedition struggled along its old tracks to reach the 
Darling at the year's end. His health shattered, his 
eyesight permanently destroyed, Sturt was borne back to 
Adelaide and thence to an invalid's rest in England — so 
cruel a reward for all his labour was allotted to the greatest 
of Australian explorers, f 

Assuredly South Australia was an unlucky colony, for 
Eyre on the west and Sturt on the north had deprived it tiardt. 
of all hope of expansion. It was, therefore, to the districts 
north-west of Moreton Bay that adventurous discoverers 
now turned their eyes ; and Sydney politicians were just 
in a mood to take advantage of their zeal, since it was 
considered immensely important to connect the mother 

t As some recompense for the privations he endured, the Government of South 
Australia granted him a pension of £G00 per annum. 




colony with a settlement formed not long before at Port 
Essington, on Coburg Peninsula. In 1843 a Select 
Committee of the New South Wales Council recommended 
that £1000 should be spent on opening up this route 
overland, but Gipps had to get permission from England 
before he could grant the request. In the meanwhile, a 

young German doctor, Ludwig 
Leichhardt, who had made 
ready to go with Sir Thomas 
Mitchell on the proposed offi 
cial expedition, persuaded his 
friends to fit out a private 
exploring party with himself 
as head. Starting from the 
Darling Downs, then almost 
the northern limit of settle- 
ment, he determined to keep 
as far as might be on the 
eastern side of the main range, 
where experience showed 
that there was always plenty of water. His track lay, 
therefore, parallel to the coast and about a hundred miles 
inland, until he hit the Burdekin, and was led by it to the 
upper waters of the Lynd ; then he made for the shores of 
the Gulf, and came for the first time into serious collision 
with the natives, who killed his companion Gilbert. Up to 
The this time he had been travelling through splendid country, 
Promise his reports of which afterwards rejoiced the hearts of his 
squatter friends ; but now, after rounding the head of the 
Gulf, he came upon thick scrub that made every step toil- 
some. Food ran short, and the meat was mostly flying-foxes ; 
the horses and oxen began to die off At last through 
rugged country Leichhardt made his way to Van Diemen 
Gulf, and in the early part of 1845 reached Port Essington 
in safety. Returning to Sydney by sea, he became the 
hero of the year ; the Council voted him £1000, which was 

Ludwig Leichhardt. 



more fchan doubled by the gifts of his admirers ; from 
Britain and France came the gold medals of the great 
Geographical Societies. 

Meanwhile the required permission had come from Mitchell 
England, and Gipps was able to send off the Surveyor- 
General. As Leichhardt was gone, Mitchell chose E. B. 
Kennedy for his second-in-command, and started from 
Boree at the end of 1845 to find an inland route to the 
Gulf of Carpentaria. From Nyngan he turned at first due 
north, and then for some 
reason north - east, so 
that he crossed the Dar, 
ling not far below Wal- 
gett, and presently 
came upon that system 
of water-channels which 
is known at different 
parts of it as the Culgoa. 
Balonne, or Condamine, 
This took him still _ 
more to the east, and j/ 
when at last he struck 
north along theMaranoa 
and Warrego he found 

himself on the coastal side of the Dividing Range, at the 
head of the Belyando. That certainly was not what he 
wanted ; he turned back, crossed the Warrego again into 
thick scrub, and soon came out upon the head-stream of the 
Barcoo, running north-west among beautiful open downs. 
Once more, as on the day when he first saw Australia Felix, 
Mitchell burst into a song of triumph over " the realisation 
of my long-cherished hopes ... a reward direct from 
heaven for perseverance ; " but this time he was sadly 
mistaken. For some days he followed the river down, 
naming it the Victoria, because he was so sure it was the same 
Victoria River that runs into the Timor Sea ; then, just 

Sir T. L. MitchblIi. 


before reaching the southward turn that would hare shown 
him his error, he turned back for lack of provisions and 
hastened to Sydney with his news. Sydney, however, was 
Kennedy incredulous about inland rivers, and Kennedy was sent 
back to make sure. Mitchell's hopes were shattered at 
once ; the Barcoo, when tracked down, ran back south-west 
into the same land of sandhills that had baffled Sturt. But 
Mitchell had opened up much fine country on the tablelands 
of the main range, and squatters were not slow to follow 
his trail. 

The forties opened with Eyre's failure ; their central 
years saw the success of Leichhardb and Mitchell ; their 
close was marked, not by failure only, but by death. 
Kennedy in 1848 was sent to traverse the Cape York 
Peninsula. Landing at Rockingham Bay, his party was at 
once confronted with all the obstacles of a tropical jungle. 
The vines were armed with hooks, and made a dense 
mat in the close-growing forest ; nettle-trees stung the 
horses to death ; the ground underfoot was usually a 
swamp. When these troubles were nearly over, the 
expedition was harassed by hostile blacks and soaked with 
tropical rains. Kennedy had arranged to meet a provision 
ship in Princess Charlotte Bay ; but he was two months 
behind time in getting there, and the ship was gone. The 
drays had already been abandoned, and most of the horses 
eaten, when he determined to form a camp at Weymouth 
Bay, leaving eight of his men there, and to push on himselt 
with the other four. At Shelburne Bay he was compelled 
to leave three of them, and went on doggedly with the 
fourth, a blackfellow, in the hope of reaching Port Albany : 
but near the mouth of the Escape River they were 
surrounded by a mass of natives, and Kennedy was speared 
almost in sight of his goal. The faithful blackfellow, after 
burying his master, got away at night and crawled, half- 
starved and badly wounded, to the point of Cape York, 
where a ship was waiting to relieve the party. The 


Shelburn© Bay refugees were never seen again. Of the 
eight, two were found alive when the relief ship reached 

Kennedy's fate is at least known. Leichhardt's remains -^IJJjJl" 
a mystery. In 1846 and in 1847 he headed two futile again 
expeditions, which did little but go over part of his old 
track at the head of the Fitzroy watershed. In 1848 he 
set himself a sterner task. He proposed to start from the 
Darling Downs, strike Mitchell's Barcoo and follow it to its 
southward turn, and then thrust out into the unknown west 
in the direction of Perth, skirting Sturt's desert as closely 
as he might. For such an adventure he had few qualifica- 
tions — he was a poor bushman, yet none too ready to take 
advice and none too tactful in dealing with his fellows. 
Ill-equipped, and with companions even less able than 
himself for the work, he started on his journey in March 
1848. On the 3rd of April he was on the Cogoon, " in 
excellent spirits." And that is the last we know of him 
From that day the whole party disappeared. Expedition 
after expedition was sent to look for it, every explorer since 
then has kept eyes and ears open for traces or news of it 
the route it was bent on has been followed and crossed 
and re-crossed and run backwards ; but of Leichhardt and 
his men no vestige has been found, no word remains. 

Of the explorers who took up the search for Leichhardt, a. c. 
one especially did valuable work in the way of new discovery. ^®sor] 
A. C. Gregory, who had already gained a reputation in p. 212 
West Australia, was commissioned by Government to cut 
across the lost man's supposed track by following the 1866-6 
Victoria River inland from the north. But the river, 
broad and deep near its mouth, was found to be much 
shorter than had been expected, and when Gregory left it 
and made south-west, he found one creek only that ran 
through grassy country — -and even that, after a time, lost 
itself in the usual salt-lakes and sandhills. He returned to 
the Victoria, worked his way east on to the head of the 


Roper, and thence proceeded round the head of the Gulf on 
to Brisbane, following at some distance inland the route 
taken by Leichhardt's first expedition. Two years later he 
18^8 started again, this time following the tracks of the lost 
party and pushing on across the Warrego to the Barcoo. 
This river he traced down to the point where Sturt had 
met it, and then made south by the line of Strzelecki'8 
Creek to Adelaide. 

Neither of Gregory's expeditions had brought to light 
much valuable new country, but the last helped to revive 
again the exploring spirit among South Australians. Eyre's 
work in 1839-40 had left them with the impression that 
Lake Torrens spread its deadly salt-swamps in a huge 
horseshoe round all their northern districts. If on the 
maps of to-day we imagine a broad semi-circle of swamp 
with Lake Frome as one extremity, Lake Gairdner as the 
other, and Lake Eyre as the main body — the real Lake 
Torrens appearing simply as an advance guard — we shall 
understand the despair of Adelaide men during the forties 
with regard to any profitable expansion northwards. But in 
1856 a Mr. Babbage began to investigate the Lake Torrens 
country, and it soon became clear that the one imaginary 
big lake was really a number of small ones, which were 
for the most part separated by fair cattle country. When 
Gregory, on his way to Adelaide, marched straight across 
dry land where everyone had thought there was an import- 
ant arm of Lake Torrens, the hopes of the South 
Australians rose considerably, and exploring parties were 
sent out in all directions. 

C. Crossing the Continent (1858-1863). 

Among these was one commanded by John McDouall 

McDouall Stuart, who had learnt his business under Sturt in the 

stuar trying times of 1844-5. He now came to the front as an 

1858 independent discoverer, launching out into new regions 

to the north-west of Lake Gairdner, and connecting them 




with the lands made known by Eyre near Streaky Bay. 
Next year he kept more directly north, and opened up a 
wonderfully well watered district on the west of Lake Eyre 
— a strange contrast to the 
barren plains that edge it on 
the east. Then, stimulated 
by anoffer of £10,000 tothe 
first man across the conti- 
nent (which the South Aus- 
tralian Council made en- 
thusiastically, but did not 
^bide by), he started again 
in 1860 with only two com- 
panions and thirteen horses 
along the just-found route 

that promised so well. 
Creek after creek was 
passed — the Neale, the 

Stevenson, the Finke, the Hugh— and then a steep and 
rugged line of cliffs seemed to bar the way. He scrambled 
through, however, naming the range after Sir R. 
MacDonnell, then Governor of South Australia : but on its 
northern side the grass lands gave place to dry scrub and 
spinifex — the latter a never-failing sign of those barren 
regions which had stopped Sturt in 1844 and Gregory in 
1856. Still Stuart pushed on, camping on April 22 in the 
centre of Australia, close to the hill he proudly called 
Central Mount Stuart; he thrust out northwest towards 
Gregory's tracks, but thirst beat him back ; he pushed due 
north some distance past Tennant's Creek, but here the 
natives attacked him, and with so small a party it was 
madness to go on. He returned to Adelaide to be received 
with enthusiasm ; out of the twenty degrees of latitude 
that separate Adelaide from the Timor Sea he had traversed 
sixteen, and the rest would surely be easy work. His 1861 
expedition was aided by a Government grant, though even 


80 it consisted only of seven men and thirty horses. With 
it he passed Attack Creek (his furthest point the year 
before) unharmed by the blacks, and got a hundred miles 
further north before he was blocked by a thick scrubby 
forest. Try as he would, there was no getting through it 
that year, and again he returned to Adelaide, only to 
make immediate preparations for another attempt. This 
time he gave up all hope of finding a route to the Victoria 
River, and determined to try his luck more eastwardly in 
the direction of the Roper. That way at last fortune 
favoured him ; the Strangways took him to the Roper, and 
another of its tributaries led him across the Korth Aus- 
tralian tableland on to the head of the Adelaide. On 
July 24th, 1862, the party rode down through a tropical 
forest to the sea beach, and Stuart dipped his hands in the 
waters of the Indian Ocean. 

Shortly after Stuart and his party re-entered Adelaide 
and" in triumph, another party of explorers passed into that city 
mournfully, bearing the bodies of two men whose fate has 
left them even more famous than their deeds might have 
done. While Stuart was making his second unsuccessful 
journey across the MacDonnell Ranges in February, 1861, 
Burke and Wills among the mangrove swamps of the 
Flinders mouth were watching the tide drain out into the 
Gulf of Carpentaria. The story of their one success, and of all 
the disaster that succeeded it, is one of the best known in 
Australian history : but it ranks with Leichhardt's as one 
in which the due apportionment of praise and blame will 
always be a matter of doubt and discussion. 

It was in 1857 that the Royal Society* of Victoria hit 
on the idea of subsidising a trans-continental expedition. 
Victoria was at that time, owing to its wonderful goldfields, 
the richest colony in Australia, and the most fully explored : 
it seemed at once a generous and a reputable undertaking to 
spend its wealth on enlarging the bounds of less favoured 

* Then oalled the Philosophical iDStitute. 





communities. The Society's first proposal was to cross the 
continent from east to west along the line of the Tropic of 
Capricorn j but this ambitious design was afterwards changed 
for the more practicable one of finding a route from the 
Darling direct to Cooper's Creek, and establishing at the 
latter place a dep6t from which future excursions could be 
made to the north and west. The expedition was to be fully The 
provided against all possible needs, lavishly equipped, and fur- ing S>an; 
nished with camels from India to make the desert journeys 
easier and quicker. Robert 
O'Hara Burke, a Victorian 
superintendent of police, was 
given the command ; G. J. Lan- 
dells, the camel-expert, was his 
second in command ; W. J. Wills 
was surveyor and astronomer : a 
doctor, an artist, ten more white 
men, and three Hindoo camel- 
drivers completed the party. 
Their instructions were to form 
a depdt on Cooper's Creek, and 
thence to explore the unknown 
triangle left between Leichhardt's track of 1844-5, Sturt's 
of the same date, and Gregory's of 1858. As an alternative, 
they might turn north-west towards the districts just made 
known by Stuart, and connect his route with Gregory's 
earlier explorations on the Victoria River watershed. 

Burke was a fine fellow in many ways — bold, zealous, First Dif 
and persevering — but he lacked judgment, and was quite 
inexperienced in backblocks bushwork. He began by 
quarrelling with Landells over the management of the 
camels, and, when Landells resigned and Wills consequently 
became second in command, appointed a Mr. Wright, 
overseer of a station on the Darling, to fill the vacant 
place. At Menindie he left the main body of the expedition 
to rest, charging Wright to bring it on more slowly. 

Robert O'Hara Burkh. 



W. J. Wills. 

while he and Wills, with five men and a camel-driver, went 
ahead to Cooper's Creek. There he waited barely a month, 

growing more impatient 
every day. A judicious 
explorer would have 
gone back to hasten on 
the main body, especially 
as it was the expedition's 
first duty to establish its 
provision depot securely 
on the Creek. Burke 
conceived the wild idea 
of dividing his small 
party again, and making 
a dash into the unknown 
with hardly any of the 
equipment provided for 
systematic exploration. He took Wills with him, and 
two white men. Gray and King ; the other four, a man 
named Brahe being put in charge, were told to wait on the 
creek for Wright's party at least three months. 

On December 16th Brahe saw the last of his leader. On 
April 21st he buried a quantity of provisions at the foot of 
a tree, carving D I G on its bark, and marched at ten o'clock 
to rejoin Wright, who had not yet made his appearance. 
That evening, at half-past seven, Burke, Wills, and King 
staggered into the deserted camp, leg-weary, half-starved, 
and with two exhausted camels for their whole equipment. 
Wills, after the night's rest, was for following Brahe ; Burke 
held out obstinately for an attempt to reach the cattle 
stations of South Australia, which were only a hundred and 
fifty miles to the south-west. Wills yielded : a letter 
explaining the new plan was buried in the hole, from 
which they had taken the provisions, but no sign of their 
arrival was left above ground ; and the three forlorn men 
started down Cooper's Creek, going at every step further 
away from the last hope of rescue. 


For Brahe, having met Wright in difficulties on the 
Bulloo, returned with him as soon as possible to the depot, but 
noticed no disturbance of the ground, and did not trouble 
to dig up again the stores he supposed to be still in the 
hole. Knowing that Burke had taken only three months' 
provisions, and seeing that Wright's party was quite unable 
to carry out any further work in the bush — four men had 
died, and the rest were suffering from scurvy — Brahe 
hurried back to Melbourne and urged the Royal Society to 
send out a relief expedition at once. The bad news spread 
from colony to colony, and soon not one but four parties 
were in the field. Howitt pressed forward along the old 
tracks to Cooper's Creek. McKinlay started from 

Adelaide towards the same goal across Lake Torrens. 
Landsborough struck southwards from the Gulf, and 
Walker west from Rockhampton. Burke was bound, 
men thought, to come across one of the four — unless he 
had made north-west towards the Yictoria, and in that case 
he would meet Stuart. Howitt and Brahe were at the 
Cooper's Creek depot by the 13th of September, and two 
days later found a collection of native huts, in one of 
which lay, weak and wasted to a shadow, the only survivor 
of Burke's party. From him was heard the whole 
wretched story. The four who parted from Brahe on the King's 
16th of the previous December had made towards Eyre's ^^^^^ 
Creek ; but, after crossing a portion of Sturt's Stony Desert, 
they came upon a fine creek, the Diamantina, which led 
them for some distance north-east. Then they pushed 
steadily northwards day after day, through a land well 
grassed and full of waterholes, until the Cloncurry brought 
them to the Flinders, and the Flinders to the Gulf. They 
had come out in little more than six weeks, but already 
provisions were running short, and the camels were giving 
a great deal of trouble. As they hastened back, travelling 
grew every day more difficult. Heavy rains made them ill 
and the soil boggy. One of the party pilfered from the 


scanty store of provisions, and Burke thrashed him for itj. 
A fortnight later the same man fell ill, and after a few days 
died, and they halted for nearly a day to bury him. That 
day lost their lives ; for, as we know, barely nine hours 
separated Brahe's departure from their arrival in the depdt. 
All through King's story it is clear that Burke would 
have saved himself endless trouble by attaching a native or 
two to his party. The bush-lore of natives saved Leichhardt 
on his way to Port Essington ; the want of it increased 
considerably Burke's difficulties on his way to and from the 
Gulf, and proved disastrous on this last journey towards 
South Australia. For the attempt to reach South Aus- 

Nardoo tralian settlements proved useless, and the three despairing 
men crawled back gradually towards the depot, getting fish 
sometimes from the blacks, but subsisting for the most part 
on nardoo, the spores of a flowerless plant that grows in 
marshy ground. This the blacks for some time gave them 
in the form of flour : later on, King discovered the plant, 
and they had to pound it themselves with much effort — and 
all the time there were fish enough in the creek (which a 
black companion would have taught them to catch) to have 
supported them for many weeks. Nardoo alone was of 
little use to them — it satisfied the appetite, but nourished 
the body not at all. Slowly their strength left them. 
Wills sank first, and insisted on the others leaving him and 
trying to find some natives from whom to beg fish. Burke, 
after a weary journey of two days, lay down and died ; and 
King, returning to Wills, found him dead also. A few 
days later King found a friendly tribe of blacks, and pleased 
them so much by shooting a few crows that they fed him 
and kept him with them till Hewitt's party arrived. 
The The story of the other relief parties may be told very 

^Sttes shortly. Walker hit the Barcoo and swerved northwards 
on to the head of the Flinders and so to the Gulf, returning 
up the eastern side of the Flinders watershed, and across 
the main range to the Burdekin. Landsborough crossed 


from the Albert to the Herbert ; returning, he struck the 
Flinders, and pushed south-east from its upper waters 
across the Thomson and Barcoo to the Warrego, down 
which he came to the Darling, and so to Melbourne. 
McKinlay, after finding an unknown white man's grave in 
the desert north of Cooper's Creek, and hearing from some 
imaginative blackfellow a story of fighting and the massacre 
of several white men, made north to the Diamantina, and 
followed Burke's route most of the way to the Gulf ; then, 
baffled by the mangrove swamps, he made eastwards, and 
came out among newly -formed cattle-stations in the Burdekin 

Thus, by the end of 1862, the whole of Eastern 
Australia was known in all its essential outlines; and 
when Howitt, who had stood by the depdt on Cooper's 
Creek till the other relief parties were safe on the coast, 
brought back the bodies of Burke and Wills to be buried 
with all honour at Melbourne in January, 1863, men felt 
that the days of the great explorers were over, and that it 
was only left for Australians — of the east, at any rate — to 
develop wisely the wide inheritance which had been won 
with so much skill and courage and endurance even to the 


A. New South Wales (1860-85). 

fr.p. iGO For twenty years and more after the granting of Constitu- 
tions, Australian colonists were chiefly occupied in learning 
to use their new powers. They were left, one may say, 
quite to themselves. England had almost ceased to take 
The part in their affairs, and foreign nations had not yet begun 
Isolation ^o intrude upon the seas to eastwards. The exciting days 
of the first gold rush were over. The idea of joint action* 
and a common government was almost forgotten. Each 
colony settled down to work out its own problems apart 
from its neighbours, influenced a good deal by the jealousies 
which always spring up between bordering communities 
when there is no great danger to unite them. Even in the 
most perilous days of the American Revolution, Massa- 
chusetts and New York and Pennsylvania and Virginia 
quarrelled among themselves; it is not surprising that in 
times of absolute peace New South Wales and Victoria 
should have occupied themselves rather in trivial disputes 
than in remembering their common interests. But with 
such matters (and, indeed, with most of the questions which 
occupied Australians between 1860 and 1880) we cannot 
yet deal fully and impartially, because they are so fresh in 
men's minds, and so bound up with questions still under 
discussion, as to be really a part of recent politics, about 
which people take sides for partisanship. We must just 
note down what did happen, what was done, and wait some 
years before making assertions about the value or the 
Tightness of any particular proceeding. 

* There were several intercolonial conferences, but, except in postal matters, 
very little joint action resulted. 



In New South Wales the first question of great importance The 
with which the new Parliament dealt was that of the land. Laws 
Gold, of course, had upset all the old arrangements for 
settling small farmers on the fertile lands near coast towns, p- 69 
and allowing squatters to spread their flocks and herds over 
the districts that were less fertile or more thinly populated. 
Gold was found in all sorts of places ; where gold was 
found, there men gathered together and made a township ; 
and townships must be fed from farms as near them as 
possible. Many diggers, too, grew tired of digging and 
wanted to buy a block of land to live on and to cultivate. 
Some arrangement, therefore, must be made for pro- 
viding small areas of land, not in the nineteen settled 
counties only, but anywhere over the colony where they 
were wanted. This was done by Sir John Robertson's 
Land Acts of 1861, which allowed anyone to take up a 
selection anywhere on three conditions : the area must be 
not less than 40 and not more than 320 acres ; the price 
was £1 per acre, of which the selector must pay five 
shillings down, and the rest by instalments; and the selector 
must personally live on his selection, and improve it by 
fencing and other useful work at the rate of £1 per acre. 
The Acts did not, of course, apply to land already sold, or 
in or near towns, or reserved for special reasons. But 
they did apply to all the vast areas leased by squatters to 
run their sheep on ; for, although these could still be leased 
for five years at a time, yet anyone could pick out one of 
the more valuable bits — patches of rich soil, water frontages, 
<fec. — and settle down on it, leaving the squatters' sheep 
only waterless or half-barren paddocks for pasturage. It ^, . 
was also easy to evade many of the conditions. In country Evasion 
so thinly peopled, the Government would find it hard to 
prove that any particular person had not been living 
regularly on his selection. Moreover anyone could select, 
even a young child; so that a man with a large family could, 
by taking up a selection in the name of each child, control a 


good many areas of 320 acres. So there were soon three 
different kinds of selectors scattered over New South Wales. 
There was the genuine worker, who was really trying to 
make a home for himself and a living from his farm. There 
was the man who chose an area which interfered with the 
working of the squatter's run, either because he had a spite 
against the squatter, or because he hoped to get money for 
going away. And, on the other hand, there was the 
" dummy " who was paid by a squatter to take up a choice 
piece of his run, not to use it, but simply to prevent others 
from using it, and so keep it in the squatter's hands. 
Many run-owners, too, who would not resort to dummying, 
spent all their money and borrowed a great deal more from 
the banks in order to buy right out as much of their runs 
as they could, thus leaving themselves without any savings 
to fall back on in bad years. 
The It was over these Land Acts, while they were still Bills 

First ^ _ 

Constitu- that there came about a great constitutional crisis. The 

Crisis Legislative Council consisted of nominees, who held their 

position for five years only as an experiment. There had 

been great disputes about the Council in the days when 

the Constitution was a-making, and they had been settled 

by this compromise. When Mr. John Robertson (as he 

was then) had passed his Bills through the Assembly, he 

found that the Council, just then close to the end of its 

five years' term, insisted on altering them so as to prevent 

gjy j^ selection on leased runs. In great haste the Governor, Sir 

GovSr Joh^ Young, was persuaded to appoint twenty-one new 

1861-8 Councillors — a number sufficient to pass the Bills in their 

original form ; but, when the new appointees attended a 

Council meeting to be sworn in, the President resigned his 

position and walked out of the house, followed by most of 

his fellow-Councillors, and the meeting fell through. Before 

another could be held the five years' term was up. 

Now an attempt had been made to pass a Bill providing 

that future Councils should be elective, but the Bill had 


been shelved ; so the Constitution Act still held good, and 

it ordered that the new Councillors should hold their 

position for life. To choose them, therefore, was a matter 

needing great care, and made all the more difficult by the 

disagreement over the Lands Bills. Fortunately the 

Governor and the Premier, Mr. Cowper, were wise enough 

to consult Went worth, who had just returned from England 

amid great demonstrations, Parliament and the Judges 

joining with his own friends and the people of Sydney to 

do him honour. Wentworth became President of the 

new Council ; his twenty-two colleagues were selected for 

their ability and public spirit, not from any partisan 

motives. The Land Bills were passed with a few alterations. 

Another attempt was soon made to establish an elective 

Council, to be chosen by the same voters who elected the 

Assembly— 1.«., by all men of full age who were residents in 

the colony — the only difference between the two bodies being 

that the Council would have only half as many members as 

the Assembly, and would be chosen by larger electorates. 

But of manhood suffrage Wentworth was a bitter enemy, 

and the Bill was thrown out — as have been several 

snmlar Bills since — so that the Council still consists of 

nominee members holding their seats for life. 

Besides upsetting the old land laws, the goldfields provided ^^ti- 

New South Wales with disturbances of another kind. At Chinese 


Lambing Flat, near Young, there was a settlement of 
Chinese on a very rich goldfield, who lived partly by 
digging, but largely by keeping gambling shops, at which 
the white miners lost their earnings. Great discontent 
ensued, and presently there were riots. The white diggers jg^j 
held meetings, at which they passed resolutions that the 
Chinese must go ; and they proceeded to enforce this decision 
so vigorously that the Government had to send up a 
couple of guns and nearly two hundred troops from Sydney 
before order was restored. Some of the rioters were 
arrested, but on trial at Goulburn a jury acquitted them. 





More serious and more lasting was the revival of bush- 
ranging. The outlaws of the old times had been nearly all 
convicts escaped from imprisonment, who became bush- 
rangers because there was no other life open to them ; they 
could not settle down for fear of being arrested by the 
police, and they must rob in order to procure food and the 
money that might buy them a passage to England. At the 
same time, being convicts, and generally of the worst class, 
they were, as a rule, brutal and murderous. The goldfields 
created a new kind of outlaw — men who took to the bush 
willingly, of the free-settler class, stirred by false romance 
and the hope of getting rich easily to lie in wait for the 
convoys which brought in gold from outlying fields to the 
more settled districts. There were brutes among them, too, 

but not so many ; they 
hunted in gangs, where- 
as the convict bush- 
ranger had usually been 
alone ; they had friends 
and relations scattered 
about the district where 
they worked, who 
warned them of attack, 
and sheltered them from 
pursuit — whereas the 
convict outlaw had been 
the terror, perhaps, but 
not the friend of his 
weaker neighbours. The 
years between 1861 and 
1867 are full of the do- 
ings of these gangs — now best to be remembered by the 
bravery and devotion of the police who were set to 
extirpate them. 

The politics of the colony for many years after 1861 
dealt mainly with matters of finance, which were somewhat 

Monument at Mansfield (Vic.) to Policb 
killed by bushrangers. 


complicated by the desire of Ministry after Ministry to 
prepare the way for a tariff which should be uniform 
throughout eastern Australia. The Ministries themselves 
did not represent very definite party divisions, the same 
man at one time holding office under a Premier whom at 
other times he opposed ; but, roughly speaking, Sir * 
Charles Cowper and Sir* John Robertson, togetiier or 
alone, represented a party which held office for nearly nine 
years out of the first sixteen of the new Constitution, and 
Sir* James Martin, leading the opposite party, had five 
and a half years of Premiership. Under him for a time 
served Sir* Henry Parkes, who had made a name for himself 
during the Anti-Transportation agitation and in public p. Of 
discussions of the Constitution, and whose first achievement 
as a Minister (he was Colonial Secretary) was to pass the 
Education Act of 1866. This established a Council of 
Education, with power both to set up new public schools, 
and to assist existing denominational schools with grants 
of money — a double system which lasted fourteen years, and 
was only supplanted by a fresh Act of the same authorship, isso 

In 1872 (the year of Wentworth's death) began a new 
Parliamentary era, that of the struggle between well- 
defined parties headed by Sir Henry Parkes and Sir 
John Robertson, which ended in a four years' coali- 
tion Ministry guided by both leaders. During the 
struggle Parliament did little of permanent import- i87» 
anoe. But the coalition soon resulted in valuable 
work; for it was this Ministry which recast the elec- 
toral system of the colony, carried through a Great 
International Exhibition, passed the Public Instruc- 
tion Act of 1880, and took a prominent part in the first 
Intercolonial Conference (called to deal with the Chinese 
question), which made definite steps towards Federation. 
It was followed by a Ministry under Sir Alexander Stuart, 
which is chiefly memorable as having passed an Act 

All these titles were conferred at much later dates. 



WiiiiiiAM Bbdb Dallbt. 

The amending, in very important points, the Robertson Lands 
Contiu- Acts of 1861, and as having by the prompt determination 

of its Attorney-General, 

W. B. Dalley,* sent a 

1886 C 3^ \ body of New South Wales 

troops to fight at Suakim, 
on the Red Sea, side by 
side with British regiments. 
This act, though little 
actual fighting occurred, 
proved of great value in 
reviving the feeling of 
brotherhood between 
Britons of the home is- 
lands and Britons of the 
outlying colonies. 
Material During all these years the colony made steady progress 
rogrebs ^^ wealth and all material prosperity. As Macquarie's 
road-making had brought about the first great increase of 
settlement,;|60 in these later times the extension of railways 
was a great factor of progress. West and south from 
Sydney, north from Newcastle, year by year the lines ran 
further towards the bounds of New South Wales. The 
Western Line was for a long time hindered by the difficult 
Blue Mountains barrier ; in 1855 it was at Parramatta ; 
in 1862 at Penrith ; not till 1868 at Mount Victoria. The 
descent was a more costly business still, accomplished by the 
Great Zigzag, which is still one of the sights of the colony, 
and in 1876 communication was opened through to Bathurst. 
To Goulburn, across more gradual slopes and a lower 
summit, the line was opened in 1869 ; and this line, after 
making a detour to aroid the gorges of the Upper Murrum- 
bidgee, was completed to Albury in 1881, and became part 
of the great Trunk Line which connects the capitals of the 
four eastern colonies. For the line from Newcastle, which 
reached Tam worth in 1878 and the Queensland border in 

* He was actiD£ as Premier during the absence ot Sir A. Stuart. 


1888, was being at the same time extended southwards to 
Sydney, and a great bridge across the Hawkesbury River, 
opened in 1889, was the last link in the 2500-mile chain 
that now joins Broken Hill to Cunnamulla. The Trunk 
Line, from Albury to Tenterfield, serves farm lands chiefly ; 
but the great expanse of pastoral country, besides feeding 
its own Western Line that has thrust out from Bathurst 
to the Darling at Bourke, is pierced in the south by a 
branch line to Hay, in the north by one to Narrabri and 
Moree, and with such help has increased its eight and a 
half million sheep of 1855 to fifty-seven millions in 1894. 
And though wool still remains the colony's staple export, 
gold and coal aid its prosperity ; while in 1885 a third mining 
product began to swell the total of its wealth with the 
opening of great silver mines at Broken Hill, in those 
barren Barrier Ranges which so nearly broke Sturt's heart, p. leo 

B, Victoria (1860-85). 
In Victoria, with its smaller and more compact area, fr.p. 160 
the land question was not so urgent as in the mother 
colony ; but an Act very similar to Robertson's was carried 
by Sir Charles Duffy in 1862. Far more important was 
the question of finance, which also led to a prolonged 
struggle between the Assembly and the Council. In New 
South Wales financial questions, though often troublesome, 
led to no great bitterness, because both parties were 
simply anxious to get revenue enough to meet the colony's 
expenditure ; they proposed various ways of getting it, but 
that was the sole object of both. In Victoria, however, 
taxation was soon looked upon in another light. 

The Victorian diggers, to a greater extent than those of New The rise 
South Wales, were immigrants from Europe and America, tectkm 
who knew nothing of farming and had originally been trades- 
men or factory hands. Whereas a disappointed Turon digger 
would probably go back to work on his father's selection, 
the man who was unlucky at Ballarat would have no 


relations in the colony and no desire to settle on the land ; 
he would work his way back to Melbourne or Geelong, and 
take up his old trade there. Then, if he was a bootmaker 
(to take an instance), he woultl find that for many reasons 
boots could be brought from England and sold cheaper than 
he could afford to sell them; it is naturally cheaper to 
make a large number of boots at once with good machinery 
than to make a few at a time with clumsy machinery. 
"Now," thought the bootmaker, "if only a duty were 
charged on all boots sent into the colony from outside, 
people inside would have to pay more for them ; and in that 
way the price of imported boots could be made so high that 
even my boots would be cheaper, and people would buy 
from me." What the bootmaker thought, other manufac- 
turers thought ; and so there sprang up in Victoria the 
policy of Protection, which uses the customs duties to make 
importations from outside so dear that it is cheaper to buy 
goods made by workmen inside the colony. 

In this way the tariff became not merely a means of 
getting revenue, but an instrument for carrying out a 
particular policy which had nothing to do with the revenue. 
Quarrels And as this policy was bitterly opposed by a great many 
Assem- people — more especially by those who were not manufac- 
Council turers themselves and had to buy the high-priced goods — 
it was naturally much debated in Parliament. The 
Assembly was willing to make it law. The Council was 
sure to reject it. Neither party would give way. The 
Council could not be swamped by appointing new members, 
because it was an elected Council and Ministers had no 
power over it. At last Sir James McCulloch hit on the 
device of " tacking " the new tariff clauses to the Appro- 
priation Bill, which has to be passed before a Government 
can legally pay any money on account of the public service. 
Now the Constitution provided that the Council could 
reject bills dealing with taxation or appropriation, but 
could not alter them ; consequently it could not cut out the 


tarifi clauses and pass the rest, but was forced to reject the 
whole bill, and so prevent the Government from paying the 
civil servants, or to accept the whole bill, and so allow a 
Protective policy to be introduced. The bill was rejected. 
Civil servants, contractors for public works — all to whom 
the Government owed money — had to go unpaid. But 
McCulloch had another device ready ; he borrowed money 
from a bank, paid with that the Government's other debts, 
and arranged that the bank should sue the Government to 
recover its loan. He went on, meanwhile, collecting the 
duties under his unauthorised tarijff, and with that money, 
when the court gave judgment in favour of the bank, 
repaid the loan. He could not legally have paid away a 
penny of revenue to civil servants, because the Council had 
not passed the Appropriation Bill ; but a debt which the 
Supreme Court ordered him to pay must be paid out of any 
money at his disposal. 

This trick could not have been played without the 
Governor's permission, but McCulloch persuaded Sir Charles Darling 
Darling, who was then Governor, that everything was 
correct. The British Government, however, was extremely 
angry that one of its officials, whose plain duty was to 
behave impartially and administer the Constitution straight- 
forwardly, should have lent himself to support one party 
in the colony against another. Darling was recalled, 
but out of this act also arose another fight between the two 
Houses of the Victorian Parliament. The first fight had 
after nine months been settled by a compromise, which 
seemed to admit the injustice of " tacking." Yet in the 
very next year, when the Assembly wished to vote Sir 
Charles Darling's wife a sum of .£20,000 as compensation 
for her husband's loss of office, the vote was again "tacked " 
to an Appropriation Bill, so that the Council might be 
forced to pass it. There was a second deadlock ; but the 
new Governor was not as pliable as his predecessor, and 
presently the Supreme Court forbade the Government 


Viscount to use unauthorised revenue as they had done before. This 
Governor, time Sir Charles Darling solved the difficulty by refusing 
to let his wife accept the £20,000, and for a year or two 
the Houses were at peace. 

As in New South Wales, so in Victoria a new Parlia- 
mentary era began in the early seventies. The names of 
McCulloch and Duflfy — the more eminent name of George 
Higinbotham, afterwards Chief Justice of the colony — had 
been war-cries in the struggles between 1856 and 1871 ; 
but these leaders retired one by one, and the Parliaments of 
1874-83 were the fighting ground of parties led, one by Sir 
Graham Berry, the other by Mr. James Service and later by 
Mr. Duncan Gillies. The Protectionist policy was formally 
and fully adopted. The Berry Ministries inherited and accen- 
tuated the ideas of those earlier politicians who were 
Payment always disposed to fight the Council. For many years it 
Members had been proposed to pay members of Parliament, so that 
men who earned their living by daily work should be able 
to give up their work to enter the Assembly, and yet 
receive an income sufficient to live on. After rejecting 
many bills, the Council in 1870 passed an Act to provide 
for this payment during the next three years, and in 1874 
renewed the Act for a few years longer. In 1877 the 
Berry Ministry determined to have done with this temporary 
arrangement, and " tacked " a payment of members clause 
to the Appropriation Bill. The Council, strengthened by 
precedent, threw out the bill, and there was another dead- 
lock. The Ministry resolved to force the Council's hand 
•Black by sheer violence. On Wednesday, January 9th, 1878, a 
^ay ^^" ^^^g® number of Government officials came down to their 
day's work to find that they had been dismissed. Judges, 
heads of departments, police magistrates — all were in- 
cluded in the order. The whole Public Service was 
thrown out of gear. The Ministry declared this had 
been done merely for the time being, in order to save 
expense until the Council chose to pass the necessary bill. 



But, although after a few weeks many of the dismissals were 

cancelled, yet a great many of the dismissed officers were 

forced to leave the 

service altogether, 

and were replaced by 

new men. As the 

Council remained ob- 
durate, the Governor* 

Sir George Bowen, 

took the side of the 

Ministry, and began 

to sign papers which 

would allow them to 

spend money without 

the Council's consent. 

Then at last th© Sia Gborqk bowex. 

Council gave way so far as to pass a separate (temporary) 

Payment of Members Act, and the Appropriation Act 

was afterwards passed without the obnoxious " tacked " 


As before, the British Government rebuked and removed 
the injudicious Governor. Sir Graham Berry and Mr. 
Pearson went to England in the hope that by personal 
interviews they could persuade the Imperial Parliament to 
alter the Victorian Constitution, and in some way or other 
give all power to the Assembly. Their hope was not 
fulfilled; the Government in London refused to interfere 
with a colonial Constitution by which the whole Parliament 
of the colony was vested with power to make its own 
amendments. Berry went back to Victoria and made ready 
to renew the fight ; but there was a new Governor to face 
and the people were getting tired of the never-ending 
squabbles, and in the end — following again the example of 
New South Wales — Victoria settled itself down to less 
exciting years of progress under coalition Governments. 










Material Through all its political disturbances, the colony had grown 
in numbers and wealth, though not so surely as its northern 
neighbour. The gold-rush years, with their abnormal influx 
of population, had placed Victoria far ahead of the other 
Australian colonies ; when the rush died away, the colony's 
smaller area did not allow much room for natural expansion, 
and New South Wales began slowly to creep up to a level 
with it. Small, too, as the area was, it was rendered still 
smaller for practical purposes by the condition of its eastern 
and western ends. In the north-west a large district was 
overspread with mallee scrub, difficult to penetrate, more 
difficult to destroy — a secure breeding-ground for millions of 
rabbits, which ate every blade of grass off the neighbouring 
plains. The eastern region of Gippsland was, and to a 
large extent is still, a tangle of heavily-timbered ravines 
among ranges more mountainous than any other in 
Australia. Victorian squatters, therefore, unless they were 
among the lucky few who in early days settled on the noble 
pasture-lands west of Geelong, were obliged to spread their 
flocks over the inland plains of New South Wales and 
southern Queensland. In ISOi Victoria carried a railway 
from Melbourne to Echuca, on the Murray ; steamers had 
been running on that river since 1853 ; and soon the trade, 
not of the Murray only, but of its great tributary the 
Darling, was brought down to the port of Melbourne by 
river boats that ran from the Echuca wharf as far as 
Bourke — in wet seasons even as far as Brewarrina. The 
Victorian tributaries of the Murray were also turned to 
account by the establishment of irrigation dams and canals 
across their valleys, and a network of branch railways over- 
spread the country in every direction from the five main 
lines that connect Melbourne with Sale, Albury, Echuca, 
Adelaide, and Portland. 


G. Tasmania (1860-89). 

Across Bass Straits the political turmoil of the fr.p. 160 
continent found no echo ; it was twenty-three years before 
the two Houses of the Tasmanian Parliament came to a 
deadlock, and even then the quarrel was a very short one. 
The island was too small and too close to Victoria to retain 
among its inhabitants any but quiet, hard-working farmers. 
Its more open central lands between Launceston and 
Hobart had been occupied by the early settlers for sheep- 
runs, which were gradually extended through rougher 
country towards the east coast. The north-west was but 
slowly cleared of its dense forests, though the soil 
beneath them was rich ; the west coast and its back- 
lands remained till recent years unused and untrodden. 
One railway in 1868 was laid down among the wheat- 
fields of the north-west; another, begun in 1872, took 
four years to cross the low hills between Launceston and 
Hobart. In 1871, however, a great tin mine was discovered Mining 
at Mount Bischoff, behind one of the north-western blocks 
of land that had long before been granted to the Yan 
Diemen's Land Agricultural Company. This excited pros- 
pectors after other metals ; iron mines were opened in the 
Tamar valley, but abandoned because the ore was chemically 
unmanageable. Gold and copper and silver and coal have 
since been found in various districts ; the whole west coast, 
once thought to be covered with absolutely impenetrable 
bush, has been traversed and partially opened up ; railways 
have branched from the main line up the valley of the 
Derwent and to the east coast. But with all these newer 
ventures Tasmania still remains as it has been since 
convictism left it — a placid nest of orchards, and hop 
gardens, and stud-sheep farms, a sort of National Park for 
the pleasure of Australians. 

MENT (continued). 

A. The Wastk Lands (1861-63). 

The south-eastern corner of Australia, occupied by 

New South Wales and Victoria, is less than a seventh part 

of the whole continental area. In 1861 this corner 

contained nearly six-sevenths of the continent's population, 

and the greater part of what was left would have been 

found in one small district of South Australia, between 

Adelaide and the Murray. West Australia was a mere 

patch of settlement in the far south-west. The new colony 

of Queensland ran inland, nominally, to longitude 141° 

though its settled area was bounded by the tropic on the 

north and the Maranoa to westward. South Australia 

Dividing stretched north to latitude 26'. There was still, therefore, 

Wastes a huge expanse of undistributed and unknown territory in 

the north ; and for a long time now it has not been safe for 

any nation to leave land without some sort of definite 

administrator. The Imperial Government was giving 

up its control of Australian affairs as fast as it could, 

and had no mind to be burdened with responsibility 

for this unprofitable area. So when A. C. Gregory, the 

1880 Surveyor-General of Queensland, proposed that his colony 

should push its boundary westward so as to take in the 

head of the Gulf, and that beyond that a new colony of 

Albert should stretch west again to the De Grey River, 

with its capital on the Victoria, the Duke of Newcastle 

assented on condition that Queensland should take charge 

of the new baby till it was fit to run alone. This, however, 

was by no means what Queensland wanted, nor was South 

Australia inclined to see another colony meddling with 






p. 176 regions which had been just opened up by its own explorer, 
Stuart. On the other hand, no one at Adelaide wished to 
be saddled with the administration of the great north- 
western deserts. And so it came about that by 1863 
Queensland had got its western extension without any 
conditions at all; South Australia had taken over the 
Northern Territory, "until we " — the British Government — 
" think fit to make other disposition thereof," and the north- 
west was left to the very nominal jurisdiction of the Crown 
colony administrators at Perth. 

B. Queensland (1859-90). 

fr.p. 162 Queensland began its career as a separate colony 
with se^^jnpence halfpenny in the Treasury, and it was 
seven years before its circumstances were much improved. 

Brisbane in 1860. 

At first the new Government borrowed money freely to 
spend on public works, and assisted immigration: in 1860 it 
owed less, in 1870 far more in proportion to its population, 
than any other Australian colony. West of the main 
range the land was left, as a rule, to squatters, and 
immigrants were settled at intervals along the coast, 
wherever a river- mouth gave promise of well- watered and 
fertile land. For a few years the colonists made the most 
of a great piece of good fortune. In 1861 the United 


States were split into two warring sections over questions 
connected with negro slavery, and for four years the 
Southern States (from Virginia to Texas) formed a " Con- 
federate " governnient of their own and fought hard to 
keep it. But the United States navy remained in the 
hands of the Northern States, and was used to blockade the 
Confederate ports, so that they could carry on no traffic 
with Europe. As it was from the Southern States that 
England received her main supply of cotton, this blockade 
meant that thousands of workers in Lancashire cotton-mills 
were thrown out of work till cotton could be got from 
somewhere else. Egypt and India were able to produce 
most of this new supply, but Queensland had its share as 
long as prices were high : when the American Civil War 
was over, and prices fell again, the colony found itself in a 
very critical position, with a huge debt, very little trade, 
many employers going bankrupt, and their workmen 
turned adrift to talk about marching on Brisbane and 
sacking the banks. 

While matters were still very unsettled, a nian of the jggy 
name of ISTash walked into Maryborough one morning and 
announced that he had discovered rich gold at Gympie. 
Nine years before there had been a gold rush on the igsg 
Fitzroy, which had ruined many proprietors — though out 
of the ruins grew the town of Rockhampton. But Nash's Gold 
discovery was really valuable : Gympie soon became well coveriea 
known, and absorbed most of the men who had been thrown 
out of work ; and one success, as usual, induced adven- 
turers all over the colony to hunt eagerly for new goldfields. 
Soon the valley of the Burdekin was found to be auriferous, 
and a host of diggers pitched camp at Charters Towers, 
with a shipping port at Townsville : a few years later the 
discovery of the Palmer diggings, near the base of Cape 
York, brought about another coastal settlement at Cook- 
town, on the Endeavour Biver. The greatest discovery of all 
— the most important gold find iji Australia — was made io 


1886, when the three brothers Morgan found that a big 
hill of ironstone in the Fitzroy valley was saturated from 
top to bottom with gold. They bought it for £640 — the 
usual £1 an acre — and in ten years the Mount Morgan mine 
had paid no less than four and a half millions in dividends. 
Sugar It was not gold only that brought Queensland through its 

owm gj^g^jjQJg^j troubles. When cotton began to prove a payable 
crop, some planters made experiments with another tropical 
1865 product — the sugarcane. They, too, suffered from low 
prices when the American war was over, for the wages of 
white workmen were naturally much higher than those 
which American growers paid their negroes. In order to 
procure cheaper labour, therefore, they followed the example 
of British sugar-planters in the West Indies, and tried to 
import coolies from India and China : when this device did 
not answer they were at their wits' end. But among them 
was an old South Sea Island trader named Towns, and it 

The occurred to him to fetch across some of the islanders — 
Kanakas, as they are called — among whom he had traded, 
and set them to work on a plantation he owned. The 
Kanakas took to the work very quickly, and cost very little 
in wages, being content with food and lodgings while at 
work, and some clothes, guns, and axes when they were 
sent back to their homes. Presently other planters followed 
Towns' example, and a regular trade in Kanakas began. The 
theory was that islanders made a voluntary agreement to 
work on Queensland plantations for two or three years : 
the practice soon became a matter of inveigling them on 
board a labour-ship under any pretext that might be 
invented, and then kidnapping them wholesale. A great 
many planters did not enquire too curiously into the means 
by which their labourers had been brought over, and before 
long stories of disgraceful deceit and horrible outrage were 
told in Australia and in England by men whose knowledge 
and truthfulness could not be disputed. The Queensland 
Government tried for years to control the traffic. Thp 


wages were fixed by law at £6 per year, in money or goods. is68 
An agent was placed by Government on each vessel to see 
that the Kanakas were fairly engaged and decently treated. 
No islanders might be landed in Queensland unless the 
ship's captain could produce a written document from some 
responsible white man in the islands certifying that the 
labourer had gone of his own free will. Regulations like 
these, however, could always be evaded with a slight 
amount of risk, and " blackbirding " went on for a long 
time, frightening peaceable island tribes into their central 
forests whenever a ship appeared on the coast, and 
provoking the wilder natives (more especially in the 
Solomons group) to retaliate by murdering every white man 
they could catch. 

At last there grew up in Queensland a political party 
which objected strongly to the practice of importing black 
or yellow men to work in a white man's colony. Australia, 
they said, was a white man's country, and should not be 
overrun by Chinese and Japanese and Kanakas and Malays. 
The immediate danger was perhaps exaggerated : even in 
1891, out of 400,000 inhabitants of Queensland only 9000 
were Kanakas and about as many Chinese. But for 
politicians it was not so much the mixture of races as the 
lowering of wages that must be prevented. Kanaka labour 
was cheap labour : Kanakas, they said, were being 
employed on work that white men could do, and were being 
paid far less than white men's wages. So for some 
years no more islanders were imported. This, how- 
ever, it was soon seen, would in the end make it impossible 
for sugarcane to be grown at any profit, and lately the 
labour traffic has been revived under very stringent 

But this cutting off of the Kanaka supply has led to The 
more serious results. It was a law forced on the sugar- ^fo?^ 
growers of the north coast by a Parliament mainly composed ^ tfoa** 
of members from the southern end of the colony. And the 


extension of settlement northward, while the capital 
remained at Brisbane, had gradually made Queensland a 
very unwieldy colony to administer. The original idea, of 
course, had been to make Queensland end on the north 
about Hervey Bay, and to create a new colony higher up 
with its centre near Bowen : but when Eastern Australia 
was given responsible government, the new Parliaments 
showed themselves very suspicious of every suggestion 
about creating new colonies. They could not forget that 
p. 94 the proposed Korth Queensland colony of 1845 was to 
have been a penal settlement, and that many Queenslanders 
still hankered after the forbidden luxury. Indeed, 
Gregory's colony of Albert was conceived by him as a 
receptacle for convicts. And so, just as Albert was never 
allowed to become a reality, the northern districts of 
Queensland were firmly gripped by the Brisbane Govern- 
ment to make sure that no convicts should be sent there. 
When the convict scare was a thing of the past, there 
arose this new difficulty about Kanaka labour. The 
northerners at once began, and have never since ceased, to 
agitate for separation and to protest against being ruled by 
Ministers seven or eight hundred miles away, who know 
nothing of local needs and conditions. The southerners 
declare themselves afraid that a Townsville government 
would allow or even invite the immigration of Kanakas and 
Japanese in large numbers, and so form a nest of alien 
races from which they could spread all over Australia. 
The struggle is still going on : one party asserts that white 
men cannot work properly in tropical climates, and that 
you must have brown or black men to cultivate the soil ; 
the other believes that white men are not so unfitted for 
the climate as is said, and that in any case Australia must 
be kept white. 
Progress West of the main range, of course, the Kanaka question 
does not exist. The great plains that Leichhardt and 
Gregory traversed are now a series of cattle-stations 


stretching away to the South Australian border. More 
than half the cattle of Australia are Queensland's, and 
nearly one-fifth of the sheep. Several of the Gulf rivers 
have gold in their valleys : the Cloncurry has copper also. 
Near Herberton, to the south-west of Cairns, there are 
mines of silver, copper, and tin. Railways, owing to the 
colony's peculiar shape, are many and disconnected. From 
Brisbane to the Warrego, from Rockhampton to the Barcoo, 
two long arms stretch out to tap the pastoral districts- 
Another line skirts the coast from the New South Wales 
boundary as far north as Port Curtis, and another climbs along 
the main range to meet the great trunk line from Sydney. 
Mackay, Bowen, Cairns, and Cooktown have each their 
little inland line, and Townsville is proud of a longer one 
that pushes past Charters Towers to the head of the 
Flinders. There is also a short line in the Gulf country : 
and there are schemes in plenty for a long diagonal railway 
that shall strike across the Warrego to the Gulf, perhaps 
even on through the Nort hern Territory to the Roper and 
Port Darwin, connecting all the important east and west 
lines on its way, and giving Queensland a railway system 
instead of a collection of scattered tracks. 

C. South Australia (1860-90). 

The party politics of Queensland during the years fr.p, 
between 1860 and 1880 were confused and of purely local 
interest, and much the same may be said about South 
Australia, although this colony has always been a good 
deal influenced by the doings of its Victorian neighbours, parlia- 
As at Sydney and Melbourne, so at Adelaide there was for 
some time friction between the Council and the Assembly 
about money bills. But in two very important points the 
South Australian Council was stronger than the Victorian. 
In the first place, the Constitution did not limit its powers 
except by providing that money bills were to originate in 
the Assembly — and even that provision had only been 



inserted in the Act by a majority of one. In the second 
place, the Council was elected in a very democratic way : a 
comparatively small amount of property entitled a man to 
vote, and the eighteen members were elected, six at a time, 
by all the electors of the colony voting together, while 
members of the Assembly (which was elected by manhood 
suffrage) represented each his own district. Consequently 
the Assembly could not accuse the other House of repre- 
senting only a few rich people : and in the end a compromise 
was peacefully made by which the Council, instead of 
making amendments in money bills, suggested them to the 
Assembly — if the suggestions were not taken the Council 
still was able to reject the bills altogether. This system 
worked well for many years. !More lately there have 
been made one or two alterations in the Constitution 
which render it more democratic than that of any other 
Australasian colony except New Zealand. Members of 
both Houses are paid at the rate of £200 a year ; and 
women have been given the right to vote on the same terms 
as men. 

To South Australia must be given the credit of two 
achievements which are of great importance to the whole 
continent. Its first parliament made itself notable by 
passing in January, 1858, the Real Property Act, since 
The known by the name of its author, R. R. Torrens. Up to 
Act^* fchat time the buying and selling of land had been con- 
ducted (as it still is in England) by passing from seller to 
buyer certain documents called the " title deeds " of the 
land in question. In England, before a piece of land is sold, 
lawyers often have to examine carefully a large number of 
these documents, sometimes reaching back several hundred 
years, to make sure that the seller is really the legal owner 
of that piece of land and able to sell it without any con- 
ditions or restrictions. But in Australia, where a hundred 
and ten years ago the whole country was without legal 
owners, it seemed to Mr. Torrens a stupid thing that this 


cumbrous system should be perpetuated. All the land sold 
had originally been sold by the Government, which still 
held the greater part of the country ; it was therefore 
comparatively easy to find out who was the legal owner of 
any particular piece and to register his name in a public 
office, so that there should be no mistake about it in future. 
This was the principle of the Torrens Act, which the other 
colonies have since copied from South Australia. Anyone 
who owned a piece of land might, after giving due notice 
by advertisements, have it registered as belonging to him 
in the Land Registrar's Office. After that the Government 
guaranteed that it really was his : if he sold it to anyone 
the sale was also registered and ownership guaranteed to 
the buyer. If he mortgaged it, or made any arrangement 
that would prevent him legally from selling it, that too had 
to be registered. So now, wherever land is held by 
" Torrens Title," you can make quite sure about its owner- 
ship simply by going to the Registrar's office, instead of 
having to employ a lawyer to read through a great many 
ancient and puzzling documents. 

The other important achievement was of a very different .pj^^ 
kind. Australia is so far away from Europe that all sorts ^^j/g.^^ 
of serious changes in trade or politics might occur while a K^aph 
letter was travelling from London to Sydney. Had we 
to depend on letters only, it might well happen (some such 
thing did happen lately to a Spanish governor in the 
Caroline Islands), that England might go to war with 
another Power and Australians know nothing of it till the 
enemy's fleet shelled our towns. As soon, therefore, as igflO 
clever men had laid a telegraph cable between Europe and 
America, and had thus proved that electric messages could be 
sent under the sea for thousands of miles, people in Australia 
began to agitate for similar cables to connect this continent 
with the northern world. But besides the cables, which 
would naturally come from some island in Malaysia (so as to 
have as much wire as possible on land, where it is cheaper 



p. 198 

and easier to repair), there must also be a long line overland 
to reach the populated south-eastern corner of the continent. 
At one time Queensland thought of putting up this line, as 
her settlements were stretching out in a fairly continuous 
string to the Gulf of Carpentaria. But South Australia 
was very jealous of Queensland's progress in the north. 
We have already seen that the Adelaide Government 
eagerly claimed its right, in virtue of McDouall Stuart's 
work, to administer the Northern Territory ; it was equally 
eager to claim also its right to the telegraph line which 
would start from Port Darwin, the capital of that Territory. 

Station on Ovbrland Tklbgraph Line. 

South It was, of course, useless merely to make such a claim on 
Australia » j j 

at work paper ; the colony that did the work would get the line. 
Accordingly in 1870 the South Australians set to work 
p. 175 along Stuart's route, constructing the line from both ends 
at the same time. The southern half was put up without 
very great difficulty, as a great part of it went through 
settled country, and supplies could be forwarded steadily 
from Adelaide. But in the northern half there was great 
trouble. Except for Stuart's journeyings the country was 
unknown — and his difficulties in getting through it had 


been immense. The climate alone in that tropical wilderness 
was enough to make European labour almost impossible. 
Even the timber for the posts had to be dragged from 
places hundreds of miles off, and was eaten by white ants 
when it arrived. Mr. Todd, the superintendent of telegraphs, 
whose energy had made the whole enterprise possible, 
himself took charge of this piece of work, for the contractors 
failed utterly. He imported coolies to labour and iron posts 
to take the place of timber. At last, on the twenty- 
second of August, 1872, he was able to complete the land 
line from end to end by connecting the wires at Central 
Mount Stuart, and from Adelaide and Port Darwin alike 
received congratulations on the result of his unwearying 
toil. Meanwhile the cable company had laid its cable 
from Banjoewangie, in Java, to Port Darwin, and had 
threatened the South Australian Government with a law- 
suit because the land line had not been ready on January 1, 
the date originally fixed for completion. But, luckily for 
South Australia, in the middle of its threats the 
Company's cable broke, and the land line was finished 
before the cable was mended. In October, however, every- 
thing was ready, and messages were sent clear through from 
Sydney to London by way of Adelaide, Port Darwin, 
Banjoewangie, Batavia, Singapore, Madras, and Bombay. 
About nine thousand miles of this distance are covered by 
cable, about four thousand five hundred by land lines ; and 
of the latter nearly two thousand miles' length was con- 
structed at a cost of £479,000 by South Australia, at a 
time when there were not two hundred thousand people in 
the whole colony. 

So energetic a community, as may be imagined, has not Mines 
been idle in other directions. In minerals the colony is Rafi^ys 
poor, except in copper. The two original mines at Kapunda p. 102 
and Burra Burra are no longer worked, but those at Moonta 
and Wallaroo have taken their place, and turn out nearly 
one quarter of the total copper product of Australasia. 


Farming and wine-growing are the chief occupations in the 
southern settled districts, and sheep-runs cover the inland 
plains. But the poor rainfall puts South Australians at a 
great disadvantage in regard to all these pursuits, for the 
wheat yield per acre is only half what it is in the eastern 
colonies, and while New South Wales on an average carries a 
sheep to every two acres, in South Australia it takes fourteen 
acres to every sheep. The enterprise of colonists has, how- 
ever, made up for want of minerals in the colony itself by 
p. 189 pushing a railway across the border to tap the great silver 
mines of Broken Hill ; and agriculture is helped on as much 
as may be by irrigation from the Murray. Besides the 
Broken Hill railway and several branch lines in the lands 
along Spencer's Gulf, South Australia has continued the 
great trunk line from the Victorian border through Adelaide 
north to Oodnadatta (in the latitude of Brisbane), and is 
bringing another line south from Port Darwin to meet it ; 
but there is a gap of more than eleven hundred miles to be 
closed before the railway, like the telegraph wire, spans 
the Australian continent, 
rjij^g The Northern Territory was for many years a source of 

^ern^" ^^^^h trouble. The first party of settlers chose a bad site 
"^^^y* for the capital, and men who had bought land eagerly tried 
to throw it back into the hands of Government. But the 
construction of the telegraph line brought population to 
Port Darwin, and founded a now flourishing township more 
properly known as Palmerston, and presently overlanders 
from the Queensland Gulf country began to move their 
cattle westwards and take up the valley of the Koper. The 
more active work of mining and agriculture is chiefly carried 
on by Chinese and cooUes, who are less enervated by the 
climate than Europeans are wont to be; wherefore the 
politicians of temperate Australia look suspiciously on the 
Northern Territory, no less than on North Queensland, as 
offering too easy a channel for the inflow of alien races. 


D. West Australia (1840-95). 
Cut off from her eastern sisters by a belt of waterless fr.p. so 
desert and the rough seas of the Great Bight, Western 
Australia for more than thirty years was scarcely affected 
at all by the events which made New South Wales and 
Victoria free and populous. The colonists were all farmers 
or squatters, and much in need of labourers ; but there 
were no funds by which immigrants could be helped to 
come out. In the eastern colonies immigration was assisted 
out of the moneys received for the sale of Crown lands. At 
Perth hardly any such money was received — the proceeds 
of two years' sales amounted to £65. This came of the 
hard and fast rule, applied by Ministers in London to the p. ss 
whole of Australia, that no Crown land should be sold for 
less than £1 per acre, while, under the original arrangement 
by which the Perth settlers had emigrated, private owners p« 78 
held large areas of the best and most accessible land in the 
colony, and were ready to sell it at far lower prices. 
As it was thus impossible to attract free labourers, men's convict* 
minds turned naturally to the thought of using convicts. 
By way of experiment boys were sent out from the Park- jg^j 
hurst Reformatory, and proved very useful as farm hands 
In a few years their value became so obvious, and the need 
of more labourers so keen, that the settlers willingly accepted 
an offer made by Earl Grey to send out convicts. This 1850 
was, of course, also very convenient to the British Govern- 
ment, which was just then in the thick of the Hashemy and p. 95 
Randolph troubles with Sydney and Melbourne. For a time 
this device availed to keep the colony going. Grey's dis- 
coveries at Champion Bay were revisited, and good land 
found there, and some important lead mines were opened 
up on the Murchison. When in 1853 a rumour reached 
Perth that transportation was to be abolished, there were 
instant and emphatic protests. 

But the drawbacks of the system were great. Without 
convicts the colony had not attracted free settlers ; with 


convicts it frightened them away. The Perth settlers 
appealed to the Imperial G-overnment to send them free 
men as well as prisoners, but they only received some 
military pensioners to serve as convict guards, and a large 
number of ticket-of-leave men. For a long time the 
convicts in Government employ were set to work on public 
buildings, instead of being used to make roads and so 
improve communication inland. And, worst of all, the 
taint of conAdctism cut West Australia completely off from 
the rest of the continent. Ship passengers from Fremantle 
or Albany were not allowed to land at eastern ports 
without a formal certificate that they had never been 
convicted. More especially did the Victorians protest that 
one penal settlement gave a bad reputation to all Australiii, 
and Mr. McCuUoch, the Premier in 1864, went so far as to 
propose that the offending colony should be boycotted. But 
whoii a new Anti- transportation League had been formed, 
and the agitation was at its height, news came from home 
that the system would soon be at an end. Away on the 
north-west coast, from Cossack to Roebuck Bay, large 
orSf ' ^^^^^ ^^ good land had been discovered, and it was thought 
Rboliahed very unwise to introduce convicts into a district so remote 
from headquarters ; wherefore, seeing also that the eastern 
colonies had their own reasons for wishing to see the end of 
convictism, the Imperial Government decided that within 
three years transportation should be completely done away 
with. So by 1 868 Western Australia became free again. But 
in material ways the influx of forced labour had certainly 
done good. In 1849, twenty years after its first settlement, 
the colony's population numbered 4654, and its oversea 
trade had a value of £54,600. In thirteen years of con- 
victism the population had become 18,780,* the trade had 
reached a value of £294,500, the areaunJer cultivation had 
increased fivefold, and nearly a million pounds of British 
money had been spent among the settlers. 

* More than 16,000 were free men. 


Soon after transportation ceased a measure of represen- Reforms 
tative government was introduced. Up to 1870 the 
Governor had been assisted by a Council of five officials and 
five non-official Crown nominees. From 1870 to 1889 the 
Council was shaped to resemble that which had sat at p. 87 
Sydney in 1842 — numbering at first eighteen, afterwards 
twenty-one, and having two-thirds of its members elected 
by all voters with a small property qualification. In 1878 
there was an agitation for responsible government, but the 
Ministry at home was not prepared to give a handful of 
colonists between Perth and Albany the control of one- 
third of the continent. If they liked to have their districts 
cut off, and the rest of that huge expanse left as a Crown 
colony, they were welcome to govern themselves ; if not, 
they must remain as they were. During the next ten 
years, however, great attempts were made to occupy 
effectively as much as possible of the waste area ; goldfields 
were discovered at Kimberley and at Yilgarn, a telegraph 
line was constructed to Roebuck Bay (running thence by 
cable to Banjoewangie), and arrangements were made by 
which railways should be privately built so as in the end 
to connect Albany with Geraldton. These efforts to open 
up wider areas of the colony were recognised and applauded 
by politicians at home. When a new agitation for self- 
government sprang up in 1887, and was backed in 1889 by 
the unanimous vote of a newly-elected Council, the 
Imperial Parliament receded from its former attitude; and seif. 
on August 15, 1890, an Act was passed which placed the ^ment^" 
largest and emptiest of the Australian colonies at last on 
an equal footing with its fellows east of the Bight. 

It must not be imagined, however, that nothing was done 
in the way of exploring the western wilderness until it was Explora- 
needful to make an impression on the British Government. 
While Leichhardt was still preparing for his last fatal 
journey, A. C. Gregory and his brothers were working 
northwards from Perth to the Gascoyne : when A. C. 


Gregory betook himself to explorations further eastward, 
his brother Frank continued the work in Western Australia 
till in 1861 he reached the Oakover River, while other 
adventurous pioneers pushed out into the salt lake country 
east of York. In 1869 a rumour that traces of Leichhardt 
still existed led to the dispatch of an expedition under Mr. 
John Forrest,* a surveyor, which managed to get some way 
past Lake Barlee ; but its principal result was that Forrest 
could not bring himself to abandon an explorer's life, and 
began to look about for other work of the kind. In 1870 
he retraced Eyre's march along the cliffs of the Bight, but 
was able now and then to turn inland off the direct 
route, and so discovered that behind the shore-belt of desert 
there was an expanse of well-grassed country almost the 
whole way to the South Australian border. In 1874 he 
did better still ; striking out into the unknown land from a 
station on the Upper Murchison, he made his way clear 
across the colony to the overland telegraph line, thus 
getting valuable knowledge of the whole interior. 
1873 A similar cross-country journey in the opposite direction 

1875.(5 had been already made by Colonel Warburton, and another 
was soon after completed by Ernest Giles ; but in both 
these cases the travelling was more hurried, and little infor 
mation was gained about any country except that on the 
line actually passed over. Alexander Forrest, however, in 
1879 emulated his brother's careful work in an expedition 
which started from the De Grey River, examined the coast 
country to the Fitzroy, and then made inland along that 
stream and across the head of the Victoria to the telegraph 
line. He thus opened up a great pastoral district, in the 
mines middle of which, at Kimberley, gold was found in 1887. 

Kimberley and Yilgarn are now almost forgotten in the 
astonishing discoveries, and more astonishing stories, that 
are connected with the names of Coolgardie and Kalgoorlie, 
and there are men who say that West Australia will yet 

* Now Sir John Forrest, the Premier of the colonj . 


become a greater gold producer than Victoria. But the 
colony has many resources besides gold. Its lead mines on 
the Murchison, its great forests of the almost indestructible 
jarrah timber, its pearl fisheries on the north-west coast, all 
help to increase trade and make wealth. But it will be 
many years before even the most arduous and enterprising 
labours enable its settlers to feel that they have really 
mastered and exploited the unmanageable bulk of their 
scantily -watered territories. 


A. The New Constitution. 

fr.p. 142 Among other marks of the confidence which the British 

Government placed in Sir George Grey, he had been given 

ahnost a free hand in drawing up the constitution under 

which New Zealand was to obtain self-government. It 

was therefore mainly his work that the Constitution Act 

Govern- of 1852 became law — a complicated structure, wliich 
ment by *• 

Prov- made of the two islands rather a federation than a colony. 

They were divided into six provinces — Auckland, New 

Plymouth, Wellington (in the North Island), Nelson, 

Canterbury, and Otago (in the South) : each had a paid 

Council of elected members, and a Superintendent also 

elected. These dealt with most local matters : matters 

concerning land, the post office, customs duties, and others 

that affected the colony as a whole, were to be dealt with 

by a double-chambered Central Government — a Council of 

nominees holding office for life, an Assembly of members 

elected by the same voters who chose the Provincial 

Councils. Above all were the Governor and his Ministers, 

who could veto all provincial ordinances and the election 

of provincial superintendents. In finance an awkward 

arrangement was made by which the Central Government 

spent what it wanted and then divided the balance — a 

very uncertain sum — between the provinces. Maori matters 

were strictly reserved for the Imperial Government, and 

the Governor was given power to proclaim certain districts 

as reserves under Maori law. 

At the time, while the squabbles between Auckland and 

Wellington, the Company and the Crown, were still fresh 

in men's minds, no closer union would have been workable 



As it wa«, the qun^i ouuth Island provincea chafed for 
many years at having to supply fund« for carrying on 
Maori wars up north : and the conflicting land policies of 
Grey and Wakefield soon made it impossible to arrange 
one common system of land laws, so that in a very few 
years that question was transferred from the Central to the 
Provincial Governments. But with that alteration, and 
the occasional addition of new provinces as settlement 
spread, Grey's constitution lasted in full working order for 
twenty-three years, and saw the colony through two weari- 
some wars and several exciting gold rushes. 

With the passing of the Constitution Act Grey felt that Orey 
his work was done. During seventeen years of hard work 
in three Australasian colonies, he had enjoyed three 
months' holiday at home. He had saved South Australia ; 
he had saved and united New Zealand. At the end of 
1853, having seen the a.ssemhling of the first Provincial 
Councils, he took leave of absence and returned to England, 
to find the New Zealand Company's influence still powerful 
against him. It was dead, but its partisans attackerl him 
bitterly, and for a time he was in disgrace with the 
Colonial Department. For a time only, however — he was 
soon able to vindicate himself, and, more trusted than ever 
by the Government, was sent out to manage yet another 
disorganised colony in South Africa. 

B. The Maori Wab (1856-65). 

Meanwhile his successors at Auckland were by no nieanB 

maintaining his traditions. Matters in dispute between 

the Central authorities and the provinces were largely 

settled by letting the provinces have their own way ; but ,. The ^^ 

Maori difficulties were not to be disposed of so easily, move- 

'' ment 
Land, of course, wa« at the bottom of the whole trouble ; a 

Secretary for Native Affairs had been appointed, and to 

him alone could the Maoris legally sell land, but eager 

gettlers were constantly bargaining behind his back with 


greedy natives who pretended to be sole owners of valuable 
patches. Presently the chiefs took alarm ; they still trusted 
the Imperial authorities (of whom the Native Secretary was 
one), but were very suspicious of the local Assembly and 
its Ministers, who were always striving to gain control of 
native affairs. In 1856 there was a great council of Maori 
chiefs near Lake Taupo, at which they bound themselves to 
sell no more land to anyone, not even to the Imperial 

p. 118 authorities. At the same time they revived Busby's 
original scheme of banding the tribes together under a single 
head. The chiefs, it was felt, were losing their maiia : the 

Browne ^^"^ Governor, Colonel Gore Browne, was not treating them 
^isSi*^' with the same friendly respect that Grey had shown. If 
they could agree on one great chief, and make him their 
king, he could speak to the Governor on more equal terms. 
Thus began the "King" movement, not as an act of 
rebellion against British rule, but as a means of giving the 
Maori tribes the same standing under British rule that the 
new Constitution had given to the white colonists. For a 
while the movement lagged : Potatau, the elected king, 
was an old man and a great friend of the whites, and did as 
little as possible in his new office. But in 1859 matters 
became much more serious. 

The white settlement at Taranaki had been from the first 
a centre of disturbance. The town was little more than a 
The straggling street parallel to the sea beach, with a few 
^lock^ cottages scattered in the fern-bush and forest which spread 
on all sides from the slope of Mount Egmont behind it. 
This wild country was the home of quarrelling fragments of 
native tribes, who fought each other year in, year out, over 
trivial questions of disputed ownership. The most im- 
portant and consequently most quarrelsome chief of the 
district was Wiremu Kingi, who had in past years done the 
British many a good turn ; and he was still so friendly that 
he refused to join the King movement, and took care that 
no Europeans should be injured in the squabbles of his 



follow-tribcsmen. But it happened that in 1859 the 
Taranaki settlers wanted more land, and the Governor 
arranged to buy from some natives a block at the mouth of 
the Waitara River. Wiremu Kingi protested, partly 
because he occupied a part of it, mainly because as chief he 
could veto all sales of tribal land. The sellers, of course, 
disputed his veto. To Browne, no expert in Maori matters, 
he was only a turbulent leader of quarrelsome natives, and 
his claim to a veto seemed absurd and arrogant. The block 
was bought ; surveyors were sent on to it ; Wiremu Kingi 
asserted his rights as mildly as he knew how by sending 

A Pa. 

against them the ugliest old women of his tribe, who 
overwhelmed them with reproachful caresses. The Governor 
was in no mood to appreciate humour. He called the 
Maoris rebels, and proclaimed martial law in the Taranaki 
district. Now " martial law " is an expression well under- 
stood among Europeans, but this was what the translators 
of the proclamation made of it : " The law of fighting is now 
to appear at Taranaki, and remain until again forbidden." 

We can imagine the joy of the younger Maoris at this 
official order to resume their dearly beloved game of war. 
They plunged into it with the utmost zest, building pa 

p. 134 

Feb. 20 



after pa in the Taranaki forest land and sending cheery 
challenges to the British commanders sent against them. 
" Friend," wrote a number of chiefs to General Pratt, 
" come to fight me, that is very good : come inland, and let 
us meet each other. Fish fight at sea — come inland .... 
make haste, make haste, don't prolong it." Wiremu Kingi, 
stigmatised as a rebel, at once threw in his lot with the 
King leaders and called the powerful Waikato tribe to his 
aid. As usual, the British troops fought by rule and line, 
breaching the pas with artillery and marching in column 
to the attack. " They are brave men," said the natives, 
" but very foolish, for they march so close together that one 
bullet will kill two men." Presently General Pratt tried to 
lessen this loss of life by sapping up to the pas as carefully 
as if they were fortified cities ; but this style of warfare was 
too tedious for his lively opponents, who at last sent out a 
flag of truce and ofiered to finish the sap for him themselves 
if that would bring on the actual fighting any sooner. 

Even while fighting the natives did not forget the cause 
of the whole trouble. They were always ready to make 
peace on condition that the ownership of the Waitara block 
should be carefully enquired into. But Browne was 
obstinate, though Governor Denison sent him from New 
South Wales a letter of admirable advice in Grey's own 
spirit : he set to work to fortify the approaches to Auckland, 
and was preparing to carry the war into the Waikato 
district, when orders from home recalled him and sent Grey 
once more to the post of danger. 
Grey Grey hurried over from the Cape to Auckland, and at 
again once put himself in communication with every Maori tribe 
he could reach to find out what was at the bottom of their 
restlessness. He was soon able to explain to the British 
Government how peculiar the native method of warfare 
was, and how futile it must be to treat them either as 
civilised beings or pure savages. The recent war, for 
instance, they considered to bo so purely local a matter 


that the Waikato tribe, which was fighting hard in Greya-ain 

-j^ Governor, 

Taranaki, liad not attempted to disturb a single European isei-a 
in its own district. At the time of Browne's departure 
there was no actual fighting going on, and the most 
redoubtable of Pratt's opponents was occupied in starting a 
school and ploughing land from which to raise crops for 
feeding the school children. Grey determined to have done The 
with war against such men, if possible, and soon put forward 
a scheme for utilising them in the administration of the 
country. The chiefs were to be made magistrates and 
police officers in their own " hundreds :" they were to 
nominate representatives on the council of their district, 
which would have power over hospitals, gaols, schools, 
and disputes about land. Most of the chiefs accepted this 
new proposal joyfully, and the white colonists, for whom 
Grey after some trouble obtained the control over Maori 
affairs (which had till then been Imperial), were at least 
willing to try the experiment. But the Waikato men still 
adhered to their " King " movement, and Grey did not 
conceal from them that he wished to see it suppressed. 
Potatau, the first king, had been his personal friend. Of 
the new one, Tawhiao, he knew little, and nothing that 
was good. "While proclaiming and encouraging peace every- 
where else, he set his military forces to make a good road 
from Auckland to the Waikato River, so that troops could 
be quickly moved upon that centre of disturbance whenever 
it should be necessary. At the same time he announced 
that the Waitara grievance would be thoroughly enquired 
into, and in 1862 admitted Wiremu Kingi's claim, and 
arranged to hand the block back to him 

His Ministry was slow to consent, and Grey was im- 
patient to have done with the whole affair. By an The 
unfortunate blunder, while waiting for Ministers to make resume 
up their minds about Waitara, he resumed possession of 
another Taranaki block which belonged to the whites, 
and had been seized by the Maoris during the war. 

the -war 


To the natives one matter balanced the other, and the 
two should have been settled at the same time : they saw 
their conquest taken away from them while Waitara 
still remained British. The order for war came speedily 
May 4, 1863 from the Waikato, and a party of ten Englishmen was 
brutally massacred within a few miles of Taranaki 
township. The whole island was at once astir. This was 
no matter of a land squabble, but a direct challenge from 
the King leaders to the Grovernor : from Wanganui came 
news of a plotted rising : all Europeans were thrust out of 
the Waikato. Grey soon put his new road to good use, 
and a strong force of British soldiers and colonial mUitia 
fought its way up the enemy's river under General 
Nov. 20-21 Cameron. At Rangiriri a pa of great strength was taken 
after repeated assaults, and the soldiers ran among the 
defenders as they surrendered, shaking hands with them 
for their gallantry. A remarkably strong chain of defences 
at Paterangi was made useless by Cameron's sudden 
appearance on the Maori line of supplies in its rear. At 
last three hundred of the retreating natives entrenched 
themselves in a hastily-constructed stockade at Orakau, on 
a branch of the upper Waipa. Carey, an officer under 
Cameron, surrounded them with a force of more than four 
times their number, but in three assaults failed to cross 
April 2, 1864 ^^^ stockadc. Next day it was breached with the fire of a 
heavy gun, and , Carey called on the Maoris to yield and 
save their lives, for there were women and children among 
them. " The women will fight too," they said : and for 
their own part, " Ka whawhai tonu, ake, ake, ake ! We 
fight to the last, for ever, for ever, for ever ! " Abandoning 
the Christian hymns which they had used so long, they 
called on their own gods of former days and marched in a 
body against the English line to the music of their fathers' 
war song. For six miles the troops beset them, until more 
than half of that brave band was killed : the rest escaped 
across a friendly river and dispersed in the forests of tb^ 
upper Waikato. The war in that district was over. 


There was more work for the soldiers yet, however, for The 
the King leaders had sent their order to fight far and wide cam^ 
over the island. A body of young warriors from Hawke's ^^^^^ 
Bay, crossing to join another detach- 
ment in Tauranga, were attacked 
and beaten by the Arawa, a tribe 
friendly to the British. The main 
body of the Tauranga tribe for- 
tiiicd a pa, afterwards called 
"Gate Pa," on the boundary 
tween the white settlements 
native territory, and 

Maoris Defending a Pa. 

Cameron resolved to 
surround and attack 
it. For a whole 
day his guns bat- 
tered the stockade; 
at four o'clock the 
troops charged and 
entered the pa, but 
not a Maori was to 
be seen — they were 
all hidden in rifle-pits 
dug out underground, from which they shot the officers 
at their leisure. One regiment, it is said, lost more officers 
at the Gate Pa than any regiment did at Waterloo. A 
panic seized on the crowded assai]ants, and they fell back 
in disorder, pursued by taunting natives. That night the 
pa was abandoned, and the Maoris fell back inland ; but 
their triumph lasted six weeks only, and at Te Ranga the 
regiments they had broken broke their defence in turn. 
With that the remnant of the Tauranga tribe submitted 
themselves to Grey's mercy, and the King party retreated 
further into its central fastnesses, despairing of any 
further good fortune. 

April 28 


The Yet before peace was made this extraordinary war was to 

Haus develop another surprise. At Taranaki it had gone on 
smouldering all the time, with occasional skirmishes and 
ambuscades. While Cameron was in Tauranga, the hostile 
natives under Mount Egmont suddenly revived their 
forefathers' cruelties, mutilating and eating some of the 
English dead. Out of their own and the Christian religious 
beliefs some fanatic prophets had constructed a new religion, 
and proclaimed that in December, 1864, the white men 
would be extirpated : meanwhile, the devotees would go 
unwounded even by rifle bullets if only as they charged 
they shouted, "Hau! Haul" in honour of their god, the 
angel Gabriel. Taranaki itself was soon freed from these 
wretches, but for a year or two they held strong 
positions on the Wanganui; and though the Waikato men 
and the King party in general refused to become converts, 
yet Hauhau missionaries were allowed to pass across the 
Taupo district and stir up the disaffected at Poverty Bay 
and at Whakatane in the Bay of Plenty. Here the Arawa 
and other friendly tribes (among whom two chiefs, Te 
Kepa and Ropata, especially distinguished themselves) 
succeeded in crushing the fanatics with very little help 
from Government. At the Wanganui Grey himself had to 
interfere. General Cameron was tired of losing his best 
troops in assaulting strongly-fortified pas : he was begin- 
ning to respect his Maori enemies, who fought so well, more 
than the white settlers whom he had to protect, and who 
seemed to him over-greedy for land : moreover he had not 
grasped the difference between the King movement, which 
Grey merely wished to render harmless and non-aggressive, 
and the Hauhau superstition, which must at all costs be 
extirpated. Ordered to Wanganui, he thought it was 
simply a matter of more " land grabbing ; " he excused 
himself from attacking the rebel pa at Wereroa, retired to 
Auckland, and left his troops inactive. Grey collected 
a mixed force of natives and colonists, seized a height 


which commanded the pa, and in two days took it with- July 20-21, 
out the loss of a single man. His success closed the 
long war and gave New Zealand a breathing space from 
alarms : but for him it was the beginning of that friction 
with the British War Department which at last led to his 
recall and closed his career as an Imperial officer. 

C. Troublous Times (1865-68). 

In truth Grey was at this time beset on all sides with 
difficulties. The Imperial authorities could not understand 
why, having been sent to the colony with absolute power 
in native affairs because he knew them so well, he had 
almost at once got his power transferred to his responsible 
Ministers in the colonial parliament. He had done so, as 
a matter of fact, because all the nominal power he might 
have was not to be exercised without money, and the 
colonists were not fond of finding money for schemes over 
which they had no control. But he overrated his personal 
influence among the men to whom the new arrangement 
committed his powers. Some were of a new generation, 
and knew little of his earlier services : some still remem- 
bered the animosity of the New Zealand Company : nearly 
all were possessed with the idea that New Zealand was a 
white man's colony, and that the interests of the natives 
were of quite minor importance. To check their zeal 
against the Maori Grey was forced back upon the use of 
his prerogative as Governor, the very power of which he 
had tried to divest himself. The colonists called him 
tyrannical. The Colonial Office called him vacillating. 
When the War Office complained indignantly that a mere 
civilian Governor was interfering with one of its Generals, 
Grey's position became almost impossible to hold. 

But much work besides fighting was done in this second Gold 
governorship of his. The South Island, free from Maori 
troubles, had contributed its share of excitement in the 
shape of goldfields. In 1861 gold was discovered on the 


Tuapeka River, and the yield grew richer as diggers went 
north along the valley of the Clutha. On the Shotover a 
miner swam across some rapids to rescue his dog from 
drowning, and that afternoon washed out more than a 
thousand pounds' worth of gold from the point where he 
landed. Otago quadrupled its population in three years, 
and would have grown faster but for fresh discoveries on 
1866 the west coast, where Hokitika became the centre of a 
mining enterprise that spread up every torrent bed and 
got great reward from the sands of the sea shore. Smaller 
parties prospected through the province of Nelson and 
round the Hauraki Gulf, and the quartz reefs of Coromandel 
attracted many, though Maori opposition to the sale of 
tribal lands delayed for years the opening up of the rich 
Thames Valley goldfield. 

The Con- ^^ ^^^ ^^* ^^^7 ^^ regard to native ajffairs that Grey 
stitution i^g^fj trouble with his Ministers. The Constitution creaked 
a good deal in the working. In Browne's time had been 
fought out the inevitable question about the responsibility 
of Ministers to parliament. Wynyard, a stop-gap Acting- 
Governor, had maintained in office men who were not 
members of the new parliament at all, and who could only 
be abused, not unseated, by electors or an Assembly that 
differed from them : Browne, after a good deal of palaver- 
ing, accepted the modern system, and in all but native 
affairs acted on the advice of a Ministry led by Mr. Edward 
Stafford, But the provinces were too powerful to allow 
the formation of any Ministry that could work solely for 
the whole colony's good, and their influence always tended 
towards complete separation. The six original provinces in 
the end grew to ten. Hawke's Bay in 1858 was carved 
out of Wellington, and Marlborough out of Nelson a year 
later. The gold rush made a province of Southland, 
including the Clutha and Mataura valleys : but this district 
was again merged in Otago in 1870, after existing separately 
for nine years. Later on, in 1873, the west coast gold- 


fields obtained two years of existence as a province under 
the name of Westland : but this was far beyond Grey's 
time, and is only mentioned here for the sake of 

So strengthened, the provincial element in the Assembly 
asserted itself with dangerous freedom. Attempts were 
made to cut off Auckland and the chief Maori districts 
from the rest of New Zealand, and failing that, to make 
each island a separate colony : in both cases the end sought 
was to keep the revenues of Canterbury and Otago for 
local purposes and to throw on the Imperial Government 
the cost of war — for Auckland by itself would certainly 
have been too poor to pay its war bill. Both attempts 
were barely defeated, the latter by a single vote only. 
Auckland, on the other hand, in 1865 asked for separation 
on its own account, because the southern provinces had a 
majority in parliament and gave it laws that it did not 

Grey's capture of the Wereroa pah was accepted as the 
close of the war, though Hauhau disturbances broke out at 
odd moments for some years later. He and his Ministers 
now set to work to make some permanent settlement 
of Maori affairs. Of course the friendly tribes in quiet 
districts had long ago accepted his scheme of 1861, 
and kept it in good working order, but at Waikato and 
Taranaki and Tauranga and Whakatane there were large 
tracts left desolate and without any sort of local adminis- 
tration, Maori or white. These tracts the New Zealand 
Government took over as a prize of war, to the extent of 
more than three million acres : about a tenth part of this 
area was distributed among loyal natives for reward, and 
nearly the same amount restored to native owners who threw 
themselves on the Government's mercy : most of the rest 
was thrown open for sale to white settlers. One block of 
four hundred thousand acres between the Waipa and 
Waikato, stretching south as far as Orakau was reserved 


for a series of military settlements, on which members of the 
Colonial militia were placed to defend from further incur- 
sions of the King natives the soil over which they had fought 
so gallantly. The King party, in answer, proclaimed Te 
see map, ^ ukatiy "the boundary line" enclosing territory that stretched 
from Taupo west to the sea and north to the military settle- 
ments, known thenceforward as " the King country :" across 
that boundary line no white, no loyal native might step 
under penalty of death. The Hauhaus of Tauranga had an 
Aukati of their own, reaching from the head of the Thames 
north to the Coromandel Range : but this was a temporary 
affair only, while within the King country Tawhiao and his 
followers sulked for many a year. 

The irreconcilables being thus provided for, it was time 
to confer on the friendly tribes their full privileges as citizens 

1S65 of the Empire. A Native Rights Act gave their land cus- 
toms the force of law. A Native Lands Act, embodying and 
improving on one passed in 1862, established Land Courts 
with Maori and English juries. Not long after Maori 
schools were endowed, and the tribes were allowed to elect 

1867 four of their chiefs to represent them in the colonial parlia- 
ment. The policy which Grey had proclaimed in 1845 was 
at last triumphant when in 1868 he was recalled from the 
colony which he more than any other man had shaped 
and saved. 

For evil days had come upon the Empire, and there was 
no room for a strong Governor who wished to stand between 
the British Government and the colonists, binding them 
both together. English politics in the years from 1854 to 
1874 had been centred more and more on the British Isles. 
After Lord Palmerston's death even European politics almost 
ceased to interest politicians in London, and the colonies, 
scattered far oversea, interested them still less. New Zealand, 
where Imperial troops were fighting, had to be attended to, 
but the chief wish of successive Colonial Secretaries was to 
get the troops out of it as quickly as possible and leave it 


to its own devices. They chafed at Grey's constant appeals 
to them to take some genuine interest in his schemes, and 
took the first excuse to get rid of him. 

General Cameron had resigned after the Wereroa affair, 
and was attacking the Governor bitterly at home. General 
Chute, his successor, thought fit to order a Maori prisoner 
to be shot in cold blood, and his officers put the act down to 
the Governor's orders, being reluctant to believe that a 
soldier would have done such a thing. Grey, charged with 
the crime by Mr. Cardwell, then Colonial Secretary, denied 
it with bitter indignation. His denial was received by a 
new Secretary, the Earl of Carnarvon, the one man who 
really was anxious to keep the colonies in the Empire : and 
he, while admitting that the Governor had cleared himself 
completely, asked him to alter the wording of his dispatch. 
At the same time, yielding to pressure from Cameron's and 
Chute's friends at the "War Office, Lord Carnarvon decided 
that military matters should be left to the General alone. 
Before any answers could be received, another and much 
weaker Secretary was in office, and to him came both Grey's 
refusal to withdraw a word of the dispatch objected and a 
further dispatch asserting proudly that Lord Carnarvon had 
been " misled " and that his statements and inferences were 
incorrect. To the new Secretary this was mere mutiny on 
the part of a minor official : he answered curtly that it was 
needless to go on with the discussion, and that he would 
soon be able to tell Sir George who was to succeed him, and 
how soon he would be relieved. At the news of this marked 
discourtesy all New Zealand united in the Governor's defence. 
His Ministers forgot their bickerings and protested strongly 
against the method and reason of his dismissal. Parliament 
addressed him in terms of unqualified praise. From every 
province, from every friendly tribe letters came pouring in, 
full of affection and reverence and regret at his departure. 
Eight years later, when at a great banquet in Wellington 
the toast of " The Governor " was proposed, every Maori 






there sprang to his feet and cheered enthusiastically for 
" The Governor — Governor Grey ! " 

Sir George Bowen, who came from Queensland to succeed 
him, entered on office with a praiseworthy desire to find out 
all he could about the colony and to interest the Colonial 

Secretary in its progress, but 
found the despatches from 
London just as curt, if less 
hostile. Before very long, how- 
ever, he found himself able to 
make his reports not only 
interesting but alarming. A 
native called Te Kooti had 
been arrested as a spy in 1865 
during the Hauhau troubles 
on the east coast, and had been 
sent with other prisoners to 
the Chatham Islands. On July 
4, 1868, he headed a revolt 
in which the prisoners seized the convict station, boarded a 
Te Kooti Government schooner, and sailed back to the North Island) 
landing a little below Poverty Bay. Three times he was 
attacked by small bodies of colonists, but burst through 
them all to gain the shelter of the inland ravines : then, 
while eager officers were mustering the friendly tribes to 
Nov. 10 pursue him, he came suddenly down on the settlement at 
Poverty Bay and massacred every human being he could 
find. Almost at the same time a Hauhau chief broke into 
revolt on the west coast near "Wanganui, and announced 
that he was reviving cannibalism. At the moment there 
was but a single British regiment in New Zealand, and that 
was under orders for removal. Governor Bowen begged 
that it should be left : he wrote and he telegraphed protests : 
he pictured the seriousness of the situation by comparisons 
with the Indian Mutiny and the Battle of CuUoden, and 
quoted parallels from the Bible and the "Lady of the Lake." 

Tb Kooti. 



The Colonial Secretary pufc them all aside as " very interest- 
ing," but insisted on removing the troops. In this emergency 
the colonial Government turned, at first in part and then 
altogether, to the help of its Maori friends. Colonel Whit- 
more, an officer who had served under Cameron, was put in 
command of the colonial militia : with the help of Te Kepa 
he suppressed the disorders at Wanganui : with the help of 
Ropata he stormed Te Kooti's pa at Ngatapa, perhaps the 
most formidable of Maori fortresses — where three lines of •^'^"- ^' ^^^^ 
earthworks guarded the summit of a mountain peak, only 
to be approached along a narrow ridge with precipices on 
either hand. By great good fortune Tawhiao was persuaded 
to remain neutral, and one of his principal chiefs even joined 
tlie colonial forces. Te Kooti, after another merciless raid 
on Whakatane, was driven into the ranges east of Taupo, 
through which Te Kepa and Ropata hunted him for many 
months. At last Tawhiao allowed him to take refuge in the 
King country, and the Government, assured that he was 
treated purely as a refugee and was now harmless to do 
further ill, assented to this arrangement. Te Kepa and 
Ropata received commissions as Majors, and were presented 
with swords of honour from the Queen. 

D. Peace and Progress (1870-90). 

So closed the long series of Maori wars, with the full 
recognition that loyal Maoris were full citizens of the 
Empire, fighting under the same flag and obeying the same 
laws as the white men who had settled among them. 
Tawhiao and his followers, it is true, held aloof in the King 
country, where for many years they maintained a practically 
independent though friendly state. But only once since 
Te Kooti's last raid has there been talk of dissension between 
natives and colonists, and that (as may be guessed) was 
over the question of land. A road was being"surveyed across 
the Waimate Plains, south of Mount Egmont, when a party 
of Maoris sent by a prophet-chief, Te Whiti, stopped the i879 


survey because it was trenching on their reserves. The 
district was that in which the last Hauhau revolt had taken 
place, and the alarmed colonists suspected, quite unjustly, 
that the prophet was reviving that superstition. Troops 
were poured into the Waimate and Te Whiti was arrested : 
but there was no outbreak, nor had there really been a pros- 
pect of one. 

In 1870 New Zealand began to take stock of her losses, and 
to devise some scheme of progress for the future. The scheme 
formulated was a very simple one. A sum of ten million 
pounds was to be borrowed, with which to construct railways, 
roads, and harbour works from end to end of the colony, to 
encourage immigration, and to buy up land for settlement. 
Part of the cost was to come from the sale of Crown lands 
that bordered on the new public works and would be 
increased in value thereby : but this provision the Provinces, 
always jealous for their absolute control over their own land, 
managed to throw out. The borrowing went on, however, 
and all the Provinces got by interfering was their own aboli- 
tion. In 1875-6 Acts were passed which ended the provincial 
Constitu- system and substituted for it a number of county and 
Be'^rm borough councils to look after local affairs, while the central 
parliament (which since 1865 had been sitting at Welling- 
ton) took over all business in which the whole colony had a 
common interest. Sir George Grey, who had returned to 
Auckland in 1870 and had entered the colonial parliament 
as member for that city in 1874, strongly opposed these 
Acts, but became himself Premier soon after they were put 
in force. As a party politician, however, he did not prove 
a success, although many of the measures he advocated have 
since been passed by men whom he helped into parliamentary 

In 1879 the period of borrowing and public works came 
to a sudden end. As happened in Victoria later, land had 
been sold at an abnormally high price during the " boom," 
and when the yield of gold fell off and the price of farming 


products went down, the landholders who had borrowed 
money to pay for their high-priced land were unable to repay 
the loans. Consequently the next ten years were largely 
taken up in devising measures to settle small farmers on the 
land at low rentals, so that by cultivating it more carefully, 
and by establishing co-operative dairies and meat-freezing 
works, it might be made more valuable to the colony at 
large. Since 1890 the chief endeavour of the New Zealand 
Parliament has been to make the State look after many 
things that in other countries are the concern of private 
people, so that not only railways and post offices (as in 
Australia), but hospitals and other charities, life assurance 
and even servants' registry offices are managed by the 
Government. The right of women to vote at parliamentary 
elections, the acts for regulating factories and establishing 
compulsory arbitration, and many other of our newer laws 
were first passed and tested in New Zealand. Quiet and 
isolated within their belt of ocean. New Zealanders make 
experiments from which their fellow-citizens of the Empire 
may learn much. 


A. Europeans in the South Seas (1803-1879). 

We have noticed how from time to time the spread of 
British colonies over Australian lands has been hurried on 
because it was supposed that France would otherwise take 
possession of the vacant territory. Tasmania in 1803, Port 
Phillip in 1804, Albany, Port Essington, and the South 
Island of New Zealand, were all occupied under the stress 
of such rumours. But in truth, when once Nelson had 
destroyed Napoleon's navy at Trafalgar, there was little fear 
for many years that a French colony would be set down so 
far away from Europe, at the mercy of any power that was 
strong at sea 

Phillip's commission had given him authority (as far as 
King George could give it) over " the islands adjacent to the 
eastern coast of Australia. This word " adjacent " was very 
indefinite, and Governor King exercised a sort of authority 
Tahiti as far away as Tahiti, in the Society Islands : later Governors 
did not interpret it to include even New Zealand, and the 
South Sea Islands further north or east were left to them- 
selves. Among them went British missionaries, teaching 
the islanders carpentry and other useful arts as well as reli- 
gion : in some a few rougher white men settled down to lead 
the native life, but New Zealand was the favourite haunt of 
such characters, and for the most part the gentle Polynesians 
found their white visitors kind and trustworthy. At Tahiti 
especially, where Cook and Bligh had stayed for some time, 
Englishmen were extremely popular, and in 1825 Queen 
Pomare asked that England should proclaim a protectorate 
over her islands. The request was refused, as being " in- 
consistent with international usage : " but Pomare still 



regarded the English cas her special friends, and hoped that 
at some later time she would get what she had asked for. 

But in 1830 there came to the French throne a king, 
Louis Philippe, who owed his kingdom to the trading classes 
in France, and was anxious by fair means or foul to encour- 
age their trade and extend their markets. England, he saw, 
had enormous trade and a great colonial empire : he also 
would have these things, and he set about getting the empire 
at once. It was he who seized Algeria, and attempted to 
seize New Zealand : and among other enterprises he sent an 
Admiral into the South Seas to see what he could pick up, 
especially along the line of traffic between Panama and 
Australia — for those were the days when men first talked of 
cutting the Panama Canal. The Admiral annexed the Mar- 
quesas accordingly, but they were not a very fertile group 
of islands, so he sailed on to Tahiti and picked a quarrel with 
Pomare about some Roman Catholic missionaries. Pomare 
had wanted to be English in her religion as in other things, 
and had appealed to London on this question also, to be 
rebuffed again because she was too far off to be looked after 
properly. The French Admiral rated her soundly : left to 
herself, with no hope of English help, she agreed to do any- 
thing the French wanted, and Tahiti was put under French 

A few years later Grey became Governor of New Zealand, The 
and among the schemes devised by his active mind was one neglect e 
for making that colony the centre of British dominion in 
Polynesia. Travelling much among the islands, he made 
friends with many of the chiefs, and their children were 
sent to Auckland to be educated. There was even an 
arrangement made by which a large number of the island 
groups should form a Customs Union with New Zealand and 
should maintain British officials for that purpose, through 
whom the natives could deal with other foreigners — more 
especially with the Americans, whose men-of-war were very 
active in the Western Pacific. But the Imperial Govern- 


merit, which was getting tired of managing the colonies it 
had, was quite resolved not to acquire new ones, and the 
Customs Union fell through. When in 1853 the new French 
ruler. Napoleon III, seized New Caledonia and the Isle of 
Pines — where at the time France had neither trade nor sub- 
jects — Ministers in London raised no objection and would 
hear of none from Australia. When in 1859 the chiefs of 
Fiji unitedly offered their country to Great Britain, Ministers 
in London unitedly refused it : the group, they said, was not 
close enough to the route from Panama to Sydney, and 
Britain could do without naval stations in the islands as 
long as she held Australia. But when the Queensland 
p. 200 labour trade began to demoralise all the South Seas, Fiji 
suffered more than any other group, and its cotton plantations 
were soon full of kidnapped Kanakas whom British law had 
kept out of Queensland. The scandal grew, and it was 
hinted that other nations would interfere if Britain refused 
to act. Sir Hercules Robinson, the then Governor of New 
South Wales, with some trouble convinced the reluctant 
British Government that annexation was the least of evils, 
and in September, 1875, the Fiji Islands became a Crown 
Awaken- The Western Pacific now began to attract the attention 
interest of several nations, and Britain woke up to the necessity of 
securing her position there against intruders. In 1878 
there was a great stir made in these matters. Pressure was 
put on the Imperial Government to annex New Guinea, to 
which recent gold discoveries had drawn a number of diggers 
from Australia : but by the end of the year most of the 
adventurers had returned, and the Colonial Secretary refused 
to do anything. The New Hebrides, however, were made 
neutral ground by an agreement with France, which was 
suspected of desiring to annex them. Further east, during 
the same year, the United States acquired by treaty special 
trading privileges in Samoa, and in 1879 Germany and 
Britain followed suit, Britain also making in that year a 
commercial treaty with the King of Tonga. 


B. The Period op Annexation (1882-95). 

Three uneventful years followed — and then began that 
rush for the spoil, that undignified scurry of the European 
nations to seize each for itself as much as possible of the 
uncivilised regions of the earth, which to-day is still going 
on, and which may probably count as not the least of its 
results the approaching federation of Australia. The whole 
world has shared in its excitement : but, next to Africa, 
where the annexation-fever raged most fiercely, Australasian 
waters have suffered from it most. Mutterings of the coming 
storm were heard in 1882, when France took Raiatea (near 
Tahiti) and revived the rumours of her designs on the New 
Hebrides, while an important German newspaper called on 
the Emperor to annex New Guinea. Baron Maclay, also, 
who had in 1879 unsuccessfully urged the British Govern- 
ment to establish a New Guinea protectorate, was believed 
to be making similar proposals to Russia. There was even 
talk of an Italian colony in the much-desired island. The 
Australian colonies took alarm at once, and early in 1883 
Queensland offered to pay all expenses if the British Govern- 
ment would annex. Before an answer could be given there 
came from Europe news that a German company was being 
formed to explore and colonise the territory in question, and 
the Queensland authorities in hot haste themselves hoisted 
the British flag at Port Moresby. On the heels of the 
telegram announcing this action to the Colonial Secretary 
came others from New South Wales, Victoria, and South 
Australia heartily commending what Queensland had done. 
But the Secretary, Lord Derby, was an unenthusiastio and 
slow-moving man, who had no intention of being forced to 
act before he personally saw fit : he was also one of the last 
survivors of that school of politicians which believed that 
England had colonies enough, and was not to be burdened 
with any more. He declined entirely to accept the annex- 
ation by Queensland, alleging that as far as he knew no 
foreign nation really did wish to seize New Guinea. But 


public opinion in Australia had grown too strong to let the 
matter drop there : nor was New Guinea the only point of 
danger. France had long since established a penal settle- 
ment in New Caledonia : she might do the same in the New 
Hebrides : it was certain, at any rate, that a Bill was before 
the French Assembly by which a very large number of 
haljitual criminals would soon be sent out to the South Seas, 
under conditions which would make it easy for them to slip 
The Con- across to Australia. Before the end of the year an Inter- 
of^issa colonial Convention was held at Sydney, in which all the 
Australian colonies, as well as New Zealand and Fiji, were 
represented. It was thus the unanimous voice of British 
Australasia which declared to Lord Derby that New Guinea 
ofeght to be annexed ; that convict settlements in the Pacific 
should be abolished ; that no foreign power should be 
allowed to acquire any more territory in the South Seas ; 
and that Australia was ready to share the cost of so main- 
taining and strengthening the Empire. All through 1884 
resolutions and minutes and petitions poured into the Colonial 
Office in London, confirming and emphasising the votes of 
the Convention : and in October Lord Derby gave way so 
far as to announce a British protectorate over the southern 
coast of New Guinea, which was formally proclaimed by 
Commodore Erskine on December 1. 

The colonists now began to wonder why this new protec- 
torate was so limited. The}'' soon found out. Three weeks 
after Erskine hoisted the British flag on the southern coast, 

German all Australia was startled by the news that Germany had 

annexed the northern coast and the group of islands known 

as New Britain. In those islands Germany had some rights, 

for the great Hamburg South Sea trading company had a 

station at Mioko (Duke of York Island) since 1871, and 

from it supplied its plantations in Samoa with Kanaka 

labourers. New Guinea itself had not been touched by 

German trade, and to the Australian Governments (who did 

not know that Bismarck had been parleying for some months 


with the British Foreign Minister) the annexation seemed 
pure impudence, meant to be irritating and aggressive. 
But Lord Derby and his colleagues were unmanageable. 
For a few days, indeed, they were ready to extend the new 
protectorate along the north coast so as to include Baron 
Maclay's settlement. But a few firm words from the 
German Chancellor broke their feeble resolution, and in the 
end a boundary line was drawn which started where latitude 
8° intersects the northern coastline and followed the central 
watershed as nearly as might be to Dutch territory at 141° 
east longitude. As for the New Hebrides, they were left 
neutral, and the French Government agreed to send habitual 
criminals only to French Guiana. 

Before the New Guinea question was settled, German Samoa 
traders had raised another by their violent conduct in 
Samoa. King Malietoa, tired of being bullied, offered his 
country to Britain through the Government of New 
Zealand. As might have been expected, Lord Derby rejected 
the oiler, though New Zealand offered to pay all expenses 
and began to revive Grey's scheme for a British Polynesia. 
But before there was time for an answer the German consul 
had brought on a crisis by calmly annexing Apia, the 
Samoan capital, deposing Malietoa, and proclaiming one of 
his opponents king in his stead. The American consul 
added to the confusion by putting the whole group of islands 
under the protectorate of the United States. The States, 
while repudiating their consul's action, also refused to allow 
that of the German consul. Meanwhile Germany had 
seized Malietoa and shipped him off to Africa : a civil war 
broke out, and the German claimant to the throne had to 
be supported by German troops. After four years of turmoil, 
the unfortunate islands were placed under a joint protec- 
torate of the three interested nations ; but this also broke 
down in 1899, and the United States now own one island, Tho 
while Germany controls the other two, Britain taking over of Pol; 
Tonga and two of the German islands north of New 
Guinea. In the meantime a series of agreements among 


the European Powers allowed France to occupy all the 
groups east of Tahiti, and gave Germany a boundary 
line running through the Solomon Islands and turning 
north-east to the Marshalls. The lower half of the Solomons 
and all the remaining islands east or south-east of that line, 
from Palmyra to the Macquaries, are thus definitely and by 
international agreement included within the British sphere 
of influence. 

C, Federation (1850-1907). 
Perhaps the affairs of Polynesia are not, strictly speaking, 
part of Australian history : but the events just mentioned 
had an unmistakable and a very important effect on that 
history. For more than twenty years the five eastern 
colonies had lived independent and sometimes quarrelsome 
lives, each fostering the jealousies born of its early career : 
the pressure of European aggression was needed to bring 
them so near to each other that a common life under a 
single federal government should seem at all possible or 
even desirable. After Lord John Russell's declaration of 
1839, that Britain claimed the whole Australian continent, 
such European aggression on Australia itself could have 
been brought about only by a great war — failing war, the 
colonies might still be curled up, like hedgehogs, each 
within its own borders. But in Polynesia aggression was still 
possible without war : and so it came about that Samoa and 
New Caledonia and the Solomons are very closely concerned 
with the making of the new Australian Commonwealth. 
The In the days when politicians were busy devising the 

Discord various schemes by which the colonies of Australia became 
self governing, everyone outside the colonies themselves 
thought it absurd that a number of small States, all within 
the British Empire, all peopled by white men of whom the 
overwhelming majority was British, should exist side by 
side without being in some close way politically connected 
Earl Grey's Committee was very anxious to establish a 
General Assembly for all Australia, consisting of a 


Governor-General and a House of Delegates from all the 
colonies ; and in the Bill laid before the Imperial Parlia- 
ment;; providing for the separation of Victoria, clauses 
were inserted to create such an Assembly. But the objec- 
tions made to this scheme in Parliament, and the absence 
of any demand for it in the colonies, led to its abandon- 
ment as being premature, and the Act of 1850 was, 
therefore, passed without any provision for federation. 
Earl Grey, in sending out the Act to the Australian 
Governors, suggested that the colonies themselves should 
draw up a scheme of union, to be submitted to the Imperial 
Parliament. Soon afterwards he tried to create a con- 
necting link between the colonies by appointing the 
Governor of New South Wales Governor-General of 
Australia. But local prejudices were too strong. Victoria, 
after fighting hard to be separated from New South Wales, 
was not likely to enter at once into a new union. The 
South Australian land system was a stumbling-block — 
Adelaide men were rather proud of its peculiarities, and 
did not care to let any Federal Assembly meddle with it 
and make it like those of their eastern neighbours. All 
the continental colonies looked down on Tasmania, because 
it had received convicts so much later than they had. 

Consequently Earl Grey's schemes came to nought, and 
the colonies drifted further and further apart. But when- 
ever the more statesmanlike politicians for a few moments 
shook themselves free of those local squabblings, they 
recurred to the idea of federation. In 1853, the Com- 
mittees which were appointed in New South Wales and 
Victoria to draw up new constitutions reported in favour of 
some form of federal union. It was possibly local pride 
that made Melbourne in 1855 petition the Queen that 
the federal capital should be established there. But it was 
a far higher motive that urged Wentworth and his friends 
to form a " General Association of the Australian Colonies " Mar. 1357 
and to s6nd a memorial in favour of federation to the 


Colonial Secretary. In the same year a Committee of the 
Victorian Assembly reported strongly in favour of union, 
and suggested an intercolonial conference on the subject, 
but its report was lost sight of. Again and again in the 
years that followed the subject cropped up, generally in 
connection with the levying of customs duties along the 
Murray River. In 1871, indeed, proposals were put 
forward for a Customs Union of Australia : and then was 
first heard the claim which was so successfully renewed in 
Canada in 1897, that "foreign countries have no pretence 
to interfere with the internal arrangements of the Empire, 
or the trade of one part with another." But when Lord 
Kimberley had been worried into passing an act by which 
the colonies could have drawn closer together in this way, 
CotnieT the local element again proved the stronger, and the Act 
Dutie^^Act, remained a dead letter. 

qqj^. In 1881 it was found necessary for representatives from 
ami??on- *^® eastern colonies to meet in Sydney and discuss measures 
ventions for lessening the number of Chinese immigrants. At this 
conference Sir Henry Parkes moved resolutions which pro- 
posed the establishment of 
some central authority to deal 
with inter-colonial questions of 
that kind ; and a scheme for 
securing this was there and 
then drawn up — and shelved. 
But it was the trouble about 
New Guinea in 1883 that 
stirred politicians to take an 
immediate interest in the 
matter. It seemed very pro- 
bable that if Queensland had 
been backed, not by a few 
Sir hknry parkks. telegrams from the Govern- 

ments of disconnected colonies, but by the voice of a single 
Government representing united Australia, the whole of 


eastern New Guinea (and perhaps all its adjacent islands 
too) would have come under the British flag. The Con- 
vention of 1883, therefore, besides passing resolutions 
about Polynesian affairs, revived the plan of 1881 for 
representing the whole of Australia in a single assembly, 
and embodied it in a Federal Council Bill, which the 
Imperial Parliament passed in 1885. This Council con- The 
sisted of two representatives appointed by the parliament council 
of each colony that liked to join it. It had no independent 
power to make laws except on a very few matters, such 
as the relations of Australasia with the Pacific Islands, 
prevention of the influx of criminals, and the enforcement 
in all the colonies of legal proceedings taken in the courts 
of each colony. On other matters, as to which it was 
important that there should be one law for all Australia — 
such as defence, quarantine, copyright, and marriage — 
the Council could only make laws if asked to do so by the 
parliaments of two or more colonies ; and those laws 
would only hold good in the colonies which had asked for 
them, or which chose to adopt them. New South Wales 
thought this was taking a good deal of trouble over very 
little, and refused to join the Council ; so did New 
Zealand ; South Australia did not join until 1888, and 
then only for two years ; and Fiji, although she joined, 
never sent a representative after the first meeting. So the 
Council usually consisted of representatives from Victoria, 
Queensland, Tasmania, and Western Australia. It used 
to meet for a few days, first every year, and afterwards in 
alternate years ; but it found no opportunity to do much 

Since 1883 the world has never been quite free from "War 
war scares, and in nearly all of them the British Empire 
has been mixed up. There have been rumours of war with 
France over Egypt, over Siam, over West Africa ; of war 
with Russia over Afghanistan, over Turkey, over China ; 
of war with Germany over the Transvaal ; even of war 


with the United States over Venezuela. A great many of 
tliese scares have been stupid and needless, but every one 
of them made Australians wonder what would happen if an 
enemy's warship appeared off Port Jackson or Port Phillip. 
Delegates from the various colonies met in London during 
the Queen's Jubilee in 1887 to confer with the British 
authorities about the defence of Australasia; and this 
conference resulted in the appointment of an Imperial 
officer to report on the forts and military forces of each 
The colony, while a fleet was provided by an arrangement 
De^^e under which the colonies hired from the British Admiralty 
Scheme ggyg^ ^^^ warships, to be added to the regular British 
squadron in Australian waters, and used as far as possible 
specially for Australian defence. 
Federa- When the report on our land defences was published, 
practical there began a new movement in favour of federation. Sir 
politics jjgj^ry Parkes now took the lead on behalf of New South 
Wales, and after a good deal of letter-writing a conference 
was held in Melbourne in 1890 between the members of 
the Federal Council and delegates from New South Wales 
and New Zealand. This was followed by a great Federal 
Convention, held in Sydney in 1891, to which each of the 
Australian colonies sent seven members appointed by 
parliament. New Zealand sending three only, of whom Sir 
George Grey was one. Here an important Bill was drafted* 
which was to give Australia a complete system of govern- 
ment with Governor-General and Cabinet, two Houses of 
Parliament, and a body of judges. The Bill had to be 
approved of by the colonial parliaments before it could be 
sent to London to be made an Act by the Imperial 
parliament. But the colonial parliaments wanted, not 
merely to say "yes" or "no," but to have a voice in the 
details of the Bill ; so it was intended to give them all an 
opportunity of suggesting alterations, and then to revise the 
bill in a second Convention. The parliaments of Victoria, 
South Australia, and Tasmania discussed the Bill and 


suggested a few amendments ; but in New South Wales a 
number of local matters cropped up, and Sir Henry Parkes, 
who was in charge of the Bill, had to resign the Premier- 
ship, so that it was laid aside ; the other colonies though* 
it not worth while to go on until New South Wales was 

There was another gap of six years, during which more 
questions came up which could only be settled by the united 
action of several colonies — the question, for instance, of 
laying a telegraph cable across the Pacific Ocean from 
Vancouver, in Canada, to Sydney ; and the question of 
allowing all British colonies to make arrangements with 
each other and with Britain about Customs duties, without 
allowing a foreign nation to object. These were discussed 
in Ottawa, the Canadian capital, in 1894, and again in 
London during the Queens Diamond Jubilee, 1897* 
Meanwhile there had been all sorts of unofficial meetings 
and conferences, more especially in New South Wales and 
Victoria, to excite public opinion in favour of going on with 
federation. Leagues were formed in Sydney and Melbourne 
for the same object. In 1895 and 1896 the parliaments o^ 
the eastern colonies (except Queensland) passed a set of 
Acts by which a new Convention was to be formed, ten 
delegates being elected to it by the people of each colony. 
Western Australia sent ten delegates elected by parliament- 
This latest Convention met three times — in Adelaide, in 
Sydney, and in Melbourne — during 1897 and 1898. At 
the Adelaide meeting the first draft of a Constitution Bill 
was framed — largely on the lines of the Bill of 1891 — and 
submitted to the parliaments of the five colonies, which 
suggested a number of amendments. These amendments 
were considered at the Sydney and Melbourne meetings ; 
and the Bill as finally adopted by the Convention was put 
before the electors of New South Wales, Victoria, and 
Tasmania on June 3, 1898, and of South Australia on 
June 4. It was accepted by the people of Victoria, South 


Australia, and Tasmania. In New South Wales more 
people vot-ed for it than against it, but the law provided 
that the Bill should not be accepted unless at least 80,000 
people voted for it, and this number was not reached 

"When the New South Wales Parliament met, each 
House formulated a list of amendments which it would \ikv 
to see embodied in the Bill. In January, 1899, the 
Premiers of all the Australian colonies met in Melbourne 
to consider these amendments, and some of them (together 
with one which had reference to the special conditions of 
Queensland) were accepted. The Bill thus amended was 
again put before the electors : South Australia accepted it 
on April 29 ; New South Wales on June 20 ; Victoria and 
Tasmania on July 27 ; and Queensland on September 2. 

The parliaments of those colonies then passed addresses 
to the Queen asking that the Commonwealth Bill, 
establishing a Federal Constitution for Australia, should be 
passed into law by the Imperial Parliament. But the law 
advisers of the Crown in England wanted to make several 
amendments in the Bill, in matters in which they thought 
Imperial interests were affected, and at the invitation of 
the Imperial Government each colony sent a delegate t 
London to discuss any question that might arise, and to try 
to secure the passage of the Bill without amendment. In 
the end, after a good deal of negotiation, the Bill was 
passed with only one amendment of any importance, which 
related to appeals to the Privy Council; and it received 
the Queen's assent on July 9, 1900. Just before the Bill 
was passed, the Parliament of Western Australia, seeing 
that all the other Australian colonies were going to federate 
decided to submit the Bill to the people of that colon} 
The vote was taken on August 31, when the Bill w;i 
accepted by a large majority. The Queen then, as provided 
by the Act, issued a Proclamation declaring that on 
January 1, 1901, the colonies of New South Wale- 
Victoria, Queensland, South Australia, Wes^.M•n \ns:tr;,li;,j 


and Tasmania should be united in a Federal Commonwealth, 
to be called *' The Commonwealth of Australia." The Earl 
of Hopetoun was appointed first Governor-General of the 
Commonwealth ; and on the first day of the twentieth 
century the Commonwealth was established, the Governor- 
General was sworn in at Sydney, and the Federation of 
Australia became an accomplished fact. 

This means that Australia, instead of being as heretofore 
divided into six " Colonies" absolutely independent of each 
other and only acting together when their legislatures 
happened to choose to do so, is now a single great colony 
on the same level with Canada ; Australia, however, has 
chosen the title " Commonwealth," whereas Canada calls 
herself a ''Dominion." But between the two colonies there 
is an important difference of structure. In Canada the 
Federal Parliament is supreme over the "provinces" which 
make up the Dominion ; whatever laws are made by the 
provincial legislatures are valid because the Federal 
Parliament has empowered them to make such laws. But 
in Australia the States are much more independent. It is 

they who, by the Bill sanctioninc; the Constitution, have The 

•^ "^ States 

(riven the Federal Parliament power to make laws on certain under 

subjects, which are set forth in section 51. On all matters tion 

not specially handed over by the Constitution the States 

are still independent, and Acts dealing with these matters, 

if the Federal Parliament happens to pass them, are of no 

effect. The States, therefore, retain their old Constitutions, 

legislatures, Ministries, law courts, and most of their 

administrative departments ; they manage, each for itself, 

their railways, lands, education, police, and nearly all 

matters which concern only single States ; they can levy 

direct taxes (i.e., income-tax, land-tax, stamp-duties, &c.) 

on their citizens ; and their boundaries cannot be altered 

without their own consent. The chief matters now under 

Federal jurisdiction, with which the States have no more 

to do, are : — Oversea and inter-State trade and commerce, 



taxation through the Customs, post^il, telegraphic, and 
telephone services, defence, external affairs {i.e., dealings 
with other nations and witli the liritish Empire outside 
the bounds of Australia), and immigration ; also quaran- 
tine, meteorology, trademarks and cop3'right (and, in the 
near future, old age pensions). There are a great many 
other matters which the Federal Parliament can take over 
from the States whenever it likes, though it has not yet 
had time to do so, such as marriage-laws, blinking, 
insurance, bankruptcy and other commercial subjects in 
which more States than one are concerned. 

One can easily understand that it is not aiways a simple 

matter to decide when the Federal Parliament is within its 

rights. To prevent perpetual quarrels the Constitution 

ordains that the Federal High Court — which consists of 

five judges, and is also a court of appeal from all the State 

Courts shall have the final word in such cases. When it 

pronounces judgment in private cases, a dissatisfied party 

The High "^'^y appeal again to the " Judicial Committee of the Pri\ 

Court Council " in London, if the Privy Council will let him ; biu 

if the question concerns a quarrel about powers between a 

St4ite and the Commonwealth, or between two Stiites, there 

is no appeal from the High Court's decision unless the High 

Court itself allows it. This sounds complicated, but it is 

an important distinction, and a good deal of Australia's 

future history may depend on it. 

The The Federal Pailiament differs in some respects from any 

Parila- legislatui-e previously seen in Australia, It consists, as the 

1^?.^ others do, of two Houses, and the House of Representatives 

is elected in much the same way as are the Stiite Assemblies. 

To eiich Stiite members ai-e allot t<Hl in proportion to its 

po}>ulation (except that Tasmania has five, tiiough its 

proportionate allowance would be only tliree ; New South 

Wales now has 27, Victoria 22, Queensland 9, South 

Australia 7, and Western Australia 5) ; each member 

represents a sepai'at<3 electorate, and is elected by the votes 


of all adult citizens. But in the States the "Upper House" 
is either nominee or chosen only by electors possessing a 
certain amount of property ; while the Federal Senate is 
chosen by exactly the same vot<n-s as the Lower House, only 
grouped differently. An election takes place eveiy third 
year; all the voters of each State unite to choose three 
Senators, who sit for six years ; so that at any moment 
each State has six Senators, three of whom were chosen at 
the last election and three at the previous one. 

The first Federal Parliament, elected early in 1901, began 
its career by legislating for the repatriation of the Kanakas 
employed on the canefields in Queensland (the planters were 
given five years' grace) and the exclusion from Australia of 
undesirable immigrants, among whom were reckoned all 
who are not of European or white American descent. But 
its chief task was to construct the new Customs tariff. 
This work was complicated by a clause in the Constitution 
counnonly known as the '"Braddon" clause. In order to 
provide the States with enough revenue — since the direct 
taxation which alone they were allowed to levy for 
themselves was quite insufficient — Sir Edward Braddon 
had persuaded the Convention of 1897-8 to ordain that the 
Commonwealth should return to the States at least three- 
quarters of its Customs and Excise revenue ; as it was 
expected that the States would want about £6,000,000 
between them, it became necessary to raise about j£8, 000,000 
from the Customs, and that meant some form of Protection. 
TiiH Freetraders, however, fought hard in the Lower House 
and were strong in the Senate ; the tariff eventually framed 
satisfied no one, and had to be revised (this time by a more 
decidedly protectionist parliament) in 1907-8. As for the 
Braddon clause, by an arrangement of the Premiers in 1899 
it lasts only for ten years ; six conferences have already 
been held to devise some scheme to take its place, but the 
matter is still unsettled. 


The rest of the first Parliament's work consisted mainly 
in creating the various mechanisms necessary for proper 
government, including the Federal High Court. Sir S. 
Griffith of Queensland became the first Federal Chief 
Justice, and two Ministers joined him, thus making a new 
Ministry necessary. The original Ministry had been a 
composite one. headed by Sir E. Barton, to whom the 
movement towards Federation owed a great deal ; his 
colleagues were the former Premiers of New South Wales, 
Victoria, South Australia, Western Australia, and Tasmania, 
together with Messrs. O'Connor (N.S.W.), Deakin (V.), and 
Drake (Q.). The second Ministry was a reconstruction of the 
first, under Mr. Deakin as Prime Minister. During the 
second Parliament Messrs. Watson and Reid were Prime 
Ministers for four and eleven months respectively : in July, 
1905, Mr. Deakin took office again, and his Ministry lasted 
till November, 1908, when it was replaced by one under Mr. 

We have seen that among the chief motives which 
induced Australians to adopt Federation were (i.) the need 
for effective defence and (ii.) the danger of foreign annexa- 
tions in the near Pacific. Military matters were being 
already much discussed when the Commonwealth came into 
existence, for the British Empire was engaged in a war 
with the Boer States of South Africa (which ended in their 
annexation) and the Australian colonies had sent contingents 
of volunteers to fight side by side with the British troops. 
Sir E. Barton's Ministry in 1901-2 sent detachments of 
Federal troops — 4,000 men in all — on the same work. All 
Defence this gave a strong impulse to the defence movement. In 1 903 
a new naval agreement with the British Admiralty, arranged 
by the then Prime Minister during an Imperial Conference 
in London, was passed into law : and since then Australia 
has had no special squadron, but pays £200,000 a year 
towards the expenses of the Imperial squadron in the Pacific 
on condition that it is kept at a certain strength and is not 


removed outside the Pacific or Indian Oceans. The 
beginnings of a new local squadron, however, are to be seen 
in the Federal Ministry's recent decision to have torpedo 
boats constructed to its own order, whose crews will 
be directly controlled by the Federal authorities. Land 
defence was organized by General Hutton, and reorganized 
in accordance with a scheme drawn up by expert advisers 
of the Imperial Government ; an Act of 1903 also made all 
male Australians between the ages of 18 and 60 liable to 
serve in the local militia in time of war, and it is now 
proposed to make a proper training for this service 
compulsory on all young men. As for the western Pacific, 
the Commonwealth has taken over from Britain the control 
of and responsibility for New Guinea (which has gone back 
to its old name, Papua); trade with the German islands has 
been put on a safer and fairer footing ; and the New 
Hebrides, instead of being left nondescript and unruly, 
have been brought under the joint administration of 
P>ritish and French officers, for whose guidance has been 
drawn up a series of regulations intended to make sure that 
citizens of both nations are on an equality and that no 
other nation has anything to do with the government. 

While the young Commonwealth was beginning to feel 
its feet, Australia was afflicted with the most lengthy and 
devastating drought known in its history. It had been 
long preparing : in 1895 there were over 106 million sheep 
in Australia, in 1901 only 72 millions — then in one year 
the number dropped to 53 millions. The cattle dropped 
from 8| to 7 millions ; the crops failed even more disas- The 
trously ; in 1901 we were exporting nearly 25 million drought 
bushels of wheat, in 1903 we were importing nearly 11 
millions for our own food. But the recovery was almost 
as sudden and as striking as the disaster. By 1906 our 
sheep had gone back to 84 millions, our cattle to over 9, and 
our wheat exports to nearly 39 million bushels : so dependent 
is Australia on the rainfall, until the many schemes for 


irrigating our drier lands, of which a beginning has been 
made here and there in the basin of the Murray, come to 
fulfilment and prove their worth. 

The States, to which much power is still left, have been 
busy adjusting their organizations to the new conditions, 
more particularly by cutting down the numbers of their 
members of Assembly. Apart from this, the chief work of 
nearly all the State legislatures has been to introduce 
systems of compulsojy arbitration, by means of which wages 
and working conditions in many employments have been 
Settle- impi'oved ; and to revise their landlaws so that some of the 
^na* good agricultural land which was sold to private owners 
immiyra- many years ago, and has only been used for sheep runs, may 
be bought back and made available for its proper use by 
the many young farmers who want land badly. The States 
are also encouraging as much as they can the immigration 
of Europeans, more especially of Britons, to populate the 
country and utilize its fertile areas. Australia is so big, 
and still so empty, that other nations are likely to look 
(and some do look) enviously on our unoccupied territories ; 
and we cannot feel safe from unwelcome intrusion until, 
instead of four and a half millions, there are fifteen or 
twenty millions of us making (with the help of proper 
schemes for water-storage and irrigation) farmlands and 
plantations on the soil so suited for them by nature. 

To this point, then, the course of Australian history has 
led us — that we hold a whole continent of valuable land, 
using it very imperfectly, but free for the moment from 
outside interference. This free moment we must use, if we 
wish to retain our hold ; we must use it to take seriously 
in hand the developing of our country's natural resources, 
by cultivating its richer soils, irrigating its drier, exploiting 
the fisheries along its coasts, opening up and thoroughly 
working the mines hidden below its surface. These things 
in the past have been done, for the most part, in a 



haphazard, unscientific sort of way. To do them 
methodically, scientifically, is Australia's task for the 
future ; and young Australians cannot serve their country 
better than by preparing themselves with zealous study to 
take their share in the task directly they are grown men. 

A. Introductory. 

The men who do things have not usually the leisure, or 
the inclination, to write about them. And the history of 
the world shows that a nation's literature flourishes, not 
in the years when the nation is occupied with great deeds, 
but in those which follow. Then, and not till then, men 
have time to think over what has been done, to take 
trouble about recording it truthfully, and to put into 
literary form the emotions of the doers : then, too, there is 
time for cultivating and expressing one's private emotions, 
for describing what one sees, and for choosing fit language 
to portray effectively and admiringly the country one has 
grown to love. So the age of Elizabethan literature 
followed hard upon the age of Elizabethan achievement, 
just as the age of great Roman literature which we call 
after the Emperor Augustus followed on the stirring times 
during which Sulla and Pompey and Julius Caesar had 
extended Roman dominion over almost the known world. 

The rule holds equally good on a smaller scale. The 
pioneers of a young country are, as a rule, far too busy to 
write. And if there are any whose taste lies that way, 
their feelings and ideas will still be those of the other 
country whence they came : they will describe the new 
land as observers from outside, disparaging it as exiles 
do, or enjoying its novelty as discoverers do, but not yet 
absorbing its spirit and delighting in it because it is their 
own and they are part of it. For literature written by 
men who felt themselves Australians this land of ours had 
to wait seventy years — till the days of Kendall — and a 


hundred had passed before the movement began which 
has given us in recent years a literature genuinely 

The history of our development falls into three epochs. 
The sixty years of pastoral colonization provide many 
journals of discovery, a few histories (mostly written for 
political reasons), and one poet, Charles Harpur. In the 
next forty years the inrush of immigrants following on the 
gold discoveries brought to the country a number of 
Englishmen with a taste for literature ; for pleasure or for 
pay many of them indulged their taste, but only one, 
Gordon (for Kendall was native born), wrote happily as 
a man in his own home. But during the last twenty years 
there has sprung up a school of young Australians who 
tell of their own life in their own natural way, and describe 
their own country as men who love it ; so that through 
them a stranger can get at the heart of the people, not 
merely at the ideas formed about the people by interested 
outsiders. Naming these three epochs by their most 
typical writers, we may call the first the epoch of Went- 
worth, Lang, and Harpur — the second that of Kendall, 
Gordon, and Marcus Clarke — and the third that of Lawson, 
Paterson, and Daley. 

B. The Beginnings : Wentworth, Lang, Harpur. 

Naturally enough, the first books that bore any impress 
of the new country were journals of discovery and 
records of its early history. The official journals of 
Governors Phillip and Hunter, and similar records made 
by Messrs. Tench, White, and Collins, deserve mention as 
the first written accounts of Australia under British 
authority, but have no literary value : nor has the History 
of Neiv South Wales, falsely called Barrington's, which is 
in the main a compilation from the works just mentioned. 
The first book issued from the printing press which Phillip 
brought with him was the Oeneral Standing Orders (1802) 


which served as laws for the young colony : the next year, 
as has been already mentioned (see p. 39), it printed the 
first newspaper issued in Australia, the Sydney Gazette of 
March 5, 1803. The first known publication in verse was 
a loyal Ode for the King's Birthday by M ichael Robinson, 
who seems to have continued for some years his career as 
unofficial laureate of the colony. And in 1819 Charles 
Lamb's friend, Barron Field, who had been for some time 
Judge of the N.S.W. Supreme Court, felt himself inspired 
to write the First Fruits of Australian Poetry, verses so 
extremely feeble that one's only excuse for referring to them 
is the fact that Lamb reviewed them in the Kxaminer. 

While on the subject of " first-printeds," we may note 
that the first Tasmanian newspaper, the Derwent Star, was 
issued in 1810, and that colony's first book, a life of 
Michael Howe, in 1818. 

As far as the native-born are concerned, Australian 
literature began with the Statistical, Historical, and Politi- 
cal Description oj New South Wales, written by W. C. 
Wentworth, and the same author's poem Australasia ; these 
were published in London in 1819 and 1823 respectively, 
but their author's birthplace, their subject, and the glow of 
Australian enthusiasm which permeates them, give us a 
permanent claim on them. Wentworth himself, on his 
return to Sydney, found bigger tasks awaiting him, and 
amid the turmoil of local politics could snatch no further 
time for literature : but it is pleasant to remember that the 
same zeal for his country's highest welfare instigated thirty 
years later his incorporation of the University of Sydney, 
by no means the least of his works for the land he loved. 

John Dunmore Lang was another author whose principal 
interests lay in the world of politics, and his writings, 
though nominally historical, are better described as 
enlarged political pamphlets whose fiery partizanship 
makes them better literature than history. Both he and 
Wentworth in the course of their career started news- 


papers, but the value of the matter printed in them is 
purely political. Lang, however, cultivated also other 
branches of authorship : a small volume of verse — Aurora 
Australis (1826) — and an ethnographical treatise On the 
Origin and Migrations of tJu Polynesian Nation are the 
best known of his minor works. 

The one writer of this first period whose work had no 
ulterior motive, who devoted his intellect to literature alone, 
is Charles Harpur, of Windsor in New South Wales. Born 
in 1817, he spent the first twenty-six years of his life in 
unsettled fashion, but in 1843 settled down to farming life 
in the Hunter River valley. The quietude of the bush gave 
him long-wished-for opportunities of meditative observation ; 
and during the next twenty-five years he experimented 
steadily with verse of many kinds, taking his poetic mission 
very seriously, and often depressed beyond measure because 
it was scarcely recognised beyond the circle of his personal 
friends. Kendall has said for him the best that could be 
said : 

** And far and free this man of men, 

With wintry hair and wasted feature, 
Had fellowship with gorge and glen, 

And learned the loves and runes of Nature. 

But, as the under-currents sigh 

Beneath the surface of a river, 
The music of humanity 

Dwells in his forest psalm for ever." 

The verdict may stand, so long as we recognise that it 
applies only to his few finest poems— "The Creek of the 
Four Graves," for instance. 

Among the personal friends to whom reference has just 
been made one deserves special mention Nicol Drysdale 
Stenhouse, when a young student of law in Edinburgh, had 
been a pupil of Sir William Hamilton and a friend of 
Thomas De Quincey. Coming to Sydney in 1830, he soon 
established an extensive practice, and devoted his rapidly 


accumulating wealth to all kinds of intellectual pleasure. 
His scholarly advice and his (for those days) splendid 
library were at the disposal of everyone who cared for either. 
He was one of the original trustees of the Public Library 
of New South Wales, and one of the first presidents of the 
Sydney School of Arts, and until his death in 1873 he was 
the judicious patron of every young Australian within his 
ken who showed a spark of literary talent 

In the forties, however, there was little to patronise. 
Except in Harpur's case, literature was a mere handmaid 
to other professions, and Went worth and Lang were not 
the only men who exploited their powers of expression 
mainly in the service of the political press. Wentworth's 
Australian, first published in 1824, was the colony's first 
non-official newspaper, and continued for twenty -four years 
a stormy existence. Lang's Colonist lasted only five. In 
1831 began the still-continuing career of the Sydney 
Herald, which assumed its present name {Sydney Morning 
Herald) shortly after its transformation to a daily paper. 
In 1844 appeared the Atlas, probab'y the most brilliant 
journal ever published here, which, during its life of four 
and a half years, enlisted the services of Robert Lowe 
(afterwards Lord Sherbrooke and Mr. Gladstone's Chan- 
cellor of the Exchequer), James Martin (twice Premier of 
ISTew South Wales and afterwards Chief Justice), and 
William Forster, also for a short time Premier of the 
mother colony. In 1850 Henry Parkes, springing into 
political prominence in connection with the Anti-transporta- 
tion League, founded and carried on for nearly eight 
years the Empire, for which Martin and Forster also 

No other Australian colony could in those days boast of 
journals to match the Atlas and the Empire : in Sydney 
alone was there the stress of political conflict which 
suffi.ciently excited the brains of able men But each 
settlement, as it came into conscious existence, evolved a 


press of its own. The first Melbourne journal was the 
Advertiser, John Pascoe Fawkner's paper, in whose first issue 
(•'given away to householders") its proprietor advertised 
his hotel as providing — 

" Mental and Bodily refreshment unrivalled in this 

" quarter of the globe. Lodgers allowed the use of 

•' the Library Gratis. There are 7 English & 5 

" Colonial weekly papers, & 7 monthly k 3 Quarterly 

" Reviews from Britain." 

Not so bad for a town less than a year old, and 12,000 

miles from Britain ! Adelaide already had its Register 

(1837) ; Perth got its Inquirer in 1840 ; Brisbane its Courier 

in 1844. 

At the beginning of this section we noticed the journals 
of the first explorers and Governors; it may be suitably 
closed with some reference to later journals of exploration. 
Blaxland (p. 34) published his journal in London in 
1823, where Oxley (p. 35) had already issued his in 1820. 
Hume and Hovell (pp. 43-44) waiting till 1837, were able 
to publish theirs in Sydney; but Sir Thomas Mitchell 
reverted to the earlier practice, describing his earlier series 
of expeditions (pp. 52-53) in a London publication of 1838, 
and his later (pp. 171-2) in 1848. Sturt's account of the 
Murray voyage came out in 1833 ; that of his Central 
Australian journey in 1849. From the literary point of 
view only Mitchell's work is worth consideration. 

C. The Immigrant Observers : and Kendall. 

The gold-rush of the fifties peopled Australia with 
adventurers of many kinds, including a number of highly- 
educated Englishmen who soon found the diggings uncon- 
genial, and resumed their old professions in the new land. 
The intellectual life of Melbourne was for a short time 
enriched by the arrival of William Howitt, a well-known 
English writer, who after a stay of two years went back 
to England and did a good deal there to advertise the 


Australian colonies. (His eldest son, Alfred, was the 
explorer who found King, sole survivor of the Burke 
and Wills expedition.) With Howitt came Richard 
"Orion" Home, so nick-named from a poem he published 
in 1843 at the price of one farthing, but allowed to 
be sold only on condition the purchaser pronounced its 
title correctly. While in Australia — where he stayed till 
1868 — he wrote nothing of any literai-y value, but his repu- 
tation and strong character made his influence great among 
the Melbourne writers. 

In Sydney during these years a similar, but more effective 
and permanent, influence was exercised by James Lionel 
Michael. In London he had been a solicitor, a friend of 
Ruskin and Millais, and a strong supporter of the famous 
"Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood," one of whose founders — 
Thomas Woolner — came at the same time to Australia. The 
diggings, his original goal, lost their attraction on closer 
acquaintance, and be took up again his legal work, which 
soon brought him within the circle dominated by Stenhouse. 
Michael's own writings, however, like those of most mem- 
bers of that circle, showed only ephemeral cleverness; his 
title to remembrance rests on the kindness he showed and 
the guidance he gave to Australia's first — and still, some 
think, her best — ^real poet. 

Mention has been made (p. 114) of Thomas Kendall, 
missionary and first resident magistrate in New Zealand, 
After his trip to England with Hongi he seems to have 
come back to New South Waies, where Governor Darling 
gave him a small estate near UlladuUa. There, in 1841, 
was born his grandson, Henry Clarence Kendall, among 

" the deep, green, gracious glens ' 
whose spirit was to haunt his verses till the end. From the 
southern valley of his birth the five-year-old boy was taken 
to the even lovelier northern valley of the lower Clarence, 


where he was left an orphan. In 1857 verses of his were 
printed in a Sydney paper, and presently attracted the 
attention of Sheridan Moore, one of the Stenhouse-Michael 
coterie, who sought the young poet out and brought him 
into the circle. There he met Harpur and Henry Parkes 
(who had already printed some of his verses in the Empire), 
D. H. Deniehy — of whom more later — and Dr. Woolley, 
principal of the Sydney University. But the closest of his 
new friends was Michael, who gave him work in his office 
and encouraged him to read the best modern poetry. When 
Michael in 1861 removed his office to Grafton, Kendall went 
back with him, but apparently did not stay long. 

In 1862 Kendall boldly sent a selection of his best work 
to the AthencBiwi, then the principal critical journal in 
London. Three poems, with favourable comment appended, 
appeared in the issue of September 27, 1863; but before it 
could reach Sydney a complete volume — Poems and Songs — 
had been published there by subscription, and had been 
deservedly praised. (Both British and Australian critics, 
we may note, reserved their real praise for the poems which 
dealt with Australian subjects.) Meanwhile his friends 
found him work in the Government service : in 1863 he was 
given a clerkship in the Lands Department, and in 1866 
Henry Parkes, then Colonial Secretary, transferred him to 
his own office — a method of encouraging literary talent 
which has been employed often since, in more than one 
colony. This promotion enabled him to marry, but was 
abandoned in 1869 in favour of migration to Melbourne, 
where he had won a prize the year before in a poetical 
competition — R. H. Home being the judge — and where he 
hoped among a less staid and pre-occupied reading public 
to make his living by writing alone. Almost immediately 
on arrival he published his second important collection of 
poems, Leaves from Australian Forests; but the buying 
public of Melbourne was not yet educated up to proper 


appreciation of local poetry, however genuine, and the book 
was commercially a failure. For journalism of the popular 
kind he was quite unfitted, and no other literary work could 
provide a livelihood; in 1871 he returned to Sydney, broken 
in health and heart-sick at the death of his little daughter 
Araluen, and did not recover — despite the care of Henry 
Parkes and other staunch friends — until in 1873 he was put 
in charge of a timber-felling business at Camden Haven, 
on the north coast. 

Once back in his beloved bush, he regained strength and 
courage, and his last years were passed in placid comfort. 
In 1880 his last and best book — Songs from the Mountains 
— was not only well-praised but well-bought, and the next 
year Sir Henry Parkes created for him the office of Super- 
intendent of State Forests; but the work involved rough 
travel, for which he was no longer fitted, and brought about 
his death on August 1, 1882. 

Kendall's life is worth studying in detail because one gets 
thus some idea of the difficulties which beset even a writer of 
genius in Australia not so long ago. The patronage of 
Stenhouse, the friendship of Michael, the continued support 
of Parkes and Dalley, could not secure for the man they all 
admired the restful, untroubled life which might have 
developed his genius fully. In part this was due — as any 
more detailed account of his life will show — to inherited 
defects in Kendall's own character; but, when the fullest 
allowance is made for these, it is still impossible to commend 
the social conditions under which genius could only be 
encouraged by setting it to clerical work in a Government 

Kendall is the one Australian — probably the one colonial 
— poet whom British critics have so far recognised as to 
include him on equal terms in an anthology of British 
poetry. He owes this honour not so much to the matter 
of his verse — for he knew little about men, and was by no 


means a close observer of nature — as to the true lyrical 
crj', the ear for delicately beautiful phrasing, the poignancy 
of emotion, which all his best work discloses. The 
"Prefatorj' Sonnets" and "Rose Lorraine" from the collection 
of 1869, "Orara" and "After Many Years" from the book of 
1880, may be taken as typical, though he did stronger work 
than any of them. And young Australians will do well to re- 
spect him both as a poet who strove always to do better 
than the best he had done, and as a man who never shifted 
on to others' shoulders the responsibility for troubles which 
he knew were his own fault. 

Almost parallel to Kendall's career runs that of a felloAV- 
poet with whose name his is generally coupled. Adam 
Lindsay Gordon, bom of British parents in Fayal of the 
Azores, trained as a boy in Cheltenham under Cotswold, on 
the edge of the Badminton hunting country, had got him- 
self into trouble with his family over a horse and a love- 
affair to such an extent that exile to Australia was the only 
cure. He reached Adelaide in 1853, with introductions to 
the Governor and other influential people in his pocket; 
but life in the mounted police, unhampered by the social 
connections which had harassed him in England, attracted 
him for two years, after which he worked in the Mount 
Gambier district as a professional horsebreaker. There he 
found his Michael in Julian Tenison TVoods, who was then 
doing mission work on the Victorian border, and later on 
became one of the most distinguished men of science Aus- 
tralia has produced; and this friendship revived in Gordon 
the love for classical literature which pervades his verses. 

Marrying in 1^62. in 18G4 he inherited a legacy from his 
mother, and the next year entered the local Parliament, 
defeating the Attorney-General and thereby driving a 
Ministry to resignation. But Parliament — which he treated 
to classical allusions and quotations — had no charms for 
him; he preferred steeplechase riding in Adelaide, Ballarat, 


and Melbourne, and began to send racing rhymes to a 
Melbourne sporting paper, BelVs Life in Victoria. During 
18G6 were published in that way verses probably more 
quoted than any others written in Australia: 

''No game was ever yet worth a rap 
For a rational man to p]ay 
Into which no accident, no mishap 
Could possibly find its way," 


''Life is mostly froth and bubble; 
Two things stand like stone — 
Kindness in another's trouble, 
Courage in your own. ' ' 

Presently his verses began to appear in the Australasian, 
then the most literary of Australian journals; and in Sep- 
tember, 1867, he published Sea Spray and Smoke Drift, in 
which the racing verses were bound up with better and 
more serious work. The book was a failure : its author was 
practically unknown except to readers of Bell's Life, and 
its often colloquial and careless style offended the taste of 
critics who believed poetry to be a thing apart from 
ordinaiy life, worthless unless it was at least dignified. A 
second volume, Ashtarotli, failed even more utterly and for 
better reason. His legacy, too, had been badly invested, 
and he went back to his favourite steeplechasing, which he 
combined for one disastrous year with a livery-stables 
business in Ballarat. In 1869, while holiday-making in his 
old South Australian haunts, he wrote the verses by Avhich 
he is best known — "The Sick Stockrider" and "How We 
Beat the Favourite" — and later in the same year estab- 
lished himself in the Melbourne suburb of Middle Brighton, 
where George Higinbotham gave him the iTin of a fine 
library. He was already a favourite with the journalistic 
coterie that suited Henry Kendall so ill, and seemed at last 
on the way to a life of comfort and content, when in 1870 
three misfortunes overtook him almost simultaneously. In 


March he was thrown from his horse during a race, and badly 
hurt about the head ; early in June news came from England 
that his claim to a Scottish barony, in forwarding which 
he had spent much borrowed money, was found untenable; 
on the twenty-third of that month his third book, Bush 
Ballads and Galloping Rhymes, was ready for publication, 
and the statement he obtained from the publishers, showing 
the cost of publishing it, crushed his spirit beyond redemp- 
tion. Next morning he shot himself. 

No greater contrast can be imagined than that between 
Gordon and Kendall ; yet the two were friends for the short 
time they knew each other, and admired each other's work; 
Kendall's review of Bush Ballads was cordial even to 
flattery, and the verse in which he mourned for the elder 
poet declares unreservedly that Gordon 

" . . . sang the first great songs these lands can claim 
To be their own." 

In a way this criticism is misjudged. Gordon never became 

an Australian. He did not love the country as Kendall did; 

he loved life, especially life in the open, a rider's life. His 

strongest poem, "Britomarte," and his best-known, "How 

We Beat the Favourite," both deal with English scenes, and 

the bulk of his work is full of English reminiscences. But 

what in England would have been the oases of a humdrum 

life — the sunlit, air-wrapt rides, 

"Sitting loosely in the saddle all the while," 

were the everyday life of the southern Australian bush in 

Gordon's day; and it is the life, the riding, the race, the 

fight that he celebrates, not one of its environments rather 

than another. For that — ^because his verse is always alive, 

even at its melancholy moments, with the joy and energy 

and adventure of the old bush days — Australians have taken 

Gordon to their hearts, and count him one of themselves. 

When, seven years after Gordon's death, a Melbourne 

publisher issued a complete edition of his verse, the chosen 



editor was Marcus Clarke, then the most famous of Vic- 
torian writers. Few men were really less fit to edit Gordon. 
Clarke knew hardly anjrthing of the bush — his short ex- 
perience of it had not been pleasant; he was a city man to 
the core, a brilliant but rather shallow journalist; his pre- 
face attributes to Australia outside the cities a weirdness 
which was really only a result of his city-bred discomfort 
in strange suiToundings, and a melancholy which was, in 
fact, a part of Gordon's own nature. Unfortunately his 
reputation and the charm of his phrases have imposed on 
the minds of readers, both in Australian cities and in Britain, 
a quite unreal picture of the bush. His talent was far better 
employed on the work which will make him always remem- 
bered — For the Term of His Natural Life, a powerful and 
unforgettable novel of the British penal system as it was 
administered in Norfolk Island and at Port Arthur during 
the forties. Again, unfortunately, he managed to create a 
false impression about Australia; for few readers take the 
trouble to remember that these two great prisons were con- 
ducted under British law by British officials, were isolated 
from their surroundings, and had scarcely more to do with 
Australian life than if they had been situated on Dartmoor 
and at Portland. The work itself, however, it is hard to 
over-praise. It has been called sensational ; but that epithet 
is usually applied to stories which affect the reader by 
subjecting the hero to rare and extreme trials, while the 
trials of Clarke's hero, when once the "system" had gripped 
him, were the ordinary everyday life of those penal settle- 
ments. In that lies the tragedy: Clarke neither exaggerates 
it nor spares us a throb of it; he fascinates with legitimate 
horrors, and uses his material like a master-craftsman. 

In dealing with the three greatest names of this period, 
we have passed over several that deserve some notice. 
Daniel Henry Deniehy, pupil of Stenhouse and friend of 
R. H. Home, is remembered rather for his reputation among 


his fellows than for his literary work, nearly the whole of 
which was as ephemeral as journalistic politics and criticism 
must be. But the reputation was one, to quote Stenhouse, 
"for high intellectual culture and brilliant oratorical powers" 
unequalled even among his talented contemporaries. 
Notable, too, as politician and journalist, less meteoric as 
to career, but happier in a long life of useful service to his 
country and his friends, was William Bede Dalley. And 
the missing novel of Australian life, the antidote to Clarke's 
tragic gloom, was written for us by Henry Kingsley, a 
five-years' visitor who loved the bush like Gordon for its 
airiness, and better than Gordon for itself. Geoffry 
Ilamlyn, much of which he wrote on a station in the Western 
District of Victoria, where in the fifties the old pastoral life 
was still untroubled by the gold-fever, depicts that life with 
pleasant optimism but substantial accuracy; however idyllic 
the picture may seem, it is confirmed by the evidence of 
experts — of Thomas A. Browne, for instance, whose Old 
Melbourne Memories, a squatter's reminiscences of life in 
the forties, covers much the same ground. 

The years after Gordon's death saw no literary produc- 
tion of importance in Southern Australia. Clarke's great 
novel was written in 1870-1; Kendall published nothing till 
1880. The gap is partly filled by a Queensland wi-iter, 
James Brunton Stephens, who had to write without the 
encouragement of patrons or journalist friends, and whose 
work probably gained thereby in studied excellence what 
it may have lost in emotional freedom. Known to Aus- 
tralian readers mainly by his lighter verse, it is for his 
grave, scholarly, and deeply thoughtful poems — the first 
and still the best of their class in Australia — that he de- 
serves careful study; though it is perhaps equally remark- 
able that one man should have succeeded so well in both 
kinds. His life was uneventful: from a tutorship on a 
station — where he wrote his most ambitious and not alto- 


gether successful poem, "Convict Once" — he passed to the 
Queensland Education Department, and thence in 1883 to 
the Colonial Secretai-y's office, in which the work soon 
demanded all his brain power and left him neither time nor 
inclination for further literary production. He became 
Principal Under-Secretary, and died in 1901; but the last 
twenty years of life had added little to his poetical output, 
and his high water mark was reached in 1877, with that 
noblest of Australian patriotic hymns, "The Dominion of 

In journalistic literature this period is not over-rich; but 
the Freeman's Journal and the Southern Cross (the former 
still in existence, the latter dying within a year) contained 
some of the best work of Dalley and Deniehy. A History 
of New South Wales .... and other Australasian 
Settlements was published in 1862 by Roderick Flanagan, 
and a better, though incomplete, one — The History of Aus- 
tralian Discovery and Exploration — by Samuel Bennett in 
1866. And we may fairly include the Speeches and Lectures 
of Dr. WooUey (published in 1864) and of Dr. Badham — 
the first principals of the University of Sydney — among 
the valuable products of Australia's second literary period. 

D. The Work op the Native-born: Paterson, 
Lawson, &c. 

In 1885 and the following years young writers, mostly 
Australian-born, seem to have begun feeling their feet to 
such an extent that in 1888 it was found possible to 
publish in London two collections of Australian verse. 
Philip Holdsworth and Thomas Heney in Sydney, and Mai-y 
Hannay Foott in Brisbane, represented the new impulse 
towards a genuine local poetry of observation, written 
(mainly under Kendall's influence) in scholarly but con- 
ventional phraseology. The Australian-born novel — the 
tale, that is, of lives lived among, and influenced 


by, Australian conditions, told by authors similarly 
influenced — had been ushered in a few years earlier by the 
first stories of Mrs. Cross (" Ada Cambridge ") ; Mrs. 
Campbell Praed and Madame Couvreur (" Tasma") soon 
followed ; but the best known work of this kind was due to 
Thomas A. Browne (" Rolf Boldrewood "), whose Old 
Melbourne Memories has been already mentioned. As he 
came to the country when only four years old, he may be 
reckoned an Australian native; and thirty years of 
bush life, first as a squatter, then as magistrate and gold- 
fields warden in New South Wales, helped him to know the 
land he wrote (and still writes) about as few of our authors 
have done. Armed with this knowledge, he has poured 
forth a long array of novels which depend for their interest 
less on their plot and development of character than upon the 
well-studied types embodied in their minor characters. 
Robbery Under Arms, a perhaps over-sensational study of 
the bushranging times, is famous the world over; and The 
Miner's Bight and The Squatter's Dream, whose titles explain 
their themes, fall not far short of it. By rights, however, he 
should be classed among the writers of the previous epoch, 
for his principal characters are never at home in Australia; 
Britain is their home, and the return to it the happy ending 
of their story. 

While these authors — practically all, except Rolf Boldre- 
wood, of the "studious observer" class — were publishing 
work written during the late seventies, a new school of 
writers was taking form. Men who were doing work or 
undergoing experiences in the bush began to put their work 
and experiences into words, at first for the pleasure of their 
mates, then for the instruction of the city-folk who knew 
so little about them. Of course this was not a new thing; 
wherever men have worked together from the beginning of 
the world, some of them have, for the delight of all, strung 
together rhymes and stories of the work they were doing. 


and the folk they were living with. Early Australia, too, 
had its ballad-mongers, shaping the life of their fellows 
into crude and rugged, but sincere and sometimes captivat- 
ing, verse. In the eighties, however, two fresh factors were 
introduced. The spread of State-school education gave 
workers in the bush a more articulate speech in which to 
explain their feelings, at the same time that saw a migra- 
tion up-country of adventurous, well-educated youths who 
took cheerily to bush life — not, as in the old Kingsley- 
Boldrewood days, as "bosses," but as co-workers and mates 
of the men already there. And this fresh source of bush- 
song and story found a new channel ready to receive it. In 
1881 there appeared in Sydney a new weekly paper, the 
Bulletin. At the back of its owners' minds lay the 
keen desire to stimulate among Australians a love of their 
own country for its own sake; and from the first they 
printed, and paid for, every contribution in prose or verse 
which seemed to be inspirited by such a love, except where 
the style was too impossibly crude. The result has been the 
accumulation of a mass of written matter, not often 
"literary" in any strict sense of the word, but instinct with 
the Australian spirit in most of its guises, and including 
here and there literature more genuine and of higher quality 
than any previous epoch can show. 

Two poems at least of that high quality are the work of 
John Farrell (1837-1904), most of whose work was done for 
the Bulletin, and was published with the help of W. B. 
Dalley and the strong approbation of Brunton Stephens — 
not to mention the commendation, which came later, of 
Tennyson himself. Long practice in journalism, and wide 
reading, gave Farrell what many others of this school have 
lacked — the power of selection; he wrote, probably, as much 
as any of them, but edited his work for publication relent- 
lessly. Only sixteen poems did he think worthy to survive; 
but among them are "Australia" and "Australia to England" 




(the latter written for Queen Victorians second Jubilee), 
which rank with Brunton Stephens' " Dominion " verses as 
the high- water mark of our patriotic song. 

The best-known writers of the Bulletin school are A. B. 
Paterson and Henry Lawson, who will probably go down to 
posterity in company, like Gordon and Kendall. Between 
them they sum up the greater part of bush life and bush- 
men's aspirations. Paterson, taking to the life for recrea- 
tion and adventure, sees the happier and more humorous 
side of it; his heroes are horse-lovers, whose memories recall 
the bush at its best, who can enjoy the give-and-take of 
practical joking; his drover rides singing behind his stock, 

*' Sees the vision splendid of the sunlit plains extended, 
And at night the wondrous glory of the everlasting stars." 

Lawson's drovers are of a different kidney, and the sunlit 
plains mean to them 

" Shrivelled leather, rusty buckles, and the rot is in our knuckles 
Scorched for months upon the pommel while the brittle rein 
hung free ; " 

his heroes mostly fare a-foot, and seem to have sti-uck the 
bush in times of drought; the life he knows best is the life 
of the man who cannot get away from up country, yet 
cannot settle down there, the "traveller" or swagman, the 
vagabond by nature — and of the woman "past carin'," the 
drover's wife whose husband will never come back, the victims 
of men or of ill-fortune. Paterson enjoys the good days 
now; Lawson's are in the past or the future — the "roaring 
days" of the gold-rush, or those "when the world shall grow 
wide" again. Because men naturally love to be told of 
things pleasant and laughable, they read and quote oftener 
the happier poet's verses; but in Lawson there is a vein of 
genius — richer perhaps in While the Billy Boils and his 
other prose works, the best of which are the only prose 


fiction yet written in Australia that can rank with that of 
the best modern European writers. 

Barcroft Boake, of the same school, is remembered mainly 
by one haunting set of verses "Where the Dead Men 
Lie"; Edwin Brady has done for the shipping folk, and 
Edward Dyson for the miners, in pleasant unstudied fashion 
what Paterson and Lawson have done for the men who 
handle cattle and sheep. Will H. Ogilvie is a more lyrical 
but less Australian Paterson, celebrating like him bush 
horses and bush mates, but keeping his best gift 
of song to recall the Scottish borderland where he was born. 
All these writers are counted as New South Wales men; the 
bush, however, takes little account of State boundaries, and 
knows them simply as Australians. 

This outburst of worker-poetry did not supplant or dis- 
courage verse — ^writers of the observant, contemplative 
school, though its New South Wales origin may partly 
account for the fact that the observers of the nineties 
appeared chiefly in Victoria. The most notable of them was 
William Gay, a sonneteer of some excellence; Bernard 
O'Hara and Bernard O'Dowd are still writing, and, with 
G. Essex Evans, of Toowoomba in Queensland, and 
Roderic Quinn, of Sydney, make up a handful of reputable 
minor poets of whom no country need be ashamed. 
Apart from them, as from the purely bush poets, 
stands Victor James Daley. At Dawn and Dusk, his 
single volume of verse, has more of the magic of pure 
poetry in it than all the rest put together. But the greater 
part of it, as of all the work mentioned in this paragraph, 
might have been written anywhere. 

The general literature of this period is very varied, but 
not much of it can be claimed as especially Australian. 
The Centennial Magazine (1888-90) and the Australian 
Magazine (1899) maintained, while they lived, a high 
standard of literary worth. Rusden's History of Australia 


is the most serious and detailed historical work attempted 
here; George Collingridge and Ernest Favenc have narrated 
the story of the discoverers and the explorers ; and biography 
is creditably represented by E. E. Morris's Life of George 
Higinbotham and G. C. Henderson's Life of Sir George 
Grey. Much other work of the period, both historical and 
scientific, is Australian in matter; the few just mentioned 
deserve selection because their authors were Australian 
(qualified for the name at least by long residence) and they 
are well-written. 

E. Literature in New Zealand. 

In New Zealand the course of literary development has 
been like that already described, but later throughout, since 
the colonisation of the islands was later. The first book 
devoted to New Zealand alone was published in London in 
1807; but the first book corresponding to the journals of 
Phillip, Collins, &c., was 1^. J. Wakefield's account of the 
foundation of Wellington, published in 1845. The missions 
to the Maoris had long since begun to give the native 
language a written form; a small lesson-book, Korao no 
New Zealand (Sydney, 1815), Kendall and Lee's Grammar 
and Vocabulary of the Language of New Zealand (London, 
1820), and a fragment of a New Testament — sixteen pages 
bound in pink blotting paper, the first book produced in 
the islands, printed with great difficulty by William Colenso 
in 1834 — are worth noting. The first local verse was R. C. 
Joplin's New Zealand, a poem in three cantos, published in 
Auckland in 1843. 

Genuine literature may be said to begin with Judge 
Maning's Old New Zealand in 1863. Maning had lived for 
years as a Pakeha Maori (see p. 112), and his fresh, vividly 
written story of those days is one of the most valuable 
documents in the islands' history. The first important poem. 
Domett's Banolf and AmoTiia, is well-known because of its 


author's reputation, but too much lengthened by irrele- 
vancies to tempt many readers for its own sake. Domett 
was in England a close friend of Robert Browning, who 
wrote at least two poems on his account; landing in New 
Zealand in 1842, he settled in Nelson, entered politics, and 
in 1862 became for a short time Premier of the colony. 
Much travelling and keen observation gave him a very wide 
and full knowledge of the country and its Maori inhabi- 
tants, which was, from the artistic point of view, a hin- 
drance to his poetical work. The other memorable name of 
the "immigrant" school is that of Thomas Bracken, miner 
and journalist, who is, however, chiefly known outside New 
Zealand by one poem only, "Not Understood." 

In recent years there seems to be no response in New Zea- 
land to the Paterson-Lawson school of Australia; but the 
contemplative observers are many, the romantic beauty of 
the New Zealand bush inspiring more descriptive verse than 
Australian sceneiy can — for a man must know Australia, 
but need only see New Zealand, to feel the poetry inherent 
in each. Hubert Church, Jessie Mackay, and Dora Wilcox 
are of this observant school, and Miss Mackay has a fine 
lyrical gift in addition. From it, too, springs Arthur H. 
Adams, whose range travel has widened, and whose 
published volumes include verse of genuine patriotism and 
of notable character-drawing. The Dominion's prose fiction 
includes neither a Geoffry Hamlyn nor a While The Billy 
Boils; the best work of H. B. Marriott Watson, a born New 
Zealander, has nothing to do with his native land, and the 
only noteworthy names are those of G. B. Lancaster and 
William Satchell. On the other hand, the historical work 
of William Pember Reeves is better than anything of a 
similar kind done in Australia. 


Aborigines, the, of Australia, 1,18, 

55-6, 64-7 
Aborigines, the, of Tasmania, 64, 

68, 73-5 
Adelaide. 83, 101, 158, 164-6, 169, 

174 6, 179, 194, 196, 198, 203, 

206-8, 243 
Akaroa, 117, 120-1, 126, 128, 133 
Albany, 49, 100, 167, '210-1, 232 
Albert, Province of, 19(5, 202 
Albury, 44, 53, 146, 188-9, 194 
Alexander, Mount, 146, 149, 151, 

Arthur, Governor, 54, 56-7, 71-5, 

Auckland, 128, 133-5, 137, 141-2, 

214, 218-9, 225, 230, 233 
Australia, the name, 3, 26 

Bagot, Captain, 102-3 

Ballarat, 146, 149, 151, 154-8, 189 

Banks, Sir J., 10, il, 29 

Banks Peninsula, 110, 117, 126 

Barcoo River, 171-4, 180-1, 203 

Baiton, Sir E.,2-18 

Bass, George, 21-3, 34 

Bathurst, 34, 40, 45, 51, 60, 62, 

144-6, 151, 188-9 
Batman, John, 54-8, 72, 74 
Baudin, Admiral, 24-7 
Bay of Islands, the. 111, 113-4, 116, 

121, 126-7, 135, 137 
Beechworth, 152, 154 
Bendigo, 146, 149, 151, 154-5, 158 
Berry, Sir Graham, 192-3 
Bigge, Commissioner, 38, 41 
Bischoff, Mount, 195 
Blackfellows, the (nee Aborigines) 
Blaxland, Gregory, H4, 40, 257 
Bligh, Governor, 28-32, 37, 68, 100 
Blue Mountains, the, 17, 21, 33-4, 

144, 188 
Botany Bay, 9, 11, 16, 22 
Bourke, Governor, 50-2, 57-8, 60, 

66, 85, 90, 118, 163 

Bowen, Governor, 162, 193, 228 

Braddon, Sir E., 247 

Brisbane (see also Moreton Bay), 

41-2, 161, 174, 198, 202-3 
Brisbane, Governor, 38-9, 43, 45, 

Britomart, the, 126 
Broken Hill, 189, 208 
Browne, Governor, 216-8, 224 
Browne, T. A. (" Rolf Holdrewood") 

265, 267 
Buller, Charles, 81, 86, 93, 140 
Burke, Robert O'Hara, 167, 176-81 
Busby, James, 118, 124, 216 
Bushrangers, the, 60-2, 69-72, 149, 


Camden, 30, 71 

Cameron, General, 220-2, 227 

Canterbury, District of, 142, 214, 

Cape of Good Hope, the, 15-18, 29, 

Carpentaria, Gulf of (and district), 

4, 8, 26, 65, 67, 167, 170-1, 174, 

176, 179-81, 203, 206 
Castlemaine, 53, 146, 151-2, 154, 

Castlereagh River, 35, 45 6 
Charters Towers, 199, 203 
Chinese, the, 13, 155, 185, 187, 201, 

208, 240 
Clarke, Marcus, 264 
Clarke, the Revd. W. B., 144 
Coal, discoveries of, 22, 27 
Coinage, the, 62-4 
Collins, Lieutenant-Governor, 27-8, 

54, 68-9 
Constitution, the Federal, 245-7 
Constitutions of New South Wales, 

39, 51, 86 7, 96-7, 143, 159-60, 

184-5, 238 
Constitutions of New Zealand, 

140- ], 214-6, 224, 230 
Constitution of Queensland, 162 



Constitutions of South Australia, 

82-3, 101, 104, 159-60, 203-4 
Constitutions of Tasmania, 99, 

Constitutions of Victoria, 96-7, 

158-60, 190, 193 
Constitution of West Australia, 211 
Convention of 1883, 187, 236, 240 
Convention of 1891, 241-2 
Convention of 1897-8, 242-3 
Convicts, the, 14-21, 28, 37, 39-43, 

58, HI, 68-70, 72-3, 86-7, 93-5, 

98-100, 161, 186, 209-10 
Cook, Captain, 8- 12, 41, 107, 109-12, 

Cook Strait, 110, 117, 121, 123, 

126-7, 133 
Cook town, 199, 203 
Coolyardie, 212 
Coolies, the. 2' 0, 207-8 
Cooper's Creek, 168-9, 177-9, 181 
Cowpastures, the, 21, 30 
Cowper, Sir Charles, 94, 99, 185, 

Cunningham, Allan, 35, 45, 52 
*' Currency," 62-3 

Dalley, William Bede, 188, 260, 

Dampier, William, 6, 7 
Darling Downs, the, 45, 66, 161, 

170, 173 
Darling, Governor (N.S.W.), 39-40, 

45, 54, 59, 61, 64, 118 
Darling, Governor (Vic), 191-2 
Darling River, 45-7, 52, 59, 60, 

168-9, 171, 177, 181, 189, 194 
Davey, Governor, 69, 70 
de Quiros, 3 
de Thierry, 119-20 
Deakin, Alfred, 248 
Deas Thomson, Sir E., 93 
Defence of Australia, the, 242, 248-9 
Deniehy, Daniel H., 259, 264, 266 
Denison, Governor, 99, 161, 218 
Derby, Lord, 235-7 
Derwent River, 27-8, 68, 195 
Diamantina River, 169, 179, 181 
Dollars and Dumps, 63 
du Fresne, Marion, 25, 111-2 
Duffy, Sir Charles Gavan, 189, 192 
Durham, Lord, 81, 120-1, 128 
Dutch, the, in the East, 4-6, 15, 105 
Duyjken, the, 4 

Egmont, Mt., 116,129,216, 222,229 
Emancipists, the. 36-9, 85-6 
Encounter Bay, 27, 47-8, 67 
Endeavour, the, 8-10 
Eureka Stockade, the, 157 
Evans, Surveyor, 34-5 
"Exiles," the, 94 
Eyre, Edward John, 164-9, 174-5, 

Eyre, Lake, 174-5 

Farrell, John, 268 
Fawkner, John, 56-7, 257 
F3deral Council, the, 241 
Federation, 96-7, 187, 235, 238-51 
Fitzroy, Governor (N.S.W.), 93, 95, 

97, 150-1 
Fitzroy, Governor (N.Z.), 133-8, 140 
Fiji, 109, 234, 236, 241 
Flinders, Matthew, 11, 21-4, 26-7, 

41, 98 
Flinders River, 176, 179-81, 203 
Forbes, Chief-Justice, 40 
Forrest, Sir John, 212 
Franklin, Governor, 97-8 
Fremantle, 77-8, 210 
French, the, in the Pacific, 13. 24-7, 

49,76, 105, 111,120-1, 126, 128, 

133, 232-7 
Furneaux, Captain, 112 

Gate Pa, the, 221 

Gawler, Governor, 83-4, 100-1, 166 

Geelong, 44, 55, 57-8, 89, 148, 159, 

190, 194 
Germans, the, in the Pacific, 234-8, 

Giles, Ernest, 212 
Gipps, Governor, 60, 85-93, 121, 124, 

126, 128-9, 132, 143 4, 170-1 
Gippsland, 9, 163-4, 194 
Gladstone, W. K., 94, 99 
Glenelg, Lord. 57, 103 
Goldfields, the, of New South Wales, 

144-6, 150, 185-6 
Goldfields, the, of New Zealand, 

Goldfields, the, of Queensland, 199- 

Goldfields, the, cf Tasmania, 105 
Goldfields, the, of Victoria, 146-58 
Goldfields, the, of W.Australia,212-3 
Gordon, A. Lindsay, 253, 261-3, 265 
Goulburn, 35, 40, 43, 48, 60, 185, 188 



Gregory, A. C, 167, 173-5, 196, 202, 

Grey, Governor, 79, 80, 100-3, 136- 

142, 209, 214-6, 218-28, 230, 233, 

242, 271 
Grey, Karl, 81, 92, 94-6, 99, 135, 

140-1, 209,238 9 
Grose, Lieut. -Governor, 19, 29, 113 

Hargraves, Edward, 144-6 
Harpur, Charles, 253, 255 
Hauhaus, the, 222, 225-6, 228, 230 
Hawkesbury River, 19-21, 33, 38, 

68, 189 
Hentys, the, 53-4. 57, 78 
Hervey Kay, 24, 26, 163, 202 
High Court, the, 246, 248 
Higinbotham, George, 192, 262, 271 
Hindmarsh, Governor, 83 
Hobart, '28, 68-9, 75, 99, 195 
Hobson, Governor, 118, 121, 124-9, 

182-3, 140 
Hokitika, 224 
Holey-dollars, 63 
Hone Heke, 135-8 
Hongi, 114-6 
Home, R. H., 258-9, 264 
Hotham, Governor, 155-7 
Hovell, Captain, 43-5, 48-9, 54, 257 
Howe, Cape, 22-3, 92 
Hume, Hamilton, 35, 43-4, 46, 52, 

54, 257 
Hun^e River {see Murray River) 
Hunter, Governor, 20-1, 23,29,32,62 
Hunter River, 27, 60 

Illawarra, 23, 48 

Immigration in the Goldrush, 148, 

Immigration to N.Z., 121, 126, 

128-9, 132-3 
Immigration to Q., 160-1, 198 
Immigration to S. A , 82-3 
Immigration to W.A., 76-7, 209 
Immigration to-day, 246, 250 
Immigration under Brisbane, 39, 40, 

71, 119 
Investigator, the, 24, 26 
Irrigation, 194, 208, 250 

Johnston, Major, 30-2 

Kanakas, the, 200-2, 234, 236, 247 
Kapiti, 117, 122, 134 

Kendall, Henry, 253, 258-63 
Kennedy, E. B., 167, 171-3 
Kimberley, 211-2 
King George's Sound, 24, 27, 49, 

76, 78, 80 
King, Governor, 11, 17, 20-1,26-30, 

32, 37, 62,68, 74, 100, 113, 232 
"King " movement in New Zealand, 

the, 215-6, 219-22, 226, 229 
Kingsley, Henry, 265 
Kosciusko, Mount, 164 

La P6rouse, Jean de, 25, 66 
Lachlan River, 21, 34-5, 46-7, 52 
Landlaws, Maori, 123, 214-5, 226 
Landlaw of 1861 (N.S.W.), 183-5, 

Land regulations, 59, 71, 82, 88-91, 

Lang, Dr. J. D., 160-1, 254, 256 
Latrobe, Lieut -Governor, 91, 99, 

148-52, 154-5 
Launceston, 54, 56-7, 69, 72, 195 
Lawson, Henry, 269, 270 
Leeuwin, Cape, 4, 24, 27 
Leichhardt, Ludwig, 167, 169-74, 

180, 202, 211-2 
License-fees, miners', 150-2, 154, 

156, 158 
Liverpool Plains, the, 35, 42, 45, 

Lonsdale, Captain, 58, 91 
Louis Philippe, 120-1, 233 
Lowe, Robert, 88, 94, 256 

Macarthur, John, 29-.32, 71, 113 
Maclay Coast, the, 106, 235, 237 
Macquarie, Governor, 32-8, 41, 63, 

69-71, 113-4, 143, 188 
Macquarie Harbour, 72 
Macquarie River, 34-5, 46-7, 144-5 
Maitland, 40, 159 
Malaysia, 1, 4, 6, 15, 106, 205 
Maoris, the {see New Zealand 

Maori Wars, 135-8, 215-23, 228-9 
Marsden, Revd. Samuel, 113-5 
Marion {see du Fresne) 
Martin, Sir J., 187,256 
Matra, James, 13, 14 
Mauritius, the, 5, 26, 79 
McCulloch, Sir J., 190-2,210 
Macdonnell Range, the, 175-6 
McMillan, 163-4 



Melbourne, 56-8, 87, 89, 91-2, 94-6, 

146-52, 156, 158 9, 164, 181, 

190, 194, 239, 241-3 
Mining in New South Wales, 27, 

48, 144-6, 150, 185, 189 
Mining in New Zealand, 130, 223-4 
Mining in Queensland, 199, 200,203 
Mining in South Australia, 102-3, 

Mining in Tasmania, 195 
Mining in Victoria, 146-58 
Mining in West Australia, 209, 

Mitchell, Sir Thomas, 52-3, 58, 163, 

167, 170-2, 257 
Moreton Bay, 41, 45, 60, 94-5, 

160 1, 169 
Morgan, Mount, 200 
Murchison River, 209, 212-3 
Murray River, 44, 47, 52-3, 82, 92, 

101, 163-4, 167-8, 194, 208, 210, 

Murrumbidgee River, 43, 46, 52, 92, 

Muru, the, 107-9 

Natives, the {see Aborigines) 
Naval Defence Scheme, the, 242, 

Nelson, 123, 129-30, 132, 134-5, 142, 

214, 224 
New Caledonia, 234, 236 
New Guinea, 3, 4, 6-8, 64, 106, 109, 

234-7, 240-1, 249 
New Hebrides, the, 3, 8, 234-7, 249 
New South Wales (see Index II) 
New South Wales Corps, the, 19-21, 

28-32, 36 
New Zealand {see Index II) 
New Zealand Company, the, 120, 

122, 125 9, 140-1, 215 
Newcastle, 35, 48, 60, 159, 161, 

Ngatapa, 229 

" Nineteen Counties," the, 59, 183 
Norfolk Island, 17-20, 40-1, 51, 68, 

86, 98-100, 113 
North Australia, 95, 202 
Northern Territory, the, 198, 203, 

206, 208 

Ohaeawae, 136 
Orakau, 220, 225 
Otago, 141-2, 214, 224-5 

Ovens River, 44 

Overland Telegraph Lines, 205-7, 

" Overlanders," the, 101, 164 
Oxley, John, 35, 41-2, 44, 52, 257 

Pakington, Sir J., 99, 152 
Pamphlett, Thomas, 41-2 
Panama Canal, the, 233-4 
Parkes, Sir Henry, 187, 240-3, 256, 

Parramatta (river and town), 18-9, 

21, 39, 54, 159, 188 
Paterson, A. B., 269, 270 
Paterson, Lieut-Governor, 19, 27, 

31, 69 
Payment of Members, 192-3, 204 
Peel, George, 76, 78 
Pelsart, Francis, 5 
Perth, 77-80, 209-11 
Phillip, Governor, 15-21, 33, 66, 

232, 253 
Pomare, Queen, 232-3 
Pope's Line, the, 2 
Port Arthur, 72, 98 
Port Curtis, 41, 94, 203 
Port Darwin, 203, 206-8 
Port Essiugton, 170, 180, 232 
Port Jackson (see also Sydney), 10, 

16, 25, 60, 66, 95, 
Port Macquarie, 35, 41, 59, 60 
Port Moresby, 235 
Port Nicholson, 117, 122-3, 127-8, 

Port Phillip (see also Victoria), 24, 

27-8, 44-5, 53-4, 56-8, 232 
Port Stephens, 10, 48, 60 
Portland Bay (and town), 53-4, 66, 

89, 194 
Portuguese, the, in the East, 2-4 
Poverty Bay, 109-10, 222, 228 
Pratt, General, 218-9 
Protection, 189-92, 247 
Provinces of New Zealand, the, 

214-5, 224 5, 230 

Queen Charlotte Sound, 12, 110, 112, 

117, 122 
Queensland (see Index II) 

Railways, 188-9, 194-5, 203, 208, 

Rauparaha, 116-7, 122, 130, 132, 

134, 138-9 



Robe, Governor, 103 
Robertson, Sir John, 183-4, 187 
Robinson, George, 67, 75 
Robinson, Sir Hercules, 234 
Rockhampton, 199, 203 
Roebuck^ the, 6 
Ropata, 222, 229 
Roper River, 174, 176, 203, 208 
Eosehill (see Parramatta) 
Ross, Major, 17 
Ruapekapeka, 137 
Rum traffic, the, 20-1, 29, 30, 37 
Russell, Lord John, 88-9, 92, 120, 
128, 140, 238 

Samoa, 234, 236-7 
Selwyn, Bishop, 141 
Shortland, Lieut, -Governor, 133 
Solomon Islands, the, 3, 201, 238 
Sorell, Governor, 70-2 
Soudan Contingent, the, 188 
South African War, the, 248 
South Australia {see Index II) 
Spaniards, the, in the East, 2-4 
Spencer Gulf, 25, 163. 165, 208 
Squatters, the, 59, 60, 66, 90, 93, 

143, 183-4, 198 
Stanley, Lord, 89, 92 3, 95-6, 103-4, 

133, 135, 140 
Stenhouse, N. D., 255-6, 258, 260, 

Stephens, J. B., 265-6, 268 
Stirling, Governor, 76-7 
Stony Desert, the, 1( 8-9, 173, 179 
Strzelecki, Count, 98, 144, 163-4 
Stuart, Sir Alexander, 187 
Stuart, John McDouall, 167, 174-6, 

Sturt, Captain, 45-8, 52, 82, 118, 

167-9, 172, 174-5, 257 
Sugar-growing in Queensland, 200-1 
Swan River, 76 
Sydney [see. also Port Jackson), 17, 

19, 22-6, 60, 92, 94, 96, 158-9, 
161, 188-9, 236, 240-3, 245 

Sydney, Lord, 14-5 

" Sydney Gazette," the, 39, 254 

Tahiti, 3, 8, 12, 232-3, 238 
Tamar River, 23, 27, 68-9, 195 
Tapu, the, 108-9, 111, 114 
Taranaki, 118, 129, 133-4, 142, 216- 

20, 222, 225 

Tasman, Abel, 5, 100, 109-10 

Tasmania {see Index II) 

Taupo, Lake, 117, 216, 222, 226, 229 

Tauranga, 221-2, 225-6 

Tawhiao, 219, 226, 229 

TeAukati, 226 

Te Kepa, 222, 229 

Te Kooti, 228-9 

TePehi, 113 5 

Te Whiti, 229-30 

Thames River, 116, 224, 226 

Tonga, 234, 237 

Torrens Act, the, 204-5 

Torrens, Lake, 165, 174, 179 

Torres straits, 4, 6 

Townsville, 199, 202-3 

Transportation, 14, 39,51, 86, 93-5, 

99 100, 209-10 
" Treaty," Batman's, 55, 58 
Treaty of Saragossa, the, 2 
Treaty of Tordesillas, the, 2 
Treaty of Waitangi, the, 124-6, 135, 

137, 140-1 
Turon River, 145 6, 150 

United States, the, in the Pacific, 

Van Diemen, Antony, 5 
Van Diemen's Land {fee Tasmania) 
Victoria {see Index II) 
Victoria River, 171, 173, 176-7, 179, 

Waikato River {and tribe), 116-7, 

134-5, 141, 218-20, 222, 225 
Wairau River {and district), 130, 

Waitara River {and district), 134, 

Wakefield, Colonel, 121-30 
Wakefield, Edward Gibbon, 80-2, 

119-20, 122, 127, 129, 142, 215 
Wanganui River {and district), 117, 

129, 139, 142, 220, 222, 228-9 
Warburton, Colonel, 212 
Warrego River, 171, 174, 181, 203 
Wellington (N.S.W.), 35, 48, 59 
Wellington (N.Z ), 123, 127-9, 132, 

135, 138, 142, 214, 224, 230, 271 
Wentworth, William Charles, 31, 

40, 50-1, 80, 85-91, 93, 95, 125, 

158, 185, 187, 239, 254, 256 
Wereroa, 222, 225, 227 
West Australia (see Index II) 


Westernport, 23, 43, 45, 49, 54, 56, 


W hangar oa, 114-5 
Wills, W. J., 167, 176-81 
Wilmot, Governor, 98-9 
Wiremu Kingi, 132, 134, 138, 216-9 


Wollongong, 22-3, 48 

York, Cape, 3, 10, 26, 59, 66, 172, 

Young, Governor, 103, 184-5 


New South Wales. iaqks. 

Discovery and early settlement of 9-31 

Explorations in 17, 21-3, 33-6, 43-8, 52, 167-9 

Growth of, to 1851 32-67,85-97 

Progress of, to 1899 143-6, 150, 158-60, 182-9 

New Zealand. 

Discovery of ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 5, 6, 8 

History of, before annexation... ... ... ... ... 105-124 

History of, as a British colony 124-142, 214-31, 233, 237 


Discovery of .„ .« 23-4,26,41-2,45 

Early Settlements in ... ... .. ... ... ... ...42,94 

Sepeiration of, from New South Wales 160-2 

Explorations in 168-74,176-81 

History of, as a separate colony 196-203, 206, 235 

South Australia. 

First settlement of 80-4 

Subsequent history of 88, 100-4, 158-60, 196-8, 203-8 

Explorations in ... 164-6, 174-6 

Northern Territory of ...198,203,206,208 


Discovery of ... . 5, 12, 2:i 

Early settlements in 27-8,33,41 

History of, to 1856 61, 08-75, 86, 93, 97-100, 149, 153-60 

History of, to 1899 195 


Opening up of 24,27,43-5,49.52-8,163-4 

History of, as Port Piiillip District 87-9, 91-2, 95-7 

Gold discoveries in, and their results ... ... ... 146-60 

Recent history of « 189-94,210 

West Australia. 

Discovery of 4,5,7,27 

Early settlement in 49,75-80 

Explorations in 79-80,166-7,211-2 

History of, to 1890 209-13 


Websdale, Shoosmith Ltd., Printers, 117 Clarence St., Sydney. 

July, 1909. 



Angus & Robertson, 




London : The Australian Book Company, 21 Warwick Lane, E.G. 


Passages selected from Australian and New 
Zealand poetry, edited by Berteam Stevens. 
Crown 16nio., limp morocco, gilt edges, 
3s. 6d. [fost free, 3s. 9d.) 

Sydnky Mokning Hkrald : " The poetical quotations form a 

choice anthology of Australian verse The book should 

have a special claim for Australian use." 

Daily Tklegraph : "A dainty little volume The 

selections have been carefully made, and the little book is a 
collection of poetic flowers of the soil as well as an autograph 

HuLLETiN : " Stevens, who has done good work for Australia in 
his Anthology, herein selects from his wide knowledge of our 
literature passages from our own poets instead of the foreign 
excerpts that hitherto we have had to put up with in books of this 
class. The selection is varied and apt ; and the quality of the verse 
and the number of poets put under contribution are equally 

Courier (Brisbane) : "Australians should be glad to study the 

verse of their own wi'iters Mr. Hertram Stevens seems 

to have a happy faculty in the matter and selection." 

Register (Adelaide) : " The verses which accompany the dates 
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contains some of the most brilliant imagery of our own poets." 


AN OUTBACK MARRIAGE : a story of Australian Life. 

By A. B. Patebson, author of "The Man from 
Snowy River," and "Rio Grande's Last 
Race." Sixth thousand. Crown 8vo, cloth 
jjfilt, 3s. 6d. [post free 4s.). 
For cheaper edition see Commonwealth Series, page 15. 
Scotsman: "The chief virtue of the book lies in its fresh 
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recognition as a work of considerable literary distinction." 

Pall Mall Gazette: "The whole tone of the book is fresh 
and breezy. . . . Altogether, this is a distinctly interesting 
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world. ' ' 

Publishers' Circular: "A good yarn, pithy, strong, and 
attractive. * ' 

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Edited by Bertram Stevens. Seventh thousand. 

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limp cloth, 2s. 6d. {'po.^tage 8d.) 

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Mr. Stevens has had the use of MS. poems in several cases, 
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London: Macmillan and Co., Limited. 


By Colonel Kenneth Mackay,O.B. With portrait. 
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Sydney MoRNI^fo Herald : " A volume of short poems that 
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Daily Tklegraph : "A little volume of manly ringing verse, 
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all his work displays a passionate attachment to his native land." 

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events, and others are of the sentimental order. All are pleasing." 


Literally translated into English verse in the 
measure of the original, by the Right Hon. 
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M.A., Chief Justice of the High Court of 
Australia. Crown 8vo., cloth gilt, 6s. {post 
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Mr. A. Patchett Martin, in Literature (T.,ondon) : "In 
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Westminster Gazette : " Australia has produced in Mr. A. B. 
Paterson a national poet whose bush ballads are as distinctively 
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The Scotsman : "A book like this . . . is worth a dozen of 
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and a dash of real tears in its composition." 

Glasgow Herald: "These ballads ... are full of such 
go that the mere reading of them makes the blood tingle. . . 
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London : Macmillan and Co., Limited. 


By A. B. Paterson. Eighth thousand. Crown 
8vo., cloth gilt, gilt top, 5s. {post free 5s. 5d.). 

Spectator: "There is no mistaking the vigour of Mr. Pater- 
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Daily Mail: "Every way worthy of the man who ranks with 
the first of Australian poets." 

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without being slangj^ the poems have always a strong human 
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book which should give an equal pleasure to simple and to 
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Bookman : * * Now and again a deeper theme, like an echo 
from the older, more experienced land, leads him to more serious 
singing, and proves that real poetry is, after all, universal. It 
is a hearty book." 

Daily Chronicle: "Mr. Paterson has powerful and varied 
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successful. ' ' 

Glasgow Herald: "These are all entertaining, their rough 
and ready wit and virility of expression making them highly 
acceptable, while the dash of satire gives point to the humour." 

British Australasian: "He catches the bush in its most 
joyous moments, and writes of it with the simple charm of an 
unaffected lover." 

The Times: "Will be welcome to that too select class at 
home who follow the Australian endeavour to utter a fresh and 
genuine poetic voice." 

Manchester Courier: "Mr. Paterson now proves beyond 
question that Australia has produced at least one singer who 
can voice in truest poetry the aspirations and experiences 
peculiar to the Commonwealth, and who is to be ranked with the 
foremost living poets of the motherland." 

St. James's Gazette: "Fine, swinging, stirring stuff, that 
sings as it goes along. The subjects are capital, and some of 
the refrains haunt one. There is always room for a book of 
unpretentious, vigorous verse of this sort." 

The Argus: "These ballads mjike bright and easy reading; 
one takes up the book, and, delighted at the rhythm, turns page 
after page, finding entertainment upon each." 

London: Macmillan and Co., Limited. 


By Will H. Ogilvie. Thirteenth thousand. 
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Scotsman: ''Its verses draw their natural inspiration frona 
the camp, the cattle trail, and the bush; and their most charac- 
teristic and compelling rhythms from the clatter of horses' 

Spectator: "Nothing could be better than his bush ballads, 
and he writes of horses with the fervour of Lindsay Gordon. ' ' 

Glasgow Herald: "Mr. Ogilvie sings wi<-h a dash and a lilt 
worthy of the captains of Australian song. . . . Whoever 
reads these verses holds the key to all that is attractive in the 
life that is characteristically Australian. ' ' 

Glasgow Daily Mail: "A volume which deserves a hearty 
welcome is this collection of Australian verse. ... It has 
a spirit and lyrical charm that make it very enjoyable. ' ' 

Nottingham Guardian: "The author's rhymes have a merry 
jingle, and his lines move with a zest and stir which make them 
altogether enjoyable." 

Belfast Newsletter: "Mr. Ogilvie is a poet whose verses 
should become as well known in the United Kingdom as they are 
in Australia, for he has a genuine love of nature, and gifts which 
enable him to express his thoughts in excellent verse." 

New Zealand Mail: "There is all the buoyancy, the lustiness 
of youth, the joie-de-vivre of the man who rejoices in the fresh 
air and the fine, free, up-country life — all this there is in Mr. 
Ogilvie 's verse, and much more that is eminently sane and 
healthy, a characteristic production of a wholesome mind." 

Queenslander : "Within the covers of 'Fair Girls and Gray 
Horses' lie some delicious morsels to tempt all palates. There 
is for the asking, the stirring swing and rhythm of his galloping 
rhymes, the jingle of bit and bridle, the creak of well-worn 
saddles, the scent of gum and wattle, the swift, keen rush of 
the bush wind in the face of 'The Man Who Steadies the Lead.* 
. . . . Picture after picture starts out of his pages to 
gladden the hearts of the men out back." 


By Will H. Ogilvie, author of '' Fair Grirls and 
Grray Horses." Third thousand. Crown 
8vo., cloth, 4s. 6d. fpost free 5s. J. 



By George Essex Evans. With portrait. Crown 
8vo., cloth gilt, gilt top (" Snowy River" 
Series), 5s. {post free, 5s. 5d.). 

Glasgow Herald: "There is . . . the breath of that 
apparently immortal spirit which has inspired . . . almost 
all that is best in English higher song." 

Spectator: ". . . . Mr. Evans has a rarer talent, for 
he has the flute as well as the big drum. ' ' 

The Bookman: **Mr. Evans has written many charming and 
musical poems, . . . many pretty and haunting lines." 

Scotsman: "The book is interesting in no common degree 
as applying the old traditions of English verse with happy 
artistry to the newer themes that nourish poetry in the Never- 
Never Land." 

British Australasian : * * Because Mr. Evans has not given 
us bush ballads, it must not be supposed that he has failed to 
catch the true Australian spirit. He feels the spaciousness and 
sunlit strength of Australia, and he has put them into his 
verses. ' ' 

Australasian: "Mr. Evans' poetry is thoughtful and 
scholarly, his language well chosen, and his versification flowing 
and melodious. . . . His pervading note is a cheerful con- 
templation of the present, and a belief in the future of his 
country. ' ' 


By John Farrell. Third edition. With Memoir, 

Appreciations, and photogravure portrait. 

Crown 8vo., cloth gilt, gilt top, 5s. {post 

free 5.^. 4d.) 

Melbourne Age: " Farrell 's contributions to the literature 

of this country were always distinguished by a fine, stirring 

optimism, a genuine sympathy, and an idealistic sentiment, 

which in the book under notice find their fullest expression." 

New Zealand Mail : " Of the part of Mr. Farrell 's work con- 
tained in this volume it is not necessary to say more than that 
it has long since received sincere commendation, not only from 
other Australian writers, but from men eminent in letters in 
England and America." 

The World 's News : "It is a volume which no Australian 
reader can afford to be without. John Farrell was a vigorou? 
writer, one, too, in whom the poetic spirit was very strong, and 
he had the gift of expressing himself in terse language. Had 
he written nothing else than 'Australia to England,' his name 
would live for all time." 


New edition. With photogravure portrait. Crown 
8vo, cloth gilt, gilt top, 5a. (poH free, 5s. 5d.). 
See also Commonwealth Series, page 15. 

The Times: "This collection of the works of the Queensland 
poet, who has for a generation deservedly held a high place in 
Australian literature, well deserves study." 

Daily News: "In turning over the pages of this volume, 
one is struck by his breadth, his versatility, his compass, as 
evidenced in theme, sentiment, and style." 

The Athen^um : * * Brunton Stephens, . . . well known 
to all those who are curious in Australian literature, as being, 
on the whole, the best of Australian poets." 

St. James' Gazette: "This substantial volume of verse eon- 
tains a great deal that is very fresh and pleasing, whether grave 
or gay. ' ' 

Manchester Guardian: "He shows a capacity for forceful 
and rhetorical verse, which makes a fit vehicle for Imperial 
themes. ' ' 

Speaker: "We gladly recognise the merit of much that 
appears in *The Poetical Works of Mr. Brunton Stephens.' 
. . . . In the more ambitious pieces (and in these the author 
is most successful) he models himself on good masters, and his 
strains have power and dignity. ' ' 

PuBLiSHFjas ' Circular: "Having greatly enjoyed many of 
the poems in the handsome edition of Mr. Brunton Stephens' 
works, we strongly advise such readers of poetry in the old 
country as are unacquainted with his contributions to English 
literature to procure the volume as soon as possible." 


By 'Rena Wallace. With portrait. Crown 8vo, 
cloth gilt, gilt top, 5s. {post free, 5s. 4d.). 

Daily Telegraph: "There is passion as well as melody in 
*A Bush Girl's Songs'; and there is thought also — real thought, 
that underlies the music of the verse, and gives the writer some- 
thing definite to communicate to her readers on the great 
universal subjects that are the province of true poetry, as 
distinct from mere verse. One cannot help remarking with 
pleasure the prevailing note of hopefulness, a sunshiny charm, 
that is felt throughout all this fresh young writer's work." 


By Henry Lawson. Fourteenth thousand. With 
photogravure portrait and vignette title. 
Crown 8vo., cloth gilt, gilt top, 5s. {post 
free 5s. 5d.) 
The Academy: ** These ballads (for sueh they mostly are) 
abound in spirit and manhood, in the colour and smell of Aus- 
tralian soil. They deserve the popularity which they have won 
in Australia, and which, we trust, this edition will now give them 
in England." 

The Speaker: "There are poems in Mn the Days When the 
World was Wide' which are of a higher mood that any yet 
beard in distinctively Australian poetry." 

Literary World : * ' Not a few of the pieces have made as 
feel discontented with our sober surroundings, and desirous of 
seeing new birds, new landscapes, new stars; for at times the 
blood tingles because of Mr. Lawson 's galloping rhymes." 

Newcastle Weekly Chronicle : * ' Swinging, rhythmic 


By Henry Lav^son. Sixth thousand. Crown 
8vo., cloth gilt, 3s. 6d. {post free 4s.), 
Also in two parts, entitled " When I Was King," and " The 
Elder Son." See page 15. 

Spectator (London) : "A good deal of humour, a great deal 
of spirit, and a robust philosophy are the main characteristics 
of these Australian poets. Because they write of a world they 
know, and of feelings they have themselves shared in, they are 
far nearer the heart of poetry than the most accomplished de- 
votees of a literary tradition. ' ' 

Sydney Morning Herald: "He is known wherever the 
English language is spoken; he is the very god of the idolatry 
of Australian bushmen; ... he has written more and is 
better known than any other Australian of his age. . . . 
There is a musical lilt about his verses which makes these dwell 
in the memory, and there is in them also a revelation of truth 
and strength. . . . 'When 1 was King' contains work of 
which many a craftsman in words might well be proud . . . 
lines that Walt Whitman — ^a master of rhythm when he liked, 
and a worshipper of it always — would have been proud to claim 
as his own." 


By Henry Lawson. Fifteenth thousand. 

Crown 8vo., cloth gilt, 3s. 6d. {post free 4s.). 
For cheaper edition see Commonwealth Series, page 15, 

Francis Thompson, in The Daily Chronicle: "He is a 
writer of strong and ringing ballad verse, who gets his blows 
straight in, and at his best makes them all tell. He can vignette 
the life he knows in a few touches, and in this book shows an 
increased power of selection. ' ' 

Nevst York Evening Journal: "Such pride as a man feels 
when he has true greatness as his guest, this newspaper feels 
in introducing to a million readers a man of ability hitherto 
unknown to them. Henry Lawson is his name." 

Academy: "Mr. Lawson 's work should be well known to our 
readers, for we have urged them often enough to make acquaint- 
ance with it. He has the gift of movement, and he rarely offers 
a loose rhyme. Technically, short of anxious lapidary work, 
these verses are excellent. He varies sentiment and humour very 
agreeably. ' ' 

The Book Lover: **Any book of Lawson 's should be bought 
and treasured by all who care for the real beginnings of Aus- 
tralian literature. As a matter of fact, he is the one Australian 
literary product, in any distinctive sense." 

The Bulletin: "He is so very human that one's humanity 
cannot but welcome him. ... To the perpetuation of his 
value and fame, many pieces in 'Verses: Poi ^lar and Humorous' 
will contribute." 


By Henry Lawson. Seventh thousand. Crown 

8vo., cloth gilt, 3s. 6d. [post free 4s.), 
For cheaper edition see Commonwealth Series, page J5. 

The Athen^um (I^ondon) : " This is a long way the besl work 
Mr. Lawson has yet given us. These stories are so good that 
(from the literary point of view of course) one hopes they are 
not autobiographical. As autobiography they would be good, as 
pure fiction they are more of an attainment." 

The AcADEiMT: "It is this rare convincing tone of this 
Australian writer that gives him a great value. The most 
casual 'newspapery' and apparently artless art of this Aus- 
tralian writer carries with it a truer, finer, more delicate com- 
mentary on life than all the idealistic works of any of our 
genteel school of writers." 



By Henry Lawson. Seventeentli thousand. 
Crown 8vo., doth gilt, 3s. 6d. {post free 4s.) 
For cheaper edition see Commonwealth Series, page 1 5. 

Daily Chronicle: "Will well sustain the reputation its 
author has already won as the best writer of Australian short 
stories and sketches the literary world knows. ' ' 

Pall Mall Gazette: "The volume now received will do 
much to enhance the author's reputation. There is all the 
quiet irresistible humour of Dickens in the description of 'The 
Darling River,' and the creator of 'Truthful James' never did 
anything better in the way of character sketches than Steelman 
and Mitchell." 

Glasgow Herald: "Mr. Lawson must now be regarded as 
facile princeps in the production of the short tale. Some of 
these brief and even slight sketches are veritable gems that 
would be spoiled by an added word, and without a word that 
can be looked upon as superfluous." 

Sydney Morning Herald: "It is not too much to say for 
these sketches that they show an acquaintance with bush life 
and an insight into the class of people which is to be met with 
in this life that are hardly equalled in Australia. ... In a 
few words he can paint for you the landscape of his pictures 
or the innermost recesses of his bushman's soul." 


By Henry Lawson. Sixth thousand. Crown 
8vo., cloth gilt^ 3s. 6d. (post free 4s.). 

Also in two parts, entitled "Send Round the Hat " and " The 
Bomance of the Swag." See page 15. 

Daily Telegraph: "These stories are for the most part 
episodes which appear to have been taken direct from life 
. . . . and Mr. Lawson contrives to make them wonder- 
fully vivid. . . . Mr. Lawson 's new stories are as good 
as his old ones, and higher praise they could not get." 

The Bulletin: "These stories are the real Australia, 
written by the foremost living Australian author. . . . 
Lawson 's genius remains as vivid and human as when he first 
boiled his literary billy." 

New Zealand Times: "His latest work, so far from ex- 
hibiting any signs of failing talent, seems to us to rank 
amongst the best he has yet done." 



By Henry Lawson. With eight illustrations by 
F. P. Mahony. Twenty-ninth thousand. 
Crown 8vo., cloth gilt, 3s. 6d. (post free 4s.). 

For cheaper edition see Commonwealth Series, page 15. 

The Academy: "A book of honest, direct, sympathetic, 
humorous writing about Australia from within is worth a library 
of travellers' tales. . . . The result is a real book — a book 
in a hundred. His language is terse, supple, and richly 
idiomatic. He can tell a yarn with the best. ' ' 

The Scotsman: "There is no lack of dramatic imagination 
in the construction of the tales; and the best of them contrive 
to construct a strong sensational situation in a couple of pages. 
But the chief charm and value of the book is its fidelity to the 
rough character of the scenes from which it is drawn." 

Literature : * * These sketches bring us into contact with one 
phase of colonial life at first hand. . . . The simplicity of 
the narrative gives it almost the effect of a story that is told 
by word of mouth." 

The Spectator: "It is strange that one we would venture 
to call the greatest Australian writer should be practically un- 
known in England. Mr. Lywson is a less experienced writer 
than Mr. Kipling, and more unequal, but there are two or three 
sketches in this volume which for vigour and truth can hold 
their own with even so great a rival. Both men have somehow 
gained that power of concentration which by a few strong strokes 
can set place and people before you with amazing force." 

The Times: "A collection of short and vigorous studies and 
stories of Australian life and character. A little in Bret Harte's 
manner, crossed, perhaps, with that of Guy de Maupassant." 

British Weekly: "Many of Mr, Lawson 's tales photograph 
life at the diggings or in the bush with an incisive and remorse- 
less reality that grips the imagination. He silhouettes a swag- 
man in a couple of pages, and the man is there, alive." 

The Morning Post: "For the most part they are full of 
local colour, and, correctly speaking, represent ralher rapid 
sketches illustrative of life in the bush than tales in the ordinary 
sense of the word. . . . They bear the impress of truth, 
sincere if unvarnished-" 



By Ethel C. Pedley. Illustrated by F. P. 
Maliony. Eighth thousand. Crown 8vo, cloth, 
extra gilt, 2s. 6d. {post free 2s. lid.) 

Sydney Morning Herald : " * Dot and the Kangaroo ' is with- 
out doubt one of the most charming books that could be put into 
the hands of a child. It is admirably illustrated by Frank P. 
Mahony, who seems to have entered thoroughly into the spirit 
of this beautiful journey into the animal world of Australia. 
The story is altogether Australian. . . . It is told so simply, 
and yet so artistically, that even the 'grown-ups' amongst us 
must enjoy it." 

Daily Telegraph: "The late Miss Ethel Pedley was a 
musician to the core. But towards the close of her life she 
made one step aside into the domain of a sister art, which re- 
sulted in a book for children, entitled ' Dot and the Kangaroo ' — 
a charming story of the 'Alice in Wonderland' order. . . . 
Dot, the small heroine, is lost in the bush, where she is fed and 
ministered to by a helpful kangaroo, who introduces her gradu- 
ally to quite a little circle of acquaintances. We hob-nob, 
through Dot, with our old friends the opossum, the native bear, 
the platypus, the bower-bird, not to speak of the emu sheep- 
hunters and the cockatoo judge. There is a most exciting fight 
between a valiant kookooburra and a treacherous snake. Alto- 
gether, Miss Pedley 's story is told in a way to entrance our 
small readers, who generally revel in tales where animals are 
invested with human attributes." 

The Argus : "A sort of fairy story with local colour, which 
would be very acceptable to Australian children. . . . Dot 
is a little girlie who lives on the edge of the bush, and one day 
she wanders off and gets lost. But a big kangaroo finds her, 
and takes charge of her. She eats some berries which give her 
the power to understand the bush talk, and after four days 
amongst the great wild creatures, the kangaroo finds her home 
again for her. It is a pretty story, prettily told." 

Daily Mail (Brisbane) : "A more fascinating study for Aus- 
tralian children is hardly conceivable, for it endows the numerous 
bush animals with human speech, and reproduces a variety of 
amusing conversations between them and Dot, the little heroine 
of the book. . . . It is a clever production that adults may 
read with pleasure." 

Town and Country Journal: "Miss Pedley 's book was a 
labour of love, and it should prove a source of pleasure to count- 
less children. . . . She has been very happy in her method, 
and has done her work cleverly." 

The Courier (Brisbane): "In this delightful story book 
there is an artist's fancifulness, with the skill of a capable 
writer. ' ' 



Collected and edited by A. B. Paterson, author 

of ''The Man from Snowy River,'' ''Rio 

Grande's Last Race/' &c. Sixth thousand 

Crown 8vo, cloth ^ilt, 2s. 6d. [post free, 2s. 9d.). 

For cheaper edition see Commonwealth Series, page 15. 

Daily Telegraph: "Kude and rugged these old bush songs 

are, but they carry in their vigorous lines the very impress of 

their origin and of their genuineness. . . . Mr. Paterson 

has done his work like an artist. ' ' 


By Charles White. In two vols. Crown 8vo., 
cloth gilt, 3s. 6d. each {postage 6d. each). 

Vol. I.— The Early Days to 1862. Eleventh 

Vol. II.— 1863 to 1878. Tenth thousand. 
See also Commonwealth Series, page 15. 

Year Book of Australia : * ' The bushrangers have long since 
left the stage of Australian history, but their evil deeds live 
after them, and are likely to do so for many years to eome. 
Having collected all the published details relating to the career 
of the Tasmanian as well as the Australian gangs, Mr. White 
has reduced them to a very readable narrative, which may fairly 
be termed a history. In this shape it forms a valuable contri- 
bution to the general history of the country, especially as a 
picture of social life in the past." 

QcEENSLANDER : " iMr. White has supplied material enough 
for twenty such novels as ' Robbery Under Anns.' " 


By Jesse Gregson, General Superintendent for 
the Company, 1876-1905. Crown 8vo., cloth 
gilt, 6s. {post free 6s. 6d.). 

Sydney Morning Herald: ''This is an important little con 
tributiou to colonial history. A full account is given of the 
formation of the Company, the first settlement, the early vicissi- 
tudes, the difficulties with the coal-miners at Newcastle, the 
struggle to set the wheat and wool industries on a firm basis, 
and so on. ' ' 



Crown 8vo., picture cover, Is. each {postage 3d.). 

An Outback Marriage. By A. B. Paterson 

The Oij) Bush Songs. Edited by A. B. Paterson 

My Chinee Cook, and other Humorous Verses. 

By Brunt on Stephens 
How He Died : Verses. By John Farrell 

Send Round the Hat : Stories. By Henry Lawson 

The Romance of the Swag : Stories. 

By Henry Lawson 

When I was King : New Verses. By Henry Lawson 

The Elder Son: New Verses. By Henry Lawson 

Joe Wilson : Stories. By Henry Lawson 

Joe Wilson 's Mates : Stories. By Henry Lawson 

On the Track : Stories. By Henry Lawson 

Over the Sliprails : Stories. By Henry Lawson 

Popular Verses. By Henry Lawson 

Humorous Verses. By Henry Lawson 

While the Billy Boils: Stories. — First Series. 

By Henry Lawson 
While the Billy Boils : Stories. — Second Series 

By Henry Lawson 

History of Australian Bushranging. 

By Charles White 
Part I.— The Early Days. 

Part II.— 1850 to 1862. 
Part III.— 1863 to 1869. 
Part IV.— 1869 to 1878. 
*^* For press notices of these books see the clolh-bound editions 
on pages 2, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12 and 14 of this Catalogue. 



A Synopsis of offences punishable by Indictment and on 
summary conviction, definitions of crimes, meanings of 
legal phrases, hints on evidence, procedure, police duties, 
&c., in New South W^ales. 

Compiled by Daniel Stephen, Senior-Sergeant of 
Police. Second edition^ revised in accordance 
with State and Federal Enactments to the end 
of 1905, and enlarged by the inclusion of a 
concise summary of Commercial Law. Crown 
8vo., cloth gilt, 6s. (post free 6s. 6d.). 

Sydney Morning Herald: "Justices of the peace and others 
concerned in the administration of the law will find the value 
of this admirably-arranged work. . . . We had nothing but 
praise for the first edition, and the second edition is better than 
the first." 

Town and Country Journal: "The author has put together 
a vast amount of useful and generally practical information 
likely to be interesting, as well as valuable, to justices of the 
peace, policemen, and all others concerned in the administration 
of the law. " 

Sydney Mail: "A well got up handbook that should prove 
of decided value to a large section of the community. . . . 
Primarily intended for justices of the peace and policemen, it 
is so handily arranged, so concise, and so comprehensive, that 
it should appeal to everyone who wants to know just how he 
stands in regard to the law of the land." 

Sydney Wool and Stock Journal: "The book practically 
makes every man his own lawyer, and enables him to see at a 
glance what the law is upon any given point, and will save 
more than its cost at the first consultation. ' * 

Sydney Stock and Station Journal: "To speak of a work 
of this kind as being interesting would doubtless cause surprise; 
but it is most certainly a very interesting work. We strongly 
recommend it." 


Compiled for the Presbyterian Women's Missionary 

Tenth edition, enlarged, completing the 95th 
thousand. Crown 8vo., cloth, Is. {post free 
Is. 3d.). 




By J. H. Hammond, B.A., LL.B., and C. G. W. 

Davidson, B.A., LL.B., Barristers-at-Tjaw. 

Demy 8vo., cloth gilt, 25s. {post free 

25s. lOd.). 
Sydney Morning Herald: "... a valuable contribu- 
tion to legal literature. . . . The authors have incorporated 
the various Statutes in force in the State, annotating them with 
care, precision, and judgment. The notes and references have 
relation, not only to decisions in this and the other States of 
the Commonwealth, but also to English decisions under Statutes 
held to be in force in New South Wales. . . . The value of 
the work, which bears evidence of close and careful research, is 
enhanced by the fact that hitherto there has been no text-book 
which completely embraced the subject." 

Daily Telegraph: "It must be said that the joint authors 
have done their work in an able and thorough way, the 560 
pages which the book contains being replete with matters of 
moment to those desirous of ascertaining the state of the law 
on rather a complicated subject. . . . The whole of the 
local law of landlord and tenant is presented in a concise form 
to the profession and the general public." 


By M. M. D'Arcy Irvine, B.A., Solicitor of the 
Supreme Court. Demy 8vo., cloth gilt, 42s. 
{post free 43s.). 

The Sydney Morning Herald: "We have here a complete 
review of the direct taxation scheme of the State for the last 
ten years; aD authoritative review which gives the law itself 
and its interpretation. . . . Mr. D'Arcy Irvine does not 
inflict upon us the long descriptions of the road to a decision 
which some judges find it necessary or expedient to make. He 
gives us the decision, the one important matter, and little 
else. ' ' 

Daily Telegraph: "The author has done his work in a most 
thorough way, and has produced what should be a valuable con- 
tribution to local legal literature. Moreover, the subject is 
dealt with in such a perspicuous style, that a layman, by perusal 
of it, should have no difficulty in ascertaining exactly where he 
stands with regard to the Acts bearing upon this form of taxa- 



By Sir John Quick and li. R. Garran, C.M.G. 
Royal 8vo.; cloth gilt, '21s. 

The Times: "The Annotated Constitution of the Australian 
Commonwealth is a monument of industry, . . . Dr. Quick 
and Mr. Garran have collected with patience and enthusiasm 
every sort of information, legal and historical, which can throw 
Hjrht on the new measure. The book has evidently been a labour 
of love." 

The Scotsman: "Students of constitutional law owe a 
welcome, and that in a scarcely less degree than lawyers do who 
are likely to have to interpret the laws of the Australian Consti- 
tution, to this learned and exhaustive commentary 

The book is an admirable working text-book of the Constitu- 
tion, ' ' 

Daily Chronicle: "Here is the new Constitution set out and 
explained, word by word — how each phrase was formulated, where 
they all came from, why they were put in, the probable diffi- 
culties of interpreting or administering each clause, with such 
help as can be given by considering similar diflSculties in other 
Constitutions; every point, in fine, in which lawyers' skill or 
the zeal of enthusiasts can discern the elements of interest," 

Glasgow Herald: "Will at once take rank as a standard 
authority, to be consulted, not only by students of constitutional 
history and political science, but also by all those who, in the 
active fields of law, politics, or commerce, have a practical in- 
terest in the working of the new federal institutions of Aus- 
tralia, " 


Demy 8vo., linen, 2s. 6d. ; paper cover, Is. (postage 

8d.) [Published ammally, in June. 


Demy 8vo., paper cover, Is. {post free Is. 3d.). 

[Published annually, in August, and dated the year 
following that in which it ix issued- 



By W. Gibbons Cox, C.E. With 81 illustrations 
and a coloured map of Australia. Crown 8vo., 
cloth gilt, 3s. 6d. {'post free, 4s.). 

The Australasian: "The work under notice, which has 
special reference to the utilisation of artesian and sub-artesian 
water, is the most valuable contribution to the literature on 
the subjects dealt with that baa yet appeared in Australia.'' 

Sydney Morning Herald: "The chief value of the book will 
be, perhaps, for the individual irrigationist. The author goes 
into detail on most phases of small schemes. . . . He takes 
various crops and fruit trees separately, and gives a lot of 
?ound information on the question. The sinking of wells, the 
erection of reservoirs, ditches, checks, and grading are all con- 
sidered. ' ' 


By Harold Leeney, M.R.C.V.S. With nearly 
100 illustrations. 8vo., cloth, 7s. 6d. {post 
free 8s. 7d.). 

Contents. — I. Diseases of the Blood— II. Diseases of the 
Heart — JIT. Diseases of the Digestive System — IV. Tumours — V. 
Diseases of the Respiratory Organs — VI. Diseases of the 
Eye — VII. Diseases of the Brain and Nervous System — VIII. 
Diseases of the Generative Organs — IX. Diseases connected with 
Parturition — X. Troubles of the New Born — XI. Skin Diseases — 
XII. Parasites and Parasitic Diseases — XIII. Diseases of the 
Foot — XIV. Lameness and Bone Diseases — XV. Wounds and 
their Treatment — XVI. Bleeding: How to arrest Bleeding and 
how to Classify — XVII. Operations: Such as Castrating and 
Docking — XVIII. Blisters, Blistering, Firing, Setons, Seton- 
ing — XIX. Poisons and Antidotes — XX. Antiseptics and Disin- 
fectants — XXI. Anaesthesia, Insensibility to Pain — XXII. 
Physicking, Purging Horses, Cattle, Sheep, Pigs, Dogs, and 
Cats — XXIII. Diseases of PoulUy — XXIV. Administration of 
Medicines — XXV. Medicines: A Comprehensive Series of Pro- 
scriptions — XXVI. Nursing and Foods for the Sick — XXVI F. 
Methods of Control or Trammelling Animals — XXVIII. Vices, 
^rricks, and Bad Habits ot the Horse. 



An Analytical Key to the Flowering Plants (except Grasses 
and Rushes) and Ferns of the State, set out in an original 
method, larith a list of native plants discovered since 1893. 

By W. A. Dixon, F.I.C, F.C.S. With Glossary 
and 49 diagrams. Foolscap 8vo., cloth gilt, 
3s. 6d. {post free Ss. lid.). 

Nature: "TMa is a handy little book providing a compact 
guide for naming flowers in the field. . . . The author lays 
stress on the extensive use made of vegetative characters for 
identification, with which there can be only entire agreement so 
long as the characters are determinative." 

Daily Telegraph (Sydney): "The author has succeeded in 
bringing his subject within the comprehension of the ordinary 
observer. In a concise introductory note, Mr. Dixon points 
out the difficulty of identifying plants by the use of scientific 
treatises, and substitutes a system based on the use of more 
easily observed characters." 

Sydney Morning Herald: ''The book is interesting as well 
as ingenious. It is a valuable contribution to the botanic litera- 
ture of Australia." 


By Joseph Campbell, M.A., F.G.S., M.I.M.E. 
Fourth edition, revised and enlarged (com- 
pleting the tenth thousand). With illustra- 
tions. Cloth, round corners, 3s. 6d, {post 
free 3s. 9d.). 

Ballarat Star : " This is an excellent little work, and should 
be in the hands of every scientific and practical miner.'' 

Bendigo Evening Mail: "Should be in every prospector's 
kit. It enables any intelligent man to ascertain for himself 
whether any mineral he may discover has a conmiercial value." 

BuNDABERG Star: "A handy and useful book for miners 
and all interested in the mining industry. ' ' 

Newcastle Morning Herald: "The book is a thoroughly 
practical one." 

Wyalonq Star: "Now it will be possible for miners and 
prospectors to test any mineral which has a commercial value." 



A Manual of Instruction and Useful Information for 
Practical Men. 

By W. D. Cruickshank, M. I. Mech. E., late Chief 
Engineering Surveyor, New South Wales 
Government. Second edition, revised and 
enlarged, with 70 illustrations. 8vo., cloth 
gilt, 15s. {post free 15s. 9d.). 

The Times (Engineering Supplement): "Mr. Cruickshank has 
given a useful work to boiler designers and superintendents . . . 
There is a 'handiness' in the arrangement of the subjects which 
enables the reader to locate any subject quickly." 

JoUKXAL OF THE MARINE Kngineers' ASSOCIATION : " A practical 
treatise on the construction and management of steam boilers, ajid 
will be found of great value to practical engineers." 

American Machinist: " It is a pleasure to welcome a technical 
work of Australian origin. . . . Quite properly, it is very 
largely concerned with the calculation of strengths, and the sectiun 
on riveting in particular seems to be much fuller than usual." 

The Steamship : "It is not often that technical or scientific 
books of value come to this country from our colonies. This volume 
is an exception. ... A copious index is added, and a special 
feature of this valuable practical book is the number of illustra- 

Greenock and Clyde Shipping Gazette: "The book is well 
written, and the engineer, no less than the student, will profit by a 
persual of its contents. Further, it is a book which will be of 
service as a work of reference on any special question relating to 
the construction of boilers. . . . His explanations are simple 
and graphic. . . . The book is one which can be recommended 
to engineers." 

Thk Sydney Morning Hkrald : " The author's main object has 
been to be intelligible to those who cannot follow a highly technical 
and scientific treatise, and in tiiis he seems to be very successful. 
Nevertheless, he covers the ground required by the practical man 
very fully, and his style is so simple and lucid, that it can hardly 
fail in its objects. A chapter on water-tube boilers is included, and 
there are some useful tables. The absence of higher mathematics 
and the clearness and fulness of the few indispensable calculations 
introduced will doubtless continue to appeal to many engineers who 
know much more about an engine and its ways than they do about 
the vagaries of a differential equation." 



A Manual of Dresscutting and Ladies' Tailoring. 
By M. E. Roberts, Lecturer at Sydney Tech- 
nical College. Second edition, revised and 
enlarged, with 133 diagrams. Crown 4to., 
cloth gilt, 7s. 6d. ['post free 7s. lid.). 

Tailors' Art Journal: "To all those inquirers from whom 
we have had continued correspondence asking for information as 
to the ways and means of perfecting their knowledge in the 
rudiments of ladies' dressmaking and tailoring, we can safely 
say that no book is better suited for their purpose than this.'' 

Woman's Budget: *'So simple are the directions given that 
the book has only to be known to find a place in all houses where 
the women-folk are anxious to understand the useful art of 
dresscutting. ' ' 

Town and Country Journal: "These lectures have been 
printed in book form in response to many appeals from students 
and ex-students, to whom this system commends itself, because 
it is easy to learn, accurate, and reliable, and because there are 
neither charts, machines, nor other mechanical appliances to pur- 
chase. To the girl who needs the means to earn a livelihood 
this book will prove invaluable, as it contains the fruits of years 
of practical work." 


The Moulding Method of Practical Dressmaking. 
By Madame Berge, Inventor of the Moulding 
Method. With 134 illustrations from photo- 
graphs. Crown 8vo., cloth gilt, 3a. 6d. 
{post free 4s.). 

Sydney Morning Herald: " Madame Beige shows how a piece 
of stiff muslin can be converted into a perfectly-fitting pattern ; the 
pictures, of which there are 134, show very clearly the different 
stages of fitting and cutting a pattern on the figure. There is no 
complicated sj'^stem of calculation on paper. Each step is taken by 
the simple process of creasing the muslin and the aid of a few pins. 
All the details, which are clearly shown in the diagrams, are 
explained in simple language at the foot of eacli picture. All kinds 
of garments are shown in the making. It is a book which can be 
easily understood by the most uninitiated." 



Practical Addresses on the IHTork of the Ministry. 

By Rev. John Walker, ex-Coinmissioner of the 
Presbyterian Church in New South Wales. 
Crown 8vo., cloth gilt, 4s. {post free 4s. 6d.). 

Melbourne Argus: "Simple, clear, frank, unpretentious, yet 
able and vigorous, practical and useful. ' ' 

Sydney Morning Herald : * * We have here something of 
special value. . . . The judicial but always genial tone of 
this book will probably appeal to intelligent laymen at once. 
. . . . Thoroughly sane and shrewd. . . . Experience 
kept in countenance by scholarship, and the summing-up is 
lightened by the results of vsdde reading." 

Daily Telegraph: "Mr. Walker's book will be welcomed by 
all the Churches that own allegiance to the Evangelical flag. 
. . . . Modest, tactful, intensely earnest, lucid in expression, 
persuasive, broadly sympathetic, tolerant where tolerance is 
large-minded, and always genial in temper." 


Prepared on the Authority of the Presbyterian 
Church of Australia (State of New South 
Wales). Foolscap 8vo., cloth gilt, 2s. 6d. 
(post free 2s. 9d.). 


By John Burgess, M.A. Part I. — Questions 
1-38, 4d. [post free bd.) 
Part II.— Questions 39-81, 6d. [post free 7d.), 


By W. P. Litchfield, M.B. (Syd.), Honorary 
Assistant Physician, Eoyal Alexandra 
Hospital for Children, Sydney. With 14 
illustrations. Crown 8vo., cloth gilt, 3s. 6d. 
{post free 3s. 9d.) 


By M. C. LiDWiLL, M.D., B.S. (Melb.) Illus- 
trated. Crown 8vo., limp cloth, Is. {po.d 
free Is. Id.) 



A Handbook to the History of Greater Britain. 

By Arthur W. Jose, author of * ' A Short History 
of Australasia." Prescribed by the Depart- 
ment of Public Instruction, N.S.W., foi First 
and Second Class Teachers ' Certificate Exami- 
nations. Second edition. With 14 maps. 
Crown 8vo., cloth gilt, 4s. 6d. {post free 

Morning Post: "This book is published in Sydney, but it 
deserves to be circulated throughout the United Kingdom. The 
picture of the fashion in which British enterprise made its 
way from settlement to settlement has never been drawn more 
vividly than in these pages. Mr. Jose's style is crisp and 
pleasant, now and then even rising to eloquence on his grand 
theme. His book deserves wide popularity, and it has the rare 
merit of being so written as to be attractive alike to the young 
student and to the mature man of letters." 

Literature : "He has studied thoroughly, and writes vigor- 
ously. . . . Admirably done. . . . We commend it to 
Britons the world over. ' ' 

Saturday Eeview: *'He writes Imperially; he also often 
writes sympathetically. . . . We cannot close Mr. Jose's 
creditable account of our misdoings without a glow of national 
pride. ' ' 

Yorkshire Post : " A brighter short history we do not know, 
and this book deserves, for the matter and the manner of it, 
to be as well known as Mr. McCarthy's 'History of Our Own 
Times.' " 

The Scotsman: ". . . . a thoughtful, well-written, and 
well-arranged history. ' ' 

The Spectator : ' ' He certainly possesses the faculty of pre- 
senting a clear summary, and always appears to hold the scales 
fairly. . . . We can heartily commend both the subject and 
style of this able and most admirably arranged history of the 
British Empire." 

Glasgow Herald : "An excellent specimen of the vigoruus 
work produced by the School of History at Oxford." 

School Wokld: "A finely written, fascinatingly interesting, 
and most inspiring history of the expansion of England. No 
belter preliminary survey need be required." 

London: John Murray 


From the Earliest Times to the Present Day, with a 
Supplemientary Chapter on Australian Literature. 

By Arthur W. Jose, author of " The Growth of 
the Empire." Prescribed for Second and 
'J'hird Chiss Teachers^ Certificate Exarr {na- 
tions, and for the University Junior Public 
Examination, 1910. Third edition. With 
6 maps and 64 portraits and illustrations. 
Thirteenth thousand. Crown 8vo., cloth, 
2s. 6d. {post free 2s. lid.). 

The Bulletin : " It is the most complete handbook on the 
subject available ; the tone is judicial and the workmanship 
thorough. . . . The new cliapter on Australian Literature is 
the best view yet presented." 

Daily Telegraph > "There was ample room for a cleverly 
condensed, clear, and yet thoroughly live account of these 
colonies such as Mr. Jose now presents us with. ' ' 

Sydney Morning Herald : ' * Possibly we have not yet reached 
the distance in point of time from the events here recorded to 
permit the writing of a real history of Australasia; but Mr. 
Jose has done good work in the accumulation and orderly 
arrangement of details, and the intelligent reader will derive 
much profit from this little book." 

The Book Lover : ' ' The ignorance of the average Australian 
youth about the brief history of his native land is often deplor- 
able. ... 'A Short History of Australasia,' by Arthur W. 
Jose, just provides the thing wanted. Mr. Jose's previous his- 
torical work was most favourably received in England, and this 
story of our land is capitally done. It is not too long, and it 
is brightly written. Its value is considerably enhanced by the 
useful maps and interesting illustrations." 

Victorian Education Gazette: **The language is graphic 
and simple, and there is much evidence of careful work and 
acquaintance with original documents, which give the reader 
confidence in the accuracy of the details. The low price of 
the book leaves young Australia no excuse for remaining in 
ignorance of the history of their native land. ' ' 

Town and Country Journal: "The language is graphic and 
simple, and he has maintained the unity and continuity of 
the story of events, despite the necessity of following the sub- 
ject along the seven branches corresponding with the seven 
separate colonies." 



A popular introduction to the study of Australian Geology 

By Rev. J. Milne Curran, late Lecturer in 
Chemistry and Geology, Teohnioal College, 
Sydney. Prescribed by the Department of 
Public Instruction, N.S.W., for First and 
Second Class Teachers' Examinations Sec- 
ond edition. With a Glossary of Scientific 
Terms, a Reference List of commonly-occur- 
ring Fossils, 2 coloured maps, and 83 illus- 
trations. Crown 8vo., cloth gilt, 6s. {post 
free 6s. 6d.). 

Nature : * * This is, strictly speaking, an elementary manual 
of geology. The general plan of the work is good; the book 
is well printed and illustrated with maps, photographic pictures 
of rock structure and scenery, and figures of fossils and rock 
sections. ' ' 

Saturday Eeview: "His style is animated and inspiring, or 
clear and precise, as occasion demands. Ihe people of Sydney 
are to be congratulated on the existence of such a guide to their 
beautiful country. '* 


By James Conway, Headmaster at Cleveland-sb. 
Superior Public School, Sydney. New edition, 
revised and enlarged. Prescribed by the 
Department of Public Instruction, N.S.W., for 
Second and Third Class Teachers' Certificate 
Examinations. Crown 8vo., cloth gilt, 3s. 6d. ^^ 
{post free 3s. lOd.). ^H 

Sydney Morning Herald : " It is to New South Wales teachers 
what a highly gifted coach is to a candidate for any particular 
examination " 



By H. S. Carslaw, M.A., D.Sc, F.R.S.E., Pro- 
fessor of Mathematics in the University of 
Sydney. Demy 8vo., cloth gilt, 5s. {post free 

5s. 3d.). 

The Times: "Conoise lucidity is the key-note of the book. 
. . . . Professor Carslaw may be congratulated upon hav- 
ing produced an admirable book, which should be useful to 
young engineers and science students, both during and after 
their college courses. ' ' 

Knowledge: **The object has been to present the funda- 
mental ideas of the Calculus in a simple manner, and to illus- 
trate them by practical examples. It will prove a very useful 
book for use, especially in technical schools." 


By J. A. Pollock, Professor of Physics, and 0. U. 
VoNwiLLER, Demonstrator in Physics, in the 
University of Sydney. Part I. With 30 
diagrams. 8vo., paper cover, 3s. 9d. {post 
free 4s.). 


By S. H. Barraclough, B.E., M.M.E., Assoc. M. 
Inst. C.E. Demy 8vo., cloth, Is. {post free 
Is. Id.). 

Logarithms, &c., published separately, price 6d. 
{post free 7d.) 



By James Conway. New edition, revised and 
enlarged, crown 8vo., cloth, Is. 6d. {jwst 
free Is. 9d.). 

N.S.W. Educational Gazette: "The abridgment is very 
well done. One recognises the hand of a man who has had 
long experience of the difficulties of this subject." 



Part I. — For Infant and Junior Classes. Second 
edition, with 43 illustrations. Crown 8vo., 
cloth gilt, 2s. 6d. [postage 4d.) 

N.S.W. Educational Gazette: "Mr. Wiley has wisely 
adopted the plan of utilising the services of specialists. The 
series is remarkably complete, and includes almost everything 
with which the little learners ought to be made familiar. 
Throughout the whole series the lessons have been selected with 
judgment and with a due appreciation of the capacity of the 
pupils for whose use they are intended." 


Part II. — For advanced classes. Second edition, 
with 1 13 illustrations. Crown 8vo., cloth 
gilt, 2s. 6d. (postage 4(L) 

Victorian Education Gazette: "Mr. Wiley and his col- 
leagues have provided a storehouse of useful information on 
a great number of topics that can be taken up in any Australian 
school. ' ' 

N.S.W. Educational Gazette: "The Australian Object 
Lesson Book is evidently the result of infinite patience and deep 
research on the part of its compiler, who is also to be commended 
for the admirable arrangement of his matter.'' 


Concrete Guide to Paper-Folding for Design. 

Is. 6d. {post free Is. 7d.). 
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II., Class III., and Class IV. Id. each. 
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FOR Classes II. and III. (Lower). 2s. {post 

free 2s. 2d.). 
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Book. 3d. 



By Percival R. Cole, M.A., Frazer Scholar in 
Modern History, University MedalJist in 
Logic and Mental Philosophy, late Lecturer 
in the Training College, Fort-street, Sydney. 
Second edition, revised and enlarged. Crown 
8vo., in two parts : — Part T. — Classes I. and 
II.; Part II.— Classes III., IV., and V. ; 
cloth, Is, each {'post free Is. 2d. each). 


By George H. Aurousseau, Sydney Technical 
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cloth, 3s. 6d. {post free 3s. 9d.). 


By J. E. Branch, Superintendent of Drawing, 
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scribed by the Department of Public Instruc- 
tion, N.S.W., for Teachers' Examinations. 
With 19 coloured and 5 other plates. Demy 
4to., decorated cloth, 7s. 6d. fpostfree 8s. Sd.J 
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tended primarily to illustrate methods of instruction in the art 
of using the brush in such colour- work as may be taught edu- 
eatively in primary schools. The author recognises the true 
place that drawing, as a mode of thought expression, should 
occupy in relation to other school work. He is careful to point 
out that mechanical facility in representing natural forms is 
not in itself an end, but merely a preliminary training intended 
to lead to something higher in the educative process. The part 
that brushwork may be made to play in the educative process, 
and its advantages over other forms of drawing, under certain 
conditions, are stated clearly and convincingly in the intro- 

The Schoolmaster (London): "The teaching is very care- 
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in the same subject. The plates, too, are very carefully de- 
scribed and explained, and many useful hints are embodied in 
the notes. We have nothing but praise for the matter, style, 
and get-up of the book." 

London : The Educational Supply Asaocintion, Ltd. 


By Hugo Alpen, ex-Superinfcendent of Music, De- 
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Revised edition, with 8 maps and 19 illustrations 
64 pages. 6d. (post free 7d.J . 



Revised edition, with 18 relief and other maps, 
and 17 illustrations of transcontinental views, 
distribution of animals, &c. 88 pages. 6d. 

{post free 7d.) 


With 5 folding maps. 48 pages. 6d. {'post free 


For Classes II. and III. With Diagrams. 2d. 
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Books I. and II. Price 6d. each. 


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Grammar and Derivation Book, 64 pages. 2cl. 

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Table Book and Mental Arithmetic, 48 pages. Id. 

History of Australia, 80 pages. 4d. Illustrated. 

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Approved by the Departments of Public Instruc- 
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The letters are continuously joined to each other, ao that the 
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Approved by the N.S.W. Department of Public 
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DU Jose, Arthur Wilberforce, 
112 18q3- 

J67 History of Australasia, 
190S from the earliest times 

to the present day, with 

a chapter on Australian 


3d ed. , rev. and enl. 
Angus and Robertsor 

ltd, (1909)