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A  N 

HISTORY 

O  F 

EARLY    OPINIONS 

CONCERNING 

( 

JESUS      CHRIST, 

COMPILEDFROM  ^-^Ci.  A^-^VMS^    0  C     /      •> 

ORIGINAL    WRITERSi  ii^  4/ 

PROVING  THAT  THE  CHRISTIAN  CHURCH  WAS 
AT  FIRST  UNITARIAN. 

By  JOSEPH  PRIESTLEY,  LL.D.  F.R.S, 

AC.  IMP.  PETROP.  R.  PARIS.  HOLM.  TAURIN.  AUREL.  MED. 
PARIS.  CANT^4B.  AMERIC.  £T  PHILAD^  SOCIU$. 

VOL.    IV, 

Athanasius. 

<^f     ' 

BIRMINGHAM,  §^ 

PRIN TED  FOR  THE  AUTHOR,  BY  PEARSON  AND  ROLLASON, 
AND  SOLD  BY  J.   JOHNSON,  NO.  72,  ST.  PAUL's 
CHURCH-YARD,  LONDON. 

MDCCLXXXVI. 


^  VdA«!S1«*''=^ 


^.^ 


CONTENT     S 

O  F    T  H  E 

FOURTH     VOLUME. 


BOOK      III. 

TH  E    Hiftory  of  the  Unitarian  Doc- 
trine, continued.  Page  i 

C  H  A  P  T  E  R     XX. 

Of  the  Dodtrine  of  the  Miraculous  Conception. 

ibid, 

SECTION     I. 

Of  the  Nature  and  Importance  of  the  Do^rine 
of  the  Miraculous  Cojiception.  8 

SECTION     II. 

The  Opinions  of  the   Chrijlian  Fathers  con- 
cerning the  life  of  the  Miraculous  Concep- 
tion.        -  -         -  -  26 
A  2           "          SEC- 


^v  CONTENTS. 

SECTION     III. 

A  View  of  the  Arguments  in  Favour  of  the 
Miraculous  Conception,  and  of  the  hijlori-' 
cal  Evidence  by  which  its  Credibility  fjould 
be  ofcertained.  -  -  56 

SECTION     IV. 

Beafons  fr  thinking  that  the  Miraculous  Con^ 
ception  was  not  known,  or  believed,  in  very 
early  Times*  -  -  64 

SECTION      V. 

The  internal  Evidence  for  the  Credibility  of 
the  Miraculous  Conception  confdered.      1 00 

SECTION     VI. 

Confiderations  relating  to  the  Roman  Cenfus, 
mentioned  by  Luke.         -  -  124 

SECTION     VIL 

Suppofed  Allufions  to  the  Miraculous  Concep- 
tion in  the  Scriptures,         ^  -         138 

S  E  C- 


CONTENTS.         V 
SECTION     VIII. 

Ohjedtions  to  the  Miraculous  Conception  by  the 
ancient  Unbelievers,  and  the  Anfwers  of  the 
Chrijtian  Fathers  to  them.  i  ^  i 

BOOK        IV. 

Of  fome  Controveriies  which  had  a  near 
Relation  to  the  Trinitarian  or  Unitarian 
Dodlrine.  -  -  »  x.6^ 

CHAPTER      I. 

Of  the  Arian  Controverfy.  -  Ibid, 

SECT  ION     L 

Of  the  antecedent  Caufes  of  the  Arian  Doc^ 

-       173 


trme. 


SECTION     II, 
Of  the  Tenets  of  the  Ancient  Arians.         x  j^^ 

SECTION      III^ 

ne  Arguments  of  the  Ancient  Arians.      1 99 

S  E  C- 


VI 


CONTENTS, 


SECTION     IV. 

Of  the  Argu?nents  of  the  Orthodox  againft  the 
Ar'ians.  -  -  -         2ii 

SECTION     V. 
General  Ohfervations  on  the   Arian  Contro- 
verfy.  -  -  -  231 

CHAPTER      IL 

Of  theNeforian  Controverfy  -  239 

CHAPTER     III. 

An  Account  of  the  Prifcillianfts  and  Pauli- 
clans.  -  -  -  263 

CONCLUSION. 

SECTION      I. 

A  conneEled  View  of  all  the  principal  Articles 
in  the  preceding  Hijiory.  273 

SECTION     II. 

An  Account  of  the  Remains  of  the  Oriental, 
or  Platonic  Fhllofophy,  in  ?nodern  jyflems  of 
Chrijilanily*  -  -  288 

SEC- 


CONTENTS.  vii 

SECTION      III. 

Maxims  of  Hijlorical  Criiicrfm,  294 

SECTION     IV. 

A  fummary  View  of,  the  E^vi dene e  for  the  pri- 
mitive Chrifians  having  held  the  DoSlrine 
of  the  fimple  humanity  ofChrijl.  30J 

SECTION     V. 

Some  of  the  TJfes  that  may  he  derived  from 
the  Confideration  of  the  Subje5i  of  this 
JVork.  -         ,     -  •  320 

S  E  C  T  I  O  N     VI. 

Of  the  prefent  State  of  Things  with  refpedi  to 
the  Trinitarian  and  Arian   Controverfes. 

Articles  omitted  to  he  inferted  in  their  proper 
Places.  -  -  -  n'^^ 

The  Names  of  the  principal  Perfons  mentioned 
in  this  Worky  with  the  Times  in  which  they 
lived,  in  the  order  of  the  Alphabet.  350 

3  -^n 


viii        CONTENTS. 

An  Account  of  the  Editions  of  the  Ancient 
Writers  quoted  in  this  Work.  3^5 

titles  of  all  the  Books  and  Chapters  contained 
in  this  Work.  -  -  366 

Texts  of  Scripture    illujiratedy   or    particu^ 
larly  referred  to,  in  this  Work.  375 

An  Alphabetical  Index  to  all  the  Four  Fosl 
lumes.         -  -  -  27JIJ 

VOL.      IV. 

ERRATA. 

N .  B .     C^;  figni  fies  from  the  bottom  of  the  page , 

Pa'^e  5.  line  l2.for  was,  read  did 

"^     q^.  line  9.  /I)r  Jofeph,  read  Jonas 

-  , 61.  line  13. /or  they  were,  read  it  was 

75.  line  6.  for  believed,  read  difbdievcd 

.  80.  line  g.   dele  equally 

■     — ,-.  203.  line  14.  ^^/<?  not 
— —  26S.  line  I'J,.  dele  thofe  of 


THE 


■)•     H    E 

HISTORY     OF     OPINIONS 


CONCERNING 


C        H        R        I        S        T. 


BOOK        III. 

THE    HISTORY  OF  THE    UNITARIAN    DOC- 
TRINE, CONTINUED, 


CHAPTER      XX. 

Of  the  Dodlrine  of  the  Miraculous  Conception. 

HAVING  confidered  the  great  prin- 
ciples on  which  all  the  unitarian$ 
of  antiquity  were  agreed,  viz.  the 
doctrines  oi  the  unity  of  God ^  and  the  fimple 
humanity  of  Chrijiy  with  the  arguments  by 
which  they  fupported  them,  I  ihall  now 
confider  an  article  with  refpe(S  to  which 
Vol,  IV.  B  they 


2  Of  the  Dodlrine  of  the         Book  III. 

they  held  different  opinions,  viz.  the  mira^ 
culous  conception  of  Chrijiy  fairly  laying  be- 
fore my  readers  all  that  I  could  colledl 
concerning  it,  that  they  may  be  able  to 
form  their  own  judgment.  I  had  thought 
to  have  made  fome  remarks  on  this  fub- 
jed,  in  my  Hijlory  of  the  Corruptions  of 
Chriftianityy  but  I  did  not  do  it  there,  be- 
caufe  at  that  tim.e  I  had  not  fufficiently 
confidered  it.  But  having  now  given  to 
it  all  the  attention  of  which  I  think  I  am 
capable,  I  fhall  with  great  franknefs  lay 
open  the  whole  flate  of  my  mind  with 
refpedl  to  it.  From  the  fame  premifes 
different  perfons  will  draw  different  con- 
cluiions. 

Many,  I  doubt  not,  will  be  alarmed  at 
fo  free  a  difcuffion  of  a  dodtrine  which  is 
is  held  facred  by  almoft  all  the  chriilian 
w^orld  ;  the  miraculous  conception  of  Jefus 
appearing  to  them  to  reft  upon  the  fame 
authority  v/ith  every  other  fadt  in  the  gof- 
pel  hiftory,  and  therefore  involving  in  its 
confequences  the  truth  of  chriftianity  it- 
felf.     I  am  fully  apprized  of  the  fituation 

in 


Chap.  XX.       Miraculous  Conception,  d 

in  which  I  write,  and  of  the  load  of  eenfure 
that  I'arn  fure  to  bring  upon  myfelf  by  it. 
Many  of  my  beft  friends,  thofe  who  think  I 
have  hitherto  been  a  zealous  and  fuccefsful 
advocate  for  truth,  will  think  that  I  am 
now  going  too  far,  and  even  riiking  what 
has  been  already  gained.  To  thefe  I  would 
luggeft  the  following  confiderations. 

1 .  Calling  in  queftion  the  truth  of  the 
miraculous  conception  cannot  appear  more 
alarming  to  them,  than  the  dodlrine  of  the 
fimple  humanity  of  Chrifl  now  does  to 
others^  who  are  ^s  fincere  friends  to  the 
gofpel  as  themfeives ;  and,  in  this  buli- 
ilefs,  I  cannot  give  greater  offence  than  I 
did  when  I  wrote  againll  the  dodrine  of 
a  foul,  and  fcrupled  not  to  declare  myfelf 
a  materialiji, 

2.  An  alarm  may  be  of  ufe  to  excite 
attention  to  a  fubjed: ;  and  when  the  firft 
confternation  is  over,  thofe  who  were  the 
moft  ftartled  will  recover  themfeives,  and 
conlider  the  arguments  difpaffionately,  and 
with  a  temper  more  proper  for  the  difco- 

B  a  very 


4  Ofth:  Doarine  of  the         Book  III. 

very  of  truth.  No  man  at  this  day.  can 
give  more  offence,  or  render  himfelf  more 
obnoxious,  even  to  chriilians,  than  the 
apoftle  Paul  did,  by  preaching  the  gof- 
pel  to  the  uncircumciied  Gentiles.  Nei- 
ther himfelf,  nor  even  his  memory,  ever 
furvived  the  odium  that  he  brought  upon 
himfelf  by  this  means,  with  the  generality 
of  the  Jewifli  chriftians.  His  principal 
objedl,  \\\  many  of  his  epiflles,  is  to  juilify 
himfelf  in  this  refpedl.  Rut  though  he 
was  fupported  by  reafon,  and  an  efpecial 
commiilion  from  God,  he  wrote  in  vain. 
Now,  with  refped:  to  fortitude  in  bearing 
fufferings  of  this  kind,  in  the  caufe  of  truth, 
or  which  is  the  fame  thing  to  me,  what  I 
ferioufly  think  to  be  fo,  I  would  not  be  be- 
hind St.  Paul,  or  any  man.  I  have  been 
trained  to  it,  and  I  hope  the  difcipline  has 
not  been  loft  upon  me. 

3.  I  would  farther  obferve,  that  all  thofe 
to  whom  it  can  be  worth  my  while  to  make 
an  apology,  think  as  I  do  with  refpedl  to 
the  fcriptures^  viz.  that  they  were  written 

without 


Chap.  XX.        Miraculous  Conception,  5 

without  any  particular  inipiration,  by  men 
who  wrote  according   to  the    beft   of  their 
knowledge,  and  who  from   their   circum- 
ftances  could  not  be  miftaken  with    refped: 
to   the   greater  facis,   of  which  they  were 
proper  wit7iejfesy  but  (like  other  men,   fub- 
jed:  to  prejudice)  might  be  liable  to  adopt 
a  hafty  and  ill-grounded  opinion   concern- 
ing thing-s  which  did   not   fall  within   the 
compafs    of    their    own    knowledge,    and 
which  had  no   connexion   with  any   thing 
that  was  fo  -,  and  fuch   I  hold  the  miracu- 
lous conception  to  be.     We    ought  all   of 
us,  therefore,  to  confidcr  ourfelves  as  fully 
at  liberty  to  examine  with  the  greateft  ri- 
gour, both    the  reafonings   of  the   writers, 
and  th^  fa5}s  of  which  we  find  any  account 
in    their    writings,    that,  judging    by    the 
rules  of  jufl  criticifm,  we  may  dillinguifh 
what  may  be  depended   upon,   from  what 
may  not.      It  may,  perhaps,  however,  appear 
probable,  that  neither  Matthew  nor  Luke 
wrote  any  thing  about  the  miraculous  con- 
ception, efpecially  the  former. 

B  3  4.  Laftly, 


6  Of  the  BoEliine  of  the       Book  III. 

4.  Laftly,  I  would  obferve,  that  though 
at  prefent  there  are  but  few  who  dilbelieve 
the  miraculous  conception,  there  have  al^ 
ways,  I  believe,  been  fome,  and  thofe  men 
of  learning  and  charader  arnong  chrifcians, 
who  have  thou^^ht  as  1  am  now  inclined 
to  do  vv^ith  refped  to  it,  I  have  feen  a 
fmall  trad:  of  Mr.  Elwall's,  written  about 
fixty  years  ago,  the  defign  of  which  was 
to  difprove  it.  It  made  no  impreffion  upon 
me  at  the  time,  and  I  have  not  been  able 
to  procure  it  lince.  Dr.  Eaton^  a  learned 
and  refpedable  diffenting  minifter,  late  of 
Nottingham,  though  he  never  wrote  upon 
the  fubjed,  is  well  known  by  his  acquaints 
ance  to  have  been  decidedly  of  the  fame  opi- 
nion with  Mr.  Elwall  5  and  fo  have  been,  and 
are,  feveral  others,  inferior  to  none  that  bear 
the  chriftian  name  for  underftanding,  learn?- 
ing,  or  probity.  To  my  certain  knowledge, 
the  number  of  fuch  perfons  Is  encreafing, 
^nd  feveral  of  them  think  it  to  be  a  matter 
pf  great  confequence,  that  a  dodrine  which 
jhey  regard  a,§  a  difcredit  to  the  chriftian 

fcheme^j 


Chap.  XX.     Miraculous  Conception.  7 

fcheme,  fhoiild  be  exploded.  They  alfo 
think  it  far  better  that  this  fhould  be  done 
by  chriftians  themfelves,  than  by  unbe- 
lievers, who  may  fay  that  we  never  give 
up  any  idle  notion,  till  we  can  maintain 
it  no  longer. 

Having  premifed  thus  much,  I  proceed 
to  the  confideration  of  the  fubjeft  before 
me,  and  I  fliall  do  it  with  the  greateft  free- 
dom, and  as  far  as  I  can  judge  concerning 
myfelf,  with  perfed  impartiality.  Ob- 
ferving  that,  though  I  frankly  acknowledge 
,the  arguments  agalnjl  the  miraculous  con- 
ception coniiderably  preponderate  in  my 
mind  at  prefent,  I  ihall  not  form  an  abfolutely 
decided  opinion,  till  I  fhall  have  had  an 
opportunity  of  feeing  what  weight  may  be 
thrown  into  the  oppofite  fcale,  by  any  per- 
fons  who  fhall  candidly  examine  what  they 
will  find  advanced  in  this  chapter. 


B  4  SEC. 


8  Of  the  DoBrine  of  the       Book  III. 


SECTION      I. 

Of  the  Kl attire  and  Importance  of  the  Dodrine 
of  the  Miraculous  Conception. 

TN  the  firft  place  I  would  obferve,  that  the 
importance  of  this  doctrine  has  been  un- 
reafonably  magnified  in  modern  times.  It 
is  one  on  which  the  ancient  unitarians  held 
cppofite  opinions,  without,  as  far  as  ap- 
pears, having  ever  thought  the  worfe  of  one 
another  on  that  account ;  and,  therefore, 
there  can  be  no  reafon  why  we  (liould  not 
exercife  the  fame  mutual  candour  at  this 
day.  The  value  of  the  gofpel  depends  not  at 
all  upon  any  idea  that  we  may  have  con- 
cerning the  perfon  of  Chriji.  All  that  we 
ought  to  regard  is  the  objedl  of  his  mifion^ 
and  the  aiithoriiy  v/ith  which  his  dodrine 
was  promulgated.  The  dodrine  of  immor- 
tality, which  is  the  great  objed  of  the  whole 
revealed  will  of  God,  is  juft  as  acceptable 
to  me,  from  the  mouth  of  the  fon  of  Jofeph 
1  and 


Chap.  XX.      Miraculous  Conception.  g 

and  Mary,  as  from  the  mouth  of  any  man 
created  for  the  purpofe,  from  that  of  an 
angel,  or  from  the  voice  of  God  himfelf 
fpeaking  from  heaven. 

When  the  dodrine  of  the  miraculous 
conception  is  not  particularly  attended  to, 
v^e  all  readily  fay,  that  it  is  the  belief  of 
the  dodlrineSy  the  miracles ,  the  death,  and 
the  refurre^lion  of  Chrift,  that  makes  the 
cbrijiian ;  and  alfo  that  the  fewer  things  of 
an  extraneous  nature,  that  we  conned  with 
thefe,  and  maintain  to  be  infeparable  from 
them,  the  better  ;  efpecially  if  we  thereby 
make  the  defence  of  chriftianity  the  eafier. 
And  certainly  no  circumilance  relating  to 
the  birth  of  Chrift  has  any  more  connec- 
tion with  the  articles  above  mentioned, 
than  the  opinion  of  his  having  been  a  tall  or 
fhort  man,  of  a  fair  or  a  dark  complexion. 
It  does  not  at  all  concern  us  to  know  how 
Chrift  came  into  the  world,  but  what  he 
taught  when  he  was  in  it,  and  what  he  did 
and  fuffered,  as  a  proof  of  the  authority  by 
which  he  taught  it..  Every  man,  therefore, 
who  believes  that  Chrift  had  a  divine  com- 

miffion 


JO  Of  the  Dodirine  of  the      Book  HI. 

miffion  to  teach  the  great  dodlrines  of  a  re- 
furredlion,  and  of  a  life  to  come,  is  as  much 
a  chriftian,  and  has  as  ftrpng  motives  to  go- 
vern his  life  by  the  precepts  of  chriftianity, 
as  he  w^ho  likev^ife  believes  that  he  w^as 
without  father,  or  without  mother,  that  h^ 
was  the  maker  of  the  world,  or  the  eternal 
God  himfelf.  Such  articles  of  faith  as 
thefe  can  only  ferve  to  puzzle,  to  amaze, 
and  confound  men  5  but  they  have  no  ten- 
dency to  mend  the  heart  or  the  life. 

I  would   farther  cbferve,  that    the  doc- 
trine of  the  rniraculous  conception  itfelf  is 
not,  in  fadl,  of  any  more  confequence  to  the 
Socinian,  than   it  is  to  the  Arian,   or  even 
the  Athanafian  hypothefis.     For  it  is  no  im- 
pediment to    the    union   of  the    Arian   or 
Athanafian    logos   to   the   human  nature  of 
Chrift,  that  his  body  was  derived  from  Jo- 
feph.     For  any  thing  that  we  can  judge,  a 
body  produced  in  the  natural  way,  was  juil 
as  proper  for  the  refidence  of  this   heavenly 
inhabitant,  as  one  made  on  purpofe.     And 
if,  on  any  fcheme,   it  was    fit  that  Chrift 
ihould  have  human  nature   at   all,  it  may 
z  be 


Chap.  XX.      Miraculous  Conception.         1 1 

be   fuppofed  to  have  been  equally  fit   that 
he    fhould    have   "a    proper    human    nature^ 
diiFering  as  little   as    poffible  from  that  of 
his  brethren.     There  is,  therefore,  no  more 
reafon  why  the   Arian,   or  the   Athanafian, 
(hould  be    more  attached  to   the   belief  of 
the  miraculous  conception   than  the    Soci- 
nian.     The  dodtrine  itfelf  connects  equally 
well,    or  equally   ill,    with    any  particular 
hypothefis  concerning  the  nature  of  Chrift. 
It  may  be   imagined  to   be  more  honour- 
able to  Chrift  to  have  come  into    the  world 
without  the  help   of  a   man   than  with  it ; 
but  this  IS  an  affair  of  imagination  only.   And, 
for   the  very  fame  reafon,    it  might   have 
been  imagined  to  be  ftill   more  honourable 
to  him,  to  have  come  into  the  world  with- 
out the  inftrumentality  of  either  woman  or 
man,  and  that  the  fecond  Adam  fhould  have 
come  from  the  hands  of  God  as  immediately 
as   the  firft.      Ideas   no   better   than   thefe 
gave  rife  to    the  dodrine  of  the    Gnoftics, 
For  they  meant  to   do   honour   to   Chrift ; 
and  therefore  we   fliould   be  on  our  guard 
ggaii>fl  thein.     But  even  admitting  ideas  of 

this 


12  Of  the  Dodirine  of  the       Book  III, 

this  kind  to  have  fome  weight,  is  it  not,  in 
fad:,  juft  as  humiliating  to  have  a  mother^ 
as  it  is  to  have  ^father ;  for  it  is  nothing 
more  than  the  body  that  is  concerned  in 
the  queftion. 

We  fliould  likev^^ife  attend  a  little  to  the 
ideas  of  the  Jev^s,  as  v/ell  as  tp  our  own,  on 
this    flibjed:.      Now,    the   dodrine  of  the 
Meffiah  being  the  proper  fon  of  Jofeph,  a 
lineal  defcendant  from  David,  will  certain- 
ly be  more  acceptable  to  them,  than  that  of 
his    having    had  a  miraculous   conception. 
For,  though  we   may  fancy  that  this  cir- 
cumftance  refledls  more  honour  upon  him  ; 
yet,  in  the  eye  of  a  Jew,  he  muft,   on   that 
very  account,  appear   to  be   lefs   accurately 
defcribed  by  their  ancient  prophets  -,  though 
any  dodlrine    which  makes  Chrift  to  have 
been  properly  and  fimply  a  man^  in  what- 
ever manner  he  v/as    made  fo,   mufl  be  infi- 
nitely more    accf    table  to   them  than    the 
opinion  of  his  having  had  a  nature  entirely 
different  from  that  of  man.     I  own,  how- 
ever,   that    the    expedations    of  the  Jews 
(any  farther  than  they  have  a   real  founda- 
tion in  the  prophecies)    ought^  not  by  any 

means 


Chap.  XX.       Miraculous  Conce-btion.  \  o 

means  to  determine  our  judgment  in  the 
cafe,  fo  as  to  weigh  again fl  any  proper  ar- 
gument that  may  be  alledged  on  the  other 
fide. 

Should  I  have  any  controverfy  with  a 
Jew,  I  fliould  not  feel  myfelf  at  all  embar- 
l-afTed  with  this  circumftance  of  the  mira- 
culous conception ;  as  I  Ihould  not  heiitate 
to  follow  the  example  of  the  candid  Jullin 
Martyr  with  refped:  to  it;  telling  him, 
that  he  was  at  full  liberty  to  think  as  he 
fhould  fee  reafon  to  do  on  that  fubjed: ;  and 
that  he  might  be  as  good  a  chriftian  as  the 
Ebionites  were  before  him,  though  he  fliould 
believe  no  more  of  the  miraculous  concep- 
tion than  they  had  done. 

Indeed,  with  refped  to  the  importance  of 
the  queftion  in  itfelf,  there  are  few,  I  ima- 
gine, but  would  be  ready  enough  to  agree 
with  me,  if  they  did  not  imagine  that  a  dif- 
belief  of  this  article  would  afFed  the  credi- 
bility of  the  reft  of  the  gofpel  hiftory.  But 
there  is  an  argument  oi  fodi  (which  is  the 
ftrongeft  of  all  arguments)  direftly  againft 
.  them.     For  the  Ebionites,  who  did  difbe- 

lieve 


1 4  Of  the  Docirine  of  the       Book  IIL 

lieve  the  miraculous  conception,  were  as 
firm  believers  in  the  rell  of  the  gofpel  hif- 
tory  as  other  chriftians.  And,  belides,  if 
we  coniider  the  nature  of  this  apprehenfion, 
it  will  appear  to  be  founded  on  a  miilake ; 
becaufe  the  evidence  for  the  miraculous 
conception,  and  that  for  the  public  life, 
miracles,  death,  and  refurreclion  of  Chrift, 
are  exceedingly  different ;  fo  that  a  total 
failure  in  the  evidence  for  the  one,  will  not 
affed  the  credibility  of  the  other. 

With  the  miraculous  conception  a  few 
perfons  only  could  be  acquainted  ;  and  we 
have  not  the  teftimony  of  any  of  thofe  few, 
much  lefs  is  it  in  our  power  to  compare  the 
evidence  of  one  with  that  of  others  of 
them.  Who  were  the  perfons  that  in- 
formed Matthew  and  Luke  concerning  it, 
we  cannot  tell,  nor  through  how  many 
hands  the  ftory  was  tranfmitted  before  it 
came  to  them  ;  admitting,  for  the  prefent, 
that  the  introducftions  to  their  gofpels  were 
written  by  themfelves.  Whereas  the  great 
events,  fubfequent  to  the  preaching  of  John 
the  Baptift,  have  not  only  the  teftimony  of 

the 


Chap.  XX.      Miraculous  Conception,  1^ 

the  writers  themfelves,  but  that  of  all  the 
inhabitants  of  Judea,  and  of  the  ftrangers  re- 
fiding  in  it.  For,  as  Paul  fays,  **  Thefe 
**  things  were  not  done  in  a  corAer."  And 
to  give  the  gofpel  hiitory  its  juft  degree  of 
credibility,  we  mud  fimply  confider  the 
writers  as  credible  witnejfes  of  v/hat  came  to 
their  knowledge,  without  any  regard  to 
their  fuppofed  injpiration^  which  will  never 
make  any  impreffion  on  unbelievers.  On 
no  other  ground  fhall  we  ever  produce  a 
juft  and  rational  defence  of  this  moft  im- 
portant hiftory. 

Setting  afide  all  notions  of  ijifpiratiotiy  we 
fhould  judge  of  the  gofpel  hiftory  as  we  do 
of  any  other.  Now,  no  perfon,  I  appre- 
hend, lays  the  lefs  ftrefs  on  the  hiftory  of 
Livy,  with  refped:  to  events  near  to  his  own 
time,  becaufe  his  account  of  Romulus  and 
Remus  is  thought  to  be  fabulous.  Mak- 
ing myfelf,  therefore,  perfecftly  eafy  as  to  all 
the  poflible  confequences  of  this  difcuffion, 
I  fliall,  with  perfect  freedom,  confider  the 
evidence  for  the  miraculous  conception  as 
an  article  of  hifiory^  and  fliall,  with  as  much 

care 


1 6  Of  the  DoBrine  of  the.     Book  III. 

care  as  I  can,  ftate  the  arguments  for  and 
again  ft  it. 

It  has  been  more  particularly  faid,  that, 
fappofing  Luke  to  have  been  the  author  of 
the  introdudion  to  his  gofpel,  we  may, 
with  the  fame  reafon,  withhold  ouraiTent  to 
any  circumftance  in  our  Saviour's  hiftory, 
that  has  been  recorded  by  him  only ;  for 
inftance,  the  account  of  the  railing  the 
widow's  fon  at  Nain,  and  the  miffion  of  the 
feventy  difciples,  as  to  this  of  the  miracu- 
lous conception.  But  this  goes  both  upon 
the  fuppofition  of  his  being  a  competent 
witnefs  to  them  all  alike ;  and,  alfo,  of 
there  being  nothing  more  extraordinary  in 
the  latter  cafe  than  in  the  two  former^ 
whereas,  in  both  thefe  refpefts,  there  is  a 
remarkable  difference  between  them. 

The  raifing  of  the  widow's  fon,  and  the 
miffion  of  the  Seventy,  fell  within  the  term 
oi  the  public  Ufe  of  Chrift,  of  the  tranfac- 
tions  of  which  there  were  thoufands  of 
witneiTes  ^  and  Luke  himfelf,  being  gene- 
rally faid  to  have  been  one  of  the  feventy  y  and 
confequently  to  have  attended  upon  Chrift 

during 


Chap.  XX.     Miraculous  Conception,  17 

during  his  miniftry,  might  have  been  an 
eye-witnefs  of  what  he  relates ;  whereas  he 
cannot  be  faid  to  have  been  in  circum* 
fiances  to  bear  tejiimony  to  the  miraculous 
conception  at  all,  and,  as  1  have  faid,  through 
what  hands  the  ftory  came  to  him  v/e  are 
not  told.  They  might,  therefore,  be  very 
well,  or  very  ill  informed  concerning  it. 

Both  the  railing  of  the  widow's  fon,  and 
the  miffion  of  the  feventy,  befides  falling 
within  the  public  life  of  Chrift,  are  events 
fimilar  to  thofe  for  which  we  have  the 
teftimony  of  the  other  evangelifts ;  the 
widow's  fon  not  being  the  only  perfon  that 
Jefus  raifed  to  life,  nor  the  feventy  difciples 
the  only  miffion  that  he  fent  out.  Whereas 
the  miraculous  conception  was  a  miracle 
abfolutely  lingular  in  its  nature,  there  being 
nothing  like  it  in  the  hiftory  of  the  Old  or 
New  Teftament.  And  what  makes  Hill  more 
againft  the  credibility  of  it  is,  that  it  does 
not  appear  to  be  adapted  to  anfwer  any  good 
purpofe  whatever ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  a 
manifeftly  bad  one,  in  rnaking  our  Saviour's 

Vol.  IV.  C  raeffiah- 


1 8  ^Gf  the  Do5frine  of  the       Book  III. 

mefiiahfliip  too  foon,  and  too  generally 
known,  or  expoling  his  mother  to  unde- 
ferved  reproach. 

On  the  whole,  therefore,  we  may  very  • 
readily  admit  the  credibility  of  Luke's  ac- 
count of  the  raifing  of  the  widow's  fon,  and 
of  the  miffion  of  the  feventy  difciples,  and 
rejed:  that  of  the  miraculous  conception, 
though  related  by  the  fame  hiftorian. 

The  prefumptive  evidence  of  any  doftrine 
depends  upon  the  nature  of  it;  and  this 
fhould  be  confidered  before  the  d ire ^  evi- 
dence. For  it  is  univerfaliy  acknowledged, 
that  the  lefs  reafon  there  is  to  exped:  any 
particular  event,  the  ftronger  evidence  it 
requires.  A  flight  evidence  is  fufficient 
to  certify  us  of  fuch  fafts  as  happen  every 
day,  or  very  frequently.  Miracles  i-equire 
much  ftronger  evidence  5  and,  accordingly, 
fuch  evidence  has  always  been  provided. 

Again,  in  miracles  there  is  a  gradation, 
and  fome  of  them  being  more  extraordi- 
nary, and  lefs  probable,  a  priori,  than  others, 
require  evidence  proportionably  more  cir- 

cumftantial. 


CiiAP.  XX.     Miraculous  Concept  1077.  jg 

cumftantial,  and  lefs  liable  to  exception. 
Thus  the  refarreclion  of  our  Saviour,  the 
mo*ft  extraordinary,  and,  a  priori,  being  the 
mod  improbable  of  all  events,  approaching 
the  nearefl:  to  an  impoffibility.  the  evidence 
of  it  is  remarkably  circumftantial  ;  in  confe- 
quence  of  vi^hich  there  is  not,  perhaps,  any 
fa(3:  in  all  ancient  hiftory,  fo  perfectly  cre- 
dible, according  to  the  moft  eftabliflied 
rules  of  evidence,  as  it  is.  And  the  argu- 
mentSj  a  priori,  in  this  cafe,  are  as  ftnking 
as  thofe  v^hich  may  be  called  the  arguments 
a  pojieriori,  or  the  proper  hiftorical  proof. 
Becaufe  wq  are  able  to  fee  the  importance  of 
the  fadl,  the  evidence  of  which  required  to 
be  fo  exceedingly  clear.  Chrift,  coming 
to  give  mankind  the  fulleft  alTurance  of  an 
univerfal  refurred;ion,  it  vv^as  obvioufly  ne- 
ceiTary,  at  leaft  highly  defirable,  that,  be- 
fides  folemnly  announcing  the  dodrine,  and 
confirming  it  by  miracles,  he  fliould  him- 
felf  adually  die  and  rife  again,  as  a  proof  of 
it.  Accordingly,  v/e  find,  that  Chrift  did 
reft  the  evidence  of  his  divine  miflion  in  a 
-particular  manner,  on  the  event  of  his  re- 
C  2  furreftion. 


20  Of  the  Do5lrine  of  the       Book  III. 

furreftion.  We,  therefore,  fee  clearly,  why 
it  behoved  Chrif  both  to  die,  and  to  rife  again 
from  the  dead. 

Now  are  we  able  to  difcover  any  reafon 
why  Chrift  fliould  be  born  of  a  virgin,  ra- 
ther than  in  the  ufual  way  ?     Can  we  con- 
ceive it-to  have  been  at  all  neceffary,  or  ad- 
vantageous to  the  great  objea;  of  his  mif- 
fion,  or  to  qualify  him  for  fulfilling  it  ?     I 
think  I  may  anfwer  for  all  unitarians,  that^ 
a  priori,   we   fhould    rather  have    thought 
otherwife,  viz.  that  there  would  have  been 
a  greater  propriety  in  his  being,  in  this,  as 
well  as   in   all   other   refpeds,  what  other 
men  are.     For  then,   having  had  no  natural 
advantage  over  us,  his   refurreftion  would 
have  been  calculated  to  give  us  the  greater 
affurance  of  our  own.     Whereas,  his  com- 
ing into  the  world  in  a  manner  fo  very  dif- 
ferent from  that  of  other  men,  might  create 
a  fufpicion  that  there  was  fome   other  ef- 
fential   difference   between   him   and   other 
men  -,   and,  therefore,  that  his  nature  might 
be  fubjedt  to  other  laws  than  thofe  of  ours. 


On 


Chap.  XX.     Miraculous  Conception.         21 

On  this    account,   I  am   confident,  that, 
had  mankind  been  defired  to  name  a  proper 
reprefentative  of  themfelves,  in  whom  they 
fhould    fee    exhibited    what    was    to    befal 
themfelves,  they  v/ould  have  chofen  a  man 
born   as   themfelves  had    been.      A  priori^ 
therefore,  it  muil   have  appeared  lefs  pro- 
bable,   that   Ghrift,   being   fent   on   fuch  a 
miffion  as  his  was,  fhould  be  born  of  a  vir- 
gin, than  that  he  fhould  be  born  like  other 
men ;  as  it  might  have  been  fufpeded,  that 
he  would  not  have  been  produced  in  this 
manner,  if  it  had  not  been  for  the  fake  of 
giving  him  fuch  advantages  in  point  of  con- 
ftitution,    as   men  born   in   the   ufual  way 
cannot  naturally  have.    His  example,  there- 
fore, is,  in  all  refped:s,  lefs  properly  pro- 
pofed  to  us,  and  his  refurredlion  affords  lefs 
ground   for   our  expedation    that  we  aifo 
fhall  be  raifed  to   immortal  life  ^   fince  any 
peculiar  conflitution  of  nature  may  have  un- 
known peculiar  privileges. 
In  the   fcriptures,   mankind  are  generally 
apprized  of  the  reafoiis  of  all  the  great  mea- 
C  3  fures 


22  Of  the  Dj^rine  cf  the       Book  III, 

fures  that    God    has   been  pleafed   to  take 
with  refped  to  them.    Our  Saviour  informs 
his   difciples    very  particularly  why  it   was 
expedient    that   he   fhould    die,    and    leave 
them  for  a  time;  affuring  them  that  it  was 
for  their  own  advantage,  &c.    and  with  re- 
fped  to  thofe  reafons  which  they  were  not 
at    that    time    qualified   to   enter   into,   he 
plainly  told  them,  that  they  were  not ;  and 
that,  for  that  reafon,  the  communication  of 
more  knowiedg-e  to  them  v/as  deferred. 

Now,  are  any  reafons  given  us  in  the 
fcriptures,  to  fhow  us  that  it  was  more 
proper  that  Chrift  was  to  be  born  of  a 
virgin,  than  in  the  ufual  way  ?  Or,  is  it 
there  faid,  that  there  was  a  reafon  for  it, 
but  that  men  were  not  qualified  to  under- 
ftand  it.  Neither  of  thefe  is  the  cafe; 
and  what  is  particularly  remarkable,  a  thing 
of  this  extraordinary  kind  is  not  fo  much 
as  mentioned,  or  in  the  moft  diftant  man- 
ner alluded  to,  by  Chrift  himfelf,  or  by  any 
writer  in  the  New  Teftament  ;  fo  that,  if 
the  dodrine  be  true,  it  does  not  appear  to 

have 


Chap.  XX.  Miraculous  Conception,  27 
have  anfwered  any  end  whatever.  And  it 
is  by  no  means  analogous  to  the  ufual  con- 
dud:  of  Divine  Providence,  to  take  extraor- 
dinary meaiiires  without  a  proportionable 
objedl  and  ufe.  It  is  no  v/here  faid,  that 
God  honoured  mankind  fo  far,  as  either  to 
fend  a  perfon  of  a  higher  rank  than  man, 
to  be  his  meirenger  to  them,  or  to  make  a 
man,  in  an  extraordinary  way,  for  that  pur- 
pofe  j  that  more  dignity  might  be  given  to 
his  charadter,  and  greater  attention  fecured 
to  him. 

There  is  only  one  expreffion  in  the  whole 
New  Teftament,  that  is   capable  of  being- 
laid  hold  of,   as,   in  the  moil  difrant  man- 
ner, alluding  to  the  miraculous  conception, 
which  is,  Paul  fpeaking  of  Chrift,    Gal.  iy. 
4.  as  made  of  woman ^  as  well  as  made  under 
the  law.     But   the   flighteft  knowledge   of 
the  fcripture   phrafeology  may   fatisfy   us, 
that  this  is  only  fynoymous  to  the  term  man. 
Job  fays,  ch.  xiv.  1.    Man   that  is  l?orn  of  a 
woman  is  of  few  days,  &c.  and  again,  chap. 
^xv.  4,    How  can  he  be  clean  that  is  born  of 
C  4  a  woman. 


24  Of  the  DoBrine  of  the       Book  III. 

a  woman.  Our  Saviour  alfo  fays.  Matt.  xi. 
1 1 .  Amono-  them  that  are  born  of  women, 
there  is  none  greater  than  John  the  Baptift. 
To  be  born  of  women  ^  therefore,  or  made  of  a 
woman ^  and  to  be  a  man,  or  a  human  being, 
is  the  fame  thing. 

According  to  all  appearance,  therefore, 
if  the  dodrine  of  the  miraculous  concep- 
tion be  true,  God  wrought  a  moft  extraor- 
dinary miracle  v/ithout  any  proper  objeft 
or  ufe.  Nay,  as  far  as  we  can  judge,  fuch  a 
pretenfion  as  that  of  a  miraculous  birth,  un- 
lefs  it  had  been  much  more  particularly 
authenticated  than  the  gofpel  hiftory  repre- 
fents  this  to  have  been,  mufl  have  operated 
greatly  to  the  prejudice  of  our  Saviour's 
charader,  and  confequently  mufl:  have  ob- 
ftruded  the  end  of  his  miffion.  For  without 
the  moft  circumftantial  evidence,  for  which 
no  provifion  was  made,  the  ftory  of  the 
miraculous  conception  would  never  have 
been  believed  by  the  Jews.  And  does  not 
this  circumftance  render  the  wifdom  of  the 
fcheme  very  queftionable?    For,  though  it 

muft 


Chap.  XX.       Miraculous  Conception.        25 

muft  always  be  acknowledged,  that  the 
ways  of  God,  even  with  refpefl:  to  men, 
may  be  infcrutable  to  men,  yet,  when  no- 
thing is  faid  of  fuch  wifdom,  and  no  fuch 
fubmiffion  of  our  judgments  is  required  of 
us,  the  fads  from  which  fuch  myflerious 
conduft  is  inferred,  ought  not  to  be  ad- 
mitted without  proportionably  clear  evi- 
dence. 


SEC- 


Of  the  Bo^rine  of  the       Book  III, 


SECTION      II. 

T^he  Q pinions  of  the  Chriftian  Fathers  concern- 
ing  the  Ufe  of  the  Miraculous  Conception. 


A 


^  S  the  fcriptures  fay  nothing  at  all  on 
this  fubjed:,  and  reafon  is  equally  filent, 
let  us  hear  what  the  Fathers  have  faid;  and 
we  ihali  find,  that  they  were  far  from  being 
at  any  lofs  for  good  reafons,  as  they  thought 
them,  for  Chrift's  coming  into  the  world 
in  that  extraordinary  manner  ;  and  certainly 
a  natural  birth  would  by  no  means  have  fo 
well  fuited  their  hypothefes.  But,  unhap- 
pily, all  their  fchemes  are  fuch  as  unitarians 
would  rejed:,  and  therefore  they  will  not 
tend  to  make  the  thing;  more  credible  to 
them, 

Juftin  Martyr  fays,  that  "  Chrift  was 
**  born  of  a  virgin,  that  by  the  fame  means 
/'that  difobedience  came  by  the  ferpent,  by 
**  the  fame  means  it  fhould  be  terminated. 
*'  For  Eve,  being  a  virgin,  and  uncorrupt, 
*<^  conceiving  the  logos  [word]  of  the  fer- 
**  pent,     brought    forth    difobedience   and 

''  death  j 


-Chap.  XX.     Miraculous  Concept mt,  27 

*' death;  but  the  virgin  Mary,  receiving 
-''  faith  and  favour,  when  the  angel  Ga- 
*'  briel  faid  that  the  fpirit  of  the  Lord 
'^  Ihould  come  upon  her,  and  the  power 
*'  of  the  higheft  overfhadow  her,  wherefore 
*^  that  holy  thing  that  iliall  be  born  of 
'*  thee  is  the  Son  of  God,  anfwered,  Be  it 
**  unto  me  according  to  thy  word.  And 
*'  of  her  was  born  he,  concerning  whom 
^^  VvX  have  fhov/n  that  fo  many  fcriptures 
**  have  fpoken  ;  by  whom  God  deft.oys  the 
*'  ferpent,  and  angels,  and  men  who  re- 
**  femble  him,  and  produces  a  deliverance 
'*  from  death  for  thofe  who  repent  of  their 
*^  evil  deeds,  and  believe  in  him^'^'*  Thus, 
as  Cyril  of  Jerufalem  fays,  *'  As  death  came 

*  Kai  ^i«  Tvi^  'srapS-Eva  av^^coTTog  ysyovsvM,  ivcx,  kcx,i  "^i  vi;  oh  vj 
awo  Ts  o^scoi;  'Tsaoa.Koy]  rw  apx'nv  £Aabf,  dio,  TccJlyig  ty,c,  oda  zm  zxlci" 
y^vaiVkx^'/i.      IlapSev©"   yap  aaaYsVoi.  zai  a(p9opQ-,   tov  T^oyov  tcv 

^cii  xoioiv  "KaQii^oL  yiapax  -a  'mot.^^iv'^ •,    EuayfsT^i^ofASVH  aulrj  Ta^otn\ 

£7ria-Kia(7Ei  oculm-,  olq  km  ysvyco/Asvov  £|  av%g  aym  Sfi  v,og  Ses,  utte- 
Kpivdio^  yi'-vofio  fxoi  fcalcc  to  ^yii^icx,  (te.  ILai  "^ix  txiPiyj;  ysyevvrjcii 
a-Jlog  'Zce^J  a  rocraulag  ypoc^ag  ccrro^s^aixsv  £':^w^m,  ^>  a  o  Bsog  rovrs 
ocpiV',  Kdi  Ts$  ofjioiSsylixg  ayy^^7^sg^  koci  av'^^o^TTii;,  Ky]o<.7^v2i^  airaTO^^- 
yw  C£  TS  ^cLvaiH  TOig  (Ailayivaa-KHO-iv  aTTo  rm  ^«yA«y,  km  'SJifsuEO'iv 
iig aulov,  Bcya^Elaio     Dial,  pars  2,  P«  35-t. 

1  "by 


28  Of  the  DoEirlne  of  the       Book  III. 

**  by  the  virgin  Eve,  fo  it  v^as  neceffary 
*'  that  life  fliould  be  brought  by  a  virgin  ;  or 
"  rather,  out  of  a  virgin  *  •'*  It  was,  however, 
another  analogy  in  this  hiftory  that  ftruck 
Ambrofe.  He  fays,  "  Adam  was  made  of 
"  the  virgin  earth,  and  Chrift  was  from  a 
<<  virgin*!'/' 

Maximus  Taurinenfis  improves  upon  this 
idea  3  faying,  that  '*  as  Adam  was  produced 
**  from  the  pure  earth,  fo  is  Chrift  produced 
"  from  a  pure  virgin/'  He  alfo,  alluding 
to  Ff.xxii.  6.  obferves,  that  worms  vi^ere  bred 
in  the  pure  manna,  to  which  he  com.pares  the 
virgin  Mary.  What  ufe  he  makes  of  thefe 
comparifons  may  be  feen  in  the  extrad  which 
1  make  from  this  writer  in  the  notes  J.    The 

yxv  h  £H,  'Sja^^Eva,  (pxvm^i  tw  tcor]v.      Cat.  I2.  p.  155. 

f  Ex  terra  virgine  Adam,  Chriftus  ex  virgine.  In 
Luc.  cap.  4.  Opera,   vol.  2.  p.  59. 

X  Sed  magis  iUum  accipiendum  puto  quoniam  vermis 
nulla  extrinfecus  admixiione  alieni  corporis,  fed  de  fola 
et  pura  terra  procreatur,  ideo  ilium  comparat  cum  domi- 
no, quoniam  et  ipfe  lalvator  de  Tola  et  pura  Maria  gene- 
iztiir.  Legimus  etiam  in  libris  Moyfi  de  manna  vermi- 
culos  procreates:  digna  plane  et  jufta  comparatio.  Si- 
quidem  de  manna  vermiculus  gignitur,  et  dominus  Chrif- 
tu$  de  virgine   procreatur,   quin    potius    ipfam   Mariam 

manna 


C  H  A  P .  XX .       Miraculous  Conception .         2 9 

fame  writer  lays,  that  God  could  not  be 
born  othervvife  than  of  a  woman  only. 
*'  He  was  born,"  he  fays,  *^  of  a  pure  vir- 
«*  gin,  that  the  human  birth  might  prove 
**  him  to  be  a  man,  and  the  virgin  fhew 
"  that  he  was  God.  For  as  flefh  can  only 
**  be  generated  from  flelh,  fo  the  flefh  of 
**  God  could  not  come,  except  from  a  fe- 
**  male,  without  the  help  of  a  man  *."  All 
that  we  need  fay  to  thefe  ingenious  ana- 
logies, is  that  the  fcriptures  fay  nothing 
about  them  -,  and  I  fuppofe  that  thofe  who 
are  now  advocates  for  the  miraculous  con- 
ception will  have  little  to  fay  in  their 
defence. 

manna  dixerim,  quia  eft  fubtilis,  fplendida,  fuavis  et  vIrgo, 
quae  velut  caslltus  veniens  cundlis  ecclefiarum  populis 
cibum  dulciorem  melle  defluxit,  quern  qui  edere  ac  man- 
ducare  neglexerit,  vitam  in  femet  ipfo  habere  non  poterit, 
ficut  ipfe  dominus  ait.  Nifi  quis  manducaver.it  meam 
carnem,  et  biberit  meum  fanquinem,  non  habebit  vitam 
in  femetlpfo.     Opera,  p.  209. 

*  Et  natus  fane  ab  intacSla  eft  foemina,  ut  eum  pariter 
et  hominem  teftaretur  partus  humanus,  et  deum  probaret 
seterna  virginitas.  Nam  ficut  non  poterat  nifi  caro  de 
carne  nafci:  ita  non  poterat  dei  caro  de  fcemineo  utero 
nifi  fme  generante  prodire.     Ibid,  p.  196. 

A  reafon 


3  o  Of  the  Docirme  of  tne       Book  IIL 

A  rcafon  quite  different  from  the  former, 
and  no  lefs  ingenious,  is  given  by  La(5tan- 
tius.  *^  God  the  Father  him felf/'.  fays  he, 
**  being  both  the  origin  and  principle  of 
*'  things,  becaufe  he  has  no  parents,  is  truly 
«'  called  by  Trifmegiftus,  «7Ta7y^  [without 
**  father]  and  «,M>i7«f  [without  mother]. — 
<*  Wherefore  his  fon  ought  alfo  to  be  born 
*'  twice,  that  he  might  be  without  father 
*'  and  without  mother.  In  his  firft  fpiri- 
<*  tual  birth  he  was  without  mother,  be- 
**  caufe  he  was  generated  by  God  the  Fa- 
"  ther  only,  without  the  affiftance  of  a 
*'  mother.  In  his  fecond  carnal  birth  he 
*'  w^as  without  father,  becaufe  he  was  ge- 
**  nerated  in  the  virgin's  womb,  without 
*'  the  affiftance  of  a  father  -,  that,  having  a 
**  middle  fubilance  between  God  and  man, 
"  he  might  lead  our  frail  and  weak  nature, 
*^  as  it  were  by  the  hand,  to  immortality  *." 

*  Ipfe  enlm  pater  cleus,  et  origo,  et  principium  rerum, 
quoniam  parentibus  caret,  aTnxJco^,  atque  ap^lco^  a  Trifme- 
gifto  veriilime  nominatur ;  quod  ex  iiullo  fit  procreatus. 
Idcirco  etiam  lilium  bis  nafci  oportuit,  ut  ipfe  fieret  aTroclnop 
atque  a/A-ih^.  In  prima  enim  nativitate  fpiritali  «|U)i7w^  fuit ; 
qui  fine  officio  matris,  a  folo  deo  patre  generatus  eft.     In 

fecund  a 


Chap.  XX.       Miraculous  Conception.         ji 

With  refpecS  to  the  latter  part  of  this  rea- 
foning,  it  might  be  retorted,  that  if  it  was 
neceffary  that  Chrift  fliould  be  both  God 
and  man,  he  fhould  have  been  both  proper 
God  and  proper  man,  i.  e.  a  man  born  and 
conftituted  like  other  men. 

Auflin,  whofe  genius  feldom  fails  him, 
is  not  fo  happy  in  his  folution  of  this  diffi- 
culty as  he  is  in  that  of  fome  others.  He 
fays,  "  The  falvation  of  the  female  fex  v/as 
**  intended,  becaufe  Chrift  was  a  man,  born 
*^  of  a  woman  only*/*  I  fappofe,  how- 
ever, he  muft  have  meant,  that  Chrift  weald 
take  care  of  the  men  for  his  own  fake,  and 
of  the  women  for  the  fake  of  his  mother. 
Had  he  had  a  father  as  well  as  a  mother,  he 

fecunda  vero  carnali  uttoiIo}^  fult ;  quoniam  fine  patris  oiii- 
cio,  virginali  utero  procreatus  efl;  ut  mediam  inter  deum 
et  hominem  fLibftantlam  gerens,  noftram  banc  fragilem, 
imbecillemque  naturam  quafi  manu  ad  immortalitatem 
poflet  educere.  FacStus  eft  et  dei  £lius  per  fpiritum,  et 
hominis  per  carnem,  id  eft,  et  deus,  et  homo.  Iniiit. 
lib.  4.  fea.  13.  p.  388. 

*  Ergo  qua  virum  oportebat  fufcipere,  qui  fexus  hono- 
rabilior  eft,  confequens  erat  ut  feminei  fexus  liberatio  hinc 
appareret,  quod  ille  vir  de  femina  natus  eft.  Queftiones, 
Opera,  vol,  4.  p.  536. 

mi^ht 


32  Of  the  Dcdirine  of  the       Boole  III. 

might  have  taken  more  than  an  equal  care 
of  the  male  fex.  He  fays,  that  "  Chrift 
**  was  born  of  a  woman  only,  that  neither 
"  fex  might  defpair.  For  had  he  been  a 
*^  man,  which  was  necefTary,  but  not  born 
**  of  woman,  the  women  might  have  de- 
**  fpaired  of  themfelves,  recollecting  their 
^*  firft  offence,  becaufe  the  iirft  man  was 
**  deceived  by  a  woman/*  His  illuftra- 
tion  of  this  argument,  part  of  which  may 
be  feen  in  the  notes,  is  curious*. 

*  Sed  hoc  nobis  oilendit,  ut  fcilicet  in  nullo  fexu  de  fe 
defperaret  humana  creatura.  Sexus  enim  humanus,  ma- 
rium  eft  et  foeminarum.  Si  ergo  vir  exiftens,  quod  utique 
efle  deberet,  non  nafceretur  ex  foemina,  defperarent  de  fe 
foeminae,  memores  primi  peccati  fui,  quia  per  fceminam 
deceptus  eft  primus  homo,  et  omnino  nullam  fe  fpem  ha- 
bere in  Chrifto  arbitrarentur.  Venit  ergo  vir  fexumprae- 
eligere  virilem,  et  natus  ex  foemina  fexum  confolari  fcemi- 
neum,  tanquam  alloquens  et  dicens  :  ut  noveritis  quod  non 
dei  creatura  mala  eft,  fed  voluptas  prava  pervertit  earn,  in 
principio  cum  feci  hominem,  mafculum  et  foeminam  feci. 
Non  creaturam  damno,  quam  feci.  Ecce  natus  fum  vir, 
ecce  natus  ex  foemina.  Non  ergo  creaturam  damno, 
quam  feci :  fed  peccata,  quae  non  feci.  Uterque  fexus 
videat  honorem  fuum  :  et  uterque  confiteatur  iniquitatem 
fuam  :  et  uterque  fperet  falutem.  Ser.  63.  Opera,  Sup. 
p.  238. 

'x  A  much 


Chap.  XX.      Miraeiilous  Conception.         3  ^ 

K  much  more  plaufible  reafon  than  any 
of  the  preceding  is  that  which  fuppofes 
that  the  greatnefs  and  fandity  of  Chrift's 
charadler,  fo  much  fuperior  to  that  of  other 
men,  required  that  he  fhould  not  be  born 
as  other  men  are.  Of  this  nature  is  that 
of  Irenseus,  who  fays,  *'  If  Chrift  had  been 
**  born  of  Jofeph,  what  could  he  have  done 
**  more  than  Solomon,  or  Jofeph,  or  David, 
**  when  he  was  produced  in  the  fame  man- 
''^  ner,  and  their  proper  offspring.*'  He 
adds,  that  "  he  could  not  have  been  the 
*'  proper  fon  of  God,  and  therefore  not  a 
*^  king,  if  he  had  been  the  fon  of  Jofeph, 
^^  nor  the  heir,  according  to  Jeremiah*.'" 

Lactantlus,  not  contenting  himfelf  with 
his  former  reafon,  fays,  **  that  it  might  be 
**  certain  that  he  was  fent  of  God,  it  be- 

*  Si  enim  Jofeph  filius  eflet,  quemadmodum  plus  pote- 
rat  quam  Salomon,  aut  plus  quam  Jonas  habere,  aut  plus 
efle  David,  cum  eflet  ex  eadem  feminatione  generatus,  et 
proles  exiftens  ipforum  ?  Ut  quid  et  beatum  dicebat  Pe- 
trum,  quod  eum  cognofceret  efle  filium  del  vivi  ?  Super 
haec  autem  nee  rex  efle  pofl^et,  fi  quidem  Jofeph  filius  fu- 
iflet;  nee  haeres,  fecnndum  Hieremiam,  Lib.  3.  cap. 
29.  p.  258. 

Vol.  IV.  D  ''  hoved 


34  Of  the  Dodlrine  of  the       Book  IIL 

**  hoved  him  not  to  be  born  as  men  are 
"  born,  from  two  human  parents  ^  but  that 
*'  it  might  appear  that  he  was  a  heavenly 
**  perfon  in  man,  he  was  created  without 
*'  the  affiftance  of  a  father*/'  ''  He  ought," 
fays  Cyril  of  Alexandria,  '*  to  have  fuch  a^ 
*^  birth,  I  mean  his  earthly  birth,  of  a  wo- 
'^  man,  that  his  prefence  and  manifeftation 
**  to  the  world  might  have  fomething  in  it 
*'  worthy  of  a  Godf." 

**  Fgr  the  very  reafon  that  you  doubt,'*' 
fays  Chryfoftom,  ^^  for  that  reafon  believe. 
*^  It  is  not  becaufe  marriage  is  a  bad  thing, 
*'  but  becaufe  virginity  is  a  better  5  and  it 
*^  behoved  the  Lord  of  all  to  have  a  more 
**  fplendid  entrance  into  the  world  than 
*^  ours  ;  for  it  was  the  entrance  of  a  king. 

*  Sed  tamen,  ut  certum  eflet,  a  deo  miflum  ;  non  ita 
ilium  nafci  oportuit,  ficut  homo  nafcltur,  ex  mortal!  utro- 
que  concretus  3  fed  ut  appareret,  etiam  in  homlne  ilium 
efie  coeleftem,  creatus  eft  fine  opera  genitoris.  Inftit.  lib. 
4.  feft.  20.  p.  430. 

f  Edfi  ya^  zou  roiavlnv  avla  ytna'^ai  t>]V  aTTols^iv,  rw  K(xla  tra^Ha 
q>Y\lx\.  xai  m  yvvaiHog,  iv  £x,yi  to  QsoTr^sTre^  t]  sig  rov  nocr/xov  aula  ^a- 
^0^^  Kai  avaMig,  Cgntra  Julianum,  lib,  8.  Juliani  Ope- 
ra, vol,  2,  p.  279, 

'*  He 


Chap.  XX.     Miraculous  Conception.        or 

^'  He  ought  both  to  agree,  and  to  differ, 
**  with  us  in  our  birth  3  and  both  thefe 
**  things  have  taken  place.  He  ought  to 
**  be  born  of  a  woman,  in  common  with 
**  us  ;  but  to  be  born  without  marriage  is 
"  greater  than  us*." 

All  this  might  do  tolerably  well,  if 
Chriil;  was  to  have  been  any  thing  more 
than  a  man,  or  to  have  done  fomething 
more  than  man  could  do,  or  than  it  was 
proper  that  man  fhould  be  the  inftrument 
of  doing.  But  what  is  this  to  thofe  who 
think  that  there  was  a  greater  propriety  in 
Chrifl  being  precifely  a  inan^  and  his  office 
fuch  as  that  there  would  have  been  the 
greateft  propriety  in  its  being  filled  by  a 
man. 

No  more  will  an  unitarian  acquiefce  in 
the   following  reafon    of  M.    Caleca.— 

£7r£j5V)  K^Birluv  n  ^s^a^^svia  .  mv  ^£  ta  kqivh  Tsaylav  ^e(77rQl8  ekto^v  (rSfA- 
vole^av   ex^m  slvm   tvjj  y\(Aii£^a(;.      Baa-iKiKyj  yct^  w  y)  £i(Tod'og     f5f; 

^olz^oc  rctvlx  ysyovs.  km  oTTCcg  oiK^s  .  to  jusv  yap  ano  f^yilpa;  y£V£' 
c^ai  mvov  'm^og  td(jlo6;  '  to  ^e  x'^°i<;  yaixm  yEVZcr^M  fX£i^ov,  m  xoi$ 
>i/^^?.     In  Gen.  25.  Opera,  vol.  ii.  p.  685. 

D  2  ''  Chrift 


36  Of  the  BoEirme  of  the       Book  III. 

**  Chrift  was  born  of  a  virgin,  that  he  might 
**  both  be  born  without  original  fin,  and 
*Mive  without  lin*;"  becaufe  they  think 
it  is  rather  defirable  that  Chrift  (hould  be 
of  a  nature  as  liahle  to  fin  as  other  men  ;  that 
in  all  things  he  might  be  like  his  brethren, 
and  be  tempted  as  they  werey  though  he  did 
not  yield  to  any  temptation. 

Auftin  thought  it  was  proper  that  Chrift 
fliould  be  exempt  from  original  fm,  and  ac- 
cordingly he  believed  that  he  was  fo,  and  that 
his  being  born  of  a  virgin  was  the  caufe  of 
that  fingular  exemption.  If  any  perfon  wifli 
to  know  the  principle  on  which  he  argued,  he 
will  find  it  in  the  following  fcntence.  Nulla 
igitur  voluptate  carnalis  concupifcentise  fe- 
min^tus,  five  conceptus  eft,  et  ideo  nullum 
peccatum  originaliter  trahens,  &c.  Enchy- 
ridion,  cap.  41.  Opera,  vol.  3,  p.  167,  214, 

Fulgentius  enlarges  upon  this  idea  of 
Auftin,  fliewing  why,  in  the  ordinary  way, 
men  cannot  be  born  without  fin ;  and 
therefore  that  Chrift  was  born  in  an  extra- 

tvcz^w;ii.     Combefis,  vol,  2.  p.  264. 

ordinary 


Chap.  XX.     Miraculous  Conception,         37 

ordinary  way,  that  he  might  take  away  that 
fin*. 

Leo  the  Great  fays,  *^  Chrift  was  born 
*'  of  a  virgin,  that  the  contagion  of  human 
'^  feed  ceafing,  the  new  man  might  have  a 
**  true  human  nature,  and  yet  be  abfolutely 
^'  pure  -f."     I  ihall  fubjoin,   in  the  notes, 

*  Et  quia  dum  fibi  invicem  vir  mulierque  mifcentur  ut 
filios  generent,  fine  libidine  non  eft  parentum  concubitus  ; 
ob  hoc  filiorum  ex  eorum  carne  nafcentium  non  poteft 
fine  peccato  efle  conceptus,  ubi  peccatum  in  parvulos  non 
tranfmittit  propagatio,  fed  libido. — Qai  ut  illud  peccatum 
quod  in  concubitu  mortalis  carnis  generatio  humana  con- 
traxit,  auferet,  conceptus  eft  novo  more,  deus  jncarnatus 
Jn  matre  virgine,  fine  coitu  viri,  fme  libidine,  concipientis 
virginis :   ut  per  deum  bomincm,  quern  abfque   libidine 
conceptum  inviolatus  edidit  virginis  uterus,  ablueretur  pec- 
catum, quod  nafcentes  trahunt  omnes   homines :   quibus 
in  corpore  mortis  hujus  talis  eft  nafcendi  conditio,  ut  ma- 
tres  eorum  foecunditatis  opus  implere  non  poflint,  nifi  prius 
virginitatem  carnis  amiferint.     Solus  igitur  abftulit  pecca- 
tum conceptionis,   atque  nativitatis  humanae  deus  unigc- 
nitus,  qui  dum  concipiretur,  veritatem  carnis  accepit  ex 
virgine,  et  cum  nafcereretur,  integritatem  virginitatis  fer- 
vavitin  matre.     De  fide,  cap.  2.  p.  487. 

t  Creator  ac  dominus  omnium  rerum  dignatus  eft  unus 
efle  mortalium,  ele6ta  fibi  matre  quam  fecerat,  quae  falva 
integritate,  virginea,  corporcae  eflet  tantum  miniftra  fub- 
ftantiae,  uthumani  feminis  ceflante  contagio,  novo  homini 
etpuritas  in  eflet,  et  Veritas.  DeNativitate  Domini  Ser.  4, 
Opera,  p,  17. 

P  3  another 


3?  Of  the  DoBrine  of  the.     Book  IIL 

another  paffage  from  this  writer,  in  whicl> 
he  argues  more  at  large  on  the  fubjedt  *. 

Hilary  imagined  that  the  body  of  Chrift  was 
exempt  from  the  fenfation  of  pain,  and  this 
he  afcribed  to  his  miraculous  conception  -f-. 
How  this  circumftance  gave  him  that  pri- 
vilege, he  does  not  fay.  But  what  is  all  this 
curious  reafoning  to  thofe  who  think  that 
all  men  are  born  free  from  original  lin^  and 

*  Superbia  hoftis  antiqui  non  immerito  fibi  in  omnes 
homines  jus  tyranicum  vindicabat,  nee  indebito  dominatu 
premebat:  quos  a  mandate  dei  fpontaneos  in  obfequium 
fuse  voluntatis  illexerat.  Non  itaque  jufte  omitteret  origi- 
nalcm  dedititii  generis  fervitutem,  nifi  de  eo  quod  fubege- 
rat  vinceretur.  Quod  ut  iieret  fme  virili  femine  edi- 
tus  eft  Chriftus  ex  virgine,  quam  non  humanus  coitus  fed 
fpiritus  fandus  fcecundavit.  Et  cum  omnibus  matribus 
non  fiat  fine  peccati  forde  conceptio,  haec  inde  purgatio- 
nem  traxit  unde  concepit.  Quo  enim  paierni  feminis  tranf- 
fufio  non  pervenit  peccati  fe  illic  rubigo  non  mifcuit. 
Inviolata  virginitas  concupifcentiam,  nefcivit  fubftantiam 
miniftravit.  Affumpta  eft  de  matre  hominis  natura,  non 
culpa.  Creata  eft  forma  fervi  fine  conditione  virili,  quia 
novus  homo  fic  contemperatus  eft  veteri,  ut  et  veritatem 
iufciperet  generis,  et  vitium  excluderet  vetuftatis.  Opera, 
p.  14. 

t  Sed  non  habens  naturam  dclendi,  dum  et  hominis 
habitus  eft,  et  origo  non  hominis  eft,  nato  eo  de  concep- 
tione  fpiritus  fandli.     De  Trinitate,  lib.  16.  p.  256; 

that 


Chap.  XX.     Miraculous  Conception.         39 

that  the  body  of  Chrifl  was  no  more  ex- 
empt from  the  feeling  of  pain  than  ours  are  ! 
Such  are  the  reafonings  that  I  have  found 
advanced  by  the  Fathers  concerning  the 
miraculous  conception,  and  the  final  caufe 
of  it  5  and  it  was  a  circumftance  of  which 
they  made  no  fmall  boaft.  "  What  righte- 
"  ous  perfon/'  fays  the  great  Athanafius, 
"  what  holy  prophet,  or  patriarch,  in  all 
*'  the  facred  writings,  was  born  of  a  virgin 
"  only  j  or  what  woman  was  fufficlent  for  the 
"  conception  of  a  man,  without  a  man*  ?" 
'*  When  Chrift,''  fays  Conftantine,  in  his 
oration  before  the  Fathers  of  the  council  of 
Nice,  **  was  to  live  among  men,  he  in- 
*'  vented  a  new  way  of  being  born;  for 
^^  there  was  a  conception  without  marriage, 
*'  a  delivery  of  a  pure  virgin,  and  a  young 
<^  woman  was  the  motherof  God +." 

*  Ttj  yap  'sjccttoIe  rm  zv  raig  ^siccig  ypoKpaig  iTcpn^zvlm  '^moaccv^ 
^  ayim  '3jpo(pTt]lo)v,  xj  'sjoclpiapx^v  zh.  'map^evs  fAovrj;  £cr%j-  ri^v  th  ace- 
fAoSo;  ysvEcriv ;  yi  rig  yvvn  %w^/f  avSpo^,  aulapiCYi;  yeyovs  'ss^og  a-vraaiv 
av^pcoTTOiv.     Dc  Incarnatione,  Opera,  vol.  r.  p.  88. 

-f  Ettej  ^£  Hoa/jLifcco  acofxcxli  'rsM(7i<x^uv^  ev  te  yj?  %^ov«^e<v  f/^E^^f, 
Tni  X'i^^^'i '^^'^  c-'TraiiHcrY]^^  vo9nv  rivos.  ysvso-iv  eaula  Efjc/iX'Xwia'alo.  x^^^^ 
yoiflQi  yafACDV^  av?^>jti^l^ig  •  id  cxyws  'usctp^mci^  ei>\Bi9uioi '  >d  Ses  fjtA]i)ip 
»o^vj.   Cap.  II.  p.  689. 

D4  "Who," 


40  Of  the  Doctrine  of  the      Book  III. 

'*  Who/'  fays  Proclus,  *'  has  ever.feen 
**  or  heard,  that  an  infinite  God  inhabited 
'^  a  matrix,  and  that  he  whom  the  heavens 
*'  cannot  receive,  fhould  not  be  ftraitenedina 
"  virgin's  v^omb.  Well  may  we  call  this 
**  womb  larger  than  the  whole  creation  *.•' 
**  The  trinity,"  fays  Maximus  Taurinenfis, 
'^  has  efFe<5ted  three  wonderful  kinds  of  birth, 
*'  Adam  from  the  duft  of  the  ground.  Eve 
*^  from  the  iide  of  Adam,  and  Chrift  from  a 
*'  virgin  -f-."  It  is  remarkable,  that  the  au- 
thor of  the  epiftle  to  the  Hebrews  makes 
no  fuch  boafts  as  thefe,  though  he  feems  to 
have  been  intent  on  bringing  together  every 
circumftance  that  he  could  think  would  re- 
fledl  honour  on  Chrift.  Great  ufe,  how- 
ever was  made  of  this  circumftance  by  the 

*  Tig  £i^£,  T/;  m8ff£v^  oil  (jLT^pav  0  ^£o;  awEpiypaTrla^  anm^ ;  nai 
cv  sjpavoj  m  £%a)po-£,  yarr]^  ing  'siaphva  an  Er£vo%a3^>i(rr/.  Asule 
i^u(XEv  ya^E^av  'B^^dlulspav  jvg  Hlia-Ecog.  Hom.  in  Nativitatem 
Domini,  p.  149. 

f  Tres  valde  mirabiles  nafeendi  fpecies  operatum  repe- 
ries  trinitatem,  Et  prima  eft  quidem,  quod  Adam  figu- 
ratus  ex  limoeft:  fecunda  quod  mulier  formata  de  maf- 
culo:  tertia,  quae  et  cceleftis  eft,  quod  Chriftus  proceffit  ex 
Virgine.     Opera,  p.  196. 

phriftiai^ 


Chap.  XX.      Miraculous  Conception.         41 

chriftian  Fathers,  in  anfwering  the  objec- 
tions that  were  made  to  the  meannefs  of 
Chrift's  birth.  ^*  If  it  appears  to  v/eak 
**  fenfes,"  fays  Maximus  Taurinenfis,  **  un^ 
*'  worthy  of  the  Son  of  God  to  be  born  of 
*^  a  woman,  conlider  that  it  was  a  virgin 
*'  that  brought  him  forth  *."  This,  how- 
ever, would  not  fatisfy  the  Gnoftics.  Manes 
thought  it  unworthy  of  the  majefty  of  the 
Son  of  God  to  go  into  the  womb  of  a  woman; 
et  fortir  enfuite  avec  toutes  les  ordures,  qui 
accompagnent  Tenfantement,  Beaufobre, 
Hift.  deManecheifme,  vol.  i«p.  555.  Even 
the  orthodox  chriftians  could  not  help  being 
afFedled  with  this  confideration.  Pafcha* 
fius,  the  author  of  the  dodtrine  of  tran- 
fubftantiation,  thought  that  it  was  unworthy 
of  Chrift  to  be  born  of  a  woman,  &c.  Ibid, 
vol.  2.  p.  526. 

My  readers  Jiaving  heard  a  variety  of  in- 
genious conjeftures  concerning  the  reafons 
for  this  extraordinary   meafure    of  divine 

*  Quod  fi  tibi  fenfuum  tuorum  fragilitate  minus  dig- 
num  videtur  filium  dei  natum  de  foemina  credere,  virginem 
pgita  peperifTe.      Opera,  p.  197. 

provi- 


42  Of  the  DoElrine  of  the       Book  III. 

providence,  may,  perhaps,  be  able  to  fug- 
geft  one  for  themfelves ;  but  I  own  that,  un- 
fatisfadtory  as  they  appear  to  me,  I  am  not 
able  to  affign  any  better. 

That  the  eircumftance  of  Chrift  pretend- 
ing to  a  miraculous  birth  would  have  had 
an  unfavourable  effeft  on  his  charadler  and 
credit  in  his  life-time,  all  the  Fathers,  who 
fpeak  of  it,  readily  acknowledge  5  and  the 
charadler  of  his  mother,  they  fay,  would 
have  fullained  an  irreparable  injury.  They 
alfo  acknowledge  that,  even  had  the  fadl 
been  known  and  proved,  the  great  objeft  of 
his  million  would  have  been  in  great  danger 
of  being  defeated  ;  as  it  was  of  the  greateft: 
importance  to  the  fuccefs  of  the  fcheme, 
that  Chrift  (hould  not  be  known  to  be  the 
Meffiah  at  fo  early  a  period.  For  they  ima- 
gined, that  it  was  quite  neceffary  that  the 
devil  ftiould  be  kept  in  ignorance  of  his 
rank  and  true  charadter. 

This  is  the  reafon  which  they  give,  why 
Mary,  though  defigned  to  bring  forth  Jefus 
while  ilie  was  a  virgin,  (hould  have  a  nomi- 
nal huiband.     For  they  fay  that,  as  the  de- 
vil 


Chap.  XX.     Miraculous  Conception.  4.3 

vil  knew  that  the  Meffiah  was  to  be  bom 
of  a  virgin,  he  would,  if  flie  had  not  been 
married,  have  fufpedted  that  her  child  had 
been  the  perfon,  and  would  have  exerted 
himfelf  to  defeat  the  objed:  of  his  miffion. 
This  hypothefis  implies  a  high  idea  of  the 
power  of  the  devil ;  but,  withal,  a  very  low 
one  of  his  penetration  and  fagacity,  or  that 
he  was  ill  ferved  by  bis  fpies.  Such  is  not 
at  prefent  the  idea  of  the  devil  with  thofe 
who  believe  his  real  exiftence. 

As  the  notions  of  the  Fathers  are  a  matter 
of  fome  curiolity,  at  leaft,  I  jfliall  lay  before 
my  readers  fome  of  their  thoughts  and  rea- 
fonings  on  this  fubjedl.  Origen,  who  fays, 
that  *'  the  Jews  thought  Chrift  to  be  the  fon 
**  of  Jofeph  and  Mary  *,''  fays,  that  ''  they 
*^  would  not  have  believed  Jcfus,  if  he  had 
^^  faid  that  he  was  the  fon  of  Mary  only  -f-." 
*'  Our  Lord,"  fays  Ambrofe,  *'  rather  chofe 
^^  that  his  origin  fhould  be  unknown,  than 

*  Xlov7o  Hv  avlov  sivai  Icocrn^  nai  Mapixg  ulov.  Comment, 
vol.  I.  p.  223. 

•f  Dicebant  autem  qui  mirabantur,  ignari  ilium  efTe 
filium  virginis,  ne  credituri  quidem  fi  didus  fuifTet  filius 
virginis;     Opera,  vol.  2.  p.  13. 

"  that 


44  Of  the  DcBrine  of  the       Book  IIL 

'*  that    his     mother's    chaility    fliould     be 
"  queflioned  *." 

But  the  perfon  who  has  written  the  moft 

largely  on  this  fubjed:  is  Chryfoftom,  and 

the  following  extraft  from  him  will  fhew, 

in  a  very  clear  light,  of  what  importance  it 

was  imagined  to  be,  that   the  miraculous 

conception   fhould  be   concealed  from   the 

Jews.    But  it  does  not  feem  to  have  occurred 

to  any  of  thefe  Fathers,  that  every  reafon  for 

this  concealment  is  an  argument  againft  the 

propriety  and  wifJotn  of  the  meafure  itfelf  ^ 

and  therefore  an  argument  againft  the  truth 

ofthefadl:     for,   certainly  a  circumftance 

which  they   acknowledge  to    have  been  fo 

highly  improbable,  and  of  apparent  dilTer- 

vice  to  the  fcheme  of  chriftianity,    requires 

very  clear  and  ftrong  evidence  of  its  truth. 

**  Why  is  there  an  account  of  the  genealogy 

**  of  Jofeph,whohad  nothing  to  do  with  the 

*'  generation  of  Chrift?  I  have  mentioned  one 

'*  reafon,  but  I  muft  mention  another  more 

*  Maluit  autem  dominus  allquos  de  fui  ortu,  quam  de 
matris  pudore  cubitare.  In  Luc.  lib.  2.  Opera,  vol.  2^ 
p.  17. 

^*  myfteriousj 


Chap.  XX.      Miraculous  Conceptmi,       4^ 

**  myfterious.  What  then  is  it?  He  would 
**  not  have  it  known  to  the  Jews,  after  the 
**  birth,  that  Chrift  was  born  of  a  virgin. 
'*  Be  not  alarmed  at  this  extraordinary  cir- 
**  cumftance.  The  reafon  is  not  mine,  but 
«*  that  of  our  fathers,  eminent  and  diftin- 
*'  guifhed  men.  For  if  Chrift  from  the 
*^  beginning  concealed  many  things,  calling 
•*  himfelf  the/on  of  ma?7,  and  did  not  al- 
*'  ways  difcover  his  equality  with  the  Fa- 
**  ther,  why  fhould  you  wonder  that  he 
**  concealed  this,  managing  it  as  a  great  and 
*^  wonderful  thing,  to  preferve  the  virgin, 
**  and  cover  her  from  wicked  fufpicion. 
**  For  if  this  had  been  known  to  the  Jews, 
'*  from  the  beginning,  they  would  have 
*'  ftoned  the  virgin,  abufing  her  for  what 
**  would  be  faid,  and  have  condemned  her 
*'  for  adultery.  If  they  impudently  abufed 
**  him  for  works,  of  which  they  had  many 
•*  examples  in  the  Old  Teftament  (for 
**  when  he  caft  out  demons,  they  called  him 
'*  a  demoniac,  and  when  he  healed  on  the 
**  Sabbath  day  they  thought  him  an  enemy 
*'  of  God,   though  the  Sabbath  had  often 

f*  been 


46  Of  the  iDoBrine  of  the       Book  til. 

**  been  broken  before)  what  would  they 
**  have  faid,  if  this  had  been  reported  !  For 
'*  they  had  feen  nothing  of  the  kind  in  all 
"  preceding  time.  For  if,  after  fo  many 
**  miracles,  they  called  him  the  fon  of  Jo- 
'*  feph,  how  could  they  have  believed,  be- 
**  fore  his  miracles,  that  he  w^as  the  fon  of  a 
«'  virgin  ?" 

**  On  this  account,  Jofeph  has  his  ge- 
**  nealogy  inferted,  and  he  married  the  vir- 
*^  gin.  For  when  Jofeph,  who  was  a  good 
**  man,  flood  in  need  of  many  things,  as  of 
*'  an  angel,  a  vifion,  and  the  teftimony  of 
'*  prophecy,  in  order  to  believe  the  fact, 
*^  how  would  the  Jevi^s  who  were  fo  cor- 
*'  rupt,  and  fo  hoftilely  difpofed  towards 
**  him,  have  received  the  fufpicion  ?  They 
''  would  have  been  very  much  difturbed  at 
<*  a  thing  fo  ftrange  and  new,  the  like  of 
*^  which  they  never  heard  of  in  the  time  of 
**  their  anceftors.  He  who  is  once  per- 
**  fuaded  that  Chrift  is  the  Son  of  God,  has 
"  no  doubt  on  this  fubjed ;  but  he  who 
*'  confiders  him  as  a  deceiver,  and  an  ene- 
*^  my  of  God,  how  would  he  not  be  more 

[^  fcandalized 

3 


Chap.  XX.     Miraculous  Conception,  ^j 

'^  fcandalized  on  this  account,  and  have 
*'  been  led  to  this  fufpicion  (viz.  of  adul- 
*'  tery).  On  this  account,  neither  did  the 
*^  apoftles  at  firft  fpeak  of  this,  but  rather 
**  difcourfed  largely  concerning  his  refur- 
«*  reftion.  For  of  this  there  v^ere  examples 
^*  in  former  times,  though  not  in  all  re- 
*^  fpefts  the  famcj  but  they  had  never 
'*  heard  of  a  perfon  being  born  of  a  vir- 
**  gin.  Nor  did  his  mother  dare  to  men- 
**  tion  this :  for  obferve  how  fhe  fays,  Be^ 
**  hold,  thy  father  and  I  have  fought  thee. 
"  For  if  this  had  been  fufpeded,  he  would 
"  not  have  been  thought  to  be  the  fon 
**  of  David  ;  and  this  not  being  admitted, 
*'  many  mifchiefs  would  have  arifen.  On 
**  this  account,  neither  did  the  angels  men- 
"  tion  this,  except  to  Mary  and  Jofeph  only, 
"  but  not  to  the  fhepherds,  though  they 
*^  acquainted  them  with  his  being  born*," 

li'Km'y  KM  (Mav  fjLtv  ailtav  sifYiHccfAsv  ri^n.     AvayHam  ^euaiTm 

EfiV  avln'i  »«  tS'v^flo  Toig  la^aioig  Eivai  ^yjXov  ^a^a  rev  rav  cc^xvm 
Hcu^QV^  oil  £>c  'SJa^BEva  ysymlai  o  X^i^og,  AA^a  (ayi  Bopv^Sio-^ 
'sspoi  TO  'ssccpahiov  la  HyofAiv^,      Ou  d'e  ya^  EfAo^  q  hoyog,  oC^:kx 


48  Of  the  tkoBrine  of  the      Book  IIL 

Jeroni  argues  very  much  in  the  fame 
manner  on  the  fubjecfl,  giving  three  reafons 
why  Mary  was  married  to  Jofeph.  Firft^ 
*^  that  by  means  of  the  genealogy  of  Jofeph, 

'mccls^cov  yjfAsls^av^  ^a,vix<x?av  Hcti  sTricrYi/xm  av^^av.  E<  ya^  'S7o>,Xa 
ffuvEO-maaev  eI  «f%>7?,  viov  avS^ coTra  «a?^wv  eaulov^  hou  ah  tm  'mpog  rov 

thIo  auvzamtxui.  te,  wj  ^auixarov  ri  koci  (xeyoc  oiJiovofjLuv ;  xai  ^oiov 
^auiJUXTOV  (pmi ;  to  ha^a^^-^vai  jy\v  'sraf  Sevov,  *ij  vTro^iai;  away^ayyi- 
vai  'STOvyi^a;.  Et  ya^  ralo  eI  a^x^;  roi;  la^txioi^  yeyove  xaladyi}^cv, 
av  KaleXvaav  t*)v  'S^a^^Bvov  ncxxspyavlz;.  Tta  AEyo/xEViu,  x^  fioix^iccg 
WjIw  EHpivav  av.  Et  ya^  vTTsp  rav  a^^wv,  wt/  'srcX^aKi;  j^  VTTohiy- 
fAccIa  six^v  £v  rn  'uscx.'haioc,^  ^avs^cog  m2(Tx^vl^v  (Kai  ya^  ETTEid'^n  ^ai- 
fjiova^  E^E^aT^E^  ^ai/jt-ovuvla,  ExaAsv,  x^  ETTEi^n  ev  aaQ^cxlcti  E^E^aTTEua-EV^ 
avti^Eov  Eivai  Evcfxi^ov^  xj  toj  ys  'uio'KhaKK^  xj  tjpolE^ov  EAySji  to  aa^Qoc- 
%v)  11  «x  av  EiTTOV  rifl:i  7\Ex^£vl^  ;  ^  y<5ip  ez^ov  -za-^vJa  rov  nsjpo 
Tiilii  ffuvayavi^OfjLEVOv  avlQi;  Kai^ov-,  ad'sTrolE  ri  roiklov  EVEyKovla,  Ef 
yap  fifta  loaavla  ern/Jt'Eia  eIi  avlov  th  luuYjtp  Exa>.8v  [yiov]  'siug  ail 
mpo  TOJV  a-Hfjt,Eiav  £7nr£va-av  oil  xj  ek  'ssa^^Eva  r\v  ',  ^la  ^yj  ralo  )y  yEVEU" 
>,oyEilai^  y^  (jmrEvdai  ir\v  'Zsa^^Evov,  Otth  ya^  o  Iwctji^  k^  ^ixaio; 
av  )y  ^auiAaro;  avr)^  '5ro?\Awv  Ehrs^  ute  h^acr^ai  to  7£y£v>i|UEVov, 
jd  ayf£7<>ii^  )y  tyi;  ^i  ovEipalcov  o^^sag^  )y  rf:;  aTTo  rcov  nz^o(pT^m  fjux^^ 
^y^ia$,  '5i«$  av  oi  la^aioi  y)  cry,aiOi  ovls^  ;^  3i£^S«^/C6£V0i,  ^  'S^oXEfxia^ 
zloi  TTpog  avlov  exovIe;  ravlrw  av-fs^a^s^E^avlo  tw  uTTOvoiav  ;  cr^o^^x 
ya^  av%g  eixe}^>.e  So^yCsif  to  ^evqv  ;o  naivov^  jy  to  (jLE^ETToiE  ti  toihIov 
^n^E  aKon  'ssa^a^E^aa^ai  etti  rm  'si^oyovm  avfx^EQmoi;.  O  (jlev  ya^ 
aTTa^  wejo-Seij  oli  t8  Ses  vio;  Efiv,  «5£  -ste^j  ts7s  ^fli'Tov  ayifpiaQr^Eiv 
tiXtV,  O  ^E  ;i{J  'ETAavov  :ig  av7j^Eov  avlov  Eivai  vofju^uV',  ^a^  ««  av 
airo  T8?8  xcw  Eo-xav5a^(cr0)i  |U£{^ovwj,  xai  'zr^of  exeiv>iv  «3jiy>;^  tw 
yTTOvoiav  j  3<a  xslo  sSe  oi  a7roro7\Qi  '5r«f «  tijv  ixf%>iy  ev^e^jj  t«/o  Aeya- 


Chap.  XX.      Miraculous  Co?2ception.         ^g 

**  to  whom  Mary  was  related,  it  might  ap- 
'^  pear  that  he  was  defcended  from   David. 
**  Secondly,  left,    according   to   the  law  of 
*'  Mofes,  {he  illou^d:llave  been  ftoned  as  aa 
*'  adultrefs.      Thirdly,  that,  in    their  jour-^ 
*'  ney  to   Egypt,   (he  might  have  the  com- 
**  fort  of  a  guardian,  rather  than  that  of  a 
''  hulband/'     "  Who,"   fays    he,    "  at  that 
**  time   would  have  believed  the   virgin,    if 
*'  {he  had  told  them  that  the  angel  Gabriel 
**  came  to  her,  and  that.fiie  had  conceived 
**  by  the   Holy  Spirit,   and  would  not  ra- 
**  ther   have  condemned   her  after  the  ex- 
**  ample  of  Sufannah ;  when,  at  this  very 
*'*  day,  when  all  the  world  believes  it,  the 
*Vjews  ftill   cavil?"     He   afterwards  fays, 

o-iv.      Am'  utte^  jxiv  TYi;  avixrcxcrsa;  'zsoXha.  ^ict'Xzyo-'Jlai  k:xi  rsjo»aHi<;^ 

Toiocvla.  Oil  3V  sji  "sra^Ssva  ysyovsv^  x  auvsx^i  T^tyaaiv.  Axx  «3s 
avln  »  ,uvj7>?^  £^EVsyH£iv  ralo  s%>,fMf]aBV.  O^x  ynv  nai  "S^poi  avlcv  ri 
(pmiv  [y]  'zcapSevC^]  <^a  £7w  koli  o  nzcCiYi^  an  s^rh/A'SV  as.  E{  yae 
Tiilo  V7r(c7fl£v^y\-,  a^  av  ra  AaCi^  hoiTrov  £vo/ji,ia^n  woa  viog  .  T5s7s  ^£ 
(XT]  voixia'^svlog-,  'usQ'K>a.  av  slex^'n  >iM  He  fa  aaxa,  Aia  npio  aos  oi  i 
ayyty\oi  ravla  TveyaciV.  A?^a  t>i  Ma^ia  /aovyi  xai  tw  Icoijr,(p  [^'iscra- 
(pyjcrav']  roig  Se  ^oi(xe(7iv  Evayy^n^ofxim  to  y£yEvy]fi£vov~)  azfu  thIq 
'sj^ocTE^mav.     In  Matt.  Hofn.  i.  Opera,  vol.  7.  p.  20,  &c. 

Vol.  IV,  E  that 


50  Of  the  DcBrine  of  the       Book  III. 

that  ''  except  Jofeph  the  hulband,  Mary 
*'  herfelf,  and  a  very  few  others,  who 
'*  might  hear  it  from  them,  all  perfons 
*'  confidered  Jefus  as  the  fon  of  Jofeph  ;  fo 
*-  that  the  evangelifls,  expreffing  the  com- 
*'  mon  opinion,  called  Jofeph  the  father  of 
^'  our  Saviour"^." 

I  think  it  is  hardly  pofiible  to  read  thefe 
paffages,  in  which  the  inconvenience  that 
would  have  attended  the  dfcovery  of  the 
miraculous  conception  are  very  ftrongly 
and  naturally  defcribed,  without  feeling  that 

.  ^  Ut  per  genealogiam  Jofeph,  cui  Maria  cognata  erat, 
crigo  quoque  Maris  monftraretur  :  fecundo,  ne  juxta  le- 
gem Moyfis,  ut  adultera  lapidaretiir  a  populo  :  tertio,  ut  ad 
Egyptum  fugiens,  haberet  iblatium  cuftodis,  potius  quam 
mariti.  Qins  enim  in  tempore  illo  virgini  credidilTet,  de 
fanfto  earn  fpiritu  concepilTe,  venifTe  ad  earn  angelum  Ga- 
brielem  del,  detulifTe  mandatum,  ac  non  magis,_quafi  adul- 
teram,  juxta  exemplum  Sufannae  fententi^  omnium  con- 
demnaffent :  cum  hodie,  toto  jam~  credente  mundo,  argu- 
mententur  Judcei. -Denique,  excepto  Jofeph,  et  Eliza- 
bet,  et  ipfa  Maria,  paucifque  admcdum,  fi  qnos  ab  his  au- 
ilifTe  pofiumus  exiftimare,  omnes  Jefum  filium  exiRimabant 
Jofeph,  in  tantum,  ut  etiam  evangeliftae,  opinionem  vulgi, 
exprimentes,  qus  vera  hiftoriae  lex  eft,  patrem  cum  dixe- 
rint  falviitoris.     Ad  lielvidium,  Opera,  vol.  2.  p,  310. 

the 


^  Chap.  XX.     Miraculous  Conception,  5 1 

the   ftory  itfelf  is   an  incumbrance  on  the 
chriftian  fcheme,  and  that  it  v/ould  at  lead 
have  appeared  to  more  advantage  without  it. 
That  it   was  neceffary  that  the  miracu- 
lous  conception   of  Jefus    (hould  be   con- 
cealed from  the  devil,    is  a  thought   that  is 
alv^ays  afcribed   to  Ignatius,  and  it  appears 
in  the  epiftles  that  go  by  his  name,  as  was 
quoted,  vol.  3,  p.  80.  but  it  continued  to  be 
the  ferious    belief  of  all  the  Fathers   who 
have    mentioned   the    fubjed:.      Bafil    fays, 
**  Mary    was    married  to  Jofeph,   that   the 
*' devil   might  not    fufped:   that   fhe  was  a 
^'  virgin      For  he  knew  that  Chrift  was  to 
*'  be  born   of  one,  and  that   he  was  to  put 
'*  an  end  to  his  power  ^;."     Ambrofe   fays, 
that    "  Mary  conceived   by   a  miracle,  left 

*  Eiorjcxi  ^£  Tcov  "siahaim  tlvi  hxi  {Izpo^  Xoyog  oli  utts^  t«  >.cx^£lv 
Tov  aoyj)'}loc  ra  aicoyog  rala  rr,v  'Sjoc^^pjiav  rnj  Mcc^iag  y]  ra  laay]<p 
STTEVoriJ}!  /jLVYifEtoc  .  O10V21  yu^  fxslsco^icTfXog  rco  zscvr,;:o  ro  a-xYiua  t>jj 
IxvnTEiaq  "uJEpi  t'yiv  'znx^^evov  s'n'Evon^-/)  '^a.^.ai  ETTiJri^Hvli  ra;  ■Trci^^evHg^ 
a'p  8  r\Wi(7z  Ts  "'SipoipnlH  T^iyo^o;  .  los  n  7i:a^^£vog  sv  yccT^i  ^'^r.i^slaL 
KM  ts^sIm  viov  .  a7T£'^iiiioXn%  av  oia.  rrig  [xvnTZia;  o  £7r;C'aAoj  rr}g 
'Zis'.fBsvioig  .  A  yoL^  KuicO^udiv  TYiC,  i^iciq  cx^x''^g  TYiV  hoc  aa^K^g 
sTTKpavEisiv   Ts'  Huc'.a  yEvy\<joy.Evw .       Horn.  25.  Opera,   vol.  i. 

E  2  '^  the 


52  Of  the  Do5irine  of  the      Book  III. 

**  the  princes  of  this  world  fliould  not  have 
<*  cruciiied     Chrift    for    our    falvation  *." 
His    idea,    probably    was,    that    the    devil 
would   not    then   have   inftigated  Judas    to 
betray  him,   or  his  enemies  to  crucify  him. 
Chryfoftom   fays,   that    *'  Chrift  was   both 
**  born    of  a  virgin,    and    fufFered  on    the 
"  crofs,  that  the  devil  might  be  taken  with 
**  his  own  arts ;    for  that  Eve  was  a  virgin, 
*'  when   file    was    feduced,   and  eat  of  the 
*'  tree  of  good  and  evil-f-/' 

Leo  the  Great  fays,  that  "  Chrift's 
*^  chuiing  to  be  born  of  a  virgin,  was  an 
"  inftance  of  profound  wifdom  ;  that  the 
*'  devil  might  be  ignorant  that  the  falva- 
**  tion  of  men  was  born  into  the  world; 
**  and  that  the   fpiritual  conception  being 

*  Sciebat  cnim  jam  tunc  gratia  plena,  fpiritu  divinitatis 
aiflata,  quia  fi  hunc  hujus  fafculi  principcs  agnoviflent, 
numquam  pro  falute  noftra  crucifixiiTent.  De  Purifica- 
tione  S.  A'lariae,  Opera,  vol.  5,   p.  638. 

ra  (jUf/.Qo7\a.  5  opoc  toivvv  'wag  xj  tv;  vimg  aula  'usa'hiy  yByovs  'sra^ailia  . 
avli  TYii;  ^vag  n  Ma^:a,  avli  ts  ^'j?^h  ts  si^svai  yvxTOv  HaT^a  }y  fusowip-d 
TO  ^Vhov  Ts  ray^a,  avh  m  Bavalu  rn  A^afA  0  oscr7roliH(Sr  ^avoilog. 
In  Pafch.  Opera,  vol.  5.  p.  643, 

**  concealed 


Chap.  XX.     Miraculous  Conception,         53 

*'  concealed,  he  might  believe  that  he  who 
**  did  not  appear  different  from  other  men, 
**  was  born  like  other  men"^." 

'*  The  virginity  of  Mary,"  fays  Damaf- 
cenus,  '*  her  delivery,  and  the  death  of 
**  Chrift,  were  all  concealed  from  the  de- 
**  vil,''  quoted  from  Ignatius  •f-.  **  Mary," 
fays  Theophylad:,  "  was  married,  that  by 
**  this  means  fhe  might  deceive  the  devil. 
*'  For  the  devil  having  heard  that  a  virgia 
**  would  be  with  child,  obferved  the  vir- 
**  gins.  She,  therefore,  married  Jofeph 
"  to  deceive  the  deceiver;}:." 

*  Hoc  ipfuin  et  autem  quod  Chrift  us  nafci  elegit  ex 
virgine,  nonne  apparet  altiffimsa^fuifTe  rationis ;  ut  fcilicet 
natam  humani  generis  falutem  diabolus  ignoraret  j  ut, 
fpiritali  latente  conceptu,  quern  nonalium  videret  quam 
alios,  non  aliter  crederet  natum  effe  quam  ceteros.  De 
Nativitate,  Ser.  4.  Opera,  p.  14. 

Kai  0  TOK^  ociPm;,  o/Miug  KOLi  0  Bavdlog  %f  Jra,  r^ia  (xurn^ia  Kpavyng^ 
a  Tiva  Ev  wvxia  Ssa  m^ax^'^-  De  Marias  Nativitate,  Or.  3. 
Opera,  p.  576. 

ciaQo^^og  axHjag  oil  n  'n^oi^^svo^  ev  yocTpi  £|£<,  £'^slr,f£i  rag  'srcc^^Evsg' 
iva  roiviiv  WTrocir^y]  0  aTrotlzav^  ' ixversuijai  tyiv  asiTTCX^^svov  0  Iaari(p, 
In  Matt.  cap.  i.  Opera,  vol.  i.  p.  8. 

E  3  Maximus 


54  Of  the  DoBrme  of  the        Book  III. 

Maximus  Taurinenfis  makes  a  curious 
foliloquy  for  the  devil,  on  the  birth  of 
Chrifl:,  which  implies  that  he  had  heard  of 
the  pretenfion  to  a  miraculous  conception, 
but  did  not  give  entire  credit  to  it.  *'  Who 
*•  is  this/'  fays  he,  '•  that  is  come  into  the 
'^  world  unknown  to  me.  I  know  that  he 
*'  is  born  of  a  woman,  but  I  do  not  know 
*^  how  he  was  conceived.      I   fee   the  mo- 

*^  ther,  but  I  cannot  trace  the  father. ■ 

*'  And  what  adds  to  my  aftoniihment,  the 
**  mother  pretends  that  (h^  brought  him 
**  forth  in  fome  unufual  manner,  and  that 
**  {he  is  a  virgin."  Then  defcribing  the 
perfed:  purity  of  Chrift's  nature,  he  ex- 
claims, *' What  fhall  I  do  ?  Whither  fhall 
**  I  turn  myfelf  ?  I  find  that  I  have  to  do 
**  with  one  w^ho  is  fironger  than  1  am. 
*'  I  believe  he  intends  to  reignyn  my  king- 
"  dom.  I  fear  left  he  fhould  be  a  god, 
*'  who  is  abfolutely  without  ftain.  But  if 
*^  he  was  a  god,  hovv^  could  he  bear  the  in- 
*^  dignity  of  being  born  of  a  woman  ?  How 
**  could  he  be  content  w^ith  the  ci-adle  and 
'^  fwaddling  clothes  }     Who  could  believe 

'*  the 


Chap.  XX.     Miraculous  Conception,        ^^ 

*'  the  wailing  of  an  infant  in  a  God;  and 
*'  to  whom  does  it  not  appear  ridiculous 
**  that  God  fhould  be  fed  with  a  woman's 
*'  milk.      Befides  he   is  hungry,  and  it  is 


rep 


uenant   to   reafon  that  God  fhould  be 


o 


*'  hungry*." 

*  Quis  ifte  eft  qui  nefciente  me  hunc  ingrefTus  eft 
mundum  ?  Novi  quidem  de  femina  natus  eft,  led  nefclo 
undc  conceptus.  ARat  ecce  mater,  Ted  patrem  inveftigare 
non  pofTum.  Partum  video,  fed  non  agnofco  nafcentem, 
et  quod  ftupori  meo  accrefcit,  inconfueta  lege  pariendi 
etiam  edito  fillo  mater  exultat,  ut  virgo. — Quid  agam  ? 
Quo  m.e  convertam  ?  Fortiorem  fentio  :  puto  ilium  in 
regno  meo  velleregnare,  ne  forte  deus  fit  ide  quern  nullum, 
pateft  maculare  delidlum.  Sed  fi  deus  eftlt,  quomodo 
indignitates  partus  feminei  fuftineret  ?  Quomodo  eflet 
cunis  pannifque  contentus  ?  Qlus  credere  poffit  infantize 
vagltus  in  deo,  cui  non  audienti  ridiculum  eft  deum  femi- 
neo  la6ie  nutriri  ?  Poft  omnia  ecce  efurit,  cum  utique 
efurire  deum  ratio  nulla  perfuadeat.     Opera,  p,  206. 


E  4  SEC- 


56      >      Of  the  Do^rjne  of  the       Book  HI, 


SECTION      III. 

A  View  of  the  Arguments  In  Favour  of  the 
Miraculous  Conceptioriy  and  of  the  hifiori^ 
cal  Evidence  by  which  its  Credibility  ffjould 
be  afcertained. 

TlAVING  thus  ftated  the  nature  of  the 
fadl,  the  credibility  of  which  I  propofe 
to  difcufs,  and  fhewn  the  appearance  that  it 
has  a  priori,  which  is  of  coniiderable  mo- 
ment with  refpecl  to  the  evidence  that  is 
neceffary  to  eftabllfh  its  authenticity;  I 
fhall  proceed  to  ftate  the  evidence  for  and 
againfc  it,  with  as  much  impartiality  as  I 
can.  This  is  all  that  is  of  any  confequence 
to  the  reader.  He  muft  then,  and  he  cer- 
tainly will,  iudge  for  himfelf. 

The  v/hole  ftrength  of  the  evidence  in 
favour  of  the  miraculous  conception  is  ex- 
prelled  in  a  few  words.  The  thing  itfelf 
appears  a  priori  to  be  highly  improbable, 

and 


Chap.  XX.     Miraculous  Conception.  57 

and  the  report  of  it  muft  have  operated  un- 
favourably vv'ith  refped  to  the  credit  of 
chriftianity,  and  it  is  never  argued  from,  or 
fo  much  as  alluded  to,  as  of  any  ufe  in  the 
fcheme,  or  as  a  part  of  it,  in  all  the  New 
Teftament.  But  the  teftimony  of  the  evan- 
gelifts  Matthew  and  Luke,  is  exprefsly  in 
its  favour.  Their  hiftories  are  likewife 
fuppofed  to  be  the  earlieft  accounts  of  our 
Saviour's  lifcj  and  Luke  fays  that  he  took 
particuliar  pains  to  trace  the  hiftory  to  its 
fource,  from  thofe  who  were  beft  qualified 
to  gTve*him  information. 

This  poiitive  teftimony,  very  circumftan- 
tially  related,  by  perfons  of  fuch  refpedtable 
characters,  to  fay  nothing  of  their  fup- 
pofed infpiration^h  certainly  entitled  to  the 
greateft  credit.  It  may  be  faid,  What  evi- 
dence can  be  ftronger  in  favour  of  any 
event,  than  its  being  recorded  by  cotem- 
porary  hiftorians,  whofe  writings  were  pub- 
lifhed  in  their  own  life-time  ?  If  this  part 
of  the  gofpel  hiftory  be  fabulous,  why  may 
not  the  whole  be  fo,  fince  it  is  all  related 
by  the  fame  evangelifts  ?  Is  it  not,  there- 
fore, 


c^S  Of  the  Dc5ln?te  of  the       Book  III. 

fore,  to  undermine  the  credit  of  the  whole 
gofpel  hiftory,  to  endeavour  to  weaken  that 
of  fo  confiderable  a  part  of  it  ? 

This,  I  think,  is  all  that  can  be  advanced 
in  favour  of  the  miraculous  conception, 
fetting  afide  all  idea  of  the  infpiraticn  of 
the  writers,  to  which,  I  own,  I  fhould  pay- 
no  attention.  I  confider  Matthew  and 
Luke  as  fimply  bijiorians,  whofe  credit  muft 
be  determ-ined  by  the  circumftances  in 
which  they  wrote,  and  the  nature  of  the 
fads  which  they  relate.  And  before  I  con- 
lider  the  evidence  that  may  be  alledged 
againft  the  fad:  which  they  have  recorded, 
or  are  fuppofed  to  have  recorded,  I  fliall 
make  one  obfervation,  which  is  of  the' 
greateft  importance  with  refped  to  hifto- 
rical  evidence,  and  which  is  always  allowed 
its  full  W'eieht  with  reg^ard  to  all  other  hif- 
tories.  And  it  appears  to  me,  that  it  is  our 
backwardnefs  to  confider  the  gofpel  hifto- 
rians  in  the  fame  light  in  which  we  do  other 
hiflorians  (notwithilanding  the  dodrine  of 
their  infpiration  is  nominally  given  up) 
that  prevents  our  forming  a  right  eftimate 

in 


Chap.  XX.     Miraculous  Conception,  ^g 

in  this  particular  cafe.  In  any  other  fimi- 
lar  cafe,  I  apprehend,  we  fhould  decide 
much  more  readily  than  the  boldeft  of  us 
feel  ourfelves  difpofed  to  do  here. 

The  obfervation  which  I  would  now 
make,*  and  which  I  wifh  to  imprefs  upon 
my  reader,  is  this  ^  that  fully  to  eftablifh 
the  credibilitj  of  any  fad,  it  muft  not  only 
be  recorded  by  cotemporary  hiftorians,  but 
it  muft  alfo  appear  not  to  have  been  con- 
tradided  by  thofe  who  were  cotemporary 
with  the  hiftorians,  and  who  may  .be  fup- 
pofed  to  have  been  as  good  judges  as  the 
hiftorians  themfelves.  Still  lefs  will  the 
iingle  circumftance  of  an  tvi^nt  beinp-  re- 
corded by  cotemporary  hiftorians,  avail  to 
eftablifn  the  credit  of  it,  if  it  apoear  not 
to  have  been  believed  by  thofe  who  may 
be  fuppofed  to  have  been  favourably  in- 
clined to  the  belief  of  it,  .  and  to  have 
wiftiedit  to  be  true. 

Let  us  fuppofe  that  we  fhould  now  re- 
cover a  copy  of  the  hiftory  of  Livy,  con- 
taining an  account  of  the  tranfadions  of 
his  own  timcj  or  fo  near  to  it,  that  it^could 

not 


6o  OftheDodirine  of  the       BopK  III. 

not  be  doubted,  but  that  it  was  in  his  power 
to  have  procured  good  information  con- 
cerning what  he  wrote  ;  and  that  we  Ihould 
find  in  this  copy  of  his  hiftory,  that  Cleo- 
patra, inftead  of  dying  by  the  bite  of  an  afp 
in  Egypt,  was  brought  by  Auguftus  to 
Rome,  and  publicly  married  to  him.  The 
ftory  would  not,  at  this  day,  gain  any  cre- 
dit. We  might  not  be  able  to  deny  that 
Livy  wrote  the  account,  but  we  fliould  im- 
mediately fay;  if  it  was  true,  why  does  it  not 
appear  to  have  been  believed  at  the  time? 

Suppofing,  farther,  that  we  ihould  dif- 
cover  another  Roman  hiftory,  viz.  that 
of  Salluft,  which  fhould  contain  the  fame 
account;  flill,  if  we  faw  no  reafon  to  think 
that  it  was  believed  at  Rome,  w^here  the 
fcene  of  the  tranfadtion  was  laid,  v/e  cer- 
tainly fhould  not  believe  it  now  ^  nor 
would  even  ten  or  twelve  hiftorians,  agree- 
ing ever  fo  well  in  their  accounts,  make  us 
believe  it,  unlefs  it  fhould  appear  to  us, 
that  it  was  generally  believed  at  the  time. 
We  might  not  be  able  to  account  for  the 
mifapprehenfions  and  miflakes  of  the  hiflo- 

rians  5 


Chap.  XX.       Miraculous  Conception.         6 1 

rians  ;.  but,  in  faifl,  their  evidence  would 
only  be  confidered  as  that  of  ten  or  twelve 
men,  oppofed  to  the  evidence  of  more  than 
tenor  twelve  millions. 

However,  if  the  credit  of  Livy  and  Sal- 
luft  was  fo  well  eftablilhed,  that  we  could 
not  believe  that  they  would  affert  as  a  fadt, 
what  they  might  eafily  have  known  not  to 
be  fo ;  we  fhould  fay  that,  though  we  had 
no  method  of  accounting  for  fuch  a  narra- 
tion being  found  in  the  copies  of  their 
works,  Vv^hich  have  come  down  to  us,  we 
were  fatisiied  that  they  were  not  of  their 
compoiition.  Paffages,  we  might  fay,  like 
that  in  Jofephus  concerning  Chrill:,  may 
have  got  into  the  works  of  more  refped:- 
able  writers  (as  a  comparifon  of  circum- 
ftances  fufficiently  proves )  without  our 
being  able  to  fay  %vhen^  or  by  whom,  the 
books  were  corrupted.  And  if  we  had  any 
evidence  that  there  were,  in  early  times, 
copies  of  the  entire  hiftories  of  Livy  and 
Salluft,  in  which  nothing  was  faid  of  the 
marriage  of  Auguftus  to  Cleopatra,  nothing 
farther,  I  imagine,  would  be  wanting  to  our 
intire  fatisfadlion  on  the  fubjedl. 

1  Now 


62  Of  the  Bodfrine  of  the       Book  III. 

Now  tbefe  very  material  obfervations, 
and  feveral  others,  apply  to  the  cafe  before 
us.  It  is  true  that  we  do  find  the  ftory  of 
the  miraculous  conception  in  the  received 
gofpels  of  Matthew  and  Luke  ;  and  it  is 
almoft  certain  that  they  were  there  in  the 
time  of  Juftin  Martyr.  But  it  is  no  lefs 
certain,  that  there  were  in  early  times  gof- 
pels of  Matthew,  and  of  Luke  too,  which 
did  not  contain  that  fcory  ;  and  there  is 
fufficient  reafon  to  think,  that  the  great 
body  of  Jewifli  chriilians,  who  were  co- 
temporary  with  the  apofties,  did  not  be- 
lieve it.  It  was  probably  a  long  time  be- 
fore it  gained  any  credit  at  all  with  any  of 
their  pofterity,  and  it  is  probable  that  it 
never  did  fo  with  the  generality  of  them. 
It  is  certain  that  fome  very  learned  perfons, 
and  therefore,  probably,  the  mofl:  inquifi- 
tive  among  them,  and  who  wrote  exprefsly 
on  the  fubied:,  never  believed  it;  and  yet 
no  good  reafon  can  be  given  why  a  hiftory 
which  has  the  appearance  of  being  greatly 
to  the  credit  of  the  founder  of  their  reli- 
gion, lliould  not  have  been  believed  by 
them,  as  well  as  by  other  chriftians. 

A  cir- 


Chap.  XX,     Miraculous  Conception.         63 

A  circumftance  of  greater  weight  than 
even  this  is,  that  the  Gnoftlcs  of  that  age, 
to  whofe  peculiar  fyftems  the  dodlrine  of 
the  miraculous  conception  could  not  but 
have  appeared  exceedingly  favourable,  did 
likewlfe  rejedl  it  as  fabulous.  If  thefe  par- 
ticulars can  be  well  fupported,  it  muft  ap- 
pear that  fomething  is  wanting  to  the  full 
credibility  of  this  part  of  the  gofpel  hif- 
tory ;  and  it  will  be  farther  weakened,  if 
any  circumflances  can  be  pointed  out  that 
affedt  the  authenticity  of  the  introductions 
to  the  gofpels  of  Matthew  and  Luke.  Such 
fadls  of  this  kind,  and  fuch  obfervations  as 
have  occurred  to  me  on  the  fubjecb,  I  now 
proceed  to  lay  before  my  readers. 


SEC. 


64  Of  the  Do^rlne  of  ihe^     Book  III. 


SECTION       IV. 

Reafons  for    thinking    that    the    Miraculous 
'  Conception  was  not  known,  or  believed^  in 
very  early  times. 

'Tp  HAT  the  miraculous  conception 
of  our  Saviour  was  ?2ot  known,  and 
of  courfe  not  believed,  during  the  time  of 
his  public  miniftry,  will,  I  imagine,  be 
allowed  by  all  perfons  ;  and  this  of  it- 
felf  is  a  circumflance  not  very  favourable 
to  its  truth.  For  though  there  might  be 
reafons  why  it  (liould  be  concealed  from 
the  enemies  of  Jefus  (as  it  might  be  fup- 
pofed  to  amount  to  a  declaration  of  his 
being  the  Meffiah)  there  does  not  feem  to 
have  been  any  reafon  why  it  fliould  have 
been  concealed  from  his  friends,  as  it  would 
have  tended  to  ftrengthen  their  faith  hi  his 
divine  miffion.  Eefides,  as  Jofeph  and  Mary 
were  not  enjoined  fecrecy  on  this  head, 
they  Would  naturally  fpeak  of  fo  wonderful 

a  thing 


Chap.  XX.       Miraculous  Conception.        65 

a  thing  as  that  of  a  virgin  being  with  child, 
at^leafi:  to  their  pious  friends,  who  would 
give  them  credit  for  it ;  and  if  it  had  been 
believed  by  them,  is  it  not  probable  that 
more  refped  would  have  been  paid  to  Jefus 
during  his  infancy  and  childhood  }\ 

If  there  had  been  any  perfons  of  property 
among  them,  they  would  hardly  have  fuf- 
fered  fo  extraordinary  a  child  as  this  to 
have  foUov/ed  the  occupation  of  a  common 
carpenter,  which  Jefus  is  thought  to  have 
done  till  he  was  thirty  years  of  age.  If  the 
account  of  Luke  be  true,  the  ftory  of  this 
miraculous  conception  could  not  well  have 
been  a  fecret.  According  to  him  it  muft 
have  been  known  not  only  to  Jofeph  and 
Mary,  but  alfo  to  Zacharias  and  Elizabeth, 
if  not  to  Simeon  and  Anna;  the  latter  of 
whom  is  faid  to  have  fpoken  of  him  to  all 
them  that  looked  for  redemptio?i  in  Jerufalem. 
Luke  ii.  38.  Now,  as  none  of  thefe  per- 
fons are  faid  to  have,  made  any  fecret  of 
what  they  knew,  v/e  may  fafely  conclude; 
that,  by  fome  means  or  other,  it  would 
certainly  get  abroad ;  and  a  fadt  of  this  ex- 
'    Vol.  IV,  F  traordinary 


66  Of  the  DoBrine  of  the       Book  III. 

traordinary  kind,  or  even  a  pretenlion  to  it, 
would  never  have  been  forgotten.  All  the 
country  would  have  had  their  eyes  upon 
any  child  that  had  been  faid  to  have  been 
produced  in  this  manner,  and  would  never 
have  loft  fight  of  him. 

Suppofing,  however,  that  this  fadl  had 
been  a  fecrct  between  Jofeph  and  Mary 
only,  and  that  they  had  agreed  to  keep  it 
to  themfelves,  fo  that  upon  the  death  of 
Jofeph,  it  would  have  remained  in  the 
breaft  of  Mary  alone,  it  cannot  have  been 
fuppofed  to  have  been  unknown  to  Jefus 
himfelf,  after  he  was  fully  illuminated  with 
refpedt  to  every  thing  that  related  to  his 
character  and  office ;  and  it  muft  at  fome 
time  or  other  have  been  communicated  by 
her,  or  by  him,  to  his  difciples.  But  if 
we  attend  to  the  hiftory,  we  fhall  find  it 
extremely  difficult  to  fix  upon  any  parti- 
cular time  when  the  great  fecret  was  made 
known  to  them.  For  we  perceive  no  trace 
of  their  ever  having  known  it  at  all ;  there 
not  being,  as  I  have  obferved  before,  the 
leaft  mention  of  it,  or  the  pioft  obfcure  re- 
ference 


Chap.  XX.      Miraculous  Coftception,       67 

ference  to  it,  in  all  the  fubfequent  gofpel 
hiftory,  or  in  any  of  the  writings  of  the 
apoilles  j  fo  that,  if  it  was  a  fad,  it  was, 
to  all  appearance,  a  moft  extraordinary  mi- 
racle, without  the  fmallell  ufe  or  effedi; 
fince  the  difcovery  of  it  excited  no  farprize, 
nor  left  any  impreffion  by  which  it  can  be 
traced. 

As  foon  as  we  certainly  know  that  chrif- 
tians  did  believe  the  miraculous  conception 
of  Jefus,  it  was  particularly  objedled  to  by 
Jews  and  heathens,  almofl  as  much  as  the 
dodirine  of  his  divinity  5  and  this  obliged 
the  chriftians  who  believed  it,   to  have  re- 
courfe  to  various  arguments   to  defend  it, 
and  make  it  appear  credible,  as  I  fhall  fhew 
hereafter ;   but  v/e  neither  hear  of  the  pre  ten - 
Jion^  the  ohjedlionSy  or  the  defences  in  the  life- 
time of  the  apoftles.     Now  why  do  we  hear 
fo  much  about  the  miraculous   conception 
in  the  time  of  the  Fathers,  and  find  fo  much 
faid  of  it  in  their  writings,  and  nothing  at 
all   about   it  in  any  earlier  period,   if  the 
thing  itfelf  had  been  known  and  pretended 
to  ?     Would  not  the  fame  caufes  have  pro- 

F  2  duced 


68  Of  the  Dodlrine  of  the      Book  III. 

duced  the  fame  ejf]red:s,  if  they  had  really 
exifted?  And  if  the  pretenfion  had  not 
been  advanced  in  the  age  of  the  apoftles, 
it  would  come  too  late  afterwards,  as  it 
would  be  impoilible  then  to  authenticate 
the  fadl. 

It  is  plain  that  Jefus  was  thought  to  be 
the  legitimate  fon  of  Jofeph  and  Mary  by 
the  Jews  in  general,  and  efpecially  by  the 
people  of  Nazareth,  where  he  and  his  pa- 
rents lived.  For  the  worfl  that  his  coun- 
trymen, envious  of  his  reputation,  could 
fay  of  him  was,  that  he  was  the  fon  of  a 
carpenter,  and  that  his  father,  mother, 
brothers,  and  fifters,  were  all  known  to 
them.  This  was  about  thirty  years  after 
his  birth.  Now,  had  Mary  been  with 
child  when  fhe  came  to  live  with  her  huf- 
band,  and  Jefus  had  confequently  been  born 
too  foon  after  their  cohabitation,  it  could 
hardly  have  failed  to  be  noticed,  and  would 
probably  have  been  recoliefted  when  he 
began  to  diftinguifh  himfelf ;  fo  that  we 
may  be  faid  to  have  the  evidence  of  the 
inhabitants  of  the  place  in  which  he  lived, 
I  that 


Chap.  XX.     Miraculous  Conception,         69 

that  he  was  the  proper  and  legitimate  fon 
of    Jofeph    and    Mary.       Origen,    indeed, 
fuppofes   that  the  Jews  meant  to  reproach 
Chrift  with  his  pretenfion  to  being  born  of 
a  virgin,  when  they  told  him  (John  viii.41.) 
that  they  were  ?2ot  born  of  fornication^ ,  .   But 
I  believe  he  is  fmgular  in  this  fuppofition. 
But  the  principal  objection  to   the  ftory 
is  that,  at  whatever  time  it  was  communi- 
cated, by  Jefus   or  Mary,   to  the  apoftles, 
or  by  them  to  the  reft  of  the  difciples  (con- 
cerning   which    nothing   can  be    colledted 
from  the  hiftory)  it  does  not  appear  to  have 
gained  any  credit  in   that  age.     For  it  is 
certain  that  it  was  not  believed  by  the  great 
body,  and  probably  the  whole   number  of 
the  Jewifli  chriftians  in  the  age  fubfequent 
to  that  of  the  apoftles ;   fo  that  they  either 
had  not  been  taught  any  fuch  doftrine  by 
them,  or  if  they  had  heard  of  it,  they  did 

aux^iv  TO  ZK  'CTafSsvs  yzyivvm^ai,  T^yuv  ivcx,  hsSe^cx.  £%e/v  /^ovov  tov 
rffcilspa.     Comment,  vol.  2.  p.  303. 

F  3  not 


JO  Of  the  Dc^rine  cf  the      Book  III. 

not  think   the  account  fufficiently  authen-^ 
ticated. 

The  miraculous  conception  was  a  thing 
which  none  of  the  apoftles  could  have  afferted 
of  their  own  knowledge ;    and  if  they  had 
no  particular  evidence^  or  revelation  concern-  . 
ing  it  (of  which  nothing  is   faid)  many  of 
the  early  Jewifh   chrifiians    were   as  good 
judges  in  the  cafe  as  themfelves.     Had  the 
fubjeft  been  then  much  talked  of,  or  had  it 
been  mentioned  at  all   in  the  life  time  of 
Mary,    care  w^ould^    no   doubt,   have  been 
taken  to  interrogate  her  with  refpedt  to  it; 
and  her  teftimony,  folemnly  given,  woul^. 
hardly   have    been   difputed.       That  this, 
therefore,  was  not  done,  and  the  credibility 
of  the  faca  efiabiiflied  in   that  age,    affords 
the  ftrongeft  prefumption  that  the  ftory  of 
the  miraculous    conception    had  not    been 
heard  of  in  the  life-time  of  Mary,  or  indeed 
in  that  of  the  apoftles.     If  it   had,  we  can 
hardly  fuppofe  but  that  all  doubt  with  re^ 
fped:  to  it  would  have  been  precluded. 

Had  this    remarkable  hiftory  been  im- 
parted to  the  early  Jewifli  chriftians  with 

fuch 


Chap.  XX.      Miraculous  Conception.        j\ 

fuch  circumftances  as  would  have  rendered 
it  credible,  we  can  imagine  no  reafon  why- 
it  fhould  not  have  been  univerfally  received 
in  that  age,  and  have  been  tranfmitted  as  an 
unqueftionable  truth  to  all  pofterity.     For, 
being  the  difciples  of  Chrift,  it  may  be  fup- 
pofed  that  they  would  have   been  pleafed 
with  a  circumftance  fo  much   to  his  ho- 
nour ;   the  very  principle  on  which,  I  doubt 
not,    the   belief  of  it    did  gain    ground  at 
length.     Had  it  been  thought  credible  at 
that  time,  the  fame  caufes  whidh  eftablifh- 
ed  the  belief  of  it  afterwards,  would  have 
effected  it  in  a  more  early  period. 

That  very  many  of  the  Jewifh  chriftians, 
who  were  generally  called  Ebionites,  did 
not  believe  the  miraculous  conception,  has 
the  unanimous  teftimony  of  all  who  fpeak 
of  them,  even  in  the  lateft  periods.  It 
may,  therefore,  be  prefumed,  that  this  dif- 
belief  was  more  general,  and  probably  uni- 
verfal,  in  an  earlier  age.  Juftin  Martyr, 
who  is  the  firft  chriftian  writer  that  men- 
tions them  at  all,  gives  no  hint  of  there 
Joeing  any  among  them  who  did  believe  it  ^ 
F  4  nor 


72  Of  the  Docirine  of  the       Book  III. 

nor  indeed  does  Irena^us,  who  mentions 
them  feveral  times,  and  who  WTote  near  the 
clofe  of  the  fecond  century.  He  fpeaks  of 
the  Ebionites  in  general,  as  *'  vain,  not  ad- 
'*  mitting  the  union  oi  God  and  man  by 
**  faith,  as  perfevering  in  the  old  leaven  of 
**  generation,  and  not  underftanding  that 
'*  the  fpirit  came  upon  Mary,  and  that  the 
**  power  of  the  highefl  overfhaddowed 
*^her*." 

So  far,  therefore,  we  have  no  evidence  of 
any  of  the  Jewifli  chriftians  believing  the 
miraculous  conception.  Alfo,  till  this 
time,  and  long  after,  they  do  not  appear  to 
have  been  known  to  the  Greeks  by  any 
other  name  than  that  of  Ebionites.  Ori- 
gen  exprefsly  informs  us,  that  in  his 
time  ^// the  the  Jewifli  chriftians  w^nt  by 
that  name.  He  is  the  firft  writer  from 
whom  w^e  learn  that  any  of  them  believed 
the  miraculous  conception  ;  and    lie  wrote 

*  Vani  autem  et  Ebionsei,  unitlonem  dei  et  hominis  per 
fidem  non  reciplentes  in  fuam'animam,  fed  in  veteri  ge- 
nerationis  peri'everantes  ierrtiento  \  neqiie  intelligere  vo- 
lentes  cjuoniam  fpiritus  fandus  advenit  in  Mariam,  et  vir- 
tus altiffimi  obumbravit  earn.      Lib.  5,  cap.  i.  p.  394. 

about 


Chap.  XX.       Miraculous  Conception,       70 

about  the  midcjle  of  the  third  century. 
''  When  you  fee,"  fays  he,  '*  the  faith  of  the 
**  Jevviih  believers  in  our  Saviour,  fome  of 
<^  whom  think  hioi  to  have  been  the  fon 
*'  of  Jofeph  and  Mary,  and  others  of  Mary 
:*'  and  the  Holy  Spirit,  but  without  ac- 
V*  knovvledging  his  divinity,  &ct." 

Eufebius,  who  fpeaks  of  no  Jewifh  chrif- 
tians,  but  fuch  as  were  called  Ebionites,  in 
one  place,  makes  the  fame  diftindtion  among 
them  that  Oris:en  does  -,  but  in  another 
place  he  fpeaks  of  the  Ebionites  in  general 
as  difoeliving  the  miraculous  conception. 
So  that  in  his  time,  that  is  about  a  hundred 
years  after  Origen,  a  great  proportion  of 
them,  probably  a  majority  of  them,  conti- 
nued unbelievers  in  the  miraculous  con- 
ception, notwithfianding  they  mufl  have 
had  before  them  all  the  evidence  in  favour 
of  it  that  we  can  pretend  to  have.  And  as, 
in  after  ages,   when  it  was    imagined    that 

*,  K«i  srav  ^TA  Twv  a7:o  I^d'aim  'S^iTtuovlm  21;  rov  Imav  tw  'hjepi 

TS  CcSin^^O^  'SJlTiV,  61s  ,U£V  SH.  Mpipldq    KOil  TS  loil'^cp  OlOlX£VUV  OCvlov  HVUl^ 

cli  KM  £K  MapKXc  iMv  fXO'/i^g  Kczi  TH  Ses  "syvEVfjcailoc^  8  (xnv  Kcu  (J^ila  TY\g 
'sis^i  aula  ^£o?.oyicir„  o-^ei  •stwj  bl(^  0  tu^Kq^  ^sy^Oo,  In  Matth. 
Comment,  vol.  i.  p.  427. 

there 


74  Of  the  Bodifine  of  the       Book  III. 

there  was  fome  diftinclion  between  the 
Ebionites  and  Nazarenes,  the  Ebionites 
were  always  defcribed  as  believing  Chrift 
to  be  the  fon  of  Jofeph,  and  the  Nazarenes 
are  no  where  faid  to  believe  the  contrary, 
we  feem  to  be  authorifed  to  conclude,  that 
the  great  majority  of  Jewifli  chriftians 
always  continued  unbelievers  in  this  doc- 
trine. Tertullian  confidered  it  as  an 
anfwer  to  the  Ebionites,  that  Chrift  is 
faid  to  be  born  not  of  blood,  nor  of 
the  will  of  man,  but  of  God  "*.  He  m.uft, 
thecefore,  have  confidered  them  as  denying 
the  miraculous  conception.  Auftin,  de- 
fcribing  the  Ebionites,  fays  exprefily,  that 
they  denied  it ;  and  though  he  makes  an- 
other fecfl  of  the  Nazarenes,  he  does  not  fay 
that  they  believed  itf. 

That  there  was  any  real  difference  between 
the  Ebionites  and  Nazarenes  has  been  fhewn 
to  be  an  opinion  void  of  all  foundation.    But 

*  Et  non  ex  fangulne,  neque  ex  carnip  et  yiri  voluntate, 
fed  ex  deo  natus  eH,  Hebioni  refpondit.  De  Carne  Chrifti, 
{iidi,  24.  opera,  p.  325. 

-f-  Natus  eft  ergo  dei  filius  ex  homine,  et  non  per  ho- 
minem,  id  ed,  non  ex  viri  coitu  ficiit  Ebion  dicit.  De 
Dcfinitionibus,  cap.  2.  Operaj  vol.  3.  p.  195. 

if 


Chap.  XX.     Miraculous  Conceptmi.  75 

if  there  was  any  difference  between  them, 
Epiphaniu?  fays,  that  he  did  not  know  that  it 
confifled  in  this.  And  if,  as  he  fays,  '*  the 
*'  Nazarenes  held  dodrines  fimilar  to  thofe 
"  of  the  Cerinthians  *,'*  he  probably  fup- 
pofed  that  they  believed  the  miraculous  con- 
ception j  becaufe  the  Cerinthians,  being 
Gnoftics,  had  no  other  opinion  that  Epi- 
phanius  would  call  heretical  (except  that 
concerning  the  obligation  of  the  law  of 
Mofes)  in  which  they  could  agree  with  the 
Nazarenes.  For  the  Cerinthians,  like  all 
the  other  early  Gnoftics,  were  unbelievers 
in  the  miraculous  conception. 

The  Ebionites  were  not  without  men  of 
learning  and  enquiry  among  them  -,  and  of 
thefe  Symmachus  (whofe  tranflation  of  the 
Old  Teftament  into  Greek,  is  quoted  with 
the  higheft  refped  by  Origen,  Eufebius, 
and  all  the  ancients)  defended  this  particu- 
lar opinion  of  the  Ebionites.  We  have  no 
account  of  any  of  his  arguments;  but  that 
a  man  of  his  learning,  and  refped:able  cha- 
rader,  about  the  end  of  the  fecond  century, 
with  all  the   evidence  before  him   that  wc 

*    K-adoc  yap  s^nv^  (Tuyxpovoi  Y,(Tav  aT.'KYMig.  uai  oiMOia,  k  Avian 
' Ta  9poi)i^a7a.     Hger.  29.  Opera,  vol.  i.  p.  117. 

caq 


76  Of  the  Do^lnne  of  the       Book  III. 

can  have  in  favour  of  it,  and  probably  much 
more  than  we  now  have  a^rainfi:  it,  fhould 
write  in  defence  of  his  opinion,  is,  of  itfelf, 
afadi  of  confiderable  confequence.  That 
his  opinion  was  overborne,  notwithftanding 
his  defence  of  it,  will  not  make  an  unitarian 
think  the  worfe  of  it,  as  the  unitarian  doc- 
trine itfelf  was  overborne^  and  it  was  pro- 
bably the  operation  of  the  fame  general 
caufes  that  was  fatal  to  both  the  fimple  and 
the  proper  humanity  \  meaning  by  proper 
humanity,  that  Jefus  had  a  human  father,  as 
well  as  a  mother. 

This  work  of  Symmachus  does  not  appear 
to  have  been  kzw  by  Eufebius;  but  he 
mentions  it  as  having  been  in  the  poflef- 
lion  of  Origen.  **  Symmachus,''  he  fays,  one 
^'  of  the  intei-preters  of  the  fcriptures,  was  an 
'*  Ebionite;  and  the  Ebionite  herefy  is  that 
*'  of  thofe  who  fay,  that  Chrift  was  bora 
'^  of  Jofeph  and  Mary,  fuppofing  him  to  be 
*'  a  mere  man.  There  are  now  commenta- 
**  ries  of  this  Symmachus,  in  which  it  is 
*'  faid  that,  eagerly  difputing  about  the 
''  gofpel  of  Matthew  he  defends  that  herefy. 
**  And  thefe  commentaries  of  Symmachus, 

*'  Origin, 


Chap.  XX.      Miraculous  CGUcepion.         yj 

«  Orio-en,  together  with  other  interpreta- 
«'  tions  of  fcripture  by  the  fame  author,  faid 
<<  he  received  of  one  Juliana,  to  whom  they 
«'  came  by  fucceffion  from  Symmachus  him- 
*<  felf"^."  Jerom  and  Nicephorus  call  this 
work  of  Symmachus,  a  Commentary  on  the 
gofpel  of  Matthew.  That  the  Nazarenes 
did  not  differ  from  the  Ebionites  in  their 
believing  the  miraculous  conception,  may 
be  inferred  from_  the  former  being  fome- 
times  called  Symmachians.  See  vol.  3. 
p.  221.  of  this  work. 

It  is  well  known  that  the  Ebionites 
maintained  that  their  copies  of  this  gof- 
pel, which  wanted  the  introdudlion,  was 
the  genuine  work  of  the  apoftle.  And  why 
fhould  not  the  Jewiih  chriflians  be  as  good 
judges  of  this,  as   the  Jews  in  general  are 

fisc^ov  ysyovEvai  .  aip^iis  ^£  2nv  vj  rm  'KQicova.iOiv  slco  «aAs^fy>),  tcov  tgv 
Xfi^ov  f|  laenfp  ^  M/%^i«j  ysyovsvM',  (paa-KO'jIcoy  4''^'^^  '^~  <xv^poj7rov 
imsiKn^(^(i>v  avlov^  >^  tov  voi^tov  %py]\>ca  l8o«wJ?£|?ov  (poT^TlsLv  aTncrx^pi- 
^OfiEVorv,  cog  ^h  y^  2z  T>i;  'srcocrSsv  iropicxg  syvaff-EV »  ^  V7rQixv'/\;Mxicx,  h 
T8  lrU/i4fA,<xx^  ^o--7i  wy  (pEpilai '  sv  cig  hnzi  'Sfpo^  to  nala  MoIOmov 
ec^olEtvof^Evog  £uafy£?>iQVi  tyiv  osoyiT^aixE^jYiv  aipscnv  Kootluvsiv .  rxula  ^s  o 
S^ptyEVJK  /aeIo.  ^  aT^a^v  £tg  rag  yfa(pag  s^firvsiav  th  2y/*,acK%:?,  crrr 
fAouvEi  'STocp  laT^tavY}^  Tivog  siM^pr^^on,'  rnv  }u  (^ncri  'ssa^  aiP.a  'Eu/xpuxx,^ 
Toj^tC?^^  ^»«a5|«^^»r    Hiflr  lib,  6.  cap.  17,  p,  278. 

allowed 


78  Of  the  BoBrine  of  the       Book  III, 

allowed  to  have  been  with  refped:  to  the 
writings  of  Mofes  ?  The  general  opinion 
is,  that  Matthew  wTote  his  gofpel  in  He- 
brew for  their  ufe,  as  Mofes  did  his  books. 

Jerom  fays,  that  the  gofpel  ufed  by  the 
Nazarenes  and  Ebionites,  was  "  by  7?ioJi 
**  [plerifque]  called  the  authentic  gofpel  of 
*'  Matthew  *."  Now,  as  there  can  be  no 
doubt  of  the  Nazarenes  and  Ebionites  them* 
felves  confidering  this  gofpel  as  the  au- 
thentic gofpel  of  Matthew,  it  may  be  fup- 
pofed,  that  rnany  of  the  Gentiles  alfo  had 
the  fame  opinion*  And  though  the  copy 
that  Jerom  tranflated  had  part  of  the  two 
firft  chapters,  and  therefore  probably  the 
whole;  yet,  as  we  learn  from  Epiphanius, 
that  that  gofpel  began  at  the  third  chapter, 
and  we  know  from  Origen,  that  all  the  Gen- 
tile chriiliansdid  not  believe  the  miraculous 
conception  ;  it  is  probable  that  the  Hebrew 
gofpel,  ufed  by  the  Ebionites,  even  with- 
out the  introdudion,  v/as  thought  by  many 
of  the  Gentiles  to  be  the  whole  of  the  ge- 

*  In  evangello,  quo  utuntur  Nazareni  et  Ebionitae,  quod 
nuper  in  GriEcum  de  Kebrseo  fermone  tranftulimus  et; 
quod  vocatur  a  plerifque  Matth:£i  authenticum,  &c,  la 
Matt.  cap.  12.  Opera,  vol.  6.  p.  21. 

-  nuine 


Chap.  XX.      Miraculous  Conception.         jg 

nuine  work  of  Matthew.  Indeed,  they 
could  hardly  be  unbelievers  in  the  miracu- 
lous conception,  and  admit  it  to  be  authen- 
tic. 

If,    however,    it    be   thought    that    the 
Ebionites  were  unbelievers  in   the  miracu- 
lous   conception,    at   the    fame    that   they 
thought  it  to  have  been  recorded  by  Mat- 
thew, the  evidence  againft  the  credibility  of 
it,  will  be  much  ftrengthened.     It  will  be 
taken  for  granted  that  the  Jewifh  chriilians, 
who  were  fo  fond  of  Matthew,  as  to  admit 
no    other   gofpel    befides    his,    would   not 
entertain    an    opinion    fo    different    from 
his,  without  having  taken  the  greatefl  pains 
to  examine    into    the    matter,    and    confe- 
quently  not  without  having  had  very  good 
reafons  to  think  that  he  had  been  too  cre- 
dulous   in    what   he   had    written.       And 
though    we    cannot,    at    this    diftance    of 
time,  difcover    w^hat   their    reafons    were  j 
yet,  as  they  were   in  the  moll  favourable 
fituation  for  examining  into  the  truth  of 
the  fad,   we  cannot   but   think  that   their 
reafons  muft  have  been  very  ftrong  ones. 

2  AH 


So  Of  the  Do3iri?2e  of  the       Book  III. 

All  -Jews,  no  doubt,   in  confequence  of 
having  expecfled  a  mere  man,  born  as  other 
men  are,  for   their  Meffiah,   would  at  firji 
be  averfe  to  fuppofing  any  other  concerning 
Chrift.       But    having    got    over    a    much 
greater  prejudice,   viz.  that  of  the  Meffiah 
being  a  temporal  prince^   it  "can    hardly  be 
conceived  that  then  the  circumftance  of  his 
miraculous  birth,  though  originally  equally 
unexpected,  would  be  received  with  much 
difficulty,  if  it  had  been  tolerably  well  au- 
thenticated.      For,     being    adually    chrif- 
tians,  they  would   be  within   the  influence 
of  another  prejudice,  which  would  tend  to 
counterad:  the  former ;    a    miraculous  con- 
ception  being   a  circumflance   highly  ho^ 
nourable  to  their  mailer.      In  this  way,  as 
1  have  obierved,  I  doubt  not,  tiie  belief  of 
the    miraculous    conception   did   at   length 
make  its  way  among  the  Jewifli  chriftians; 
fo    that,    by   the  time  of  Origen,    part  of 
them  gave   credit  to  the  ftory. 

\¥hat  proportion  the  believers  in  the 
miraculous  conception  bore  to  the  reft,  we 
cannot  tell.     Had  the   account  of  Origen 

been 


Chap.  XX.     Miraculous  Cone eptiojt,        -gj 

been  the  finl,  and  the  only  one  that  we 
had  of  the  matter,  and  he  hiaifelf  been  in- 
different to  either  opinion,  it  might  have 
been  fuppofed,  that  the  two  kinds  of  Ebio- 
nites  he  mentions  were  nearly  equal  in 
point  of  numbers.  Bat  Origen  himfelf 
being  a  believer  in  the  miraculous  concep- 
tion, and  his  being  the  firft  account  of  any 
Ebionites  believing  it,  the  cafe  is  very  dif- 
ferent. I  cannot  help  thinkins:  that  thefe 
were  always  few,  and  that  by  far  the  greateft 
part  of  the  Jewifh  chriftians  never  gave 
any  credit  to  the  ftory. 

It  may  be  faid,  that  the  general  unbelief 
of  the  Jews,  in  and  after  our  Saviour's 
time,  v/ith  refped:  to  the  miraculous  concep- 
tion, may  be  accounted  for  on  the  fuppoii- 
tion  of  its  not  having  been  generally  known, 
and  its  tranfpiring  gradually  from  the  few 
who  were  in  the  fecret.  This,  I  would 
obferve,  goes  upon  the  idea  of  its  being  a 
thing,  the  knowledge  of  which  v/as  thought 
to  be  of  no  confequence  to  the  f:heme  of 
chriftianity,  and  therefore,  leaves  us  to  afk, 
why  fo  great  a  miracle  was  provided  to  an- 
fwer  no  great  end  ?  But  that  this  was 
Vol.  IV.  G  always 


82  Of  the  DoBrine  of  the      Book  III. 

always  confidered  as  a  miracle  of  a  very 
extraordinary  kind,  is  evident  from  its  be- 
ing perpetually  objected  to  by  the  Jews, 
more  than  any  other  circumitance  in  the 
gofpel  hiflory.  And  as  it  was  always  parti- 
cularly objeded  to  by  unbelievers,  thofe  v/ho 
were  believers  would,  no  doubt,  think  them- 
felves  particularly  interefted  in  maintaining 
its  authenticity.  If,  therefore,  it  had  been 
in  their  power  fully  to  afcertain  fo  very  re- 
markable a  fad:,  they  certainly  would  not 
have  failed  to  do  it. 

How  reludantly  foever  unbelievers  might 
admit  the  evidence  for  a  fad  of  this  kind, 
all  chriftians  muft  have  been  fufficiently 
pre-difpofed  to  believe  a  thing,  which,  they 
would  naturally  enough  think,  did  fo  much 
honour  to  the  founder  of  their  religion.  No 
reafon,  therefore,  can  be  imagined  for  chrif- 
tians not  univerfally  believing  the  miracu- 
lous conception,  but  fome  coniiderable  de- 
ficiency in  the  evidence  for  it.  Many 
perfons  would  eagerly  catch  at  fuch  a  ftory 
as  this,  and  believe  it  upon  infufiicient  evi- 
dence. And  yet  we  find  that  this  flory, 
long  after  its  firft  promulgation,  and  when 
3  there 


Chap.  XX.     Miraculous  Concepihn.  83 

there  had  been  time  enough  to  examine 
into  it,  was  not  only  laughed  at  by  unbe- 
lievers, but  rejedled  by  thofe  chriftians  who 
had  the  heft  opportunity  of  fatisfying  them- 
felves  concerning  it. 

Had  the  miraculous  conception  been  con- 
ceived to  be  a  matter  of  no  importance^ 
the  Jewifh  chriftians  not  believing  it  might 
be  accounted  for  on  the  fuppoiition  of 
their  never  having  given  much  atten- 
tion to  it.  But  a  thing  that  adually  ex- 
pofed  them  to  much  reproach  and  ridi- 
cule, could  not  but  engage  their  atten- 
tion. In  their  circumftances  they  would 
not  fail  to  examine  and  re-examine  the  evi- 
dence, and  with  a  difpofition  of  mind  fa- 
vourable enough  to  the  belief  of  it,  efpe- 
cially  if  they  had  thought  it  to  be  recorded 
by  fuch  a  perfon  as  the  apcftle  Matthew, 
for  whom  they  always  entertained  the  highefl 
refpecS.  As  to  Luke,  his  having  been  a 
companion  of  Paul  might  perhaps  have 
given  them  a  diflike  to  him. 

But  the  very  idea  of  the  apoftles  conceal- 

ing  any  thing  that  they  knew  concerning  the 

hiftory  of  their  mafter,   is   altogether  un- 

G  2  fuitabip 


S4  Cftle  Do^rine  of  ike      Book  IlL 

faitable  to  their  charader  and  general  con- 
du6l.      They  were  men    of  too   great  iim- 
plicity  for  a  fcheme  of  this  kind  ;    and  in- 
deed it  feems  to  have  been  contrary  to  their 
exprefs  inftrudicns ;    as  they  were  ordered 
to    publiih    in    the   moil   open    manner  all 
that  they  knew  concerning  Chrift,  without 
any   referve  whatever.     Matt.  x.  26.  There 
is  nothing  covered  that  jhall  not  be  revealed^ 
and  nothing  hid^    that  Jl:all   not  be  knonjon. 
What  I  tell  you  in  darknefs^  that  /peak  ye  in 
light ;    and  in-hat  ye   hear   in    the  ear^   that 
preach  ye   upon  the  hoife  tops. 

The  dilbelief  of  the  m.iraculous  concep- 
tion was  by  no  means  confined  to  the  Jewifh 
chriftians.      It    extended    likewife    to    the 
Gentile  converts,  probably  the  majority  of 
them,   even   in  the  time  of  Juftin  Martyr. 
For  all  the  Gentile  chriftians  that  he  fpeaks 
of,  as  being  unitarians  at  all,  he  coniidered 
as  holding  the  fame  opinion  on  this  fubjed:, 
that    is    afcribed   to  the  Jewifli   chriftians, 
viz.   that  Jefus   was  a  man  born  of  man ^  or 
the  fon  of  Jofeph  as  well  as  of  Mary ;  and 
independently  of  any  rigorous  conftrudioii 
of  his  language,   the  refped  with  which. he 
I  fpeaks 


Chap.  XX.     Miraculous  Conception.        85 

fpeaks  of  them  fufficiently  proves  that  their 
numbers  muft  have  been  confiderable. 

However,  as  in  this  part  of  his  work, 
Juftin  is  defending  his  peculiar  opinion  of 
the  pre-exijlence  of  Chrifl^  wx  cannot  con- 
clude that  he  confidered  all  thofe  who  de- 
nied his  doctrine  on  this  fuhjed:,  as  agreeing 
among  themfelves  with  refpedl  to  the  cir- 
cumftances  of  the  birth  of  Chrift.  That 
was  a  thing  which  he  had  no  occafion  to 
attend  to  at  that  time  ^  but  as,  in  defcrib- 
ing  the  unitarians  in  general,  Jews  and 
Gentiles,  he  mentions  it  as  their  opinion, 
that  Jefus  was  the  fon  of  Jofeph,  it  is  natu- 
ral to  conclude  that,  in  his  time,  it  was  the 
opinion  of  the  majority  of  them.  Had  it 
been  the  opinion  of  the  minority  only^  he 
would  hardly  have  mentioned  that  circum- 
ftance  in  a  general  characicr. 

Nor  will  this  be  thought  improbable, 
when  it  is  confidered,  that  though  the  be- 
lief of  the  miraculous  conception  certainly- 
kept  gaining  ground,  as  well  as  that  of  the 
pre  exiftence  and  divinity  of  Chrift,  fome, 
and  probably  a  confiderable  number  (or 
they  would  hardly  have  been  mentioned  at 

G  3  dl) 


86  Of  the  Doeirine  of  the       Book  III. 

all)  remained  to  the  time  of  Origen,  who 
wrote  near  a  hundred  years  after  Juftin 
Martyr.  Origen  comparing  the  blind  beg- 
gar near  Jericho  to  the  poor  beggarly  Jewilli 
chriftians,  who  believed  Chrift  to  be  the 
fon  of  Jofeph  and  Mary,  fays,  that  *^  thofe 
^*  who  rebuked  him,  reprefented  the  Gen- 
**  tiles,  who,  excepting  a  few,  believed  that 
**  he  was  born  of  a  virgin  */'  Had  he 
himfelf  been  of  this  opinion,  he  might, 
perhaps,  have  fpoken  of  them  with  more 
refped:  in  point  of  numbers,  as  well  as  on 
other  accounts. 

In  another  paffage,  he  alfo  fpeaks  of  fome 
chriftians  who  denied  the  miraculous  con- 
ception, but  he  does  not  fay  whether  they 
were  Jews  or  Gentiles,  though  I  think  it  is 
moft  probable  that  he  meant  the  latter. 
"  Perfons,"  he  fays,  ''  may  believe,  and  not 
"  believe  at  the  fame  time  ;'^'  and  he  in- 

*  Zulo)  u  ^vi'daai  'cro?0\85  /txev  s'.ttbiv  tmii/jLUvloi;  wot.  CLU^Y!<rn->  ra 

ciIive;  'map  oXiys;  aTravl^  ^iTri^iVKaaiv  avlov  tn  nsapBeva  yeym- 
aSaJ,  xai  27rih[A.'j)cnv  iva  accTrriTn.  tu  oio/xevcc  avlov  sk  a7repfJt>alog  av^^og^ 
Kai  yuvaixog  sivai^  xalayovlog  to  yevog  aTTO  ja  Au'^iO.      In  Matt. 

Comment,  vol.  i.  p.  426. 

Ilances 


Chap.  XX.      Miraculous  Conception.         87 

fiances  in  *'  thofe  who  believe  in  Jefus 
"  crucified  by  Pilate  in  Judea,  but  do  not 
'*  believe  that  he  was  born  of  a  virgin  ;  and 
*^  alfo  in  thofe  who  believed  in  his  mira- 
*'  cles,  but  did  not  believe  that  he  was  the 
'*  fon  of  him  that  made  the  heavens  and  the 
''  earth*." 

Irenaeus,  in  his  Glofs  (for  fuch  it  is)  upon 
the  creed,  inferts  the  article  concerning  the 
miraculous  conception,  as  what  was  univer- 
fally  received  in  his  time.  But  this  could  not 
be  the  cafe,  fince,  according  to  the  evidence 
of  Origen,  there  were  even  Gentile  chriftians 
who  diibelieved  it  after  his  time.  Indeed  I 
believe  it  is  the  general  opinion  of  learned 
chriftians,  that  the  apoftles  took  no  great 
care  to  inculcate  this  dodtrine,    but  chiefly 

*  YLai  ETri-Yjcrov  ei  "^uvotlai  rig  toj  avlco  Koua  tivcx.  fXEv  STTivoiav  Zii- 
reveiv,  kccIcc  ^s  fis^av  (xy\  '^itbueiv  .  oiys  'zsa.^a^uyiMai®^  evehev,  oi  isi- 
rsuovlsg  (mev  Eig  rov  Evri  Ylovli^  YiiT^a  Iricm'i  ETXvoa;jLEvov  £v  rvi  la^anx* 
fzy]  'siirEVoylEg  os  Eig  rov  yfjEvvriixEVQV  ek  Mapiacg  Tr,g  'Sia^Bsv^,  b%i  Eig 
TQV  ocJIqv  'SJirsuaai,  y^  h  '^itev^o'i  .  x^  i^iahiv  oi  isiTEUovlEg  (xev  Eig  rov 
'moma-ixvla  ev  rn  la^aia  rex.  avacr/Ey^xfxixEX'oc  rEpotlac^  ^  amEia  Imnv^ 
jM'/]  isiTEuovlEg  Se  Eig  rov  Iyktu  uiov  m  "siomTccvlog  rov  apavov  xj  rnv  7W» 
Eig  rov  OTreystTz/xJ  s  'srifEuaai .  'ma'hiv  re  av  oi  'siiTEUovlEg  /jlev  si-g  rov 
moilEpcc  InuH  x^^'^^->  f^^  '^iTtvovlEg  Eig  rov  ^Y](jt.iHpyov .  nai  'SJOinly^v  r^os 
Tcavlog,  iiloi  Eig  tcv  avlovuiiTEUHui^  km  ^mTEUii<Ti,     Comment, 

vol.  2.  p.  322. 

G  4  urged 


83  Of  the  DoBrine  of  the       Book  IIL 

urged  articles  of  greater  aioment.  Among 
others,  I  fliall  give  in  the  margin  the  opi- 
nion of  Bifliop  Bull  to  this  purpofe  *. 

The  author  of  the  Appendix  to  Tertul- 
lian's  treatife,  De  Prcefcriptioney  fays,  *'  that 
^'  Theodotus  believed  the  miraculous  con- 
*' ception -j-/'     But,  according  to  Epipha- 

*  Quid  vero  de  ea,  quae  paflionem,  mortem,  refarrec- 
tionem,  &c.  prsecedit,  conceptione  Jefu  Chrilu  ex  fpiritu 
fando,  et  nativitate  ex  Maria  virgine  ftatuendum  ?  An 
illam  quoque  jam  iiide  ab  initio  Judsi  ac  Gentiles  ante 
baptifrnum  fuiit  profefii  ?  Equidern  de  ipfis  chriftianas  ec- 
clefis  primordiis  aliquantujum  dubito,  quod  in  nullo  cate- 
cheticorum,  qui  in  a^tis  apoilolorum  extant,  fermoniJim, 
tilla  vel  conceptionis  ex  virtute  fpiritus  fancti  fine  virili 
feniine,  vel  natlvitatis  ex  Maria  virgine  fa6la  fit  mentio 
quodque  nee  univerfe  apoftolos  earn  Judseis  vel  Ethnicis 
prsedicafie,  neque  ho3  illofve  contra  ipfam  difputalTe,  ibi- 
dem legaiTsus:  uti  quidem  de  refurre<Stione  Chrifti  fa6luni 
conftat.  Haud  vane  igitur  augurari  licet,  hujus  myfterii 
propalationem  pleniori  evangelii  expofitioni  poll  baptif- 
rnum refervatam  fuifle :  vel  quod  omnibus  in  univerfum, 
tarn  Ifraelitis  quam  reliquis  mortalibus,  plane  impoffibili? 
videretur  virginis  citra  maris  concubitum  partus  (vide 
Juftini  M.  Dial,  cum  Tryphone  loco  infra,  cap.  7.  feci:.  4, 
citato)  vel  quod  non  sque  neceflaria  putarctur  fupernatu- 
ralis  Chrifti  conceptionis  ac  nativitatis  notitia,  ac  pailioni? 
atque  refurredlionis  ejus  fides.      Opera,  p.  339. 

*  Accedit  his  Theodotus  hasreticus  Byzantius  qui — doc- 
trlnam  earn  introduxit  qua    Chiiilum  hcminem  tantum- 

mod© 


Chap.  XX.     Miraculous  Conception.         89 

nius,  his  followers  believed  that  *'  Chrift 
*'  was  a  mere  man,  born  of  the  feed  of 
*'  man*/*  And  this  is  not  improbable,  as 
Theodotus  was  prior  to  Origen ;  though 
I  own  Epiphanius  is  not  the  beft  au- 
thority, and  it  is  contradicted  by  other 
accounts.  But  fome  of  the  followers  of 
/  Theodotus  might  believe  the  miraculous 
conception,  and  others  might  not. 

I  think  it  very  probable,  that  the  difci- 
pies  of  »Paulus  Samofateniis,  and  if  fo,  the 
generality  of  the  Gentile  unitarians  of 
his  time  dilbelieved  the  miraculous  concep- 
tion, and  paid  no  regard  to  the  introdudlion 
to  the  gofpel  of  Luke,  any  more  than  that 
of  Matthew;  becaufe,  according  to  Atha- 
naiius,  he  fuppofed  Chrift  to  have  been  bora 
at  Nazareth  •^-.  -^^ad  he  received  the  intro-  ' 

modo  diceret,  deum  autem  ilium  negaret,  ex  fpirltu  qui- 
dem  fandto  natum  ex  virgine,  fed  hominem  folitarium  at- 
que  nudum,  nulla  alia  prae  ceteris,  nifi  Tola  juftitiae  autho- 
ritate.     Opera,  p.  223. 

7£f  zivai  Tov  XfiTOv,  Hcci  £fi  CTTTe^ualos  avdpoc;  yeysvua^at.  Haer.  .54. 
Opera,  vol.  i.  p.  463. 

I  Be  Adventu.  J.G,  Opera,  vol.  i,  p.  635.  637. 

dudion 


^■' 


90  Of  the  DcEirine  of  the       Book  III.. 

dudion  to  the  gofpel  of  Luke,  he  would 
naturally  have  faid,  that  Chrift  had  no  ex- 
iftence  before  his  birth  at  Bethlehem,  ra- 
ther than  Nazareth. 

It  is  not  improbable,  but  that  there  were 
fome  who  difbelieved  the  miraculous  con- 
ception in  the  time  of  Athanafius ;  as  he 
fays,  *'  I  wonder  how  they  have  dared  to 
*'  fay  that  Chrift  was  a  man  in  the  courfe 
**  of  nature  ^."  The  tenfe  of  the  verb  that 
he  makes  ufe  of,  rather  leads  us  to  fuppofe, 
that  he  is  fpeaking  of  a  fed:  that  then  conti- 
nued to  fabfift. 

It  fhould  feem  that  there  were  fome  in 
the  time  of  Cyril  of  Jerufalem,  who  believ- 
ed that  Chrift  was  the  fon  of  Jofeph  ;  and 
as  they  are  oppofed  to  the  heretics^  it  is  moft 
probable  that  they  were  not  Gnoftics,  but 
proper  Gentile  unitarians.  *'  Let  us  not," 
fays  he,  *'  bear  with  the  heretics,  who  teach 
*'  the  appearance  by  phantafm  only.     Let 

on  ^vrecc;  dKoXi^^ia  ysyvATlai  av^^co'Tic;  .  st  nai  slcog  w  Tsspirln  ^r,; 
Mxpiag  r]fAvy)iAr,'  aosya^  0i5"tv  r.  (puaig  "zac^c-^cv  x^p^9  fcv^fog  Tiffl^crav 

De  Divinitate  Chrifti,  Opera,  vol.  i.  p.  164. 


Chap.  XX.     Miraculous  Conception.         91 

*«  us  Hkevvife  defpife  thofe  who  fay  that  the 
**  birth  was  from  man  and  woman,  and  dare 
<*  to  fay  that  he  was  the  fon  of  Jofeph  and 
**  Mary  *."  It  is  evident  from  thefe  fads, 
that  we  cannot  infer  from  Irenaeus  infert- 
ing  the  article  of  the  miraculous  conception 
in  his  glofs  on  the  Creed,  that  it  was  the 
belief  of  all  chriftians.  Like  Tertullian 
after  him,  he  mull  have  put  into  it  the  ar- 
ticles of  his  own  faith. 

That  any  of  the  Gnoftics  fhould  difbelieve 
the  miraculous  conception,  is  a  faft  more 
extraordinary,  and  more  unfavourable  to  the 
credibility  of  it,  than  the  difbelief  of  it  by 
any  of  the  catholic  chriftians,  Jews,  or  Gen- 
tiles ;  becaufe  this  dodtrine  would  have 
fuited  remarkably  well  with  their  other 
principles.  In  reality,  the  belief  of  the 
miraculous  conception  might  have  been 
more  naturally  expeded  of  them,  than  of 
any  perfons  of  that  age.  They  did  not, 
indeed,  with  Juftin  Martyr,  and  the  ortho- 

poccTKovlcov  .  KoilaTilvaoifA^v  xixL  rav  hiyovlm  el  cxv^po;  KOii  yvvaifiog  sivai 
Tvv  y^.vvmiv,  rav  TOT^ixncravlcov  sitteiv^  oli  w  e«  th  lM<ir](p  Kai  t«;  Ma- 
fiaj.     Cat.  12.  Opera,  p.  i6], 

dox. 


pi  Of  the  Docirine  of  the        Book  III. 

dox,  believe  that  Chrifl  was  the  maker  of 
the  world  ;  but  they  thought  him  to  have 
been  a  pre-exiftent  intelligent  being,  equal 
in  power,  and  fuperior  in  goodnefs,  to  him 
that  made  the  world  -,  and  one  who  was 
fent  to  redify  the  evils  that  had  been  intro- 
duced by  the  being  that  made  itj  and 
therefore  they  v;ould  as  naturally  incline  to 
believe  that  he  had  a  birth  fuited  to  his 
high  rank  as  the  orthodox  themfelves. 
They  who  thought  that  Chrifl  derived  no- 
thing even  from  his  mother,  muft  have 
thought  a  father  quite  fuperfluous.  That 
they  did  not  embrace  this  opinion,  there- 
fore, could  be  owing  to  nothing  but  theirnot 
finding  fufficient  hiflorical  evidence  for  it. 
That  all  the  more  early  Gnoftics  did  be- 
lieve Jefus  to  have  been  the  fon  of  Jofeph, 
is  alTerted  by  all  who  make  any  mention  of 
their  opinions.  The  earlieft  of  them  were 
the  Cerinthians,  and  the  earlieft  writer  who 
mentions  them  by  nzmt  is  Irenaeus  :  I 
-^hall,  therefore,  begin  with  his  teftimony 
concerning  them.  ''  Cerinthus,"  fays  he, 
*«  who  was  of  Afia,  held  that  the  world  was 
'*  not  made  by  the  principal  God,  but  by  a 

*'  power 


Chap.  XX.      Miraculous  Conceptiojz,  02 

*'  power  very.diftant  from  him,  and  who 
*^  was  ignorant  of  the  true  God  ;  that  Jefus 
*'  was  not  born  of  a  virgin,  for  that  he  held 
**  to  be  impoffible,  but  was  the  fon  cf  Jo- 
*«  feph  and  Mary  5  that  he  was  like  ether 
**  men,  but  excelled  them  in  virtue  ;  that 
*«  after  his  baptifm,  the  Chrift  defcended 
**  into  him,  in  the  form  of  a  dove  ;  that  he 
*^  then  announced  the  unl^nown  Father, 
'*  and  wrought  miracles  ;  that  at  length  the 
*^  Chrift  left  Jefus,  who  fufiered  and  rofe 
**  again,  but  that  the  Chrift  was  impaffible*.'* 
What  Irenseus  fays  concerning  Cerinthus, 
the   firft  of  the  Gnoftics,   Theodoret    and 

*  Ft  Cerinthus  autem  quidam  in  Afia,  non  a  primo  deo 
fa6lum  effe  mundum  docuit,  fed  a  virtute  quadam  valde 
feparata,  et  diftante  ab  ea  principalitate  quse  eft  fuperuni- 
verfa,  et  ignorante  eiim  qui  eft  fuper  omnia  deum.  Je- 
fum  autem  fubjecit,  non  ex  virgine  natum  (impofiibiii 
enim  hoc  ei  vifum  eft)  fuilTe  autem  eum  Jofeph  et  Maris 
filium,  limiliter  ut  reliqui  omnes  homines,  etplus  potuifle 
juftitia,  et  prudentia,  et  fapientia  ab  omnibus.  Et  pcfl  bap- 
tifmum  defcendiiTe  in  eum,  ab  ea  principalitate  qus  eft 
fuper  omnia,  Chriftum  figura  colurabas  ;  et  tunc  annun- 
ciaiTe  incognitum  patrem,  et  virtutes  perfecifTe,  in  fine 
autem  revolafle  iterum  Chriftum  de  Jefu,  et  Jefum  paftiiin 
effe,  et  refurrexiffe :  Chriftum  autem  impaiTibilem  perfe- 
veralTej  exiftentem  fpirltalem,     Lib.  i.  cap.  25.  p.  102.  - 

Others 


94  Of  the  Doclrine  of  the      Book  III. 

others  fay  concerning  Simon,  Menander, 
Cerdon,  and  Marcion,  the  next  in  order  of 
time,  except  that  Simon,  who  was  impro- 
perly ranked  among  chriftians,  preceded 
him.  *'  Simon,"  fays  Theodoret, ''  Menan- 
**  der,  Cerdon,  and  Marcion,  deny  the  in- 
**  carnation,  and  call  the  miraculous  con- 
"  ception  a  fable :  but  Valentinus,  Bafi- 
"  lides,  Bardefanes,  Armonius,  and  thofe  of 
**  that  clafs,  admit  the  miraculous  concep- 
**  tion  and  the  birth  ;  but  they  fay  that 
*'  the  God  logos  received  nothing  from  the 
**  virgin,  but  pafTed  through  her  as  through 
*'  a  pipe  5  and  that  he  appeared  to  men  as 
*'  a  phantafm,  feeming  only  to  be  a  man, 
**  as  he  had  appeared  to  Abraham  and  to 
'*  others  of  the  ancients*." 

Theodoret  here  fays,  that  Valentinus  and 
Bafilides,  who  preceded^  him,  admitted  the 

"TtacTiv  a^vHvlai  rm  £V3(.v^^:>izwiv->  zai  rw  sn  ^a^^sva  yevvncriv  /xu^Q' 
7\oyiav  aTTOHaT^ji.  BxT^'cvlivog  oe,  hui  BajiAEi^ng^  ucct  Ba^hicroivng^ 
xai  A^fMoviog,  KCX.I  01  ralcov  (TUfAfio^iagy  d^Exovl^i  fxsv  rvt;  'SJcc^^svd  rtiy 
Hvno'iVi  xai  rov  tohov  '  nhv  5s  rev  ^£ov  T^oyov  rx  ty,;  'zs-a^Sevs  ^uj^ocrei' 
y^Yipivai  (paaiv,  a'Kha  nza^o^ov  riva.  ^£  uvIy]';  o-j^e^  ^la  au'hYl^cg  '^oy)- 
OiOfff^ai^  E'TT^PavYivai  "^z  roig  av^^aTTOi;  (pavlaaia  -/j^r.^ayLEvov-,  km  ^o^ag 
tivou  av^^oTTog  cv  t^ottcv  w^Svi  tw  AQ^aaiJ.-,  xai  ^iJiv  (x7\^oig  tcov  'ssa- 
^ai«v.     Ep,  145.  Opera,  vol.  3,  p.  1023. 

miraculous 


Chap.  XX.     Miraculous  Conceptiofi.         q^ 

miraculous  conception  ^  but  an  earlier,  and, 
therefore,  a  better  authority,  lays  the  con- 
trary. For  the  Valentinians,  as  well  as  the 
Ebionites,  are  ranked  among  thofe  who 
diibelieved  the  miraculous  conception  by 
Pamphilus  the  Martyr*.  And  if  Valentinus 
did  not  believe  the  miraculous  conception, 
it  is  probable  that  Bafilides  did  not,  as  he  is 
fometimes  called  the  mafter  of  Valentinus. 
Beaufobre  fays,  it  does  not  appear  whether 
Bafilides  believed  the  miraculous  concep- 
tion, or  not.  Hiftoire  de  Manicheifme, 
vol.  2.  p.  28. 

That  Carpocrates  diibelieved  the  mira« 
culous  conception  is  univerfally  admitted, 
'*  Carpocrates,''  fays  Irena^us,  '*  held  that 
*'  the  world  was  made  by  inferior  angels ; 
**  that  Jefus  was  the  fon  of  Jofeph,  but 
**  that  his  foul  was  firm  and  holyf."     "  Ce- 

*  Sive  fecundum  ecs,  que  dicunt  eum  ex  Jofeph  et  Ma- 
ria natum,  ficut  funt  Ebionitse  et  Valentlniani.  Hiero- 
nymi  Opera,  vol.  9.  p.  117.  Originis  Opera,  vol.  i.  p. 
760. 

t  Carpocrates  autem  et  qui  ab  eo,  mundum  quidem 
et  ea  quae  in  eo  funt,  ab  angelis  multo  inferioribiis  ir.genito 
patre  faflum  efle  dicunt.     Jefum  auCem  e  jofeph  natum, 

e: 


96  Of  the  DoBrine  of  the      Book  III. 

*^  rinthus  and  Carpocrates/'  fays  Epipha- 
nius,  "  ufed  the  fame  gofpel  with  the  Ebio- 
*'  nites,  and  endeavoured  to  prove  from  the 
**  genealogy  that  Chrift  is  the  fon  of  Jo- 
**  feph  and  Mary*/'  Theodoret  alfo  fays, 
that  *'  Carpocrates  believed  that  Jefus  was 
**  born  of  Jofeph  and  Mary,  like  other 
**  men  -f-." 

Thus  it  appears,  that  the  earlieft  and 
moil  diilinguiihed  of  the  Gnoftics  agreed 
with  the  ancient  unitarians,  in  difbelieving 
the  miraculous  conception.  Now,  what 
could  bring  perfons  fo  oppofite  to  each 
other,  as  the  unitarians  and  Gnoftics  are 
always  reprefented  to  have  been,  to  agree  in 
this  one  thing,  but  fuch  hiftorical  evidence 
as  was  independent  of  any  particular  fyftem 

et  qui  fimilis  rellquis  hominibus  fuerit,  diftafle  a  reliquis 
fecundum  id,  quod  anima  ejus  firma,  et  munda  cum  efTet, 
commemorata  fuerit.     Lib.  i.  cap.  24.  p.  99. 

*    O  /xsv  yap  K>^oivS©-  nai  Ka^TTOH.Dixg,   t«  a-ulo)  %pW|U£VOt  dr]^£V 

Sia  T)i$  7£vfaAo7(aj  ,S8AcvV.f  'isa^iTav  m  o-7r£'p,ua7o$  lojaY,<p  zai  Manias 
tiv^i  rev  ;^^ifov.     Hsr.  30.  Opera,  vol.  I.  p.  138. 

j  Tcv  ^£  Kv^iGv  Iwav  m  xg  Icoarip  nai  Tv,g  Ma^ia^  ysvvYi%vai  roig 
a'KhPKi  av^^oiTtoig  "sra^ctTTM^wg ,  Hser.  Fab.  lib.  i.  cap.  5. 
Opera,  vol.  4.  p.  ig6. 

of 


Chap.  XX.     Miraculous  Conception.         97 

of  chriftian  faith ;  and  which,  in  the  cafe 
of  the  Gnoftics,  muft  have  been  fo  flrong, 
as  to  overbear  the  natural  influence  of  their 
fyflem. 

With  refpeft  to  the  unitarians,  it  may  be 
faid,  that  many  of  them,  having  been  Jews, 
who  had  expeded  that  their  ?vlefliah  would 
be  a  mere  man,  born  as  other  men  are,  and 
efpecially  a  proper  defcendant  from  David, 
would  not,  without  particular  evidence, 
admit  that  he  had  any  other  kind  of  birth ; 
and  that  the  gentile  unitarians,  having 
learned  chriflianity  of  them,  would  natu- 
rally adopt  their  opinion ;  though,  I  doubt 
not,  but  that  the  idea  of  aggrandizing  the 
founder  of  their  religion,  which  was  fo  ea- 
gerly catched  at  in  thofe  times,  would  foon 
overbear  the  influence  of  that  Jewifh  pre- 
judice. But  the  Gnoftics,  who  did  not 
believe  that  Chrift  had  any  proper  Jbirth  at 
all,  but  merely  pafl!ed  through  his  mother 
(to  ufe  their  own  favourite  comparifon)  as 
water  through  a  pipe,  would  naturally  wifli 
that  it  might  be  done  in  fuch  a  manner,  as 
might  be  imagined  (and  the  whole  was  an. 

Vol.  IV.  H  affair 


98  Of  the  Dodirine  of  the       Book  III. 

affair  of  imagination)  to  be  in  the  leaft  de- 
grading manner.  And  that,  in  that  age, 
it  was  fuppofed  to  be  lefs  degrading  to  be 
born  of  a  virgin,  than  in  the  common  way, 
is  evident  from  what  I  have  already  quoted 
concerning  their  fentiments  and  ideas. 

On  what  grounds  or  principles,  or  from 
what  authority,  the  ancient  Jewifli  chrif- 
tians,  and  many  of  the  Gentiles,  as  well 
as  the  Gnoftics,  difbelieved  the  miraculous 
conceptiort,  we  can  only  conjeSure,  as  their 
writings  on  this,  as  well  as  on  all  other 
fubjedis,  are  long  fince  buried  in  oblivion. 
But  the  fa^  of  fo  general  a  dilbelief,  both  of 
the  unitarian  chriftians  and  the  Gnoftics, 
at  firft  univerfal,  and  giving  way  to  the 
prefent  popular  opinion  (which  may  eaiily 
be  accounted  for  from  the  very  general  dif- 
pofition  to  magnify  the  perfonal  dignity  of 
Chrift,  whofe  meannefs  was  continually  ob- 
jeded  to  them)  very  flowly,  cannot,  I  think, 
be  accounted  for  without  fuppofing  fome 
confiderable  defeft  in  the  original  evidence. 
Otherwife,  it  could  not  but,  in  the  circum- 
ftances  of  the  primitive  chriftians,  have  very 

foon 


Chap.  XX.       Miraculous  Conception:        99 

foon  and  univerfally  eftablifhed  itfelf.     And 
the  queftion  now  before  us  is  fimply  this, 
viz.  whether  it  be  eafier  to  account  for  the 
exiftence  of  this  fad,  viz.  the  general,  and, 
to  appearance,  univerfal  difbelief  of  the  mi- 
raculous conception,  at  the  only  period  in 
which  it  was  poffible  fully  to  authenticate 
it,   or  the  exiftence  of  the  prefent  records 
of  it,  viz.  the  introdudions  to  the  gofpels 
of  Matthew  and  Luke,  at  fo  early  a  period 
^8    that    to  which  they  may  certainly  be 
traced,  without  fuppofmg  the  hiftory  they 
contain  to  be  authentic. 

In  order  to  throw  fome  farther  light  upon 
the  fubjeft,  I  fhall  now  freely  confider  the 
circumftances  of  this  ftory,  which  has  been 
fo  differently  received;  appearing  to  have 
gained  no  credit  at  firft,  but,  by  a  flowpro- 
cefs,  to  have  come-at  length  to  be  held  ab^ 
folutely  facred. 


H  2  SEC- 


1 00  Of  the  DoBnne  of  the      Book  III. 


SECTION         V. 

T!he  internal  Evidence  for   the  Credibility  of 
the  Miraculous  Conception  confdered, 

IN  comparing  the  four  gofpels,  we  can- 
not but  be  ftruck  with  the  remarkable 
difference  between  thofe  of  Matthew  and 
Luke,  and  thofe  of  Mark  and  John,  in  this 
refped: ;  neither  of  the  latter  giving  the 
leaft  hint  of  a  miraculous  conception.  And 
yet  it  might  well  be  thought  that,  if  any 
part  of  the  hiftory  required  to  be  particu- 
larly authenticated,  by  the  teitimony  of 
different  hiflorians,  it  was  this ;  and  many 
things  of  far  lefs  confequence  are  recorded 
by  them  all,  and  very  circumfnaatially. 
With  refped:  to  John,  it  may,  indeed,  be 
laid,  that  as  he  knew  that  Matthew  and 
Luke  had  recorded  the  circumflances  of  the 
miraculous  conception,  he  had  no  occaiion 
to  do  it. 

But  what  fhall   we  fay  with   refped  to 
Mark  ?     If  he  was  an  epltomizer  of  Mat- 
thew, 


C  H  A  p .  X  X .     Miraculous  Coitception ,       i  o  i 

thew,  as  fome  have  fuppofed,  but  of  which 
I  own   I  have  k^n  no  fufficient  evidence, 
how  came  he  to  leave  out  the  whole  of  the 
two   firfl  chapters?     And  if  he  was,  as  I 
think  moil    probable,   an    original   writer, 
how  came  he  to  give  no  account  at  all  of 
the  miraculous  conception,  on  the  fappo- 
fition  that  he  really  knew  of  it  ?     He  could 
not  tell  that  any  other  perfon  of  equal  cre- 
dit would  write  the  hiftory ;  and,  there- 
fore, as  he  did  undertake  it,  he  would  cer- 
tainly infert  in  it  whatever  he  thought   to 
be  of  principal  importance.     Confequently, 
he    muft   either  have   never  heard  of  the 
ftory,  or  have  thought  it  of  no  importance. 
But  it  is  of  fuch  a  nature,  that  no  perfon, 
believing  it   to  be  true,   ever  did,  or  ever 
could,  conlider  it  as  of  no  importance.     It 
was  a  fingular  and  moft  extraordinary  mea- 
fure  in   divine  providence,  and  could  not 
but  be  confidered  as  having  fome  great  ob- 
jed:  and  end,  whether  we  fhould  be  able  to 
difcover  it  or  not.     It  was,  therefore,  fuch 
a  fadl  as  no  hiftorian  could  overlook  ;  and 
it  may,  therefore,  be  prefumed,  that  Mark 

H  3  had 


1Q2  Of  the  Dodirine  of  the     Book  III. 

had  either  never  heard  of  it,  or  that  he  did 
not  believe  it. 

If  we  only  take  away  the  two  firft  chap- 
ters of  the  gofpels  of  Matthew  and  Luke, 
apd  change  a  very  few  words  in  the  verfes 
that  follow  them,  we  {hall  find  very  proper 
beginnings  for  them  both,  and  exactly  cor- 
refponding  to  that  natural  and  fimplc  one 
of  Mark.  For  they  will  then  begin  with  an 
account  of  the  preaching  of  John  the  Bap^ 
tift;  as,  in  facl,  the  gofpel  of  John  like- 
wife  does,  after  a  fliort  introdudlion  con- 
cerning the  meaning  of  the  word  logos ^ 
which  was,  probably,  much  talked  of  at 
that  time. 

Does  not  this  circumftance  give  us  fpme 
fufpicion  that  both  thefe  gofpels  of  Mat-^ 
thew  and  Luke  might  originally  have  been 
publifhed  without  thofe  introdudions;  that 
the  Hebrew  copy  of  the  gofpel  of  the  Ebio^ 
nites,  which  was  that  of  Matthew  without 
the  two  firft  chapters  (and  which  they  main- 
tained to  be  the  genuine  gofpel  of  Matthew) 
might  be  all  that  Matthew  himfelf  ever 
wrote  ^    that  the  copy  of  Luke's  gofpel, 

whiph 


Chap,  XX.     Miraculous  Conception.       103 

which  Marcion  had,  and  which  began,  as 
Epiphanius  fays*,  at  the  third  chapter, 
was  all  that  Luke  wrote ;  that  the  in^ 
troduilions  were  written  afterwards  by  other 
perfons ;  and  that  they  were  firft  an- 
nexed to  the  gofpels  by  thofe  who  ad- 
mired them,  and  were  afterwards  copied,  as 
proper  parts  of  them.  Suppofing  this  to 
have  been  done,  though  it  fhduld  not  have 
been  before  the  ancient  verfions  were  made, 
they  would  naturally  be  tranflated  after- 
wards, and  be  annexed  to  the  verfions,  a^ 
they  had  been  to  the  originals. 

The  Gnoftics  in  general  feem  to  have 
feledied  what  they  thought  proper  of  the 
different  books  of  the  New  Teftament, 
without  regard  to  their  authenticity.  But 
it  appears,  from  TertuUian,  to  have  been  the 
real  opinion  of  Marcion  (who  was  unquef- 
tionably  a  man  of  learning  and  ability)  that 
Luke's  original  gofpel  contained  no  account 
of  the  miraculous  conception.      For  this 

42.  Opera,  vol.  i.  p.  312. 

H  4  writer, 


I04         Of  the  Dodirlne  of  the       Book  IIL 

writer,  in  his  book  againft  the  Marcionites, 
fays,  concerning  the  two  copies  of  Luke's 
gofpel,  his  own  and  Marcion's  ^  '*  I  fay 
**  that  mine  is  the  true  copy;  Marcion, 
**  that  his  is  fo.  I  affirm  that  Marcion's 
^*  copy  is  adulterated ;  he,  that  mine  is 
^*  fo."  He  adds,  that  his  own  copy  was 
the  more  ancient,  becaufe  Marcion  him- 
felf  did,  for  fome  time,  receive  it  *.  But 
this  he  might  do,  till,  on  examination, 
he  thought  he  faw  fufficient  reafon  to  re- 
ject it* 

How  improbable  foever  this  hypothefis 
may  appear  at  firft  fight,  no  perfon  can 
well  doubt  of  fomething  of  the  fame  na- 
ture having  taken  place  with  refped:  to  fe- 
veral  paflages  in  the  books  of  fcripture, 
even  where  we  have  no  evidence  whatever 
from  hiftory,  from  manufcripts,  or  from 
ancient   verfions,    of   the    pafTages    having 

*  Funus  ergo  ducendus  eft  contentionis,  pari  hinc  inde 
nifu  fiuctuante.  Ego  meum  dico  verum,  Marcion  fuum. 
Ego  Marcionis  adfirmo  adulteratum,  Marcion  meum. — 
Adeo  antiquius  Marcion  eft,  quod  eft  fecundum  nos,  ^t 
et  ipfe  illi  Marcion  aliquando  crediderit.     Lib.  4.  cap.  4. 

eve^ 


Chap.  XX.     Miraculous  Conception,        105 

ever  been  what  we  now  take  it  for  granted 
they  originally  -were.  This,  I  think,  to 
have  been  the  cafe  with  refped:  to  the  word 
'57ao-%a,  John  vi.  4.  Billiop  Pearce  fuppofes 
the  whole  verfe,  and  many  others,  to  have 
been  interpolations  5  and  the  famous  verfe, 
I  John,  V.  7.  concerning  the  three  that  bear 
record  in  heaven^  has  been  fufficiently  proved 
to  have  come  into  the  epiftle  in  this  unau- 
thorized manner  ;  and  had  it  been  done  in 
an  early  period,  there  would  have  appeared 
no  more  reafon  to  have  fufpe6ted  the  ge- 
nuinenefs  of  it,  than  there  now  does  that 
of  the  introductions  to  the  gofpels  of  Mat- 
thew and  Luke. 

This  was  indifputably  the  cafe  with  the 
gofpel  of  the  Ebionites  itfelf ;  for,  accord- 
ing to  the  moft  unfufpedted  evidence,  it 
was  the  gofpel  of  Matthew  beginning  at  the 
third  chapter^  but  that  copy  of  the  Ebio- 
nites gofpel,  which  Jerom  favv,  had,  at 
Ifcift,  the  fecond  chapter  ;  for  he  quotes  a 
pafTage  from  it.  It  is  very  poffible,  there- 
fore, that  there  might  have  been  copies  of 
the  Greek  gofpel  of  Matthew,  without  the 

two 


\ 


io6  Of  the  Dodlrine  of  the     Book  III. 

two  firft  chapters,  as  well  as  fome  of  the 
Hebrew  copies  with  them. 

As  the  Ebionites  were  not  wanting  in 
their  refpeft  for  Matthew,  or  his  gofpel,  it 
is  not  to  be  fuppofed  that  they  would  have 
rejected  the  introduftion,  if  they  had  really 
thought  it  to  be  his,  even  if  they  had  not 
thought  the  hiftory  contained  in  it  intitled 
to  full  credit.     I,  therefore,  fee  no  reafon 
why  they  fhould  leave  it  out  entirely,   but 
that  they  did  not  admit  its  authenticity  : 
and,  certainly,  as  I  have  faid  before,  they 
for  whofe  ufe  that  gofpel  was  particularly 
written,  and  in  whofe  language  it  was  pro- 
bably firft  publifhed,  muft  be  allowed  to 
have  been  the  beft  judges  of  it. 

It  favours  the  idea  of  the  two  firft  chap- 
ters of  Matthew's  gofpel  not  properly  be- 
longing to  the  reft,  that  they  have  a  kind 
oifeparate  titky  viz.  the  book  of  the  genera-- 
tion  of  Jefus  Chrijl,  to  which  the  hiftory 
of  the  miraculous  conception,  and  the  cir- 
cumftances  connefted  with  it,  are  an  ap- 
pendage, and  together  with  It  make  a  kind 
of  preamble  to   the  proper  hiftory  of  the 

gofpel. 


Ghap.  XX.      Miraculous  Conception.       107 

gofpel,  which  begins  with  the  account  of 
the  baptifm  of  John. 

As  to  the  gofpel  of  Luke,  though  it 
fhould  not  be  fuppofed  that  the  copy  which 
Marcion  made  ufe  of  (which  wanted  the 
two  firft  chapters)  affords  any  prefumption 
that  the  original  was  without  them,  yet  the 
authority  of  this  writer  is  certainly  lefs 
than  that  of  an  apoftle  -,  and  careful  as  he 
was  to  colled:  the  particulars  of  the  hiftory 
from  the  very  beginning,  he  might  poffibly 
have  been  mifinformed  with  refpedl  to  the 
early  part  of  it,  and  have  taken  up  that 
fplendid  part  of  his  narrative  too  haftily. 
Had  the  work  of  Symmachus  been  extant, 
we  fliould,  no  doubt,  have  known  much 
more  concerning  the  fubject.  Between  the 
time  of  the  publication  of  the  gofpels,  and 
that  of  Juftin  Martyr,  who  is  the  firft  wri- 
ter that  mentions  the  miraculous  concep- 
tion, there  was  an  interval  of  about  eighty 
years ;  and  in  this  fpace  of  time  it  is  pof-^ 
fible  that  additions  to  the  gofpel  hiftory 
of  this  kind  (which  did  not  afFedt  the  great 
aad  public  tranfadions)  might  have  beea 

made 


io8  Of  the  T>oBrine  of  the     Book  Ili. 

made  and  have  been  annexed  to  fome  of  the 
copies,  though  not  to  them  all. 

Some  doubt  with  refpe(ft  to  the  authen- 
ticity  of   the    introdudtion    to    Matthew's 
gofpel   arifes    from    the    genealogy    being 
omitted  in  the   Harmony   of  Tatian.      He 
was  a  difciple  of  Juftin  Martyr,  in  whofe 
writings,  as  I   have  obferved,  we  haVe  the 
firft  certain  mention  of  the  miraculous  con- 
ception ;    but  after  the  death  of  his  mafter, 
he  became  the  founder  of  a  fed  much  re- 
fembling  thofe  of  the  Gnoftics.     His  Har- 
mony is  not  now  extant ;   but  we  have  the 
following  account  of  it  in  Theodoret:  '*  He 
*'  compofed  a  gofpel  called  ^i<x  Tzai^acm,  or  of 
**  the  four^    having   cut    off  the    genealo- 
*'  gies,    and  every    thing  that   fliews    that 
'^  our  Lord  was  of  the  feed  of  David  ac- 
"  cording  to   the  flefli.     This   gofpel  was 
*^  ufed  not  only  by  thofe  of  his  fedt,    but 
**  alfo  by  thofe  who  followed  the  dodrine 
**  of  the  apoftles ;  not  perceiving  the  arti- 
**  fice  of  the   compofitLon,    but    ufing  it, 
**  through    fimplicity,    as    a   compendious 
^*  work.      I  found  more  than  two  hundred 

'^  of 


Chap.  XX.     Miraculous  Conception.       log 

•^  of  thefe  books,  much  refpeded  in  the 
'*  churches  ;  but,  having  colledled  them 
**  all,  I  removed  them,  and  introduced  the 
**  gofpels  of  the  four  evangelifts  ^." 

All  that  we  can  certainly  infer  from  this 
account  of  Theodoret  is,  that  Tatian  did 
not  infert  any  genealogy  of  Chriil  in  his 
Harmony,  and  I  believe  no  other  harmonift 
ever  omitted  fo  important  an  article  in  the 
gofpel  hiflory.  This  is  a  circumftance  that 
alFeds  the  authenticity  of  the  genealogy  only, 
diredlly,  and  the  reft  of  the  introdudllon^ 
containing  the  hiftory  of  the  miraculous 
conception,  indiredlly,  as  fuppofed  to  be 
connected  with  the  genealogy.  As  Epi- 
phanius  fays,  that  Tatian's  gofpel  was  fome- 
times  called  the  gofpel  according  to  the  He^ 

*  Oxlioc,  >tj  TO  5ia  Tsjo-a^oov  KaT^nfjisvov  auvlshiHEv  Ez/ayyE^ioy,  rd 
Tf  ytv£a?\oyicig  isspiKo-^oct;^  >^  ra  «M«  o(Tcc  zk.  (XTre^fialcg  AaCid'  acBx 
ca^Kcx.  yEyswYifXSvov  rev  kv^iov  hiHvuaiv^  Ex^na-avlo  Se  ts7w,  «  fwvov  oi 
mi  EKSiva  (ru/xixo^nxg^  a7<hoc  xj  oi  TOi^  aTTOTO^dKoig  ztiojmmqi  ^oyfxacri, 
rriv  T>j$  cruv^fcng  KaKH^yiav  hk  syvuKolsg^  a7\X  cxTiT^HfE^ov  co;  avvlofj^a 
Tcj-  ^i^Ajw  %f)icra/xEvoi  ,  ev^qv  5e  xaya  'm>^i8g  n  ^lOKQcriag  ^iQ^sg  tdi- 
aulcxg  sv  Taif  'ssrap  »/xiv  E}tH?<y](notig  riliiM](x£vcx,g-,  xxi  '^ao'ag  (j-uvayoi- 
yojv  uTTS^Bfji^Vt  JtJ  Ta  T«jv  TBrlcc^av  evayysT^rm  avlEiariyaryov  euacyys- 
%i(x.     Hsr.  Fab.  lib.  i.  cap.  20.  Opeja,  vol.  4.  p.  208. 

irews. 


i  lo  Of  the  Do5irine  of  the      Book  III. 

hreivsy  and  he  was  a  Syrian,  it  is  not  impro- 
bable, as  Mr.  Jones  obferves,  that  he  might 
have  been  one  of  the  fecft  of  the  Hebrew 
chriftians ;  and,  therefore,  it  will  be  more 
probable  that  he  omitted  both  the  genea- 
logy and  the  account  of  the  miraculous 
conception,  becaufe  he  thought  them  not 
to  be  depended  upon. 

As  Tatian  had  no  genealogy  of  Chrift  in 
his  gofpel,  he  muft  have  omitted  that  of 
Luke,  as  well  as  that  of  Matthew ;  and 
though  that  of  Luke  is  not  in  the  two  firft 
chapters,  it  is  inferted  in  a  place  where  it 
is  not  at  all  wanted,  but  has  much  the 
appearance  of  an  interpolation,  and  there-* 
fore  might  have  been  written  by  the  au» 
thor  of  the  introduBion,  fuppofing  neither 
of  them  to  have  been  written  by  Luke. 

If  we  read  the  gofpels  of  Matthew  and 
Luke  without  the  two  firft  chapters,  we 
fhall  not  find  the  want  of  them  ;  as  in  the 
fubfequent  hiftory,  there  is  no  reference  to 
them,  and  fome  things  that  are  rather  incon- 
fiftent  with  them.  Thus,  whenever  either 
of  thefe  two  writers  fpeak  of  Jefu^s  being 
3  called 


Chap.  XX.     Miraculous  Conception,       m 

called  the  Jon  ofjofeph,  as  well  as  of  Mary, 
after  he  came  into  public  life,  they  never 
make  any  remark  upon  it,  or  objection  to 
it.  Mary  herfelf  is  reprefented  by  Luke, 
chap.  ii.  S^>  as  faying  to  Jefus,  Thy  father 
and  I  have  fought  thee  farrowing ;  and  from 
this  paflage,  Cyril  of  Jerufalem  fays,  that 
*'  fome  heretics  endeavoured  to  prove  that 
**  Chrifl:  had  a  Father  as  well  as  a  mo- 
''  ther*.'' 

But  it  may  be  replied,  that  having  re- 
lated the  hiftory  of  the  miraculous  con- 
ception fo  much  at  large  before,  he  had  no 
occafion  to  introduce  any  explanation  after- 
wards ;  and  as  to  Mary,  ihe,  perhaps,  fpoke 
what  Luke  mentions  in  a  mixed  company, 
and  might  not  chufe  to  inform  them  that 
Jefus  had  no  father.  Still,  however,  I 
think  it  would  not  have  been  unnatural  for 
both  Matthew  and  Luke  to  have  referred  to 
the  hiftory  of  the  miraculous  conception 
on  fome  particular  occafions,  as  when  they 

*  Ka»  r\v  0  isc3vf>  aula  km  v  fjtnli^  aula  ^avua^ovlsg  .  otts^  op- 
TTa^Hcriv  ai^£(riuluv  'saih;^  £|  avd'pog  aulov  wu  ywguKO^  yeytmff^a 
T^sywiB^:.    Cat,  7.  Opera,   p.  106. 

gave 


1 1 2         Of  the  DoEirine  of  the       Book  III* 

gave  an  account  of  his  being  defpifed  for 
being  the  Ton  of  a  carpenter.    This,  at  leaft, 
might    have   been  expelled  of  Mark  anfi   ' 
John,  v^ho  had  given  no  hiftory  of  the  mi- 
raculous conception  at  all. 

The  very  genealogies  in  the  gofpels  of 
Matthew  and  Luke  amount  alfo  to  a  con- 
futation of  the  hypothefis  adopted  by  thofe 
writers ;  and,  therefore,  fliould  feem  to  be 
the  work  of  other  hands  than  thofe  who 
wrote  the  gofpels.  And  that  of  Matthew 
may  well  be  fuppofed  to  have  been  written 
by  one  perfon,  and  the  reft  of  the  two  chap- 
ters by  another.  For,  of  what  canfequence 
was  it  to  give  the  genealogy  of  Jofeph  for 
that  of  Jefus,  when,  according  to  them, 
Jefus  was  no  more  defcended  from  Jofeph, 
than  he  was  from  Herod. 

The  genealogy  of  Luke  has  by  fome 
moderns  been  fuppofed  to  be  that  of  Mary, 
becaufe  fome  Jewifh  rabbi  has  called  her 
tJie  daughter  of  Heli.  But  that  rabbi  was 
probably  too  late  to  know  any  thing  of  the 
matter;  and  he  might  call  her  fo  as  the 
wife  of  Jofeph,  who  was   faid  to  be  the 

fon 


C  H  A p .  XX.     Miraculous  Conception.        1 1  n 

fon  of  Heli  -,  and  the  genealogy  in  Matthew 
has  always  been  fuppofed  to   be  that  of  Jo- 
feph  himfelf.      However,  the   hypothefis  of 
the  ancients  was  quite  different  from  that  of 
the  moderns ;  for,  according  to  them,  both 
the  genealogies  are  thofe  of  Jofeph,  that  in 
Matthew  by  natural  defcenty   he   being  the 
proper  fon  of  Jacob,  and  that  in   Luke  l?y 
law-,  Heli,  the  fuppofed  brother  of  Jacob, 
dying  without  ilTue,  and   Jacob  taking  his 
wife,  and  having    by    her    Jofeph.     Thus 
Eufebius,  on    the  authority  of  Africanus, 
(whofe  authority    is    quite  uncertain)  fays, 
that  **  Jofeph  was  the  fon  of  Heli  by  law, 
**  and  of  Jacob  by  nature  *  -/'  **  Jacob  and 
*'  Heli  being  brothers  •f-." 

Jerom  fays,  that  "  Jofeph's  genealogy  is 
*'  mentioned,  becaufe  it  was  not  the  cuflom 
**  of  the  fcriptures   to    reckon  genealogies 

«a  'srapcxT^Ccov^  £y£vvn<T£y  si  avlYig  r^dov  tov  Ic>i(Tr]<p  '•   koIoc  Oucnv  /xsv 
saulco^  ftai  Kaia  hoyov  .  5io  hcci  ysy paTfla.:'  lanco^  Se  Eyevvnas  rovlco- 

ave^nas  crTTEfifjux.      Hifl.  lib.  I.  cap.  7.  p.  23. 
f  Ibid.  p.  25. 

Vol.  IV.  I  **  according 


1 14  Of  the  Do5lrme  of  the       Book  IIL 

**  according  to  women  *."  But  on  this 
principle  the  genealogy  was  a  mere  decep- 
tion ',  and  had  the  Jews  known  how  the 
cafe  ftood,  it  would  have  given  them  no  fort 
of  fatisfadtion.  It  could  not,  therefore, 
have  anfwered  the  end  for  which  it  was  in- 
ferted.  For,  no  doubt,  the  Jews  under- 
fcood  the  prophecies  concerning  the  defcent 
of  the  Meffiah  from  David,  to  mean  that  he 
iliould  be  the  fon  of  fome  man  who  Ihould 
be  lineally  defcendcd  from  David.  The 
infertion  of  any  daughter  of  David  would, 
in  their  opinion,  have  vitiated  the  whole 
genealogy.  They  muu,  therefore,  have 
confidered  one  of  thefe  genealogies  as  di- 
redly  contradidling  the  other. 

Auftin  has  a  peculiar  method  of  folving 
this  difficulty.  He  fays,  that  '*  Jefus  was 
*'  the'proper  child  of  Jofeph  as  well  as  of 
**  Mary,  becaufe  the  holy  fpirit  gave  him 
**'  to  them  both;  both  of  them  being  order- 
*'  ed  by  the  angel  to  give  a   name  to  the 

*  Cui  primum  refpondebimus  non  cITe  confuetudinisfcrlp- 
turnrum,  ut  mullerum  in  gcnerationibus  ordo  texatur.  In 
.Matt  cap.  I,  Opera,  vol.  6.  p"  i 

^^  child  i 


Chap.  XX.     Miraculous  Qoficeptidn,       115 

*'  child  ;  and  by  this,"  he   fays,  ''  the  au- 
*'  thority  of  the  parent  is  declared  *.*' 

The  Jews  make  it  a  ferious  objedion  to 
the  meffiahfliip  of  Jefus,  that,  according  to 
the  genealogies  of  Matthew  and  Luke,  he 
does  not  appear  to  have  been  defcended  from 
David,  or  even  from  Judah  ;  fince  it  is  only 
the  genealogy  of  Jofeph,  his  reputed  father, 
that  is  given,  and  not  his  own,  or  his  mo- 
ther's. ''  Obferve,"  fays  the  author  ofNizza- 
chofi  vetus^  ''  how  they  confute  themfelves ; 
**  for  if,  as  they  fay,  Jefus  had  no  father,  how 
'*  can  he  be  defcended  from  the  flock  of  Da- 
**  vid.  But  if  the  genealogy  of  Jofeph  be 
'^  given  to  prove  that  he  was  of  the  houfe  of 
*'  David,  Jofeph  muft  be  his  father.  How 
**  then  do  you  affert  that  he  had  no  human 
^' father  t" 

*  Spiritus  San(9.us  in  amborum  jiiflitla  requiefcens  am- 
bobus  filium  dedit.  Sed  in  eo  fexu,  quern  parere  decebat, 
operatus  eft  hoc,  quod  etiam  marito  nafceretur.  Ttaque 
arnbobus  dicit  angelus,  ut  puero  nomen  imponant  5  ubi 
parentum  declaratur  au6loritas.  Ser.  63.  Opera,  Sup. 
p.  246. 

•i  Unde  iis  conftat  Jefum  domo  Davidica  profatum  fuiffe  ? 

Utiquc  in  libro  errorum  ipforum  nihil  tale  fcriptum  repe- 

I  2  ritur. 


1 16  Of  the  Dodlrine  of  the     Book  III. 

Rabbi  Nachmanides  fays,  if  **  your  Mef- 
**  fiah  was  defcended  from  David,  meaning 
"  by  the  mother's  fide,  he  could  not  be  the 
**  heir  of  his  kingdom,  becaufe  females  do 
"  not  inherit  while  any  male  iffue  re- 
"  mains  *." 

**  Both  thefe  genealogies,**  fays  Rabbi 
Ifaac,  in  his  Munimenfideu  "  belong  to  Jo- 
*^  feph  only,  and  not  to  Jefus ;  for  they  fay 
*'  that  Jofeph  had  no  commerce  with  Mary 

ritur.  Nam,  Matthseus  et  Lucas  qui  genealogias  texunt, 
Jofephi  tantum,  mariti  Mariae,  genealogiam  texunt,  quam 
jpfi  ab  Abrahamo  deducunt,  hoc  modo,  Abraham  genuit 
Ifaacum,  Ifaacus  genuit  Jacobum,  et  reh'qua,  donee  fini- 
unt:  Eleafar  genuit  Mattanem,  Mattan  genuit  Jacobum, 
Jacobus  genuit  Jofephum,  fponfum  Marias.  At  Marias 
genealogia  non  reperitur,  in  ullo  ipforum  libro.  Nunc 
autem  difce,  et  audi,  quomodo  propria  eorundem  di<3:a  ip- 
Ibs  mendacii  reos  faciant.  Quod  fi  enim  Jefus  fme  patre 
genitus  eft,  ceu  di6litant,  ex  eo  liquido  inferimus  non  ixxi^o. 
ilium  oriundum  ex  profapia  David  is.  Quod  fi  vero  ideo 
per  Jofephum  Jefu  genealogia  conditur,  ut  appareat  hunc 
ex  domo  Davidica  defcendere,  relinquitur,  Jofephum  illius 
pattern  fuifle :  quomodo  igitur  afleritis,  ipfum  citra  viri 
concubitum  genitum  effe  ?  Nizzachon  Vetus,  p.  72,  'j'^. 
*  Quod  fi  maxime  vefter  Meffias  ex  progenie  Davidis 
prodiiffet,  non  tamen  hseres  regni  illius  efle  poffet,  non 
enim  filiae  haereditatem  adeunt,  cum  proles  mafcula  eft  fu- 
perftes.     P.  53. 

«*  his 


Chap.  XX.     Miraculous  Conception.       117 

*•  his'mother  ;  and  as  to  that  of  Mary,  it  is 
*'  altogether  unknown.  Thofe,  therefore, 
"  who  framed  thefe  genealogies  may  be  com- 
*'  pared  to  perfons  who  plunge  into  a  deep 
**  fea,  and  bring  up  nothing  but  fhells  "*.'* 
The  tv/o  hiftories  of  the  miraculous  con- 
ception are  themfelves  remarkably  diiFerent 
from  each  other;  and  though  it  may  be 
poffible  to  contrive  a  fcheme,  by  which 
they  may  be  reconciled,  yet  there  are  fuch 
capital  circumflances  in  each  of  the  ac- 
counts omitted  by  the  other,  as  it  can 
hardly  be  fuppofed  would  have  been  omit- 
ted, if  the  writers  had  been  acquainted  with 
them.  Would  Luke,  for  inftance,  whofe 
account  is  fo  very  circumftantial  in  other 
refpeds,  have  omitted  all  the  three  remark- 

*  Caeterum,  ambas  hse  ineptiflimae  genealogiae  tantum 
ad  Jofephum,  neutiquam  vero  adjefum  attinent.  Cum. 
autem  ipfi  dicant,  nunquam  tota  vita  fua  neque  ante  par- 
turn  Jefu,  neque  deinde  a  Jofepho  Mariam  fuifle  cogni- 
tam.  Secundum  hoc  affertum,  Jofephi  genealogia,  Jefu  ni- 
hil quicquam  prodeft,  imprimis  cum  genealogia  Maria: 
prorfus  ipfos  lateat.  Quae,  quoniam  ita  fe  habent,  fruftra  fe 
occuparunt  conditores  harum  genealogiarum,  atque  in  pro- 
funda pelagi  fe  demittentes,  nil  nifi  teftam  retulere  mani- 
bus.     P.  390. 

I  3  able 


1  iS  Of  the  Bo^rine  of  the       Book  III. 

able  ftories  of  the  vifit  of  the  wife  men  of 
the  eaft,  the  maffacre  of  the  children,  and 
the  journey  into  Egypt  ?  Or  would  Mat. 
thew,  who  has  mentioned  thefe  things^  have 
omitted-all  the  particulars  of  the  fpeeches 
of  the  angels,  the  (lory  of  the  fhepherds, 
and  the  prophecies  of  Simeon  and  Anna ; 
to  fay  nothing  of  the  whole  hiflory  oi  the 
birth  of  John  the  Baptift. 

The' narrative  of  Luke  is  fo  far  from  co- 
inciding with  that  of  Matthew,  that  it  is 
hardly  poffible  to  find  in  it  any  room  for  the 
journey  into  Egypt.  According  to  Luke, 
Jefus  was  prefented  at  Jerufalem  as  foon  as 
the  days  of  Mary's  purification  were  ex- 
pired, and  then  returned  diredly  to  Naza- 
reth, without  going  any  more  to  Beth- 
lehem  ^  where,  indeed,  it  does  not  appear 
that  Jofeph  had  any  habitation,  or  friends  ; 
fo  that  the  wife  men  of  Matthew,  who  are 
fuppofed  to  have  found  the  child  at  Beth- 
lehem, muft  have  arrived  in  the  country 
long  after  Mary  had  left  that  place.  On 
the  contrary,  Matthew  maill  have  fuppofed 
that  Jefus  was  kept  at  Bethlehem  near  two 

years 


Chap.  XX.     Miraculous  Conception,       i  \  g 

years  after  his  birth,  and  was   carried  from 
thence  into  Egypt. 

Indeed,  one  cannot  help   inferring   from 
the  account  of  Matthew,   that  Jofeph  and 
Mary  were   properly    of  Bethlehem,    that 
they  did   not  fettle  in   Nazareth  till    after 
their  return  from  Egypt,  and  that  they  then 
made  choice  of  this  place,  as   being  out  of 
the  territory  of  Archelaus,  the  fon   of  He- 
rod.    Had  Matthew  fuppofed  Jefus  to  have 
been  at  Nazareth,  in  Galilee,  at  the  time  of 
his  perfecution  by  Herod,  he  would  hardly 
have  thought  of  fending  him  to  Egypt  as  a 
place  of  fafety,   when,   in   order    to    come 
thither,  he  muft  have  paffed    through    the 
whole  extent    of   Herod's  dominions  5   but 
would   rather  have  ""fent  him    to   Tyre,  or 
fome  part  of  Syria,  bordering  upon  Galilee. 
On  the   whole,  I  cannot  help  concluding 
that,  had  the  compilers  of  thefe  two   very 
different  accounts,  been  both  of  them  well 
informed  concerning  the  fubjed,  it  would 
have  been  much   more  eafy  to  harmonize 
them  than  it  is  at  prefent.     They  are  now 
fo  wholly  different  from  each  other,  that 
I  4  their 


1 20  Of  the  Docirine  of  the       Book:  III. 

their  hiftories  might  have  been  thofe  of  dif- 
ferent perfons. 

If  we  examine  each  of  the  accounts  fe- 
parately,  pafling  over  the  ftriking  incoher- 
ence between  them,  a  rational  chriftian  muft 
fee  many  things  in  them  that  he  v/iil  find 
fome  difficulty  in  reconciling  to  himfelf. 
They  have  both,  as  I  cannot  help  thinking, 
too  much  the  air  oifable^  and  the  application 
of  fcripture  in  the  account  afcribed  to  Mat- 
thew is  very  far  from  being  fuch  as  can  re- 
commend it.  Jefus  going  into  Egypt,  and  re- 
turning from  it,  is  made  to  be  the  fulfilment 
of  a  prophecy  of  Hofea,  which  is  no  prophecy 
at  all,  but  fimply  the  mention  of  God  having 
called  his  fon,  the  Ifraelites,  as  a  nation,  out 
of  that  country.  And^Jefus  is  to  fettle  at 
Nazareth,  becaufe  the  Meffiah  was  to  be  a 
Nazarene ;  whereas  all  that  can  be  imagined 
to  give  any  countenance  to  this,  in  the  Old 
Teftament  is,  that  he  was  to  be  defpifed  and 
rejedled  of  men  ;  and  Nazareth  was  a  defpi- 
cable  place.  If  the  writer  had  any  other 
idea,  it  muft  have  been  more  far-fetched, 
and  improbable,  than  this.  I  fay  nothing 
3  ]^^^^ 


Chap.  XX.     Miraculous  Conception.        ii^ 

here  of  the  prophecy  of  Ifaiah,  concerning  a 
virgin  bearing  a  Jon^  as  an  account  will  be 
given  of  it  hereafter. 

As  to  the  ftory  of  Luke,   to  fay  nothing 
of  the  long  and  improbable  fpeeches  it  con- 
tains,  and    which  could   never    have   been 
tranfmitted  with  exadnefs,  and  the  vifion  of 
angels  to  the  fhepherds  (which  does  not  ap- 
pear to  have  been  of  any  ufe)  it  implies  fuch 
an  early  declaration  of  Jefus  being  the  Mef- 
fiah,   as   is    incompatible  with   the    whole 
plan  of  the  gofpel  hiftory.     Jefus   carefully 
concealed  his   being  the  Meffiah  from   the 
Jews  in  general ;   and  it  was  only  at  a  late 
period  in  his  hiftory  that  he  revealed  it  to 
theapoftles;  and  yet,  in  this  introdudion 
to   the  gofpel  of  Luke,  it   is   fuppofed  to 
have  been  known  with  certainty  to  the  pa- 
rents of  John,  to  thofe  of  Jefus  himfelf,  to 
the  fhepherds,  and  to  the  prophets  Simeon 
and  Anna,  none  of  whom  are   faid   to   have 
made   any  fecret  of  it,  and  the  laft  is  faid 
(chap.  ii.  28.)  to  have  fpoken  of  him   to  all 
who   looked  for  redemption  in    IfraeL     Had 
this  been  the  cafe,  the  eyes  of  all  the  coun- 
try 


122  Of  the  DoBrine  of  the      Book  III. 

try  muft  have  been  fixed  on  Jefus  as  the 
promifed  Meffiah,  and  all  attempts  to  con- 
ceal it,  after  his  public  appearance,  would 
have  come  too  late. 

Yet,  notwithftanding  all  this  prepara- 
tion, it  does  not  appear  that  Jefus  w^as  at  all 
known,  or  in  the  leafl:  fufpeoled  to  be  the 
Meffiah,  till  after  his  appearance  in  the 
charader  of  a  public  teacher,  and  his  work- 
ing of  miracles  •  and  even  then  his  own 
brethren  did  not  immediately  believe  on 
him. 

There  are,  indeed,  feveral  inconfiflencies 
in  the  account  of  Luke,  from  which  it  may 
be  gathered,  that  .what  could  not  but  be 
known  to  every  body,  was,  after  all,  a  fecret 
to  Jofeph  and  Mary  themfelves.  After  the 
hiflory  of  the  (hepherds,  we  are  told,  cap.  ii. 
19.  that  Mary  kept  all  thefe  things^  and  pon- 
dered them  in  her  heart  ^  which  implies, 
that  fhe  was  at  a  lofs  what  to  think  of  them. 
After  the  declaration  of  Simeon,  we  read, 
ver.  33.  that  Jofeph  and  his  mother  marvel- 
led at  thofe  things  which  werefpoken  of  him ; 
and  when  Jefus  was  twelve  years   old,  and 

told 


Chap.  XX.      Miraculous  Conception.        123 

told  them  that  he  rnufl:  be  about  his  father's 
bufinefs,  or  at  his  father's  houfe  (chap.  ii. 
50.)  they  under Jiood  not  the  faying  that  he 
[pake  unto  their^,  and  Mary  kept  all  theje  fay^ 
ings  in  her  heart.  Moreover,  after  all  this 
preparation  to  announce  Jefus,  and  no  other 
perfon,  as  the  Meffiah,  yet,  when  John 
made  his  appearance  the  people  (Luke  iii. 
15.)  were  in  expedlation  j  and  all  men  miifed 
in  their  hearts  of  John,  whether  he  were 
Chriji  or  not.  Thefe  are  marks  of  the  ftory 
being  inconfiftent  and  illrdigefted. 


SEC 


3  24  Of  the  Dodlrine  of  the      Book  III. 


SECTION      VI. 

Corifiderations  relating  to  the  Roman  Cenftis^ 
mentioned  by  Luke. 

T^  H  E  account  of  the  cenfus  taken  by 
"^  order  of  Auguftus  at  the  fuppofed 
time  of  the  birth  of  Chrift,  its  being  taken 
by  Cyrenius,  governor  of  Syria,  and  the 
journey  of  Jofeph  and  Mary  to  Bethlehem 
on  that  occalion,  are  particularly  liable  to 
exception,  and  therefore  I  fhall  treat  of 
them  in  a  feparate  fedion. 

Dr.  Lardner,  with  great  labour  and 
ingenuity  (Credibility,  vol.  2.  p.  718.) 
has  (hewn  that  by  tranfpofing  the  w^ords, 

the     phrafe     Ay]>i   n   a'7:oypa(p-n  'zs^alv)   syEvelo   YiyEfxovEucvl©' 

rng  luDiag  K^^ews,  may  be  rendered.  This  was 
the  firft  djfejfment  of  Cyrenius^  governor  of 
Syria  3  and  had  yrnyi^vot;  been  ufed,  in  Head  of 
iiy£/^oy£yoyl©-,  this  might  cafily  have  been  ad- 
mitted. But  certainly  the  natural  inter- 
pretation  of  the  phrafe,  as  the  words  now 

lland. 


C  H  A  p .  X X .     Miraculous  Conception .       125 

ftand,  implies  that  this  aflefTment  was  taken 
at  the  time  that  Cyrenius  was  actually  go- 
vernor of  Syria,  which  did  not  take  place 
till  five  years  after  the  death  of  Herod. 
But,  independent  of  this  difficulty,  which 
has  given  commentators  and  critics  a  great 
deal  of  trouble,  there  are  other  particulars 
in  this  account  that  are  extremely  impro- 
bable. 

As  Judea  was  not  at  that  time  a  province 
of  the  Roman  empire,  but  had  a  king  of 
its  own,  though  in  alliance  with  Rome, 
and  in  a  ftate  of  dependence  upon  it,  the 
Roman  cenfus  could  not  regularly  extend 
to  that  country.  What  the  Romans  had 
the  power  of  commanding  is  not  the  quef- 
tion.  They  had  power,  no  doubt,  to  de- 
prive Herod  of  his  kingdom,  and  to  fend  a 
governor  of  their  own  in  his  place;  in  con- 
fequence  of  which  the  country  might  have 
become  fubjed:  to  the  Roman  law,  and  the 
people  liable  to  the  cenfus.  But  while 
Herod  was  king,  Judea  was  governed  by 
Jewifh  laws,  and  fubjedt  to  no  taxes  but 
fuch  as  were  impofed  and  levied  by  Jews. 

Dr. 


126  Of  the  Bodirine  of  the     Book  III. 

Dr.  Lardner  has,  indeed,  fiievvn  that 
Herod  may  be  faid  to  have  been  a  /r/- 
hutary  prince,  and  that  the  emperor  might 
poffibly  have  an  officer  of  his  own  refiding 
in  the  country,  to  take  care  of  his  revenues 
from  it.  But  he  has  himfelf  made  it  fuffi- 
ciently  evident,  that  a  cenfus  was  the  moft 
odious  method  of  impofing  a  tax,  and  there- 
fore that  the  Romans  never  had  recourfe  to 
it,  even  in  the  proper  provinces  of  the  em- 
pire, except  in  very  particular  circumflances. 
He  thinks,  indeed  (p.  618.")  that  he  has  found- 
one  inflance  of  it,  in  the  cafe  of  Cilicia  Af- 
pera ;  but  this  was  a  very  inconliderable 
country,  and  in  a  later  period.  1  would 
alfo  obferve  that,  though  Herod  might  be 
ix\  difgrace  with  Auguflus,  and  the  emperor 
might  wifh  to  humble  him,  it  is  not  pro- 
bable that  the  people  (while  the  whole 
country  w^as  united  under  one  government, 
and  in  a  very  flourifhing  ftate)  would  have 
borne  fuch  an  unprecedented  infult,  with- 
out fuch  murmurings  as  we  fhould  have 
heard  of,  efpecially  from  Jofephus.  This 
writer,  in  his  account   of  the  cenfus  that 

was 


Chap.  XX.     Miraculous  Co72ception,       127' 

was  taken  in  Judea  on  its  being  made  a 
proper  Roman  province,  jfliews  that  the 
minds  of  the  Jews  were  at  that  tjme  ex- 
ceedingly difpofed  to  revolt  at  the  meafure; 
and  it  was  taken  in  no  more  than  one  part 
of  the  country  over  which  Herod  had  been 
king.  It  did  not  extend  to  the  dominions 
of  Herod,  the  tetrarch  of  Galilee,  thofe  of 
Philip,  or  thofe  of  Lyfanias. 

Dr.  Lardner  is  of  opinion  (p.  618.)  that 
jofephus  has  mentioned  this  cenfus  in  the 
time  of  Herod  the  Great,  in  faying  "  that  the 
people  of  Judea  took  an  oath  to  be  faithful 
to  Caefar,  and  the  interefts  of  the  king."  Bat 
he  has  not  proved  that  this  expreffion  is 
equivalent  to  the  taking  of  a  cenfus  -,  and  the 
moft  natural  interpretation  of  it  is,  that  it 
was  an  oath  of  friendfhip  and  alliance.  Be- 
fides,  the  meafure  of  taking  a  Roman  cenfus 
in  a  foreign  country,  of  fuch  magnitude  as 
Judea  then  was,  was  certainly  entitled  to  a 
more  particular  narrative,  in  fuch  a  hiftory 
as  that  of  Jofephu?.  We  might  at  leall 
have  expedled  fome  account  of  this  firft, 
and  greater  cenfus,  in  his  hiftory  of  the 

fecond 


128  Of  the  DoBrine  of  the     Book  III. 

fecond  and  lefler  -,  and  efpecially  fome  rea- 
fons  why  the  latter  gave  fo  great  an  alarm, 
and  excited  fuch  dangerous  tumults,  when 
the  former  had  excited  none  at  all. 

It  is  true  that  Juftin  Martyr,  and  others 
of  the  Fathers,  do  mention  this  cenfus  un- 
der Herod  the  Great,  as  what  the  Romans 
would  find  an  account  of  in  their  public 
regiiters.  But  fome  of  them  likewife  ap- 
peal to  an  account  of  Chrift  tranfmitted  by 
Pilate  to  the  emperor  Tiberius.  The  pro- 
bability is,  that  thefe  writers,  taking  it  for 
granted  that  this  account  of  the  cenfus  in 
the  gofpel  of  Luke  was  a  true  one,  did  not 
fcruple  to  appeal  to  it,  as  what  they  did 
not  doubt  would  be  found  to  be  fo.  But 
we  have  no  account  of  the  fadl  being  ve- 
rified by  an  examination  of  records. 

Admitting  this  unprecedented  Roman 
cenfus,  in  a  country  that  was  no  province 
of  the  Roman  empire,  it  is  certainly  highly 
improbable  that  Jofeph,  who  lived  at  Na- 
zareth, fituated  three  days  journey  from 
Bethlehem,  fhould  be  obliged  to  go  thither 
on  the  account  of  it.      A  cenfus   was  an 

account 


Chap.  XX.     Miraculous  Conception .         i  29 

account  of  a  man's  family  and  poffeflions, 
given  in  upon  oath,  with  a  fcrutiny,  if  ne- 
cefTary^  and  certainly  it  was  mofi:  convenient 
for  every  man  to  do  this  in  the  place  where 
he  refided,  and  where  his  account  might 
be  verified,  or  checked,  by  that  of  his 
neighbours  and  acquaintance. 

Neither  the  Romans   nor  the   Jews  had 
any  intereft   in   fuch   a  manoeuvre   as   this 
hiilorian  fuppofes  to  have  taken  place.      For 
the    trouble   of  every    man    going   to   the 
place  where  his  remote  anceflors  had  lived 
muft  have  been  infinite;  to  fay  nothing  of 
the  uncertainty  of  determining  what  place 
to  go  to,  which  muft  have  been  very  great. 
For,   in  this   cafe  of  Jofeph,   though  Da- 
vid had   lived  at   Bethlehem,   his  fon  "So- 
lomon had  not.     That  the  people   of  Na- 
zareth  fhould    go   to   Bethlehem,   and   the 
inhabitants   of  Bethlehem  perhaps  to  Na- 
zareth, to  do  nothing  but  what  might  have 
been  done  by  both  with    much   more  eafe 
and  advantage  at  their  own  homes,  is  there- 
fore not  to  be  fuppofed. 

Vol.  IV,  K  Dr. 


130         Of  the  Dodirine  of  the      Book  III. 

Dr.  Lardner  imagines  (p.  605.)  that  Jofeph 
might  have  had  fome  eftate  at  Bethlehem  ; 
but    his  poverty,   his    not  refiding  at    the 
place,   and  efpecially  his  not  being  able  to 
provide  better  accommodations  for  his  wife, 
at  the  time  of  her  delivery,  than  the  ftable 
of  an  inn  there,   make  this  highly  impro- 
bable.    Befides  this,  is  it  to  be  fuppofed 
that  a  man  v^ho  had  eftates  in  different  parts 
of  a  country,  fhould  be  obliged   to  attend 
at  them  all,  in  order  to  give  in  an  account 
of  them,   which   this   conjefture  implies  ? 
Can  this  be  fhewn  to  have   been  done  by 
the  Romans  themfelves  ? 

But,  admitting  that  Jofeph,  as  the  pro- 
prietor of  an  eftate  at  Bethlehem,  fhould 
have  been  obliged  to  take  a  journey  of  three 
days  to  attend  the  cenfus  there,  what  obli- 
gation could  there  have  been  upon  Mary, 
a  woman  big  with  child,  and  fo  near  the 
time  of  her  delivery,  to  take  fuch  a  jour- 
ney? Women,  in  all  circumftances,  were 
excufed  from  attending  the  three  great  reli- 
gious feftivals  at  Jerufalem,  though  many 

3  ^f 


^3^ 


Chap.  XX.     Miraculous  Conception. 

of  them  went  thither  from  choice.  But 
no  tyranny  can  be  fijppofed  to  have  been  fo 
extreme  as  to  compel  poor  women,  in  fuch 
critical  circumftances,  to  expofe  themfelves 
to  fuch  hazard,  merely  to  gratify  the  ca- 
price of  a  governor.  Befides,  as  this  was 
the  Jirfi  cenfus  that  was  taken  i-a  the  coun- 
try, and  was  fure  to  be  of  itfelf  highly  un- 
popular, meafures  would,  no  doubt,  be  ta- 
ken to  make  it  as  little  burthenfome  as 
poffible.  Dr  Lardner  fays  (p. 608.)  that  both 
Jofeph  and  Mary  might  go  to  Bethlehem 
for  reafons  that  are  unknown  to  us.  But  it 
muft  have  been  a  very  urgent  reafon  indeed, 
that  could  carry  a  woman  fo  near  her  time 
of  delivery  to  a  place  at  the  diftance  of  three 
days  journey,  when  the  bufinefs  to  be  done 
there  could  not  require  the  refidence  of  a 
iingle  day. 

It  will  be  faid  that  this  was  fo  ordered 
by  divine  providence,  that  Jefus  might  be 
a  native  of  Bethlehem.  But  God,  who 
orders  all  things,  generally  makes  ufe  of 
natural  means,  and  therefore,  we  are  not  to 
fuppofe  that  Mary  was  brought  to  Bethle- 

K  z  hem 


132  Of  the  DoElrine  of  the      Book  IIL 

hem  by  means  of  a  cenfiis,  fo  improbably 
impoled,  and  carried  into  execution,  as  this 
muft  have  been,  when  the  fame  end  might 
have  been  accompliflied  in  a  much  more 
natural  way. 

It  may  be  faid  that  Mary's  being  de- 
livered in  f3  crouded  a  place  as  Bethle- 
hem muft  have  been  on  that  occafion, 
would  be  the  means  of  making  the  birth 
of  Jefus  more  noticed,  efpecially  by  the 
help  of  the  vilion  of  angels  to  the  (hepherds 
in  that  neighbourhood,  and  the  vifit  of  the 
wife  men  from  the  Eaft.  But  befides  the 
many  improbabilities  attending  each  of 
thefe  ftories  (or  indeed  that  of  one  place 
being  more  crouded  than  another,  in  con- 
fequence  of  all  the  people  in  the  country 
going  to  be  enrolled  in  their  own  cities)  a 
much  greater  end,  which  we  certainly  know 
to  have  been  a  meafure  of  divine  providence, 
and  a  great  objecfl  of  the  policy,  as  we  may 
fay,  of  Jefus  when  he  came  Into  public  life, 
was  fure  to  be  defeated  by  it ;  and  this  was 
his  Meffiahihip  not  being  known  till  his 
miraculous  works  fhould  declare  it. 

I  A  child 


Chap.  XX.      Miraculous  Conception,       \xx 
A  child  whofe  miraculous  birth  was  fo 
circumftanced  as  that  of  Jefus  is  faid  to  have 
been,  would  never  have  been  kept  out  of 
public  view  afterwards.     The  nation  would 
have  undertaken  the  guardianfhip  of  their 
young  Meffiah ;  and  from  that  time  the  reign 
of  Herod,  who  was  univerfally  hated,  would, 
in  all  probability,  have  been  at  an  end.     A 
regency  might    have  been    appointed,    but 
he  would  not  have  been  included  in  it. 

It  may  be  faid,  that  the  power  or  policy 
of  Herod  might  have  prevented  this.      But 
power   is   always   founded    upon    opinion ; 
and   if  it  be   confidered  what  expectations 
the  Jews  had  from  their  Meffiah^  and  with 
what  eagernefs  they  never  failed  to  crowd  to 
the  ftandard  of  every  man  who  pretended  to 
that  character,    we   cannot   doubt  but  that 
the  people   (Herod's   own  guards,   if  they 
were  Jews,  included)  would,  to  a  man,  have 
worfhipped  fo  great  a  rifing  fun.     Indeed, 
no   government    could    have   been   fo  well 
eftablifhed  in  that  country,  as  not  to  have 
been  in  great  danger  of  being  overturned  in 
fuch  circumftances. 

K3  As 


134  Of  the  Do^rine  of  the      Book  III, 

As  there  is  no  evidence  of  Jefus  having 
been  born  at  Bethlehem,  befides  vi^hat  is 
derived  from  the  introductions  to  the  gof- 
pels  of  Matthew  and  Luke,  thofe  who  do 
not  admit  their  authority  muft  conclude 
that  he  was  born  at  Nazareth.  Indeed  his 
being  fo  generally  called  Jefus  of  Nazareth^ 
is  a  proof  that,  in  the  opinion  of  thofe  who 
gave  him  that  appellation,  he  was  a  native 
of  that  place.  Had  his  difciples,  in  parti- 
cular, really  believed  that  he  was  born  at 
Bethlehem,  the  native  place  of  David,  its 
being  fo  much  more  reputable  a  place  than 
Nazareth,  and  its  bearing  fuch  a  relation  to 
David,  whofe  defcendant  the  Meffiah  was 
fuppofed  to  be,  would,  no  doubt,  have  de- 
termined them  to  denominate  him  from 
thence.  It  would  have  been  taking  a  na- 
tural and  fair  method  of  removing  one  great 
odium  under  which  their  mafter  lay. 

I  would  farther  obferve  that,  it  may  per- 
haps be  inferred  from  John  ii.  12.  that 
Jefus's  mother  and  the  whole  family  re- 
moved from  Nazareth  to  Capernaum,  after 
his    firfh   miracle  of  changing   water  into 

wine. 


Chap.  XX .     Miraculous  Conception.       i  ^  j 

wine.  If,  therefore  Nazareth  was  not  the 
place  of  his  nativity,  there  was  no  reafon 
why  the  difciples  of  Jefiis  ihould  not  have 
denominated  him  from  Capernaum,  rather 
than  from  Nazareth.  According  to  the  com- 
mon hypothefis,  he  had  only  rejided  at  ei- 
ther of  the  two  places ;  and  though  he  had 
not  lived  fo  long  at  Capernaum,  yet  it  was 
the  lajl  refidence  that  he  had,  and  that 
from  which  he  came  forth  into  public  life ; 
and  it  was  by  much  the  more  reputable 
place  of  the  two.  I,  therefore,  fee  no  reafon 
for  Chrift  being  ftiled  ^ejus  of  Nazareth, 
by  himfelf  and  his  difciples,  but  that  it 
was  confidered  as  the  place  of  his  nativity^ 
It  appears  from  Athanalius  to  have  been 
the  opinion  of  Paulus  Samofaten{is,and  there- 
fore probably,  that  of  the  generality  of  the 
unitarians  of  the  early  ages,  that  Chrift  was 
born  at  Nazareth ;  which,  as  I  have  obferv- 
ed,  is  inconfiftent  with  their  paying  any 
regard  to  the  introdudtions  of  either  Mat- 
thew or  Luke's  gofpel,  or  indeed  with 
their  belief  of  the  miraculous  conception, 

K4  for 


136  OftheDodlrineofihe      Book  III. 

for  which  no  authority  can  be  pleaded  be*r 
lides  that  of  thofe  introdudtions,  though  it 
is  aiTerted,  that  they  believed  that  dodrine. 
**  Say  then,"  fays  Athanafius,  ''  how  do 
**  you  fay  that  God  was  born  at  Nazareth, 
"  teaching  that  his  deity  began  with  his 
*'  birth,  according  to  Paulas  Samofatenfis  *■.'' 
And  again,  "  Say  then,  how  do  you  fup- 
"  pofe  that  God  was  born  at  Nazareth ; 
*'  {ince  all  the  heretics  are  ufed  to  fay  this, 
*'  as  Paul  of  Samofata,  who  confefies  that 
*^  God  v/as  born  of  a  virgin,  that  he  firil 
*^  appeared  at  Nazareth,  and  that  his  being 
*^  commenced  theref." 

Matthew,  indeed,  fuppofes  that,  accord- 
ing to  a  prophecy  of  Micah  (chap.  v.  2.) 
the  Meffiah  was  to  be  born  at  Bethlehem. 
But  this  is  no  neceflary  inference  from  the 

De  Adventu  Chriili,  Opera,  vol.  i.    p.  637. 

t  EiTTcilt  Toivuv,  's^cog  Seov  £v  'Nu^a^sl  ysyEvr^a^ai  vTrsiXyj^als  ' 
STrsi&i]  KM  'ssavlzg  ou^sImoi  riilo  >^By£iv  £icd^aca-iv,  oig  Hay^oj  0  I.afdO(ra- 
Isug  ^£ov  £K  'srafSevs  o^to^oyci  ^zqv  £h  Na^oc^sl  o^gyl^.  Hat  svIeu^ev 
TYii  vTTa^iscog  rnv  a^yjnv  la-^moia.     Ibid, 

the 


Chap.  XX.     Miraculous  Concepticn,       137 

the  paflage.  The  meaning  of  it  feems  to 
be,  that  Bethlehem,  though  a  town  of  no 
great  confideration  on  other  accounts,  was 

o 

honoured  by  giving  birth  to  David,  whofe 
pofterity  would  make  fo  great  a  figure  in 
the  Jewifh  hiuory,  efpecially  by  giving  to 
the  nation  their  future  great  deliverer. 


SEC 


I 


^  3^         Q/  ihe  BoElrine  of  the      Book  III 


SECTION      VII. 

Suppofed  Alhijtons   to    the   Miraculous   Con^ 
ception  i?t  the  Scriptures^ 

T  T  T  H  E  N  once  It  is  taken  for  granted 
W  that  any  religious  tenet  is  true,  it 
is  remarkable  how  readily  the  proof  of  it 
is  found  in  the  fcriptures.  Examples  of 
this  muft  have  occurred  to  every  perfon  of 
reflection  j  and  as  they  are  not  without 
their  ufe,  in  teaching  us  caution,  I  fhall 
Ihew  in  what  manner  the  Fathers  proved 
the  dodrine  of  the  miraculous  conception 
from  the  old  Teftament ;  where  it  is,  how- 
ever, certain  that  no  Jew  ever  learned  to 
expedl  fuch  a  thing.  When  arguments  fail, 
imagination  has  often  been  able  to  dif- 
cover  a  type,  and  this  has  often  given  as 
much  fatisfadion  as  any  reafon  whatever. 
I  fhall  take  the  paflfages  in  which  this  doc- 
trine has  been  alluded  to,  nearly  in  their 

order, . 

Irenaeus 


Chap.  XX.     Miraculous  Conception.       i^g 

Irenaeus  fays,  that   ^*  Mofes's  rod,  being 

*' incarnate    in    a    ferpent,    was  a  type  of 

*'  Chrift  being  produced  by  the  aid  of  the 

^*  Spirit  only,  and  that  he  was  not  the  fon 

^^of  Jofeph^." 

The  paiTage  in  the  prophecy  of  Jacob, 
concerning  Judah,  Gen.  Ixix.  9.  which  we 
render  from  the  prey ^  my  fon ,  thou  art  gone 
upy  is  in  the  Seventy,  ^k  |3Aars  from  the  bud^ 
This  Epiphanius  applies  to  Chriil,  and  fays 
that  it  is  a  reference  to  the  miraculous 
conception,  becaufe  it  is  not  m  a'n^yt.cM'-^from 
the  feed '^^ 

*'  Chrift,"  fays  Jerom,  ''  is  called  both  a 
^*  worm  and  a  man  ;  a  worm,  as  the  pro- 
^^  phet  fays.  Fear  not  thou  worm  Jacob ; 

*  Propter  hoc  autem  et  Moyfes  oftendens  typum,  pro- 
jecit  virgam  in  terram,  ut  ea  incarnata  omnem  -i^^gyptio- 
rum  praevaricationem,  quae  infurgebat  adverfus  dei  difpo- 
fitionem,  argueret  et  abfgrberet :  et  ut  ipfi  iEgyptii  teftifi- 
carentur,  quoniam  digitus  eft  dei,  qui  falutern  operatur 
.populo,  et  non  Jofeph  filius.     Lib.  3.  c.  29.  p.  258. 

*  H  5s  Ts  %f»rs  yevi'JKrij   KoioL  (pvaiv  fjLsv  ek  yuvoiiHog  'ara^^Ew 

Halo,  T/]v  avB^uTTQWot  OMo7<iihcci  '    ag  km  IcxmQ  'Bspi  ccvIh  Aey«,   ex 

^■SaTH  UlE  /J,H  OiVE^vg,  KOil  UK  EITTEV  EX  (TTTEOf^Oil^  aVE^n?.     HxT.  3O. 

Opera,  vol.  I.  p.  156. 

"  and 


1 40  Of  the  Dobtrine  of  the      Book  III. 

"  and  a  man,   becaufe  he  is  born  of  Mary. 
*^  His   nativity   refembles  a  worm  that  is 
^'  bred  in   wood,  which  has  no  father,  but 
"  only  a  mother*/'     Jerom  is  not  the  only 
writer  in  whom  I  have  found  this  obferva- 
tion.     Eufebius    gives    three    reafons    why 
the  Meffiah  is  called  a  wormy  and  not  a  man, 
in   his  Commentary  on  Pf.  xxi.  6.    the   fe- 
cond  of  which  is,  that  he  was  not  produced 
like  men,    from   the   conjunction  of  male 
and  female-^-.     A  ray  of  good  fenfe,  how- 
ever, appears  in  Theodoret,  on  this  fubjedl, 
as  v/ell  as  on  many  others.     He  fays,  that 
**  by    a    worm  and  no   man^    nothing  was 

■j-  Chriflus  et  vermis  dicitur,  et  homo.  Vermis,  ut  ait 
propheta  :  Noli  timere  vermis  Jacob.  Et  homo,  quia  ex 
Maria  natus  aOimilatur  Tua  nativitas  vermi,  quia  vermis 
qui  in  ligno  nafcitur,  non  habet  patrem  nifi  matrem.  Et 
Chriflus  ex  Maria  eft  natus  abfque  coitu  viri.  In  Pf.  xxi. 
Opera,  vol.  7.  p.  24. 

t  Kai  ahr.^  5^'  av  £i7roi^  JKcoMm  cculov  moyiaa^ai  ai  hk  avS^«- 
'^ov^  oicx,  TO  (jLV)  oficiag  av^ocoTToig^  m  (TuvHcrtag  cc^^^vog  Kai  ^«A£iaj  ty\vi 
TTli  (Td^HDi;  yivzaiv  Z(Tyj'Mvau.^^Tia^irn<Ti,v  oil  atcaJu  (pvaiv^  a^£  ciioia^ 
TOi$  7<of^oig  uTTtxa-iv  av^^ccnoi;^  aoe  toi<;  >,Oi7roiq  K^ok;  'Zja^aTrXricricog^ 
Toi^  £|  ao^ivc;  icai  %X£Lag  cru'nraf.iEvcig  '  aai  t«  rn;  aula  ytvetTEco^ 
ffvvfisXsilo .  Eiyjv  h  Ti  'ZffAEioj  "sra^a  inv  Komv  (pU'jiv,  Mont  fa  u- 
con's  Collectio,  vol.  i.   p,  81. 

'^  meant 


Chap.  XX.      Miraculous  Conception.        1 4 1 

<*  meant  but  the  meannefs  of  David/'  In 
Pf.  xxi.  Opera,  vol.  i.  p.  477. 

Thou  bide  ft  me  in  my  mother  s  'womb,  Pf. 
cxxxix.  13.  is,  by  Eufebius,  applied  to 
Chrift,  **  v^hofe  miraculous  conception  w^as 
'*  hid  from  the  v^orld**/' 

**  The  bridegroom  proceeding  from  his 
*^  chamhery  fays  Jerom,  *'  means  from  the 
•'  virgin's  womb  -f-." 

David  fays,  Pf.  cxxxix.  16.  In  thy  hook  all 
my  members  were  written.  This  book,  fays 
Epiphanius,  is  the  virgin's  womb  J. 

In  the  fong  of  Solomon,  mention  is  made 
of  a  garden  that  was  clofed,  chap.  iv.  12. 
This  many  of  the  Fathers  fay  muft  mean 
the  virgin's  womb,  particularly  Ambrofejl. 

But  the  capital  argument  in  proof  of 
the  miraculous  conception  from  the    Old 

CHiaa-ag,  cog  av  7\cSo}r8<;  a^x'^vla.g  ts  aiavog  rs7s  tj  f|  ayi'd  'Siiw/Aciioi 
Trig  ayiag  'zsa^Bsvd  crv^M'^ig.     Demonllratio,  lib.  20.   p.  4QQ, 
f   Et  quomodo  tanquam  fponfus  procedens  de  thalamo 
fuo,  id  eft,  virginali  utero.   In  Marc.  cap.  i .  Opera,  vci.6, 
p.  69. 
X  Haer.  30.  Opera,  vol.  i.  p.  156. 
II  Hortus  claufus  eft  virgo.     De  Inftitut.  Virginis,  cap. 
9,  Opera,  vol.  4.  p.  4.24. 

Teftament^ 


142  Of  the  Do^rine  of  the     Book  IIL 

Teftament,  is  drawn  from  If.  vii.  14.  in 
which  it  is  faid,  a  virgin  fall  conceive  and 
bear  a  fon^  &c.  but  if  the  prophecy  be 
more  narrowly  infpefted,  it  will  be  found  to 
teach  no  fuch  dodlrine.  The  country  of 
Judah  having  been  threatened  with  an  inva- 
fion  from  the  kings  of  Ifrael  and  Syria, 
Ifaiah  afTures  Ahaz,  that  in  a  fliort  time  he 
ftiould  be  delivered  from  all  apprehenfion  of 
danger  from  that  quarter,  even  before  a 
child  then  conceived,  or  foon  to  be  con- 
ceived, fhould  be  of  age,  to  diftinguifli 
good  from  evil.  Behold  a  virgin  conceiveth 
and  beareth  a  fon^  and  Jhe  fall  call  his  name 
ImrnanueL  Butter  and  honey  fall  he  eat,  when 
he  fall  know  to  reftfe  the  evil,  and  chufe  the 
good.  For  before  this  child  fall  know  to 
refufe  the  evil,  a?td  to  chufe  the  good,  the  land 
Jhall  become  deflate  by  whofe  two  kings  thou 
art  di/irejfed.    Bp.  Lowth's  Tranflation. 

It  is  evident,  from  the  circumftances  of 
the  hiftory,  that  the  prophecy  related  to  an 
event  near  at  hand,  and  that  it  had  its  com- 
plete accompliihment  when  the  country 
was  delivered  from  the  two  kings  who  then 

threatened 


Chap.  XX.     Miraculous  Conception.       14^ 

threatened  it  with  an  invafion  ;  and  it  is  not 
pretended  that  any  woman  at  that  time  had 
a  child  without  a  man.  It  is  the  quotation 
of  this  prophecy,  and  the  application  of  it 
to  the  miraculous  conception  of  Chrift,  in 
the  introdudlion  to  the  gofpel  of  Matthew, 
ch.  i.  22.  that  has  made  chriftian  divines 
imagine  that  they  were  under  a  neceiiity  of 
defending  the  common  interpretation.  But 
the  difficulty  of  defending  it  makes  a  very 
ftrong  objecflion  to  the  authenticity  of  that 
introduction. 

All  the  orthodox  Fathers  maintained, 
that  the  word  in  the  Hebrew  r\^bv  fignifies 
a  proper  virgin,  and  among  the  reft  Origen 
contends  for  this.  In  Celfum.  lib.  1.  p.  27. 
But  the  Jews,  and  Symmachus  the  Ebio- 
nite,  who  were  certainly  better  judges  than 
either  the  Greek  or  Latin  Fathers,  fay,  that 
it  often  ligniiies  2iyGung  woman  only*  Irena2us 
fays,  that  **  Theodotion  of  Ephefus,  and 
**  Aquila  of  Pontus,  both  Jewiih  profelites, 
**  tranflate  it  a  young  woman  JJoall  bear  a 
''  child  :    and   that   the  Ebionites  followed 

*'  them. 


144  Of  the  Doctrine  of  the      Book  III, 

"  them,  believing  Jefas  to  be  the  Ton  of 
«  Jofeph  *." 

Eufebius  has  fomething  curious  in  his 
explanation  of  this  prophecy.  He  thought 
that  the  child  by  the  prophetefs  was  the 
fame  v/ith  the  child  Immanuel  ;  but  think- 
ing the  Holy  Spirit  to  be  the  fpeaker  in 
the  delivery  of  the  prophecy,  he  explains 
his  going  in  to  the  prophetes,  by  the  en- 
trance of  the  Holy  Spirit  into  the  vir- 
gin t- 

Chryfoftom  fays,  that  when  Ifaiah  fpeaks 
of  Chrill:  as   a  root    out  of  a  dry  ground. 

Lib.  3.  cap.  24.  p.  253. 

-^  Ettsittsp  sipr{iM  avuUE^u)  ion  n  n:ap'^svo;  fv  yjcr^i  ^>1^|^E73«,  xca 
i^Hm  vicv.  ayscTKMiii  itti  ts  'srofcviog,  'wag  on  yevoiio  rslo  oix(Taipsi 
aJlog  0  xvpic;,  Xf y^r;,  km  'm^'-jorif^ov  ispo;  tytj  is^o<pr^ai  '  av%  r^i.  eyo 
avio;  's:f>oire?^^7DixM  tti  's:pyr^i;y. .  's:po<py]tiy  yao  cyofx^zi  ivi  tcv  E/oc- 
fXrxmr/i^  T£|:^£vrv.  cia  ro  rz'/zUfAalog  ayia  /XzlcKTyjiv  xala  rev  ^>(Ta.vla 
fspvg  auhv'  'mzvwx  ayiov  £'^>£:a-€su  etti  <7Z.  km  owixfMg  v^th  b^i- 
n^ajii  coi.  Inli".  8.3.  Montfaucon's coiledlio,  vol.  2.  p-384' 

dry 


Chap.  XX.      Miraculous  Conception.       145 

tht  dry  ground  means  the  virgin's  womb  *. 
But  this  is  not  the  only  paffage  in  Ifaiah 
that  has  been  thought  to  refer  to  the  mira- 
culous conception.  Epiphanius  imagined, 
that  when  an  order  was  given  to  the  pro- 
phet, ch.  viii.  1.  to  take  a  great  roll,  as  we 
render  it,  and  which  he  fappofed  to  be  a 
fheet  oi  blank  paper ^  on  which  nothing  was 
written,  it  was  a  type  of  the  virgin's  wombf. 
In  If.  xxix.  II.  mention  is  made  of  a 
Jealed  booky  given  to  a  man  who  was  ac- 
quainted with  letters,  who  (zys^I cannot  read 
it y  for  it  is  Jealed.  ''  This  fealed  book," 
fays  Gregentius,  "  is  the  virgin  Mary,  and 
**  the  man  who  was  acquainted  with  letters 
*'  is  Jofeph,  who  had  been  married,  and  had 
**  children  by  a  former  wife;}:." 

*  Kflu  Eiep'^  rzctKv  Bih/XEv  aJl^  a;  'SSM^ui?  x^  ^i^ccv  ey  7^  3i- 
■iJ^WTj .  yrrv  OE  Ci'^'j)7XJ  iry  ^r?,cxv  Xryei  tjiv  zia^r.'jcc.i  5la  to  (Joh 
^e^aa^ax  (TTTE^ua  avSjji'Tra,  fiKOs  nvrdCia^  ai:rr3Aj7ai^  a>:>jz  x^i^ 
yofjutjv  ajy^  TEKEiv,     In  Matt.  xxvi.  39.  vol,  5.  p.  132, 

t  Haer.  30.  Opera,  vol.  i.  p.  156. 

X  Km  0  ccf.o^.     M/1  CoXoiiti^E '  g  ycu  at  avrs^uah^  Ja^r^p,  ag  ay 
i^Et^j  a>y  sx  'srviyiAjch;  ayia  ysyrr.r^iai  •  >£?a>J7i£  yx^  -ste^i  sola  0 

WixoE  ^<r{  •  hh'.jffM  TO  S7psctyiT/jLr,i;';  ^i^Xiw  ay^<  £i5c7{  yfau-uxit. 
I — Ti  TO  ^cXiov  Effippayia-f/.T.'Cv  oM*  r  r  Tiao^r.o^  «J  hfioxo<; ;  n:  c 
Vol.  IV,  L  cm^'. 


146  Of  the  Docirine  of  the     Book  III. 

Ifaiah,  in  a  remarkable  prophecy  con- 
cerning Chrift,  ch.  liii.  8.  fays,  JVho  Jhall 
declare  his  generation.  The  true  meaning 
of  this  paffage  it  is  not  eafy  to  underftand, 
and  the  belt  critics  are  by  no  means  agreed 
about  it.  But  Juftin  Martyr  thought  that 
it  iignified  that   "  Chrift  ihould   not   be  of 

*^  the  feed  of  man  ^." 

There  is  one  more  paffage  in  Ifaiah, 
which  Epiphanius  imagined  to  refer  to  the 
miraculous  birth  of  Chrift,  and  that  is 
chap.  Ixvi.  7.  Before  Jhe  travelled  fie  brought 
forth ;  before  her  pains  cafne^  fie  was  delivered 
of  a  man  child -^^  For  all  the  ancients  be- 
lieved that  Mary  was  delivered  without 
pain,  the  delivery  itfelf  having  been  proper- 
ly miraculous.  They  always  compared  it 
to  Chrift's  coming  into  a  room,  after  his  re- 
furreftion,    when    the    door   was     fliut+. 

o^^>l  yuvaiKi  'ujpoa-ofMy^Yiaavli  £(p  yi  yuvMxi-y^  tekvcx,  zniKiriio.  Dialogus. 
f  •  45- 

^E70v7®-  iw  yvjiav  aiPm  ri;   ^Ln'i'yiTslai^  m  r)^n  r-cii  vquv  o^pziKsls  ok 
ipi  en  7£vh;  avQ^coTr-d  aTTspixa  ;    Dial.  p.  284. 

f  Haer.  30.  Opera,  vol.  i.  p.  144. 

J  See Joannis  Geometrae  Hymnum  in  yirginem  Deipa- 
ram  Bib.  Pat.  vol.  8.  p.  437. 

This 


Chap.  XX .     Miraculous  Goiiception.        1 47 

This  whimfical  notion  of  Chrift  coming 
out  of  the  virgin  without  any  change  in 
her,  was  derived  from  the  Gnoflics,  and, 
like  feveral  other  opinions  of  theirs,  was 
afterwards  adopted  by  the  catholics.  Beau- 
fobre  fays,  it  was  borrowed  from  the  Prote- 
vangelion,  quoted  by  Clemens  Alexandri- 
nus  *•  Auftin,  in  anfwer  to  a  Manichean, 
who  thought  it  degrading  to  Chrift  to  pafs 
through  a  woman  at  all,  compares  this  paf- 
fage  to  a  ray  of  light  through  glafs  -f-. 
He  calls  Mary  "  a  virgin  before  the  birth, 
^' in  the  birth,  and  after  the  birth  J.*' 
Theodoret  fays,  tw  ^sscx^^mmv  ^wav^  tm  (ivkky^-^u  ?>ua-(xg, 

HTYiyima-Ei^iocfpr^iag.      Opera,  Vol.    5.   p.   20.        "  A 

'*  virgin,"  fays  Petrus  Chryfologus,  *'  con- 
**  ceives,  a  virgin  brings  forth,  and  re- 
**  mains  a  virgin  §  ;"  and  Proclus  fays,  the 

*   Hiftoire  de  Manicheifme,  vol.  i.  p.  362. 
t    Ibid.  vol.  2.  p.  525. 

:|:  Nifi  quia  Maria  virgo  ante  partum,  virgo  in  partu, 
virgopoft  partum.     Serm.  14.  Opera,  vol.  10.  p.  598. 

§  Virgo  concipit,  virgo  parturit,  virgo  permanet.      Pe- 
tri Chryfologi,  Ser.  117.  p.  352. 

L  2  *'  babe 


148  Of  the  Bo^lrine  of  the  Book  TIL 
**  babe  left  the  womb,  leaving  the  gates  un- 
**  hurt  */*  Laftly,  John  the  Geometrician, 
in  his  poem  on  the  Virgin  Mary,  fays,  that 
fhe  was  delivered  without  pain  +. 

It  was  fo  much  taken  for  granted,  that 
Mary  remained  a  proper  virgin  after  the 
birth  of  Jefus,  that  it  was  ufed  as  an  argu- 
ment againft  Photinus,  by  Theodotus,  bif- 
hop  of  Ancyra,  at  the  council  of  Ephefus. 
A  iiiere  man,  he  faid,  was  never  born  in 
that  way  J. 

Of  this  Ambrofe  interpretes  what  Eze- 
kel  fays,  ch.  xliv.  2.  of  a  gate  in  the 
temple,  which  he  faw  in  vifion,  concern- 
ing which  it  is  faid.  It  JJjall  be  Jhuty  becaufe 

*  E|)i>J5£  yap  to  ^^e^©*,  ««<  aHspMu;  th;  Hoilojva^  rn;  yarpoq 
a7r£>\i7r£v.     Horn,  in  Nativitatem  Domini,  p.  150. 

•f-  Tlap^evn  rsiMv  naixixluv  fxi^ip  avw  ohvYig.  Bib.  Pat.  vol.  "8. 
Ed.  Paris,  p.  437.  . 

X  'E.TTEi^Yi  h  }y  (pcolEivoi;  nj/txov  M^poiTTov  T^sysi  Tov  ysyEVf^ixtvov,  fi-n 
^Eym  Ses  2ivoa  roKOV,  )y  tov  eh  (xy]}foi^  'sspQE'hZ-avloc.^  av^^uTrov  VTToli^ilai 
^irpr\f/'Evov  ^EH'  )\Ey£la)  fxoi  vw,  'srw^  (pvat^  av^^pTTivv)  oiafxnl^ag  'syap^E" 
Vtw$  Ti£o|Ot£v>ii  T/1V  'zsap^Eviav  rrg  fx-^pcti  E<pv>M^£v  a(p^a.^O)f  5  aotvoi 
yap  a;SfW7rs  fx-ri'^^  'ssap^sv^  (AffAsvYiKsv,  Binnli  Concilia, 
vol.  I,  pt.  2.  p.  390. 

the 


Chap.  XX-     Miraculous  Conception.       i^^ 

the  Lord  God  of  Ijrael  has  entered  in  by  it  *. 
He  alfo  proves  it  from  the  prophecy  con- 
cerning  Immanuel,  in  Ifaiah,  ch.  vii.  faying 
that,  according  to  that  prophecy,  Mary  was 
to  bring  forthy  as  well  as  to  conceive,  while 
fhe  was  a  virgin  -f*. 

Irenaeus  fays,  that  ^^  it  was  with  a  view 
*'  to  the  virgin's  conception,  that  Daniel 
"  fpake  of  Chrift  as  a  ftone  cut  out  of 
**  the  mountain  without  hands,  or  the 
**  hands  of  man  ;  not  Jofeph,  but  Mary 
*'  only,  being  concerned  in    it  J."      The 

*  Et  infra  dicit  propheta  vidifle  fe  in  monte  alto  nimis 
acdificationem  civitatis,  cujus  portae  plurimae  figniflcantur, 
una  tamen  claufa  defcribitur,  de  qua  fie  ait.  Porta  igitur 
Maria,  per  quam  Chriftus  intravit  in  hunc  mundum, 
quando  virginali  fufus  eft  partu,  et  genitalia  virginitatis 
clauflra  non  folvit.  De  Inftitutione  Virginia,  c.  7.  Opera, 
vol.  4.   p.  423. 

t  Ecce  virgo  in  utero  accipiet,  et  pariet  filium.  Non 
enim  concepturam  tantummodo  virginem,  fed  et  paritu- 
ram,  virginem  dixit.  Epift.  lib.  i.  7.  Opera,  vol.  4. 
p.  186. 

X  Propter  hoc  autem  et  Daniel  praevidens  ejus  advcn- 
tum,  lapidem  fine  manibus  abfciffum  advenifle  in  hunc 
mundum.  Non  operante  in  eum  Jofeph,  fed  fola  Maria 
co-operante  difpofitioni.     Lib.  3.  cap.  28.  p.  258. 

^     L  3  fame 


1  jo  Of  the  Doctrine  of  the     Book  III. 

fame  obfervation  is  made  by  Cofmas   IndU 
copleulles  ^. 

With  refped:  to  the  New  Teftament,  the 
only  argument  for  the  miraculous  concep- 
tion brought  from  it  is,  the  hiftory  of  it 
by  Matthew  and  Luke  ?  except  that  PauFs 
faying,  that  Chrift  came  made  cf  a  wo?zan, 
was  interpreted  by  Cyril  of  Jerufalem,  of 
Chrift  "  not  coming  by  man.,  but  by  womaa 
'*  only  '\'J"     This  I  have  explained  before/ 

av^po;.    Lib.  2.  de  Mundo,  Montfaucon's  CoUedio,  vol.  2. 

P-  145- 

-f-  E^oiweTei^z  yap  0  Seoj  tov  uiov  avla^   ^vktlv  0  HayAof,   s  y£v6^ 

tK  -BTfiKf^Evs.     Cat.  12.  Opera,  p.  165. 


S    C    E- 


Chap.  XX,     Miraculous  Conception.       151 


SECTION      VIII. 

ObjeEiions  to  the  Miraculous  Conception  by  the 
ancient  Unbelievers,  and  the  Anjwers  of  the 
Chriftian  Fathers  to  the???. 

IT  may  v/ell  be  imagined,  that  fuch  a  hif- 
tory  as  that  of  the  miraculous  concep- 
tion would  not  efcape  the  ridicule  of  unbe- 
lievers. It  is  a  miracle  of  fuch  a  nature,  as 
was  not  likely  to  gain  credit  without  very 
circumftantial  evidence,  which  is  not  pre- 
tended to  in  the  cafe ;  and,  therefore,  it 
was  lefs  in  the  power  of  chriftians  to 
make  out  a  defence  of  it.  The  dodrine  of 
the  refurre5lion  was  alfo  expofed  to  ridi- 
cule 'y  but  then  the  chriftian  had  to  reply, 
that  the  evidence  of  a  thing  of  fo  extraordi- 
nary a  nature  was  proportionably  full  and 
clear.  Our  Saviour's  own  death  and  relur- 
rcftion  were  fo  circumftanced  with  refpedt 
to  the  notoriety  of  the  fadl  in  the  one 
L  4  cafe. 


1 52         Of  the  Dodirine  of  the      Book  III, 

cafe,  and  the  number  and  choice  of  wit- 
nefles  in  the  other,  that  the  hiftory  may 
defy  all  ridicule,  and  the  importance  of  the 
objedi  made  all  the  precautions  proper. 

On  the  other  hand,    the  pretended  cir- 
cumftances  of  the  birth   of  Chrift,  though 
no  lefs  extraordinary,   and  naturally  as  in- 
credible as  thofe  of  his  refurredion,  are  to- 
tally deftitute  of  all    fimilar  evidence ;  not 
one  perfon  who  is  faid  to  have  been  a  wit- 
nefs  of  the  fadt,  having  borne  his  teftimony 
to  it.     A  miraculous  birth  is,  indeed,  a  faft 
of  fuch  a  kind,  as  muft  be  peculiarly  diffi- 
cult to  prove  ;  and  on  this  account  it  was  a 
kind  of  miracle  that  was  not    likely   to  be 
chofen  by  infinite  wifdom. 

We  hear  of  no  objedtion  being  made  to 
the  miraculous  conception  in  the  book  of 
Acts,  which,  as  I  have  obferved,  is  almoft  a 
proof  that  the  pretenfion  to  it  had  not  been 
made  in  the  age  of  the  apoftles ;  for  we 
find  that,  as  foon  as  it  was  believed  by  any 
chriftians,  it  was  objefted  to  by  unbelievers, 
and  that  chriftlanity  fuffered  not  a  little  on 
this  account,  both  from  Jews  and  heathens, 

Trypho^ 


Chap.  XX.     Miraculous  Conception,      153 

Trypho,  in  Juftin  Martyr's  dialogue,  was 
much  oiFended  at  this  dodlrine,  and  thought 
it  would  be  extremely  unacceptable  to  his 
countrymen.  Had  the  dialogue  been  writ- 
ten by  a  Jew,  and  not  by  a  chriftian,  the 
cenfure  would  probably  have  been  exprefled 
in  ftill  ftronger  term3. 

According  to  Origen,  Celfus  introduced 
a  Jew  *^  difcourfing  with  Jefus,  and  re^ 
**  proaching  him  on  many  accounts,  but 
**  efpecially  as  pretending  to  be  born  of  a 
**  virgin*,"  He  makes  the  Jew  fay  that 
*'  the  mother  of  Jefus  was  difmiffed  by  her 
**  hufband,  the  carpenter,  on  account  of 
*'  adultery,  and  being  with  child  by  a  fol- 
"  dier,  called  Panthera-f-;"  an  idle  ftory, 
which  is  told  at  full  length  in  a  Jewifli 
traft,  entitled  Toldos  Jefchu, 

Accounts  of  the  objeftions  of  the  Jews 
to  the  miraculous  conception  are  without 
end.  ^«  Tell  the  Jew,''  fays  Ifidore  Pelu- 
fiota,  **  who  difputes  about  the  divine  in- 

x)  eXslxovIa  aviov  m^i  'mo>>,m  (/.ev,  cog  oidou  '  'ss^alov  5e,  oig  'sT^acra- 
i^iva  aula  rm  £«  's^a^^sya  ysv£(nv.     Con.  Celfum.  lib.  i.  p.  22, 
t  Ibid.  lib.  I.  p.  25. 

3  ^*  carnation. 


154  OftheDo5irineofthe     Book    III, 

*'  carnation,  and  fays  it  is  impoffible  in 
^*  human  nature  to  bring  forth  without 
*^  marriage,  &c  •^"."  *'  The  Greeks  and 
'*  Jews,"  fays  Cyril  of  Jerufalem,  *^  infift 
**  upon  it,  that  it  is  impoffible  that  Chrift 
'*  fhould  be  born  of  a  virgin  f.'*  *'  Many/' 
fays  he,  *'  contradid,  and  fay,  what  fo  great 
**  caufe  was  there  that  God  fliould  defcend 
**  and  become  man  ;  and  if  it  be  poffible  for 
**  the  nature  of  God  to  become  man,  how 
^^  could  a  virgin  have  a  child  without  a 
^*  man  J.''  On  account  of  the  infidel  Jews," 
fays  Proclus,  **  I  will  interrogate  the  vir- 
*'  gin.  Tell  me,  O  virgin,  what  made  thee 
*'  a  mother  before  marriage  §  ?" 

ffTTi^ljicxJci  rBkSLv.     Epifr.  lib.  i.  Opera,  p...  43. 

valov  w  rev  xf.Tov  £«  'TSa^^^va  ysvw^wai.     Gat.  12.  p.  162. 

evvavaf^£(pBiy '  hui  £i  hvdiov  &ri  ^siao^Evov  temiv  avsu  av^^cg.     Ibid, 
p.  150. 

§  0tAa  ^E  ^la  T85  uTTirsi  hooci'dg,  uai  tov  -j^iXfSsv'W  i^alr\iToa  .  eitts 
fMi  'js-afSevs,  T{  a£  f/.sl£^a  'us^o  Tiov  y<x(Mm  s7roinT2.  Horn,  in  Na- 
tivitatem  Domini,  p.  152. 

1  This 


Chap.  XX.     Miraculous  Conception.        155 

This  was  a  circumflance  relating  to 
chriftianity  that  did  not  efcape  the  vigi* 
lance  of  Julian.  Speaking  of  the  prophecy 
of  Jacob  concerning  Shiloh,  he  fays,  "  This 
*'  has  nothing  to  do  with  Jefus,  for  he  is 
**  not  of  Judah  ;  for,  according  to  you,  he 
^*  was  not  defcended  from  Jofeph,  but  was 
*^  of  the  Holy  Spirit ;  and  it  is  the  genea- 
"  logy  of  Jofeph  that  you  carry  up  to  Ju- 
**  dah.  And  even  this  you  do  not  make  out 
^*  well ;  for  Matthew  and  Luke  contradid: 
*•*  one  another*.'' 

Let  us  now  fee  what  the  chriftian  Fathers 
have  faid  in  order  to  leiTen  the  difficulty 
attending  the  dodlrine  of  the  miraculous 
conception.  Origen  fays,  "  the  Greeks 
**  v/ho  will  not  believe  that  Jefus  was  born 
**  of  a  virgin,  mufl:  be  told  that  the  maker 
**  of  all  things,  in  the  formation  of  feveral 

*  07i  ^e  Tslwy  n^tv  rw  Imii  in^ocrm^',  'uj^q^y^^ov  .  «5g  ya^  iriv  £| 
Ja^cc  {'sscog  yap  o  Ha^  VfjLag  m  e|  lcoaY]p-)  oi>.?\  £|  ocyiH  'mnufjuxl'^  ye- 
yovw^)  rev  lojcyj^  yei/EaXoyavJej  e;^  jov  la^xv  ava^t^fis^  uai  a^e  riiio 
shvYj^yfts  ^y^a-ai  na^^g.  Exsyxovlai  ya^  Motl^cciog  koi  Aintaq  'msot 
7Yi(;y£VEa>.Gyiag  aula  ^cc^mavlsg  i^^o;  a^An;\«^.  Cyril,  contra  Jul, 
lib.  8.  Juliani  Opera,  vol.  2.  p.  253^ 

*^' animals. 


^5^  Of  the  Dodlrine  of  the      Book  III. 

^*  animals,  has  fhewn  that  what  he  has  done 
•*  with  refpedt  to  fome,  he  might  have  done 
**  in  others,  and  even  in  man.  ,  For  among 
**  the  animals  fome  females  have  no  com- 
*'  merce  with  males,  which  naturalifts  fay 
**  is  the  cafe  with  vultures,  which  are  pro- 
*'  pagated  without  it.  How  then  is  it  ex- 
**  traordinary,  if  God,  intending  to  fend  a 
**  divine  mefTenger  to  mankind,  inftead  of 
"  the  ufual  mode  of  generation,  by  the 
"  commerce  of  man  wdth  woman,  fliould 
**  employ  another  method  *.'*  He  pro-^ 
ceeds  to  mention  Grecian  fables,  in  which 
fomething  of  a  fimilar  nature  was  fuppofed 
to  have  taken  place. 

Ruffinus,  to  make  it  appear  lefs  incre- 
dible, fays,   "  the   Phoenix   is    reproduced 

lYicm,  oil  0  5Vj/>tispyO-,  tv  tvj  twv  nzoiKi'ko:v  ^accv  yevfcTEi,  ehi^ev.  oh  rv 
ec'jlcD  $H>.y]^£v}i  ^uvsclov  rsoiYiaai^  ott^  £(p  ivo;  ^coh,  hcci  btt  ay^Kav^  nai 
VK  avlm  TCDV  cxv^^o^TTm.  "Ev^Kncdai  h  riva  rcov  ^quv  ^Xecx^  fjiyi 
£)(,ov\a  a^PYivog  xoivuviav^  a;  oi  -weft  ^oicov  avary^a-^a.vlzg  T^^y^ai  'sse^i 
yuTToov  '  uai  thIo  to  ^o3oy  x^JPt^  /^iIeoj;  (ra^ei  tw  ^(a5b%iiv  tcov  yEvo^v. 
T»  8V  'STiXfaJblov,  £1  ^ii>.r^£ig  o  ^£og  ^siov  nva  ^i^aa-Ha>.ov  'STE/ui^^si  ro) 
ytVEi  rcov  orj^^coTTcov.  'usettoiw-ev^  a'P>i  (T'^f^/juiIikh  "hoya^  m  Eft  fii^Eu; 
rov   apf£vwv  raig  ywai^i  ['O^oimai]  «W^  t^ott'^  yEVEa^cu  rov  >,oyov 

^^  wdthoijit 


Chap.  XX.     Miraculous  Conception.       157 

**  without  a  male,  and  without  the  con- 
**  jundion  of  the  fexes  *.''  "  If  fome  ani- 
**  mals/'  fays  Ladtantius,  '*  as  is  well 
'*  known  to  all,  conceive  by  the  wind,  why 
**  fhould  any  perfon  think  it  wonderful 
**  that  the  virgin  fhould  be  with  child  by 
**  the  breath  of  God,  to  whom  it  is  eafy  to 
"  do  whatever  he  pleafes  f  ?"  **  That  the 
'*  miraculous  conception  fhould  not  appear 
"  altogether  incredible,"  fays  Bafil  (almofl 
copying  Origen)  "  even  to  thofe  who  do 
**  not  readily  apprehend  what  relates  to  the 
**  divine  oeconomy,  God  has  made  fome 
**  animals  produce  their  young  by  the  help 

*  Et  tamen  quid  mirum  videtur,  fi  virgo  conceperit,  cum 
orientis  avem  queni  Phsenicem  vocant,  in  tantum  fine  con- 
juge  nafci  vel  renafci  conftet,  ut  feniper  una  fit,  et  femper 
fibi  ipfi  nafcendo  vel  renafcendo  fuccedat  ?  Apes  certe  nef- 
cire  conjugia,  nee  foetus  nixibus  edere,  omnibus  palum 
eft,  fed  et  alia  nonnulla  deprehenduntur  fub  hujufcemodi 
forte  nafcendi.     In  Symb.  Opera,   p.  176. 

t  Quod  fi  animalia  quaedam  vento,  aut  aura  concipera 
folere,  onrinibus  notum  eft ;  cur  quifquam  mirum  putet, 
cum  fpiritu  dei,  cui  facile  eft  quicquid  velit ;  gravata/n  efle 
virginem  dicimus  I     In  (lit.  lib.  4.  k^.  12.  Opera,  p.  383. 

*^of 


158  Of  the  BoEirlne  of  the     Book  III. 

"  of  the  female  only,  without  the  ufe  of  the 
•^  male,  which  naturalifts  fay  is  the  cafe 
"  with  the  vulture  */' 

'•  What  is  the  reafon/'  fays  Chryfoftom, 
*'  why,  when  you  fee  a  virgin  bring  forth 
**  our  common  Lord,  you  do  not  believe  it. 
*•  Exercife  your  underftanding  with  refpeS 
*'  to  women  who  were  barren;  that  when 
*'  you  fee  the  womb  that  was  faft  clofed, 
**  opened  by  the  grace  of  God,  you  may 
**  not  wonder  when  you  hear  that  a  virgin 
*^  has  brought  forth.  Wonder,  indeed, 
•*  and  be  aftoniihed,  but  do  not  difbelieve 
**  the  miracle.  When  a  Jew  then  fays  to 
**  you,  How  can  a  virgin  bring  forth^  aik 
*'  him  how  can  a  woman  that  is  barren  and 
**  old  have  a  child.  Here  are  two  impedi- 
*^  ments,  age  and  infirmity,  but  with  refpeA 
**  to  the  virgin  there  is  only  one  impedi- 
**  ment,  viz.  that  fhe  is  not  married.      Let 

Toig  oi/<T7ra^a^£}i!oos  ^s^i  tvjv  ^siav  oikqvcjjliccv  ^laKSifxsvoig .  ehIio-e  riva 
7C6V  ^uav  0  ^YifJi^ia^yog  d'uva/xsvoi  utto  fxova  ts  S-jiAecj,  %wf ij  rrig  rav  a^- 
ftvuv  i'TTi'TrTsomq^  aTTolifcJnv  .  loiavla.  ya.^  iTop^ai  'sje^i  yvTrav^  01  roc 
t^ifi  ^aciv  7r§a,7i/^lsu<roc{AVM.     In  If.  j.  Opera,  vol.  2.  p.  186. 

^'  the 


Chap.  XX.  Miraculous  Conception.  1 5 9 
"  the  barren  then  prepare  the  way  for  the 
**  virgin-'^.'* 

Auftin  fays,  ''  If  the  miraculous  con- 
^'  ception  be  thought  incredible  becaufe  it 
*«  happened  but  once,  other  things  like- 
*^  wife  have  happened  but  once,"  and  thus 
he  thought  the  objeftion  anfwered-f. 

But  thebeft  anfwer  of  all,  is  that  which 
is  given  by  Cyril  of  Jerufalem.  "  The 
**  Jews  contradict,   and   will    not    be  per- 

*  T/$  HV  sriv  Y\  a\lia  ;  iva  olav  i^n;  rnv  'Sja^^EVOv  TLKinaav  tqv  Koiyov 

k'V  TY]  (inl^Ci  TOJV  r£if  WV,   IV  olaCV  l^Y}^  'TSSTTn^CO/JLEVilV    nai  ^S^EIMEVW  fJff^faV, 

^^o<;  'mai^oTiouav  avoiyofAzvrw  etc  mg  th  v£S  %i3J^i7o?,  f^Ti  Bar^acryig 
etKum  oil  TS-afSsvoj  eIeke  .  (xaXhov  h  ^au/Aao-ov  km  EH7rXayy,Bi,  oCKhoi. 
(iy\  tzTTiTYicTYig  rco  ^avixali  .  olav  8v  T^syv)  'UJ^og  as  o  Isaaicg^  'siag  eIekev  n 
f^sa^^EVog  ,  EiTTB 'm^og  avlov-,  'mcog  sIekev't]  TEi^dKOii  yEywcufcvia ;  ouo 
ya^  Kco^^v/Aolcc  rols  w-,  to,  te  aw^ov  t»j  r^Awraj,  ncti  to  ax^nrov  rrtg 
^ua-Eug  '  STTi  ^E  rrig  'ma^^Eva  ev  Ha'Kv^cx,  nv,  to  ,a>i  [xdccaxEiv  auirit 
yai^H  .  'ss^oo^QTToisi  loiwv  TYi  ^(xo^Evo)  7]  TEi^dc.  In  Gen.  Horn. 
49.  Opera,  vol.  2.  p.  684. 

f  Quod  fi  propterea  non  creditur  quia  femel  fa<5lum  efl-, 
quxre  ab  amico  quem  hoc  adhuc  movet,  utrum  nihil  invi- 
niatur  in  literis  fecularibus  quod  et  femel  h&^m  eft  et 
tamen  creditum,  non  fabulofa  vanitate,  fed  ficut  exiftimans 
hiftorica  fide.  Quaere  obfecro  te.  Si  enim  tale  aliquid 
in  illis  literis  inveniri  negaverit,  admonendus  eft,  fi  auteni 
faffus  fuerit,  foluta  quseftio  ^ft.     Epift.  7.  Opera,  vol.  %, 

'*  fuaded 


i6o  Of  the  DoBrhie  of  the      Book  III, 

"  fuaded  by  what  we  fay  concerning  the 
**  rod'*  [If.  vii.  3.]  ''  unlefs  examples  be 
**  brought  to  them  of  births  equally  ftrange, 
**  and  contrary  to  nature,  I,  therefore, 
**  queftion  them  in  this  manner.  Of  whom 
<«  was  Eve  generated  from  the  beginning  ? 
<*  What  mother  conceived  her,  who  had  no 
**  mother  -,  for  the  fcripture  fays,  that  fhe 
**  was  produced  from  the  fide  of  Adam  ? 
«^  Was  Eve,  therefore,  produced  from  the 
**  fide  of  a  male  without  a  mother,  and 
<*  cannot  a  child  be  generated  from  a  vir- 
<«  gin's  womb  without  a  man  *  ?"  To 
the  fame  purpofe  Petrus  Chryfologus  fays, 
**  How  can  it  be  wonderful  that  he  fhould 
**  inhabit  a  virgin's  womb,  who  himfelf 
**  made  woman  from  the  fide  of  a  man. 
**  He  took  a  man  from  the  womb  of  a 
^*  woman  who  formed  a  virgin  from  the 

''/Qi^y   £av  (XY)   oixoioii;  ^cc^a^o^oi;  t^  'zsa^oc  ^vaiv  'snia'hcoviv  roxsloig^ 
s^sla^u  Toivvv  aulag  ^uq    *    rj  'Eva  el  af%>i5  £»  Tiv©"  fyswiSjj ;  wows 

yiyovs  th  A^ocix  ;  aja  sv  n  w£v  Eva  eh   'sr?.eu^oi(;  a^(Ttv(^,  %cofif 

ymdiM  i     Cat,  12*  Opera,  p.  163. 

''  body 


Chap.  XX.     Miraculous  Conception.       161 

*^  body  of  a  man ;  fo  that  what  appears 
**  new  to  you  is  old  with  God*.*'  It  is 
alfo  very  prudently  and  pertinently  obferved 
by  Maximus  Taurinenfis,  *'  Whofoever  is 
**  difpofed  to  examine  the  works  of  God, 
*'  rather  than  believe  them,  is  influenced  by 
**  the  flefh,  and  not  by  the  fpirit.  Where- 
**  fore,  my  brethren,  let  us  not  difcufs  in 
*'  what  manner  God  is  born  of  God,  but 
*'  let  us  believe  it.  Nor  let  us  retraft  the 
**  miraculous  conception,  but  admire;  that 
"  acknowledging  the  only  begotten  Son  of 
**  God  to  be  both  God  and  man,  we  may 
*^  hold  the  true  heavenly  faith  unblame- 
**  ablef/'     To  the    fame   purpofe  liidore 

*  Quid  mirum  modo,  11  virginis  habitavlt  utero,  qui 
mulierem  hominis  fumpfit  ex  latere  ?  Ipfe  hominem  mu- 
lieris  refumfit  ex  utero,  qui  virginem  viri  formavit  ex  cor- 
pore  ;  ac  perinde,  homo,  quse  tibi  videntur  nova,  deo 
habentur  antiqua.      Ser.  145.  p.  372. 

f  Omnis  ergo  qui  opera  dei  magis  vult  examinare  quam 
credere,  non  fequitur  animae  fenfum,  fed  carnis  errorem. 
Et  ideo,  fratres !  non  difcutiamus,  qualiter  deus  de  deo 
natus  eft,  fed  credamus :  nee  retractemus  partum  virginis, 
fed  miremur  ;  ut  unigenitum  dei  deum  et  hominem  confi- 
tentes,  inoffenfam  teneamus  cceleftis  iidei  veritatem.  Ope- 
ra, p.  195. 

Vol.  IV.  M  alfo 


362  OftheDocirineofthe      Book  III. 

alfo  fays,  *'  Behold  therefore  a  man  from 
**  the  earth,  and  a  woman  from  a  man,  and 
*'  both  without  the  conjunction  of  fexes*." 

The  conception  of  Chrift  by  a  virgin, 
is,  no  doubt,  within  the  power  of  God, 
who  made  man  originally  ;  but  as  miracles 
are  never  wrought  without  a  reafon,  and 
where  a  great  and  good  end  is  to  be  an- 
fwered  by  them,  we  ought  not  lightly  to 
give  credit  to  accounts  of  miracles  for 
which  we  cannot  imagine  any  good  rea- 
fon,  and  the  very  report  of  which  is  cal- 
culated to  expofe  chrifiianity  to  ridicule, 
without  any  neceffity,  or  conceivable  ad- 
vantage. Whether  the  hiftory  of  the  mi- 
raculous conception  of  Chrifl  be  fo  circum- 
flanced,  as  that  the  evidence  in  favour  of  it 
is  able  to  overbear  the  force  of  this  objec- 
tion, and  the  many  others  that  have  beeu 
ftated  in  this  chapter,  let  the  reader  now 
judge. 

All  thefe,  it  is  to  be  obferved,  are  the 
objections  of  Jews   or  heathens,    and   the 

ffuvQU7icc5  x^§^i'     Epift.  141.  p.  43. 

anfwers 


CaAP.  XX.     Miraculous  Conception.       163 

anfwers  apply  only  to  the  light  in  which 
it  was  coniidered  by  them.  \¥hat  any 
chriftians,  who  equally  diibelieved  the  mi- 
raculous conception,  faid  to  it,  we  are  no 
where  told,  though  we  find  that  they  pub- 
liflied  their  objections.  That  the  learned 
Symmachus  in  particular  wrote  againft  this 
dodtrine,  we  are  informed,  but  we  find  not 
a  fingle  quotation  from  the  book,  or  that 
it  was  ever  anfwered  ;  and  yet  it  is  not  faid 
that  it  was  undeferving  of  an  anfwer. 

The  filence  of  the  chriftian  Fathers   on 
this  fubjed:  will  be  differently  interpreted, 
as  perfons   are  diflJerently  difpofed  with  re- 
fped:   to    the   do6lrine   itfelf.     All  the  cir- 
cumllances  confidered,  it  appears  to  me  that 
io  truly  refpedlable  a  perfon  as  Symmachus 
writing   againft  the  miraculous  conception, 
in  fo  early  a  period  (as  early,   probably,   as 
the  belief  of  it  came  to  be  general)  and  that 
no  perfon  anfwered  his  book,  are   both  of 
them  remarkable  fadls,  and  both  unfavour- 
able to  the  truth  of  that  part  of  the  hiftory. 
Two   of  our   gofpels,    indeed,   contain    the 
account,  bat  it  was  not  in   the  gofpel   that 
M  2  was 


1 64  Of  the  DoBrine,  &c.       Book  III. 

was  received  by  Symmachus,and  the  reft  of 
the  Ebionites  ^  and  this  they,  who  were 
certainly  the  beft  judges  in  the  cafe,  main- 
tained to  be  the  authentic  gofpel  of  Mat- 
thew. 

Had  the  work  of  Symmachus  been  extant, 
or  had  the  reafons  of  Paulus  Samofatenlis 
and  his  followers  (whofe  opinion  was  proba- 
bly that  of  the  ancient  Gentile  unitarians  in 
general)  for  believing  that  Jefus  was  born 
at  Nazareth,  and  not  at  Bethlehem,  been 
tranfmitted  to  us,  together  with  the  re- 
marks of  their  adverfaries,  we  fhould,  no 
doubt,  have  been  in  poffeffion  of  materials 
on  which  we  might  have  founded  a  more 
decifive  opinion  than  we  can  pretend  to  do 
at  prefent.  Wanting  thefe  important  ma- 
terials for  forming  a  decifive  judgment,  let  us 
not  be  wanting  in  candour  in  a  cafe  in  which 
all  we  can  fay  is,  that  one  probable  opinion 
is  oppofed  to  another  lefs  probable. 


THE 


THE 

HISTORY    OF    OPINIONS 

CON    CERNINO 

CHRIS        T. 


BOOK        IV. 

Of  some  controversies  which  had  a 

NEAR     RELATION     TO    THE     TRINITA- 
RIAN OR   UNITARIAN  DOCTRINE. 


CHAPTER      I. 

Of  the    Arlan    Controverjy. 

WE  have  no  account  of  any  thing, 
in  the  whole  compafs  of  ecclefiaf- 
tical  hiftory,  that  ever  occaiioned 
a  greater  revolution  in  the  theological  ftate 
of  the  world,  than  the  doctrine  of  Arius  ; 
and  the  revolution  was  equally  fudden,  and 
lafting.  Within  much  lefs  than  the  life  of 
M  3  man 


1 66      Of  the  Arlan  Cqnfroverfy.   Book  IV, 

man,  this  dodrine,  from  being  v/holly 
unknown,  overfpread  perhaps,  one  half  of 
the  chriftian  world,  and  more  than  once  bid 
fair  for  having  the  feal  of  orthodoxy  ftamped 
upon  it.  In  two  pretty  long  reigns,  it  was 
the  religion  of  the  Roman  court,  and  it  had 
the  fand:ion  of  feveral  numerous  councils  ^ 
and  this  not  long  after  its  condemnation 
by  the  famous  council  of  Nice,  in  the 
reign  of  the  emperor  Conflantine.  Socrates 
fays  that,  upon  the  publication  of  the  doc- 
trine of  Arius,  it  immec^iately  fpread  from 
Alexandria  through  all  Egypt,  Lybia,  The- 
bais,  and  the  other  provinces  and  cities ; 
and  that  many  perfons  of  charadler  took  the 
part  of  Arius,  efpeciaily  Eufebius  of  Nico- 
media*.  An  event  of  fuch  magnitude  re- 
quires to  be  carefully  inveftigated. 

Before  the  time  of  Arius  only  three  fyf- 
tems   of  chriftianitv,  or  rather  three  opi- 

Tauld,  ro)  JiaivcTTpsTTEi   Xoy^o  cru}J:Gyia-afA£vog^    avdppiTTi^ji  T8g 
'Ero^?vSj  'Bpo^  TO  ^Y^inixa,  .    HJii  avcxmidai  airo  crixiK^a   o-mvQyioc;  [xsya 

?^£%£  Tr]V  crviATraa-av  Aiyuvflov  rs  Kai  ^iQunv,  acu  n:v\v  ava  Qr,<^ccL^a  ' 
nor]  0£  KM  ra^  XoiTrag  ETTsvef^slo  ETra^x^xg  rs  uai  'ajOASig  •  (rvve^afXaoc- 
VQvlo  Ty\  A^sia  "^o^n  rsioT^oi  [jizvjtoa  aX^c-i,  [.t.a.^TCx.  h  Evcrs^iog  au%; 
et-^ifX/lo.     Hift.  lib.  i.  cap.  6.  p.  lo. 

I  nions 


Chap.  I.     OftheArianControverfy.       167 

nions  concerning  the  perfon  of  Chrift,  had 
been  the  fubjed;  of  difcuffion.  The  firft 
was  that  of  the  unitarians^  who  believed 
Chrift  to  be  a  mere  man,  and  to  have  had 
no  exiftence  prior  to  his  birth,  in  the  reign 
of  Auguftus.  The  fecond  was  that  of  the 
Gnofiics,  who  thought  that  to  this  man,  or 
fomething  that  had  the  appearance  of  a 
man,  was  fuper-added  a  pre-exiftent  fuper- 
angelic-fpirit,  called  the  Chrifi,  The  third 
was  the  dodrine  of  the  perfonjjication  of  the 
logos y  according  to  which  Jefus  Chrift,  who 
had  a  body  and  ?.  foul  like  other  men,  had 
alfo  a  fuperior  principle  intimately  united 
to  him.  But  this  principle  was  nothing 
that  had  ever  been  created ;  for  it  was  no- 
thing lefs  than  the  logos,  or  the  wifdom  and 
power  of  God  the  Father,  and  which,  in  a 
ftate  of  perfonification,  had  been  the  imme- 
diate caufe  of  the  formation  of  the  uni- 
vcrfe,  and  of  all  the  appearances  of  God  in 
the  Old  Teftament. 

Now  we  find  all  at  once  a  doftrlne  to- 
tally different  from  any  of  the  preceding 
fchemes,    viz.    that   the   intelligent   prin- 
M  4  ciple 


1 68       Of  the  Arian  Controverfy.     Book  IV. 

ciple  which  animated  the  body  of  Chrift 
(for  it  was  not  thought  that  he  had  any- 
other  foul)  was  a  great  pre-exiftent  fpirit, 
and  created,  like  other  beings,  cut  of  710- 
thing ;  that  this  pre-exiftent  fpirit,  to  which 
was  ftill  given  the  name  of  logos,  had  been 
employed  by  God  in  making  the  univerfe, 
and  in  all  the  appearances  under  the  Old 
Teftament,  and  then  became  the  proper 
foul  of  Jefus  Chrift.  Such  is  the  outline 
of  that  doctrine  which,  from  Arius,  a  pref- 
byter  of  the  church  of  Alexandria,  obtained 
the  name  of  Ariani/m,  and  which,  with 
fome  variation,  has  continued  to  be  held 
by  great  numbers  of  very  intelligent  chrif- 
tians  to  this  day. 

Of  the  three  fchemes  which  were  prior 
Arianifm,  it  has  the  greateft  refemblaacc 
to  that  of  the  Gnoftics,  but  differs  from  it 
chiefly  in  two  refpeds.  Firft,  the  Gnoftics 
fuppofed  the  pre-exiftent  fpirit  which  was 
in  Jefus,  to  have  been  an  emanation  from 
the  Supreme  Being,  according  to  the  prin- 
ciples of  the  philofophy  of  that  age,  which 
made  creation  out  of  nothing  to  be  an  im- 

poffibility ; 


Chap.  I.     Of  the  Arian  Controverjy.        \  6g 

poffibility;  whereas  the  Arians  fuppofed 
this  pre-exiilent  fpirit  to  have  been  pro- 
perly created.  But  this  difference  is  ra- 
ther philofophical  than  theological  j  be- 
caufe  they  both  agreed  in  fuppofing  that 
this  pre-exiftent  fpirit  had  the  fame  ori- 
gin with  that  of  angels,  and  other  beings 
of  a  fpiritual  nature,  fuperior  to  man. 

Secondly,  the  Gnoftics  fuppofed  that  this 
pre-cxiftent  fpirit  was  not  the  maker  of  the 
world,  but  was  fent  to  reftify  the  evils 
which  had  been  introduced  by  the  being 
who  made  it  ^  whereas  the  Arians  fup- 
pofed that  their  logos  was  the  being  that 
had  been  employed  by  God  in  the  making 
of  the  univerfe,  as  well  as  in  all  his  com- 
munications with  mankind. 

But  even  this  difference,  refpecling  the 
nature  and  office  of  Chrift,  was  not  of  fuch 
a  nature  as  to  make  any  material  difference 
in  the  rejpeci  that  they  entertained  for 
Chrift;  both  the  Gnoflics  and  the  Arians 
agreeing  in  this,  that  Chrifl  was  a  great 
pre-exiflent  fpirit,  and  that  we  owe  him 
the  greatefl  obligations  for  his  condefcen- 

fion 


170      Cfihe  Arian  Controverfy.    Book  IV. 

fion  in  coming  into  this  world,  and  under- 
taking to  redlify  the  abufes  that  he  found 
in  it.  In  facl,  therefore,  the  influence  of 
the  two  fyftems  on  the  mind  muft  have 
been  nearly  the  fame.  The  Gnoftics  and 
the  Arians  muft  alfo  have  agreed  in  fome 
ineafure  with  refpecl  to  the  idea  of  the  na- 
ture of  matter^  and  its  tendency  to  con- 
taminate the  mind,  and  to  impede  its 
operations.  But  in  this  all  the  fyftems 
which  fuppofe  that  there  is  an  immaterial 
principle  in  man,  the  caufe  of  all  fenfa- 
tion  and  thought,  muft  be  nearly  alike. 
Athanafius  cenfures  the  Arians  as  borrow- 
ing from  the  Gnoftics**  He  even  fhews 
at    large,    that    they    are    worfe    than    the 

Gnoftics  t- 

I  do  not  fay  that  Arius  himfelf  was  the 
very  firft  who  advanced  the  dodrine  which 
bears  his  name  ,  but  I  find  no  trace  of  its 
exiftence  prior  to  what  may  be  called  the 
age  of  Arius.  Jerom  allows  that  fome  of 
the  Antenicene  Fathers   had  given  counte- 

*  Contra  ArianoSj  Or.  2.  vol.  I.  p.  363,  Or.  3.  p.  392. 
-}•  Ibid.  p.  414. 

ngncc 


Ch  a  p  .  I .     Of  the  An  an  Controverfy,      \  j  i 

nance  to  the  i\rian  dodrlne*;  but  this  was 
not  by  advancing  his  proper  doctrine,  as  I 
have  {hewn,  but  by  incautious  expreffions, 
of  which  the  Arians  afterwards  took  ad- 
vantage. The  firft  perfon  who  is  men- 
tioned as  holding  the  proper  Arian  doc- 
trine is  Lucian  of  Antioch,  who  fuffered 
martyrdom  in  A.  D.  ji2.  For  Epipha- 
nius  fays,  that  '*  Lucian,  and  all  the  Lu- 
*'  cianifts,  denied  that  the  Son  of  God  took  a 
^*  foul,  but  had  flefh  only-f-/*  According  to 
Philoftorgius,  Eufebius  of  Nicomedia,  and 
other  chiefs  of  the  i^rians,  were  the  di,f- 
ciples  of  Lucian,  as  Maris  of  Chalcedon, 
Theognis  of  Nice,  Leontius  of  Antioch, 
Ailerius  the  fophift,  and  others  J. 

*  Vel  certe  antequam  in  Alexandria  quafi  dsmonium 
meridianum  Arius  nafceretur,  innocenrer  quasdam  et  mi- 
nus caute  loquuti  funt,  et  quae  non  poffunt  perverforuin 
hominum  caluniniam  declinare.  Adv.  Rufli.lib.  2.  cap.  4, 
Opera,  p.  513. 

7E70VWJ,  cv  on^£V  01  A^Eiiy.vGi  £v  (xaf.vaiv  £7ri-^Yi<pi^Qvlai .  w  yocp  km 
aiPiO(;  0  Amiancg  'mpc(T(pcx).Gs  ^>iiWJ  7rpocrav?.xfijV  tyi  TuvAmctvo^v  aipsasi, 
Hasr.  43.  fec^.  i.  vol.  i.  p.  370. 

X   Oil  7v7a  ra  fiafv^^  nso'Ki.^q  fxsv  y^  ai  a>,'X8i;  f^a^rhg  ava- 

Tov NiHocioii  Secyviv  cvvIoIIbi.  ike.     Hid.  lib,  2.  cap.  1 4.  p.  484. 

But 


1  72     Of  the  Arian  Controverfy.    Book  IV. 

But  on  the  other  hand,  Alexander,  bifhop 
of  Alexandria,  affirms  that  Lucian  adhered 
to  Paulus  Samofatenfis,  and  feparated  from 
the  church.  Lardner  fays,  one  might  be 
apt  to  fufped  from  Alexander's  words,  that 
Lucian  had  fucceeded  Paul  in  the  epifcopal 
xrare  and  overfight  of  thofe  who  were  of  his 
fentiments  at  Antioch*.  It  is  therefore 
doubtful,  whether  any  perfon  before  Arius 
himfelf  held  his  doftrine,  though  it  is  moft 
probable,  that  many  others  about  this  time, 
did  fo ;  their  minds,  as  well  as  his,  having 
been  prepared  for  it  in  the  manner  that  I 
fhall  prefently  defcribe. 

Though  the  appearance  of  the  Arian 
dodlrine  w^as  fudden,  and  the  alarm  which 
it  gave  to  the  chriftian  world  was  propor- 
tionably  great  (which  is  a  proof  that  it  was 
hnagined  to  be  quite  a  new  thing,  and  of  a 
very  extraordinary  and  dangerous  nature) 
there  were  feveral  pre-exiflent  caufes,  which 
had  gradually  prepared  the  way  for  it ;  and 
thefe  I  ihali  endeavour  to  explain, 

*  Credibility,  vol.  4.  p.  641, 

1  SEC- 


Chap,  I.    Of  the  Arian  Controverjy.      173 


SECTION      L 

Of  the  antecedent  Caufes  of  the  Arian  Doc- 


trme. 


T 


'HE  controverfy  with  the  unitarians  had 
led  thofe  who  were  called  orthodox  (by 
which  I  mean  thofe  who  held  the  dodrine 
of  the  perfonification  of  the  logos)  to  fpeak 
of  Chrift  as  greatly  inferior  to  the  Father, 
of  which  examples  ent)W  have  been  pro- 
duced. So  willing  had  they  been  to  make 
conceffions  to  the  great  body  of  zealous  uni- 
tarians (or  fuch  were  the  remains  of  their 
own  unitarian  principles)  that  had  they 
confidered  Chrift  as,  in  all  refpeds,  a  mere 
creature^  theycould  not  have  fpoken  of  him 
otherwife  than  they  did.  They  were  evi- 
dently afraid  of  incurring  fo  much  odium 
as  they  were  fenfible  they  muft  have  done, 
by  fetting  up  their  fecond  God  as  a  rival  to 
the  firft  and  fupreme  God.  Their  prin- 
ciple of  Chrift  having  been  the  logos  of  the 

Father 


3  74      Of  the  Arian  Controverfy.    Book  IV. 

Father  certainly  led  them  to  confider  him 
as  being  oi  the  fame  nature  with  the  Father, 
and  in  all  refpeds  equal  to  him ;  and  it  did 
produce  this  efFedl  afterwards,  when  the 
obllacle  to  its  operation,  in  the  general 
opinion  of  the  chrillian  world,  was  re- 
moved* But  during  the  great  prevalence 
of  the  dodrines  of  the  unity  of  God,  and 
the  inferiority  of  Chrift  to  the  Father,  it 
had  been  the  cuftom  of  the  orthodox  to 
fpeak  oi  th^iv  feco?zd  God  as  the  vnQVQfervant 
of  the  firfl. 

Farther,  in  oppofrtion  to  the  Patripaf- 
fians,  or  the  philofophical  unitarians,  who 
faid  that  the  Father  and  the  Son  (meaning 
the  divinity  of  the  Father  and  Son)  were 
the  fame,  the  orthodox  had  been  led  to 
fpeak  of  them  as  being  entirely  differenty  fo 
as  fometimes  to  fay  that  they  were  of  dif- 
ferent natures  ;  though  the  language  muft 
have  been  improperly  ufed  by  thofe  who 
confidered  Chrift  as  being  derived  from  the 
very  ftibjlance  of  the  Father,  and  having 
been  his  proper  ^-mfdom  and  power. 

In 


Chap.  I.     Of  the  Arian  Controverfy^       17^ 

In  coniiflency,  however,  Vv^ith  this  lan- 
guage, fuggefted  by  controverfy,  it  had  been 
the  cufloni  of  the  orthodox  to  fpeak  of  the 
generation  of  the  Son  from  the  Father,  as  if  it 
had  been  a  proper  creation^  and  as  if  the  Son 
had  flood  in  the  very  fame  relation  to  the 
Father,  with  that  in  which  other  creatures 
flood  to  him  ^  which  correfponded  very  well 
with  the  ideas  of  the  Platonifcs,  in  whofe 
fcale  oi principles^  or  caufesy  the  nous  or  logos ^ 
held  the  fecond  place  ;  the  iirft  principle 
being  ftiled  a  caufe  with  refpedl  to  the 
fecond,  as  the  fecond  Vv^as  with  refped:  to 
the  vilible  world. 

Another  circumftance  which  contributed 
to  the  rife  of  Arianifm  was  the  gradual 
influence  of  the  dofcrine  of  revelation,  con- 
cerning creation  out  of  nothings  which  had 
been  unknown  to  all  the  philofopbers,  who 
had  thought  that  the  material  world  had 
been  created  out  of  pre-exiftent  matter,  and 
that  fouls  were  either  emanations  from  the 
fupreme  mind,  or  parts  detached  from  the 
foul  of  the  univerfe.  But  the  apoftle  hav~ 
ing   faid,    Heb.  xi.  3.  that  the  world  was 

made 


176      Of  the  Arian  Controverjy.    Book  IV. 

made  ex  rm  ^>j  (pamfx^vm,  Jrom  things  that  do  not 
appear  (fuppofed  to  be  equivalent  iomrm^K 
oj?wv,  things  that  are  not^  or  out  of  nothing) 
the  term  creation^  on  whatever  account  it 
had  been  ufed,  v/ould  at  length  fuggeft  the 
idea  of  a  creation  out  of  nothing.  This 
Athanafius  fuppofed  to  be  the  meaning  of 
Paul  in  this  epiftle  ^  for  he  makes  the 
phrafes  from  nothings  ^LnAfrom  that  which  did 
not  appear^  to  be  fynonymous  *•  In  this 
manner  would  the  minds  of  many  be  pre- 
pared to  pafs  from  the  idea  of  the  perfoni- 
fication  of  the  logos,  or  the  generation  of 
the  Son  from  the  Father,  to  that  of  a  pro^ 
per  creation. 

Things  being  in  this  ftate,  the  warmth 
of  controverfy  was  fufficient  to  lead  perfons 
whofe  real  opinions  were  the  very  fame,  to 
differ,  iirfl  in  words  only,  and  afterwards 
in  reality.  And  a  real  difference  being 
once  formed,   it  would  eafily  extend  itfelf, 

*  K«(  rsjoimot^  tK  T8  (A-A  oviog  £ig  TO  sivai  *  OTTSp  t^  0  ITayX©" 

tofAYi  £H<puivoix£vcovrcc^X£7roiJLSvc6yEyov^ciif      De  Incarnatione, 
Opera,  vol,  i.  p,  55. 

by 


/ 


Chap.  I.      OftbeArianControverJy,       177 

by  analogies  and  confequences,  on  both 
fides.  I  fhall  now  enter  upon  the  proof 
of  thefe  particulars,  and  then  fliew  their 
ad:ual  operation  in  the  rife  and  progrefs  of 
the  Arian  controverfy. 

That  it  had  been  the  cuftom  of  all  the 
Fathers  before  the  council  of  Nice  to  fpeak 
of  Chrift,  though  they  confidered-  him  as 
the  logosy  or  the  wifdom  of  the  fupreme 
God,  as  neverthelefs  greatly  inferior  to  him, 
has  been  abundantly  proved.  I  jfhall,  there- 
fore, proceed  to  give  inflances  in  v^hich 
thofe  of  the  Fathers,  who  undoubtedly 
confidered  Chrifl:  as  having  been  the  logos 
or  wifdom  of  the  Father,  and  therefore 
properly  uncreated^  yet  defcribed  his  gejie^ 
ration  in  language  equivalent  to  that  of'  a 
proper  creation. 

The  very  term  yEiW®-,  by  which  the  Fa- 
thers generally  expreflTed  the  logos  becom- 
ing a  Son,  was  the  fame  that  the  Platonifts 
had  always  ufed  to  difl:inguifh  a  creature 
from  the  creator,  or  the  thing  caufed^  and 
the  caufe ;  fo  that  the  terms  ^6(^  and  yevvn?©- 
had  always   been   oppofed   to  each   other. 

Vol,  IV.  N  Thus 


178      Of  the  Arian  Confroverfy.     Book  IV.. 

Thus  Philo  fays,  "  There  Is  no  created 
"  God ;  for  he  would  want  the  neceffary 
"attribute  of  eternity*.'*  And  a  writer 
who  perfonates  Origen  makes  v^^mla  and  hItx 
generated  and  created^  to  be  fynonymous  -f*. 

In  later  times,  there  was  a  diftindion 
made  between  yzni©-  and  7£m{/(^,  as  if  the 
former  fignified  created^  and  the  latter  gene- 
rated-, but  the  diftindtion  was  not  very  an- 
cient. Tatian  makes  no  difference  between 
•yev»]l©-  as  applied  to  the  produftion  of  the 
San  from  the  Father,  and  the  creation  of 
other  things  by  the  Son ;  but  fays  that, 
*'  the  logos  being  generated  in  the  begin- 
*'  ning,  again  generated  our  world,  faihion- 
**  ing  the  matter  of  it  for  himfelf.  Mat- 
"  ter,'*  he  fays,  "  is  not  ava/?x©-,  without 
**  origin y  like  God,  but  7£vr/i'J>i,  generated , 
**  being  produced  by  the  Maker  of  all 
"  things  J.'*     Alfo  the  fame  word  tAv,  to 

*  V^v!\Iq(;  yac^  s^£{^  aM^Bia  Seoj,  a?^Aa  ^o|>i  (Ocovcv,  to  avayKaiolaloi^ 
a(pYi^\Kivo^  ai5io7>i?a.     De  Charitate,  Opera,  p.  699. 

-f-  Eyw  8^  £1/  £?£^ov  ayevij/ov  ^^syw,  ri  aoroy  tov  $£ov  .  to.  ^2  "Komcx, 
mavla-i  ocra  erhysvy^lcz  hcxi  }i}ifot.      Contra  Marcioiiitas,  p.  72. 

X  Ouls  yoc^  avaoxog  y]  uXv}^  kcc^xttbo  0  Ssoj,  hqs  ^icx  to  cxvol^xov  x^ 
«vl>i  \(j(^mct^^  T«  §£w  •  7£vv>i7)i  ok  ««<  a;<  iv^ro  ra  a,>:Ni  yeyovma,  /^cya 


CiiAP.  r.     Of  the  Arian  Contrcverfy,       17^ 

bring  forth,  is  ufed  by  Synefius  of  the  gene- 
ration of  the  Son,  and  the  creation  of  other 
things  by  the  Son*. 

The  term  correfponding  to  caufe  was 
likewife  ufed  promifcuoufly  with  refped: 
to  the  generation  of  the  Son,  and  the  pro- 
dudion  of  the  creatures.  Thus  Gregory 
Nyflen  makes  the  terms  unbegotten  and  with^ 
out  caife  to  be  fynonymous  *f*.  Indeed,  it 
was  always  allowed  that  the  Son,  though 
genernted,  had  a  proper  caife  ;  and,  ac- 
cordingly, the  word  «^%>ii  origin^  by  which 
the  logos  was  diftinguifhed  from  the  crea- 
tures, was,  without  fcruple,  applied  to  the 
Father  with  refped:  to  Chrift  ;  and  the 
term  av<2fp%©-,  uncaujedy  was  always  confidered 
as  the  incommunicable  attribute  of  the  Fa- 
ther, he  being  the  iq\q  fountain  of  deity  -,  and 
whenever  the  fame  term  is  applied  to  the 

Se  wttq  t8  tnoLvlm  dyjfjLi^^ya  '5rfo€'£C?k>j//i£v>i.     Ad  Grascos,  fedt.  8. 

P-  23- 

*  2o:T£%$£v7i  'SToiiv^  mva-B  ritilsiv.  Hymn.  6.  Opera,  p.  343. 

•j-  Am'  ek  fX£v  TYi;  T8  ayEimdii  nz^ocrryyo^iotgi  to  oveu  ouliaq  eivm  rov 
^co;  ovofj(Ma(xmv  £(jt.cc^ofj(.Ev,  Contra  Eunomium,  Or.  12.  Ope- 
ra, vol.  2.  p.  302. 

N  z  Son, 


i8o     Of  the  Arian  Controverfy.     Book  IV. 

Son,  or  the  Spirit,  it  was  only  meant  to 
fignify  that  they  had  no  beginning,  not  that 
they  had  no  caufe. 

Thus,  a  writer,  whofe  work  has  been 
afcribed  to  Athanalius,  fays,  '^  the  Son  is 
**  not  a  caufe ^  but  caifed  -,  fo  that  the  Fa* 
**  ther  is  the  only  caufe,  and  there  are  two 
**  that  are  caufedy  the  Son  and  the  Spirit. 
**  But  they  are  all  avaf%o<,  becaufc  they  are  all 
*' without  beginning*/'  Nicephorus,  in 
*^  his  epiflle  to  Leo,  fays,  ''  Chrifl  is  not 
*'  without  origin  with  refpe6t  to  the  Fa- 
'*  ther,  who  is  his  origin,  as  being  his 
■^  caufe;  but  with  refped:  to  his  genera- 
''  tion,  he  is  without  origin,  being  before 
**  all  ages  f/*  Conftantine  alfo,  in  his 
oration,  fays,  **  the  Father  is  the  caufe, 
'^  the  Son  caufedX''     This  language,  being 

moiiy)^  '  la  h  ailiala  5i;o,  o  viog,  uai  to  meui^x.    Opera,  vol.  2. 

P   443- 

t  Tcov  £v  rpici^i.  ^eccDiifAtvuv,  to  /msv,  zj^r,^  avacx^,  ««'  avaiii^ 
vna^Xm  .  a  ya^  m  Tiv@",  £v  iixvloi  yap  to  uvai  fxcoy,  to  ot  vtog  km 
UK  avapx©-  en  Ta  'Z3-a:7p(^  ycc^-,  a^x^  "^^P  ^'^  'sro/np,  cog  afliov .  ei  de 
TYiv  uTTo  x^ovs  >^ociji€ccvoig  a^x^v^  Koci  ava^x^-    Z;;naras,  p.  769* 

%  KaS«Wff  ailia  fj,Ev  vis  0  's^uk^'  cxiixum  ^0  viog.  Cap.  il, 
p.  688. 

once 


C  H  A  P .  I .     Of  the  Arian  Controverfy       i  g  x 

once    eftabliflied    continued    to    the    latejfl 
period.     Thus  M.  Caleca   called  the   Son 

aOiccKB-,  7£m'l(^^  and  7EVVA/xa  ^. 

Another  circumftance   which  made  way 
for  the  introdudionof  Arianifm,  and  which 
greatly  contributed  to  embarrafs  the  ortho- 
dox in  the  controverfy  was,  that  in  order 
to  oppofe  the   Sabellians,  they  had  repre- 
fented  the  Father  and  the  Son  as  differing 
ejfentially   from   each  other.     Becaufe  they 
thought  that  the  Sabellians  had  confounded 
the  three  perfons,  they,  as  was  natural,  made 
a  point  of  feparating  them  ;   and  they  did 
it  to  a  greater  degree  than    their  principles 
really  admitted.     For  they  maintained  that 
their  very  ^<Jiay  ejfenc-e^  or  nature^  was  dif- 
ferent j  whereas  they  fhould  have  contented 
themfelves  with  faying  that  they  differed  in 
rank^  or  dignity.     But,  whereas  the  Sabelli- 
ans maintained  that  the  three  perfons  were  of 
the  fame  Ko-za,  ejjence^  and  were  therefore  0^10)^(1^01^ 
confubjtantial  to  each  other,   this  was  pofi- 
tively  denied   by  the  orthodox ;  and  what 

*    O  ^£  viogT^eyEloii  atliulo^^  7£W)j?of,  yewYifix,     Combefis  Auc- 
tuarium,  vol.  2.  p.  222. 

N  3  was 


iSz      Of  the  Axian  Controverfy.  Book  IV. 

was  particularly  unfortunate  for  them, 
they  had  pafled  a  cenfure  on  this  very 
term  in  the  condemnation  of  Paulus 
Samofatenfis.  Thus  Athanalius  fays,  that 
**  they  who  condemned  Paulus  Samofaten- 
*'  fis,  faid  that  the  Son  was  not  confub- 
*'  ftantial  with  the  Father  *."  Bafil  fays 
the  fame,  adding^  that  the  reafon  why  they 
rejecSted  it  was,  its  implying  that  God  was 
a  fubftance  that  was  diviiible  -f*. 

The  effecft  of  this  circumftance  remained 
a  long  time  with  the  orthodox ;  many  of 
whom  were  with  great  difficulty  reconciled 
to  this  term,  efpecially  as  it  was  not  a 
fcriptural  one,  which  is  acknowledged  by 
Athanafius  J.      Ambrofe^  fpeaks    of    fome 

*  A(a  ra,  EiHolai;  suT^aQn^svlBg  to  tqi  iilov  crc(picr(/,a  ts  ^af/LCdoIeag^ 
si^mixai  /*>]  emi  tov  x§^^°^  ofioajiov.  De  Syn.  Arm.  Opera, 
vol.  I.  p.  919. 

^ov  Tviv  ^£|iv  co;  UK  Euo-yjfJLOv  .  £(pacrav  ya^  ekeivoi  rm  ts  Ofxcacmi  ipuvYiv 
'sra^iTcnv  Ewoicxv  acriag  T£  Har  7CCV  ocTT  aulri^,  ag  te  K<xla/x£picrBEi(Tccv 
nYiV  aaiav  'uch^exeiv  ts  ofAoajia  tyjv  'sspoay^yopicxv  TOig  ei^  a  ^m^E^ri, 
Vol.  3.  p.  292. 

X  Oy  XsyovJfj  rov  yj^^^^  CfAoauiov  Eivai  rco  Se^.  Ei  ya^  ^  to 
ovofAcx  thIq  (pn{A,i  fA,v\  £up7]K£vM^  /xr^^E  avEyvmiEVui  TTB  Tuv  ixyiav  yfa<pav^ 
'TiXNxyE^  &c.     De  Sententia,  Opera,  vol,  i.  p.  561. 


Chap.  I.     OftheArianConfroverfy,       183 

who,  without  being  Arians,  yet  fcrupled  to 
fay  that  the  Son  was  of  the  fame  fubftance 
with  the  Father,  becaufe  it  was  not  a  fcrip- 
tural  expreffion.  But,  he  fays,  *^  they 
**  ought  to  be  deemed  heretics  if  they  did 
'*  not  expfefsly  acknowledge  it,  and  that  for 
*'  the  fame  reafon  they  might  objedl  to  the 
**  phrafes  God  of  God y  and  Light  of  Light^S' 
Sozomen  fays,  that  "  the  Fathers  of  the 
*'  council  of  Antioch  acknowledged  that 
*'  the  word  confubjiantial  (o^o«^t®-)  which  ap- 
•*  peared  new  and  ft  range  to  many,  was 
*'  cautioully  interpreted  by  the  Fathers, 
'*  and  not  according  to  its  ufe  among  the 
"  Gentiles,  but  only  in  oppofition  to  the 
'*  fentiment  of  the  Arians,  that  the  Son  was 
**  made  out  of  nothing -f^ 

*  Vel  fi  Arlanus  non  es,  et  verum  filium  de  vero  patre 
natum  non  factum  agnofcis,  cur  non  eum  cum  patre  unam 
fubftantiam  dicis  ?  Fruftra  times  homo  profited  quod  cre- 
dis,  et  fruftra  credis  fi  ita  non  credis,  et  merlto  hasreticus 
denotaris.  De  Filii  Divinitate,  lib.  I.  cap.  3.  Opera, 
vol.  4.  p.  278,  279. 

\  OttcIe  Js  to  ^ohhv  £V  au%  Tiai  |evov  ovO(j,a  ro  m  OfjLOHa-ia  (pa/xsv^ 
ao-(pa>.iig  riluxyM  'unx^a  roig  'Sioi^ajiv  E^fJimsiag^  (7Yi/ji,aivscrYig  oli  i)c  rrj^ 
^jiocg  TH  -570?^©"  0  vio§  Bymn^Y}^  ^  oli'  oiMicii  Hot  aaicav  ra  isoil^i. .  s7£ 

N4 


184      OftheJrian  Controverfy.   Booic  IV. 

Dionyfius,  bifliop  of  Alexandria,  in  whofe 
neighbourhood  there  were  many  Sabellians, 
and  who  oppofed  them  with  great  vigour, 
as  he  alfo  did  Paulus  Samofatenfis,  made  no 
fcruple,  as  Bafil  fays,  to  affert,  in  this  con- 
troverfy, that    **  the  Son  was  of  a   difFe- 
*^  rent  effence,  as   well  as  hypoftafis,  from 
**  the   Father,     that    he   was    inferior    in 
**  poy^er,   and  lefs   in  glory  *."      Ruffinus 
fays,  that  **  Dionyfius  of  Alexandria,  in  his 
*'  books  againfl:  Sabellius,  advanced  things 
^'  of  which  the  Arians  took  advantage  -f-/' 

Se  wj  waSs;  TLVOi;  'nja^a  rw  d^pnlov  yemjcriv  s9rivo«/A£va,  alg  HctiiX  rivot 
Xpwiv  2h>.mmv  T^oe.iJLQavdai  to  Gvofxa  ty\;  aaia^-,  ti<;  oaia}fo%r]y  ^e  th  eI 
UK  Gvlav  'SEpt  Ts  Via  aazQu^  T0^/^>J^£v7©-  Afsw.  Hift.^  lib.  4. 
fe£t.  4.  p.  224. 

*  Ka<  «%  (lE^ol-^a  fjLOvov  rm  v^ronxcrEm  ri^Eiaii  a>:ha  iy  serial 
^ia(po^av^  xj  ^vvcxfiEu;  v(pE(riVt  ^  ^o|?ij  'mccfoiT^ocynv.  Epift.  41 , 
Opera,  vol.  3.  p,  60. 

t  Dionyfius  Alexandrinus  epifcopus,  eruditiilimus  afler- 
tor  ecclefiafticae  fidei,  cum  inquamplurimis  int^ntum  uni- 
tatem  atque  equalitatem  trinitatis  defendat,  ut  imperitiori-. 
bus  quibufque  etiam  fecundum  Sabellium  fenfifle  videatur, 
in  his  tamen  libris  fuis  quos  adverfus  Sabellii  haerefim  fcri- 
bit,  talia  inveniuntur  inferta,  ut  frequenter  Ariani  au6lori- 
tate  ipfius  fe  defendere  conentur.  Apologia  pro  Origine, 
Hieronymi,  Opera,  vol.  8.  p.  1^0. 

Though 


Chap.  I.     Of  the  Arian  Controverfy.        1S5 

Though  this  was  nothing  more  than 
had  been  faid  by  others,  and  efpecially  in 
the  fame  controverfy  -,  yet,  when,  after- 
wards, things  had  taken  a  different  turn, 
and  advantage  was  taken  of  this  language, 
this  Dionyfius  came  to  be  confidered  as  the 
fountain  of  Arianifm^  as  he  is  called  by  Auf- 
tin  *.  Athanafius,  however,  apologized  for 
him,  and  for  the  inaccuracy  of  his  expref- 
fions,  from  the  nature  of  the  controverfy  in 
which  he  was  engaged. 

For  the  fame  reafons  for  which  the  me- 
mory of  Dionyfius  was  reflefted  upon,  limi- 
lar  reproaches  fell  upon  that  of  Clemens 
Alexandrinus,  and  that  of  Origen.  But, 
indeed,  none  of  the  ancient  writers  ought 
to  have  efcaped,  fince,  for  the  reafons  that 
I  have  given,  they  all  ufe  fimilar  language. 
But  as  thefe  two  writers  have  been  the  mod 
cenfured,  I  fhall  give  a  more  particular  ac- 
count of  th,e  ground  of  thofe  cenfures. 

Pamphilus  the  Martyr,  in  his  apology  for 
Origen,  fays,  that  **  Clemens  Alexandrinus 

*  Ut  vult  Dionifius  fons  Arrii.    De  Dcfinitionibiis, 
Opera,  vol  3.  p.  196. 

"  called 


1 86      Of  the  Arian  Coniroverfy.     Book  IV. 

^'  called  Chrift  a  creature*/'  Photius  fays, 
''  that  Clemens  Alexandrinus,  in  his  Hypo- 
"  typofes,"  a  work  now  loft,  **  has  many 
**  right  things,  but  fome  things  impious 
*^  and  fabulous.  He  makes  the  Son  a  crea- 
*^  ture,  fays  that  the  logos  was  not  made 
*^  flefh,  but  only  feemed  to  be  fo.  He  fays 
^«  that  the  logos,  the  Son,  has  the  fame  name, 
'*  but  that  it  was  not  made  flefli  ^  for  it  is 
•'  not  the  paternal  logos,  but  a  divine 
**  power,  or  efflux  from  the  logos  itfelf ; 
*'  being  the  72ous  which  pervades  the  hearts 
'^ofmen-f-."  '*  His  Stromata/'  he  fays, 
*'  have  many  things  not  found,  but  not  fo 

*  Clemens  quoque  alius  Alexandrinus,  prefbyter  et  ma- 
gifter  ecclefise  illius,  in  omnibus  pene  libris  fuis  trinitatis 
gloriam  atque  asternitatem  unam  candemque  defignat ;  et 
interdum  invenimus  aliquain  libris  ejus  capitula,  in  quibus 
filium  dei  creatiiram  dicit.  Hieronymi,  Opera,  vol.  9. 
p.  130. 

t  K«t  £v  Ticn  jXEv  aulm  op^a;  ^oh£i  >>£y£iv  •  £v  ricrt  h  Ti^avlsT^u; 
£1^  ciQ-z^Eig  Kui  (xuBuhig^  y^oya^  £K(p£p£}ixi.  Kai  rev  vicv  eig  ?clicr/^oi 
Ka^la.y£i.  Kai  fxr]  (Tapkco9y]vai  Tov  "hoyov^  ahT^u  ^Q^(Xi.  A£y slai  fisv 
Kou  0  moq  Koyog^  ojxuvufAog  to  fsroil^iKCo  "hoya^  a?.A  so£  ^og  £tiv  0  aa^k 
'yEVOfA£vog  .  a  Oe  junv  0  'u^oiicao;  hoyog,  aXTva  ^vva/xig  rig  ra  Ses,  cm 
■aTTOppoix  Ts  ?.078  aJ/a,  vug  yi\  o/xzvog  rag  txv  av^^oiTTCov  xa^hag  ^la^ 
wEfpotl^y-^.     Bib.  S.  109.  p.  286. 

''  many 


Chap.  I.    Of  the  Arian  Confroverjy,      187 

*'  many  as  the  Hypotypofes,  and  in  them 
*'  he  refutes  what  he  had  advanced  in  thefe. 
**  His  Pedagogue  is  quite  free  from 
*^  them  *.*' 

As  Clemens  Alexandrinus  had  been  much 
addid:ed  to  philofophy,  it  is  very  poffible, 
that  when  he  wrote  the  Hypotypofes,  he 
might  retain  foms  opinions  fimilar  to  thofe 
of  the  Gnoftics,  as  the  quotation  feems  to 
indicate.  As  to  the  fenfe  in  v^hich  'Cle- 
mens might  call  Chrift  a  creature,  it  has 
been  explained  already,  and  fhewn  to  be 
fufficiently  confiftent  with  all  the  ortho- 
doxy of  his  age  ;  and  as  to  his  error  about 
the  logos,  it  is  very  poffible  that  he  might 
fpeak  favourably,  as  Juftin  Martyr  did,  of 
the  dodtrine  of  philofophical  unitarianifm ; 
or  he  might  have  faid  what  Origen  did, 
about  the  logos  being  in  all  men.  How- 
ever, he  certainly  confidcred  the  logos  that 

*  O  ^£  Ilai^aywy©"  sv  T^icri  TOfjioig — a^sv  o/xoiov  ?%H(ri  'sr^og  Tag 
')C7rolu7raa-£ig  sloi  oi.  T^oyoi  .  rav  re  yap  /mximcov  hm  ^'Ka^^n^m  cxttyi' 
Tsay/JLEvoi  h^m  Ha^Kocn —  AJIvi  h  r\  twv  X^a/xalscov  ^i<^Xo;  £v;a%K  az 
vyiug  ^i(x7^(Xfji.<^avei .  a  fA,£v}oi  ye  coo-tte^  at,  TTColuTraazig-,  a»^a  zai  ^oog 
'sso>,>,0irav£x,si^iai/,axf<ai.     Bib.  S.  109.  p.  287.    • 

was 


1 8  8       Of  the  Arian  Controverfy .     Boo  k  IV. 

was  in  Chrift,  as  the  proper  wifdom  of 
the  Father,  which  was  all  the  orthodoxy 
that  was  known  before  the  council  of 
Nice. 

Origen,  being  a  perfon  of  more  reputa- 
tion, and  whofe  writings  were  more  nu^r 
nierous  than  thofe  of  Clemens  Alexandri- 
nus,  fuffered  more  from  this  kindofcenfurc 
than  he  has  done.  Origen  certainly  called 
Chrift  a  creature.  ''  The  facred  oracles/' 
he  fays,  **  fpeak  of  Chrift  as  the  oldeft  of 
"  all  the  creatures,  and  by  him  it  was  that 
**  God  fpake,  when  he  faid.  Let  us  make 
**  man  */'  But  whatever  expreflions  he 
might  ufe,  he  certainly  could  not  differ  in 
idea  from  the  moft  orthodox  of  his  age,  fo 
long  as  he  maintained,  as  he  unqueftionably 
did,  that  Chrift  was  the  proper  wifdom  of 
the  Father.  For  then  he  muft  have  fup- 
pofed  him  to  have  been  eternaly  and  uncreat- 
edy  though  perfonifiedin  time. 

'Acyoi .  nai  avia  rov  Seov  "isB^i  tv\;  ra  av^paTra  ^yifMHpyioc;  eipmsvM^ 
llciy](TafJi£V  av^pcoTTov  xal  Eixovoi  Kai  cy.oui}{nv  nixslspoiv.  Ad  Celfum, 
lib.  5.  p.  257. 

On 


Chap.  I.     Of  the  Arian  Controverfy.     igo 

On  this  account,  however,  he  was  feverely 
cenfured  after  the  rife  of  the  Arian  contro- 
verfy.  £piphanius  fays,  "  Origen  was 
"  blamed  for  calling  Chrift  a  creature, 
"  though  he  allowed  him  to  be  produced 
"  from  the  fubftance  of  the  Father  ^^Z'  To 
this  he  adds,  that  '*  he  had  faid  that  the  Son 
**  could  not  fee  the  Father,"  a  phrafe  much 
tifed  in  that  age,  to  exprefs  great  inferiority 
either  in  rank  or  nature.  But  no  language 
can  exprefs  that  inferiority  more  ftrongly 
than  Juftin  Martyr,  and  others,  whofe  or- 
thodoxy was  never  called  in  queftion,  have 
repeatedly  done.  What  was  meant  by  the 
phrafe,  "  not  being  able  to  fee ^''  may  be 
clearly  underftood  from  another  paffage  of 
Epiphanius,  in  which  he  ftates  the  accufa- 
tion  of  Origen  more  diftindly.  *^  Origen," 
he  fays,  "  is  charged  with  faying,  that,  as 
*^  the  Son  could  not  fee  the  Father,  fo  the 
*'  Holy  Spirit  could  not  fee  the  Son  y  alfo 
*'  the  angels  cannot  fee    the   Holy  Spirit, 

Hser.  64.  Opera,  vol.  i.  p.  527. 

'*  nor 


190      Of  the  Arian  Controverfy,     Book  IV. 

*'  nor  can  men  fee  angels  ^/'  That  in  this 
manner  Origen  only  meant  to  exprefs  infe- 
riority, or  a  difference  in  rank,  and  not  in 
nature,  is  evident.  For,  as  both  men  and 
angels  are  creatures,  though  of  different 
ranks,  fo  the  Father,  Son,  and  Spirit  might 
each  be  God,  though  they  differed  in  rank 
and  dignity;  which  was  the  univerfal  opi- 
nion in  the  time  of  Origen.  Jerom  alfo 
fays,  that  *^  the  herefy  of  Origen  was,  that 
**  the  Son  was  not  generated,  but  made, 
**  and  that  he  could  not  fee  the  Father f." 

Origen  was  likewife  faid  to  be  heretical 
with  refped:  to  the  Holy  Spirit.  Jerom 
fays,  that  *'  Origen's  herefy  confifted  in 
^''  part  in  placing  the  Spirit  the  third  in 
"  dignity  and  honour  after  the  Father  and 
*'  Son ;    and    in   his    faying    that    he   did 

*  X2$  8  ^uvd\a\.  opav  tov  'S^ctls^oc  0  y«oj,  xai  ro  ayiov  'uvsu/xa  a  ou- 
vxloci  i^siv  TOV  viov  .  Hcci  'SJdT^Vi  01  afYE>^oi  a  ^uv(xvl<xi  lOsiv  TO  ayiov 
nsvzvixoi,',  Hxi  01  av^paTToi  a  ouvavloci  ic^£iy  rag  «/y£^a$.  Ancoratus» 
fe6t.  63.  Opera,  vol.  2.  p.  66,  314. 

•^  Chriftum  filium  dei  non  natum  efle  fed  fa£^um  deum, 
patrem  per  naturam  invifibilem  etiam  a  filio  non  videri. 
Opera,  vol.  i.  p.  439- 

3  *Vnot 


Chap.  I.     Of  the  Arian  Controverfy,       i  g  j 

**  not  know  whether  he  was  made  or  not 
**  made*/'  But  in  this  he  was  very  far 
indeed  from  being  Angular.  Jiiftin  Martyr, 
TertuUian,  and  other  writers  before  the 
council  of  Nice,  having  expreifed  them- 
felves  in  the  very  fame  manner  with  refpe<fl 
to  the  Holy  Spirit. 

Origen,  however,  though  condemned  by 
many,  did  not  want  able  defenders.  Atha- 
nafius,  who  wrote  in  defence  of  Dionyfms, 
likewife  declared  himfelf  the  advocate  of 
Origen  -f-.  Socrates  obferves  this  with  re- 
fpe6t  to  Athanafius ;  and  fays  that  they  who 
condemn  Origen,  condemn  Athanafius  alfoj. 
That  Eufebius  lliould  defend  Origen,  is 
not   to  be  wondered  at,  as  he  himleif  lay 

*  Tertium  dignitate  et  honore  poft  patrera  et  iilium 
alTerit  fpiritLim  fandum,  de  quo  cum  ignorare  fe  dicat 
utrum  faclus  fit  an  infecSlus,  &c.    Opera,  vol.  i.  p.  440. 

t  Syn.  Nic.  Decretum,  Opera,  vol.  i.  p.  277. 

xaXsii  THg  EKSLv-i  7.oyHg  rag  id'iOic  auvaTnccv^  t^  "Ksym  .  0  I'avixxrrig^ 
<p;m^  fij  (po^OTTovcifialog  npnyEvn;,  rrj^s  nsspi  in  via  tu  ^sa  ty)  rifjiEiE^a 
^o^n  /xafiv^Ei,  auvai^icv  avlov  Key  coy  rco  's^alpi .    £?^a%v  av  faJJsj  01 

Hift.  lib.  6.  cap.  13.  p.  329. 

under 


192       Of  the  Arian  Controverfy.    Book  IV, 

under  the  fame  fufpicion.  As  Jerom  fays, 
*'  Eufebius  defends  Origen,  that  is,  he 
**  proves  him  to  have  been  an  Arian*." 
That  the  writers  before  Arius  had  expreffed 
themfelves  In  fuch  a  manner  as  to  give 
advantage  to  him  and  his  followers,  was 
generally  allowed. 

Photius,  in  giving  an  account  of  the 
writings  of  Pierius,  fays,  that  "  they  con- 
<«  tain  many  things  contrary  to  the  then 
"  eftabliflied  faith  of  the  church,  but  per- 
*<  haps  after  the  manner  of  the  ancients  -f-;" 
meaning,  probably,  that  he  expreffed  him- 
felf  without  fufficient  caution  and  accuracy. 

*  Sex  libros,  ut  ante  jam  dixi,  Eufebius,  Caefarlenfis 
epifcopus,  Arianae  quondam  fignifer  fa6tionis,  pro  Ori- 
gine  fcripfit,  latiflimum  et  elaboratum  opus :  et  multis 
teftimoniis  approbavit  Originem  juxta  fe  catholicum,  id 
eft,  juxta  nos  Arianum  efle.     Opera,  voL  i.  p.  492. 

4cr«5,  aTTo^amlai.     CJod.  19.  p.  300. 


SEC- 


Chap.  I.      Of  the  Arian  Confroverjy.       193 


SECTION       IL 

Of  the  Tenets  of  the  ancient  Arians. 

T  Shall  now  conlider  what  were  tjae  tenets 
which  the  ancient  Arians  avowed,  or 
with  which  they  were  charged.  The  prin- 
cipal article,  for  which  no  particular  au- 
thority can  be  neceflary,  was  that  Arius  faid 
that  the  Son,  logos,  or  Chrilt,  was  created 
tyt  rav  az  oviav,  or,  oi^t  of  nothing y  like  other 
creatures  ^  and  this  was  certainly  very  dif- 
ferent from  the  received  dodrine.  For 
all  thofe  who  had  the  character  of  ortho- 
dox before  him,  even  including  Clemens 
Alexandrinus,  and  Origen,  held  that  the 
logos  had  always  been  in  the  Father^  as  his 
proper  attribute. 

The   fecond  article  in  the  Arian   creed 

was,  that  there  had  been  a  time  when  the 

Son  was  not.     This  had  frequently  been 

afferted  by  the  orthodox,  and  at  firft  was,  I 

Vol.  IV.  O  doubt 


194      Of  the  Avian  Controverfy.    Book  IV. 

doubt  not,  the  univerfal  opinion,  if  by  the 
exiftence  of  the  Son  be  meant  his  perfonal 
exijience,  which  was  fuppofed  to  have  com- 
menced in  time  5  but,  as  an  attribute  of 
the  Father,  they  maintained  that  he  had 
always  cxifted. 

In  the  third  place,  the  Arians  denied 
that  Chrift  had  any  human  foul.  This  is 
aflerted  concerning  the  Arians  in  general  by 
Athanafius*,  and  by  Epiphanius-f.  Theo- 
doret  alTerts  the  fame  of  the  Arians  and 
EunomiansJ;  and  fo  does  Glycas§.  It 
does  not  appear,  from  Arius  himfelf  that 
he  aflerted  this ;    but   it  is  the   neceflary 

«vh  5e  m  £(Tco^£v  £v  nfXLv  av^(>a)7ni,  rslsri,  Tr\g  -^uxn^i  tov  >^oyov  sv  tvi 
capHi  >^£y£i  y£yov£vczi^  rnv  ts  'sraSaj  voriffiv^  nai  txjv  e|  cx^a  avaracnvy 
m  ^sM  '/ffpoo-ay£iv  To>^av,     De  Adventu  Chrifti,  Opera, 

Yol.  I.  p.  636. 

'  •}•  AfvAj  4'^x'^v  avlov  o(v^§ciy7r£iav  tihri^r^ai,  Haer.  69.  Opera, 
vol.  I.  p.  743.  771. 

X  Oi  Se  ra  A^£i3  )y  Euvofjua  (p^ovavlsg  acofjia  fxovov  a^'siXviptvoit 
TOV  ^£ov  Xoycv  ^aaiv^  avlov  ^e  rvig  -^vxrii  £v  ra  auiiixii  '5r?^fwcrai  tjji 
XfE<ai/.    Ep.  104.  Tom.  4,  pt.  2.  p.  1174. 

§  Twv  A^Hotmv  T^Eyovlm  a-^u^ov  b^vcci  ttjv  ra  WfW  (ra^Hct, 

Annales,  pt.  3.  p,  244; 

confequence 


Ch  A  p .  I.     Of  the  Arian  Co?2troverJy.       ig^ 

confequence  of  his  principles,  and  it  was 
univerfally  adopted  by  his  followers.  Indeed, 
it  would  have  been  exceedingly  abfurd  to 
fuppofe  that  there  were  two  intelligent 
principles,  both  created  beings,  inhabiting 
the  fame  body.  This,  however,  is  a  de- 
cilive  proof  of  the  novelty  of  the  Arian 
doftrine.  For,  as  I  have  obferved,  all  the 
ancients,  Origen  himfelf  included,  luppofed 
that  there  was  a  proper  human  foul  in 
Chrift,  befides  the  logos. 

In  after  times,  fome  Arlans  made  con* 
ceffions  to  the  orthodox,  and  on  that  ac- 
count were  trailed  Semiarians.  Thus  Auf- 
tin  fays,  that  *'  fome  of  the  later  Arians 
*^  acknowledged  that  Chrift  had  no  begin-* 
**  ning*.  The  Semiarians  in  general  alfo 
laid,  "  that  though  Chrift  was  not  of  the  fame 
^'fxibfance  with  the  Father,  he  was  of  a  like 
^^  fubfiance  ^ .''     *'  This  term,  ofjLomai^,  of  like 

*  Uncle  quidam  pofteriores  Arriani  objecerunt  iftam 
fententiam,  faffique  funt  non  ex  tempore  coepifTe  filium  dei. 
De  Trinitate,  lib.  6.  cap.  i.  Opera,  vol.  3.  p.  326. 

Epiphariius,  H^r.  73.  Opera,  vol,  i.  p.  845. 

O  2  fubftance^'\ 


1(^6       OftheArianControverJy»    Book  IV. 

**  fubjlancey'  fays  Sozomen,  **  was  intro- 
*^  duced  by  Eufebius,  and  others  of  the 
**  moft  celebrated  bifhops  of  the  Eaft,  as 
'*  preferable  to  confiibfiafitial^  which  they 
**  faid  was  rather  applicable  to  corporeal 
*'  things,  as  animals  and  plants  -,  whereas 
*^  the  term  of  like  fubjlance  was  more  appli- 
^*  cable  to  incorporeal  things,  as  God  and 
"  angels*.'* 

But  thefe  conceffions  were  difliked  by 
others  ;  and  Aetius,  the  mafter  of  Euno- 
mius,  maintained  that  *'  the  fon  was  difli- 
*'  milar  to  the  Father  •f.''  Bafil  fays,  that 
*^  he  was  the  fir  ft  who  dared  to  teach  this 
''  doa:rine+.*' 

*  Oi  3=  a/A^<  TOV  Ef^'E^'iOV,   ;i^   CO<K0\  TIVEJ  T6Jy  To7e  CX9a  TW  ECO  ETTl 

}iOyci)  xj  <3iw  ^oiU/xa^OfMSvuv  STTiaKCTrm  oiaipocav,  cog  £yvsof/.BV,  enryi- 
yavlo  T8  oiMUcnov  ?^y£JV,  }y  Kar  saiav  c/JiOioii-,  OTTsp  ofAOiaa-icv  moiMa^ov , 
TO  (AEV  ya^  OfjLoa^riov,  stti  <xu(ji^uv  kv^w;  voetcrSat,  oiop  ccvB^cottoov  }^ 
lav  oO<Kav  tcom-,  uai  SfvSfwv  xai  (pulcov^  oig  eI  ofAoiH  y]  fxdacncx,  km  rj 
7£V£<Ji$  en  .  TO  Se  of/.oiii<noVi  etti  ix(ratj.alm,   ciov  etti  Ses  xai  ay/sAwv, 

EHOilE^H  TT^Og  ECivloV  VO»//t£Va  HSiT    I^IOIV  lHJiO.V,     Hlft.  lib.  3.  Cap.  I  8. 

p.  123. 

t   Ibid.    Lib.  4.  cap.  13.  p.  147. 

X  En  Se  0  ij.iv  rzpulo;  eittelv  (pavs^a;  km  ^i^u^di  roT^ma;-,  avo- 
p.oiov  Eivai^  Kccla  tuv  miav^  tqv  ^Aovoy^m  uiov  TOi  9fw  nai  isat^i^  ocra 
yBYifiei;  ia-f/,Ev,  Asliog  0  Xu^og.  Ad  Eunomium,  lib.  i.  Opera, 
vol.  1.  p.  695, 

Such 


C  H  A  P .  L      Of  the  Avian  Confroverfy.       \  97 

Such  were  the  tenets  of  the  Arians,  and 
they  by  no  means  differed  fo  much  from 
the  eftablifhed  dodlrine  at  the  time  that 
they  were  firft  advanced,  as  they  did  from 
the  orthodoxy  which  grew  out  of  this  con- 
troverfy.  And,  accordingly,  before  there 
had  been  much  difputing  about  it,  it  ap- 
pears to  have  been  viewed  in  a  very  dif- 
ferent light  from  that  in  which  it  appeared 
afterwards. 

Alexander,  bifliop  of  Alexandria,  under 
whom  the  Arian  controvcrfy  arofe,  after 
hearing  niany  debates  on  the  fubjeft  be- 
tween Arius  and  his  opponents^  and  after 
having  called  a  fynod  on  the  fubjeft  (the 
queftion  appearing  to  him  to  be  of  a  doubt- 
ful nature)  was  at  firft  diftrefled  what  part 
to  take ;  favouring  fometimes  o»e  fide,  and 
fometimes  the  other,  but  at  length  acceded 
to  thofe  who  affirmed  that  the  Son  was 
confubftantial  with  the  Father,  and  co-eter- 
nal with  him*. 

A>>£^a-j^^og  rex  'm^colct,  ^y\  /jlbv  nilug,  ^rj  h  skeiv^;  zTTaivm  .  texAv 
0£y  Toig  ofxoaaiov  Hat  avvcti^iov  eivai  rov  viov  a'^o^ccLvoi^svoig  bQeIq, 
Sozomen,  Hift,  lib.  i.  cap.  15.  p,  3^;. 

O  3  Conftantine, 


198      Of  the  Arian  Controverfy.    Book  IV. 

Conftantine,  in  his  letter  to  Alexander 
and  Arius,  reprefents  the  difference  be- 
tween them  as  a  thing  of  no  confequence*. 

So  little  was  Alexander  himfelf  ufed  to 
the  diftindions,  and  the  precife  phrafeology 
which  took  place  afterwards,  that,  in  his 
letter  to  Alexander  of  Conftantinople  upon 
this  fubjedt,  he  calls  the  Father  and  Son 
two  thingSy  infeparable  from  each  other ; 
the  very  language  which  had  been  ufed  in 
anfwer  to  the  Sabellians  +• 

cle  yap  cv  a  Aulav^^z  £^>]?£t$  '(isapa  rm  'STpsa^iPie^cov,  ri  ^y]7role  shuto; 
avioiv  vTTsp  r^voi  totts  rm  ev  Tto  vo/xa  yeypafxixEvuv^  fja'h'Koy  5e  vtts^ 
^ivoi.  fAolcnH  K^Ynialoi  /uE^a?  'mw9avoio,  Socratis,  Hift.  lib.  i, 
cap.  7.  p.  16. 

ftff^ay/uiclce,  3i;o,  tov  '5ra1ef«  >Lj  tov  uiov<,   ovla  avlov  niioig  xo>^7roig  m 

'sal^o;  mofASim,    Theodoreti,  Hift,  lib.  i.  cap.  4.  p.  12. 


S  C  E' 


Chap.  I.     Of  the  Arian  Controverjy,       195 

SECTION       III. 

ne  Arguments  of  the  ancient  Arian s. 

WE  fhall  be  affifted  in  forming  a  juft 
idea  of  the  nature  of  the  Arian  con- 
troverfy,  by  confidering  the  arguments  which 
the  ancient  Arians  ufed  in  defending  their 
doftrine. 

It  was  probably  fome  impropriety  in  the 
language  of  Alexander,  in  his  difpute  with 
Arius,  that  gave  the  latter  an  advantage. 
Alexander  was  thought  by  Arius  to  ad- 
vance fomething  too  favourable  to  the  Sa- 
bellians,  as  he  laid  great  ftrefs  on  the  ne- 
ceffity  of  maintaining  the  unity  of  the 
three  perfons  in  the  trinity ;  and  it  was 
always  faid  by  the  ancients,  that  this  cir- 
cumllance  drove  Arius  into  the  oppofitc 
extreme  ;  and  it  was  probably  the  means  of 
procuring  Arius  fo  many  friends. 

Nicephorus    fays,    that   almoft   all    the 
churches  in  the  eaft,  except  that  of  Jeru- 

O  4  falem. 


20Q       Of  the  Arian  Controverfy,   Book  IV. 

falem,  were  Arian  ^.  Jerom,  fpeaking  of 
the  council  of  Ariminum,  fays,  that  the 
term  scria  was  abolifhed,  all  the  world  groan- 
ed, and  wondered  to  find  itfelf  Arian  +. 

The  orthodox  confidered  themfeives  as 
holding  a  middle  opinion  between  the  Sa- 
bellians  and  the  Arians,  the  former  con- 
founding the  three  perfons,  and  the  latter 
feparating  them  too  far ;  the  former  rnak- 
ing  too  much  of  the  divinity  of  Chrift,  and 
the  latter  too  little.  Thus,  at  leaft,  things 
flood  at  the  beginning  of  the  controverfy. 

It  is  poffible  that  Alexander  had  repre- 
fented  the  Son  as  ayewwl®",  unbegoiteny  as  well 
as  the  Father ;  fince  Eufebius  of  Nicome- 
dia,  in  his  letter  to  Paulinus  of  Antioch, 
fays,  **  We  never  heard  of  two  that  were 
*'  unbegotten  J/*     And   confidering   Chrift 

*  SxeSbv  ^c  'stPvtiv  l£^Offo7^v//.av  tccv  avot,  rvjv  £<a  £KH'Kri<Tmv  Oi  f| 
Af£{8  EKfaW.     Hift.  lib.  12.  cap.  2.  vol.  2.  p.  225. 

t  Tunc  ufiae  nomen  abolitum  efl,  tunc  Nicenae  fidei 
damnatio  conclarhata  eft.  Ingemuit  totus  orbis,  et  Aria- 
num  fe  efie,  miratus  eft.  Ad  Luciferianos,  Opera,  vol.  I. 
p.  427. 

%  Olt  yaf  His  Ivo  or/£vv){la  aKmopi{AEV,  Theodoriti,  Hift, 
lib.  I.  cap.  6,  p.  24. 

3  ^5 


Chap.  I.     OftheArian  Controverfy.      201 

as  being  the  original  logos  of  the  Father, 
or  his  necefTary  attribute,  which  was  cer- 
tainly the  orthodox  dodlrine  of  the  times, 
he  was  jufliiiable;  but  confidering  him  as 
an  aBual perfo?2,  the  language  was  evidently 
improper.  For  the  commencement  of  per- 
fonality  in  the  Son  had  always  been  called 
a  generation  ;  and  therefore  the  Father  and 
Son  had  been  diftinguifhed  from  each  other, 
by  the  former  being  faid  to  be  aysW©-,  unbe^ 
gotten^  and  the  latter  ycml^^,  begotten,  and 
fometimes  ym-^iJi^z^  &c. 

But  according  to  more  ancient  ufage,  the 
terms  ay^v^^  and  r^vd^  had  been  ufed  to 
diftinguifli  the  Creator  and  the  creature ;  and 
the  diftindlion  between  ymiO-  and  vEvvnl^  (as 
if  the  former  fignified  creattv/,  and  the  latter 
generated)  was  peculiar  to  chriftian  theology, 
and,  as  I  have  fhewn,  was  not  unlverfally 
obferved  by  chriftians.  This  gave  Arius 
an  advantage.  For  if  Chrift  was  properly 
yml^^  he  muft  have  been  a  creature ;  and  if 
a  creature,  he  muft  have  been  made  as 
other  creatures  were.  Arius  fays,  **  I  am 
^*  perfecuted,  becaufe  I  faid  that  the  Son 


**is 


202     Of  the  Arian  Controverjy,    Book  IV. 

**  is  made  out  of  nothing,  fince  he  is  not 
*'  a  part  of  God,  nor  made  out  of  other 
*' matter*." 

Here  we  fee  the  proper  ground  of  Arius's 
opinion,  and  that  it  was  evidently  a  depar- 
ture from  the  fundamental  principle  of  efta- 
bliflled  orthodoxy.  It  was  a  virtual  denial 
of  the  Son  being  an  attribute  of  the  Father. 
Arius,  no  doubt,  faw  the  abfurdity  of  the 
received  dodrine  concerning  the  generation 
of  the  Son  from  the  Father,  and  thought  it 
muft  imply  the  taking  from  him  part  of 
his  fubftance.  He,  therefore,  argued,  that 
iince  Chrift  was  not  taken  out  of  the  fub- 
ftance of  the  Father,  and  it  was  acknow- 
ledged that  he  was  not  made  of  other  mat- 
ter^ he  muft  neceffarily  have  been  made  out 
of  nothing'^  which  was  the  chriftian  doc- 
trine that  had  taken  place  of  the  great 
maxim  of  heathen  philofophy,  which  fup- 
pofed  that  fuch  creation  was  impoffible. 

*    Aja  r^io  ^lUHoiMsQa^  xj  oli  EiTrafMEVt  oli  el  ax  ovlm  inv '  alcog  5g 
hmofjksdoi.     Theodoreti  Hift,  lib.  i.  cap.  5.  p.  23. 

It 


Chap.  I.     Of  the  Arian  Coniroverfy.      203 

It  appears  that  the  Arians  ridiculed,  and 
very  juftly,  the  diftindion  which  the  or- 
thodox made  between  creation  2inA  generation', 
and  therefore  Chryfoftom,  in  reply  to  them, 
fays,  ^*  how  do  you  know  that  to  generate 
**  and  to  create,  is  the  fame  thing  with 
**  God*?"  In  that  age,  however,  it  was 
thought  necefTary  to  lay  the  greateft  ftrefs 
on  the  difference  between  thefe  two  things, 
as  every  thing  in  orthodoxy  depended  upon 
it.  But  though  the  orthodox  always  faid 
that  the  Father  could  generate,  and  that  the 
Son  was  generated,  yswwli^,  they  would  not 
allow  that  he  could  not  be  called  yzmiAot,  Ba- 
111  fays,  **  that  the  Father  has  generated, 
**  we  learn  in  many  places,  but  that  the  Soa 
**  is  7£vwj/>ca,  we  learn  no  where  t-.''  This, 
they  thought,  was  putting  Chrift  upon  a 
level  with  creatures,  properly  fo  called. 

The  dodlrine  of  the  derivation  of  the  Son 
from  the  Father,   without  diminifhing  his 

*   TLo^tv  oitag  oil  TO  kIktm  koli  to  yivvy\(Tai  tosjIov,     De  di6lo 
Abraham,  Ser.  4.  Opera,  vol.  6.  p.  43. 

+  TeyswYiKBvou  (jlzv  ya^  rov  'srotls^ay  'zso>^^x^  '^i^i^otyfjLz^oi .  ytvn(xct 
^s  sivai  Tov  viov  ah'^co  Hai  ty\ij.£^ov  anmocifAsy.  Ad  Eunomium, 
lib.  2.  Opera,  vol.  i.  p,  731. 

fubilance. 


20  4      OftheArianControverfy,    Book  IV. 

fubftance,  had  certainly  been  very  ill  de-* 
fended  by  the  orthodox  of  the  age  before 
Arius^  but  neverthelefs  it  was  the  ortho- 
doxy of  the  age,  and  of  this  Arius  took  a 
very  proper  advantage.  *^  The  Arians," 
fays  Hilary,  *'  derived  the  Son  from  no- 
"  thing,  left  the  Father  fhould  be  dimi- 
*^  niflied  by  the  generation  of  the  Son,  fo 
**  that  he  would  remain  lefs  perfect*." 

Arius,  in  his  letter  to  Alexander,  fays, 
**  If  the  phrafe  coming  forth^  and  coming 
*^  from  the  Father y  be  underftood  by  any 
^^  as  of  a  part  of  the  fame  fubftance,  and 
**  as  a  proboky  then  is  the  Father  a  conf^- 
**  pound  being,  divifible,  changeable,  and 
*'  a  body  ;  and,  as  far  as  in  them  lies,  they 
**  make  an  incorporeal  God  to  have  the 
''  fame  affeftions  as  a  body-f-/' 

*  Ne  fi  ex  patre  fit  filius,  deus  fit  imminutus  in  filium, 
foliciti  nimium,  ne  patrem  filius  ab  eo  natus  evacuet  : 
£tque  idcirco  deo  in  filii  creatlone  fubveniunt,  eum  non 
de  extantibus  comparando,  ut  intra  naturas  fuae  perfedio- 
nem  pater,  quia  nihil  ex  eo  fit  genitum,  perfeveret.  Lib, 
S.'  p.  23. 

•f-  Kai  li  TO,  m  yar^o;,  km  to,  sh.  'mcKiOQ(;  s^ri^hv^  Ji:fA  m^^  m  (J^^^ 

HOil 


Chap.  I.     Of  the  Arxan  Controverfy.       205 

Arius  had  a  ftill  more  plaufible  handle 
againft  the  orthodox,  with  refpedl  to  their 
dodtrine  concerning  the  Son  being  of  the 
fame  fubflance  with  the  Father,  becaufe,  in 
the  controverfy  with  the  Sabellians,  this 
language  had  been  conftantly  reprobated. 
The  Arians,  therefore,  had  a  very  good  pre- 
tence for  calling  the  orthodox  Sabellians, 
becaufe  they  adopted  their  peculiar  lan- 
guage. *•  The  Arians,''  fays  Auftin,  '*call 
*'  us  Sabellians,  though  we  do  not  fay  that 
*'  the  Father,  Son,  and  Spirit  are  one, 
*'  which  the  Sabellians  did ;  but  we  fay  that 
*^  they  are  of  one  nature*.''  '*  They  who 
**  diflike  the  word  confubftantial,''  fays  So- 
crates, "  charged  thofe  who  introduced  it 
**  as  favouring  the  opinion  of  Sabellius  and. 

noi.1  ^ia,i^ilo(;\  km  xpz7r%;^  xai  <rcoiJi.ce.  Kotf  aula-,  km  to  oacv  ett  aJicig  ra 
axoT^Qoc  crcofxoili  ma^x^'v  o  acrw/^to]©-  ^sog.  Epiphanius,  Hasr. 
69.V0I.  I.p.  733. 

*  Sed  ficuti  Arriani  Sabellianos  nos  effe  criminantur, 
quamvis  non  dicamus,  unum  eumdemque  efTe  patrem  et 
filium,  et  fpiritum  farK^um,  quod  SabeJIiani  diciint:  kd 
dicimus  unam  eandemque  efTe  naturam  patris,  et  filii,  et 
fpiritus  fandi,  quod  cathplici  dicunt.  De  Nuptiis,  Opera, 
vol.  7.  p-  849. 

*'•  Montanus, 


2o6     Of  the  Arian  Confroverjy.    Book  IV. 

'^  Montanus,  and  therefore  called  them 
^'  blafphemers,  as  taking  away  the  fabftance 
*'  of  the  Son  of  God ;  while  they  who  were 
<*  attached  to  the  word  confubjlaniial, 
"  charged  the  others  with  polytheifm,  and 
"  as  introducing  heathenifm*."  But,  as  I 
have  obferved,  it  was  contrary  to  their  pro- 
per principles,  that  the  orthodox  ever  dif- 
claimed  the  term  confubJiantiaL  For  if  the 
Son  was  the  proper  reajon  of  the  Father,  it 
muft  have  been  right  to  fay,  that  he  was  of 
the  fame  fubflance  with  him. 

The  Arians  had  no  lefs  advantage  with 
refpedt  to  their  other  pofition,  viz.  that  there 
was  a  time  when  the  Son  was  not  *,  becaufe,with 
regard  to  his  perfonality,  this  had  been  the 
declared  opinion  of  the  orthodox  before  that 
aee,  and  he  had  never  been  confidered  as 
having  exifted  from  eternity,  except  as  the 
proper  logos ^  or  reafon  of  the  Father,  without 

MovlavH  5b|av  EUYiyBia-Bai  av%v  rsg  'sspod^iX'^i^tva^  £VOiAt(o¥ '  ^  Sia- 
7a7o  ^Xao-<p»i/>c8f,  £;«aX8v,  u;  avaipavlai  tyiv  VTra^^tv  ta  viB  rs  Bs»  • 
Oi  Se  TraT^iv  tw  oijlo^<tico  rs^o(TKU(jLZVQi^  'mo'Kvhicf.v  eitraysiv  raj  sle^ag  vi- 
ft{^ov7e$,  wj  £^A>]VJcr//tov  sij-ayovlai  t^d^ZT^ovlo*  Hift.  lib.  i»  cap.  23. 

P-  57' 

which 


Chap.  I.     Of  the  ^nan  Coniroverfy.       207 

which  he  would  hot  have   been  ^oyjxO,  a  ra-^ 
t tonal  being. 

Arius,  in  his  letter  to  Eufebius  of  Ni- 
comedia,  fays  concerning  Alexander,  '*  the 
*'  bifhop  violently  perfecutes  us,  moving 
'*  every  thing  againft  us,  fo  as  to  expel  us 
''  from  the  city  as  atheifls,  becaufe  we  can- 
**  not  agree  with  him,  when  he  fays  in 
**  public,  there  was  always  a  Father,  and 
**  always  a  Son,  Father  and  Son  at  the  fame 
*'  time  5  that  the  Son  exifts  together  with 
^rGod  in  an  ungenerated  ftate  ^  he  was  al- 
^*  ways  generated  from  him  that  was  unge- 
'*  nerated.  God  did  not  precede  the  Son 
*'  even  a  thought,  or  an  atom  */'  And  yet 
in  this  Alexander  advanced  nothing  con- 
trary to  the  anciently  received  dodtrine,  ex- 
cept in  faying,  that  the  generation  of  the 
fon  was  from  eternity, 

aisiymn;  btiv^  afmriloysvyj^  triv  *  W]e  sTnvoia^  sis  alofiu  rm  iSL^oaysi  e 
^sog  TjfW¥.    Theodoriti,  Hift.  lib.  i.  cap.  5.  p.  22. 

The 


2o8       Of  the  Arlan  Controverjy.     Book  IV. 

The  Arians,  however,  rejeding  the  dif- 
ference between  generation  and  creation,  faid, 
according  to  Athanafius,  '*  God  was  not  al« 
"  ways  a  Father,  and  afterwards  became  fo. 

"  The  Son  was  not   always     .     The 

**  Son  of  God  was  made  out  of  nothing, 
*'  and  there  was  a  time  when  he  was  not ; 
**  that  he  was  not  before  he  was  generat- 
«^  ed  *."  Hilary  alfo  fays,  "  the  Arians 
**  take  advantage  of  the  expreffion,  he  was 
*'  not  before  he  was  generated,  as  if  the  na- 
*^  ture  of  his  fubfifting  origin  was  de- 
**  nied  t  /'  i«  e,  the  principle  from  which 
he  fprung,  which  exifted  in  the  Father. 

The  Arians  derived  the  fame  advantage 
from  the  dodtrine  of  the  primitive  Fathers, 
that  the  Father  generated  the  Son  voluntas 

-)•  OvK  »Ei  0  ^£og  ttoIt^^  Wi  a>0\  nv  ole  ^Eog  fjiovcg  75V,  xai  httw  iuccJyi^ 
1^,  vrs^ov  ^£  £7r£i  y£yov£  OTa??]^ ,  8k  (X£i  w  0  viog '  ^avlccv  yap  y£Vo^£' 
vav  e|  8X  ov^av^  Kai  'uiavlm  ovlcov  }clia-(ji,otlav  nai  'zjcin/xaluv  ysvc^Evwr, 
KM  avlog  0  T8  ^ES  T^oyog  el  an  ovluv  y£yov£v '  Kai  nv  'sjols  oIe  hk  >iv,  km 
sx>»'srp7£vv>i9)7.  Contra  Arianos,  Or.  i.  Opera,  vol.  i,  p.  310. 
*  Excufationem,  dicens  :  non  erat  antequam  nafcere- 
tur  :  ut  in  eo  quod  non  fuit  antequam  nafceretur,  natu- 
ram  ci  fubfiftentis  originis  denegaret.     Lib.  6.  p.  106. 

rUy. 


Cr-IAP.  I.      Of  the  Arian  Confroverfy.       209 

rily,  *'  The  Arians/'  fliys  Epiphanius, 
*•  fay,  did  God  generate  the  Son  volunta- 
*'  rily,  or  involuntarily  ?  If  we  fay  inva-i 
**  luntarily,  then  we  fubjecl  God  to  neceA 
**  fity.  If  voluntarily,  we  allow  that  a  vo- 
'' lition  preceded  the  Son.-- — Bat  thefe 
**  things,  he  fays,  bear  no  relation  to  God. 
'*  He  neither  generates  the  Son  voluntarily, 
**  nor  involuntarily;  for  the  divine  nature  is 
'*  above  all  will,  and  is  not  fubjed:  to  time, 
**  or  neceility  *." 

Such  were  the  metaphyfxcal  arguments  of 
the  ancient  Arians.  They  likewife  proved 
from  the  fcriptures,  that  Chrift  was  a  crea- 
ture ;  and  as  they  fuppofed  that  the  wijdom 
in  the  book  of  Proverbs  referred  to  Chrift, 
they  laid  great  ftrefs  on  its  being  there  faid 
that  God  created  this  wifdom.  The  Arian, 
in  Athanafius's   difputation,   fays,  "  but  do 

%^E^i^a7\y\0IJt,sv  TO  beiov  .  Jtai  sav  eiTTUfjLEV  oh  SfAcov,.  clcccj/zsv  oli  w  to 
^tArj^a  'zsro  m  Aoya.  .  Oux  eti  h  tJIcov  i^^sv  sig  ^eov-,  cog  oTToT^ccf/.^a- 
vsig^  CO  ksvocQ^.z .  fsrcc^a  ^£co  yap  rccula  hk  sr/v  .  isle  Se^wv  Toivuv  syev- 
F/iCEv,  8%  /j.n  '}£?iaiv,  cc?.a'  u7i:£^Qo7sy]  (f^vascog,  vTTZ^Qami  yap  n  Bsix 
^vcrig^^Mv,  km  «x  i^TroTTiTrlsi,  %fov«,  s7£  avayHYi  ayslai,  Ancora- 
lus,  fea.  51.  Opera,  vol.  2.  p.  55. 

Vol.  IV.  P  ^^  thou 


no      Of  the  Arlan  Controverfy.    Book  IV. 

*'  thou  anfwer  me  with  refpedt  to  the  Lord 
*'  created  jne.  The  Lord  acknowledged 
*' that  he  was  created  by  his  Father*.'* 
**  When  they  are  defeated/'  he  fays,  *'  they 
**  have  recourfe  to  the  Lord  created  me  in 
**  the  beginning  of  his  way  -f.''  They  like- 
wife  alledged  Chrift  being  called  the  firjl 
born  of  all  the  creation  :};. 

I  fhall  conclude  this  article  with  obferv- 
ing,  that,  if  what  Theodoret  fays  be  true,  it 
will  be  probable,  that  the  Arians  imagined 
that  there  was  fomething  anfavourable  to 
their  fentiments  in  the  epiftle  to  the  He- 
brews 5  for  he  fays  that  they  thought  it  to 
be  fpurious  §. 

■*  n^>iy  cry  aTTou^i^nii  ixoi  'ssi^i  m'  xv^io;  Ettlias  jxs^  ra  xt/pj8  o^oM- 
yr.cravlcg  savlov  tulicBM  utto  th  t^is  ^ssai^o^.  Opera,  vol.  I,  p. 
120: 

f  Ev  w  ya^  m%vlM  -^sTroi^aa-iv  iv  rat;  nj^a^oiii-iMs  tw  %£yo{k ' 
Tivpio;  SKliffE  (JI.E  a^xw  oo«y  ai/la  ii^  ipya  avis.  Sermo  Major,  da 
fide  Montfaucon's  Colleftio,  vol.  2.  p.  10. 

:|:    Nomen    primogenitus   fimplicioribus     objlcientes^ 
'Coll.  I.  15.  Cyrilli  Alex.  Thefaurus,  lib.  10.  cap.  3. 

§  Saufjtaroy  aJsv  ^puav  oi  ttjv  apiavimv  EKroi^afxsyoi  voaov^  xala 
rm  aTToroT^Muv  7<UTWEg  yoayLixaiwv^  xai  t/jv  ^^og  E^^aiag  ETTtroMv 
Tuv  y^oiTTuv  aTTGKpivovls;^  nai  voSov  raulm  aTroKoOsxTjiti;.  Ad .  Heb.  i. 
I,  Opera,  vol.  3.  p.  5  12.  Ed.  Halae. 

P  E  C^ 


Chap.  I.     Of  the  Arian  Corjiwerjy.      2 1 1 


SECTION      IV. 

Of  the  Arguments  of  the  Orthodox  againji 
the  Arians. 

HAVING  feen  on  what  principles 
the  ancient  Arians  defended  their  te- 
nets, and  particularly  what  advantage  they 
took  of  the  received  language  of  the  ortho- 
dox, I  (hall  likewife  give  a  view  of  the  light 
in  which  the  orthodox  of  that  age  confider- 
ed  the  principles  of  Arianifm  i  by  which 
means  we  fhall  have  a  pretty  clear  idea  of  the 
nature  of  the  controverfy. 

The  capital  argument  of  the  orthodox 
was,  that  the  Son,  being  the  logos  ofGody  was 
the  proper  reafon  of  the  Father^  and  there- 
fore could  not  have  been  made  out  of  no- 
thing, but  mull  have  been  from  eternity  in 
him^  and  confubjlantial  vviih  him.  Eufebius 
fays,  '*  the  Father  produced  the  Son  from 
'*  himfelf  *."       <*  God    the   Father,"   fays 

*  Aulo;  ff  taul^  yvjvrja^.     De  Laudibus  Con.  p.  746. 

P  %  Ruffinus, 


212       Of  ih^Arian  Controverfy .    B  o  o  k  I V . 

Ruffinus,  *'  is,  therefore,  the  true  God,  and 
**  the  Father  of  truth,  not  creating  from 
**  within,  hMl  imerating  the  Son  from  what 
**  he  himfelf  is,  as  a  wife  man  generates 
**  wifdom,  a  righteous  man  righteoufnefs, 
'*  &c.  as  light  generates  fplendor,  and  as  a 
**  man  generates' a  word  [or  thought]"^/* 

Cyril  of  Alexandria  fays,  «<  If  the  Arians 
**  attack  us,  and  alk  whether  there  be  two 
''.that  are  unbegotten,  and  on  our  faying 
*^  there  is  only  one,  and  that  one  the 
*^  Father,  they  fay  that  then  we  make 
*^  the  Son  a  creature;  we  anfwer.  If  the 
V  Son  be  the  wifdom,  the  power,  and  the 
^^  word  of  the  Father  ;  and  the  word,  wif- 
'*  dom,  and  power  were  always  in  the  Fa- 
**  ther,  the'iSon  cannot  be  faid  to  be  made 
f  *  afterwards ;  but  he  is  God  of  God,  and 
*^  light  of  light.     So  that  the  begotten  is 

*  Eft  ergo  deus  pater  veins,  tanquam  veritptis  pater, 
non  extrinfecus  creans.  fed  ex  eo  quod  ipfe  efc  fdium  ge- 
nerans,  id  eft,  quia  faptens,  fapientiam,  quia  juftus  jufti- 
tiam,  quia  fempiternns  fempiternum,  quia  immortalis  im- 
mortalem,  quia  invifibilis  invifibiieiti,  quia  lux  fplendorcm 
quia  mens  verbum.  In  Symbol.  Opera,  p,  172. 

*^  from 


Chap.  I.      OftbeArlanControverJy.      zi-j 

**  from  him  that  is  unbegotten,  and  from 
'*  him  that  was  not  made,  himfelf  alfo  not 
**  made"^." 

It  was  acknowledged  by  the  ^orthodox, 
that  many  of  the  ancient  writers  had  ex- 
prefled  themfelves  as  if  they  had  confidered 
Chrift  as  being  a  proper  creature  ;  but  it 
was  obferved,  that  what  was  innocent  in 
them,  was  not  fo  afterwards.  Baiil  fays,- 
that  **  many  words  were  innocently  ufed  in 
''former  times,  of  which  the  heretics  now 
**  take  advantage  ;  as  the  words  creature^ 
*•  and  a  work^  &c.  l" 

*■  Si  Ariani  nos  aggrediantur,  interrogantes  uirum  unum 
fit  quod  Ingenitum  eft,  an  duo  :  ut  quurn  unum  certe 
dixcrimus,  et  in  patrem  id  retuhriiHuS,  inter  creaturas 
filium  connumerare  cogamur  :  fic  refpondere  opcrtet. — 
Si  fapientia  et  virtus,  et  verbum  patris  nlius  eft,  eratque 
femper  in  pa:re  verbum,  et  fapientia  et  virtus,  non  eft: 
fa6^us  poftca  hlius,  qui  fic  appellatur  et  fic  eft.  Sed  quem- 
admodum  ex  deo  deus,  et  de  luminc  lumen  eff'ulftt :  fic 
ex  ingenito  genitus,  hoc  eft,  ex  non  faclo  non  faclus. 
Thefaurus,  lib.  i.  cap.  i.  Opera,  vol.  2.  p.  215. 

i-  Aio  0-1)  i'^  rzz>:>^a,(,  av  eupi^  ehu  (po^vag-,  Tccg   vuv  rai;  ai^sliKo:; 

TGi^loy.       Epift.  6i.  Opera,  vol.  3.   p.  10 1. 

P  3  Gregory 


il4      Of  the  Arian  Controverfy.   Book  IV. 

Gregory  Nazlanzcn  fays,  that  **  accord- 
**  ing  to  the  doftrine  of  Arius,  Chrift  muft 
**  not  only  be  a  creature,  but  the  meaneft  of 
**  creatures,  being  created  merely  for  the 
*'  fake  of  creating  other  things ;  and  adds, 
' '*  that  for  the  purpofe  of  creation,  the  mere 
"  will  of  God  was  fufficient*."  ^ 

Another  great  advantage  which  the  or- 
thodox had  over  the  Arians   arofe  from  the 
latter  confidering  Chrift,  though  a  creature, 
as  having  been  the  creator  of  the  world,  and 
entitled   to   be  called  God,  and  to  be  wor- 
ihipped.     This  arofe  from   their  afcribing 
to  their  created  logos,    all    that    had   been 
afcribed  to  iliQ  uncreated  one,  which  all  the 
ancient    Arians,    without    exception,    did. 
This,    the  orthodox   faid,    was  fetting   up 
another  Go^,  and  incurring  the  guilt  oi poly- 
theifm ;    whereas  their  logos,   they  faid,  was 
uncreated,  and  being  the  logos  of  the  Fa- 

*  Ta  ^£  oil  fMK^a  Kai  /xn  xlia-fxotla  fMovov^  aXX^e  >cj  'maviav  kIkt/jM' 
wv  isoisi;  alifjiQlE^a,^  siyE  riiJciiv  svekev  yTTsr*!,  Ki  mole^  ujtte^  o^ava 
'TEXvtlvii  'ss^o   rm  rBxvilav  'S^poJE^ov  an   ovist,  s5"'  av  a>.hu;  yfvo/xEvat, 

Or.  13.  p.  209. 

ther* 


Ch  A  P .  I.      Of  the  Art  an  Confroverjy.       2 1 5 

ther,  was  one  with  him^  fo  that  they  did  not 
make  two  different  Gods,  This  charge  we 
find  from  the  earlieft  flage  of  this  contro- 
verfy  to  the  laft. 

Athanafius  reprefents  St.  Anthony  as 
faying  "  they,  calling  the  logos  which 
**  is  from  the  Father  a  creature^  do  not 
**  differ  from  the  heathens,  who  worfhip 
*'  the  creature  inftead  of  the  creator  *." , 
Hilary  fays,  '*  Let  the  heretics  l)lot  out 
^'  from  the  gofpel,  I  am  in  the  Father^  a  fid 
*^  the  Father  in  me^  and  I  ajid  the  Father 
**  are  one ;  that  they  may  either  preach  two 
**  Gods,  or  one  God-f-/'  In  this  he  has  a 
view  to  both  the  Arians  and  the  Sabellians, 
Bafil  fays,  **  they  who  fay  that  the  only  be- 
"  gotten  is  a  creature,  and  then  make  a  god 

#v]f$  tu  k1<3-£>  -sra^a  tov  HMavla  Sfov.      Vit^  Antonii,  Opera, 
vol,  2.  p.  491. 

f  Deleant  haeretici  evangelicam  filii  de  fe  profeffionem : 
ego  in  patre,  et  pater  in  me  ;  et  ego  et  pater  unum  fu- 
mus  ;  ut  poiTmt  vel  duos  deos  praedicare,  vel  folum.  Lib. 
7. p.  151. 

P4       '  of 


2i6       Of  the  Arian  Controverjy.     Bock  IVl 

*'  of  him,  and  Vv'orfhip  him  ;  by  v;orfhip- 
**  ping  the  creature  rather  than  the  creator, 
*'  evidently  introduce  heathenifm  ;  but," 
alluding  to  the  unitarians,  ^'  they  Vv^ho  deny 
*'  the  logos  to  be  God  of  God,  while  they 
"  confefs  the  Son  in  word,  they  in  rea- 
*^  lity  deny  his  exiilence,  and  renew  Ju- 
"  daifm-^-." 

^'  To  make  a  created  god,"  fays  Gregory 
Nyffen,  ^'  is  an  agreement  with  the  error 
"  of  the  heathens  f ."  ''  The  Arians,"  fays 
Epiphaniu's,  *'  are  the  moft  impious  of  all 
/'heretics,  who  divide  the  Son  from  the 
*'  Father's  fubftance,  and  therefore  make 
^' him  another  principle 'i^-''      ''  We,"   fays 

*  Oi  //£V  7^^  £§70V  S-ES  Eivai  ?^£ycvl£g  rov  (jLOvoy£V/i,  }c.,  "sjoivfxa,  iflat 
'mpoo'KVVHvIsi  «y  ^£07\0'y^v%g  .  eh.  t8  ^^cCI^evelv  tyi  ^cIicel  k^  /jtn  ra  }il',(j- 
cvlt,  ia  T^v  E>0\YiV'Xv  avIiK^vg  ETTEKrccyaiJiv  .  ci  ^s  rov  eh  ^bh  ^coy  Xoycv 
afvs/^£vot,  kJ  ovo(Jt,all  (Wev  oiJt,oXoy8vlEg  viov,  E^yo)  h  jtai  a?^v^£iiz  mv 
vTTix^iiV  a^zJEvlEgy  rov  Is'^Mo-fiov  'iSoCKiv  a-jpcvEnvlai.  Horn.  27. 
Opera,  vul.  i.  p.  519. 

.  i  Ta  (xzv  yx^  }cliTov  avan'ha.TiE'.v  Ssc.v,  trr,  tcov  £7\Xy]mv  aTTolns 
cvv^yop^  yiVElai.  Contra  Eunomium,  Or.  12.  Opera,  vol, 
2.    p.  300. 

X  A^£LCfXMh:i  oe  c\  'mavlcov  ccjEQEraloi,  c^  rm  v.ov  cmo  r-tig  'srdipcxg 

man 


Chap.  I.     Of  the  ArhinControverfy,      217 

Ambrofe,  ''  fay  there  is  one  God,  not  two, 
*^  or  three,  like  the  impious  herefy  of  the 
^'  Arians,  which  falls  into  the  very  guilt 
'^  with  which  it  charges  others.  For  he 
*'  fays  there  are  three  Gods,  who  feparates 
"  the.  divinity  of  the  trinity*.'"  Agreeably 
to  this,  Auftin  writing  againft  the  Arians, 
quotes, 'H^^r,  O  Ifrael,  the  Lord  thy  God  is 
one  Lord,  and  then  fays,  '*  Why  will  you 
*'  make  us  two  Gods,  and  two  Lords  ?  You 
*'  fay  that  the  Father  is  Lord  and  God,  and 
*'  you  fay  that  Chrift  is  Lord  and  God.  I 
**  alk,  v/hether  thefe  two  are  one  ?  You 
*'  anfwer,  they  are  two  Gods.  It  remains, 
*'  then,  that  you  eredt  temples  and  images 
**  to  them-f-."     Fulgentius  alfo  confidered 

tivai  TO)  'ujolpi^  8^s  EK  ry)g  Ho-iot;  ra  'Tsocloog  oluIqv  yzyzvvw^CA.  An- 
coratus,  feci.  118.  Opera,  vol.  2.  p.  120. 

*  Unum  ergo  deuin,  non  duos  aut  tres  deos  dicimus,  ut 
impia  Arianorum  hserefis  dum  criEP.inatur  incurrit.  Tres 
enim  deos  dicit,  qui  divinitatem  feparat  Trinitatis.  De 
Fide,  cap.  i.  Opera,  vol.  4.  p.  114. 

7  Audi  Ifrael,  dominus  deus  tuus,  deus  unus  eft.  Quid 
nobis  vultis  facere  duos  deos  et  duos  dominos  ?  Dicitis 
dominum  patrem,  et  deum  patrem^,  dicitis  dominum 
Chriflum  et   deum  Chriftum :   interrogo,   utrum  ambo 

fimul 


2  1 8      Of  the  Arian  Controverjy.    Book  IV. 

the  Arians  as  worfe  than  the  Sabellians. 
^'  Thefe/'  fays  he,  "  did  ill  to  join  the 
*'  divine  perfons,  but  the  Arians  did  worfe 
**  to  feparate  them*.*^ 

It  is  alfo  with  great  juftice  that  the  or- 
thodox expofed  the  dodrine  of  the  Arians 
on  the  idea  of  a  creature  being  capable  of 
creating.  Auflin  fays,  ''  If  Chrift  was  made, 
**  he  mufi:  have  been  made  by  himfelf ;  for 
**  without  him  was  not  any  thing  made 
**  that  was  made  f/'  "  If  the  power  of 
**  God,"  fays  Cyril  of  Alexandria,  "cannot 
**  be  received  by  the  nature  of  a  creature, 
'*  how  can  a  Son  created  out  of  nothing  be 
"  capable  of  this,  according  to  you  J?'* 

fimul  unus  fit  ?  Refpondetis,  duo  dii  :  fupereft  ut  eis  et 
templa  et  idola  faciatis.  Contra  Max.  Opera,  vol.  6. 
p.  683. 

*    Quia  et  Sabellius  male  conjunxit,  et  Arrius  fcelera- 
tius  feparavit.  Adv.  Pent.  p.  719. 

t  Noli  putare  fadum  efie  inter  omnia  :  nam  fi  et  ipfe 
fa£i:us  eft,  non  per  ilium  fa<^a  funt  omnia ;  fed  inter 
cetera  fadlus  eft  ipfe.     Ser.  3.  Opera,  fuppl.  p.  32. 

X  Verum  fi  capi  non  poterat  dei  virtus  a  natura  crea- 
turarum,  quomodo  creatus  a  nihilo  filius  capax  ejufdem 
fecundum  vos  eft  ?  •  Thefaurus,  lib.  4,  cap.  2.  Opera, 
vol.  I.  p.  265. 

Gregory 


Chap.  I.    Of  the  Arian  Controverjy.      2x9 

Gregory  Nazianzea  emphatically  fays, 
*'  he  is  not  God  who  is  created  ;  nor  can 
**  he  be  our  mafter,  who  is  our  fellow- 
**  fervant*, 

Athanafius  fays,  **  there  is  no  created  ma- 
*'  ker  of  all  things.  For  all  things  were 
**  made  by  the  logos ;  but  he  could  not  make 
*^  all  things  if  the  logos  himfelf  had  been 
*'  made.  Nor  can  angels  create,  being  them- 
**  felves  created,  though  Valentinus,  and 
**  Marcion,  and  Bafilides  think  fo,  and  you 
*'  are  imitators  of  them  '\J' 

He  charges  the  Arians  with  diverting 
the  Father  himfelf  of  his  divinity,  by 
depriving  him  of  his  logos,  and  denying 
that  he  is. property  a  Father.  After  fpeak- 
ing  of  Arianifm  as  the  woril  of  herefies, 
he   fays,   "  fome   err  in   one    refpedl,  and 

*  Ov  ya^  SfC5  ro  nli'^oixevov^  h^b  ob^'Zoukov  to  o(xo^ii>^v.      Or.  13, 

p.  :tio. 

i"  Tojy  ya^  y£vo(xevcc';  aSev  prt  'S^oivjtxov  atliov '  'siavla  yup  Jia  tk 
Xcya  ytyoviv  *  s«  av  s^ysca-a/xEVH  xj  otvla  ra  ':!:(xvia^  si  jcj  y,ul8  0 
7,oy(^  rcov  zlifTfjLoiav  y\v  *  x^£  ya^  nh  ayy£>j)i  ^nfJi'.H^ym  ^uvwovlcu 
HiiO-jMOL  Ovls^  KM  avloi  '  KCLV  OuaT^SvllvQ'^  KM  Mo-oKiav,  Kai  Bcc!7iMi^ng% 

rciauioi  (ppcvaxn  '    hou  OfAiig  £K£iv^v  ^>j?.w7«i  Ti/y%«»;£7f.     Contra 
Arianos,  Or,  3.  vol.  i.  p.  392, 

"  Others 


Tio      OftheArianControverfy.     Book  IV. 

''others  in  another.  Some,  like  the  Jews, 
**  fay  that  the  Lord  was  never  incarnate, 
^' This  alone,  with  great  mad nefs,  attacks 
**  the  divinity  itfelf ;  faying,  that  there  is 
**  no  logos,  and  that  God  is  no  father*.'* 
But  this  argument  feems  to  afFecl  the  uni- 
;  tarians  as  much  as  the  Arians. 

It  was  on  the  idea  of  the  Arians  fetting 
up  tiijo  principles  of  dtvimty,  and  thereby 
making  more  Gods  than  one,  and  of  the 
Sabellians  making  no  difference  between  the 
perfons  of  the  trinity,  that  the  orthodox 
always  reprefented  themfelves  (as  I  have 
obferved)  as  holding  the  middle  between 
two  extremes.  The  idea  occurs  a  thoufand 
times  in  their  writings.  They  are  con- 
ftantiy  guarding  their  hearers  againfl  con- 
founding the  perfons  with  Sab'ellius,  or  fe- 
parating  them  with  Arius.  Thus  Gregory 
Nazianzen   fpeaks  of  the  orthodox,  as  *'  in 

.     ■*  At  (tt£v  8]iyj,  m  ^£  mEivcog  Hola-^euGOi^^vai-,  rj  ixwo'Ktxx;  27n^s^Yi(XYi' 

•uiKcols^ov  E'.g  ailJyiv  ^Eomlcc  T£7o>./^w£,  7.£y:d(7oc^  /xric  oy^ag  £ivai  Tov?ioyov, 
/^r^£  Tov  BsQv 'sjoilE^oi  EivM,  Contra  Arianos,  Or.  i.  Opera, 
vol.  I.  p.  300. 

I  ^'  a  middle 


Chap.  L     Of  the  Arian  Controverfy.      221 

**  a  middle  way  between  Sabellianifm  oa 
*^  the  one  hand,  and  Arianifm  on  the  other, 
*'  the  former  confounding  the  perfons,  and 
"  the  latter  dividing  them*."  Again, 
fpeaking  of  the  fupreme  power,  he  fays, 
**  itconfifls  of  the  caufe,  the  demhirguSy  and 
**  \.\\Q  perfecier,  I  mean  the  Father,  Son,  and 
**  Holy  Spirit ;  which  are  neither  fo  far 
^^  removed  from  each  other,  as  to  be  fepa- 
**  rated  by  nature,  nor  fo  clofely  united  as 
*'  to  be  circumfcribed  within  one  perfon. 
*'  The  former  is  the  Arian  atheifm,  and 
*'  the  latter  the  Sabellian  -(-." 

On  this  principle,  he,  as  well  as  many 
others,  compares  the  Sabellians  to  Jews, 
and   the  Arians  to  Gentiks.     Ifidore  Pelu- 

*  H^oaHuimiAZv  av  'StoIsdoc,   km  uicvy  zoli  ayiov  izva'ixa^  rag  //ev 
i^Loly]lcxg  %w^{^ov7e5,  svaflsg  h  tyiV  ^solnlcc .  itai  'Jls  £ig  ev  tcc  r^ia  avva- 
'>^£i(pciJ.aj',  iv<z  fjLYi  771V  liaCsTO^LH  voaov  vQcrncrcofisv  '  ^^  ^iai^8fA£v  sig  r^ia 
iHCpv'ha  fcai  a?w\o7p{2g,  tva  (ayi  tcc  A^eih  fiavcoiA^v,      Or.  29.  Opera, 
p.  489. 

t  JLccXsilai  ^s  V]  (JL£V  Seo?,  nai  £V  r^iri  roig  fjtEyiroig  ltccIm,  aiJico, 
Hai  ^r,fjuii^yco  nai  nrsT^ioTroia^  t«  '^ali^i  'h£yoi  mm  too  ww  >uXi  roi  cyia 
f^svsviAoli '  a  (jlyHe  iilcog  a>M7^m  uTTsfl-nlai^  cog  guau  re/M'Scr^M  '  f/^2s 
ziag  sTsvc-olaii  cog  £ig  £v  'urpocrcoTTOv  'ZSE^iy^xcpsa^ai.  To  fxsv  ya.^  .Trig 
A§UGiviag,  TQ  h  TTjg  Xa<^6?^iavimg  a^nacg  sriv.     Or,  24.  p.  42S. 

fiota 


222       Of  the  Arian  Controverfy.  Book  IV. 

iiota  alfo  fays,  *'  Let  this  be  faid,  that  Sa- 
*'  bellius  and  the  Jews  may  be  lilenced,  and 
^'  thofe  that  Arius,  Eunomiiis,  and  the 
**  Gentiles,  may  be  demolifhed''." 

The  orthodox  Fathers  were  perpetually 
complaining  of  the  difficulty  they  were  in 
betv/een  the  two  extremes  of  Arianifm  and 
Sabellianifm,  and  of  the  addrefs  which  it 
required  to  keep  clear  of  them  both.  Hi- 
lary is  particularly  pathetic  on  this  fubjedl. 
**  I  am  always,"  fays  he,  *'  in  danger,  al- 
*'  ways  in  fear  of  falling  into  ftraits,  or 
*^  caverns,  or  of  being  entangled  in  fnares. 
"  For  when  I  preach,  according  to  the  law, 
"  the  prophets,  and  the  apoftles,  that  there 
*'  is  but  one  God,  Sabellius  is  upon  me, 
**  ready  to  feize  upon  me,  and  devour  me 
"  whole,  as  a  moft  delicious  morfel ;  but 
*'  if,  preaching  againft  Sabellius,  I  deny 
**  that  there  is  only  one  God,  and  acknow- 
''  ledge  that  the  Son  of  God  is  truly  God, 

lib.  3,  Opera,  p.  267^ 

''  the 


Chap.  I.     Of  the  Arian  Controverfy.      223 

«<  the  new  herefy   waits  for  me,   and  tells 
*•  me  that  I  preach  two  Gods*/' 

Arianifm  was  always  confidered  as  a  new 
herefy^  and  unitarianifm  as  an  old  one.  Am-, 
brofe  fays,  that  ''  the  Arians  were  the  anti- 
**  chrift  intended  by  John,  being  the  lall:  of 
*'  the  herefies,  and  drawing  poifon  from 
"  them  allf." 

Theodoret  having  diflributed  his  work 
on  heretical  fables  inio  ^vt  parts,  and  hav* 
ing  mentioned  his  treating  firft  of  the  fed: 
of  the  Gnoftics,  then  that  of  the  unitarians, 
from  Ebion  to  Photinus,  as  holding  oppo- 
fite  opinions  5    then  thofe  who  held  middle 

*  Mihi  verjD,  aut  in  auguftias  decidcre,  aut  in  defofTa 
incidere,  aut  plagis  illaqueari,  Temper  in  periculo  femper 
in  metu  eft.  Praedicaturo  enim  fecundum  legem  et  pro- 
pb%is  et  apoflolos  unum  deura,  adeft  mihi  Sabellius,  to- 
turn  me  fub  hujus  verbi  profeffione,  tanquam  defideratum 
cibum  morfu  foeviiHmo  tranfvorans.  Negantem  me  rurfum, 
contra  Sabellium,  unumdeum,  etconntentem  verura  deum, 
dei  filium,  expedtat  nova  haerefis,  et  a  me  duos  deos  ac 
praedicari.     De  Trinitate,  lib.  7.  p.  131. 

t  Ft  Joannes  dicit  hsereticos  efTe  antichriftos  Arianos 
utique  defignans.  Hsc  enim  hsrefis  poft  omnes  hserefes 
caepir,  et  ex  omni  hsergfi  venena  collegit.  Opera,  vol.  4, 
p,  143. 

opinions 


2  24      Of  the  Arian  ControverJy\     Book  IV. 

opinions  between  them,  fays,  **  In  the 
^'  fourth  place  I  fhall  explain  the  latere 
''  herejies,  viz.  thofe  of  Arius  and  Euno- 
**  mius  . 

'  I  do  not,  indeed,  find  any  fach  pretences 
to  high  antiquity  made  by  the  Arians^  as 
the  unitarians  laid  claim  to.  They  only 
appeal  to  the  language  of  the  fcriptures, 
y/hich  all  perfons  interpret  fo  as  to  favour 
their  own  opinions,  and  fuch  exprelfions  of 
the  orthodox  Fathers,  efpecially  Clemens 
Alexandrinus  and  Origen,  as  have  been  al- 
ready mentioned,  and  which  I  have  fiiewn 
to  be  fufficiently  agreeable  to  the  ortho- 
doxy of  the  age  in  w^hich  they,  lived  ;  the 
|)rinciples  of  which  were  very  remote  from 
thofe  of  Arianifm, 

One  of  the  weak  fides  of  the  orthodox 
hypothefis,  was  the  ftrefs  that  was  laid  upon 
the  difference  between  generation  and  crea^ 
tion.  From  this  the  Arians  had  derived 
conliderable  advantage,  efpecially  with  re- 

*  Ev  Q€  TO)  rficc^a  Tczg  vmlspag  B7noeii,ofXEV  ai^ecrsig  '  "fm  A^nn 
fyi'M.  Hdi  Ei/vo/4i8,  K«(  Qcrai  fxd  mm^ag  sOir.rrixv,  Opera,  vol.  4. 
p,  188. 

^fped 


Chap.  I.     OftheArianControverfy.       225 

fped  to  what  is  faid  concerning  wifdom  in 
the  book  of  Proverbs.  In  the  tranflation  of 
the  feptuagint  we  read  the  hord  created 
me  the  begmning  of  his  zvaySy  which  certaixily 
had  the  appearance  of  making  this  wifdo?n 
(or  Chrijl,  fuppofed  to  be  intended  by  it) 
2^  creature .  In  what  manner  the  orthodox 
interpreted  this  paflage,  fo  as  to  evade  the 
force  of  the  argument,  without  rejeding 
the  tranflation  of  the  feptuagint,  we  have 
{zzri  already.  Here  I  fhall  only  obferve, 
that,  notwithflanding  the  diflike  which  the 
orthodox  had  for  the  tranflations  of  Aquila, 
Theodotion,  and  Symmachus,  as  being  uni- 
tarians, they  were  glad  to  avail  themfelves 
of  their  interpretation  of  this  paffage.  For 
they  rendered  it,  the  Lord  possessed  nie 
the  beginning  of  his  ways,  a  rendering  which 
is  much  approved  by  Eufebius  *.'* 

sv^oi  av  TYiv  E^^oiiKw  avayvu(Tiv  a  ^i^nx^irav  to,  2)BiC£  (xt .  hoin^ 
•dh  T5)v  "hoiTTCfiv  t^(xy\v2v\m^  Tavln  Tig  «?%^)i]«i  Tn  ?,s|y)  •  aulixa  ^'  ay  q 
(MSv  AxVhaq^  fcv^iog  5k1y](TccIo  fxs  xE(paXioy  im  o^m  otuls^  £icnKS7  .  oSe 
Xu/xfj^xog^  Hu^iog  ejilmdlc  /xs  a^x'^v  g^uv  ay%  .  o  h  ©soooliuv^  ku^io^ 
tKlnadlofxs  a^xnv  oh  av%,      Ec.  Theol.  lib,  3.  cap.  2.  p.  152. 

Vol.  IV.  Q^  That 


226      Of  the  Arian  Controverfy.     Book  IV. 

That  the  word  made  does  not  always  im- 
ply a  proper  creation^  the  orthodox  attempted 
to  prove  from  other  paffages  of  fcripture; 
and  the  extreme  weaknefs  of  their  reafon- 
ing  may  ferve  to  fhew  how  much  they  felt 
themfclves  preffed  by  this  argument.  Cy- 
ril of  Alexandria  fays,  *'  We  read  that  God 
**  is  made  a  refuge,  but  this  does  not  imply 
'*  that  God  was  created^:'  That  Chrifl 
was  only  generated,  and  not  madey  Auftin 
proves  from  its  being  faid,  **  This  day  is 
**  hovn  unto  us  a  Saviour,  not  madef-'*  Hi- 
lary alfo  proves  that  "  Chrift  was  not  made 
**  out  of  nothing,  but  v/as  derived  from  the 
*^  fubftance  of  the  Father,  becaufe  he  faid, 
**  I  came  forth  from  the  Father\y 

"*  Et  fadlus  eft  mihi  dciriinus  In  refugium  ?  Nunquid 
concedes  fadtum  efie  deum.  De  Trinitate,  lib.  4.  Opera, 
vol.  2.  p.  422. 

+  Chriftus  non  fadius  fed  natus  eft,  dicente  angelo  pafto- 
ribus,  ecce  natus  ell  vobis  hodie  falvator  qui  eft  Chriftus 
dominus.  Queftiones  exN.  T.  50.  Opera,  vol,  4.  p.  735. 

X  Qiiod  dixit:  ex  patre  exivl,  et  veni,  utruni  ambigui- 
tatem  reliquerit,  quin  intelligeretur  non  aliunde  quam  ex 
patre  efle  quod  deus  eft. — A  patre  enim  venifle,  et  ex  deo 
exifle,  non  eft  fignificationis  ejufdem  :  et  quantum  intereft 

^     •  inter 


Chap.  I.     Of  the  ArlanCGntroverfy,       227 

That   Chrift   had   a  proper    human  foidy 
having  the  fame  afFedions  with  the  fouls  of 
other  men,  the  orthodox  proved  from  our 
Saviour  being  faid  to  grieve,  and  to  be  in  an 
agony,  &cc.  Thus  Athanafius,in  anfwer  to  the 
Apollinarians,  alledges  Chrifl  being  dijlurbed 
inffirit,     *' This/'  he  fays,   '' cannot  arife 
**  either  from  the  infenfible  body,  or  the  un- 
**  changeable  Godhead^."    In  another  place 
he  alledges,  againft  tbis-^art  of  the  Arian 
fyftem,  that,  according  to  it,  the  divinity  mufl 
have  fuffered  and  have  rifen  from  the  dead-j-. 
*'  How  can  any  one  fay  that  the  body  of  Chrift 
"  was  without  foul,  or  without  underflanding 

inter  nafciet  adefle,  tantum  a  fe  uterque  fermo  difcernitur : 
cum  aliud  fit  a  deo  in  fubflantia  nativitatis  exifTe,  aliud  fit 
a  patre  in  hunc  mundum  ad  confummanda  falutis  noflrae 
facramenta  veniffe.     Lib.6.  p.  108. 

avou73  (XV  £m,  «?£  ^solyi}^  al^£7r%-,  a>}\a  -^uxm  vcr,(nv  s^afrrj ,  7.07^" 
fASVw,  Hal  ra^arlo^Ewiv,  Kai  ah/JLor^'jav,  km  vo^ia^  iTraia^avoixET/rj  ra 
fsax^E;.     De  Incarnatione,  Opera,  vol.  i.  p.  628. 

-j-  Ap£{©-  ^£  ca^Ha  (jLO-jyff  '^Pog  aTTOK^v^w  lYig  ^Eolr'i©-  o^o>jQyu  . 
avli  ^B  TH  f£r«S£v  £y  -nixiv  avb^coTrn^  TsJsn  tyji;  i|/y%>7;  rov  Aoyov  sv  a-aoKi 
^£7£<  ytyovEvah  T'nv  ra  "uia^ng  vcmiv  nai  t/jv  eI  a^s  ctvara(rtv  ty]  ^tc- 
'iv^i  "cs^oacxrisiv  TohyLOiv,     Ibid.  p.  635. 

0^2  *'  —Terror, 


228       Gfthe  Arlan  Controverfy.     Book  IV. 

**  — Terror,  and  grief,  and  anxiety,  are  afFec^ 
**  tions  of  the  foul ;  labour,  and  fleep,  and 
**  wounds  are  of  the  body,  the  weaknefs  of 
^*  the  flefh  -^/'  Epiphanius  alfo,  in  the 
fame  controverfy,  alledges,  but  with  much 
lefs  propriety,  i  Cor.  ii.  6.  l^Ve  have  the 
mind  of  Ch?'ifi'f.  Fuigentius  argues,  that 
if  Chrift  had  had  only  a  body,  and  not  a 
foul,  he  could  not  have  faved  more  than  the 
bodies  of  men  ;  but  having  recovered  the 
whole  of  the  loft  flieep,  and  not  a  part  of  it 
only,  he  infers  that  he  was  able  to  fave 
both  J.     He  alfo  cbferves  that,   if  Chrili 

*  n&)j  Se  av  T^syoi,  Ti^ii  a-^vxov  xoci  avor^ov^  to  acafA.cc  in  %fira — 
Ta^ctx*^  y^§  ^^^  ^y7J■J?,  Hoii  a^v](j(.ovioi^  ^v^vg  vcar\ixoiia  '  hottc;  h  xai 
vTTvoii  KM  7^u<Tig  (70)[jL(xlog^  (Ta^KQ^  ao'^Evrifxixlx.  Anathemas,  af* 
cribed  to  Gregory  Thaumaturgus,  Opera,  p.  6. 

+  Ancoratus,  fed.  76.  Opera,  vol.  2.  p.  81. 

%  Quapropter  cum  error  ifte  anim^  fimul  intelligatur, 
ct  corporis,  fi  dei  filius  abfque  anima  rational!  folam  acce- 
pit  hominis  carnem,  inferiorem  partem  iilius  ovis  dojnum 
retulit,  meliorem  vero  (quod  abfit)  error!  perpetuo  dereli- 
quit :  nam  manifeflum  eft,  quoniam  hoc  rcvocavit,  quod 
propriis  humeris  reportavit :  fi  autem  ipfe  totam  fe  profi- 
tetur  ovem  propriis  humeris  impofitam  reportafle,  totus 
homo  cognofcatur  in  Chrifio  :  quoniam  tunc  eft  hominis 
credenda  redemptio:  ft  in  iilio  dei  fufcept  onis  humanae,  id 


Chap.  I.     Of  the  Arian  Controverfy,      229^ 

had  not  had  a  human  foul,  there  would  have 
been  nothing  extraordinary  in  his  being 
without  fin,  as  the  divinity  cannot  poffibly 
fin  *.  That  all  the  orthodox  Fathers  held 
that  Chrift  had  a  proper  human  foul,  as  well 
as  a  human  body,  I  have  produced  abundant 
evidence.     Vol.  2.  p.  198. 

Lafl:ly,  Athanafius  urges  the  Arians  with 
the  conformity  of  their  principles  to  thofe 
of  the  Gnoftics,  on  the  idea  that,  according 
to  them,  Chrift  was  a  being  of  the  fame 
nature  with  the  angels.  *'  If,"  fays  he, 
*'  the  Son  be  not  of  the  things  that  are 
*'  made,  but  of  the  Father's  efl^ence,  the 
*' reafoning  of  the  Arians  concerning  the 
*'  word  made  is  foolifh ;  and  if  they  im- 
**  pudently  afiTert  that  it  is  ufed  only  by 
"  way  of  comparifon,  and  that  things  com- 

cft,  ovis  illius  reportatae,  non  defuit  plenitudo.  Ad  Tra- 
fimundum,  lib.  i.  cap.  lo.  p.  451. 

*  Nam  fi  dei  filius  animam  humanam  in  carnis  fufcep- 
tione  non  habuit,  et  hoc  beatus  Petrus  de  ejus  creditur 
divinltate  dixifle,  quid  eft,  quod  pro  magno  in  laudem  di- 
citur  Chriili  ?  Quia  divinitas  ejus  immunis  efle  potuit  a 
labe  peccati,  cum  dei  fit  proprium,  non  folum  non  peccare, 
fed  etiam  a  peccato  falvare.      Ibid.  cap.  11.  p.  452. 

Q^  3  ^'  pared 


230       Of  the  Arian  Coniroverfy.    Book  IV. 

**  pared  niuil:  be  fimilar,  fo  that  the  Son 
*'  muit  be  of  the  fame  nature  with  the  an- 
**  gels,  they  ought  to  be  the  more  afhamed, 
**  as  adopting  the  opinions  of  Valentinus, 
**  Carpocrates,  and  other  heretics^  of  v/hom 
**  the  former  faid,  tliat  the  angels  were  of 
*'  the  fame  nature  with  Chrift,  and  the 
**  latter/  that  angels  were  the  makers  of 
**  the  world.  For  they  muft  have  learned 
*'  of  them  to  compare  the  logos  of  God 
**  with  the  angels.  But  they  who  ima^ 
*'  gine  fuch  things  are  put  to  fhame  by 
**  the  Pfalmift,  who  fays,  Who  among  the 
*'  Sons  of  God  is  like  unto  the  Lord;  who 
*•  among  the  gods  is  like  unto  thee,  O 
''  Lord*?" 

*  Cyvrtav  Si  Tav  fA-sv  ysvr^.ouV  a^^Oi;  sri,  tyi;  ^s  th  'usal^o;  aaict;  jmovo; 
iom  ysvYii/yicc  0  uio;^  fx£(j.alaialai  toij  A^siuvQig  vi  'sis^i  ra  y£vOfji,evcg 
'Si^o(pa(Tii; .  KOLV  ya'^  zv  tMoi;  aiO-xyvSsv^Es  ^la^covlcci  'SiaTiiv  Mysiv  avy- 
Hpf'uKojg  E'.^y^a^ai  to.  ^7}la,  '  Kai  ^icx  nfio  nvai  to  auyK^m^AZva  o/jLoy(vn^ 
(Wrs  TGV  vxv  mg  tcov  afys>.av  sivai  (pvaeccg^  aiirx^v^yi^ovJ^t  l^^v  'B^oy^ya- 
f*£vag  agTa  OoaUvliva  Jicci  Ka^Trotc^oiia  km  tcuv  aT^cov  ai^ilinm  ^>i;\si/- 
7f  J,  Kai  (p^Efyci'XEvoi  .  cov  0  ,a£v  tj^j  a^y^hag  oyLoyivng  £ipY,K2  tco  %^ira) . 
0  tie  Y^a^TTOK^akg  aP/£Aa$  fa  koq-iah  ^vf^i^yag  sivai  (pY]^L .  'siap  avlov 
ya^  icrag  (^o^oxlsg  koh  Hioi^  cruyy^^ivacri  tov  m  ^bh  T^-oyovroig  alyz'ho'.g ' 
a'Kh  svl^uiTrna-ovlai  roiaola  (pavla^o(jt.Evoi  ^a.^<x  [iiv  ts  uiJiva^a  ^£yov7c^_, 
Ti$  Of^oiCL-^jBlai  TO)  xv^ico  £v  vioig  Sea,  Jixi  Tig  o^ioiog  aot  sv  Bsoig  itU^is^ 

Con.  Ar.  Or.  2-  p.  363, 

SEC- 


Chap.  I.     Of  the  Arian  Controverfy,      231 


S    E    C    T  -I    O    N       V. 

General  Ohfervatioiis  on  the   Arian   Con^ 

troverjy. 

npHUS  have  I  given  the  beft  view  that 
I  have  .been  able  to  ccllcdl  of  the 
principles  on  which  the  Arian  controverfy 
was  conduded  in  eai-ly  times ;  and  the 
following  circurnftances  clearly  prove,  that, 
notwithftanding  the  advantage  which  the 
Arians  derived  from  the  conceffions  and 
abfurdities  of  their  antagonists,  their  doc- 
trine was  really  a  novel  one.  All  the  or- 
thodox Fathers  before  the  age  of  Ariiis 
confidered  the  logos  v/hich  made  the  world, 
and  which  was  the  medium  of  all  the  di- 
vine communications  to  the  patriarchs,  as 
having  been  the  proper  attribute  of  th€ 
Father,  and  therefore  uncreated.  They  alfo 
all  fuppofed  that  Chrifl  had  a  human  foul, 
as  well  as  a  human  body,  and  that  the  logos 
was  united  to  the  man^  and  not  to  the  body 
©nly. 

CL4  The 


232        Of  the  Arian  Coutroverfy,    Book  IV. 

The  Arian  doftrine,  therefore,  that  Chrift, 
or  the  logos,  was  a  created  fuper-angelic 
fpirit,  the  creator  of  the  world,  and  the 
medium  of  the  divine  communications  to 
the  patriarchs,  &c.  (which  all  the  Arians 
of  that  age  believed  ;  for,  as  I  have  more 
than  once  obferved,  they  all  transferred  to 
their  created  logosy  whatever  had  been  fup- 
pofed  to  have  been  the  office  of  the  uncre-- 
ated  one)  and  that  this  great  fpirit  animated 
the  body  of  Jefus  in  the  place  of  a  human 
foul,  was  altogether  a  novel  doftrine,  and 
hot  older  than  the  age  of  Arius  himfel£ 

As  to  the  dodlrine  of  Chrift  being  a  pre- 
exiftent  fuper-angelic  fpirit,  and  not  the 
creator  of  the  world,  or  not  the  medium  of 
the  divine  communications  to  the  patri* 
archs,  it  is  much  more  novel ;  probably 
not  older  than  a  fingle  century.  In  the 
fame  predicament  alfo  is  the  notion  that 
the  great  powers  of  this  fuper-angelic  fpirit 
were  in  a  ftate  of  fufpenfion,  fo  that  whik 
upon  earth  he  was  reduced  to  the  condition 
of  a  mere  human  foul ;  a  ftrange  notion, 
which  nothing  but   the  moft   infuperable 

difficulties 


Chap.  I.     OftheArianControverfy.        233 

difficulties  attending  the  original  Arian  hy- 
pothefis,  could  have  led  any  man  to  adopt. 

That  the   Arian  dodirine,   in  any  form, 
was  not  older  than  the  age  of  Arius,   is   an 
infuperable  objection  to  its  truth,  or  to  its 
being  the  dodlrine  of  the  fcriptures.     For 
they  were  always  admitted  to  be  the  rule  of 
faith  by  all  chriftians.     And  certainly  thofe 
who  lived   neareft  to  the  age  of  the  apof- 
ties,    for  vvhofe  ufe  the  books  of  the  New 
Teftament  were  written,  and  who  had  not 
the  difficulties   that   we  labour    under,   of 
learning  foreign  languages,  and  inveftigating 
ancient  cuftoms  and  ancient  idioms,  to  cm- 
barrafs  and  miflead  them,   m.uft  have  been 
better  qualified  to  underftand  the  true  fenfe 
of  fcripture  than  we  are.     Can  that,  then, 
be  the  true  fenfe  of  fcripture  (how  much 
foever  we,   with  all  the  prejudices  of  edu- 
cation about  us,  may  fancy  it  to  favour  any 
particular  hypothefis)   which,  it  is  evident, 
no   perfon  in   the  three  firft  centuries  put 
upon  it  ?      This   confideration  ought  cer- 
tainly to  check  the  confidence  of  thofe  who 
are  ever  fo  well  fatisfied  that  their  dodrine 

is 


2  34       OftheArianControverfy.    Book  IV. 

is  taught  in  the  fcriptures.  Much  more 
ought  it  to  ftagger  thofe  whofe  opinions 
had  no  exiftence  before  the  reformation, 
which  is  the  cafe  with  many  of  the  modern 
Arians. 

On  the  contrary,  it  cannot  be  denied, 
that  the  great  body  of  the  common  people 
in  early  times  were  properly  unitarians^ 
that  their  dodrine  exifled  and  prevailed  in 
the  time  of  the  apoflles,  and  that  they  had  as 
great  a  veneration  for  the  books  of  the  New 
Teftament  as  we  can  have  at  this  day ;  and 
yet  they  never  found  in  them  that  dodirine 
of  the  pre- exiftence  of  Cbrift,  which  many 
now  think  to  be  clearly  and  repeatedly 
taught  in  them.  This  is  certainly  an  argu- 
ment of  great  weight  in  favour  of  the  uni- 
tarian interpretations  of  thofe  particular 
texts, which,  according  to  their  literal  mean- 
ing, feem  to  favour  the  dodrine  of  pre- 
cxiftence,  and  ought  to  lead  us  to  fufpecl, 
that  it  is  owing  to  nothing  but  our  early 
prejudices,  that  fuch  interpretations,  on  the 
lirft  propofal  of  them,  appear  unnatural. 

It 


Chap.  I.      Of  the  Arlan  Controverfy.        235 

It  is  pretty  remarkable  that  the  common 
people  feem  to  have  taken  little  or  no  part  in 
the  Arian  controverfy.  For  a  long  time  at 
leaft,  it  was  confined  to  the  bifliops  and 
clergy.  Indeed,  the  Arian  dodlrine  was  of 
fuch  a  nature,  that  it  w^as  not  likely  to 
interefl:  the  common  people,  who  were  then 
generally  unitarians.  They  who  had  been 
accuftomed  to  confider  the  logos  as  nothing 
more  than  the  wifdom  and  power  of  God 
(which,  we  have  it^n,  was  the  cafe  with  all 
the  ancient  unitarians)  could  not  be  fup- 
pofed  to  take  any  part  in  a  debate,  in  Vv  hich 
the  difputants  on  both  fides  agreed  that  the 
logos  was  a  perfon^  and  the  difference  be- 
tween them  was,  whether  he  was  created^  or 
uncreated. 

Neither  does  it  appear  that  the  Arian 
doctrine  ferved  as  an  intermediate  ftage,  by 
which  the  common  people,  who  were  uni- 
tarians, were  brought  to  the  trinitarian  doc- 
trine, which  was  univerfally  prevalent  in  af« 
ter  ages  -,  though  this  would  not  feem  to  be 
improbable,  as  it  is  very  common  at  this 
day  for  perfons  to  pafs  from  Athanafianiim 
1  to 


236      Of  the  Arian  CGntroverfy.    Book  IV. 

to  Arianifm,  and  then  from  Arianifm  to  pro^ 
per  Unitarianifm. 

It  is  evident,  from  the  writings  of  Bafil, 
and    efpecially  from    his    letters,   that   the 
odium  he  lay   under   was  chiefly   with   the 
common  people,  and  that  they  were  unita-    ^ 
rians  -,  and  there  are  many  other  marks  of 
the  more  ignorant  of  the  common  people 
being  unitarians   in  a  very  late  period,   but 
none  that  I  have  found  of  their  being  gene- 
rally Arians.     Indeed,  there  was  too  much 
o{ philojophy  in  the   Arian  doftrine  for  the 
common  people  to  enter  into  it.     What  a 
prophet  Vv^as,   a  prophet  mighty  in  word  and  ^ 
deed^  they  could  underfland  ^   but  the  doc-  "^ 
trine  of  a  created  logos,  a  created  creator^  muft 
have    appeared  ftrange  to  them  ;    though, 
perhaps,    not  quite  fo  much  fo  as  that  of  a 
perfonified  attribute. 

That  the  Arian  dodrine  gave  no  more 
fatisfadion  to  the  learned  unitarians  than 
that  of  the  orthodox,  may  be  concluded 
from  the  peculiar  animofity  with  which  the 
Arians  always  purfued  the  unitarians,  as  we 
fee  in  the  writings  of  Eufebius  againfl  Mar- 

cellus, 


Chap.  I.      Of  the  Arian  Coniroverfy.      237 

cellus,  and  in  the  perfecution  of  Photlnus, 
which  was  carried  on  chiefly  by  Arians. 
The  fame  may  alfo  be  inferred  from  the 
orthodox  of  that  age  fpeaking  more  favour- 
ably of  the  unitarians  than  they  do  of  the 
Arians. 

Nor  is  this  fo  m.uch  to  be  wondered  at; 
for,  befides  the  refped:  with  which  unita- 
rianifm  would  be  treated  as  an  ancient  doc- 
trine^  and  Hill  held  by  the  generality  of  the 
common  people,  the  Athanafians  thought  at 
leaft  that  they  were  agreed  with  the  unita- 
rians in  an  article  which  was  deemed  to  be 
of  much  more  confequence  in  that  age  than 
it  was  afterwards,  which  was  the  preferv- 
\x\g  oi  xho.  unity  of  God ,  This  the  Athana- 
fians maintained  that  they  did,  by  fuppofmg 
the  logos  to  be  w^hat  the  unitarians  faid  it 
was,  viz.  the  wifdom  and  power  of  God  the 
Father,  differing  from  them  only  with  re- 
fpe(5t  to  its  perfonif cation.  On  the  other 
hand,  it  has  been  feen,  that  they  conlidered 
the  Arians  2^s  ?ih{o\\MQ\y  poly theifs,  holding 
the  dodrine  of  two  Gods  y  from  which 
charge,    while   the  Arians  confider  Chrift 


238      Of  the  Atian  Controverjy.       Book  IV. 

as  the  7naker  of  the  world ^  and  the  cbjeB  of 
prayer^  I  do  not  fee  how  they  can  excul- 
pate themfelves.  No  doubt,  however,  a 
great  part  of  the  animofity  of  the  orthodox 
againft  the  Arians,  arofe  from  the  oppofi- 
tion  they  met  with  from  them ;  there 
being  more  men  of  learning  among  the 
Arians  than  among  the  unitarians. 

It  is  much  to  be  lamented  that  there  are 
no  remains  of  any  controverfy  between  the 
ancient  Arians  and  unitarians,  efpecially  of 
the  conference  between  Photinus  and  Bafil 
of  Ancyra.  This  would,  no  doubt,  have 
thrown  much  more  light  than  we  now  have 
on  the  fubjed:  of  thefe  differences,  and  6n 
the  ftate  of  ancient  opinions  in  general. 


I 


CHAP. 


Ghap.  II.  OftheNeJlorianControverfy.  139 


T 


CHAPTER     II. 

Of  the  Nejiorian  Controverfy. 

H  E  opinion  of  Neftorius  being 
nearly  allied  to  that  of  the  ancient 
unitarians,  it  may  not  be  improper  to  give 
fome  account  of  it,  and  of  the  controverfy 
that  was  occaficned  by  it. 

The  mafter  of  Neftorius  was  Theodorus, 
bifhop  of  Mopfueftia,  who  is  faid  to  have 
held  the  fame  opinion  before  him  ^".  From 
what  Facundas  has  faid  in  his  juftlfication, 
it  fhould  feem  that  he  was  more  properly 
an  unitarian,  fuch  as  Photinus  was.  But  it 
is  probable,  that  their  dodrine  was  fo  much 
alike,  that  few  perfons  in  that  age  thought 
there  was  much  difference  betv\^een  them ; 
and  Theodorus  is  faid  to  have  had  his  in- 
fl:ru£tion  from  Diodorus,  bifliop  of  Tarfus, 
while  he  was  a  prefbyter  at  Antioch  t- 

*  Axhoc  xj  Nsrc^js  Sby/xa^  si  »ej  'iis^q  Nsropis  vTDipx^v  v^E^s^y^i- 
^v©-.     Photii.  Bib,  feiSl.  39.  p.  23. 
f   Lardner,  Credibility,  vol.  9.  p.  351. 

Upon 


240  Of  the  'Nejiorian  Controverjy,  Book  IV. 

Upon  the  condemnation  of  Neftorlus, 
his  partifans,  not  being  able  to  avail  them- 
felves  of  his  writings,  publiilied  thofe  of 
Theodoras,  in  the  Greek,  Syrian,  Arme- 
nian, and  Perfian  languages  ;  alfo  an  epiftle 
of  Ibas,  biihop  of  EdeiTa,  and  fome  pieces  of 
Theodoret,  which  they  thought  favourable 
to  them.  Thefe  were  generally  denominated 
the  three  chapters ;  and  it  was  thought  ne- 
ceffary  to  hold  a  particular  council  for  the 
purpofe  of  condemning  them  *.  The  fame 
is  obferved  by  Juftinian  himfelf,  in  his  epif- 
tle *!•.  The  Neftorians  ftill  preferve  the 
writings  of  Theodorus  with  great  care,  and 
confider  him  as  a  faint  of  the   firft   rank  J, 

There  muft  have  been  fomething  very 
popular  in  the  dodrine  of  Neftorius,     Juf- 

*  See  the  preface  to  the  works  of  Juftinian,  Sec.  by 
Bandini. 

f  Oil  TLVsi;  TO  'NefopiH  ovofj^a  aicoTTctv  'zs^oaTTOia/xzvoi  d'lcc  rav  'cs^o- 
£j|-»i|U£v&)v,  aijlov  NsTcpiov,  xj  TAV  KuKo^o^iav  avla  ZKrayccyuy  ETr^XEipisv^ 
TYW  aa-£^£iav  rcov  x£(pa>^ixiuv  ra/wv  rri  xa^ohiHYi  iHKT^wia  'uipoa-a<7r^o^£g. 

Vol.  I.  p.  6. 

:|:  Mofheim's  Hid.  vol.  1.  p.  208,  Jortin's  Remarks, 
vol.  4»  P-  288. 

tinian 


Chap.  II.    OftheNeJiorianControverJy.   241 

tinian  fays,  that  he  drew  many  into  error  *. 
Proclus,  in  an  epiftle  to  the  Armenians, 
A.  D.  435,  in  which  he  condemns  the  er- 
rors of  Neflorius  and  Theodorus  of  Mop- 
fueftia,  did  not,  as  Cave  fays,  mention  the 
name  of  Theodorus,  left  he  fhould  too 
much  oiFend  the  Armenians,  to  whom  his 
memory  was  dear  f, 

Socrates  fays,  that  *^  Neftorius  was  ac- 
*'  cufed  by  many  as  making  Chrifc  a  mere 
*'  man,  and  as  introducing  the  opinion  of 
**  Paulus  Samofatenfis  and  Photinus  into 
**  the  church  J/'  Marius  Mercator  alfo 
confidered  the  herefy  of  Neftorius  as  '^  in 
**  part  that  of  Paulus  Samofuenlis,  in  part 
*'  that  of  Ebion,  that  of  Marcellus  of  An- 

^  'sjqTO^;  Sia  TCiiv  a7zQm  aula  a-vyy^afjiiJLCilcov  rjroP.msv,     Epift, 
p.  124. 

+  Anno  435,  data  ad  Armenos  epiftola,  Neftorii  et 
Theodori  Mopfuefleni  errores  damnavit,  inta^lo  tamen 
Theodori  nomine,  ne  Armenos,  quibus  cara  erat  iftius 
memorla,  nimis  ofFenderet.  Hiiloria  Literaria,  vol.  I* 
P-  423- 

X  Nsi-opiog  ^€  ^ciav  ^<xpa  roig  'SJoT^oi;  f  Jxev,  ag  '-^["Kov  otv^omov 
Xevwv  tqv  Kvpm^  )y  wj  HaVha  ts  'Ea/xua-alscog  «J  ^ulsm  hyf^a  eig 
TYiv  zKH>.miav  ctyoiv.     Lib.  7.  cap.  32.  p.  38 1. 

Vol.  IVo  II  «*  cyri. 


242  Of  the  NeftorianCoritroverfy.  Book  IV. 

<*  cyra,  and  Photinus  */'  And  Theodo- 
ras de  Rhaita  fays,  that  '*  Theodoras  of 
**  Mopfaeftia  held  Chrift  to  be  a  mere  man, 
**  who,  by  the  graceof  God,  deferved  to  be 
«*  called  God  f."  '^  The  Neftorians,"  fays 
Cyril  of  Alexandria,  ''  called  Chrift  homo 
**  deiferus,  a  man  bearing  a  GodX' — *'  a  man 
*'  aftaated  and  impelled  by  the  deity,  and 
*'  that  he  worked  miracles  by  a  power  not 
*'  his  own  §  /*  and  that  **  the  fonfhip 
**  and  divinity  of  Chrift  belonged  to  the 
*'  logos  only  ||."  He  likewife  fays,  that 
*«  !Neftorius  afcribed  the  title  oi  Jon  of  God 
*^  in  one  fenfe  to  the  logos,  and  in  another 

*  Aut  cui  eft,  vel  fuit,  vel  erit  aliquando  poffibile,  per- 
fcrutari  omnia,  et  omnia  commemorare,  quibus  probetur 
non  novella  hunc,  fed  vetere,  partim  Pauli  Samofateni, 
partim  Ebionis,  partim  Marcelli  Galatae,  ct  Photini  t^Q 
eum  impietate  diftortum.     Epift.  p.  50. 

•)•  Qui  et  per  gradus  promovens,  accepta  a  dec  gratia 
promeruit  nominari  deus.     Bib.  Pat.  vol.  8.  p.  66l« 

X  Si  quifquam  Chriftum  deiferum  hominem  audit  di- 
ccre,  et  non  magis  deum  fecundum  veritatem,  anathe-^ 
nia  efto,    Epift.  vol.  2.  p.  26; 

§  Ibid. 

jl  Ibid.  p.  51, 

^'  fcnfe 


Chap.  II.  Of  the  Nejlorian  Controverfy.  243 

'^  fenfe  to  him  that  was  born  of  a  woman*," 
meaning  the  one  by  nature,  and  the  other  by- 
adoption.  According  to  Caffian,  Neftorius 
faid,  it  was  *'  the  Spirit  that  made  Chrift 
*'  formidable  to  daemons  +•"  According 
to  Theophylad:,  Neflorius  faid,  that ''  Chrift 
*'  was  deified  after  his  refurredlion  J  ;" 
meaning  probably,  that  he  received  power 
and  glory  as  a  God,  in  confequence  of  his 
fufFerings,  which  was  the  doctrine  of  the 
proper  unitarians. 

On  the  other  hand,  if  we  may  depend 
on  Marius  Mercator,  Neflorius  denied  that 
his  dodlrine  was  the  fame  with  that  of  Pau- 
lus  Samofatenfis  and  Photinus,  as  they  held 

*  Nenorlus  fimulat  quldem  in  exegefibus  fuls  dicere  fe 
quod  unus  filius,  et  unus  dominus,   fed  filiationem  ac  do- 

miiiationem  ad  folum   dei  verbum  refert. Non  ficut 

Neftorius,  qui  alias  deo  verbo  feparatim,  alias  ei  qui  ex 
muliere  fit,  tanquam  alteri  filio,  adfcribit.     Epift.  p.  52. 
E       t  Dicis  quoque  quod  fpiritus  eum  fecerit    daemonibus 
metuendum,      De  Incarnatione,   lib.  7.   cap.   19.  Opera, 
p.  nil, 

%  lis  £r{  Neropiog  svlau^'  o  ^£ya}v,  oli  fxilac  rnv  avxracnv  £^£07roi-n^v 
p  Xp^^og,     In  John,  cap.  6.  vol.  I.  p.  648. 

R  ^  that 


244    OftheNef.orianConfroverfy,  Book  IV. 

that   Chrift  had  no   divinity  at  all*.     He 
faid,  '*  it  was  a  calumny   by  which  he  was 
*'  charged   with  afferting  that  Chrift  was  a 
**  mere  man  ;  for  that  he  was  God  and  man-f." 
According   to   Caflian,  alfo,   Neftorius  faid 
that    *'  Chrift    was    not    a   man    as    Adam 
*^  was  J."  And  if  we  may  prefume  that  there 
Is  a  faithful  reprefentation  of  the  principles 
of  Neftorius  in  the  dialogue  of  Maxentius, 
who  fays,    that  **  he  fuppofed  the  word  of 
**  God  to  have  been  united  to  Chrift  in  the 
*'  womb  of  the  virgin  |i/'  he  did  not  in  fa6t 
differ  from  the  orthodox,  except  in  words. 
But  he  is  much  more  generally  reprefented 
as  approaching  to  an  unitarian. 

*  Sic  et  quae  apoftolorum  funt  praedlcabis,  et  haeretlcQ- 
rum  prudentur  effugies,  et  rnaxime  quae  funt  Samofateni 
Pauli  atque  Photini,  quae  tu  fcire  confingens,  prorfus  ig- 
jioras.  Nam  Paul  us  et  Photinus  nefciunt  filii  deitatem, 
Opera,  p.  yg. 

t  Sed  non  nudus  homo  Chriflus,  O  calumniator,  fed 
homo  fimul  et  deus.     Ibid.  p.  6i, 

X  De  Incarnatione,  lib.  7,  cap.  6.  p.  1093. 

II  Quia  antequam  nafceretur,  non  erat  qui  fieret  dominus, 
nee  pofteaquam  natus  eft,  fa6lus  eft  dominus,  fed  in  ipfa 
prorfus  vulva  unitione  fiiii  id  fadus  eft-  dominus.  Bib. 
Pat.  vol  5.  p.  532. 

Glycas 


Chap.  II.    Of  the  hejlcnaji  Controverjy.    245 

Glycas  i^iys  that  Neftoi-ius  coniidered 
Chrifl:  as  a  mere  man,  who  received  the 
Spirit  at  his  baptifm^.  Juftinian,  quot- 
ing the  words  of  Theodoras,  reprefents 
him  as  faying,  ^'  It  is  abfurd  to  fay  that 
**  God  was  born  of  a  virgin  ;  for  what 
^'  is  that  but  to  fay  that  he  was  of  the 
**  feed  of  David,  made  of  the  fubftance 
**  of  the  virgin,  and  formed  in  her  •[-." 
This  is- of  a  piece  w^ith  the  remarkable  fpeech 
of  Neftorius,  and  fix  others,  at  the  council 
of  Ephefus,  *^  We  cannot  call  him  a  God 
*'  who  is  only  two  or  three  months  old+." 

rnv  nysfAoviav  hy-xm-^  ducrpYifxav  rov  xv^iov  sva  im  kc^  vi/a;  ko-a  xoivcv 

TT,;  TH  'Mavxy.^  'srveufioios  ^coosag  y£VO(j!.Evov  (j-iloxoV'     Annales,  pt. 
3.  p.  245- 

+  Ert  (jlev  yap  ctvonlov  to  rov  ^sov  eji  rr,g  ^ap^sva  yEjri,y\<j^ai 
y\iyziv  '  r^Io  ya.^  x^£v  (Ie^cv  STiV,  y\  eh  aTTE^fxalo;  aulov  >>EyEiv  AaQid^ 
iH.  TY]g  8<nag  TY,g  ^a'^^EV8  teIehi-^evov^  aai  £V  auln  ^ia7Te7r7\a7(xsvov. 
Epift.  p.  38. 

t  O  ?"£  ^vaas^Yig  'Ne^o^ioc  (TVV  £|  0[XQ(poh(nv  au%  sT^sysv  .  oil  Sijtwj- 
rcx,iov  Kui  r^ifivivoiiov  s  3l/v^/.<«i  ?.£y£jv  Seov.  Glycse  Annales, 
pt.  4.  p.  261. 

R3  It 


246     OfiheNeftorianCcntroverfy,  BookIV. 

It  (hould  feem,  however,  that  Neftorius 
would  not  exprefsly  fay,  that  Chrijl  was  not 
God,  but  only  that  what  was  hox7z  of  Mary 
was  not  fo.  But  his  enemies  drew  the 
inference  for  him.  **  They,''  fays  Jufti- 
nian,  "  who  do  not  acknowledge  that  the 
**  word  of  God  was  made  fleflh,  plainly 
•*  make  Chrift  to  be  a  mere  man,  and  to 
**  be  the  Son  of  God  by  favour  only,  ac- 
**  cording  to  the  herefy  of  Neftorius,  and 
"  his   mafter  Theodorus*." 

Cafiian  more  particularly  compares  the 
opinions  of  Neftorius  and  thofe  of  the  unita- 
rians, faying,  "  They  maintain  that  Chrift 
**  was  a  man  born  of  Mary,  and  thou  the 
**  fame.  They  fay  that  Chrift  was  made  a 
*'  Saviour  at  baptifm,  thou  that  he  became 
**  the  temple  of  God  in  baptifm*  They  do 
*'  not  deny  that  he  was  made  God  after  his 
"  fufferings.       Thou   denieft  that    he   was 

^'ai  ^r/ov7£J5  cog  75  KOiHo^o^ia  Nero^is,  Kai  0£o5&;oa  ra  h^a'jxcxhu 
avia  >^E7ei,     Epift.  p,  14. 

''  fo 


Chap.  II.    OftheNeJiorianControverfy.    247 

**  fo  even  after  his  afcenfion  */*  This  was 
making  him  more  heretical  than  the  unita- 
rians. But  then  Caffian  had  no  authority 
for  faying  that  the  unitarians  held  that 
Chrift  was  God,  in  any  proper  fenfe  of 
the  word,  after  his  fufferings.  Indeed,  if 
he  was  not  God  before,  it  was  impoffible 
that  he  fhould  become  fo  afterwards. 

From  all  thefe  circumftances,  it  is  poffible 
that  Neftorius  might  confider  Cbrif,  to  have 
been  as  much  a  mere  man  as  the  proper  uni- 
tarians did,  till  after  his  baptifm ;  after 
which  he  faid  that  the  logos  (whom  he 
perhaps  confidered  as  the  fecond  perfon  in 
the  trinity)  was  united  to  him,  fo  that  from 
this  time  he  was  the  fame  compound  being 
that  the  orthodox  fuppofcd  him  to  be, 
Juftinian  fays,  that  '*  Neftorius  diftin- 
*'  guifhed  God  the  word  from  Chriji  a  mere 

*  Illi  folitarium  homK  em  ex  Maria  natum  adferunt,  et 
tu  idem.  Illi  fervatorem  aiunt  per  baptifma  Chriftum 
efle  fadum,  tu  in  baptifmo  templum  dei  faftum.  Illi  eura 
deum  non  negant  fadum  poft  paiTionem,  tu  negas  eum 
etiam  n-^  .'.enfionem.  De  Incarnatione,  lib.  6.  cap.  14. 
p.  1066. 


V 


248    Of  the  Nejlorian  Controverfy.  Book  IV. 

*'  man,  and  afcribcd  to  the  man  only  all 
**  the  low  things  that  were  faid  of  him*." 
But  it  will  appear  by  his  own  arguments 
in  defence  of  his  principles,  that  whatever 
he  might  occaiionally  give  out,  he  differed 
very  little  from  the  unitarians. 

It  is  fomething  remarkable  that,  as  the 
Pelagians  were  charged  with  being  unita- 
rians, or  Neflorians ;  fo  the  Neilorians  are 
likewife  charged  with  being  Pelagians,  af- 
ferting,  that  ''  Adam  and  Eve  v/ere  created 
*^  mortal,  and  that  none  of  their  pofterity 
**  receive  any  injury  from  their  tranfgref- 
*'  fion-f.''     They  who  held   this  dodrine 

nai  (A.0VC0  TO)  avSfw^rw  Ta  TCiTisivx  aTroysfAUcnv,     iLpift.  p.  70. 

■f  Quaeftio  contra  cathollcam  {idem  apud  nonnullos 
Syrorum,  et  prscipue  in  Cilicia,  a  Theodoro  quondam 
epifcopo  oppidi  Mopfuefteni  jamdudum  mota,  nunc 
ufque  penes  paucos  eorum  admodum  roditur,  nee  ea  pa- 
lam  profertur  fed  abipfis  qui  de  ea  fornicantur,  velut  ca- 
tholicis,  intra  ecclefias  interim  retinentur,  progenitores 
videlicet  humani  generis  Adam  et  Evam  mortales  a  deo 
creates,  nee  queniquam  potlerorum  fui  prsevaricatione 
tranrgrelli  laefifie,  fed  fibi  tantum  nocuilTe.  feque  mandati 

reos 


Ch  AP .  II.  Of  the  Ncjlorian  Controverfy.    249 

are  here  fuppofed  to  have  been  in  the 
church.  And  yet  there  are  extant  in  the 
tranflation  of  Mercator,  feme  fermons  of 
Neftorius  againfl  Pelagius*. 

If  we  confider  the  arguments  that  Nefto- 
rius is  reprefented  as  making  ufe  of  in  the 
defence  of  his  principles,  we  ihall  not  find 
that  they  differed  at  all  from  thofe  of  the 
unitarians.  It  is  not  even  abfolutely  certain 
that  he  made  any  trinity  in  the  godhead,  or 
that  he  held  the  dodtrine  of  the  perfonifi- 
cation  of  the  logos.  He  certainly  did  not 
think  that  there  was  any  proper  divinity 
in  Chrift,  till  after  his  birth,  or  indeed  be^ 
fore  his  baptifm. 

According  to  Cyril  of  Alexandria,  Nefto- 
rius faid,  *'  How  can  he,  who  cannot  be 
•*  comprehended,  be  confined  in  the  womb 
**  of  a  virgint?''  Urging  the  words  of 
the  gofpel,  The  book  of  the  generation  ofjefus 

reos  apud  deum  feclffe,   alterum  penitus  nullum.     Mar. 
Mercatoris  Common itorium,  p.  1 . 
*   Opera,    p.  119,  &c. 

f  Quomodo  qui  comprehendi  nequit  In  utero  virginis 
comprehenfus  eft.     De  Incarnatione,  vol.  2.  p.  66. 

1  Chrif, 


250  Of  the  Nejlorian  Controverjy,  Book  IV, 

Chriji^  the  fon  of  David,  the  f on  of  Abraham^ 
he  faid,  *^  It  is  plain  that  God  the  word  was 
*'  not  the  fon  of  David  *."  According  to 
Marius  Mercator,  Neflorius  faid,  that  "  they 
♦*  who  faid  that  Mary  brought  forth  a  God 
"  gave  occafion  to  the  Pagans  to  reproach 
*'  chrifcianity  "f*."  Caffian  fays,  that  Ncf- 
torius  afferted,  with  refpedl  to  the  virgin 
Mary,  that  **  no  perfon  could  bring  forth 
**  another  older  than  herfelf  if  ;"  and  that 
"  no  creature  could  bring  forth   any  thing 

•  Liber,  inquit,  generationis  Jefu  Chrifti  filii  David 
filii  Abrabss.  Manifeftum  vero  eft,  quod  deus  verbum  non 
fuerit  filius  Davidis.     Ep.  vol.  2.  p.  21. 

t  Qui  deum  fnnplicitur  dicit  de  Maria  natum,  prima 
omnium  nobilitatem  gentilibus  proftituit  dogmatis,  atque 
exponens  in  medium,  vituperandum  id  ridendumque  pro- 
ponit.  Statim  enim  paganus,  cum  reprehenfione  acci- 
picns,  quia  de  Maria  deus  natus  eft,  infert  adverfus  chrif- 
tianum.  NecefTario  enim  qui  dicit  fimiliter  de  Maria  na- 
tum deum,  et  non  ilium  conjunftione  duarum  naturarum, 
divinae  fcilicet  et  humanas,  effe  reputaverit,  audiet ;  ego. 
natum  et  mortuum  deum  et  fepultum  adorare  non  queo. 
Opera,  p.  70. 

X  Nemo  enim,  inquis,  antiquiorera  fe  parit,  De  Incar- 
natione,  lib.  2.  cap.  2   p.  973. 

X  ^  *'  unlike 


Chap,  II.  Of  the  Nejiorian  Controverfy.  251 

**  unlike  itfeif  *."  With  this  view  he  al- 
ledged,  John  ii.  i.  That  which  is  born  of  the 
flejh  isflefi^. 

Like  the  proper  unitarians,  Neftorius  ar- 
gued from  Chrift  being  called  a  man  ;  as 
from  Paul  faying,  By  man  came  death,  and  by 
man  came  alfo  the  refurreBion  of  the  dead% ; 
and  from  his  being  called  a  child.  Take  the 
child  and  his  mother,  and  flee  into  Egypt  § . 
Jigainfl  thy  holy  child  fefus,  Herod  and  Pon^ 

*  Quod  diillmllem  fibi  res  quaelibet  parere  non  poillt. 
De  Incarnatione,  lib.  2.  cap.  2.  p.  1089. 

t  Cum  deus  dicat,  quod  de  carne  natum  ed,  caro  eft, 
quod  autem  natum  eft  de  fpiritu,  fpirltus  eft  ;  quomodo 
puerum  natum  ex  foemina  non  unitione,  fed  natura,  deutu 
aiTeris  ?     Maxentius  in  Bib.  Pat.  vol.  5.  p.  521. 

X  Q^ioniam  enim  inquis,  per  hominem  mors,  ideo  et  per 
hominem  refurre£tio  mortuorum.  Cailian  De  Incarna- 
tione, lib.  7.  cap.  7.  p.  1095. 

§  ToUe,  inquit,  puerum  et  matrem  ejus,  et  fugc  in 
iEgyptum,  futurum  eft  enim,  ut  Herodes  quaerat  perderc 
puerum.  Et  rurfus :  defundi  funt  omnes,  qui  quaerebant 
animam  pueri.  Nunquid  nam  didum  eft.  Defun6ti 
funt,  qui  quaerebant  animam  dei  ?  Aut  :  tolle  deum  et 
fuge  in  Egyptum  ?    Maxentius  in  Bib.  Pat.  vol.  5,   p; 

518. 

tius 


252     Of  the  Nejlorian  Controverjy^  Book  IV. 

tius  Pilate  have  confpired^.  He  like  wife 
urged  the  ablurdity  of  fuppoiing  the  logos 
to  have  been  fuckled,  and  to  increafe  in 
v/ifdom  -f*. 

According  to  CaiHan,  Neflorius  likewife 
argued  from  Chrift  being  faid  to  be  jujiified 
in  thefpirit  J. 

Theodorus,  who  preceded  Neftorius,  faid, 
that  being  baptized  into  the  name  of  Chrifl: 
was  no  more  a  proof  that  Chrift  was  God, 
than  being  baptized  into  the  name  of  Mofes 
is  a  proof  that  he  was  God ;  as  we  learn 
from  an  extradl  from  a  book  of  his,  pro- 
duced   at    the   council    of  Conftantinople, 

*  Convenerunt  enlm  vere  in  civitate  ifta  adverfum  fane- 
tum-puerum  tuum  Jefum  quern  unxifti,  Herodes  et  Pontius 
Pilatus.     Maxentius,  in  Bib.  Pat.  vol.  5.  p»  520. 

f  Necefic  eft  enim  eos  qui  appropriationis  nomen  ita 
vexant,  et  in  diverrum  trahunt,  deum  verbum  participem 
conflituere  lacSlationis,  et  incrementipaulatlm  accepti,  timi- 
ditatifque  tempore  paffionis  declarat^e,  &c.  Cyril  of  Alex- 
andria, Ep.  Opera,  vol.  2*  p.  21. 

X  Jam  primum  enim  hoc  quod  ais,  quia  juftitia  reple- 
verit  quod  creatum  eft  ;  et  hoc  apoftolico  vis  teftimonio 
comprobare,  quod  dicat,  apparuit  in  carne,  juftificatus  eft 
in  fpiritu.    De  Incarnatione,  lib.  7.  cap.  18.  p.  11 10. 

A.  D. 


Chap.  II.  Of  the  Nejlonan  Controver/y.  253 

A.  D.  553**  He  Hkewife  faid  that  Tho^ 
mas's  exclamation,  My  Lord  and  my  God, 
was  no  acknowledgment  of  the  divinity  of 
Chrift,  but  an  exprellion  of  praife  to  God 
for  raifing  up  Chrift  from  the  dead  t* 
Thefe  are  properly  unitarian  arguments. 

Neftorius  evidently  confidered  Chrift  as 
being  a  mere  man  in  his  fufferings.  **  He 
**  faid  he  knev^  no  God  the  word,  the  maker 
'*  of  all  things,  who  was  impaffible,  invi- 
'^  lible,  and  unalterable,  and  not  to  be  cir- 
*^  cumfcribed,  fufFering;  death  on  the  crofs, 
**  on  a  vile  piece  of  wood  :|:/'     In  reply  to 

^  Ejufdem  Theodori  ex  comi-nento  quod  eft  in  adis 
apoftolorum,  llbro  priip.o,  in  quo  dicit,  quod  baptizari  in 
nomine  Jefu  Chrifti,  fimile  eft  fcripto  illi,  quod  baptizati 
funt  in  Moyfe,  et  vocari  chrifiianos,  fimile  eft  illi,  quod 
vocantur  Platonici,  et  Epicurei,  et  Manichasi,  et  Marcio- 
niftae  ab  inventoribus  dogmatum.  Binnii  Concilia,  vol.  2. 
pt.  2.  p.  57. 

f  Thomas  quidem  cum  fie  credidilTet,  dominus  meus  et 
deus  meus,  dicit,  non  ipfum  dominum  et  deum  dicens 
(non  enim  refurre^iionis  Icientia  docebat  et  deum  e.fie  eum 
qui  refurrexit)  fed  quafi  pro  miracuiofo  fa£lo  deum  col- 
laudat.     Ibid. 

X  Quomodo  deus  verbum  omnium,  conditor,  impalpa- 
bilis,  invifibilis,  inalterabilifque,  et  circumfcriptionem  non 

fuftinens, 


254  Of  the  Nejiorian  Controverjy.  Book  IV. 

this  language  of  Neftorius,  his  antagonifl 
fcrupled  not  to  talk  in  a  ftyle  that  nothing 
but  the  heat  of  controverfy  would  have  led 
him  to  adopt.  '*  I  anfwer,"  fays  he,  ''  that 
*'  the  word  of  God  fuffsred  death  on  the 
*^  crofs,  in  his  own  flefli^  that  he  might 
«'  deliver  us  from  death  and  corruption*," 
But  when  he  explained  himfelf,  he  only 
meant  that  the  divine  logos,  without  adlu- 
ally  feeling  any  pain,  only  appropriated  to 
itfelf  the  fufFer.ings  of  the  body  to  which 
it  was  united,  as  has  been  explained  before. 
If  this  account  of  Neftoriu^'s  principles 
and  mode  of  reafoning  may  be  depended 
upon,  he  did  not  in  fad  differ  from  the 
unitarians  ^  and  the  popularity  of  his  doc- 
trine, and  the  fpread  of  it  in  the  eaft,  may 
be  confidered  as  a  proof  of  the  leaning  that 
the  common  people  ftill  had  for  their  ori^ 
ginal  principles.     Sandius  fays.  It  is  eafy 

fuftinens,  in  vill  ligno  crucem  pafTus  eft  et  mortem  ?    Re- 
Ipondeo.   Verbum  dei  mortem  et  crucem  in  propria  carne 
paiTum  efle  dicimus,  ut  nos  amorte  et  corruptione  liberaret. 
Cyril  of  Alejtandria,  De  Incar.  Opera,  vol.  2.   p.  66, 
*  Ibid. 

to 


Chap.  II.  Of  the  Neftorian  Controverfy.  255 

to  prove  that  there  are  five  times  more  Nef- 
torians  than  papifts.  Hift.  p.  119.  They 
were  probably  in  all  parts  of  Europe,  as 
well  as  in  Afia.  It  appears  from  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  council  of  Hifpalis,  A.  D. 
6^j9  that  there  were  both  Nellorians  and 
Eutychians  in  Spain  at  that  time  *. 

If  we  confider  the  anfv^ers  that  were  made 
to  Neftorius,  we  fhall  find  that  his  oppo- 
nents went  upon  the  fame  principle  that 
they  would  have  done  in  anfwering  Paulus 
Samofatenfis  or  Photinus ;  except  that  his 
making  a  trinity  in  the  divine  Being  laid 
him  open  to  fome  attacks,  to  which  the 
proper  unitarians  were  not  expofed. 

Caffian  treated  him  as  a  proper  unitarian, 
when,  in  reply  to  him,  he  faid,  **  There 

*  Tertia  decima  profecutione  breviter  narranduitrputa- 
vimus,  ad  refutationem  eorundem  haereticorum  qui  duas 
naturas  Chrifti  poft  unionem  delirantes  confundunt,  et  paf- 
fibilem  in  eo  divinitatis  fubftantiam  aflerunt.  Contra  quo- 
rum blafphemias  oportet  nos  in  una  perfona  Chrifti  gc- 
minae  naturae  proprietatem  oftendere,  paffionemque  ejus  in 
fola  humanitatis  fufceptione  manifeftare  ;  ut  fi  forte  aliqui 
ftultorum,  hujus  fententiae  errore  decepti  funt,  dum  ifta 
legerint,  refipifcant,  redtaeque  fidei  veritatcm  firmiter  tc- 
neant.    Binnii  Concilia,  vol,  2.  pt.  2.  p.  329. 

«'  will 


256   Of  the  Nejiorian  Controverjy,  Book  IV. 

**  will  be  no  diiFerence  between  Chrill:  and 
**  the  faints,  as  they  had  God  in  them  *  •" 
and  fo  did  Theodoret,  when  he  faid,  that 
*'  Neftorianifm  is  a  denial  of  the  whok 
**  CEConomy  of  the  Son  of  God ;  fince  it 
*«  was  not  God  who  undertook  it ;  for  the 
"  logos  did  not  empty  itfelf,  nor  alTume  the 
**  form  of  a  flave/'  Opera,  vol.  5.  p.  57. 
On  the  fame  principle  Cyril  of  Alexandria, 
in  anfwer  to  Neftorius,  fays,  ''  If  Chrifl: 
*'  was  a  mere  man,  how  could  his  death 
**  profit  us  -f-  .  "  On  the  fame  princi- 
ple alfo  an  orthodox  bifliop  in  Zonaras,^. 
charged  Neftorius  with  worihipping  a 
man  J. 

But  Neftorius  being  fuppofed  to  hold 
that  there  was  a  proper  Son  of  God  in  the 
trinity  expofed  him    to   the   objedlion   of 

*  Hoc  modo  ergo  nihil  inter  eum  et  omnes  qui  fuerunt 
fandos  homines  efTe  afieris  :  quia  omnes  utique  fandli  ho- 
mines deum  in  fe  habuerunt.  De  Incarnatione,  lib.  5.  cap. 
3.  p. 1021. 

t  Ej  ^£  cx.v'^^aTrog  w  fcOivog  o  Uf^Lfjiavay]}^:  'mag  av  u(p27<Y\7£  twf  av- 
^^uTTii  (pvaiv  0  av^^uTTii  ^avxlog.  Binnii  Concilia,  vol.  i.  pt. 
2.  p.  45- 

J  Kai  mv  Nsro^isi  m  av^^&TroUcl^H  'sj^or^yo^ixv*    p.  585. 

making 


CtiAP.  11.  Of  the  Nejionan  Controveijy,  i^y 

making  two  Chrifts^  and  two  Sons  of  Gcd^ 
of  which  great  advantage  was  taken  by  his 
opponents  *.  Theodoret,  who  was  thought 
at  one  time  to  favour  Neftorius,  fays,  that 
he  fell  under  the  fame  cenfurc.  Becaufe 
he  faid  that  there  were  two  natures  ia 
Chrift,  they  charged  him  with  holding 
that  there  were  two  Sons-f-.  Cyril  fays, 
**  If  there  be  two  Sons  of  God,  how 
**  is  the  faith  one,  and  baptifm  one,  and 
**  into  which  of  them  are  we  baptifed  J  ?" 
In  confequence  of  making  two  natu^-es 
in  Chrift,  which  was  faid  to  be  making 
two  ChriftSy  Neftorius  was  charged  with 
holding  a  qiiaternity,  Inftead  of  a  trinity  \\^ 
This  quaternityy  confifted  of  the  three  per- 

*  Annon  atque  manifeftiffime  duos  efie  Chriftos  dicit, 
Cyril  of  Alexandria,  Epift.  Opera,  vol.  2.  p.  48. 

f  Axxa  Tw  ra;  d'uo  (pvasig  o/xoXoym  m  hairoln  %f tri?,  "^uo  UyHtri 
m^iivviaq.    Epift.  145.  Opera,  vol.  3.    p.  1023. 

X   IIcoj  $£  HUi  fMia  mri^  ',    t)  nsug  sv  to  ^cc7rlia-fji.a  ;   si  ycc§  vioi  5t/o 

Eig  T£  Tivog  ovo/Aa  ^£<^a7rlia-/j,£^x  i    Ka;  tqi  ^aTrliafjcalog  ovlog  m$* 
Binnii  Concilia,  vol.  i.  pt.  2.    p.  45. 

II  Qya  proptem  trinitatem  non  quaternitatem  adoramus, 
Cyril  of  Alexandria,  Horn,  Opera,  vol.  2.  p.  7^ 

Vol.  IV.  S  ions 


258    Of  the  Neftonan  Controverjy.  Book  IV. 

Ions  in  the  orthodox  trinity,  one  of  which 
was  the  logos,  or  the  Son,  and  the  fourth 
was  Jefus  who  was  born  of  the  virgin. 

Had  Neftorius  contented  himfelf  with 
faying  that  there  were  two  natures  in  Chrift, 
there  would  have  been  nothing  in  his  doc- 
trine that  could  juftly  have  offended  the 
orthodox  of  his  age ;  but  it  was  his  not 
making  a  fufficiently  perfect  and  infeparable 
urAon  between  the  divine  and  human  nature 
of  Chrift,  that  gave  the  offence.  The 
orthodox  fuppofed  that  the  hypoftatical  union, 
as  it  was  afterv/ards  called,  commenced  at 
the  moment  of  the  exiftence  of  the  human 
nature,  or  the  very  inftant  of  the  concep- 
tion of  Jefus  in  the  womb,  and  that  it  was 
never  afterwards  diffolved,  not  even  by  the 
feparation  of  the  foul  and  body  of  Chrift 
by  death.  Whereas  Neftorius  confidered 
Jefus  as  having  been  a  mere  man  till  the 
Spirit  of  God  came  upon  him  at  his  bap- 
tifm  i  and  alfo  that  he  was  a  mere  man  in  his 
fufferings  and  death.  Perhaps  they  thought 
that  after  Jefus  was  grown  to  be  a  complete 
man,  it  was  too  late  for  the  hypoftatical  union 
3  ^o 


Chap.  II.  Of  the  Nejlorian  Controverjj'.    259 

to  take  place.  Otherwife,  as  all  depended 
upon  that  unions  it  could  not,  one  would 
imagine,  have  been  thought  to  be  of  much 
confequence  at  what  time  that  union  took 
place.  But  as  Theodorus  is  quoted  by 
Juftinian,  he  did  not  make  a  fufficiently 
perfedl  union  between  the  divine  and  hu- 
man nature  of  Chrift.  For  he  compared 
it  to  the  union  between  man  and  wife*." 
Juftinian  had  juft  before  cbferved,  that 
Theodorus  ufed  the  term  nature^  when  he 
ought   to  have  ufed  ^^r/S;2 -f*. 

It  is  not  to  my  prefent  purpofe  to 
take  any  notice  of  the  dodlrine  Eutyches> 
who,  in  oppofition  to  the  Neftorian  doc- 
trine, of  two  natures  in  Chrift,  held  that 
he  had  only  one  nature.  Both  he  and 
Apollinarius  are  faid  to  have  had  an  opinion 
with  refped  to  the  body  of  Chrift,  the 
fame  with   that  of  fome  of  the  Gnoftics, 

T£  HfcsJi  £1171  ^vOy  ciKKcc  <Ta^^  UICC-,  SiTTOifjtsv  av  Hal  vfA.£ig  eiHolcog  HcQcs 
Tov  Tng  svuascog  Xoyov^  cog  te  hkeJi  sici  d'uo  'Sipoo-coTTci')  aXA*  £v  SjjAovoIi 
Tcov  ^ujEuvd'iaHBK^if/jEVuv.     Epift.  p.  74. 

•f  ATTo^si^avleg  toivvv  rov  d'uaasCn  ^lo^wpov  jag  ^vcrsig  osvli  'nrpoa'U' 
TToov  ^syovla.     Ibid. 

S  2  viz. 


26o    OftbeNefLorwnControverfy,  Book  IV. 

viz.  that  it  came  from  heaven,  and  was  not 
derived  from  his  mother.  This  opinion 
is  afcribed  to  him,  as  well  as  to  Valentinus, 
and  Marcion,  by  Vigilius  Martyr*.  It  ap- 
pears that  the  orthodox  of  that  age  had 
great  difficulty  in  keeping  equally  clear  of 
the  two  oppofite  opinions  of  Neftorius  and 
Eutyches,  of  which  Vigilus  Martyr  makes 
great  complaint  t- 

*  QuoDiam  Eutychiana  haerefis  in  id  impietatis  prolapfa 
eft  errore,  iit  non  folum  verbi  et  carnis  unam  credat  ede 
iiaturam,  verum  etiatn  banc  eandem  carnem,  non  de  facro 
Marias  virginis  corpore  adfumptam,  fed  de  ccelo  dicat, 
juxta  infandam  Valentin!  et  Marcionis  errcrem  fuilTe  de- 
du(Slam.  Contra  Eutychen,  lib.  i.  Bib.  Pat.  vol.  5* 
p.  560. 

t  Si  enim  paululum  in  utramque  partem  nutantia  vo- 
lueris  inferre  veftigia,  illico  capieris.  Inter  Neftorii  ergo 
quondam  ecclefiae  Conftantinoplitanse,  non  redloris  fed 
dillipatoris,  non  paRoris  fed  prasdatoris  facrllegum  dogma 
et  Eutycbetis  nefarium  et  deteftabilem  fecSlam,  ita  ferpen- 
tinse  graflationis  Mq  calliditas  temperavit,  ut  utrumque 
fme  utriufque  periculo  plerique  vitare  non  pollint,  dum  fi 
quis  Neftorii  perndiam  damnat  Eutycbetis  putatur  errori 
fuccumbere,  rurfum  dum  Eutychianae  haerefis  impietatem 
deftruit,  Neftorii  arguitur  dogma  erigere.  Contra  Euty- 
chen, lib.  I.  Bib.  Pat.  vol.  5.  p.  546. 

What 


Chap.  II.  Of  the  Nejlorian  Confroverfy.    261 

What  is  fomething  more  to  my  purpofe 
is,  the  language  of  Peter  Fullo,  who  diftin^ 
guiflied  himfelf  by  an  addition  to  the  famous 
trifagion,  the  fentiment  of  which  was,  that  one 
of  the  trinity  was  crucified  for  tis,  as  this  was 
thought  to  favour  the  unitarian  dodtrine,  h\ 
the  form  in  which  it  was  held  by  thePatripaf- 
fians,  or  the  philofophical  unitarians.     That 
the  divine  nature  of  Chrift  fufFered,  we  have 
k^n   to  have  been    the  language  of  Cyril 
of  Alexandria  and  others  who  oppofed  Nef- 
torius ;  and  therefore  it  might  be  thought 
to  be  the  higheft  orthodoxy  of  the  times. 
But  extraordinary  as  it  may  feem,   the  very 
fame  expreffions  were  adopted  by  thofe  who 
were  moft  highly  orthodox,  and  by  the  phi- 
lofophical  unitarians.    Some  of  his  contem- 
poraries fay,  that  Peter  Fullo  favoured  the 
dodrine  of  Neftorius   and  Sabellius.      Pie 
is  particularly  charged  with   this  by  Fauf- 
tus,  bifhop  of  Appollonia*.     By  Juflin,   a 

id£^afji.£^iX,  ia  (T't](jt.o(,mv\(x,  n/j.LV-^  u;  oil  n  a-/]  ^Boipi'hix  to  nnXhai  aiuTrn' 
Bey  Ouc/Mvl.va  ^oy/xa  ave?va«£,  nai  a^tlsilai  inao  v^iij  n  acoki^io;  Evav- 
0p;7r-/icri5,  aai  oIl  ei;  to  Mau%«iwv  ^oy/Aoi-t  A^eih  t£,  km  A^oMiV^- 
^i»,  Ki^i  llai/7>ii  Ts  ^x{AQ7almg  'sis^mvEx^nli'     Zonaras,  p.  533, 

S  3  biihop 


262     Of  the  Nejlorian  Cont?'overfy.   Book  IV. 

bilhop  in  Sicily,  he  was  charged  with  hold- 
ing the  opinion  of  Paulus  Samofatenfis  *, 
and   by  Pope  Felix  III.  with  going  beyond 
Paulus   Samofatenfis,   Photinus,  and  Arte- 
mon-f-.       But   notwithftanding   this,    it   is 
pretty  clear  that   P.  Fullo  held  a  dodtrine 
oppofite    to    that    of   Neftorius,    viz.    that 
Chrift  had  but  one  nature,  which  was  the 
divine y  and  confequently  that  this  divine  na- 
ture fuffered  ;  from  which  he  and  his  parti- 
sans  were  called   TheopafchheSy   a  word   of 
the  fame  lignification  in  Greek  that  Patri- 
fajjians  is  of  in  Latin,  though  they  were  ap- 
plied to  very  different  kinds  of  men.     Ni- 
cephorus  exprefsly  afferts,  that  Peter  Fullo 
introduced  the  Theopafchite  doftrine  J, 

*  Zonaras,  p.  538. 

ixoao^sag,  -^  ^coleiva^  >sj  A^le/xa.     Zonaras,  p.  543. 

X  Hpoj  ^£  ravlcni;  to  nar    ekbivo  kui^h  koci  yj  tuv  ©eottckix^^^ 

»  eI  ekuv^  'S7oh.vn£(pa>.og  vo^oc^  o-cpo^ools^ov  avs^^im^E  .  ravlvi  ^e  'srpoi' 
log  yEVVT/iJa^  liil^oi;  ek^avc;  Eyzvilo.,  co  Kra^eyj  vjv  to  ETrcovufjw  .  og  ro) 
T^KTaym  v^m,  wj  /-io/  kol\,  am'^Ev  Ei^riiai^  'sipoa-^mnv  ^eivm  ^ua<7EQ(cs 
a7rElo?>iA,wBv,     Hift.  lib,  18.  cap.  52.  vol.  2.   p.  879. 

CHAP- 


Chap.IIL   OftheFrifclllianiJfs^^c.     263 


CHAPTER        III. 

An  Account  of  the  Prifcilliantfts  and  Pauli^ 
cians. 

XToTwiTHSTANDiNG  the  oppofition  be- 
tween the  principles  of  the  unitarians, 
and  thofe  of  the  Gnoftics,  in  the  early 
ages  of  chriftianity,  they  being  always  con- 
fidered  as  oppojite  herejiesy  the  former  con- 
fifling  chiefly  of  the  comn*ion  and  un- 
learned people,  and  the  latter  of  the  phi- 
lofophical  and  learned ;  yet,  in  the  fourth 
century,  we  find  a  mixture  of  both  thefe 
fyfiems  in  the  Prifcillianifts  in  the  weft, 
and  fome  time  after  in  the  Paulicians  in 
the  eaft.  This  mixture,  hov/ever,  did  not 
relate  to  the  doftrine  concerning  the  per- 
Jon  of  Chrijl  (for  in  that  refpedl  the  tenets 
of  the  unitarians,  and  thofe  of  the  Gnof- 
tics were  neceflarily  different  and  oppofite) 
but  to  other  opinions  belonging  to  the  fyf- 

S  4  tem 


264  OfthePrifpiUiamfts         Book  IV. 

tern  of  Gnoftlcirm.  As  the  Prifcillianifts 
and  Paulicians,  may  be  faid  to  have  been 
unitarians,  I  fhall  give  the  bed  account  that 
I  have  beeA  able  to  colled;  concerning  both 
thefe  feds,  though  I  am  fenfible  that  it 
muft  be  very  defedivej  fmce  their  enemies, 
from  w^hom  alone  we  hear  any  thing  of  them, 
appear  to  have  been  fo  violently  prejudiced 
againft  them,  that  what  they  fay  of  theqi 
muft  be  heard  with  great  allowance. 

The  Prifcillianifts  had  their  name  from 
PrifcillianV  a  pei;fon  of  rank  and  fortune  in 
Spain,  and  afterwards  bifhop  of  Abila,  who 
is  faid  to  have  received  his  principles  from 
one  Mark,  who  came  from  Memphis,  in 
Egypt,  and  who  is  faid  to  have  been  a 
Manichaean.  The  bifhops  of  Spain  taking 
umbrage  at  the  fpread  of  the  dodtrine  of 
Prifcillian,  procured  an  order  from  the  em- 
peror Gratian,  for  his  banifhment  from  that 
country.  He  was  permitted  to  return,  but 
was  banifhed  a  fecond  time ;  and  by  order 
of  the  emperor  Maximus,  w^as  put  to  death 
A,D.  384.     This  cruelty   was    much  ex- 

claimei} 


Chap.  III.  end  FauUcians.  265 

claimed  againft  by  the  bifliops  of  Gaul, 
and  of  Italy;  the  opinions  of  Prifcillian 
fpread  much  more  after  this  time  than 
they  had  done  before,  and  they  continued, 
fays  Sandius  (Hift.  p.  117.)  till  the  twelfth 
century. 

That  the  Prifcillianifts  held  fome  Gnof- 
tic  principles  can  hardly  be  doubted,  be- 
caufe  they  are  univerfally  afcribed  to  them. 
Leo  the  Great,  their  bitter  enemy,  is  juftly 
fufpefted  of  calumniating  them.  But  if 
there  be  any  colour  of  truth  in  his  account, 
they  mufl  have  confidered  matter  as  the 
caufe  of  all  evil,  and  have  thought  unfa- 
vourably of  the  body.  According  to  him, 
they  thought  that  the  devil  was  not  made  by 
God,  but  arofe  from  chaos  and  darknefs 
(Opera,  p.  167.)  they  condemned  marriage ; 
they  faid  that  the  bodies  of  men  were  made 
by  the  devil,  and  they  denied  the  refur- 
redlion.  The  fouls  of  men,  they  faid, 
were  of  a  divine  fubftance,  and  that,  having 
offended  in  heaven,  they  were  fent  into 
t)odies  as  a  puniihment  of  their  fins.    They 

moreover 


2  66  Of  the  PrifcllliaJiifts        Book  IV. 

moreover  faid,  that  men  are  fubjed  to  a 
ftate  of  neceffity,  to  the  power  of  the  ftars, 
and  to  fm. 

With  refpedt  to  the  perfon  of  Chrlft, 
Auftin,  who  is  rather  a  more  unexceptionble 
evidence  than  Leo,  fays,  that  "  they  agreed 
*'  with  Sabellius,  and  maintained,  that  the 
«'  Father,  Son,  and  Holy  Spirit  w^ere  one^/' 
The  fame  is  advanced  by  Leo,  who  alfo 
fays,  that  '*  they  agree  with  the  Arians,  in 
*'  faying,  that  the  Son  is  inferior  to  the  Fa- 
**  ther ;  that  there  was  a  time  when  the  Son 
**  v/as  not,  before  which  time  God  could 
"  not  be  called  a  Father,  and  that  Chrift  is 
<'  called  the  Son  of  God  becaufe  he  was 
*«  born  of  a  virgin,  which,'*  he  fays,  '*  they 
<^  would  not  have  dared  to  do,  if  they  had 
*'  not  drawn  in  the  poifon  of  Paulus  Samo- 
<^  fatenfis  and  Photinus  f." 

*  De  Chrlfto  Sabellianam  feaam  tenent  eundum  ipfum 
effe  dicentes  ;  non  folum  fillum,  fed  etiam  patrem,  et  fpi- 
litum  fanaum.     Catalogus,  Haer.  Opera,  vol.  6.  p.  29. 

t  Patris,  et  filii,  et  fplritus  fanai,  unam  atque  eandetn 
afferunt  elTe  perfonam ;  tanquam  idem  deus  nunc  pater  nunc 
filius,  nunc  fpiritus  fanaus,  nomioatim  nee  alius  fit  qui 

genuit^ 


Chap.  III.  and  Pnidtdans.  ,  267 

Prifcillian  is  charged  with  faying,  that 
the  Son  of  God  could  not  be  born;  and  this 
expreffion  of  his  is  particularly  cenfured  in 
a  council  held  at  Toledo,  A.  D.  438  *. 

That  the  Prifcillianifts  were  not,  in  all 
refpedls,  Gnoftics,  or  Manichseans,  is  evi- 
dent from  their  receiving,  according  to 
Auftin,  all  the  books  of  fcripture,  and  even 
the  apochrycal  ones ;  though  he  fays  they 
mifinterpreted,  or  perverted  them  -f-. 

genuit,  alius  qui  genitus  fit,  alius  qui  de  utroque   proceffit 

quod  blafphemiae  genus  de  Sabellii  opinione  fump* 

ferunt  cujus  difcipuli  etiam  Patripaffiani  merito  nuncu- 
pajitur.  Cap.  1.  p.  166  Arianorum  fufFragantur  errori, 
dicentium  quod  pater  filio  prior  fit,  quia  fuerit  aliquando 
fine  iilioet  tunc  pater  efle  cceperit  quando  filium  genuerit. 
Cap.  2.  ibid.  Aflerunt,  ideo,  unigenitum  dici  iilium  dei 
quia  folusfit  natus  ex  virgine,  quod  utique  non  auderent 
dicere  nifi  Pauli  Samofateni  et  Photini  virus  haufilTent. 
Cap.  3.       Ibid. 

*  Ubi  Prifcillianus  innafcibilem  effe  filium  dixit,  conftat 
hoc  contra  Nicaenam  fidem  efle  di£tum  :  atque  ideo  Prif- 
cillianum  hujus  didi  authorem,  cum  ipfius  dicli  perverfi- 
tate,  et  quos  male  condidit  libros,  cum  ipfo  autore  con- 
demno.     Binnii  Concilia,  vol.  i.  p.  6oi. 

f  Prifcillianiftas  vero  accipiunt  omnia,  et  canonica,  et 
apocrypha  fimul.     Sed  qusecunque  qu^  contra  eos  funt, 

in 


2  68  Cfthe  TnfciUianifls       B  o  o  k  I V. 

The  PrifcilUanifts  were  chiefly  famous 
for  their  aufterity  and  mortifications,  and 
therefore  they  were  probably  the  fame  that 
Philafler  calls  AbJlinenteSy  in  Gaul,  Spain, 
and  Aquitain. 

Similar,  in  many  refpeds,  to  the  Prifcil- 
Uanifts in  the  Weft,  were  the  Paulicians  in 
the  eaft,  who  had  their  name,  as  it  is  faid, 
from  one  Paul,  who  adopted  and  modified 
the  dodrine  of  Manes.  But  we  are  as  unable 
to  colledt  a  fatisfaclory  account  of  the  Pauli- 
cians, as  we  are  of  thofe  of  the  Prifcillianifts. 
"When  this  fed  arofe  is  uncertain,  but  it  is 
faid  to  have  been  revived  by  one  Conftan- 
tine  in  the  feventh  century.  They  were 
cruelly  ufed,  and  almoft  fupprefied  by  fome 
of  the  Emperors.  They  were  encouraged 
by  Nicephorus  in  the  ninth  century  ;  but  af- 
ter  a  iliort  interval  of  reft,  they  were  perfe- 
cuted  with  more  violence  than  ever  by  Leo 
the  Armenian,  and  the  Emprefs  Theodora. 
During  this  perfecution  fome  of  the  Pauli- 

in  fuae  perverfitatis  fenfus,  aliquaiido  callida  et  aftuta,  ali- 
quaiido  ridicula  et  hebetl  expofitioriv  pcrvertynt.  Epift. 
?5r.  Opera,  Sup.  p.  480. 

cians 


Chap.  III.         and  PauUclans.  269 

cians  fettled  in  Bulgaria.  But  being  op- 
prefled  there,  they  took  refuge  in  Italy,  and 
other  parts  of  the  weft,  where  they  were 
called  Patarinl^  and  Cathari,  or  Gazari,  and 
in  France  AlbigenJeSj  from  the  town  of  Albi, 
where  a  fynod  that  condemned  them  was 
held.  Of  their  tenets,  under  this  laft  de- 
nomination, an  account  was  given,  vol.  3, 
p.  368.  But  it  is  very  poffible  that  a  con- 
fiderable  change  might  have  taken  place  in 
their  opinions. 

What  they  held  of  the  Manichs&an  fyflem 
does  not  diftindily  appear.  Peter  of  Sicily 
intimates,  that  they  did  not  own  themfelves 
to  be  Manichasans  *.  But  they  pretended 
to  great  purity  and  fimplicity.  They  re- 
jected, it  is  faid,  all  external  ordinances,  aa 
baptlfm  and  the  Lord's  fupper,  and  did  not 
chufe  to  call  their  minifters  priejls^  but 
fcribesy  or  fecretaries^  or  companions  in  tra- 
vel t« 

That  the  Paulicians  were  unitarians,    is 
evident,  from  their  beino;    faid  by  Theo- 

*   Lardner's  Credibility,  vol,  6.  p.  426. 
•f   Ibid.  p.  427. 

phanes 


270  Gf^he  PrlpUianifls        Book  IV. 

phanes    to  deny   the  incarnation*.      They, 
were  numerous,  Sandius  lays,  in  j  191  -f-. 

Notwithilanding  the  oblcarity  in  which 
this  lubject  is  involved,  it  is  famciently 
evident,  that,  among  the  great  numbers 
who  feparated  themielves  from  the  com- 
munion of  the  Catholic  church  (among 
whom  there  would,  no  doubt,  be  a  great 
diveriity  of  opinions  in  a  variety  of  refpecls) 
and  by  whatever  names  they  were  diftin- 
guiihed  in  different  countries,  and  different 
ages,  there  were  always  many  who  rejected 
the  docflrine  of  the  trinity,  and  who  joined 
the  reformers  of  the  Cxteenth  century. 
But  unhappily  the  great  leaders  in  that  re- 
form^ation,  Luther  and  Calvin,  retaining 
that  doctrine,  and  laying  great  llrefs  upon 
it,  the  anti-trinitarians  were  in  moft  places 

*    Ci  ::r    rzz»zi   T'^i    rcxCia.    ^x^'TyXi/^Kinf  x^^^t   fJtcvoy   r/jca 

W»  x^  TTv  •^:z..izcch3rj  aojvi  m  cevcOfO'Tni  tti^  m  crccfias  ovKOKfjua^  m 
TK/fUi  rf/^v  hen  y^.r<:  x^TTo^cfjisvct,     Chronographia,  p.  425. 
t  Hill.  p.  393. 

treated 


Chap.  III.  and  PauUc'mnu  271  ' 

treated  as  the  worfl:  of  heretics,  and  craellv 

perfecuted  by   all   other   denominations  of 

chriftians. 

For  feme  time  the   unitarians    found  an 

afylum  in  Poland,  and  they  are  faid  to  be  at 
prefent  in  confiderable  numbers  in  Tranfyl- 
vania,   and   other    provinces   in  the  eaftern 
parts  of  Europe.     But  in   this    country  we 
are  very  ignorant  of  the  real  ftate  of  chrif- 
tianity  in  thofe   parts.       However,    as    the 
overbearing    influence    of  the    church    of 
Rome  is  decreafmg  every  day,  and  freedom 
of  enquiry  is  encouraged,   it  may  be  hoped 
that  great  numbers  of  intelligent  chriftians, 
w^ho  have  been  fecretly  unitarians,  will  de- 
clare themfelves  openly  to  be  fo  ;    and  as 
truth  and  good   fenfe  have   an   infinite  ad- 
vantage  over   abfurdity   and   error,    half  a 
century  will  probably  produce  a  great  revo- 
lution in    the   chriftian   world.     Men  will 
awake  from  the  miferable  delufion  they  have 
been  fo    long  under,  as  from  a  dream,  and 
wonder    at  the    long   continuance  of  their 
infatuation.     Such   a  hiftory  as  I  am  now 

con- 


272      Of  the  PrycillianiftSy  &c.    Book  IV. 

concluding,  if  it  be  thought  worth  while 
to  read  it  at  all,  will  then  be  perufed  with 
aftonifhmenti  and  if  the  original  writers, 
from  which  it  is  colledied,  were  not  in 
being,  the  ftrange  tale  would  gain  no  cre- 
dit* 


THE 


[     273    3 


THE 


CONCLUSION. 


SECTION      I. 

A  connedied  View  of  all  the  principal  Articles 
in  the  preceding  Hijlory. 

AFTER  fo  particular  a  detail  as  I  have 
given  in  this  work  of  a  variety  of 
doctrines,  and  of  the  arguments  by  which 
they  were  fupported,  together  with  the 
caufes  of  their  rife  and  progrefs,  it  may  not 
be  unufeful,  at  the  conclufion  of  the  whole, 
to  recite  the  order  in  which  they  arofe  and 
fucceeded  one  another,  efpecially  as  it  is  a 
hiflory  that  is  particularly  complex  in  its 
own  nature,  and  perhaps  unparalleled  for 
Vol.  IV.  T  the 


274  ^^^  Conclujion,  Sect.  I. 

the  greatnefs  of  the  efFeSs  which  the  fubjedt 
of  it  has  produced  in  the  world,  and  the  fim- 
plicity  of  the  caufes  from  which  every  fuc- 
ceffive  ftep  in  the  progrefs  of  it  has  arifen. 

The  opinions  concerning  the  perfon  of 
Jefus  Chrift  have  always  been  thought, 
though  without  any  fufficient  reafon,  to  be 
of  the  greateft  confequence  to  chriftianity 
itfelf.  Whereas  his  buiinefs,  like  that  of 
any  other  prophet,  being  nothing  more 
than  to  deliver  a  meffage  from  God,  and  to 
confirm  it  by  miracles,  it  was  not,  in  reality, 
of  any  confequence  whatever,  zvho^  or  what 
he  himfelf  was.  But,  being  the  founder  of 
a  new  religion,  his  difciples  and  followers, 
who  bore  his  name,  foon  began  to  think 
themfelves  interefted  in  the  perfonal  charac-- 
ter  and  dignity  of  their  mailer;  and  as  they 
w^ere  frequently  reproached  with  being  the 
difciples  of  a  man  who  was  nothing  more 
than  a  crucified  malefadlor,  they  were  foli- 
citous,  by  every  method  they  could  deviie, 
to  remove  this  reproach.  Not  content 
with  alledging,  that  though  their  mafter 
died  the  death  of  a  malefador,  he  had  not 

lived 


Sect.  L  The  Con'chijion,  27c 

lived  the  life  of  one,  that  his  death  had  an- 
fwered  the  greatcft  purpofes  in  the  plan  of 
divine  providence,  and  that  God  had  fhew^ 
ed  his  approbation  of  him,  by  railing  him 
from  the  dead  (which  was  certainly  fuffi- 
cient  for  their  purpofe)  the  more  learned 
among  them  availed  themfelves  of  the  phi- 
lofophy  of  their  age,  and  faid  that  Chrift 
was  a  perfon  of  much  higher  rank  than  he 
appeared  to  be,  even  much  higher  than  that 
of  any  other  man. 

Their  philofophy  taught  them  that  man 
confifts  of  two  principles,  or  parts,  viz.  foul 
and  body^  and  that  the  fouls  of  all  men  had 
pre-exifted,  having  been  originally  unimbo- 
dicd   fpirits,    which,    for    fome    reafon    or 
other,  had  been  fent  down  from  heaven  to 
animate  mortal  bodies  ;    that  fouls  were  of 
very    different    origins,    and   that  fome  of 
them  which  were  fent  into  the  world  for 
great  and  particular  purpofes,  might  be  im- 
mediate emanations  from  the  Divine  Being 
himfelf.     However,  as  before  this  ohilofo- 
phy  was  introduced    among    chriftians,   it 
was  the  univerfally  received  opinion,   that 
T  %  Chrift 


276  The  Conckfion*  Sect.  I. 

Chrift  was  in  himfelf  a  mere  man,  and  it 
was  even  generally  thought  that  he  was 
born  as  other  men  were,  viz.  of  two  human 
parents,  and  that  he  continued  to  be  no- 
thing more  than  a  mere  man,  till  he  was 
of  full  age,  when  he  was  impowered  to 
work  miracles,  and  came  into  public  life ; 
all  that  thefe  philofophers  could  advance  at 
firft,  with  any  probability  of  being  attend- 
ed  to  (and  indeed  all  that  they  would  na- 
turally  think  of  themfelves)  was,  that  fome 
great  fuper-angelic  fpirit  had  been  fent 
down  from  heaven,  and  was  attached  to  the 
man  Jefus,  or  the  foul  of  Jefus,  in  fome 
fuch  manner  as  it  was  ufually  fuppofed 
that  demons  poiTefled  the  fouls  of  men; 
and  that  it  was  this  fuper-angelic  being 
that  was  properly  the  Chrijiy  or  the  perfon 
fent  down,  or  commiffioned  by  God,  to 
come  into  the  world  for  fo  great  a  purpofe. 
This  was  the  dod:rine  of  the  earlier  Gnoftics, 
fuch  as  Cerinthus. 

But,  as  it  had  been  the  opinion  of  many, 
that  angels  were  only  temporary  and  un- 
fubftantial  forms,  in  the  jfhape  of  men,  fo 

as 


Sect.  I.  The  Conclufion.  '       277 

as  to  appear  like  men  to  the  fenfes,  but  that 
they  did  not  really  confift  of  flefh  and  blood  5 
others  of  thefe  philofophers  thought,  that 
what  was  called  the  man  Jefus,  was  nothing 
more  than  one  of  thefe  unfubftantial  forms 
of  men;  fo  that  the  fuper-angelic  fpirit, 
or  the  Chrift,  had  no  proper  body  or  foul 
at  all,  that  it  was  incapable  of  feeling, 
and  not  fubjeft  to  death.  Thefe  were 
thofe  Gnoftics  who  were  called  Docetse ; 
and  this  progrefs  had  been  made  in  the 
time  of  the  apoftles. 

Prefently  after  the  death  of  the  apoftles, 
and  perhaps  before  that  of  John,  fome  of 
thefe  philofophers  profeffing  chriftianity, 
introduced  more  of  their  fyflem  into  it; 
and  confidering  matter  to  be  the  fource  of 
all  evil,  and  the  world  to  have  been  the 
work  of  a  malevolent  being,  they  thought 
that  this  fame  evil  being,  or  one  of  a  fimilar 
difpoiition,  had  been  the  author  of  the  law 
of  Mofes,  and  that  the  Supreme  God,  who 
was  a  being  of  perfedt  goodnefs,  had  not  been 
known  to  mankind  till  Chrift  came  to  re- 
veal him.      Alfo  holding   matter   and  the 

T3 


2yS  Tie  Conclujion.  Sect.  I. 

hody^  which  was  compofed  of  It,  in  great 
contempt,  they  did  not  believe  the  re- 
furreclion ;  which,  indeed,  had  been  de- 
nied by  all  their  predeceffors,  in  the  time 
of  the  apoflles.  ^ 

The  dod:rines  which  contain  the  outline 
of  what    was    called  Gnofticifm   (from   the 
the  holders  of  them  boafting  of  jhe    fupe- 
riority  of  their  knowledge)   having  been  di- 
reftly  opppfed  by  the  apoftles,  and   treated 
by  them  with  great   indignation,    the  gene- 
rality   of  chriftians   held   the   Gnoftics   in 
abhorrence,  confidered  them  as  heretics,  and 
refufed  to  admit  them  into  their  focieties. 
,   But  the  fame  caufes  continuing  to  operate, 
chriftians  being  ftill  held  in  contempt  for  the 
meannefs  of  their  mafter,  and  being  ftill  de- 
firous  to  remove  this  reproach,  by  advancing 
his  perfonal  rank  and  dignity,  they  had  re- 
courfe  to  another  method  of  doing  it. 

Having  been  taught  by  the  Platonic 
philofophers,  among  whom  they  received 
their  education,  that  there  were  three  great 
principles  in  nature,  viz.  the  Supreme 
Being,  or   the  good,  his  mind  fnousj  and 

the. 


Sect.  I.  ^hc  Conclujion,  279 

the  fold  of  the  world-,  and  the  Jewifli  philo- 

fophers  who  had  embraced  thefe  dodrines 

having  already  advanced,  that  the  fecond  of 

thefe  principles,   which   they  denominated 

logos^  was  an  emanation  from  the  fupreme 

Being,  and  the  caufe  of  all  the  appearances 

of  God  recorded   in  the   Old  Teftament, 

fome  of  which  were  in  the  form  of  men  j 

and  having  alfo  taught  that  it  was  this  logos 

that,  by  the  order  of  the  fupreme  Being, 

.  had  made  the  vifible  world  ;  that  he  was  the 

image  of  God,  his  only  begotten  Son,  and 

that  he  v/as  even  entitled  to  the  appellation 

of  God  in   an   inferior  fenfe  of  the  word  ; 

thefe  chriftian  philofophers  imagined  that 

it  was  this  logos  that  was  united  to  the  man 

Jefas  Chrift,  and  that,  on  this  account,  he 

might  be  called  God. 

For  fome  time,  however,  the  more  learn- 
ed chriftians  contented  themfelves  with  fup- 
pofing,  that  the  union  between  this  divine 
logos  and  the  man  Chrift  Jefus  was  only 
temporary.  For  they  held  that  this  divine 
effiux^  which,  like  a  beam  of  light  from  the 
fun;,  wxnt  out  of  God,  and^  was  attached  to 
T  4  the 


280  T^he  Conclufion,  Sect.  I. 

the  perfon  of  Chrift,  to  enable  him  to  work 
miracles  while  he  was  on  earth,  was  drawn 
into  God  again  when  he  afcended  into  hea- 
ven, and  had  no  more  occafion  to  exert  a 
miraculous  power.  This  fyftem  may  be 
called  philofophical  unltarianifm^  being  that 
which  was  held  by  Sabellius,  Marcellus, 
and  other  learned  unitarian  chriftians. 

It  was  afterwards  maintained  (and  Juftin 
Martyr,   who  had  been  a  Platonic  philofo- 
pher,  was   perhaps   the  firft  who  fuggefted 
the  idea)  that  this  union  of  the  logos  to  the 
perfon  of  Chrift  was  not  temporary,  but  per- 
manent.   With  the  Jewifh  philofophers  the 
learned  chriftians  likewife  held  that  this  lo- 
gos was  emitted  from  God  when  he  made  the 
world,  and  was  the  medium  of  all  the  divine 
communications  under  the  Old  Teftament, 
before  he  became  united  to  the  man  Chrift 
Jefus,  who,  they  faid,  had  alfo  a  proper  hu- 
man foul,  as  well  as  a  body,  like  other  men. 
For  the  great  body  of  chriftians  having  al- 
ways confidered  him  as  being  a  vian^   the 
philofophers  among  them  did  not  at  firft 
depart  fo  far  from  this  opinion,  as   to  fay 

that 


Sect.  I .  ^he  Conclujion,  2  8 1 

that  he  had  no  proper  human  foul  ;  and 
the  logosy  which  they  fpake  of  as  being 
united  to  him,  they  always  reprcfented  as 
an  e§>ux  from,  or  an  attribute  of  the  Father, 
being  his  proper  wifdo?ny  power ^  and  other 
operative  perfecftions. 

Still,  however,  out  of  refped:  to  the  opi- 
nion which  prevailed  among  the  unlearned 
chriftians,  who  knew  nothing  of  this  doc- 
trine   of    the    divine   logos,     but    thought 
Chrift  to  be  a  man  and  a  prophet,  and  v/ho 
would  have  been  fhocked  at  the  docSlrine 
of   more  Gods    than  one^  the  philofophical 
chriftians,  though  they  faid  that  Chrift,  on 
account  of  the  divine  logos  that  was  united 
to  him,  might  be   called  a  God^  acknow-^ 
ledged  that  it  was  in  an  inferior  fenfe,  that 
the  divi?iity,  and  even  the  being  of  the  Son, 
was    derived    from   the    Father ;    and  that 
when  the  one  God  was  fpoken  of,  it  was  the 
Father  only  (who  was  the  proper  fountain 
of  deity)  that  was  intended.     Nay,  in  oppo- 
fition  to  the  philofophical  unitarians,  who 
afferted  that  the  divinity  of  the  Father,  and 
that  of  the   Son,   were  the  very  fame,  they 

maintained 


282  The  Conchifion.  Sect.  I. 

maintained  that  they  were  different ;  fince 
the  Father  and  the  Son  could  not  be  faid  to 
be  of  the  fame  nature.  For  the  Platonic 
philofophers  confidcred  the  nous,  or  logos ^  as 
a  middle  principle  between  the  fupreme 
God  and  the  foul  of  the  world  ;  and  they 
fometimes  fpake  of  it  as  an  intermediate 
principle  between  God  and  the  world  itfelf. 
As  it  had  always  been  maintained  by  the 
earlieft  platonizing  chriftians,  that  the  lo- 
gos came  out  of  God  juft  before  the  creation 
of  the  world,  and  confequently  that  there 
had  been  a  time  when  God  was  alone,  and 
the  Son  was  not  ^  and  as  they  had  always 
held,  that  when  the  Son  was  produced  he 
was  greatly  inferior  to  the  Father,  there 
arofe  fome  who  faid,  that  he  ought  to  be 
confidered  as  a  inere  creature^  not  derived 
from  the  fubftance  of  God,  but  created  out 
of  nothings  as  other  creatures  were.  For  by 
this  time,  the  chriftian  dodtrine  of  a  proper 
creation^  out  of  nothing  had  begun  to  take 
place  of  the  philofophical  dodtrine  of  the 
emanation  of  fouls  from  God.  Thefe  (who 
were  the  Arians)   confidering  the  logos  as 

being 


Sect.  I.'  The  Conclujon.  283 

being  the  intelligent  principle  in  Chrift, 
thought  that  there  was  no  occafion  to  fup- 
pofe  that  he  had  any  other  foul.  They, 
therefore,  faid  that  Chrift  was  a  fuper-an- 
gelic  being,  united  to  a  human  body ;  that 
though  he  was  himfelf  created,  he  was  the 
creator  of  all  other  things  under  God,  and 
the  inftrument  of  all  the  divine  communi- 
cations to  the  patriarchs,  which  had  before 
been  fuppofed  to  be  the  province  of  the 
uncreated  logos. 

In  oppofition  to  the  Arians,  thofe  who, 
from  the  final  prevalence  of  their  dodtrine, 
obtained  the  name  of  orthodox  and  catholics^ 
confidering  that  the  logos  had  never  before 
been  reprefented  as  a  creature,  but  as  the 
proper  reafon  or  wifdom  of  the  Father, 
maintained  that  he  muft  have  always  been 
in  the  Father,  and  therefore  (correcfting 
their  former  language,  and  carrying  their 
principle  to  its  proper  extent,  which  a  re- 
fped:  for  the  unitarians,  now  greatly  dimi- 
niflicd  in  number,  had  hitherto  prevented) 
they  maintained  that  he  muft  be  of  the 
fame  fubftance  with  the  Father,  and  have 

been 


284  The  Conclujion.  Sect.  I. 

been  co-eternal  with  him.  In  the  courfe  of 
the  controverfy  they  were  likewife  led  to 
advance  upon  their  former  doftrine,  fo  as 
to  fay,  that  that  ad:  of  the  Father,  to  which 
they  gave  the  name  of  generation^  had  taken 
place  from  eternity,  and  was  not  fomething 
that  had  pafTed  juft  before  the  creation  of 
the  world ;  fo  that  the  Son  had  always 
exifted  as  a  fon,  and  the  Father  as  a  father  ^ 
and  that  there  was  no  difference  between 
them,  but  that  of  Father  and  Son,  and  the 
different  offices  that  belonged  to  each  of 
them  refpeftively,  as  the  Father,  or  the  Son. 
This  was  the  flate  of  things  foon  after 
the  council  of  Nice,  when  there  arofe  a 
controverfy  concerning  the  Holy  Spirit^ 
which  was  faid  in  the  fcriptures  to  pro- 
ceed from  God,  or  to  be  fent  by  God, 
or  by  Chrift.  On  this  fubjedl  it  is  re- 
markable, that  there  had  been  no  contro- 
verfy among  chriflians  before  that  council, 
though  there  had  been  a  difference  of  opi- 
nion among  them.  Some  of  the  Anteni- 
cene  Fathers  defcribed  the  Spirit  as  if  they 
had  conceived  it  to  be  nothing  but  a  power' 

communicatee^ 


Sect.  I.  T^he  Condiifion.  28^ 

communicated  by  God,  though  others  of 
them  fuppofed  it  to  be  a  perfon^  inferior  to 
God,  and  even  to  Chrift.  For  if  was  ge- 
nerally alTerted,  that  the  Spirit  was  one  of 
the  beings  that  had  been  made  by  Chrift,, 
without  whom,  they  faid,  nothing  was  made 
that  was  made.  Such  dodlrine  as  this  did 
certainly  pafs  without  cenfure  before  the 
council  of  Nice,  and  it  is  the  lefs  to  be 
wondered  at,  as  the  third  perfon  in  the 
Platonic  trinity,  viz.  the  4^y;>c>i,  had  never 
been  defcribed  ns  having  been  any  part  of 
the  Supreme  Being,  or  necejSarily  belong- 
ing to  him,  which  the  nous^  or  logos^  had 
been. 

There  were  fome  who,  while  they  held 
the  permanent  perjonality  of  the  Son,  thought 
that  the  Holy  Spirit  was  only  an  occajional 
efflux  from  the  deity,  refembling  a  beam  of 
light  from  the  fun.  This  opinion  alfo  was 
not  deemed  to  be  heretical. 

From  this  time,  however,  thofe  who  had 
diftinguifhed  themfelves  the  moft  by  their 
defence  of  the  doctrine  of  the  confubjlantia- 
lity  of  the  Son  with  the  Father,  did  like- 
wife 


286  The  Conclujion.  Segt.I. 

wile  maintain  both  the  proper  perfonality 
of  the  Spirit,  and  alfo  his  confubftantiality 
with  the  Father  and  the  Son.  This  doc- 
trine of  the  conjuhflantiality  of  the  three 
divine  perfons  foon  led  to  that  of  their  per- 
fect equality  with  refpedl  to  all  divine  per- 
fections ;  and  this  completed  the  whole 
fcheme.  According  to  it,  though  there 
is  but  one  God,  there  are  three  dhine  perfons ^ 
each  of  which  feparately  taken,  is  perfetl 
God,  though  all  together  make  no  more  than 
one  perfed:  God ;  a  proportion  not  only 
repugnant  to  the  plaineft  principles  of  com- 
mon fenfe,  but  altogether  unknown  before 
the  council  of  Nice,  as  is  acknowledged  by 
many  learned  trinitarians.  Among  others, 
the  famous  Mr.  Jurieu  faid,  that  *^  the  fun- 
**  damental  articles  of  chriftianity  were  not 
**  underftood  by  the  Fathers  of  the  three 
**  firft  centuries,  that  the  true  fyllem  began 
*'  to  be  modelled  into  fom.e  fhape  by  the 
**  Nicene  bifhops,  and  was  afterwards  im- 
*'  proved  by  the  following  fynods  and  coun- 
**  cils,*'     Jortin's  Remarks,  vol.  3.  p.  50. 

A  little 


Sect.  I.  T^he  Concltifion.  287 

A  little  refledion,  however,  one  would 
think,  might  fatisfy  any  perfon,  that  a 
dod:rine  which  was  unknown  in  the  chrif- 
tian  church  till  the  fourth  century  could  be 
no  genuine  docSrine  of  chriftianity,  Leaft 
of  all  can  it  be  fuppofed,  that  any  novel 
and  late  dodrine  can  be  of  fo  much  confe- 
quence  as  that  of  the  trinity  has  always  been 
conceived  to  be  by  thofe  who  have  main- 
tained it.  For  effed:ual  meafures  Would, 
no  doubt,  have  been  taken  by  divine  pro- 
vidence, that  every  dodlrine  of  real  import- 
ance to  chriftianity  fhould  be  fo  clearly 
exprelTed,  and  fo  well  explained  in  the 
fcriptures,  as  that  it  would  not  have  re- 
mained undifcovered,  or  ill  underftood,  till 
fo  late  a  period  as  the  fourth  century. 


SEC 


288  T^he  Conclufwn.  Sect.  II, 


SECTION      II. 

An  Account  of  the  Remains  of  the  Oriental, 
or  Platonic  Philofophy^  in  modern  Syfiems  of 
Chriflianity. 

TN  the  next  place,  it  may  not  be  unufeful 
•*-  to  refled:  how  much  remains  of  the 
oriental  or  Platonic  philofophy  in  the  re- 
ligion that  is  eftablifhed  in  the  greater 
part  of  the  chriftian  world  at  the  prefent 
day,  though  thofe  fyftems  themfelves  are 
now  no  more.  It  is  obvious  to  remark, 
in  the  firft  place,  that  one  fingle  doftrine 
common  to  both  thofe  fchemes  of  philo- 
fophy, has  been  the  foundation  on  which 
almoft  every  corruption  of  chriflianity  refts, 
and  this  is  the  belief  of  an  immaterial  foul 
in  man,  capable  of  fubfifting,  and  alfo  of 
having  both  fenfation  and  adlion,  when  the 
body  is  in  the  grave.  Had  this  doftrine, 
(countenanced  by  no  appearances  in  nature, 
but  utterly  difcordant  with  them,  and  alfo 
with  the  whole  fyftem  of  revelation)  never 

3  been 


Sect,  II.  7ke  Copxlujion.  289 

been  known,  it  is  hardly  poffible  to  fup- 
pofe,  that  the  pre-exiltence  of  Chrift  v/ould 
ever  have  been  imagined,  or  that  any  of  the 
dodlrines  which  arofe  from  it,  or  are  con- 
neded  v/ith  it,  ¥/ould  have  been  adopted. 
In  this  cafe,  alfo,  we  fhould  never  have 
heard  cf  the  woriliip  of  dead  faints,  or  the 
dodtrine  of  purgatory,  which  arc  among 
the  moft  enormous  abufes  of  popery. 

Another  principle,  common  to  both  the 
fyftems  of  philofophy  above  mentioned, 
was,  that  matter  is  the  fource  of  all  evil,  a 
dodrine  which  led  either  to  making  light 
of  the  moll;  criminal  fenjual  indulgences, 
or  to  that  rigour  and  aufterity  which  was 
imagined  to  purify  and  elevate  the  foul,  by 
negleding  or  macerating  the  body.  This 
principle  induced  numbers  of  both  i^JL^^y 
to  feclude  themfelves  from  the  world,  and 
to  pafs  their  lives  in  a  manner  equally  ufe-"^ 
lefs  to  themfelves  and  others.  It  alfo  gave 
rife  to  the  favourite  dodtrine  of  the  fupe- 
riority  of  the  unmarried  to  the  married^^ate, 
and  to  the  injundion  of  celibacy  onlhofe 
who  were  called  j^r/Vy?x. 

Vol.  IV.  U  The 


290  The  Conclufion,  Sect.  II. 

The  monadic  life  was  alfo  greatly  pra- 
moted  by  the  Platonic  doclrme  of  the  imion 
of  the  foul  to  God,  attainable  by  con- 
templation and  prayer,  which  was  eagerly 
adopted  by  rr.iny  chriftians,  who  thought 
it  wife  to  neglect  and  mortify  the  body, 
and  to  give  their  whole  attention  to  the 
foul. 

Thefe  three  dodrines,  viz.  that  of  the 
immateriality  of  the  foul,  that  of  matter 
being  the  fource  of  evil,  and  that  of  the 
union  of  the  foul  to  God,  by  contempla- 
tion and  abftradion  from  matter,  have  done 
unfpeakable  mifchief  to  the  fcheme  of 
chriftianity,  affeding  the  whole  charader  of 
of  it,  and  almofl  every  thing  in  doftrine,  or 
in  practice,  relating  to  it.  It  may  not  be 
amifs,  however,  jufl  to  notice  a  few  other 
things  of  a  lefs  general  nature,  in  which 
Gnofticifm,  or  Platonifm,  have  left  traces 
of  th^mfelves  in  the  creeds  of  chriftians. 

That  the-  Supreme  God  was  not  himfelf 
the  maker  of  the  world,  was  a  capital  ar- 
ticle in  the  creed  of  the  Gnoftics,  and  this 
was   alfo   a   doctrine    of    the    platonizing 

chriftians, 


Sect.  II.  7he  Conchifion.  291 

chriftians,  with  this  diiTerence  that,  accord- 
ing to  the  Gnoftics,  the  maker  of  the 
world  was  one  of  thofe  intelligences  v/hich 
was  derived,  mediately  or  immediately, 
from  the  Supreme  Being  j  whereas,  ac- 
cording to  the  platonizing  chriflians,  the 
maker  of  the  world  was  the  logos,  which 
had  been  an  attribute  of  the  Supreme  Be- 
ing. The  former  alfo  thought  that  the 
world  was  made  with  a  malew^lent  inten- 
tion, and  the  latter  with-,  a  benevolent  one. 
The  Arians  approached  fomething  nearer 
to  the  doctrine  of  the  Gnoflics,  than  thofe 
who  were  called  catholics,  maintaining  that 
the  world  was  made  by  a  creature  properly 
fo  called.  For  according  to  that  philofo- 
phy  from  which  Gnofticifm  was  derived, 
all  intelligent  beings  fubordinate  to  the 
Supreme,  were  fuppofed  to  be  io  far  of  the 
fame  nature,  as  to  have  been  derived  me- 
diately or  immediately  from  his  fubftance, 
though  they  were  not  created  out  of  nothing. 
According  to  both  fyftems,  the  world  was 
made  by  a  being  who  might  be  called,  if 
not  an  angel,  at  lead  a  fuper-angelic  fpirit. 
Us  And 


292  T^he  Conclufon.  Sect.  IL 

And  all  the  three  fyftems,  viz.  that  of  the 
Gnoftics,  that  of  the  catholics,  and  that  of 
the  Arians,  go  upon  this  common  principle, 
that  it  is  unworthy  of  the  Supreme  Being 
himfelf  to  condefcend  to  do  any  thing;  he 
being  fuppofed  to  be  immoveably  employed 
in  contemplation  only,  and  chiefly  that  of 
his  own  perfedlions. 

The  Docets  among  the  Gnoftics  held 
that  Chrifl  had  no  body,  but  only  the  ap- 
pearance of  one,  and  that  he  was  incapable 
of  feeling  pain.  And  though  the  plato- 
nizing  chriftians  believed  that  Ghrift  had  a 
proper  body,  confilling  of  real  flefh  and 
blood,  fome  of  them  imagined  it  was  in- 
capable of  feeling  pain,  and  that  in  confe- 
quence  of  its  union  with  the  logos,  the 
body  as  well  as  the  foul  of  Chrift,  had  va- 
rious privileges  fuperior  to  thofe  that  were 
pofTeffed  by  other  fouls  and  bodies ;  as  that 
befides  feeling  no  pain,  it  did  not  neceffarily 
require  the  recruits  of  food  or  fleep,  &c. 
and  that  it  was  not  liable  to  corruption. 
It  was  from  the  Gnoftics  alfo,  that  the  ca- 
tholics  derived    the    v^himfical    notion   of 

Mary 


Sect.  II.  T^he   Conchfion.  293 

Mary  continuing  a  proper  virgin  after  (he 
was  delivered  of  Jefus,  fo  that  flie  was,  in 
all  refpeds,  the  very  fame  that  fhe  had  been 
even  before  the  conception ;  a  doctrine 
which  is  ilill  held  facred  in  the  church  of 
Rome. 

Laftly,   It  is   not  abfolutely    impoffible, 
but  that  Auftin  might  have  been  fomewhat 
influenced  by  his  former  Manich^an  prin- 
ciples,   in   forming  his   doftrines   of  pre- 
deftination    and    reprobation.     The  Mani- 
chsans  held  that  fouls  had  different  origins, 
in  confequence  of  which  fome  were  necef- 
farily  good,  and  would  be  faved,  and  others 
neceifarily   wicked,  and  would  be  damned. 
And   though  Auftin   thought  that  all  fouls 
were,  in  themfelves,  of  the  fame  nature,  it 
was,   he   faid,  the  mere  arbitrary  decree  of 
God  that  made  the  difference  between  them 
with  refpedl  to  their  future  deflination ;  fo 
that  there  is   fome  refemblance  between  the? 
two  fyflcms. 


U  3  SEC. 


294  '^^^  Concliifion.  Sect.  III. 


SECTION      III, 
Maxims  of  Hijiorical  Criticifm. 

/\  L  L  reafoning  may  be  reduced  to  cer- 
tain Jirft  principles^  and  all  propofi* 
tions  are  more  eafily  examined  by  having 
recourfe  to  them.  Mathematicians ^  who 
reafon  in  the  mod  exa6t  and  rigorous  man- 
ner, always  proceed  in  this  way,  beginning 
with  axioms y  the  truth  of  which  cannot  be 
difputed,  and  reducing  the  moft  complex 
propofitions  to  them  ^  fo  that  the  truth  of 
the  one  can  no  more  be  controverted  than 
that  of  the  other.  In  like  manner,  critics^ 
have  laid  down  what  they  call  canoJis  of 
criticifm,  pf  which  they  make  a  fimilar 
ufe. 

As  I  v^^ifh  to  apply  a  fpecies  of  reafon- 
ing equally  ftrict  to  fuch  hiftorical  dif- 
cullions  as  that  which  is  the  fubjedt  of 
this  work,  I  have  likewife  drawn  up  maxims 

of 


Sect.  III.  ^he  Conclujion.  295 

of  hijiorical  criticifm^  the  truth  of  which 
cannot,  I  think,  be  controverted,  and  to 
thofe  I  v/ifli  to  reduce  every  propofition 
that  I  have  advanced  that  is  of  an  hiflorical 
nature. 

I  have,  however,  n:iade  no  general  fyftem, 
but  have  only  noted  fuch  particulars  as  I 
inyfelf  have  had  occafion  for ;  and  even 
this  I  am  far  from  pretending  to  have  exe- 
cuted v/ith  perfedt  accuracy  5  but  I  give  it 
as  2iJIietcrj,  to  be  examined  at  leifure,  and  to 
be  reciified  where  it  ihall  appear  to  be 
requifite. 

Thefe  maxims  are  chiefly  adapted  to  the 
fol lowing yi^w/T^^ry  view  of  thofe  arguqaents, 
which  I  apprehend  eftablifli  my  princi- 
pal pofition,  viz.  that  the  chriilian  church 
was  originally  unitarian;  and  therefore  I 
have  annexed  to  moft  of  them  the  num- 
ber of  that  article  in  the  fummary  view  to 
which  they  correfpond,  that  they  may  be 
compared  together.  I  wifh  that  trinita- 
rians  and  Arians,  would  in  like  manner 
reduce  into  axioms  the  principles  on  which- 
they  proceed,  that  they  may  be  compared 
U  4  with 


296  The  Condujion.  Sect.  III. 

with  thefe;  and  perhaps  we  may  by  this 
means  be  affifled  in  coming  to  a  proper 
iflue  in  this  controverfy. 

] . 
When  two  perfons  give  different  ac- 
counts of  things,  that  evidence  is  to  be 
preferred, ^  which  is  either  in  itfelf  more 
probable,  or  more  agreeable  to  other  cre- 
dible teftimony. 

2. 

Neither  is  entire  credit  to  be  given  to 
any  fet  of  men  with  refped  to  what  is  re- 
putable to  them,  nor  to  their  enemies  with 
refpedl  to  what  is  difreputable ;  but  the 
account  given  by  the  one,  may  be  balanced 
by  that  of  the  other.  Summary  View, 
No  10. 

3- 

In  order  to  eftablifli  the  credibility  of 
any  fad:,  it  muft  not  only  be  related  by  a 
fufficient  number  of  cotemporary  witnefles, 
but  it  muft  appear  to  have  been  believed  by 
their  cotemporaries  in  general.  Otherwife, 
the  teftimony  of  a  few,  will  be  overba- 
lanced by  that  of  many, 

4.    Ac- 


Sect.  III.  The  Conclujion.  297 

4- 
Accounts  of  any  fet  of  men  given  by 
their  enemies  only,  are  always  fufpicious. 
But  the  confeffions  of  enemies,  and  circum- 
fiances  favourable  to  any  body  of  men,  col- 
lected from  the  v/ritings  of  their  adver- 
faries,  are  deferving  of  particular  regard. 

5- 

It  is  a  ftrong  argument  againft  the  cre- 
dibility of  any  pretended  fad:,  that  it  was 
not  believed  by  thofe  who  were  fo  fituated 
as  to  have  been-  competent  judges  of  its 
truth,  and  who  were  at  the  fame  time  in- 
terefled  to  believe  it. 

6. 

It  is  natural  for  men  who  wifli  to  fpeak 
difparagingly  of  any  fed:  to  undervalue  their 
numbers,  as  well  as  every  thing  elfe  re- 
lating to  them  3  and  it  is  equally  natural, 
for  thofe  who  wifli  to  fpeak  refpedfully  of 
any  party,  to  reprefent  the  member's  of  it 
as  more  numerous  than  they  are.  Sum- 
mary View,  No.  1 3, 

7.  When 


298  ^ke  Conckfion.  Sect. III. 

/    • 

When  perfons  form  themfelves  Into  fo- 
cieties,  fo  as  to  be  diftinguifhable  from 
others,  they  never  fail  to  get  fome  particu- 
lar narde,  either  affumed  by  themfelves,  or 
impofed  by  others.  This  is  neceffary  in 
order  to  make  them  the  fabjed  of  con- 
verfation  ;  long  periphrafes  in  difcourfe 
being  very  inconvenient.  Summary  View, 
No.  8. 

8. 

When  particular  opinions  are  afcribed  to 
a  particular  clafs  of  m.en,  without  any  dif- 
tinftion  of  the  time  v^hen  thofe  opinions 
were  adopted  by  them,  it  may  be  pre- 
fumed,  that  they  were  fuppofed  to  hold 
thofe  opinions  from  the  time  that  they  re- 
ceived their  denomination^  Summary  View, 
No.  4. 

9- 

When  a  particular  defcrlption  is  given 

of  a  clafs  of  perfons  within  any  period  Oa 
time,  any  perfon  who  can  be  proved  to 
have   the  proper  charad:er  of  one  of  that 

clafs. 


Sect.  III.  The  Conclufion.  299 

clafs,  may  be  deemed  to  have  belonged  to 
it,  and  to  have  enjoyed  all  the  privilges  of 
it,  v^hatever  they  were.  Summary  View, 
No.  9. 

10. 
When  an  hiftorian,  or  writer  of  any  kind, 
profeffedly  enumerates  the  feveral^m^'J'  be- 
longing to  any  genuSy  or  general  body  of 
men,  and  omits  any  particular  fpecies,  or 
denomination,  which,  if  it  had  belonged  to 
the  genus,  he,  from  his  fituation  and  cir- 
cumiiances,  v/as  not  likely  to  have  over- 
looked, it  may  be  prefumed  that  he  did  not 
confider  that  particular  fpecies  as  belonging 
to  the  genus.     Summary  View,  No.  7. 

1 1. 
V/hen  any  particular  dodrine  is  a  necef- 
fary  part  of  a  fyftem,  and  it  can  be  made 
to  appear  that  within  a  given  period  that 
doctrine  was  not  known,  it  may  be  con-' 
eluded  that  the  fyftem  had  no  exiftence 
within  that  period.  Or  v/hen  any  dodrine 
inconfiftent  with  the  fyftem  is  held  in  that 
period,  it  equally  proves  the  fame  thing. 
Summary  View,   No.  17,  18. 

I  12.   Great 


3C0,  ne  Conclujton.         Sect.  III. 

12. 

Great  changes  in  opinion  are  not  ufually 
made  of  a  fudden,  and  never  by  great  bodies 
of  men.  That  hlftory,  therefore,  which 
reprefents  fuch  changes  as  having  been  made 
gradually,  and  by  eafy  fteps,  is  always  the 
more  probable  on  that  account.  Summary 
View,  No.  16. 

The  common  or  unlearned  people,  in 
any  country,  who  do  not  fpeculate  much, 
retain  longeft  any  opinions  with  which 
their  minds  have  been  much  imprefTed; 
and  therefore,  we  always  look  for  the  oldeft 
opinions  in  any  country,  or  any  clafs  of 
men,  among  the  common  people,  and  not 
among  the  learned.  Summary  View,  No. 
13,  14. 

14. 

If  any  new  opinions  be  introduced  into 
a  fociety,  they  are  moft  likely  to  have  in- 
troduced them,  who  held  opinions  fimilar 
to  them  before  they  joined  that  fociety. 
Summary  View,  No,  15. 

,       '5-  If 


Sect.  III.  ^he  Conclufpon,  oqi 

If  any  particular  opinion  has  never  failed 
to  excite  great  indignation  in  all  ages  and 
nations,  where  a  contrary  opinion  has  been 
generally  received,  and  that  particular  opi-* 
nron  can  be  proved  to  have  exifted  in  any 
age  or  country  when  it  did  not  excite  indip-- 
nation,  it  may  be  concluded  that  it  had 
many  partizans  in  that  age  or  country.  For 
the  opinion  being  the  fame,  it  could  not  of 
it  itfelf  be  more  refpeftable  •  and  human 
nature  being  the  fame,  it  could  not  but  have 
been  regarded  in  the  fame  light,  fo  long  as 
the  fame  ftrefs  was  laid  on  the  oppofite  opi- 
nion.    Summary  View,  No.  i.  it,  12. 

16. 

When  a  time  is  given,  in  which  any  very 
remarkable  and  interefting  opinion  v/as  noc 
believed  by  a  certain  clafs  of  people,  and 
another  time  in  Vv^hich  the  belief  of  it  was 
general,  the  introduftion  of  fucii  an  opinion 
may  always  be  known  by  the  effeds  which 
it  will  produce  upon  the  minds,  and  in  the 
condudl  of  men  ;  by  the  alarm  which  it  will 
give   to  feme,    and   the    defence   of  it  by 

others. 


302  Tbe  Conclu/ion,  Sect.  III. 

others.  If,  therefore,  no  alarm  was  given, 
and  no  defence  of  it  was  made  within  any 
particular  period,  it  may  be  concluded  that 
the  introdudion  of  it  did  not  take  place 
within  that  period.  Summary  View,  No.  ?, 
3.  6. 

When  any  particular  opinion  or  pradice 
IS  neceffarily  or  cuftomarily  accompanied  by 
any  other  opinion  or  practice  ;  if  the  latter 
be  not  found  within  any  particular  period, 
it  may  be  prefumed  that  the  former  did  not 
exift  within  that  period.  Summary  View, 
No.  5. 


17 


Sect.  IV.  T^he  Conclufion.  ^03 


SECTION       IV. 

Afummary  Fiew  of  the  Evidence  for  the  pri- 
mitive Chriftians  having  held  the  DoElrine 
ofthejimple  Humanity  of  Chrift, 

I.  TT  is  acknowledged  by  early  writers 
i  of  the  orthodox  perfuafion,  that  two 
kinds  of  herefy  exifted  in  the  times  of  the 
apollles,  viz.  that  of  thofe  who  held  that 
Chrift  was  fimply  a  man  5  and  that  of  the 
Gnoftics.  Now  the  apoftle  John  animad- 
verts with  the  greateft  feverity  upon  the 
latter,  but  makes  no  mention  of  the  for- 
mer; and  can  it  be  thought  probable  that 
he  would  pafs  it  without  cenfure,  if  he  had 
thought  it  to  be  an  error ;  confidering  how 
great,  and  how  dangerous  an  error  it  has 
always  been  thought  by  thofe  Vv^ho  have 
confidered  it  as  being  an  error  at  all  ? 
Maxim  15. 

2.  The  great   objection  that   Jews  have 
always  made  to  chriftianity   in  its  prefent 

ftate 


304.  The  Conclujion.  Sect.  IV. 

ilate  is,  that  it  enjoins  the  worihip  of  more 
gods  than  one  ^  and  it  is  a  great  article  with 
the  chriilian  writers  of  the  fecond  and  fol- 
lowing centuries  to  anfwer  this  objection. 
But  it  does  not  appear  in  all  the  book  of  Ad:s, 
in  which  we  hear  much  of  the  cavils  of  the 
Jews  (both  in  Jerufalem  and  in  many  parts 
of  the  Roman  empire)  that  they  made  any 
fach  objedion  to  chriflianity  then:,  nor  do 
the  apoftles,  either  there,  or  in  their  epif- 
tles,  advance  any  thing  v/ith  a  view  to  fuch 
an  objection.  It  may  be  prefumed,  there- 
fore, that  no  fuch  offence  to  the  Jews  had 
then  been  given,  by  the  preaching  of  a  doc- 
trine fo  fhocking  to  them  as  that  of  the 
divinity  of  Chrifl:  muft  have  been.  Maxim 
15,  16. 

3.  As  no  Jew  had  originally  any  idea 
of  their  Meffiah  being  more  than  a  man, 
and  as  the  apoftles  and  the  firft  chriftians 
-  had  certainly  the  fame  idea  at  firft  concern- 
ing Jefus,  it  may  be  fuppofcd  that,  if  ever 
they  had  been  informed  that  Jefus  was  not 
a  man,  but  either  God  himfelf,  or  the 
maker  of  the  w^orld  under  God,  we  fticuld 

have 


Sect.  IV.  'The  Concliifion,  305 

have  been  able  to  trace  the  time  and  the  c/r- 
cumfances  in  which  io  great  a  difcovery  was 
made  to  them  ;    and  that  we   flioald   have 
perceived  the  efFedt  which  it  had  upon  their 
minds ;  at  leaft    by   feme  change  in   their 
manner  of  fpeaking  concerning  him.     But 
nothing  of  this  kind  is  to  be  found  in  the 
GofjDels,  in  the  book  of  Afts,  or  in  any  of 
the  Epiilles.     ¥/e  perceive  m.arks  enow  of 
other  new  views  of  things,  efpecially  of  the 
call  of  the  Gentiles  to  partake  of  the  privi- 
leges of  the  gofpel ;  and  we  hear  much  of 
the  difputes  and  the  eager  contention  which 
it  occaiioned.     But  how  much  more  muft 
all  their  prejudices  have    been   fhocked  by 
the  information  that  a  perfon  whom  they 
liril  took  to  be  a  mere  man^  w^as  not  a  man^ 
but  either  God  himfslf,  or  the  maker  of  the 
world  under  God  ?   Maxim  16. 

4.  All  the  Jewirti  chriftians,  after  the 
deftrudtion  of  Jerufalem,  which  was  im- 
mediately after  the  age  of  the  apojftles, 
are  called  Ebionites ;  and  thefe  were  in 
the  time  of  Origen,  only  of  two  forts,  fome 
of  them  holding  the  miraculous  conception 

Vol.  IV.  X  of 


3o6  T!he  Conclufion.  Sect.  IV, 

of  our  Saviour,  and  others  believing  that 
he  vv^as  the  fon  of  Jofeph,  as  well  as  of 
Mary.  None  of  them  are  faid  to  have 
believed  either  that  he  was  God,  or  the 
maker  of  the  world  under  God.  And  is  it 
at  all  credible  that  the  body  of  the  Jewifli 
chriftians,  if  they  had  ever  been  inftruded 
by  the  apoflles  in  the  dodtrlne  of  the  divi- 
nity, or  pre-exiftence  of  Chrift,  would  fo 
foon,  and  fo  generally,  if  not  univerfally, 
have  abandoned  that  faith  ?  Maxim  8. 

5.  Had  Chrift  been  confidered  as  God, 
or  the  maker  of  the  world  under  God,  in 
the  early  ages  of  the  church,  he  would  na- 
turally have  been  the  proper  objedt  of 
prayer  to  chriftians ;  nay,  more  fo  than  God 
the  Father,  with  whom,  on  the  fcheme  of 
the  doilrine  of  the  trinity,  they  muft  have 
known  that  they  had  lefs  immediate  inter- 
courfe.  But  prayers  to  Jefus  Chrift  were 
not  ufed  in  early  times,  but  gained  ground 
gradually,  with  the  opinion  of  Chrift  being 
God,  and  the  objedl  of  worftiip.  Maxim  \j, 

6.  The  chriftian  Fathers  in  general  repre- 
fent  theapoftles  as  obliged  to  ufe  great  cau- 
tion 


Sect.  IV.  The  Conclujion.  ooj 

tion  not  to  offend  their  firft  converts  with  the 
dodrine  of  Chrifl's  divinity,  and  as  forbear- 
ing to  urge   that   topic    till   they  were  firft 
v/eil  eftabliilied  in  the  belief  of  his  being  the 
Meffiah.       Athanafius,   in   particular  adds, 
that  the  Jews  being  in  an  error  on  this  fub- 
jedl,  drew  the  Gentiles   into   it.     They  all 
reprefent   the  apoilles   as  leaving  their  dif- 
ciples  to  learn  the  dodlrine  of  Chrift's  divi- 
nity, by  way  of  inference  from  certain   ex- 
preffions  ;    and  they  do  not  pretend  to  pro- 
duce any  inftance  in  which  they  taught  that 
do(ftrine    clearly  and   explicitly   before  the 
publication  of  the  gofpel  of  John.     Maxim 
16. 

7.  Hcgefippus,  the  fir/r  chriftian  hifto- 
rian,  enumerating  the  herefies  of  his  time, 
mentions  feveral  of  the  Gnoftic  kind,  but 
not  that  of  Chrift  being  a  mere  man. 
He  moreover  fays,  that  in  travelling  to 
Rome,  where  he  arrived  in  the  time  of 
Anicetus,  he  found  all  the  churches  that 
he  vifited  held  the  faith  which  had  been 
taught  by  Chrilt  and  the  apoftles,  w^hich,  in 
his  opinion,  was   probably  that   of  Chrift 

X  2  being 


3o8  TheCo?2ch[/lGn.  Stcx.  IV. 

being  not  God,  but  man  only.  Juftin 
Martyr  alfo,  and  Clemens  Alexandrinus, 
who  wrote  after  Hegefippus,  treat  largely 
of  herelies  in  general,  without  mentioning, 
or  alluding  to,  the  unitarians.     Maxim  lo. 

8.  All  thofe  who  were  deemed  heretics 
in  early  times,  were  cut  off  from  the  com- 
munion of  thofe  who  called  themfelves  the 
orthodox  chriflians,  and  went  by  fome  par- 
ticular name ;  generally  that  of  their  leader. 
But  the  unitarians  among  the  Gentiles  were 
not  expelled  from  the  affemblies  of  chrif- 
tians,  but  worfhipped  along  with  thofe  who 
were  called  orthodox,  and  had  no  particular 
name  till  the  time  of  Vidor,  who  excom- 
municated Theodotus ;  and  a  long  time 
after  that  Epiphanius  endeavoured  to  give 
them  the  name  of  Alogi,  And  though  the 
Ebionites,  probably  about,  or  before  this 
time,  had  been  excommunicated  by  the 
Gentile  chriflians,  it  was,  as  Jerom  fays, 
only  on  account  of  their  rigid  adherence  to 
the  law  of  Mofes.     Pvlaxim  7. 

9.  The  Apo files  creed  is  that  which  was 
taught  to  all  catechumens   before  baptifm, 

and 


Sect.  IV.  T^he  Conclufion.  309 

and  additions  were  made  to  it  from  time  to 
time,  in  order  to  exclude  thofe  who  were 
denominated  heretics.  Now,  though  there 
are  feveral  articles  in  that  creed  which  al- 
lude to  the  Gnoftics,  and  tacitly  condemn 
them,  there  was  not,  in  the  time  of  Tertul- 
lian,  any  article  in  it  that  alluded  to  the 
unitarians  ;  fo  that  even  then  any  unitarian, 
(at  leaft  one  believing  the  miraculous  con- 
ception) might  have  fubfcribed  it.  It  may, 
therefore,  be  concluded,  that  fimple  unita- 
rianifm  was  not  deemed  heretical  at  the  end 
of  the  fecond  century.     Maxim  9. 

10.  It  is  owned  by  Eufebius  and  others, 
that  the  ancient  unitarians  themfelves,  con- 
ftantly  afferted  that  their  doctrine  was  the 
prevailing  opinion  of  the  chriftian  church  till 
the  time  of  Viclor.  The  trinitarians  denied 
this,  but  the  truth  of  it  may  be  proved  from 
their  own  conceffions,'efpecially  their  abun- 
dant acknov/ledgment  that  the  doctrines  of 
the  pre-exiflence  and  divinity  of  Chrift  were 
not  taught  with  clearnefs  and  eifedt,  till  it 
was  done  by  the  evangelift  John,   which 

X  3  was 


3^0  The  Conclujion,  Sect.  IV. 

was  fuppofed  to  be  after  the   death   of  the 
other  apoftles.     Maxim  2. 

II.  Juftin  Martyr,  who  maintains  the 
pre-exiftence  of  Chriil,  is  fo  far  from  call- 
ing the  contrary  opinion  a  herefy,  that  what 
he  fays  on  the  fubjed:  is. evidently  an  apo- 
logy for  his  own  :  and  when  he  fpeaks  of 
heretics  in  general  Vv/hich  he  does  with  great 
indignation,  as  no  chrijlians,  and  having  no 
communication  with  chrifcians,  he  men- 
tions the  Gnoftics  only.     Maxim  15. 

12.  Irenaeus,  who  was  after  Juftin,  and 
v/ho  wrote  a  large  treatife  on  the  fubjed:  of 
herefy,  fays  very  little  concerning  the  Ebio- 
nites ;  and  the  Ebionites  he  fpeaks  of,  he 
defcribes  as  believing  that  Chrill  was  the 
fon  of  Jofeph,  without  mentioning  thofe, 
if  fuch  there  then  were,  who  believed  the 
miraculous  conception.     Maxim  15. 

13.  Tertullian  reprefents  the  majority 
of  the  common  or  unlearned  chriftians,  the 
Idiotay  as  unitarians.  It  may  therefore  be 
prefumed  ihat,  as  the  unitarian  dod:rine  was 
held  by  the  common  people  in  the  time  of 

Tertullian, 


Sect.  IV.  7he  Conclujlon.  ^u 

Tertullian,  it  had  been  more  general  flill 
before  that  time,  and  probably  univerfal  in 
the  apoftolical  age,  Athanafius  alfo  mentions 
it  as  a  fubjeft  of  complaint  to  the  orthodox 
of  his  age,  that  the  many^  and  efpecially, 
perfons  of  low  underjtandings,  were  inclined 
to  the  unitarian  dodrine.     Maxim  6.  13. 

14.  The  firft  who  held  and  difcuffed  the 
dodrine  of  the  divinity  of  Chrift,  acknow- 
ledged that  their  opinions  were  exceedingly 
unpopular  among  the  unlearned  chriftians  ; 
that  thefe  dreaded  the  dodrine  of  the  tri- 
nity, thinking  that  it  infringed  upon  the 
dodrine  of  the  fupremacy  of  God  the  Fa- 
ther 'y  and  the  learned  chriftians  made  fre- 
quent apologies  to  them,  and  to  others,  for 
their  own  opinion.     Maxim  13. 

15.  The  divinity  of  Chrift  was  iirft  ad- 
vanced and  urged  by  thofe  who  had  been 
heathen  philofophers,  and  efpecially  thofe 
who  were  admirers  of  the  dodrine  of  Plato^ 
who  held  the  opinion  of  a  fecond  God. 
Maxim  14. 

16.  There  is  a  pretty  eafy  gradation  in 
the  progrefs  of  the  dodrine  of  the  divinity 

X  4  -  of 


312  The  Concltifion.  Sect,  IV. 

of  Chriflij  as  he  was  firft  thought  to  be  a 
God  in  feme  qualified  fenfe  of  the  word, 
a  diftinguifl'ied  emanation  from  the  fupreme 
mind ;  and  then  the  logos^  or  the  ijoijdom  of 
God  perfonified  ;  and  this  logos  was  firft 
thought  to  be  only  occafionally  detached 
from  the  Deity,  and  then  drawn  into  his 
effence  again,  before  it  was  imagined  that 
it  had  a  permanent  perfonality^  diftind  from 
that  of  the  fqurce  from  which  it  fprung. 
And  it  was  not  till  the  fourth  century,  that 
this  hgos^  or  Chrift,  was  thought  to  be  pro- 
perly equal  to  the  Father.  Whereas,  on  the 
other  hand,  though  it  is  now  pretended  that 
the  apoftles  taught  the  dodrine  of  the  divi- 
nity of  Chrift,  yet  it  cannot  be  denied  that 
in  the  very  time  of  the  apoftles,  the  Jewifh 
church,  and  many  of  the  Gentiles  alfo,  held 
the  opinion  of  his  being  a  mere  man.  Here 
the  tranfition  is  quite  fudden,  without  any 
gradation  at  all.  This  muft  naturally  have 
given  the  greateft  alarm,  fuch  as  is  now 
given  to  thofe  who  are  called  orthodox,  by 
the  prefent  Socinians ;  and  yet  nothing  of 
this  kind  can  be  perceived.     Befides,  it  is 

certainly 


Sect.  IV.  The  Conclujion.  012 

certainly  mod:  probable  that  the  chriftians 
of  thofe  times,  urged  as  they  were  with 
the  meannefs  of  their  mafter,  fliould  incline 
to  add  to^  rather  than  take  from^  his  natu- 
ral rank  and  dignity      Maxim  12. 

17.  The  dodrine  of  Chrift  having  no  human 
fouly  befidss  the  logos,  is  neceffary  to  the 
Arian  hypothefis.  But  all  the  Fathers  who 
wrote  upon  the  fubjed  before  the  time  of 
Arius  held  that  Chrift  had  a  proper  human 
foul,  and  this  dodtrine  was  never  objed:ed  to 
any  of  them  as  wrong.  It  may,  therefore, 
be  concluded,  that  Arianifm  had  no  exift- 
ence  before  the  age  of  Arius.     Maxim  11. 

18.  The  logos  of  all  chriftian  writers  be- 
fore i!\rius,  was  an  attribute  of  God  the 
Father,  which  the  catholics  fuppofed  to 
have  become  a  proper  per/on.  That  the 
logos  had  even  not  been,  and  that  it  was 
created  out  of  nothing,  is  a  dodtrine  that 
cannot  be  traced  any  higher  than  the  age 
of  Arius.  It,  therefore,  could  not  be  the 
dodrine  that  was  taught  by  the  apoflles. 
Maxim  1 1 .  / 

To 


314  The  ConcliifuGn.  Sect,  IV. 

To  this  fummary  view  of  the  arguments 
in  favour  of  the  chriftian  church  having 
been  originally  unitarian,  I  fhall  fubjoin 
a  fimilar  abridgment  of  the  arguments  for 
and  agalnft  the  jniraculous  concepion. 

The  hiftory  of  the  miraculous  concep- 
tion is  contained  in  our  prefent  copies  of 
of  the  gofpels  of  Matthew  and  Luke.  It 
was  certainly  believed  by  Juftin  Martyr,  and 
no  doubt  by  many  other  chriftians  of  that 
age,  and  we  have  no  account  of  any  time 
in  which  the  introdudlions  which  contain 
that  hiftory  were  added  to  the  gofpels.  And 
that  of  Luke  in  particular  is  fo  much  of  a 
piece  with  the  ftyle  of  the  reft  of  the  hif- 
tory, that  there  can  be  little  doubt  of  its 
having  made  an  original  part  of  it.  We 
have,  therefore,  the  teftimony  of  two  co- 
temporary  hiftorians  in  its  favour. 

On  the  other  hand,  as  all  the  waitings 
of  the  ancient  unitarians  are  loft,  and  efpe- 
cially  that  of  Symmachus,  on  this  very  fub- 
jedl,  there  may  have  been  complaints  of 
interpolations,  of  which  we  have  now  no 
3  account. 


Sect.  IV.         The  Conclujion.  o,- 

account.  And  had  it  been  always  under- 
flood  that  thofe  introductions  were  really 
written  by  Matthew  and  Luke,  efpecially 
that  of  Matthew,  it  is  not  eafy  to  account 
for  the  difbelief  of  the  ftory  by  any  chrif- 
tians,  efpecially  thofe  of  the  Jewifh  race, 
who  had  the  highefl  refped:  for  what  they 
really  thought  to  be  the  genuine  gofpel  of 
Matthew,  Whereas  a  difpoiition  to  add  to 
the  perfonal  dignity  of  Chrift,  which  dif- 
covered  itfelf  very  early,  may  be  fuppofed 
to  have  led  others  to  adopt  the  opinion  of 
the  miraculous  conception  on  infufficient 
grounds. 

No  fatisfadiory  reafon  can  now  be  ima- 
gined, why  Chrift  fhould  not  have  been 
born  of  two  human  parents ;  nor  can  we 
find  any  tradition  of  fuch  a  reafon  in  the 
early  chriftian  writers.  There  might  even 
be  a  fufpicion,  that  he  was  not  properly  a 
mariy  if  he  was  not  produced  as  other  men 
are;  and  confequently  the  peculiar  advan- 
tages of  the  unitarian  dodlrine  will  be  in 
fome  danger  of  being  abandoned. 

The 


3i6  The  ConcIufiG?!.  Sect.  IV. 

The  miraculous  conception  does  not  ap- 
pear to  have  been  aflerted  in  the  time  of  the 
apoftles ;  there  being  no  mention  of  it,  or 
allufion  to  it,  in  the  New  Teftament  (ex- 
cept the  introductions  to  the  gofpels  above 
mentioned)  and   there  being  no  account  of 
any  objection  made  to  it   by  unbelievers  in 
that  age,  as   there  were  afterwards.     And 
if  there  was   no  fufficient  evidence  of  the 
fa6l  in  that  early  period,   it  would  be  too 
late    to    afcertain    it    to   fatisfaction    after- 
wards.     We  are   not  informed  that  either 
Mary,  or  any  other  perfon  who  could  pro- 
perly atteft  the  fad,  was  queftioned  on  the 
fubjeft. 

The  only  gofpel  that  was  received  by  the 
Jewifh  chrifiians  (who,  from  their  litua- 
tion,  muft  have  been  the  beft  judges)  as 
the  authentic  gofpel  of  Matthew,  did  not 
contain  the  two  firft  chapters. 

The    intrcdudions    to    the   gofpels     of 
!^vlatthev/  and  Luke  contain^  each  of  them, 
feveral  improbable  circumftances,  and  are 
hardly  compatible  with  each  other.     The 

genealo- 


Sect.  IV.  The  Concliifon.  017 

genealogies  in  particular,  which  are  both 
faid  to  be  that  of  Jofeph,  are  wholly  dif- 
fereiit.  Matthew's  account  of  Jefus's  re- 
ceivino'  the  vifit  of  the  wife  men  at  Bethle- 
hem,  cannot  eafily  be  reconciled  with  Luke's 
account  of  his  parents  living  at  Nazareth, 
and  only  going  to  Bethlehem  for  the  pur- 
pofe  of  the  cenfus.  The  account  of  this 
cenfus  is  full  of  improbabilities,  efpecially 
as  it  fuppofes  an  obligation  on  Mary,  a 
woman  big  with  child,  to  attend  there  at 
that  time. 

Had  the  hiflory  contained  in  thefe  two 
introdudions  been  true,  Jefus  muft  have 
been  publicly  announced  to  be  the  Meiliah 
from  the  time  of  his  birth ;  whereas,  both 
his  education,  and  the  manner  in  which  he 
conducted  himfelf  after  the  commencement 
of  his  public  miniftry,  fhew,  that  no  perfon 
had  fuch  an  idea  of  him,  and  he  did  not, 
for  a  confiderable  time,  claim  that  charac- 
ter, except  to  a  few. 

Had  the  hiftory  of  the  miraculous  con- 
ception been  well  founded,  it  is  hardly 
poffible   to  account  for  the  cmiffion  of  it 

by 


318  The  Conchfjion.  Sect.  IV, 

by  John,  but  more  efpecialiy  by  Mark, 
v/hether  he  was  an  epitomizer  of  Matthew, 
as  fome  have  fuppofed,  or  not  ;  becaufe  the 
fad:  being  quite  fingular,  and  of  an  extra- 
ordinary nature,  he  could  not  have  thought 
it  unworthy  of  being  recorded  in  a  profefTed 
hiftory  of  Chrift. 

All  the  Jewifh  chriftians  are  by  Irenseus 
called  EbioniteSy  and  he  always  defcribes 
them  as  believing  Jefus  to  have  been  the 
fon  of  Jofeph ;  and  only  Origen,  and  Eu- 
febius,  who  probably  copied  him,  fpeak  of 
any  of  them  as  believing  the  miraculous 
conception,  and  this  is  only  in  one  paffage 
of  Eufebius.  In  another  paflage  he  fpeaks 
of  the  Ebionites  in  general  (and  he  has  no 
other  name  for  any  Jewifh  chriftians)  as 
dilbeliving  it. 

It  is  probable  alfo,  that  many  Gentile 
chriftians  difoelieved  the  miraculous  con- 
ception. Juftin  Martyr  fpeaks  of  no  uni- 
tarians but  fuch  as  were  of  this  opinion. 
Some  of  them  certainly  were  fo  in  the  time 
of  Origen ;  and  from  the  circumftance  of 
the  followers  of  Paulus  Samofatenfis  faying 

that 


Sect.  IV.         The  Conclufion.  ^lo 

that  Jefus  was  born  at  Nazareth,  it  is  pro- 
bable the  ancient  Gentile  unitarians  in  ge- 
neral gave  no  credit  to  the  account  of  his 
being  born  at  Bethlehem,  and  confequently 
not  to  the  miraculous  conception.  In  that 
early  age,  therefore,  the  unitarians  had 
feen  no  reafon  which  induced  them  to 
believe  it,  and  no  new  authority  has  been 
difcovered  fince  that  time. 

The  early  Gnoftics  did  not  believe  the 
miraculous  conception,  though  their  fyftem 
would  have  inclined  them  to  admit  it;  and 
Marcion  exprefsly  maintained,  that  the  ori- 
ginal copy  of  Luke's  gofpel  did  not  con- 
tain that  hiftory. 

If  Jefus  be  not  the  fon  of  Jofeph,  there  is 
no  evidence  of  his  being  defcended  from 
David,  which  the  Jews  confider  as  a  necef- 
fary  charafteriftic  of  the  Meffiah,  and  there 
is  no  prophecy  that  announces  his  miracu- 
lous birth. 


SEC- 


320  7he  Co?2chifion,  Sect.  V. 


SECTION      V. 

Some  of  the  Ujes  that  may  he  derived  from 
the  Confidei^ation  of  the  Sub j eel  of  this 
Work. 

I.  "fT^ROM  the  variety  of  opinions  that 
-^  v/e  have  httxv  reviewing,  wt  may  fee 
the  great  ufe  of  what  is  generally  called 
Metaphyfics^  or  the  importance  of  gaining 
clear  ideas  concerning  fubjedls  of  the  moft 
general  and  comprehenfive  nature..  A  little 
good  fenfe  and  difcernment  of  this  kind 
w^ould  have  intirely  prevented  the  rife  of 
the  docSrine  of  the  trinity.  It  v/ould  have 
been  feen  at  once,  that  it  was  abfurd  to 
fuppofe,  that  a  mere  attribute  of  any  being 
could  be  converted  into  a  fubfance ;  and 
therefore  that  Chrift,  or  the  Son,  could 
never  have  been  the  original  and  proper 
wifdoniy  ov  power  oi  the  Father;  at  firil",  a 
mere  property ,  as  reafon  is  in  man,  and  after- 
wards a  perfoUy  truly  diftincl  from  him,  and 
capable  of  having  fentiments,  and  a  fphere 
I  ^  of 


Sect.V.  ^he  Cbnciiijion,  ^21 

of  adion  of  his  own,  fo  as  to  become  incar- 
nate, while  the  Father  reniained  in  heaven. 
Still  more  evident,  if  poffible,  is  it,  that 
found  metaphyfics  would  have  revolted  at  the 
fuppofition  of  tht^ee  divine  ferfons  making 
no  more  than  one  god.  This  mufl:  have 
been  immediately  perceived  to  be  an  exprefs 
contradiction,  fuch  as  no  miracles  could 
prove. 

2.  The  fubjed  of  this  work  may  likewife 
ferve  to  fhew  us  the  ufe  of  true  Philojhphy^ 
Had  not  this  fcience  been  in  its  very  in- 
fancy at  the  time  of  the  promulgation  of 
chriftianity,  the  dodtrine  oi prolations  would 
have  been  entirely  exploded.  For  we  fee 
nothing  in  nature  that  could  authorize  us  to 
fuppofe,  that  a  part,  protruded  from  an  in- 
telligent being  (whether  feparated  from  it 
or  not)  could  of  itfelf  become  a  diftind:  in- 
telligent being  of  the  fame  kind.  A  branch 
or  flip  from  a  tree  is  by  no  means  a  cafe  of 
fimple  prolation^  much  lefs  would  it  ever 
have  occured  to  any  perfon,  that  the  beings 
thus  prolated  and  derived  from  another, 
could  be  drawn  back  into  that  being  from 

Vol.  IV.  Y  which 


32  2  T^he  Conchifion,  Sect.  V. 

VY^hich  they  fprung,  which  was  a  dodlrine 
in  the  oriental  philofophy.  Befides,  if 
natural  prolations  be  the  foundation  of  ana- 
logical reafoning,  with  refpedt  to  the  Su- 
preme Being,  we  mufl  admit  both  a  power 
of  infinite  multiplication,  and  alfo  that  there 
may  be  numberlefs  derived  intelligences  in 
all  refpe6ls  fully  equal  to  the  original 
flock,  which  was  never  admitted,  even  by 
the  Gaoftics.  The  doftrine  of  prolation 
can  only  be  exemplified  by  the  derivation  of 
a  river  from  a  fpring,  or  a  canal  from  a 
river;  but  this  is  very  remote  indeed  from 
the  cafe  of  any  thing  that  is  endued  with 
life,  and  ftill  more  remote  from  that  of 
beings  which  have  intelligence. 

Had  the  nature  of  lighty  and  its  relation 
to  the  fiiny  been  known  to  Philo,  and  the 
chriftian  Fathers,  they  could  never  have 
availed  themfelves  of  it,  to  favour  their 
doctrine  of  the  occafional  perfonification  of 
the  divine  logos,  which  led  to  that  of  its 
permanent  perfonification,  as  this  led  to  the 
dodlrine  of  the  perfed:  equality  of  the  Son  to 
the  Father. 

Light 


Sect.  V.  The  Conclujion.  022 

Light  v/as,  in  that  age,  imagined  to  be 
an  e§.iiXy  protruded  from  the  fun  in  the  day 
time,  always  CQnned:ed  with  it,  and  drawn 
back  into  it  again  at  night;  and  fuch  was 
the  logos  fuppofed  to  be  with  refped:  to 
God,  by  Philo  and  the  philofophical  uni- 
tarians. Had  they  underftood  the  true 
nature  of  light y  they  would  hardly  have  en- 
tertained fuch  an  abfurd  idea  of  the  logos, 
and  of  its  relation  to  the  fupreme  mind. 
We  fhould,  therefore,  never  have  heard  of 
their  notion  concerning  the  protrufion  of 
the  logos  from  God.  Confequently  Chriil 
could  never  have  been  thought  to  be  this 
logos,  but  would  always  have  been  fuppof- 
ed to  have  been  a  mere  prophet,  like  Mofes, 
and  others,  who  had  gone  before  him.  As 
to  the  Arian  created  logosy  I  have  fhewed  that 
the  idea  of  it  was  fubfequent  to  that  of  the 
trinitarian  uncreated  logoSy  and  was  what 
would  never  have  been  thought  of,  if  this 
other  had  not  preceded  it. 

To  their  new  logos y  however,  the  Arian s 
attributed  all  the  functions  of  the  old  one^ 
even  that  of  being  the  creator  of  the  world ; 

Y  2  and 


324  The  Conchfion,  Sect.  V. 

and,  extraordinary  as  this  may  feem,  yet 
the  idea  of  a  Jubordi?jate  creator  being  once 
eftabliihed,  and  having  been  received  both 
by  the  Gnoftics  and  the  catholics,  the 
greateft  difficulty  was  already  furmounted. 
For  to  fuppofe  that  to  be  done  by  a  created 
being,  which  had  before  been  fuppofed  to 
be  done  by  a  being  inferior  to  the  deity, 
though  uncreatedy  was  no  great  ftep,  efpe-  , 
cially  confidering  how  little  it  is  that  we 
can  pretend  to  know  of  the  nature  of  crea- 
tion. But  whatever  it  be,  it  is  always  re- 
prefented  in  the  fcriptures  as  the  fole  pre- 
rogative of  the  fupreme  Being. 

How  difgraceful  is  it  to  the  prefent  age, 
in  which  philofophical  and  metaphyfical 
knowledge  are  fo  much  improved,  that  we 
cannot  forbear  to  fmile  at  the  fyftems  of 
ancient  times,  and  are  apt  to  treat  them 
with  perhaps  too  much  contempt,  that  we 
yet  retain  thofe  dodlrines  in  theology  which 
owe  their  rife  to  them.  The  perufal  of 
this  work,  in  which  are  exhibited  the  ab- 
furd  notions  and  reafonings  of  thofe  who 
have  obtained  the  name  of  Fathers^  and 
J  efpecially 


Sect.  V.  "The  Conclujon,  ^zk 

efpecially  their  truly  ridiculous  interpreta- 
tions of  fcripture,  cannot  but  tend  to  abate 
our  reverence  for  the  doctrines  for  which 
they  contended,  and  which,  indeed,  they 
introduced. 

3.  I   flatter  myfelf,   however,    that  this 
work,  together  with   thofe  which   I  have 
already  publifhed  on  thefe  fubjects,  may  be 
the  means  of  exciting  a  more  general  atten- 
tion   to   thefe    early   chriftian    writers,    by 
giving  a  juft  idea  of  the  proper  yfe  of  them. 
This  is   that  of  fupplying  authorities  for 
ancient  fads  relating  to  chriftianity,   fuch 
as  the  exiftence  of  particular  opinions   at 
particular  times,  and  the  adlual  progrefs  of 
them  ;  which   may  enable  us   to   afcertaia 
their  caufes  and  confequences.     With  re- 
fpefl;  to  the  writers  themfelves,   they  ought 
to  be  judged  of  by  their  fituation  and  ad- 
vantages.    Notwithftanding  the  contempt 
into  which  they  are  fallen,  yet  as  men^  and  as 
writers,  they  were,  no  doubt,  equal  to  men 
and  writers  of  any  other  age  ^  and  as  phi'^ 
lofophers  and  metaphyjicians^  it  will   be  feen 
that  they  Vvxre  equal,  and  indeed,   fuperior 

Y3  to 


326  l^he  Conclujon,  Sect.  V. 

to  the  very  ableft  of  the  Platonifts.  Their 
ideas  were  Icfs  confufed,  and  their  reafon- 
ing  from  their  premifes  quite  as  clear  and 
conclufive.  They  are  generally  charged 
with  mconfijiency ;  but  this  accufation  has 
been  much  aggravated.  Taking  any  of 
them  fingly,  I  will  venture  to  fay,  that  they 
were  not  more  inconfiftent  with  themfelves 
than  writers  of  any  other  age,  who  lived  as 
long,  and  who  wrote  as  much  as  they  did ; 
and  the  variety  of  character  and  manner  in 
the  different  writers  is  exaftly  fimllar  to 
that  of  any  other  fet  of  writers.  Had  Mr, 
Locke,  Sir  Ifaac  Newton,  or  Dr.  Clarke, 
lived  in  thofe  times,  and  had  enjoyed  all 
the  advantages  of  liberal  education  which 
the  age  afforded,  they  would  not,  I  am 
perfuaded,  have  made  a  greater  figure  than 
Origen,  Jerom,  or  Auftin ;  and  I  would  be 
far  from  anfwering  for  it,  that  their  good 
fenfe  would  have  made  them  fuch  men  as 
Paulus  Samofatenfis,  Marcellus  of  Ancyra, 
or  Photinus. 

The  chriflian  Fathers  have  been  likewife 
highly  cenfured  for  their  loofe  manner  of 

interpreting 


Sect.   V,  The  Conclujion.  027 

interpreting  the  fcriptures,  and  Origen  has 
been  particularly  blamed  in  this  refpedt. 
But  in  this  they  had  a  precedent  in  Philo, 
whofe  allegorical  interpretations  of  the  Old 
Teftament  are  even  more  wild  and  abfurd 
than  theirs.  And  it  is  very  unjuft  to  blame 
Origen  more  than  others  of  the  Fathers  in 
this  refped.  Auftin,  Jerom,  and  even  Eu- 
febius,  interpret  the  fcriptures  in  the  fame 
allegorical  and  fanciful  way. 

But  whatever  be    the  charadler,  or  real 
value,  of  the  chriftian  writers  in  the  three 
or  four  firft  centuries,  in  them  only  can 
we  find  monuments  of  the  ftate  of  things 
in  their  age  5  and  therefore  they  who  really 
wifh  to  know  how  chriftians  thought,  felt, 
and  acted,  in  the  age  immediately  fubfe- 
quent  to  that  of  the  apoftles,  muft  ftudy 
them.     Befides,  with  refped  to  feveral  im- 
portant articles,   they  are  the  only  guides 
we  have  to  a  knowledge  of  the  true  ftate  of 
things  in  the  time  of  the  apoftles ;  the  book 
of  Ad:s  being  a  very  concife  and  imperfedl 
hiftory,  though  fufRcient  for  the  purpofe 

Y4  .for 


328  The  Conclufion.  Sect.  V. 

for  which  it  was  written  i  and  its  real  va^ 
lue  is  hardly  lefs  than  that  of  the  gofpels. 

4.  Laftly,  after  perufing  fuch  a  work; 
as  this,  we  may  have  peculiar  fatisfac- 
tion  in  reflecting  that,  notwithftanding  every 
corruption  of  chriftianity,  even  that  which 
afFedts  the  dodrine  of  the  unity  of  God  (an 
article  of  the  firfi:  magnitude  in  fpeculation, 
which  has  even  ferious  pradical  confe- 
quences,  and  which  muft  prevent  the  cor- 
dial reception  of  it  by  the  greateft  part  of 
the  world,  and  which  therefore  calls  aloud 
for  all  th€  ^eal  of  its  friends  to  expofe  and  re- 
move it)  it  has,  in  every  flate,  been  infinitely 
fuperior  to  the  religion  which  prevailed  in 
the  world  before  its  promulgation.  More- 
over it  has  always,  in  a  great  meafure,  anfwer- 
ed  its  profelTed  object,  which  was  to  reform 
the  v^orld,  by  inculcating  with  proper  autho- 
rity, evidence,  and  effed,  the  great  dodrin^ 
of  rewards  and  punifliments  after  death. 

This  article  of  chriftian  faith  was  held 
even  by  the  Gnoflics,  and  in  every  ftage 
of  popifh  darknefs  and  deluiion.  Falfe  no- 
tions 


Sect.V.  The  Conclujion.  ^29 

tions  of  virtue  have  been  taught  ^  but  the 
common  fenfe,  the  daily  obfervation  and 
experience  oi  mankind,  as  well  as  an 
attention  to  the  genuine  principles  of  the 
gofpel,  have  always  been  able  to  keep  thofe 
deviations  within  fome  bounds  ;  and  what- 
ever it  be  that  any  perfons,  calling  them- 
felves  chriflians,  have  deemed  wrong  con^ 
du5ly  they  have  firmly  believed  to  draw 
after  it  an  adequate  punifliment  ^  as  what- 
ever they  have  thought  to  be  right  condudfy 
they  have  had  no  doubt  would  be  entitled 
to  an  abundant  reward  in  the  life  fucceed- 
ing  the  prefent. 

It  is  greatly  to  be  wiflied  that  all  chrif- 
tians  would  attend  more  to  this  great  bond 
of  union  among  them  (an  article  of  agree- 
ment of  fuch  magnitude  as  almoft  to  anni- 
hilate all  their  differences)  this  common  faith 
which  is  equally  held  by  them  all,  by  the 
Jews  who  were  before  them,  and  hy  Ma- 
hometans who  have  learned  it  of  them. 
This  confideration  would  help  to  extin^ 
guifh  mutual  animofities,  and  give  us  a 
^ool  and  difpaffionate  temper  of  mind,  which 

is. 


33^  ^he  ConduJiQ}}.  Sect.V. 

is  neceflary  to  that  calm  difcuffion  of  our 
differences,  from  which  alone  we  can  ex- 
ped:  a  defirable  termination  of  controverfy, 
in  the  difcovery  and  univerfal  reception  of 
all  truth. 

This  general  agreement  among  chrif- 
tians,  in  the  great  principles  of  their  faith, 
efpecially  thofe  of  the  unity  of  Gody  and 
the  humanity  of  Chrijl,  will  make  their  re- 
ligion appear  infinitely  more  refpedlable 
(becaufe  more  rational)  to  the  whole  world, 
and  cannot  fail  to  put  an  end  to  all  in- 
fidelity, and  bring  on  thofe  glorious  times, 
when,  according  to  the  fure  word  of  pro^ 
pBecy^  the  whole  earth  will  he  full  of  the 
knowledge  of  the  Lord,  and  the  kingdoms  of 
the  world  will  become  the  kingdoms  of  our 
Lord,  and  of  his  Chrijl. 

I  fhall  not  live  to  fee  this  event,  but  I 
clearly  fee  the  operation  of  thofe  caifes, 
which  will  certainly  bring  it  to  pafs ;  and 
this  faith  is  able  to  give  the  greateft  con- 
folation  through  life,  and  in  death.  The 
fainteft  hope  that  my  writings,  notwith- 
{landing    the    miftakes  I   may  have   fallen 

into, 


Sect.  V.  T^he  Conclujion^  3^1 

into,  and  which  I  fhall  always  be  ready 
to  correcft,  may  have  been  the  fmallefl; 
means,  in  the  hands  of  providence,  of  ac- 
complifhing  fo  great  an  end,  does  much 
more  than  enable  me  to  bear,  it  makes  me 
rejoice  in,  all  the  hatred  and  oppofition  that 
I  draw  upon  myfelf  by  them. 


SEC 


332  7he  Conclujion.  Sect.  VI. 


SECTION       VI. 

Of  the  prefent  State  of  Things  with  refpe5i 
to  the  Trinitarian  and  Arian  Controverfes. 

/^F  late  years  the  attention  of  learned 
^^  chriftians  has  been  much  drawn  to  the 
do6trine  of  the  trinity^  and  it  is  highly  de- 
firable  that  this  jfhould  be  continued  till 
the  controverfy  come  to  fome  regular 
iffue.  There  was  a  remarkable  aera  of 
this  kind  occafioned  by  the  publication  of 
Dr.  Clarke's  Scripture  Dodlrine  of  the  TVV- 
ntty  'y  in  lefs  than  twenty  years  after  which 
a  great  majority  of  learned  chriftians  in  this 
country  were,  I  believe,  pretty  well  fatisfied 
concerning  the  fupremacy  of  one  God  the 
Father,  and  that  Chrift  is  only  a  creature. 

If  learned  men  wull  give  equal  attention 
to  the  fubjedl  of  this  work  (I  do  not  fay  to 
the   work   itfelf,    for  I  hope  to  fee  other 
treatifes  which  fhall  have  the  fame  objeft) 
we  may  expert  that  in  an  equally  fhort  fpace 

of 


Sect.  VI.  ^1^^  Condujion.  ^33 

of  time  the  controverfy  between  the  Arians 
and  unitarians  will  be  decided.  For  every 
fa6l  of  any  confequence  to  forming  our 
judgment  may  in  that  time  be  produced, 
and  when  that  is  done,  there  will  be  little 
more  halting  between  the  t^wo  opinions,  I 
fpeak  of  thofe  who  are  of  a  proper  age  for 
inquiries  of  this  kind,  and  fuch  as  the 
rifing  generation  will  follow  5  while  thofe 
who  are  paft  the  age  of  inquiry  will  go  off 
the  ftage,  and  carry  their  prejudices  with 
them. 

It  certainly  moft  imports  thofe  who  en- 
joy fuperior  ftations  in  eftabliilied  churches 
to  defend  the  fyftem  from  which  they  de- 
rive their  wealth  and  honours.  The  com- 
munities, which  give  them  their  rank  in 
their  refpeftive  countries,  will  look  up  to 
them  for  it.  And  the  fame  unfavourable 
conclufion  will  be  drawn,  whether  they 
leave  the  work  to  inferior  hands,  unequal 
to  the  difcuffion,  or  themfelves  come  forth, 
and  be  foiled  in  the  conteft. 

Such  is  the  attention  that  is  already  given 
to  this  fubjeft,  and  fuch  the  general  expeda- 

tion 


334  ^^^  Conclufion.  Sect.  VI. 

tion  from  the  Arians  in  particular,  that 
their  filence  will  be  confidered  in  the  fame 
light  as  a  giving  up  of  the  caufe.  And  the 
confequence  of  a  continued  filence  on  the 
part  of  both  Arians  and  trinitarians  muft 
be  that,  excepting  thofe  who  are  called 
methodifts  (in  whofe  adherence  to  the  efta- 
blifhed  fyftem  there  is  generally  more  zeal, 
without  learning  or  knowledge)  none  will 
be  left,  or  hereafter  rife  up,  to  enjoy  the 
firft  ftations  in  the  church,  but  fuch  as 
will  be  fufRciently  known  to  be  unitarians. 
And  can  it  be  expedled  that  the  fyftem 
can    ftand  long  with   fuch    heterogeneous 

fupports  ? 

Human  eftablifhments  may  for  a  period 

bear  down  reafon,  and  they  have,  no  doubt, 
a  great  advantage  in  the  conteft.  But  not- 
withftanding  this,  the  progrefs  of  truth y  is 
as  certain  as  that  of  time,  and  whatever  fyf- 
tem has  not  the  fupport  of  truth  muft  fall. 
During  the  gradual  progrefs  of  truth,  her 
enemies  muft  be  filled  with  fecret  confu- 
fion,  and  her  friends,  with  the  fulleft  con- 
fidence and  moft  joyful  expedation.      la 

this 


4 


j|r  Sect.  VI.  The  Concliifion.  ^-jr 

this  age,  all  attempts  to  ftifle  inquiry  by 
Jilencey  will  be  as  unavailing  as  former  at- 
tempts to  overbear  it  by  force.  The  time 
is  come  when  truth  will  be  heard,  and  it 
will  be  impoflible  either  to  over-awe,  or  to 
fupprefs  it. 

The  common  people  are  now  much  in- 
terefted  in   theological  difcuilions,  the  ap- 
peal being  made  to  ihtfcriptures,  and  to  rea^ 
foriy  of  which  they  are  judges,  as  well  as  to 
antiquity y  with  refpedl  to  which  they  are  lefs 
qualified  to  determine^   though  even  as  to 
this,  by  a  careful  attention,  and  a  comparifon 
of  the  allegations  on  both  fides,  they  may  be 
enabled  to  come  to  a  fatisfadtory  conclufion. 
And  when  the  minds  of  a  fufficient  num- 
ber of  the  more   intelligent  of  the  laity  are 
enlightened,  they  will  be  followed  by  the 
lefs  intelligent ;  and  then  the  concurrence 
of  the  fl:ate,  and  of  the  clergy,  to  a  reforma- 
tion of  the  public  forms  of  worfliip  in  fa- 
vour of  unitarian  principles,  will  come  of 
courfe.     They   who  make  and  adminifter 
laws,  are  ncceflarily  direflred  in  their  pro- 

3  ceedings 


336  The  Conclujion.         Sect.  VI. 

ceedlngs  by  the  fpirit  and  inclination  of 
the  people,  whofe  fervants  they  really  are, 
and  whofe  will  they  muft  confult.  How 
glorious  then  is  the  profpedt  which  the 
daily  Ipread  of  unitarianifm  is  opening  to 
us  ! 

I  had  intended  to  have  enlarged  on  this 
topic  in  this  place  ^  but  having  done  it  in 
my  late  Sermon  for  the  5th  of  November, 
and  the  Reflexions  fubjoined  to  it,  I  take 
the  liberty  to  refer  my  readers  to  that  pub- 
lication. 


M0NI2    GEn    AO^A. 


Articles 


[    ZZ7    3 


Articles  omitted  to  be  inferted  in  their  proper 
Places. 


Vol.  I.  p.  19.  after  the  lafl  paragraph  add, 

'T^HE  manner  in  which  the  apoftles,  and 
thofe  of  the  difciples  of  Chrift  who  re- 
fpefted  him  the  moft,  lived  and  converfed 
with  him,  fhews  clearly  enough,  that  they 
confidered  him  in  no  higher  light  than  that 
of  a  prophet,  or  fuch  a  Meffiah  as  the  Jews  in. 
general  expedled;  one  who  was  deftined  to  be 
a  temporal  prince.  But  what  a  fmall  matter 
muft  this  have  appeared  to  them,  if  they 
had  thought  him  to  be  the  being  who 
made  the  world,  to  fay  nothing  of  his 
proper  divinity.  Had  they  feen  him  with 
the  eyes  of  an  Arian,  they  muft  have  con- 
fidered his  appearing  in  the  chara(3:er  ^^f 
the  MeJJiahy  as  a  ftate  of  great  humiliation, 
inftead  of  a  ftate  of  exaltation  and  glory ; 
which,  however  always  appears  to  have 
been  their  idea  of  him  in  that  charadter. 
Vol.  IV.  Z  Befides, 


33^  Articles  omiiied. 

Befides,  the  freedoms  which  they  took  with 
him,   as  thofe  of  Peter  reproving  him   for 
talking  of  his   fufferings,  and  for  fpeaking 
ofaperfon  touching  him  in  a  crowd,  and 
other  little  circumilances,  ihews  that  they 
had  not  that  awe  of  him  upon  their  minds, 
which  they  could  never  have  diverted  them- 
felves    of,   if   they   had   confidered   him  as 
being  their  maker.    A  perfon  who  can  think 
otherwife,    muil  never  have  attempted    to 
realize  the  idea,   or  have  put  himfelf  in  the 
place  of  the  apoftles,  fo  as  to  have  imagined 
himfelf  introduced  into  the  adual  prefence 
of  his  maker,  in  the  form  of  man,  or  any 
other  form  whatever.       He  would  be  over- 
whelmed with  the  very  thought  of  it.      Or 
if  any  particular  perfon  fhould  have  had 
the  courage,  and   unparalleled   felf-poffef- 
ficn,   to  bear  fuch  a  thing,  muft  there  not 
have  been  numbers  who  would  have  been 
fiUed  with  confternation  at   the  very  idea, 
or  the  mere  fufpicio?:,   of  the  perfon   they 
were  fpeaking  to  being  really  God  ?     And 
yet  we  perceive  no  trace  of  any  fuch  con- 
fternation and  alarm  in   the  gofpel  hiflory, 
I  no 


Articles  ojnitted^  >iqg 

no  mark  of  aflionifliment  in  the  difciples  of 
our  Lord  in  confeqaence  of  their  belief  of  it, 
and  no  marks  of  indignation  or  exclama- 
tion of  blafphemy,  occ.  againft  thofe  who 
diibelievcd  it. 

Vol.  I.  p.  66,  after  the  Pirft  paragraph  add^     , 
I  T    is    acknowledged    that     thefe    two 
paflages,     viz.     from    the    epiftles    to    the 
Ephefians,   and    Coloffians,    correfpond    to 
each   other,   and    that   they   are  to   be  in- 
terpreted on  the  fame  principles.     Now  if 
the  phrafeology  in  the  epiftle  to  the  Ephe- 
fians be  attended  to,  it  will  be  clearly  feen, 
that  the  v/riter  explains  his  own  meaning 
with  refpedt  to  what   he  calls  creation.     In 
the  fecond  chapter,  he  reprefents  the  Gen- 
tiles as  being  in  a  ftate  of  death,  and  quick- 
enedy    or    brought   to   life,   by    the   gofpel. 
Confcquently    they    might   be    faid   to    be 
created  again y  as  he  fays,  ch.  ii.  lo.    We  are 
his  'wt)rkmanJJnp  created  in  Chriji  ye/us  unto 
good  works.     Does  not  this  fufficiently  ex- 
plain w^hat  he  meant,  ch.  iii^p.  by  creating-  ,^ 
all  things  by  Jefus  ChriJI  ?     With  the  fame 

Z  2  idea 


340  Articles  omitted. 

idea  he  calls  the  heathen  ftate  of  the  Ephe- 
fians  the  old  man^  and  their  chriflian  ftate, 
the  72ew  man^  ch.  iv.  22.  l^hat  ye  put  of  con- 
cerning the  former  converfation  the  old  man, 
which  is  corrupty  according  to  the  deceitful 
lap  :  and  be  renewed  in  the  fpirit  of  your 
mind;  and  that  ye  put  on  the  new  many 
which y  after  Gody  is  created  in  righteoufnefs 
and  true  holinefs. 

In  the  idea  of  the  apoftle,  the  preaching 
of  chriftianity  made  a  new  and  diftinguifhed 
asra  in  the  hiftory  of  the  world,  from  which 
things  might  be  faid  to  have  a  new  origin, 
and  this  he  terms  creation,  as  he  fays,  2  Cor. 
V.  17.  If  any  man  be  in  Chrijiy  he  is  a  7iew 
creature  :  Old  things  are  pajfed  away,  be^ 
hold  all  things  are  become  new.  And  this  lan- 
guage is  countenanced  by,  and  was  perhaps 
adopted  from,  Ifaiah ;  who,  looking  into 
future  times,  fays,  ch.  Ixv.  17.  Behold  I 
create  new  heavens ^  and  a  new  earthy  and  the 
former  JJjall  not  be  remembered  nor  come  into 
mind.  But  be  ye  glady  and  rejoice  for  ever 
in  that  which  I  create.  For  behold  I  create 
ferufalcfn  a  rejoicing^  and  her  people  a  joy. 

By 


Articles  omitted.  -^j^i 

By  this  language  the  prophet  only  meant  to 
defcribe  a  glorious  revolution  in  favour  of 
the  Jews. 

Vol.  IIL  p.  30.  after  the  lafi:  paragraph  add, 

THE  Rabbi  Nachmanides,  in  his  pub- 
lic difputation  before  the  king  of  Arragon, 
in  1263,  lays  the  greateft  flrefs  imaginable 
on  the  dodrine  of  the  Meffiah  being  a  mere 
man  ;  and  his  addrefs  to  the  young  king  on 
the  fubjed:  is  pertinent  and  afFed:ing. 
**  The  greateft  fubjedl  of  controverfy  be- 
*'  tween  us  and  the  chriftians/*  fays  he, 
*^  lies  in  this,  that  you  make  the  Meffiah 
**  to  be  a  God,  which  is  not  to  be  borne,'^ 
(literally,  it  is  a  very  hitter  thing — "T\^D  iq) 
*'  You,  my  king,  are  a  young  man,  born  of 
*'  chriftian  parents,  and  have  all  your  life 
**  heard  monks  and  preachers  difcourfing 
**  about  the  nativity  of  Jefus,  and  they  have 
'*  filled  your  bones  with  this  doctrine  as 
*'  with  marrow  ;  and  from  ufe  it  is  grateful 
*^  to  you.  But  what  you  believe  on  this 
^'  fybjeit  is  contrary  to  found  reafon.  It  is 
Z  3  *'  not 


342  Articles  omitted, 

*'  not  agreeable  to  common  fenfe,  to  the 
^'^  nature  of  things,  or  to  the  writings  of 
"  the  prophets.     The  enormous  prodigy  is 

**  utterly  inexplicable. For    could    the 

^'  creator  of  heaven  and  earth,  and  of  all 
*'  things  that  are  in  them,  go  into  the 
**  womb  of  a  Jewiili  woman,  be  there 
*'  nourifhed  nine  months,  be  afterwards 
^'  born  a  boy,  then  grow  to  a  man,  be  de- 
*'  livered  into  the  hands  of  his  enemies, 
**  who  fhould  pafs  fentence  of  death  upon 
**  him,  and  execute  it,  then  come  to  life 
**  again,  &c.  Thefe  are  things  that  neither 
^*  the  reafon  of  a  Jew,  nor  that  of  any  other 
**  man,  can  bear.  It  is  in  vain,  there- 
*^  fore,  and  to  no  purpofe,  to  difpute  about 
**  other  things  -,  it  is  on  this  that  the  hinge 
*'  of  our  controverfy  turns  */' 

*  Caeterum,  principalis  caufa  quae  inter  Juda&os  ac 
prasputiatos  dubia  ac  controverfa  eft,  in  eo  latet,  quod  vos 
MeiTiam  inter  divinitatis  fepta  admittitis,  qus  res  eft  durif- 
fima.  Tu  vero,  mi  rex  domineque,  juvenis  es,  patre 
chriftiano,  et  matre  chriftiana  progenitus,  totaque  vita  tua 
audivifti  monachos,  homunciones  et  concionatores  de  nati- 
yiiatejefu  verba  facientes,  ii|iac  quafi  medulla  repleverunf 

♦ 


Articles  omitted.  ^43 

Vol.  4.  p.  10.  after  the  firft  paragraph  ia- 
fert  this  Note, 

AS  I  am  confident  it  will  will  give  plea- 
fure  to  many  of  my  readers,  I  fhall  give 
them  a  fpecimen  of  true  candour  in  a  mo- 
dern trinitarian,  the  late  excellent  Dr. 
Watts.  It  is  copied  from  his  Ufeful  ajid 
important  ^.ejiions  concerniiig  Jefus  thefon  of 
Gody  p.  II.  &c.    *'  This  title.  Son  of  God j,  is 

OiTa  tua,  et  ex  hac  confuetudine  faavis  eit  ingenio  tuo- 
^tA  vero  res  quam  creditis,  fanas  ration!  adverfatur,  nee 
enim  vel  intelleclus,  vel  rerum  natura  tale  quid  conce- 
dunt,  neque  prophetae  hoc  enunciarunt,  Amplius,  nee 
explicari  poteft  prodigii  enormitas,  prout  demonftrabo  ra- 
tionibus  evidentib'js  fuo  loco  et  tempore.  Nunquid  enim 
creator  cceli  et  terrae,  rerumque  quae  his  continentur  om- 
nium, reciperit  {q(q.  in  uterum  Judaicae  mulieris,  ibiqueale- 
retur,  per  menfes  novem,  et  puer  poftea  nafceretur,.  educa- 
retur  deinde,  traderetur  in  manusinimicorumfuorum,  qui 
capitalem  fententiam  adverfus  ilium  pronunciarent,  et  neci 
traderent,  dicatur  autem  poftea  revixifle,  et  reverfus  efle  in 
locum  fuum,  quaeque  alia  funt  ejus  generis?  Ifla  nee  Ju- 
daei  hominis  nee  cujufquam  mortalium  fana  ratio  fuiFert, 
in  vanum  igitur,  et  in  nihilum,  de  aliis  verba  facitis,  nam 
In  hjs  vertitur  cardo  nofrras  controverfia?.     P.  40. 

Z  4  **  given 


344  Articles  omitted, 

*'  given  to  Chrift,  fometimes  upon  the  ac- 
**  count  of  his  incarnation  and  miraculous 
"  birth  ;  but  this  cannot  be  the  chief  mean- 
*'  ning  of  the  name  Son  of  God^  in  the  texts 
^'  before  cited.     For   furely  the  belief  that 
*'  the  man  Chrift  Jefus   was    begotten  of 
**  God,  and  born  of  a  virgin,  virithout  an 
**  earthly  father,  was  not  made  the  term  of 
**  falvation  any  where  that  we  can  find  in 
*'  in  the  New  Teftament.     It  is  not  this 
"  fort  oifonjhip  that  Chrift  and  the  apoftles 
**  lay  fo  great  a  ftrefs  on,  nor  make  the  mat- 
"  ter  of  their  fermons,  and  the   labour  of 
"  their  arguments,  to  convince  the  world 
"  of  it,  in  order  to  their  falvation.     This 
**  circumftance  of  his  extraordinary  birth 
*?  doth  not  feem   to  have  any   fuch  fpecial 
**  connexion  with  the  redemption  and   fal- 
*^  vation  of  men,  as  to  have  it  made  the  pe- 
*>  culiar  matter  of  their  faith,  and  the  very 
*'  article  on  which  their  falvation  was  to 
•^  depend. 

^^  Doubtlefs  many  a  poor  creature  might 
^^  become  a  true  believer  in  GJirift,  vvhenhe 

f*  was 


Articles  omitted.  24.5 

^'  was  upon  earth,  by  the  fight  of  his  mi- 
*^  racks,  and  hearing  his  dodtrine,  without 
^*  the  knowledge  of  this  particular  circum- 
"  fiance  of  his  incarnation  or  birth ;  and 
**  doubtlefs  many  a  one  v/as  converted  by 
"  the  apoftles,  without  any  notice  of  this 
"  part  of  the  hiftory  of  Chrift.  For  we 
*'  fcarce  find  fo  much  as  the  mention  of  it 
**  in  their  preaching  or  writings.  This, 
**  therefore,  cannot  be  the  meaning  of  this 
*^  name  in  thofe  fcripture^.'^ 


Vol.  IV.  p.  25.  add, 

IT  has  been  faid  that  the  ufe  of  the  mi- 
raculous conception  was  to  be  a  motive 
with  the  parents  of  Jcfus,  to  give  him  a 
pious  and  proper  education.  But  to  this  it 
may  be  replied,  in  the  firft  place,  that  his 
parents,  being  of  themfelves  pious  perfons^ 
would,  of  courfe,  give  their  child  a  religi- 
ous education;  and,  therefore,  could  not 
ftand  in  need  of  fo  extraordinary  a  meafure 
as  this  to  engage  them  to  attend  to  it. 
Befides,  no  motive  is  naturally  io  ftrong  as 

the 
3 


346  Articles  omitted. 

the  love  that  a  parent  bears  to  his  own 
child,  to  do  for  him  every  thing  that  he  be- 
lieves will  be  for  his  advantage;  which,  on 
the  part  of  Jofeph,  would  be  wanting  on 
this  hypothefis. 

The  tafk  of  the  education  of  the  Meffiah 
would,  in  all  probability,  have  quite  over- 
whelmed the  minds  of  fuch  perfons  as  Jo- 
feph and  Mary,  who  were  in  a  low  condi- 
tion in  life,  and  had  enjoyed  no  particular 
advantage  v/ith  refpedt  to  education  them- 
feives.  Without  exprefs  inftrudion  from 
heaven,  it  is  moft  probable  that  they  would 
have  put  him'  under  the  care  of  fome  of 
their  rabbies,  and  certainly  would  never 
have  brought  him  up  to  the  trade  of  a  car- 
penter. Or  they  might  naturally  prefume, 
that  being  born  in  a  fupernatural  manner, 
he  would  be  inllructed,  and  prepared  for  his 
office,  in  a  fupernatural  manner. 

It  does  not  appear  that  any  particular 
care  of  the  education  of  Jefus  was  at  all 
neceffary.  A  learned  education  he  evidently 
had  not ;  for  the  Jews  expreffed  their  afto- 

nifhment 


I 


Articles  omitted,  o^y 

iiiO:iment  at  his  dodlrine,  on  the  account  of 
his  ?7ot  knowing  letters,  meaning  that  he  had 
not  had  the  education  of  one  of  their  rabbies. 
As  far  as  appears,  Jefus  had  not  been  taught 
any  thing  more  than  to  read  and  write  his 
own  language  ;  and  all  the  ufe  that  he  had 
made  of  this  learning  was  in  his  private  ftudj 
of  the  fcriptures;  and  that,  before  his  bap- 
tifm,  he  had  given  more  attention  to  thefe 
than  other  pious  Jews  ufually  did,  may  be 
fuppofed,  but  cannot  be  proved. 

We  fee  no  reafon  to  think  that  Jefus's 
appearing  as  the  Mefliah  at  thirty  years  of 
age,  required  any  particular  previous  know- 
ledge. He,  like  other  Jews,  would,  of 
courfe,  be  brought  up  in  the  expediation  of 
the  Meffiah;  and,  till  his  baptifm,  he 
might  be  under  the  fame  miftake  with  re- 
fpedl  to  his  character  and  kingdom,  that 
other  pious  Jews  v/ere.  But,  at  that  time 
(for  we  cannot  be  fure  that  it  was  before)  he 
would  be  informed  that  he  was  the  perfon, 
and  would  be  inftrudted  v/hat  he  mull  teach 
gnd  do^  and  alfo  be  apprized  of  v/hat  he  muft 

/lifer 


34^  Articles  omitted, 

fuffer  in  that  charader.  And  his  fupcr-na- 
tural  illumination,  and  his  private  medi- 
tations, during  the  forty  days  which  he  paf- 
fed  in  abfolute  retirement,  will  fufficiently 
account  for  the  part  that  he  adted,  and  the 
temper  of  mind  that  he  difcovered  after- 
wards. 

His  firft  preaching  was  nothing  more 
than  John  had  taught  before  him.  Mat.  iv. 
17.  From  that  time  Jefus  began  to  preach  and 
to  Jay  y  Repent  y  for  the  kingdom  of  heaven  is  at 
hand.  Nor  do  I  perceive  any  thing  in  his 
fubfequent  teaching,  which  any  other  good 
man  may  not  be  fuppofed  to  have  been  al^ 
ways  ready  to  deliver,  on  receiving  inftruc- 
tions  from  God  on  the  fubjecS.  His  mira- 
cles evidently  required  no  particular  edu- 
cation, preparation,  or  inlirudtion,  for  they 
were  not  his.  The  Father  within  him  did 
the  works. 

Why  then  (hould  we  fuppofe  that  the 
miraculous  conception  was  provided  as  a 
means  to  a  certain  end  ;  when  neither  the 
exijlence^  nor  the  propriety  of  that  end,  can 

be 


Articles  omitted,  o^g 

be  proved  from  the  fcriptures.  We  are  no 
where  told,  that  any  particular  attention  to 
the  education  of  Jefus  by  his  parents  was 
requifite,  nor  do  we  find  that  fuch  attention 
was  given.  This  then  is  a  cafe  in  which 
both  th^fa^fy  and  the  hypothejis  to  account 
for  it,  are  alike  imaginary. 


7hs 


2 so         Names  of  the  principat  Pe7^fons 


"The  Names  of  the  principal  Perfons  mentioned  in  this 

Wcrk^  with  the  Times  in  which  they  lived,  in  the 

order  of  the  Alphabet,  correfponding  to  the  Bioo-ra- 

phical  Chart,  which  fronts  the  Title-page  of  the 

jirft  Volume. 

AMBROSE,  died  A.  D.  397.  aged  ^^^, 
Anailafius  Sinaita,  died  599. 
Apollinarius,  jun.  flourifned  370. 
Aquila,  flourilhed  128. 
Arius,  died  336. 
Arnobius,  flourifhed  303. 
Athanafius,  died  371. 
Athenagoras,  flourifhed  177. 
Auftin,  died  430.  76. 

Bardefanes,  flourifhed  172. 
Bafil  the  Great,  died  378.  51. 
Bafii  of  Seleucia,  flourifhed  448. 
Bafilides,  flourifhed  112. 
Beryllus,  flourifhed  230. 

Caius,  floprifhed  210. 

CafTian,  died  448.  97. 

Celfus,  flourifhed  150. 

Cerinthus,  flourifhed  80. 

Chriil,  died  29.  2^, 

Chiyfoflom,  died  407.  53. 

Clemens  Alexandrinus,  died  about  220. 

Clemens 


mentioned  in  this  Work.  351 

Clemens  Romanus,  died  102. 
Cofmas  Indicopleuites:,  flourifhed  535. 
Cyprian,  died  258. 
Cyril  of  Alexandria,  died  444. 
Cyril  of  Jerufalem,  386. 

Didymiis  of  Alexandria,  flourifhed  370. 

Dionyfius  of  — --,  died  265. 

Donatus,  died  about  355. 

Ephrem  Syrus,  flourifhed  370. 
Epiphanius,  died  403 .  7 1 . 
Evagrius,  born  535.  lived  after  595. 
Eunomius,  died  about  394. 
Eufebius,  died  about  340.  about  70. 
Eutyches,  flourifhed  448. 

Facundus,  flouriflied  540. 
Firmilian,  died  270. 
Fulgentius,  died  529.  66, 

Gregentius,  died  552. 

Gregory  the  Great,  died  604.  60. 

Nazianzen,  died  389.  6c^, 

'        —  Nyflfen,  died  395. 
'  ThaumaLurgus,  died  266. 

Hegefippus,  flouriflied  170. 
Hermas,  or  Hermes,  flourifhed  150. 
Hermias,  flouriflied  177. 
Hermogenes,  flouriflied  170. 

Hilary, 


352         Names  of  the  principal  Perfons 

Hilary,  died  372.  80. 
Hippolytus^  flourillied  220* 

Ibas,  flouriftied  436. 
Ignatius,  died  108* 
Iren^us,  died  202.  62. 
Ifidorus  Pelufiota,  died  after  43  k 

jamblichuSi  died  about  1^^^, 

Jerom,  died  420.78. 

Job  the  monk,  flourilhed  530. 

John,  theapoftle,  died  99.  92. 

Jofephus,  died  93.  56. 

Julian,  died  363.  31. 

Julius  Africanus,  flouriihed  220. 

Juftin  Martyr,  died  163. 

Juftinian,  died  565.  83. 

La6tantius,  flourifhed  311. 
Leo  the  Great,  died  461. 
Lcucius,  flourifhed  180. 

Manes,  flourilhed  277. 
<     Marcellus  of  Ancyra,  died  372. 
Marcion,  flourilhed  134. 
Marius  Mercator,  died  about  451. 

Vidtorinus,  died  about  370. 

Maxentius,  flourilhed  520. 
Maximus  Taurinenfls,  flourilhed  433. 

Melito,  flourilhed  170. 

Methodius, 


meritioned in  this  Work.  '^i^'^ 

Methodius,  flourifhed  290. 
Minutkis  Felix,  flourifhed  220. 
Montanus,  flourilhed  173. 

Novatian,  flourifhed  251. 
Neflrorius,  died  after  439. 

Oecumenius,  flourifhed  990, 
Optatus,  flourifhed  ^^Z, 
Origen,  died  254.  69, 
Oroflus,  flourifhed  416. 

Pamphllus,  the  martyr,  flouriflied  294, 
Papias,  flouriflied  110. 
Paul  the  apofl:le,  died  67. 
Paulinus,  died  43 1 .  7  8 . 
Paulus  Samofatenfis,  flourifhed  270. 
Pelagius,  died  about  420. 
Peter  the  apoftle,  died  67. 
Philafler,  died  387. 
Philo,  flourifhed  40. 
Philofl:orgius,  born  367,  lived  after  425. 
Photinus,  died  377. 
Photius,  flouriflied  858. 
Plotinus,  died  270.  6G, 
Polycarp,  flourifhed  108. 
Porphyry,  died  about  304.  7 1 . 
Prifcillian,  died  386. 
Proclus,  the  philofophcr,  flourifhed  510. 
Vol.  IY.  A  a  Proclus 


354      Names  of  the  principal  Perfonsy  Q?c. 

Proclus  of  Conftantinople,  died  446. 
Procopius  Gazsus,  flourifhed  520. 

Rufinus,  died  411. 

Simoin  Magus,  flourifhed  35. 
Socrates  the  hiflrorian,  flourifhed  440. 
Sozomen,  died  about  450. 
Sulpicius  Severus,  died  420. 
Symmachus,  flourifhed  201. 
Synefius,  flourifhed  410. 

Tatian,  flourifhed  171. 
Tertullian,  died  about  220. 
Theodotion,  flourifhed  183. 
Theodoret,  died  after  460. 
Theodorus,  died  428. 
Theodotus,  flourifhed  192. 
Theophanes, died  about  816.  68. 
Theophilus,  flourifhed  168. 
Theophylad,  died  after  1077. 

Valentinus,  lived  after  160. 

Vi£bor,  dted  201. 

Vigilius  Tapfenfis,  flourifhed  484. 


A  N 


A   ^f 


O       U       N 


O    F      T    H    E 


EDITIONS   OF   THE  ANCIENT    WRITERS 

CiJJOTED    IN    THIS    WORK. 


FOLIO. 

A  MBROSSII,Opera,5vols.Pariliis,i6o3. 
Ariftotelis  Opera,    2  vols.    Gr  &  Lat. 
Aurelii  Allobrogum  1605. 
Arnobii  Opera,  per  Elmenhorftium,  Ham- 

burgi,  1610. 
Aihanafii   Opera,   2  vols.    Gr.  &  Lat.  Pa- 

riiiis,  1627. 
Auguftini  Opera,  10  vols.  Bafileae,  1569. 

' Supplementum,  2  vols.  Parifiis, 

1655- 

Bafilii  Magni   Opera,    3  vols.   Gr.  &  Lat. 
Parifiis,  1638. 

A  a  2  Bibliotheca 


'^^6  Editions  of  the 

Bibliotheca  Patrum,  8  vols,  cum  Appen- 
dice,  Parifiis,  1576.' 

BibliotheciB  Gr^corum  Patrum  Auilarium 
per  Combeiis,  2  vols.  Gr.  &  Lat.  Pari- 
fiis, 1672. 

Caffiani    Opera,    per    Gazsum,     Atrebati,. 

1628. 

— Francofurti,  1722. 

Chryfoftomi   Opera,    per  Fronto-DucjEum 

&  Gommelinum,   10  vols.    Gr.  &  Lat. 

Parifiis,  1603,  &  1621. 
Clementis   Alexandrini  Opera,  Gr.  &  Lat. 

per  Sylburgium,  Lutetian,  1629. 
Concilia  Generalia  &  Provincialia,   per  Bi- 

nium,  5  vols.  Colonise,  1618. 
Cypriani  Opera,  per  Fell,  Oxonii,  1682. 
Gyrilli   Alexandrini    Opera,    2    vols.    Lat, 

Parifiis,  1572. 
Cyrilli  Hierofalomitani  Opera,    Gr.  &Lat. 

per  Milles,  Oxon,  1703. 

Damafceni  Opera,  per  Billium,  Parifiis, 
1619. 

Dionyfii 


ancient  Writers.  ^  -.^ 

Dionyfii   Areopagitas    Opera,     Gr.   &   Lat. 
per  Lampelium,  Lutetix,  1615. 

Ephraim  Syri  Opera,  Oxon,  1709. 
Epiphaiiii    Opera,    per    Petavium,    2  vols. 

Gr.  &  Lat.  Colonic,  16S2. 
Eufebii  Pr^eparatio  et  Dcmonftratio,  Evan- 

gelics,  &c.  Gr.  &  Lat.  2  vols.  Pariiiis, 

1628. 
Eufebii,    Socratis,    Sozomeni,    Theodoreti, 

et  Philoftorgii  Hifloris,   Gr.  &  Lat.  3 

vols,  per  Reading,  Cantab.  1720. 

Gregorii  Magni  Opera,  2  vols  Pariiiis,  1551, 
Gregorii  Nazianzeni  Opera,     Gr.   &  Lat. 

per  Morellum,  Parifiis,  1630. 
Gregorii  Nyffeni  Opera,  Gr.  &  Lat,  2  vols, 

per  Morellum,  Pariiiis,  1615. 
Gregorii  Thaumaturgi,   Macarii,  et  Baiilii 

Seleucienfis  Opera,   Gr.  &  Lat,  Pariiiis, 

1622. 

Hilarii  Pidavorum  Opera,  Parifiis,  1652* 
Hieronymi   Opera,    per    M.   Vidorium,  7 
vols.  Lutetiae,  1624. 

A  a  3  Hippolyti, 


358  Edit  tans  of  the 

Hippolyti  Opera,   Gr.  &  Lat.  per  Fabri- 

cium,  Hamburg!,  171 6. 
Irensi    Opera,     Gr.    &    Lat.    per    Grabe, 

Oxonias,  1702. 
Ifidori   Peluficts   Opera,   Gr.   &  Lat.    per 

Billium,  Prunaeum,  &c.  Parifiis,  1638. 
Juliani  Opera,  et   Cyrilli   contra  Julianutn 

libri,    Gr.   &  Lat.   2  vols,  per  Spanhe- 

mium,  Lipfii£,  1696. 
Juftini  Martyris  Item  Athenagors,  Theo- 

phili,  Tatiani,    ec  Hermiae  Opera,    Gr, 

&Lat.  Coloniae,  1686. 
Apologise,  et   Dialogus,  Gr. 

&  Lat.  per  Thirlby,  Londini,  1722. 

Leonis  Magni,  Maximi  Taurinenfis,  Petri 
Chryfologi,  Fulgentii,  Valeriani,  Ame- 
dei,  et  Aflerii  Opera,  per  Th.  Rainau- 
dum,  item  Profperi  Aquitanici  Opera, 
Parifiis  3  1671. 

Nicephori  Hiftoria,  2  vols.  Gr.  &  Lat. 
Lutetias,    1630. 

CEcumenii 


ancient  Writers.  359 

(Ecumenii   Commentarii,  per  Morellum,  2 
vols.  Gr.  &  Lat.  Luteti^,  1631. 

Optati,  et  Facundi  Opera,  per  AlbafpU 
n^um,  Lutetian,  1676. 

Originis  Opera,  2  vols.  Lat,  Bafillas,  1571. 

Commentaria,  per  Huetium,  Gr.  & 

Lat.  2  vols.  Colonize,  1685. 

Patres  Apoftolici  per  Cotilerium  et  Clerl- 
cum,  Gr.  &  Lat.  2  vols,  Antverpiae, 
1700. 

Philonis  Jud^i  Opera,  Gr.  &  Lat.  per 
Turnebum,  &c.  Lutetiae,  1640. 

Photii  Bibliotheca,  Gr.  &  Lat.  per  Scot- 
turn,  1611. 

Epiftol^,  Gr.  &  Lat.  per  Montacu- 

tium,  Londini,  1651. 

Platonis  Opera,  Gr.  &  Lat.  Bafili.^,  1539- 

. -Geneva,  1590. 

Photini  Opera,  Gr.  &  Lat.  per  M.  Fici- 
num,  Bafili^,  1580. 

Plutarchi  Opera,  per  Xylandrum^  2  vols. 
Gr.  &  Lat.  Francofurti,  1620. 

A  a  4  Proclus, 


360  Editions  of  the 

Proclus  in  Platonis  Theologiam,  Gr.  & 
Lat.  per  ^milium  Portum,  H^mburgi, 
1618. 

Procopius  in  Efaiam,  Gr.  &  Lat. 

Ruffini  Opera,  Pariflis,  1580. 

Synefii  Opera,  Gr.  &  Lat.  per  Petavium, 
Luteti^,  1612. 

Tertulliani   Opera,   per    Rigaltium,  Lute- 

ti^e,  1675. 
Theodoriti  Opera,  per  Sirmondum,  4  vols. 

Gr.  &Lat.  Parifiis,  1642. 
«— — — —  Tomus  Qiiintus,  per  Garnieruin, 
1684. 

5  vols.   Odavo,   Gr.  &  Lat.  per 


Schulze,  Halae,  1769. 
Theophyladi  Commentarii,   2  vols.  Gr.  & 
Lat.^Lutetiae,  1 63 1. 

Zonarai   in  Canones   Commentarii,    Lute^ 
tiae.  i6i8. 


g^u  A  R  T  o, 


ancient  Writers.  q6i 

QUARTO. 

Eutychii  Annales,  per  Seldenum,  Arab.  & 
Lat.  Oxon,  1659. 

Gregorii  Thaumaturgi  Opera,    Gr,  &  Lat* 
&c.  per  Voffium. 

Nizzachon  Vetus  •  Difputatio,  R.  Jechielis 

cum   Nicolao,  Item.    R.  Mofis  Nach- 

•    manidis  cum  Fratre  Paulo ;    Munimen 

Fidei  per.  R.  Ifaac  ;    Toledoth  Jefchu. 

all  Heb.  8c  Lat. 

Oracula  Sybillina,  Gr.  &  Lat.  per  S.  Gal- 

lasum,  Amflel.  1689. 
Origenes   contra  Celfum,  Gr.  &  Lat.  per 

Spencerum,  Cantab.  1677. 
— Contra  Marcionitas,  Gr.  &  Lat.  per 

Wetftenium,  Bafile^,  1674. 

Photii   Nomocanon,  Gr.  &  Lat.  Luteti^, 
1615. 

OCTAVO. 


362  Editions  of  the 

OCTAVO. 

Agobardi   Opera,   &c.  per  Baluzlum,  Pa- 

rifiis,  1666. 
Grabii  Specilegium  Patrum,   2  vols.  Oxon, 

1698. 

Juftiniani,    &c.    Opera  quaedam,   per  Ban- 
dini,  Gr.  &  Lat.3  vols.  Florentiae,  1762. 

Ladlantii   Opera,    per  Gallaeum,  Lugduni, 
Bat.  1660. 

Marii   Mercatoris,   Opera,    per   Baluzium, 

Pariflis,  1684. 
Minucius  Felix  et  Commodianus,  per  Ri- 

galtium,  Cantab.  17 12. 

Novatiani   Opera,  per  Welchman,    Oxon, 
1724. 
.  ' ,  per  Jackfon,  Londini,  1729. 

Paulini    Opera,  per    Frontonem  Ducasum, 
Antverpiae,  1622. 

Salviani  et  Vincentii  Lirinenfis  Opera,  per 

Baluzium,  Pariflis,  1669. 

Tatian^ 


a?icie?it  JVriters.  363 

Tatiani   et    Hermlx    Opera,    per   Worth, 
Oxon,  1700. 

X)uodecimo  &>  hifra. 

Athenagora2    Opera,    per    Rechenbergium, 
Lipiias,   1685. 

Diogenes  Laertius,  &c.  per  If.  Cafaubonum, 
Gr.  &Lat.  Pariliis,  1594. 

Gregentii  Difputatio    cum  Jiideo,    Gr.  & 
Lat.  Lutetias,  1586. 

LucianI  Opera,  per  J.  Benedidlum,   4  vols. 
Gr.  &  Lat.  Salmurii,  1619. 

Maxinius  Tyrius,  Gr.  &  Lat.  per  Davifium, 
Cantab.  1703. 

I    Opufcula   Mythologica,   Gr.    &    Lat.    per 
Gale.  Amftel^dami,  1688. 
Origines  de  Oratione,  Gr.  &  Lat.  Oxon, 

1696. 
— .— —   Philofophumena,  per  Wolfiiim, 
Hamburg!*,  1706. 

Prodi 


^64  Editions  of  the 

Prodi    Conftantinopolitani    Opufcula,   Gr. 

&  Lat.  per  Elmenhorftium,  Lugduni, 

Bat.  1 6 17. 
Sulpicii  Severi,  Opera,  per  Clericum,  Lip- 

li^,  1709 

Theophilus  Ad  Autolycum,  Oxon,  1684. 

When  two  editions  of  any  work  are  men- 
tioned, the  former  is  that  which  I  have 
generally  quoted,  and  the  latter  is  not  in- 
tended except  it  be  particularly  fpecified  ; 
the  former  being  that  which  I  firffc  pro- 
cured, and  made  my  colledlions  from.  But 
the  Apologies  and  Dialogue  of  Juftin  Mar- 
tyr, are  always  quoted  from  the  edition  of 
Thirlby. 

When  no  particular  volume  of  any  work 
is  mentioned,  the  firft  is  always  intended. 

Whenever  any  writer  is  quoted,  whofe 
work  makes  part  of  a  fet,  as  Socrates, 
Sozomen,  &c.  it  was  thought  unneceflary 
to  mention  the  volume  of  the  kt,  but  only 
the  page  of  the  particular   work.     In  like 


ancient  Writers .  o  6  '• 

manner,  it  was  thought  fufficient  in  feve- 
ral  cafes,  to  quote  the  page  of  any  particu- 
lar treatife,  without  diftinguiiliing  the  vo- 
lume, as  Eiifebius  contra  Marcellum^  which 
is  annexed  to  his  De?72onJlratio  Ev angelica. 

All  the  authors  are  quoted  in  the  ori- 
ginal, except  thofe  in  Hebrew  or  Arabic, 
with  refpedl  to  which  the  Latin  tranflations 
are  given  in  the  notes.  This  is  alfo  the 
cafe  with  refped:  to  the  works  of  Cyril  of 
Alexandria,  which  I  could  not  procure  in 
Greek,  except  his  books  againil  Julian, 
which  are  annexed  to  Spenheim's  edition 
of  the  works  of  Julian.  Thefe  are  always 
quoted  in  Greek. 

In  my  edition  of  Jerom,  the  pages  are 
continued  till  the  fourth  volume,  fo  that 
it  makes  no  difference  whether  the  firft, 
fecond,  and  third  be  diflinguifhed  or  not. 


That 


3^6  fi'iies  of  all  ile 


That  the  Reader  may  form  a  clearer  Idea 
of  the  Dijiribution  of  all  the  Parts  of  this 
Work^  I  ft: all  here  give  the  Titles  of  all  the 
Books  and  Chapters,  omitting  thofe  of  the 
Sections. 

V  O  L.     I 
tNTRODUCTION,   containing  a 

VIEW  OF  THE  PRINCIPAL  ARGUMENTS 
AGAINST  THE  DOCTRINES  OF  THEDIVI- 
NITY  AND  PRE-EXISTENCE  OF  CHRIST  I 

BOOK         1. 

The  HISTORY  of  opinions  which  PRE- 
CEDED THE  DOCTRIlSfE  OF  THE  DIVINI- 
TY OF  CHRIST,  AND  WHICH  PREPARED 
THE  WAY  FOR    IT  -  -  9I 

C    H    A    P    T    E    R         I. 

Of  thofe  who  are  called  Apoftolical  Fa- 
thers -  ,  -  -  ibid. 

CHAP- 


Books  and  Chapters  267 

CHAPTER      11. 

Of  the  Principles  of  the  Oriental  Philo- 
fophy  -  -  -  110 

CHAPTER       III. 
Of  the  Principles  of  the  Chriftian  Gnoftics 

CHAPTER      IV, 

The  Gnoftics   were  the  only  Heretics   in 
early  times  -  -  237 

CHAPTER      V. 

Of  the  Apoftles  Creed,  as  a  guard  againft 
Gnofticifm  -  -  30J 

CHAPTER     VI. 

Of  the  Dodlrine  of  Plato  concerning  God, 
and  the  general  Syftem  of  Nature         320 

CHAPTER     VII. 

A  View  of  the  Principles  of  the  later  Pla- 
tonifts  -  -  -  256 

VOL. 


368  Titles  of  all  the  ^     ' 

VOL.     11. 

CHAPTER     VIII. 
Of  the  Platonifm  of  Philo  -  i 

BOOK         II. 

Containing  the  history  of  the  doc- 
trine OF   THE  trinity  -  23 

CHAPTER      I. 

Of  Chriftian  Platonifm  -  ibid. 

'      CHAPTER      II. 

Of  the  Generation  of  the  Son  from  the 
Father  -  -  -  44 

CHAPTER      III. 
The  Defence  of  the  preceding  Doftrine  by 
the  Fathers  -  -  -      86 

C  H  A  P  T  E  R     IV. 

The  Inferiority  of  the  Son  to  the  Father, 
fhewn  to  have  been  the  Dodtrine  of  all 
the  Antenicene  Fathers  -  145 

CHAPTER      V. 

Of  the  Power  and  Dignity  of  Chrifl,  as  the 
pre-exifting  Logos  of  the  Father         172 

2  CHAP- 


Booh  and  Chapters^  2  69 

CHAPTER     VI. 

Chrift,  befides  being  the  Logos  of  the  Fa- 
ther, was  thought  to  have  a  proper  hu- 
man Soul  -  -  -       198 

CHAPTER     VIL 
Of  the  Union  between  the  Logos  and  the 
Soul  and  Body  of  Chrift,  and  their  fepa- 
rate  Properties         -         -         -         224 

CHAPTER     VIIL 
Of  the  Ufe  of  the  Incarnation,  and  the  Ob- 
jeftions  that  were  made  to  the  Doctrine 

268 

CHAPTER      IX. 

Of  the  Controverfy  relating  to   the  Holy 
Spirit         -  -  -  -  268 

CHAPTER     X. 

Of  the  Dodrine  of  the  Trinity  after   the 
Council  of  Nice         -         -         -      335 

CHAPTER     XL 

Of  the  Arguments  by  which  the  Doctrine 
of  the  Trinity  was  defended         -      392 

Vol.  IV,  B  b  V  O  L. 


37<^  Titles  of  all  the 

VOLUME      III. 

BOOK       III. 

The  history  of  the  unitarian  doc- 
trine -  -  -  1 

Introdud'ion         -         -         -         -     ibid. 

CHAPTER    I. 

That  the  Jews  in  all  Ages  were  Believers 
in  the  Divine  Unity  -  7 

CHAPTER     II. 

General  Confiderations  relating  to  the  fup- 
pofed  Conducft  of  Chrift  and  the  Apoftles, 
with  Refpedt  to  the  Dodtrines  of  his  Pre- 
exiftence  and  Divinity         -         -         50 

C  H  A  P.T  E  R     III. 

Of  the  Conduct  orour  Saviour  himfelf  with 
refped;  to  his  own  fuppofed*Pre-exiftence 
and  Divinity  .     -  -  64 

CHAPTER     IV. 

Of  theTeflimony  of  Athanafius  to  the  Cau- 
tion with  which  the  Apoftles  divulged 
the  Dodrines  of  the  Pre-exiftence  and 
Divinity  of  Chrift  -  -  86 

CHAP- 


Books  and  Chapters,  371 

CHAPTER      V. 
Of  the  concurrent  Teftimony  of  other  Fa- 
thers to  the  Caution  of  the  Apoftles,   in 
teaching  the  Dodrines  of  the  Pre-exift- 
ence  and  Divinity  of  Chrift         -         101 

CHAPTER     VI. 
Of  the  Caution  obferved  by  the  Apoftles  in 
teaching  the  Doftrines  of  the   Pre-exift- 
ence  and  Divinity  of  Chrift  to  the  Gen- 
tile Converts  -  -         -       113 

CHAPTER     VII. 

Of  John  being  thought  to  have  been  the 
iirft  who  clearly  and  boldly  taught  the 
Dodlrines  of  the  Pre-exiftence  and  Divi- 
nity of  Chrift  -  -         -         123 

CHAPTER      VIIL 

Of  the  Nazarenes  and  the  Ebionites  i  fhew- 

ing  that  they  were  the  fame  People,   and 

that  none  of  them  believed  the  Divinity 

or  Pre-exiftence  of  Chrift         -         158 

B  b  2  CHAP- 


372  Titles  of  all  the 

CHAPTER     IX. 

Of  the  fuppofed  Church  of  Orthodox  Jews 
at  Jerufalem,  fubfequent  to  the  Time  of 
Adrian         -  -  -  -  190 

CHAPTER     X. 
Of  the  fuppofed  Herefy  of  the  Ebionites 
and  Nazarenes,  and  other  Particulars  re- 
lating to  them  -  -  20  r 

CHAPTER     XI. 

Of  the  facred  Books  of  the  Ebionites     212 

CHAPTER     XII. 

Of  Men  of  Eminence  among  the  Jewifli 
Chriftians         -  -  -         219 

CHAPTER     XIII. 

Unitarianifm  was  the  Dodrine  of  the  pri- 
mitive Gentile  Churches.  -         233 

CHAPTER     XIV. 

An  Argument  for  the  Novelty  of  the  Doc-' 

trine  of  the  Trinity,  from  the  Manner 

ift  which   it  was  taught  and   received  in 

early  Times..  -  -  5/2 

.     I  CHAP- 


Booh  and  Chapters.  ^72 

CHAPTER     XV. 

Objedllons  to  the  preceding  State  of  Things 
conlidered  -  -  -  295 

CHAPTER     XVI. 

Of  the     State  of    the  Unitarian  Doftrijie 
after  the   Council   of  Nice.  318 

CHAPTER     XVII. 

Of  Philofophical  Unitarianifm  376 

CHAPTER     XVIII. 

Of  the  Principles  and  Arguments  of  the 
ancient  Unitarians  -  359 

CHAPTER     XIX. 

Of  the  Pradice  of  the  Unitarians  with  re- 
fped:  to  Baptifm.  -  439 

VOL.     IV. 
CHAPTER     XX. 

Of  the  Dodrine  of  the  Miraculous  Concep- 
tion. «  -  -  I 


B  b  3  BOOK 


374  "Tii^^s  of  all  the  Books,  &c. 

BOOK        IV. 

Of  some  controversies  which  had  a 
near  relation  to  the  trinita- 
rian or  unitarian  doctrine.      165 

CHAPTER     L 

Of  the  Arian  Controverfy  ihid, 

CHAPTER     11. 

Of  the  Neftorian  Controverfy  239 

CHAPTER     III. 

An  Account  of  the  Prifcillianifts  and  Pauli- 
cians  -  -  -  263 

CONCLUSION.  273 


^exts^ 


[     375    ] 


"Texts  of  Scripture   ilhiflrated,  or  particularly 
rej erred  tOy  in  this  Work, 


/^  "EN.  1. 1,  vol.  ii. 

P-293 

If.  xxxix.  1 1 .  vol 

.  iv.-  ] 

p.  145 

^  —  i.  26. 

n. 

400 

~xli.4. 

iii. 

425 

xviii.  2. 

ii. 

404 

—  liii.  2. 

iv. 

144 

iv. 

^39 

—  liii.  I. 

iii. 

A%7 

Deut.  vi.  4. 

ii. 

408 

—  liii.  8. 

iv. 

146 

ill.  475 

iv. 

217 

—  Ixi.   I . 

iii. 

428 

xviii.  13. 

iii. 

426 

—  Ixvi.  7. 

iv. 

146 

Job  xxviii.  20. 

ii. 

410 

Jer.xvii.  5. 

ii. 

417 

Pf.  xxi.  6. 

iv. 

140 

Ezek.  xliv.  2. 

iv. 

148 

—  xxxiii.  6. 

ii. 

409 

Dan.  ii.  45. 

iv. 

149 

-— xiv.  I. 

ii. 

4^5 

Micah.  V.  2.  ' 

iv. 

136 

—  li.  10,  II. 

ii. 

411 

Matt.  XX.  23. 

ii. 

438 

—  Ixvii.  I . 

ii. 

411 

Mark,  xii.28. 

iii. 

429 

—  Ixxii.  I. 

iii. 

428 

Luke,  1.  35. 

iii. 

432 

—  cvii.  20. 

ii. 

414 

ii.  I. 

iv. 

124 

—  ex.  4. 

iii. 

426 

iv.  18. 

iii. 

428 

—  cxiii.  16. 

iv. 

141 

John,  i.  1. 

i. 

67 

—  cxxxix.  13. 

iv. 

141 

V.  27. 

iii. 

437 

Pfov.  viii.22. 

ii. 

414 

vii.  6. 

iii. 

A2Z 

iii. 

427 

viii.  26, 

ii. 

433 

viii.  22. 

iv. 

209 

iii. 

432 

Sol.  viii.  4.  12. 

iv. 

141 

viii    41 

iv. 

69 

If.  vi.  3. 

ii. 

416 

viii.  54. 

i. 

171 

—  vii.  14. 

iv. 

142 

X.  30. 

ii. 

423 

-—  ix,  6. 

ii. 

415 

xiv,  28. 

ii. 

425 

Bb4 

John 

376  Texts  of  Scripture^  &c. 

Johnxvii.  3.  vol.  ii.  p.  432  Coll.  ii.  18.    vol.  i.  p.  160 

XX*  31.         i.        200  I  Tim.  i.  3.  i.       158 

A6ts,  ii.  22.         iii.      434 ii.  i.  i.      226 

xix.  8.         i.         238 ii.  5.  iii.    437 

. — .— xxiv.  14.      i.        238 vi.  I.  i.     226 

Rom.  ix.  5.           ii.       425  ~ vi.  3.  i.     153 

I  Cor.  i.  18.          i.        152  2  Tim.  ii.  17.  i.     210 

XV.  16.          i.        211  Tit.  I.  g.  i*  145.  224 

. XV.  24,          ii.      436  Heb.  i.  i.  i.        66 

XV.  50.           i.       212  2  Pet.  ii.  I.  i.      225 


Gal.  i.  12.  ii.  426  I  Johti,  ii.  ig.  i.  242 

xliv. —  iv.  23 ii.  21.  i.  igg 

Epb.  iii.  g.  i.  65  • ^— iii.  10.  i.  164 

^ iv.  6.  iii.  435 iv.  i.  i.  igi 

^  iv.  10.  ii.  426  ■ V.  6.  i.  199 

V,  5.  iii.  437  ^^_  V.  20.  ii.  433 

Phil.  ii.  6.  iii.  432  2john,  vii. —  i.  191 

Coll.  i.  15.  i.  65  Jude  iii.  —  i.  209 

-- — i.  15.  iii.  436.  Rev.  i.  II.  ii.  427 

.^ i.  15.  iv.  210  — — ii.  14.  i.  206 


The  reader  is  defired  to  take  notice,  that 
fometimes  the  quotations  from  the  Pfalms  are 
copied  from  the  ancient  writers,  who,  following 
the  verfion  of  the  Septuagint,  make  one  Pfalm  of 
the  firfl  and  fecond;  and,  therefore,  the  number 
of  any  Pfalm  muft  be  confidered  as  one  lefs  than 
according  to  our  tranflation. 

A  N 


A    N 


APPENDIX. 


ILTAVING  employed  much  time  and  labour 
in  the  compoficion  of  this  work,  which,  on 
^iccount  of  the  necelTary  expenfivenefs  of  it,  and 
the  nature  of  the  fubjed,  is  not  likely  to  meet 
with  many  purchafers,  and  confequently  may  not 
foon  be  reprinted,  I  was  willing  to  make  this  edi- 
tion as  perfe6t  as  I  could ;  and  for  this  purpofe  re- 
quefhed  fome  of  my  learned  friends,  to  perufe  it 
with  carCj  and  favour  rne  with  their  remarks.  All 
of  them  were  by  no  means  perfons  whofe  fenti- 
ments  on  the  fubjed  were  the  fame  with  mine  ^ 
and  indeed,  I  chofe  to  apply  to  them  in  preference 
to  thofe  who  were  of  the  fame  opinion  with  myfelf- 

Being  favoured  with  their  remarks,  and  hav- 
ing myfelf  re-confidered  every  part  of  the 
work,  I  have  thought  it  moil  advifable  to  fub» 
join  iuch  additional  ohfervationSy  as  fince  the 
printing  of  the  work  have  been  fuggefted  by 
them,  or  have  occurred  to  myfelf.     They  con- 

Vol.  IV.  *Bb  '     fia- 


370  A      P      P      E      N      13      I      X. 

fift  of  corre6tions  of  the  text,  improvements 
in  the  tranflation  of  pafTages,  replies  to  objec- 
tions, or  obfervations  tending  to  throw  farther 
light  on  the  fubjecl  j  whether  in  favour  of  what 
I  have  advanced,  or  not.  Thofe  of  them  to 
vv^hich  is  fiibjoined  the  letter  (X)  were  written  by 
a  perfon  to  whom  I  am  more  particularly  obliged  . 
for  his  attention  to  this  work,  but  whofe  name  I 
do  not  know  that  I  am  at  liberty  to  mention. 

In  general,  the  articles  of  this  Appendix,  are 
fuch  things  as  the  lefs  critical  reader  is  not  much 
concerned  in.  But  if  the  v/ork  Ihould  be  tranf- 
lated,  I  defire  that  all  the  corre5fions  may  be  made 
in  the  body  of  the  work,  and  that  the  remarks 
of  a  different  nature  may  be  fubjoined  to  the 
whole,  as  is  done  here.  I  hope  I  need  not  add 
that  thofe  who  may  think  proper  to  criticize  this 
work  (and  I  neither  expert,  nor  wifh,  that  it  may 
efcape  criticifm)  will  confider  all  the  correftion^ 
as  if  they  had  been  a6tually  inferted  in  their 
proper  places. 

The  more  material  of  thofe  correflions,  which 
could  be  exprefTed  in  a  few  words,  are  inferted 
in  the  lifts  o(  errata,  annexed  to  each  volume. 

If,   after  the  work  is  publifhed,  I  IhoUld,  in 
confequence  of  the  farther  reniarks  of  friends  or 
enemies,  fee  reafon  to  make  any  other  altera- 
tions. 


APPENDIX.  37i» 

tions,  I  fhall  not  fail  to  take  fome  opportunity 
(either  by  means  of  the  'Theological  Repofitory^  or 
in  a  feparate  publication,  as  circumilanccs  fhall 
dired)  of  giving  my  readers  information  con-» 
cerning  them. 

Confidering  the  great  variety  of  obje6ls  that 
fall  within  the  compafs  of  this  work,  and  the 
great  number  of  references  to  original  v/riters, 
and  of  tranflations  of  pafTages  in  them  (of  which 
the  laft  are  about  eighteen  hundred)  no  candid 
perfon  will  expe6t  that,  with  all  my  care,  and 
that  of  my  friends,  it  fhould  be  without  faults. 
Such  errors  of  the  prefs,  or  leffer  overfights 
of  any  kind,  as  any  perfon  who  can  difcovcr, 
will  alfo  be  able  to  rectify,  are  in  general  not 
noticed ;  and  confidering  how  miuch  Greeks  and 
that  in  a  fmall  type,  is  contained  in  thefe  vo- 
lumes, I  hope  it  will  be  thought  to  be,  upon  the 
whole,  not  incorredlly  printed. 


ADDITIONS  and  CORRECTIONS  in  Vol.1. 
N.B.     {h)  lignifies  from  the  bottom  of  the  page. 

Page  67.   1.  12.  for  he  does  fay,  read^  he  is 
thought  to  fay. 

P.  100.  1.  6.  read,  that  we  ought  to  avoid, 

P.  117.  1.  5,  the  fame  things. 

*Bb2  P.  173- 


372  APPENDIX. 

P.  173.  1.3.  {b)  after  patriarchs,  add.  Thus 
they  alledged  the  fame  texts  to  prove  that  he 
who  had  intercourfe  with  Abraham,  &c.  was 
not  the  fiipreme  being  himfelf,  but  one  different 
from  him. 

P.  174.  after  note  -f,  add.  See  Thrilby's  note 
on  the  place. 

P.  180.  1.  6.  (i')  Infiead  of  the  fentence  begin- 
ning  with  Indeed,  iiifert  the  following.  And  as 
they  agreed  with  them  in  holding  the  pre-exift- 
ence  of  Chrill  as  a  great  created  fpirit,  not  in- 
deed the  maker  of  the  world,  but  fuperior  to 
him  that  made  it^  and  that  this  great  fpirit  con- 
defcended  to  become  incarnate  for  the  falvation 
of  men,  they  were  agreed  with  refpedl  to  every 
fentiment  that  could  excite  reverence  and  grati- 
tude. Both  the  fchemes  had  the  fame  objed, 
viz.  the  exaltation  of  the  perfonal  dignity  of 
Chrift,  though  a  created  being,  and  they  had  the 
fame  effed  upon  the  mind. 

Remark  on  p.  188.  1.  4.  {h)  and  1.  11.  p.  189. 

I'he  apoftle  obferves  (i  Cor.  iii.  11.)  that 
other  foundation  can  no  man  lay  than  that  which 
is  laid,  which  is  Jefas  Chrift  5  and  this  he  lays 
down  as  a  principle,  not  only  true  in  itfelf,  but 
admitted  to  be  fo  by  his  oppofers  in  the  church 
of  Corinth.  They  all  pro fclTed  to  inculcate  his 
I  ,    -         religion. 


APPENDIX,  373« 

religion,  to  own  him  as  the  author  of  their  faith, 
and  to  fpeak  as  his  minifters  (2  Cor.  ii.  13.  23) 
and  though  they  wretchedly  perverted  his  doc-, 
trine,  affumed  to  themfelves  the  charadler  of  his 
followers.  If  they  had  any  defire  indeed  to  pafs 
for  chriilian  preachers,  they  could  not  do  other- 
wife.  That  the  Corinthians  might  not,  how- 
ever, implicitly  believe  what  they  faid  on  this 
account,  St.  Paul  reminds  them  (ver,  12.)  that 
it  was  very  pofTible  for  perfons  pretending  to  lay 
this  foundation,  to  build  upon  it  both  doctrines 
and  pra6lices  very  unfuitabk  to  the  defign  of  the 
gofpel ;  and  fuch  he  intimates  to  them,  though 
in  an  indire6t  manner,  were  feveral  of  the  tenets 
advanced  among  them  by  their  new  inftructors. 

Perfons  teaching  do6trines  under  the  name  of 
chriftianity,  fo  inconfiilent  with  what  the  Corin- 
thians had  received  from  St.  Paul,  could  have  no 
profpe(ft  of  fucceeding  in  their  attempts  by  any 
other  method  than  by  depreciating  his  apoilolic 
charadler  and  authority  5  and  this  they  endea- 
voured by  various  ways.  In  oppofition  to  their 
arts,  the  apoftle  makes  it  his  bufinefs  to  lay  open 
the  vanity  of  their  objedions  againfl  him,  and  to 
ihow  that  as  he  was  not  in  the  leaft  inferior  to 
the  very  chiefeft:  of  the  apoftles,  fo  none  who 
thv\s  vilified  him  deferved  to  be  accpunted  equal 
*Bb3  to 


374.  APPENDIX. 

to  him.  And  this  point  being  clearly  eftabliihed. 
the  Corinthians  could  have  no  excufe  for  call- 
ing off  their  regard  to  him.  But  then  it  is  ob- 
vious, that  all  the  pertinence  of  his  arguments 
to  this  purpofe,  refted  upon  this  fuppofition, 
that  his  ancagonifts  profefled  to  adhere  to  the 
fame  Lord  of  their  faith  with  himfelf.  Had  they 
declared  themfelves  advocates  for  any  other  fyf- 
tem  of  religion  than  his  whom  Paul  preached, 
the  ftate  of  the  queftion  betv/een  the  apoftle  and 
his  adverfaries,  would  have  been  entirely  altered. 
The  competition  woirild  then  have  been  between 
one  religion  and  another,  not  between  minifiers 
of  the  fame  religion  ;  and  the  Cormthians,  with- 
out doubting  in  the  leaft  of  St.  Paul's  eminence 
as  a  chrifrian  preacher,  might  have  been  inclined 
to  hear  what  v/as  faid  by  onewho  addreiTed  them 
under  a  different  denomination. 

The  apoltle,  in  the  words  under  confidera- 
tion,  appears  to  admit,  therefore,  that  if  he  who 
came  undertook  to  dire6l  them  to  any  other 
Jefus,  as  the  author  of  their  falvation  befides  him 
whom  he,  the  apoftle,  had  preached  ;  or  if  they 
had  received  from  his  miniflration  any  other  fpirit, 
different  from,  or  fuperior  to,  what  they  had 
already  received,  there  might  be  fome  reafon  for 
their  regarding  him  -,  but  as  this  could  not  be 

fo 


APPENDIX.  37^* 

fo  much  as  pretended,  their  conduct  in  fuffering 
themfelves  to  be  fo  perverted  was  capable  of  no 
defence. 

If  this  view  of  the  apoftle's  reafoning  with  the 
Corinthians  in  his  own  vindication  be  juft,  it 
fnould  feem  that  he  does  not  in  this  place  refer  to 
any  as  adually  preaching  another  Jefus,  but  only 
fuppofes  a  cafe,  the  only  one  which  could  apolo- 
gize for  their  behaviour,  a  cafe  which  they  knew 
did  not  exifti  and  from  the  non-exiftence  of  it, 
lets  them  fee  how  iadefenfible  they  were  in  pre- 
ferring others  to  him,  who,  as  a  minifter  of  Chrift, 
was,  as  he  goes  on  to  fhew,  in  the  qualifications 
by  which  they  endeavoured  to  recommend  them- 
felves, equal,  or  far  fuperior  to  them. 

As  to  the  reft,  I  have  no  doubt  but  that  Gndfti- 
cifrn  had,  when  St.  Paul  wrote  to  the  Corinthians, 
made  its  appearance  in  the  church,  and  amongft 
them  in  particular,  nor  that  the  apoftle  makes  it 
his  bufinefs,  in  thefe  epiftles,  to  fliew  the  falfity 
and  pernicious  nature  of  its  dodrines. 

The  date  affigned  to  the  firft  epiftle  to  Timothy 
by  Bilhop  Pearfon,  is  about  the  year  of  Chriil  65, 
But  Lightfoot  and  Lord  Harrington  place  the 
writing  of  it  between  the  times  of  the  writing  of 
the  firft  and  fecond  epiftle  to  the  Corinthians,  but 
before  the  epiftle  to  the  Romans  ]  and  Theodoret 
mentions  it  in  the  fame  order^  and  fays  h(^  takes 
*Bb4  it 


376  A      P      P      E      N      D      I      X. 

it  to  be  the  fifch  epiille  of  thofe  which  we  have 
of  St.  Paul's  writing.  The  patrons  of  this  opi- 
nion differ  about  the  year,  but  all  place  it  much 
fooner  than  Pearfon. 

If  this  early  date  of  tliis  epiftle  could  be  clearly 
eftablifhed,  it  would  be  a  great  confirmation  of 
Dr.  Prieflley's  opinion  of  the  introduclion  of 
Gnofticifm  into  the  church  of  Corinth,  at  the 
time  of  the  writing  the  firil  epiftle  to  it.  But 
perhaps  it  is  too  doubtful^,  or  at  leafl:  it  will  be 
too  much  difputed  to  admit  of  laying  ftrefs  upon 
it ;  though  it  appears  from  p.  153,  that  the  Do6i:or 
has  not  entirely  overlooked  it.  (X) 

P.  200 j  1.  7  (^)  reo.d^  \wt  may  perhaps  infer. 

P.  2485 1.  9,  after  people,  addy  whofe  opinions 
were  fufficiently  known  to  be  heretical. 

P.  263, 1.  I;,  dde  the  interpolated  edition  of. 

P.  ^'^'i^^  after  the  far  agrafh^  addy 

It  may  be  faid  that,  fmce  Iren^us  condemns  the 
Ebionites  for  holding  an  opinion  which  he  alfo 
condemns  in  the  Gnoftics,  he  mufl  have  confi- 
dered  them  as  heretical  on  that  account.  And  had 
this  common  opinion  been  a  principal  feature  in 
the  chara(rterof  the  Gnoftics,  and  fuch  as  had  ori- 
ginally a  great  ihare  in  rendering  them  odious  to 
other  chriftians,  the  inference  mufthave  been  ad- 
mitted. But  there  are  many  reafons  to  prevent 
our  thinking  fo,  efpecially  the  confideratipn,  that^. 

both 


APPENDIX.  377 

both  from  the  nature  of  the  thing,  and  the  fuper- 
abundant  acknowledgnient  of  the  Fathers^  the 
great  body  of  the  primitive  chriftians  mnji  have 
heen,  and  a5iualiy  w^r^,  unitarians,  knowing  nothing 
either  of  the  pre-exiftence  or  divinity  of  Chriil, 
and  not  immediately,  at  leaft,  hearing  any  thing 
of  his  miraculous  conception.  Such  plain  chrif- 
tians. could  never  have  been  confidered  d.s  heretics 
in  the  age  in  which  they  lived,  though  circumi- 
Itances.  might  arife  which  ihould  make  their  opi- 
nions very  obnoxious  afterwards  ;  and  Irenasus, 
without  making  the  diftinction  that  he  ought 
to,  have  done,  might  enumerate  their  opinions 
among  other  offenfive  ones  of  the  Gnoilics,  and 
even  as  a  part  of  their  herefy.  And  hence  might 
arife  his  embarraflmenc  in  calling  the  Gnoflics 
heretics,  and  yet  never  calling  the  Ebionites  fo. 
It  is  a  conducl  that  I  cannot  account  for  in  any 
other  way. 

P.  321,  ].  6,  dele  or  fomething  like  it. 

P.  2,2,"^*  I  know  not  whether  the  followino- 
paffage  in  Cafaubon's  Exercitationes  in  Baronium 
has  ever  fallen  in  Dr.  Prieftley's  way.  If  not,  it 
may  not  be  difagreeable  to  him  to  fee  it.  ^^  Ad- 
"  fert  Cyril]  us,  libro  fepcimo  contra  impiurn  Ju- 

"  lianum,  vj  a  ^ie^^^x^Im  rov  ciuia  "ssoT^cv  ^uvaTroli'hw  ko7[xov^  ov 
^'  ^a^£  ^oy(^,  0  '37aj'7wv  ^sioIaJo;  c^Oilov.    Ecce  hic  habes  >-oyQv 

'^  per  quern,  ait  Plato,  fadum  eiTe  mundum  afpec- 

"  tabiiem. 


378  A      P      P      E      N      D      I      X. 

*'  tabllem.  Videtur  dicere  idem  cum  Johanne,  et 
"  hoc  eft  quod  Cyrillus  ait.  Ceterum  fi  rem  pe- 
"  nites  fpedemus,  ^oy^  Platonis,  id  eft  ratio  ilia 
^^  quam  ait  a  deo  fummo  adhibitam  in  conditura 
"  mundi,  longe  eft  aliud  quam  verbum  Cbriftus 
"  apud  Johannem,  ec  illo  ^.07(^  svuTro^alogy  folis  notus 
^^  iis  quibus  facra  fcriptura  innotuit.  Talia  mul- 
«^  ta  habentur  apud  patres,  in  quibus  homonymia 
"  poftit  parum  cautis  imponere.'' 

And  a  little  before  thefe  words,  having  quoted 
an  obfervation  from  Bafil  relating  to  the  fame 
fubjecl,  he  fays,  '^  Haec  viri  fummi  admonitio  in 
*^  legtndis  veterum  patrum  fcriptis  apprime  eft 
^'  necefTaria.  Multa  enim  in  illorum  monumen- 
"  tis  occurrunt,  ad  hujus  vocis  illuftrationem  ele- 
*'  ganter,  ingeniofe,  addam  et  utiliter,  pro  tcm-* 
"  pore,  excogitata,  quae  tamen  doctrinam  parum 
'^  folidam  contineant.  Sic  accipienda  funt  quse- 
"  cunque  ab  illis  proferuntur  ex  antiquis  philo- 
^^  fophis,  ut  probent  etiam  fapientibus  inter  gen- 
"  tes  verbum  fuilTe  notum  quod  celebrat  Johan- 
*^  nes."     p.  3.  Col.  2.  Edit.  Genevse,  1663.  (X) 

P.  337>  1.  2  (^)  for  Here,  read  In  this  and  the 
preceding  pafTage. 

VOL.        II. 

P.  37. 1.  2  and  I  (b)  "  And  being  the  imme- 

^'  diate  maker  and  governor  of  all  things."     The 

3  Dodor^s 


APPENDIX.  ^79 

DocTtor's  verfion  refers  thefe  chara6ters  to  him 
whom  Plato  calls  the  fecond  Gcd,  and  whofe  fub- 
ftance,  he  fays,  "  is  derived  from  the  principal 
*^  one/'  I  am  incliaed  to  think  that,  according 
to  the  Greek  of  this  quotation,  they  ought  rather 
to  be  referred  to  the  principal  one,  whom  Plato 

llijes  0  'sr^wJO",  2^  ^  0  JeJJt-^C^  Se©"  ex^i  tyiv  VTTpcp^iv  rvg  aawi. 

O  h^\Hpy(B-  ii  ^loimlrs  tuv  o^wv  is  here  marked  out  by  a 
charadler  which  muft  in  ftridt  propriety  belong  to 
the  principal  one,  hihoyolivTre^ava^ESmoi,  i.  e,  as  I  un- 
derftand  it,  and  fo  I  find  Valefms  tranflates  it, 
hing  tranfcendent  in  dignity  ;  and  it  feem,s  to  be 
exprefsly  diflinguifhed  ivora  o  ijlH  vcuvov^  Tan;  imva  [th 
'S!^(ilH]/is.^GTaks(Tiv  v7r>i^yr\cra^,.  When  the  v«$  is  fpoken  of 
as  the  immediate  creator,  -ar^oaEj^j  is  often  added  to 
c^prefs  this  idea.  See  quotation  from  Cyril,  p, 
40,  L  2.  and  the  quotation  from  the  fame  page, 
1;  2,  3. 

P.yo.jihe  whole  paragraph,  to  1.  2,  p.  71. 

Whether  Eufebius  wa?  properly  an  Arian,  or 
not,  is  a  queftion  which  has  long  been  debated, 
and  appears  to  me  not  very  eafy  to  be  abfolutely 
decided  ;  and  while  it  remains  undetermined,  it 
may  perhaps  be  doubtful  what  conftrudtion  *  is 

♦  **  What  conftrudion,  &c."  To  explain  my  meaning  by 
an  inftance  Eufebius  (Dem.  Evang.  lib,  4,  cap.  2.)  fiiles  the 

Son     tm  'TfffOTOrOKQV  (TOOIAV,    OMiV  J^i    oAa     VOi^cLV    )y    ^oylKilV, 

)y  'uetv(ro<poy,  [j-clt^^ov  A  ctvTov^iVy  )y  AvroKoyov^  }y  cf.vToa-otpictv, 
But  then  he  adds,  with  the  appearance  at  lead  of  a  qualifi- 
cation 


38o  APPENDIX, 

to  be  put  upon  feveral  of  thofe  paflages  of  Eufe- 
bius,  in  which  he  feems  to  coincide  with  the  fen* 
timents  of  the  antenicene  orthodox.  However, 
that  he  often  fpeaks  the  fame  language  ^ith 
them^  or  approaches  very  nearly  to  it^  is  certain; 

cation  of  the  application  he  had  jull  b^en   making  of  thefe 
terms  to  the   Son,  xj  ini  J^e  av70Ka,\ov  y^  cLVTetyd.^ov  st/t 
voitu  iv  rctif  yevnToti  ^iui^,  which  may  leave  fome  room  to 
quellion  whether  he  nnderfiood  thefe  epithets  in  the  fame  fetife 
with  the  uncontrovertibly  orthodox.     In   the  oration  on  the 
dedication  of  the  churches  (Eufeb.  Hift.  Ecclef.  lib.  lo.  cap. 
4.  a'ddreffed  to  Paulinus,  bifhop  of  Tyre,   and   afcribpd  by 
many  to  Eufebius  himfelf)  p.  384  of  the  Mentz  edition,  the 
fpeaker,  mentioning  the  foul  of  man,  calls  it  avTovoipccv  aaicty^ 
produced  by  the  Son  0  ^ioTai^  iz  th  (j.^  ovt@^,  certainly  not 
meaning  that  the  intelligence  vvas  underived,  or  the  intelli- 
gence of  the  Son  who  formed  it ;  but  rather  that  intelligence 
is  its  eflential  quality,  its  proper  charaderiftic,  infeparable 
from  its  being  5  or,  to  come  nearer,  if  pofiible,  to  the  force 
of  the  Greek  word,  that  pure  intelligence  is  its  i/efimtiqn,  that 
which  conAitutes  it  what  it  is.     And,  in  like  manner,  I  have 
fometim.es  been  ready  to  think  Eufebius   might  intend  no 
more  by  feveral  of  thefe  expreflions  than  to  give  his  very  high 
fenfe  of  the  perfon  to  whom  he  applies  them.     The  Son  is 
etvrcva^t  cLvToXoy^,  avroffopia,  i.  e.  intelligence,  reafon,  and 
wifdom  itfelf,  according  to  the  fame  figure  of  fpeech  (though 
an  a  much  more  exalted  meaning)  by   which  fome  perfons, 
intending  to  difplay  ^he  excellence  of  a  wife  and  good  man, 
would  fay  he  is  wifdom  and  goodnefs  itfelf.     But  all  this  is 
to  be  confidcred  merely  as  a  query. 

Two 


APPENDIX.  381 

Two  of  the  paflages  here  quoted  are  evident  in- 
ftances  of  this.  But  I  am  not  quite  certain  v/he- 
ther  the  laft  paflage  which  Dr.  Prieflley  produces 
as  an  example  of  this,  I  mean  that  from  Eufe- 
bius's  Epiille  ad  Csfarienfes  [Theodoriti  Hid. 
Ecclef.]  is  the  mod  full  to  the  Dodor's  purpofe. 
For  immediately  after  the  words  here  quoted  it 

follows  not  only,  ovlo^  isal§(B-  an  'S^acl^O-,  but  u^HM  ^oitri- 
^fWJ  1XEI-,  xai  cr<y?r)^©-  ^uvccfxst  TTavJa  ovlQ--,  asi  te  xctia  ta  aula,  uai 

u<rccumBxovl<^''  In  the  fame  fenfe  in  which  the  Fa- 
ther, according  to  Conflantine,  was  always  father, 
he  was  always  king  and  faviour.  But  as  it  could 
never  be  Conftantine's  intention  to  fay  that  the 
fubjedts  of  God's  government  and  falvation  were 
always,  any  otherwife  than  all  his  works  may  be 
faid  to  be  always  with  him,  as  comprehended  in 
his  fore-knowledge  and  purpofcs  ;  fo  neither  does 
it  follow  from  this  reafon  alone,  that  the  Son  had 
any  exiftence  in  the  Father  prior  to  his  being  be- 
gotten, in  any  other  fenfe,  i.  e.  as  the  Do6lor  has 
very  properly  rendered  the  word  ^ijva,au.  See  Le 
Clerc*s  Ars  Critica,  vol  3.  p.  49.  edit.  1700.  See 
alfo  quotation  *,  p.  130,  where  the  fame  manner 
of  conceiving  andreafoningfeems  to  occur  in  tho 

following  words.       O  ^=y  ^£(r7rolr,g  r(cv  o?/xv  ccilQ-  WTra^xtav 
nv,  Ka^o  ^£  izaca  ^vva/xig  o^cfiuv  te  t^  ao^aivv  avlo;  vTroraa-ig  rtV  (7iy 

aviu  -sraylfls.     In  the  next  words  Tatisn   may   be 

thought 


382  APPENDIX. 

thought  to  carry  the  matter  farther  with  refped  to 
the  logos.  But  what  I  have  here  tranfcribed  may 
be  fufficient  to  throw  fome  light  on  Conilantine's 
notion.  Indeed  his  whole  argument  is  little  bet- 
ter than  a  quibble,  and  though  it  might  fuit  Eu- 
febius's  purpofe  to  avail  himfelf  of  it,  could  never 
fatisfy  him,  nor,  I  iliould  think,  any  other  perfon 
in  the  council.  (X) 

P.  80,  Quotation*,  1.  14  of  the  text.  "  Eufe- 
*^  bius  fays  there  is  one  logos  in  God,"  more  ex- 
a6tly  the  one  zvord  of  God,  or  one  the  word  of 
God  sig  0  TK  $£«  AoyC^.  I  have  fome  doubt  about 
the  fufficiency  of  this  paiTage  from  Eufebius  to 
prove  the  Do6tor's  point.  Eufebius  is  here 
Ihewing,  that,  as  there  is  but  one  Father,  fo  there 
ought  to  be  but  one  logos,  and  animadverting 
upon  the  unreafonablenefs  of  thofe  who  might 
complain  that  there  were  not  more  3  and  to  Ihew 
this,  he  remarks  that  they  might  as  well  complain 
that  there  were  not  more  funs,  more  moons,  and 
more  worlds,  or  fyftems  created.  To  evince  the 
weaknefs  of  fuch  objedions  as  thefe,  he  fays  that, 
as  one  fun  in  vifible  things  enlighteneth  the  whole 
fenfible  world,  fo  in  intelligible  things  the  one 
logos  of  God  enlighteneth  all  things  ra  a-vf^Travla. 
And  as  an  illuftration  of  this  he  adds,  that  one 
foul,  and  one  rational  power  in  man,  was  the  per- 
former of  many  different  works  at  the  fame  time. 

From 


APPENDIX.  383 

From  this  view  of  Eufebius's  fubjed  and  reafon- 
ing,  it  docs  not  feem  to  have  been  at  all  neceflary 
to  his  fubje6t,  or  indeed  at  all  his  bufinefs,  di- 
redly  to  draw  a  para  lei  between  the  relation  of 
the  foul  to  man,  and  of  the  logos  to  God ;  but 
to  ihew  the  relation  of  each  to  the  feveral  ob- 
je6ls  under  their  diredion,  and  to  evince  by  the 
fufBciency  of  one  foul  to  prefide  over  various 
employments,  the  ample  fufHciency  of  one  logos 
to  dircdl  and  controul  all  things  in  the  univerfe; 
and  to  explain  and  confirm  his  argument  by  this 
comparifon,  appears  to  me  to  be  the  fole  intent 
of  this  paiTage.  But  the  quotation  from  Origen, 
which  follows  this,  contains  in  it  all  for  which 
the  Dodtor  produces  it.     (X) 

P.  160.  paragraph  i.  1.  5.  "  and  it  is  void  of 
"  all  foundation."  If  it  be  fuppofed  that  the 
meaning  of  the  obfervation  referred  to  is  that 
Se©-  with  the  article  never  fignifies  the  one  true 
God,  it  is  indeed  v/ithout  all  foundation,  and  is 
contradicted  by  fuch  a  multitude  of  inftances, 
both  in  the  Old  and  New  Teflament,  that  for 
this  very  reafon  I  (hould  be  almoil  ready  to  con- 
clude, that  neither  Philo,  who  mufl  have  been 
well  acquainted  with  the  language  of  one  tefla- 
ment, or  Origen,  or  Eufebius  (for  he  makes  the 
fame  remark)  who  mufl  have  known  the  ilyle  of 
both  teftaments,  could  ever  intend  to  afTert  it. 

But 


384  APPENDIX. 

But  if  thfe  defign  of  the  obfcrvation  was  only  tfii*> 
(though  I  allow  that  if  no  more  was  meant  it  is 
very  inaccurately  expreiled)  that  though  0  Ssoj  de- 
notes the  one  true  God,  ^eog  without  the  article 
may,  not  muj,  have  a   different  fignifi cation,  I 
fliould  think  it  is  not  wholly  without  ground.  The 
cafe  appears  to  me  to  be  this.     O  ^eog^  efpecially 
when  made  the  fubjecb  of  a  propofition,   denotes 
feme  particular  perfon,  v/ho  is  pointed  out  by 
that  title  J   and  when  it  is  ufed  abiblutely,  and 
without  reftridion,  denotes   him    to  whom  the 
appellation  fuper-eminently,  or  in  that  high  (tni'cy 
exciufively  belongs,     ©^o^  without  the  article,^  on 
the  other  hand,  may,  I  repeat  the  diftindion,  not 
mufi,  denote  not  fo  directly  a  perfon,  as  a  general 
defcription,   and  reprefent  properly  only  dignity, 
power,  and  pre-eminence.     Deut.  xxxii.  21.  AJIoi 

2  Kings  xix.  18.  Ol^  g  Ssot  eiaiv^  a?s?'  -/i  spya  %£ifwv  (xv^^cottuv, 
^<5ls  xix.  2.6.  >^^7Ciiv  o7i  8K  Eicri  Sfot  oi   ^ax  yji^uv  yivo/xevott  in 

which,  and  in  other  really  parallel  places,  the 
addition  of  the  article  would,  I  conceive,  be 
either  difagreeable  to  the  genius  of  the  Greek  ^ 
language,  or  elfe  vary  the  fenfe  confiderably ; 
and  this  I  am  apt  to  think,  is  the  real  ufe  which 
fome  comparatively  modern  writers  in  this  con- 
troverfy  defigned  to  make  of  this  diilin6l:ion  j 
not  that  wh€Ti  it  is  faid  icon  Seo;  r.vo7.oy^,  the  word, 

cannot 


APPENDIX.  385* 

cannot,  merely  on  account  of  the  omliTion  of  the 
article,  means  the  fame  with  0  Se©"  juft  before  men- 
tioned; but  that  there  is  no  neceffity  that  it  fhould 
be  thus  underftood,  and  confequently  that  it  is 
no  conclufive  proof  againft  their  fyilem.  If  any 
have  carried  this  obfervation  farther,  they  have 
done  it  widiout  fufficient  reafon,  and  Philo's  ap- 
plication of  it  in  the  pafTage  cited  from  him, 
p.  14,  has  nothing  of  real  fupport  to  it  in  the 
words  that  gave  occafion  to  his  remark.  (X) 

P.  162.  1.  4,  read^  if  Chrift  had  been  conceived 
to  be 

P.  183.  1.4.  (^)  ready  by  the  prophets  fore*- 
telling  things  to  come,  and  by  himfelf  when 
made  like  us,  &c. 

P.  221. 1.  13.  With  refpeifl  to  Irenseus,  Ori- 
gen's  words  quoted  p.  208  t,  are  alfo  decifive  as 
to  this  point ;  fince  he  there  fays,  that  the  foul 
of  Chrift,  divefted  of  the  body,  preached  to  fouls 
divefted  of  bodies  5  v/hich  can  never  be  under- 
ftood of  the  merely  fcnfitive  foul.     (X) 

P.  226.  1.  3.  read^  fo  the  divinity  is  not  changed 
by  the  body  of  Chrift 

P.  352.  1.  4,  {]?)  ready  Socrates,  however,  fays 

P.  41 1.  1.  3.  (^)  ready  can  only  be  founded  on 
the  circumftance  of  the  nam.e  of  God  occurring 
three  times  in  the  verfes  that  he  quotes. 

Vol.  IV.  *Cc  VOL. 


386  A      P      P      E      N      D      I      5C. 

VOL.     III. 

P.  57.  1.  II.  read^  begin  higher 

P.  106.  Note  1.  3,4.  *^«  Perhaps  the  firfl  ^m 
"  fnould  have  been  %/;iro5.''  Perhaps  an  eafier 
emendation  would  be  wo? .  s  ya^  tiTtsv  0  [yic{\  shx^wev 
uafloiye  k  ,  7s  *    aTOs  BTrmn  a  »  >> .  ^wiv  0  Beo;  d'L  avla   [the  text  is 

tV    Vlof\  STsaTsYlTEV.        (X) 

P.  98.  1,  6.  BeftdeSy  &c,  omit  from  this  word 
to  the  end  of  the  paragraph,'  as  not  being  fuf- 
ficiently  to  the  purpofe 

P.  loi.  I.  I.  {h)  read,  the  v/hole  of  his  dif- 
courfe 

P.  193. 1.  I.  readi  Then  firfi:  was  Marc,  a  Gen- 
tile, bifhop  at  Jerufalem 

P.  197. 1.  II.  ready  he  feems  to  fa)r 

P.  2(28. 1.  10.  {h)  read^  The  manner  in  which 
Hegefippus  quotes  the  gofpel  of  the  Hebrews, 
was  fuch  as  led  Eufebius  to  think,  &c. 

P.  264.  1.  8.  ready  and  any  other  that  profefTes 
himfelf  to  be  the  logos  of  God. 

P.  305.  1.  5.  ready  hardly  confiftent 

P.  308.  1.  5.  ready  that,  except  Theodotus,  wc 
read 

P.  340.  1.4.  ready  impioufly  brought  up 

P.  371.1.7.  read^  very  probably,  among  the 
Albigenfes 


.^07. 


APPENDIX,  387* 

P.  407.  after 'the  paragraph^  addy 

Though  none  of  the  following  authorities  go 
fo  f;ar  back  as  the  age  of  the  apoftles,  there  being 
no  writers  to  conned  with  thofe  of  the  age  of 
Juftin  Martyr,  &c.  yet  as  the  oldeft  unitarians 
that  we  hear  of  exprefs  furprize  at  the  orthodox 
fenfe  of  the  logos^  it  is  evident  that  they  took  it 
for  granted,  that  their  fenfe  of  it  was  that  v^hich 
had  been  put  upon  it  by  the  unitarians  of  the 
age  before  them. 

P.  416,  1.  2.  ready  had  much  recourfe  to  rea- 
foning. 

VOL.        IV. 

P.  31.  1.  10.  ready  appears  to  have  been  in- 
tended 

P.  49.  1.  I.  read^  to  whom  Mary  was  related, 
that  the  family  of  Mary  might  be  known 

P.  61^,  1.  6  (b)  ready  if  any  circumitances  in  the 
ftory  itfelf,  can  be  pointed  cut 

P.  64.  1.6.  ready  was  not  generally  known 

P.  84.  1.  7.  (J?)  ready  he  mentions  as  holding 

P.  85.  1.  3.  {b),  ready  fome  who  difbelieved  it 

P.  104.  after  the  paragraph  add^ 

It  muft  be  acknowledged,  however,  that,  ac- 
cording to  the  account  we  have  of  Marcion's 
gofpel  of  Luke,  it  contained  many  things  which 
we  cannot  but  think  muft  have  been  different 
from  the  original.  If,  therefore,  he  would  have 
*C  c  2  main- 


388  A      P      P      E      N      D      I      X. 

maintained  the  genuinenefs  of  it  in  all  refpeBs, 
it  would  lefTen  the  weight  of  his  teftimony  in 
this  cafe.  Having  nothing  of  Marcion's  own 
writing,  we  cannot  form  any  certain  judgment  in 
the  cafe. 

P.  118.1.  I.   {b)  read^  kept  at   Bethlehem  at 
leaft  one  complete  year 

P.  135.  after  the  paragraph y  add. 

It  clearly  appears  from  John  vii.  41,  4.2.  52. 
that  the  Jews  in  general,  knew  nothing  of  Jefus 
having  been  born  at  Bethlehem.  Others /aid  this 
is  the  Chrift,  But  fome  /aid  Jkall  Chrijtcvme  out  of 
Galilee  P  Hath  not  the  fcrifture  faid  that  Chrift 
tometh  of  the  feed  of  Bavidy  and  out  of  the  town  of 
Bethlehenty  where  David  was  P  They  anfwered  and 
faid  to  him^  Art  thou  alfo  of  Galilee.  Search  and 
lock  for  cut  of  Galilee  arifeth  no  prophet. 

At  this  Whitby  very  naturally  expreflcs  much 
furprize.  *^  It  is  wonderful,"  he  fays,  '^  that  not 
*^  the  multitude  only  w^ho  had  heard  the  fhepherds 
"  declaring  from  an  angel  that  Chrift  was  born  at 
*^  Bethlehem  (Lukeii.  15,  16)  and  had  wondered 
'^  at  the  words  which  had  been  told  them  by  the 
"  Ihepherds,  ver.  18,  Ihould  make  this  objec- 
"  tion,  ver.  41  ;  but  that  the  chief  priefts  and 
**'  pharifees  who  knew  that  the  wife  men  went  to 
"  Bethlehem,  to  worfhip  him  who  w^as  born  king 
^^  of  the  Jews,  Ihould  infift  upon  it.  This  is  an 
f^  inftance  of  the  power  of  prejudice  to  £hut  the 
T  <^  eyes 


APPENDIX.  389 

^^  eyes  againfl:  the  clearell  truth."  Indeed,  that 
Chrift  iliould  have  been  born  at  Bethlehem  ia 
fuch  remarkable  circumflances,  as  the  intro- 
du6lions  to  the  gofpels  of  Matthew  and  Luke 
fuppofe,  and  yet  that  all  people  fhould  take  it 
for  granted,  that  he  was  a  native  of  Nazareth,  is 
not  eafily  accounted  for. 

P.  136.  1.  4  (I?)  ready  Matthew,  indeed,  or  ra- 
ther the  Jews  of  that  age,  fuppofed 

P.  138.  1.  I  (b)  ready  has  been  fuppofed  to  be 
alluded  to 

P.  152.  1.  5.  ready  the  fuppofed  circumftances 
P.  163.  1.  6  (b)  ready  came  to  gain  ground 
P.  167. 1.  6  {h)  ready  the  immediate  inftrument 
P.  236.  1.  I.  {h)  ready  Eufebius,  who  was  at 
leaft  fufpeded  of  Arianifm 

P.  338. 1.  3  {h)  ready  being  really  God,  or  their 
creator. 

To  Vi\t  VA  of  nzmes  add y 
Artemon  flourifhed  187. 
Conflantine  died,  A.  D.  337.  66. 
Manuel  Caleca  flourifhed  1360. 
Nicephorus  Caliiilus  flourifhed  1333* 
Noetus  flourifhed  250. 
Photius  flouriihed  886. 
Sabellius  flourifhed  260. 


F»  334.  1,  ?,  /or  more,  read,  mere 

P.  3  00- 


390  APPENDIX. 

P.  300,  to  the  twelfth  article  fubjoin  this  notgy 
The  fudden  fpread  of  Arianifm  may  feem  to  be 
ta  exception  to  this  obfervation.  But,  befides, 
that  I  imagine  ic  fpread  chiefly  among  the  karnedy 
the  way  had  been  well  prepared  for  it  in  the  man- 
ner that  I  have  explained. 

After  noticing  the  preceding  remarks  upon 
f  articular  fajfages  in  this  Vv^ork^  I  muit  obferve, 
that  fome  of  my  friends  think  that  the  evidence 
1  have  produced,  in  order  to  prove  that  the 
bulk  of  comm.on  chriflians  in  the  early  ages,  were 
fimply  unitarians,  is  not  fufficient  for  the  pur- 
pofe.  They  think  that  ^^  the  paffage  from  Ter- 
*^  tuHian,  quoted  vol.  III.  p,  266,  proves  only  that 
**  the  m.ajor  part  of  chrifcians  in  his  time  were 
*^  offended  with  the  new  and  unintelligible  no- 
*^  tions  then  introduced  (notof  Chriil*s  pre-exifl- 
^'^  ence)  but  of  an  ^economy  and  triniiyy  which  they 
'^^  could  not  reconcile  to  the  fupremacy  and  unity 
*^  of  the  deity,  *«  The  like,"  they  fay,  ''^  is  true 
^^  of  the  pafTages  from  Origen,  in  p.  262,  &c,** 

Butj  with  refpe6^  to  this,  1  would  obferve,  that 
if  there  was  any  evidence  whatever,  prefumptive 
or  pofitiYe,  of  any  chriflians  in  thofe  ages  be- 
lieviug  the  pre-exiitence  of  Chrift,  and  not  be- 
lieving either  wiih  the  Gnoflics  that  he  was  a 
pr€<xiiknt  fpirit  fuperior  to  the  creator  of  the 

world. 


A      1^     P      B      N     D      1      )r,  ^gt 

world,  or  with  the  Platoilizing  Fathers,  that  he 
v/as  the  uncreated  logos  of  the  Father,  their  ob* 
jedion  might  have  fome  weight*  But  there  is 
no  trace  of  any  fuch  things  either  among  ths 
learned,  or  the  unlearned* 

As  to  the  common  people  of  Tertullianj  and 
Origen,  they  certainly  were  notGnofcics^  but  of  a 
charader  the  very  reverfe  of  them^  the  one  rud^ 
in  their  conceptions,  and  the  other  too  refined* 
On  the  other  hand,  they  certainly  did  not  reliih  tht 
notion  of  Chriit  being  the  uncreated  kgos  \  for  that 
was  part  of  the  fame  fyftem  with  the  csconomy^  and 
trinity y  at  which  they  were  fo  much  iliocked  % 
and  there  is  no  mention  whatever  of  any  inter- 
mediate kind  of  pre-exifcence,  fuch  as  that  of  a 
created  logcs^  till  a  much  later  period* 

As  to  the  writers  that  have  come  down  tO 
us  (if  we  omit  the  author  of  the  Clementines, 
who  v/as  an  unitarian)  they  were  all,  v/ithout  ex- 
ception, from  Juflin  Martyr  to  Athanafius,  Fla* 


tonizing  trinitanans. 


In  the  whole  of  that  period,  all  who  held  tht 
pre-exiftence  of  Chrifl  either  believed  him  to  be 
the  creator  of  the  v/orld,,  or  a  being  iuperior  to 
the  creator  of  it.  But  the  rude  and  Jiffiple  faith^ 
which  the  learned  complained  of,  was  evidently 
that  which  they  were  fuppofed  to  have  derived 

from 


392  APPENDIX. 

from  the  primitive  Jewiih  converts,  which  was 
merely  founded  on  the  confideration  of  the  mi- 
racles and  refurre6lion  of  Chrift,  by  which  he 
was  only  declared  to  be  a  man  approved  ofGod^  by 
ftg7is  and  wonderS)  and  mighty  deeds  which  God 
did  hy  him. 

The  pre-exiftence,  no  lefs  than  the  divinity  of 
Chrift,  was  an  article  of  faith  which  all  the  Fa- 
thers fay,  the  f-ril  chriilian  converts  were  not 
prepared  to  receive,  which  it  required  much  cau- 
tion to  teach,  and  the  enforcing  of  which  v/as 
not  ferioufiy  attempted  by  any  of  the  apoftles 
before  the  WTiting  of  John's  gofpclj  in  the  very 
lateft  period  of  the  apoilolic  age.  According  to 
this,  the  idea  that  the  Jev/iili  chriftians-  mull 
neceiTarily  have  had  of  Chriil,  was  the  fame 
that  they  had  been  taught  to  entertain  concern- 
ing the  MefTiah,  which  never  went  beyond  that 
of  his  being  a  man.  The  firft  Gentile  converts 
would  naturally  adopt  the  fame  opinion  -,  and 
confidering  how  numerous  the  chriftians  were,  ' 
and  how  they  were  difperfed  over  all  the  Roman 
empire,  before  the  publication  of  John's  gofpel, 
can  it  be  fuppofed  that  they  fhould  have  pafTed 
from  this  fimple  faith,  to  the  dodtrine  of  Chrift 
having  been  the  creator  of  the  world,  in  the  time 
of  Tertullian  and  Origen  3  and  fo  completely  as 

that' 


APPENDIX.  393* 

that  this  opinion  llioiild  have  been  iiniverfal 
even  aniong  the  common  people,  without  our 
being  able  to  trace  the  progrefs  of  this  prodigious 
change  ? 

Befides,  it  cannot  be  doubted  but  that  tht/mpk 
^nd  ignorant  people  of  Tertullian  and  Origen, 
were  the  fame  with  thofe  that  were  complained 
of  by  Athanafius,  as  perfons  of  low  underfiand- 
mg\  and  thefe  were  the  difciples  of  Paulus  Sa- 
mofatenfis,  or  proper  unitarians.  They  mufh 
alfo  have  been  the  fame  with  lYit  ^rex  Jidelium  of 
Facundus,  in  a  much  later  period  ;  who  are  re- 
prefented  by  him  as  having  no  higher  opinion  of 
Chrift  than  that  of  Martha,  Mary,  and  others  of 
his  difciples  at  that  time,  who,  he  fays,  were  im- 
ferfe^f  in  faith  ^  but  not  heretics.  Fromi  the  nature 
of  the  thing,  the  cafe  could  not  have  been  other- 
wife. 

Moreover,  Artcmon,  Theodotus,  and  Praxeas,  . 
againft  whom  Tertullian  wrote  the  very  treatife 
in  which  he  fpeaks  of  the  majority  of  the  common 
chriftians,  were  cotemporary  v/ith  him,  as  Beryllus 
was  with  Origen  ;  and  Noetus,  Sabellius,  and 
Paulus  Samofatenfis  followed  within  tv/enty  years. 
As  the  difciples  of  all  thefe  perfons  were  proper 
unitarians,  it  is  morally  impoffible  that  Tertullian 
or  Origen  fhould  refer  to  any  other.  Thefe  muft 
have  been  confidered  as  far  movQ/imple  and  igno- 
rant than  thofe  who  held  the  doctrine  of  pre- 
exiftence. 

Vol.  IV.  *  D  d  The 


394  APPENDIX. 

The  acknowledgments  that  John  was  the  only 
apoille  who  taught  with  clearnefs  and  effect  the 
difficult  and  fuhlime  dodrines  (as  they  were  then 
called)  of  the  pre-exiitence  and  divinity  of  Chriil, 
began  with  Origen^and  continued  without  inter- 
ruption to  the  lateft period.  And  if  thefe  writers 
had  not  made  thefe  acknowledgments  (which  they 
certainly  would  not  have  done  without  very  good 
reafon)  the  fcripture  hiftory  alone  would  prove 
the  fad:,  on  the  fuppofition  that  a  fight  of  the 
miracles  and  refurre6lion  of  Chrift  could  teach 
nothing  more  than  that  he  was  a  man  approved  of 
God,  and  the  MelTiah.  For  neither  in  the  gofpels, 
nor  in  the  book  of  A6ts,  are  there  any  traces  of 
higher  do&ines  being  taught. 

A  highly  valued  friend,  after  reading  my  work, 
ftates  his  general  opinion  as  follows  :  — "  It  was  to 
"  be  expeded  that,  whatever  was  the  original 
'^  opinion  concerning  Chrift,  the  converts  to 
"  chriftianity,  and  particularly  the  Platonizing 
^^  Fathers,  would  foon  raife  their  opinions  of  him 
*^  too  high,  and  that  this  would  make  one  of  the 
^^  firft  corruptions  of  chriftianity.  This  we  find 
*^  to  have  a6lually  happened,  and  the  principal 
"  occafion  for  it  was  given  by  the  introduction  to 
"  St.  John's  gofpei.  By  making  Chrift  the^^r- 
^^  fonified  logos  of  the  deity,  he  was  raifed  fo  high, 
^'  as   to   be   impafTible  ;  and  the  confequence  of 

this  was,  that  thefe  Fathers,  finding  a  difficulty 

in  conceiving  how  fuch  a  being  could  he^bofn 

«'  and 


<c 


APPENDIX.  395* 

"  and  fuffer^nd  die,  were  led  to  fpeak  of  him  as  if 
*'  this  was  true  only  of  a  human  foul  that  he  had 
"  afTumed.  At  laft  they  carried  their  ideas  of  him 
"  fo  high  as  to  reckon  him  very  God ;  and  it  being 
"  impofiible  that  any  human  mind  ihould  believe 
«  that  God  himfelf  fuffered  and  died,  the  prefent 
"  eftablifhed  do6trine  of  the  God-many  and  the  hy- 
^^  poftatical union  was  necefTarily  introduced.  This 
"  very  naturally  produced  Arianifmy  by  leading  the 
*'  chriftians  who  embraced  this  dodrine  to  lower 
"  Chrill,  in  order  to  avoid  making  him  a  mere 
^'  man  united  to  God,  and  to  deviate  fo  far  from 
*^  the  opinions  (or  at  leail  fome  of  the  language 
''  of  the  Antenicene  Fathers)  as  to  make  him  not 
"  only  inferior  to  the  Father,  but  capable  of  fuf- 
^'  fering  and  dying.  And  this  again  led  the  or- 
''  thodox  party  to  ftill  higher  notions  of  Chrift's 
"  divinity,  and  confequently  a  flill  greater  ne- 
^'  ceffity  of  providing  a  human  foul  for  him,  and 
*'  dividing  him  into  two  beings.  This,  I  am  in- 
*^  dined  to  think,  was  the  progrefs  of  the  opinions 
*^  concerning  Chrift  in  the  firft  four  centuries." 

This,  it  will  be  perceived,  correfponds  very 
nearly  with  my  own  ideas.  Only  I  think  there  is 
a  necelTity  of  fuppofmg  that  the  original  doctrine 
(by  a  departure  from  vvhich  the  Platonic  corrup- 
tions began)  was  that  of  Chrifl  being  a  mere  man, 
who  had  no  pre-exiftence  at  all.  For  this  is  the 
very  opinion  univerfally  afcribed  to  the  vulgar  in 
the  life-time  of  Chrift,  in  the  age  of  the  apoftles, 
3  and 


3  96  APPENDIX. 

and  In  that  of  the  Antcnicene  Fathers.     There  is 
alfo  no  trace  of  any  chriftians  denying  that  Chriil 
had  a  proper  human  foul  before  the  time  of  AriuSs. 
That  he  had  one  is  as  exprefsiy  afierted  by  the 
eariieft  writers,  as  it  is  by  the  lateft.     However, 
all  tht  faHs  that  I   have  been  able  to  colled  are 
fairly  before  the  reader,    and  all  I  wifh  is,  by  this 
means,  to  aiTift  him  in  forming  a  true  judgment. 
At  the  clofe  of  this  Appendix  I  had  intended  to 
have  replied  to  two  opponents,   who  have  lately 
appeared   in  the  controverfy  relating  to  the  fub- 
jecl  of  this  work.     But  I  think  it  more  advifeablc 
not  to  connect  with  it  any  thing  of  fo  temporary  a 
nature.     The  work  itfelf,  I  am  confident,  will  be 
deemed,  by  all  im.partial  and  proper  judges,  more 
than  a  fufficient  anfwer  to  any  thing  that  has  yet 
been  pubiillied   on  the  other  fide.     If,  however, 
any  thing  fliall  appear  that  fhall  be  thought  to  de- 
ferve  particular  confideration,  my  readers  may  be' 
allured  that  I  fnall  not  pafs  it  without  notice. 
This  is  a  difculTion  from  which  I  feel  no  inclina- 
tion to  fnrink.     If  I  have  fallen  into  any  miftake 
of  confequence,  I  Ihali  frankly  acknowledge  it. 
But  as  to  things  that  do  not  affed  the  main  aro-y- 
ment,  I  fhall  not  be  very  folicitous  about  them. 
They  will   only  hurt  myfelf^   and   not  the  canfe 
for  which  I  contend. 


BIRMINGHAM, 
April  5,  1786. 


AN 


A    N 


ALPHABETICAL     INDEX 


TO      ALL 


THE    FOUR    VOLUMES. 


JBELARDy  whether  an  unitarian,  vol.  3. 
page  369 
Abftimntesy  the  fame  v/ith   the  Prifcillianiits,  4. 

268 
Mons:,  of  the  Gnoftics,  i.  155 
AetiuSy  the  mailer  of  Eunomius,  his  dodrine,  4. 

196 
AlhigenfeSy  defcended  from  the  Paulicians,  4.  269; 

whether  unitarians,  3.  368 
Alexayider  of  Alexandria,    his   doubts   about   the 

principles  of  Arianifm,  4.  197 
^;/^^/5,  according  to  Philo,   1,   16  ;    how  diilin- 

"guiihed  from  the  logos,  2.  96 
Jntlchrift^  of  John,  meant  the  Gnoftics,  i.  256 
Apollinatian  controverfy^  ^*  '^SS 

wjllesy  taught  the  pre-exiftence  and  divinity  of 

Chrift  with  caution,  3.   10 1  5-— to  the  Gentiles, 

Avian 


378  I      N      D      fi      X. 

Arian  'controverfy^  an  account  of  it,  4.  165 
Avians y  not  properly  unitarians,  i.  73 
Arian  hypothefts,    highly  incredible,   i.  57;    re- 
fembles  that  of  the  Gnoflics,  4.   168,    229; 
commenced  in  the  age  of  Arius,  170;   ante- 
cedent caufes  of  it,    173  ;   ftated,  193;  argu- 
ments for  it,  199;    againft  it,  211  3   compared 
to  heathenifm,  214;   oppofed  to  Sabellianifm, 
220;  a  new  herefy,  2233  general  obfervations 
relating  to  it,  231. 
Ariftotky  his  animadverfions  upon  Plato,    1.329 
Article^  the  word  God  with,  and  without  it,  2.  158 
Athanafius^  his  account  of  herefy,    i,  2963  his 
tendernefs  for  the  unitarians,  3.  331  5   his  tef- 
timony  to  the  caution  of  the  apoftles  in  teach- 
ing the  do6trine  of  the  divinity  of  Chrifl,  3. 
86 
Auftin^  his  definition  of  herefy,    1.243;   might- 
derive  his  do6trine  of  predeftination  from  the 
Manichasan  fyflem,  4.  293. 

Baptifm,  not  ufed  by  fome  Gnoftics,  i.  232  ;  the 
pradice  of  the  unitarians  with  refped  to  it, 

3-  439 
Barmbasy  the  authority  of  the  epiftle  afcribed  to 

him,  1 .  97  ^       / 

Ba/tly  perfecuted  by  the  unitarians,  3.  349  / 

Bethlehmy 


I     N      D      E      X.  379 

Bethlehem^  Jefus  not  fuppofed  by  the  unitarians 

to  be  born  there,  4.  134 
Bodyy  of  Chrift,  opinions  concerning  it,  2.  246  5 

thought  to  feel  no  pain,  252 
Bonofiansy  unitarians,  3.  365 

CatholicSy  their  near  agreement  with  the  Gnoflics, 
I.  173;  embarafled  by  their  different  oppo- 
nents, 2.  439. 

Caufe,  applied  to  the  Father  with  refped  to  the 
Son,  4,  179 

Cenjus,  at  the  birth  of  Chrift,  improbabilities  at- 
tending it,  4.  1 24 

Chrifty  no  proper  objeft  of  prayer,  i.  36;  his  di- 
vinity and  pre-exiftence  not  known  in  the  time 
of  the  apoilies,  23 ;  not  agreeable  to  the  ge- 
neral tenor  of  the  fcriptures,  i.  i ;  his  minillry 
continued  only  one  year,  1383  dodrine  of  the 
Gnollics  concerning  him,  1755  his  ignorance 
of  the  day  of  judgment,  2.  234 ;  his  divinity 
firll:  taught  with  caution,  3.  272;  creates  with- 
out the  orders  of  his  Father,  343  -,  offence 
taken  at  his  mean  condition,  172  i  how  re- 
plied to  by  the  philofophizing  chriftians,  179; 
defcribed  in  magnificent  terms  as  the  logos  of 
God,  186;  the  medium  of  all  divine  commu- 
nications to  man,  18B  ;  made  his  own  body 
and  foul,   1935  raifed  himfelf  from  the  dead, 

194  i 


3^0  INDEX. 

194;  fuppofed  to  have  two  fouls^  221;  dif- 
mifTed  his  foul  when  he  pleafed,  222  5  how  he 
conduced  himfeif  v/ith  refpe6t  to  his  own 
divinity,  3.  ^o,  64;  his  pre-exiftence  and  di- 
vinity thought  to  be  fublime  dodrines,  56 

Clemens  Alexandrinus^  his  idea  of  herefy,  i.  284 i 
charged  with  Arianifm,  4.  185 

— Romanus,  did  not  teach  the  pre-exiftence 

.  or  divinity  of  Chrift,  i.  93 

Ckmentifie  Homilies^  the  ufe  of  that  work,    i.  113, 

3.  254;  efteemed  by  the  Ebionites,  3.  216 
Communion^  a  tell  of  catholicifm,  i .  247 
Confiantins^  his  opinion  of  the  Arian  controverfy, 

4.  198 

Co7ifuhfiantiaUtyy  a  term  at  fir  ft  rejeded  by  the 
orthodox,  2.  357,  3.  395  ;  ufed  by  the  philofo- 
phical  unitarians,  3.  393;  an  account  of  it,  4. 
181  j  arguments  of  the  orthodox  in  favour  of 
it  againft  the  Arians,  4,  211 

Creation^  not  confined  to  the  Son,  2.  304 ;  out  of 
nothings  the  idea  of  it  takes  place  of  tlie  doc- 
trine of  emanations,  4.  175;  St.  Paul's  ufe  of 
t\it  term,  4.  339 

Creature^  the  term  applied  to  Chrift  by  the  an- 
cients, 4.  213  ;  cannot  be  a  creator,  219 

Creedy  apoftles,  directed  againft  the  Gnoftics,  i. 
303  y  Athananan,  2.  345 

Crediiility, 


INDEX.  33i 

Credibility^  of  a  fadt,  what  is  neceflary  to  efcablilh 
it,  4.  59 

Cudworthy  his  wrong  account  of  the  Platonic  tri- 
nity, 1.349 

BemiurguSy  according  to  Plato,  i.  324 
Devil,  ignorant  of  the  divinity  of  Chrift,  3.  80 ; 
and  of  the  miraculous  conception,  4.42,  51; 

•  his  foliloquy  on  the  occafion.  54 

Dionyfius  of  Alexandria^    called  the  fountain   of 

Arianifm,  4.  185 
DonatuSy  not  orthodox  with  refpeft  to  the  divinity 

of  the  Holy  Spirit,  2.  329 ;  his  followers  not 

trinitarians,  3.  326 

Ehionites,  how  confidered  by  Irenseus,  i.  2815 
the  fame  people  with  the  Nazarenes,  3.  158;- 
of  their  fuppofed  herefy,  201  s  faifely  charged 
with  the  do&ine  of  the  Gnoilics,  206 ;  of 
their  facred  books,  212;  men  of  eminence 
'among   them,    2195    the   lateil   accounts   of 

•  them,  231 3  their  gofpel  altered,  4.  105 
Egypt  J  improbabilities  attending  the  fuppofition 

of  Jefus  having  been  carried  thither,  4.  119. 
ElipanduSy  an  unitarian,  2'  2^^ 
Epipbaniusy  fays  that  the  Ebionites  deteiled  the 

prophets,  3.  217 

Ejfencey 


382  INDEX. 

EfencBy  the  fame  with  power,  according  to  the 
Platonifts,  1.339,  374;  whether  different  in 
God,  2.  85;  diftinguiihed  from  hypoftafis,  2. 
352;  of  the  Father  and  the  Son,  whether  the 
fame,  4.  1 8  i 

Eucharift,  not  obferved  by  fome  Gnoftics,  i.  229 

Evil,  the  origin  of  it,  according  to  the  Gnoftics, 
I.  154 

EufehiuSy  his  account  of  the  late  date  of  the  uni- 
tarians, 3.  295,  312 

Eutycbesy  his  doftrine,  4.  259 

Eutychius,   his   account  of  the  council  of  Nice, 

3-319 

Facundus^  his  account  of  the  unitarians  of  his 
time  3.  334 

Fate,  the  dodrine  of  it  afcribed  to  Simon  Ma- 
gus, I.  163 

Father,  the,  the  fame  with  God,  2.  239  i  the  foun- 
tain ofdeity,  4.  179  ;  whether  God  could  be  one 
before  the  generation  of  the  Son,  2.  123;  the 
proper  title  of  God  when  he  had  one^  121  j 
minifters  to  the  Son,  344 

Felicians,  unitarians,  3.  366 

/7yW/i<3»,  his  account  of  herefy,  1.293 

Fullo,  Peter,  his  opinions,  4.  261 

3  Genealogies^ 


INDEX.  383 

Genealogies^  endlefs,  of  St.  Paul,  i.  157;  of  Jefus, 
how  underftood  by  the  ancients,  4.  113 

Generation,  of  the  logos,  illuHrated  by  the  utter- 
ing of  words,  2.  88  ;  by  the  prolation  of  a 
branch  from  a  root,  100  ^  whether  it  implies 
paffion,  117  J  what  bounds  there  are  to  it,  120; 
defcribed  in  an  indecent  manner,  124;  repre- 
fented  as  a  myflery,  83,  125  ;  in  time,  and  a 
voluntary  ad,  128  ;  eternal  and  necefTary,  140; 
how  it  differs  from  procejfion,  294;  advantage 
taken  of  the  expreffion  by  the  Arians,  4.  208, 
224 

rfvvyj?^.  applied  to  all  creatures  by  the  Platonills, 
4.  177  j   not   differing   originally  from  7fv>i7©-^ 

Gentile  chrijiians^  originally  unitarians,  3.  233 ; 
prefumptive  evidence  of  it,  235  ;  dire6b  evi- 
dence for  it,  258 
Glory,  given  to  the  Father  only,  2.  319 
GnoJiicSy  their  principles,  1^139;  two  kinds  of 
them,  142;  their  pride,  150;  their  immora-« 
lities,  2153  gave  ledlures  for  money,  2235 
great  affertors  of  liberty,  225 ;  their  public 
worfhip,  227;  the  only  heretics  of  antiquity, 
237;  diftinguifhed  by  peculiar  names,  250  i 
the  refemblance  of  their  tenets  to  thofe  of  the 
Arians,  4.  168  ;  this  urged  by  Athanafius  and 
others,  229 

Gcd, 


334  INDEX. 

Cod^  whether  he  made  himfelf  according  to  the 

Platoniils,   i.  378  ;   whether  in  place,  2.  170; 

fynonymous  to   Father  with  the   Antenicene 

writers,  2.  170. 

Good  J  the  J  according  to  the  Platonifts,  i*  375 

Goths  and  Vandals ^  &c.  whether  all  Arians,  3.  367 

Hegejlppus,  his  account  of  herefy,  i.  2653  an  ac- 
count of  him,  3.  221 

Herefy^  the  nature  of  it  in  the  primitive  times, 
1.  238  ;  in  a  later  period^  295  s  the  fame  with 
Gnofticifm,  237,  252 

Hermasy  of  the  treatife  afcribed  to  him,  i.  103 

fiypoftafis^  diilinguifhed  fi'om  ejfence^  2.  352 

IdeaSy  according  to  Plato,  i.  327,  of  Philo,  2.  3 
Idolatry^  mankind  originally  prone  to  it,  3.  2 
IgnatiuSy  of  his  epiilles,   i.  1063  his  account  of 

herefy,  258 
Incarnationy  fuppofed  ufe  of  it,  2.  258  3  objedted 

to  by  unbelievers,  265 
Irenaus^  his  account  of  herefy,  i.  274 

JamhlichuSy  his  account  of  the  principles  of  things, 

J- 373 
Jero7ny  makes  no  difference  betv/een  the  Naza- 

renes  and  Eibonites,  3.  169 

Jerufaleniy  no  orthodox  Jewifh  church  there  after 

the  time  of  Adrian,  3.  190 

Jews, 


INDEX.  385 

Jews,  believers  in  the  divine  unity,  3.  7  ;  this 
acknowledged  by  tl^e  chrifcian  Fathers,  9  -, 
reafons  why  they  were  not  taught  the  dodrine 
of  the  trinity,  1 8  ;  how  they  exprefied  their 
abhorrence  of  it,  16  \  their  obje6tions  to  the 
genealogies  of  Jefus,  4.  1 1 5 

John^  the  reafon  of  his  writing  the  introdu6tion 
to  his  gofpel,  I.  181,  185;  to  oppofe  the 
Gnoftics,  253  ',  was  the  firft  who  taught  with 
clearnefs  the  do6lrines  of  the  pre-exiftence  and 
divinity  of  Chrifti  3.  123 

Jones,  his  opinion  about  the  Nazarenes  and 
■Ebionites,  3.  178 

Julian,  his  account  of  the  Platonic  principles, 
1,^6^;  reproaches  chriftians  with  the  doc- 
trine of  the  trinity,  2.  445 ;  obferves  that 
Mofes  taught  the  unity  of  God,  3.  323  objedls 
to  the  miraculous  conception,  4.  155. 

Jtffiin  Martyr^  his  account  of  her(^fy,  i,  269  s  his 
account  of  the  unitarians.  3.  278 

Laity ^  the  part  they  took  in  the  excommunica- 
tions of  the  unitarian  clergy,  3.  30B 

Logos,  according  to  Plato,  1.325;  of  the  Jews  in 
general,  2.  19;  ofPhilo,  5,  17;  of  chriftians, 
originally  an  attribute  of  the  Father,  53  j  not 
confined  to  the  perfon  of  Chrift,  75  ;  the  power 
pf  the  Father,  77  -,  the  will  of  the  Fadier,  78  i 
Vol.  IV,  C  c  the 


386  INDEX. 

line  foul  of  the  Father,  8o;  in  place,  196,  404; 
incapable  of  fuffering,  2155  not  impaired  by  , 
its  union  with  the  body  of  Jefus,  225  ;  united 
both  to  the  body  and  foul  of  Chriil,  226,  230 ; 
omniprefent,  2.  231 ;  no  created  fpirit/'232  ; 
what  the  ancient  unitarians  underflood  by  it, 

3.  406 

LuciaUy  ridicules  the  doctrine  of  the  trinity,  2. 444 

MacedoniuSy  his  opinion,  2.  324 
Manion,   martyrs  among  his  difciples,    i.  205; 
afferts  the  genuinenefs  of  his  gofpel  of  Luke, 

236;  4.  103 
Mark,  his  omilTion  of  the  miraculous  conception, 

4.  100 

Martyrdom,  dodrine  of  the  Gnoflics  with  refpeft 

to  it,  I.  201 
Mary,  fuppofed   to  have  had  no  proper  child- 
birth, I.  176  ;  made  by  Chrift,  2.  192  s  mira- 

culoudy  delivered,  4.  147 
Marriage,  difapproved  by  the  Gnoftics,  i.  222 
Materialifm,  furnifhing  an  argument  againil  the 

pre-exiftence  of  Chrift,  i .  84 
Matter,  uncreated  according  to  Plato,  i.  343; 

the  fource  of  evil,  how  that  opinion  affedled 

chriftianity,  4.  289 
Matthew,  his  reafons  for  not  teaching  the  divi- 

niry  of  Chrift,  3*  137  j  refledions  on  the  fub- 

jed, 

3 


INDEX.  387 

je6t,  148  i  his  gofpel  according  to  the  Ebio- 
nites,  3.  213  i  obfervations  on  the  introdudion 
to  it,  4.  106 

Maxims  of  hiftorical  criticifm^  4.  294 

Mejfiahy  the  Jews  always  expeded  a  man  in  that 
character,  3.  34;  no  expe6tation  of  any  fuch 
perfon  among  the  Gentiles,  38 

MetatroUy  among  the  Jews,  3.  40 

Miraculous  conception^  treated  of,  4.  i  -,  its  nature 
and  importance,  8  3  the  ufe  of  it  according  to 
the  Fathers,  26  3  much  boafled  of  by  them,  39; 
reafon  for  its  being  concealed,  43  ;  arguments 
for  it,  56  ;  not  known  very  early,  64;  difbe- 
lieved  by  the  Ebionites,  72^  by  many  of  the 
Gentile  chriftians,  84;  and  by  the  early  Gnof- 
tics,  92  3  internal  evidence  of  the  hiftory  con- 
Iidered,  100 ;  not  related  by  Mark,  ibid.  ;  the 
two  hiftories  of  it  very  different,  1173  fuppofed 
allufions  to  it  in  the  Old  Teftament,  1383  ob-* 
jedions  of  unbelievers  to  it,  151  j  replies  of  the 
Fathers,  155  ;  fuppofed  ufe  of  it  with  refpecl 
to  the  education  of  Jefus,  345 

Montanifts,  not  trinitarians,  3.  323 

NazareneSy  the  fame  people  with  the  Ebionites,  3. 

158  •,  no  believers  in  the  divinity  of  Chrift,  188 
Nazareth^  Jefus  thought  to  have  been  born  there, 

by  many  Gentile  unitarians,  4.  135 

C  c  2  Neftorius^ 


388  INDEX. 

NeftoriuSy  his  doctrine  very  popular,  4.  240 ;  his 
opinion  ftated,  241;  many  of  his  followers  Pe- 
lagians, 248  j  their  arguments,  249  ;  in  all  parts 
of  Europe,  255  3  arguments  againil  them,  ibid. 
Nkolaitans,  i.  216,  221,  243 
Novelty,  fynonymous  to  herefy^  i.  245 
JSfouSy  according  to  Plato,   i.  327  s   according  to 
the  later  Platoniils,  361 

One,  /Z?f,  fynonymous  to  the  Goody  i.  377 
Oriental  I^hilofophy,  the  principles  of  it,  1 .  1 10 
Or/^^;/,  his  account  of  herefy,   i.   290  s    charged 
with  the  Arian  do6trine,  4.  188  ;  defended,  191 

P atrip qffian  dodrine,  3.  376 

Fauliciansy  an  account  of  them,  4.  268 

Faulus  Samofatenfts^  of  his  excommunication.  3. 

Pelagians,  many  of  them  anti-trinitarians,  3.  327 
PerfonSy  fynonym.ous  to  hypoftafes,  2.  360 
Perfonification  of  the  logos,  occafional,  2,  46  ,  per- 
manent, 48 
Philoy  his  Platonifm,  2.  i 

Phikfophyy  of  the  GreeivS,  afcribed  to  the  logos, 
2.  282  ;  oriental  and  Platonic,  remains  of  them 
in  chrilLianity,  4.  288 
fhotinusy  his  excommunication,  3.  310  i  his  cha- 
xadter,  3.  341 

PlatOy 


INDEX.  389 

Flato^  a  view  of  his  philofophy,  1.320J  highly 
commended  by  the  chriftian  Fathers,  2.  26; 
cenfured  by  them  in  feme  refpeds,  28  ;  his  third 
principle  did  not  correfpond  to  the  Holy  Spi- 
rit, 290 

Platonifm,  chrijlian^  2,  23  ;  how  explained  by  the 
chriftian  Fathers,  23  '■>  ^  cenfure  upon  it,  399 

Platonifts,  offended  at  the  Gnoftics,  i.  1725  the 
later  ones,  2S^  >  admirers  of  the  chriftian  logos, 
2.  41 

Plotinus,  fpeaks  of  the  immoralities  of  the  Gnof- 
tics,  I.  217 

Polycarp^  his  fenfe  of  Chriji  coming  in  the  fleJJoy 
I.  196;  his  idea  of  herefy,  263 

Pr^jy'^r,  rejedled  by.fome  Gnoilics,  i.  230  ^  Chrift 
not  the  object  of  it,  2.  162 

Principle  (a?%>i)  applied  to  Chrifl,  2.  23S 

Principles^  of  Plato,  i.  331  s  of  the  later  Platonifts, 
37B 

Prifcillianiftsy  account  of  themx,  4.  263  ;  held  fome 
Gnoftic  opinions,  265  -,  were  unitarians,  266 

Proceedings  how  differing  from  ^^;?fr<^//i?;;,  2.  294 

paternity,  faid  to  be  held  by  the  Neilorians,  4. 

257 

Refurre^ion,  difbelieved  by  the  Gnoflics,  i.  208 
C  c  3  Schifm^ 


390  INDEX. 

Schifm^  diflinguifhed  from  herefy^  i.  246 

Scriptures^  their  infpiration  not  believed  by  the 
Gnoftics,  I.  222',  corrupted  by  them,  235 

SemiarianSy  4. 195 

Simon  Magus,  an  account  of  him,  i.  1 17 

SiXy  a  facred  number,  2.  390 

So/!y  his  generation  from  the  Father,  2.  44 ;  why 
only  one  generated,  115;  inferior  to  the  Father, 
145  3  his  perfedb  equality  to  the  Father,  341 

Souly  corruptions  in  chriftianity  arifing  from  the 
belief  of  it,  4.  288;  its  union  with  God  ac- 
cording to  the  Platonifts,  i.  387  ;  the  chriftian 
Fathers  thought  that  Chrift  had  one,  4.  227  5 
the  Arians  believed  the  contrary,  194 

of  theworldy  according  to  Plato,  i.  341,  345 

Spirit^  Holy^  the  controverfy  relating  to  it,  2,  268; 
opinions  concerning  it  before  the  council  of 
Nice,  270  ;  after  that  council,  285  ;  vivifies  the 
body  of  Chrift,  307  j  arguments  for  his  divi- 
nity, 317  5  for  his  perfonality,  320  -,  his  proper 
office,  299  5  the  center  and  copula  of  the  Father 
and  Son,  303  -,  his  divinity  chiefly  objeded  to 
in  Afia  minor,  326 

Subjiancey  ufed  by  the  Latins  for  ejfence  and  hypof-, 
tafiSy  2.  355 

Summary  view,  of  the  evidence  of  the  primitive 

church  having  been  unitarian,  4.  303 

Sun^ 


IN     D      E      X.  391 

S«»,  in  the  Platonic  fyftem,  i.  332 
SykeSy  Dr.  his  account  of  the  apoftles  creed,  i .  31 2 
SymmachuSy  fome  account  of  him,  3.  220;  writes 
againft  the  miraculous  conception,  4.  75 

^atiariy  his  harmony  had  no  genealogy,  4.  108 
TermSy  new  ones  introduced  after  the  council  of 

Nice,  2.  351 
^ertulliaTiy  his  account  of  herefy,  i.  286,  244;  his 

three  creeds,  312 
^heodoruSy  of  Mopfueftia,  the  mafter  of  Neftorius, 

IheodotuSy  his  excommunication  by  Vi61:or,  3.  303 
TheopafchiteSy  4.  262 

Threey  the  myfteries  of  that  number,  2.  388 
Timey  faid  by  Origen  to  have  no  relation  to  God, 

2-  143 
*Tim^us  LocruSy  his  philofophy,  i.  352 
Trinity y  of  Plato,   i.  331  ;  of  the  later  Platonifts, 
383  ;  according  to  the  Fathers,  2.  292 

chriftiariy  (hewn  to  imply  a  contradidion,  i. 

48  ;  no  ufe  of  it,  87  ;  all  the  perfons  in  it  have 
a  joint  operation,  2,  310  ;  after  the  council  of 
Nice,  335  ^  arguments  for  it  from  the  Old  Tef- 
tament,  392  ;  from  the  New,  418  ;  illuilrations 
of  it,  3625  from  the  properties  of  fire,  364; 
from  the  fun,  2,^6  ;  from  vifion,  368  ,  from  the 
tP.ind  of  man,  369  ;  the  three  perfons  of  it  re- 
C  c  4  prefented 


393  INDEX. 

prcfented  as  diftindt  beings,  376  ;  illuftrated  by 
the  cafe  of  Ad  am;,  Eve,  and  their  fon,  j82  -,  by 
that  of  a  fountain  and  river,  &c.  384  s  reprcr 
fented  as  a  myflery,  385  ;  objedions  to  it  ho v; 
anfwered,  428  ;  from  the  Father  being  called 
the  one  God^  4295  the  one  true  Gsdy  432  j  the 
only  good,  429  ;  from  Chrift  being  fent  by  the 
Father,  43 1  ;  from  Chrift  praying  to  the  Fa- 
ther, 434  5  from  Chrilt  faying  that  the  Father 
was  greater  than  he,  435  3  from  Chrifl  being 
fubject  to  the  Father,  ibid.  3  from  Chriil  not 
haying  the  difpofal  of  the  chief  places  in  his 
kingdom^  438  -,  much  cavilled  at,  441 

Union^  bypoftaticy  not  held  by  the  Nellorians,  4. 
258 

Unitarians y  hiflory  of  their  doclrine,  3.  i  ;  greatly 
offended  at  the  dodrine  of  the  divinity  of 
Chrifl,  272,  399  J  charged  with  teaching  a  no- 
vel dodtrine,  312;  they  uniformly  affert  the 
antiquity  of  it,  314;  flate  of  them  after  the 
council  of  Nice,  318;  concealed  among  the 
catholics,  334;  in  Gaul,  361;  after  the  fixth 
century,  3643  philofophical,  376  3 — thefe  ihewn 
to  have  been  properly  unitarians,  390 ;  their 
practice  with  refped  to  baptifm,  4393  their 
arguments  from  reafon^  41^3  from  the  fcrip- 
tures,  423 

VaJentinuSy 
I 


INDEX.  3P3 

yakntinus,  his  dodlrine  of  ^ons,  i.  179 

Water y  iifed  by  fome  Gnoftics  in  the  eucharift,  i, 
231 

TVattSy  Br.  his  candour  with  refpecl  to  his  belief 
of  the  miraculous  conception,  4.  343 

JVifdom,  in  the  book  of  Proverbs,  applied  to 
Chrifc,  3.427  ;  whether  created  or  not,  4.  22c 

Worlds  intelligible,  of  Plato,  i.  330  s  according  to 
the  later  Platonifts,  357  -,  the  maker  of  it  ac- 
cording to  the  Gnoftics,  166 

Worm^  Chrift  compared  to  one,  4.  139, 


A     CATALOGUE 


A 

CATALOGUE   OF    BOOKS 

WRITTEN     BY 

Dr.     PRIESTLEY, 


AND       PRINTED      FOR 


J.  JOHNSON,  Bookfeller,  No.  72,  St.  Paul's  Church  Yard, 
London. 

I.  ^T'  H  E  Hiftory    and    Prefent   State  of   Electricity, 
X     with   original  Experiments,    illullrated  with   Copper- 
plates, 4th  Edition,  correfted  and  enlarged, 410.  il.  is.     Another 
Edition,  2  vols.  8vo.  12s. 

2.  Familiar  Introduflion  to  the  Study  of  Electricity, 
4th  Edition,  8vo.  2s.  6d. 

3.  The  HiftoFy  and  Prefent  State  of  Difcoveries  relating  to 
Vision,  Light,  and  Colours,  2  vols.  4to,  illuftrated  with  a 
great  Number  of  Copper-plates,  il.  lis.  6d.  in  boards. 

4.  A  Familiar  Introduction  to  the  Theory  and  Praftice  of 
Perspective,  with  Copper-plates,  2d  Edition,  5s.  in  boards, 

5.  Experiments  and  Obfervations  on  different  Kinds  of  Air, 
with  Copper-plates,  2d  Edition,  3  vols.  i8s.  boards. 

N.  B.  In  this  Work  are  included  the  Dire^ions  for  impregnating 
Water  'with  fixed  Air y  which  were  formerly  publiihed  feparately. 

6.  Experiments  and  Obfervations  relating  to  various  Branches 
of  Natural  Philosophy,  with  a  Continuation  of  the  Experi- 
ments on  Air,  2  vols.  12s.  in  boards. — Another  Volume  of  this 
Work  is  juft  publiihed. 

7.  A  New  Chart  of  History,  containing  a  View  of  the 
principal  Revolutions  of  Empire  that  have  taken  Place  in  tha 
World ;  with  a  Book  defcribing  it,  containing  an  Epitome  of 
Univerfal  Hillory,  4th  Edition,  los,  6d. 

8.  A 


396        BOOKS  ntiritten  hy   Dr.    PRIESTLEY. 

8.  A  Chart  of  Biography,  with  a  Book  containing  an 
Explanation  of  it,  and  a  Catalogue  of  all  the  Names  inferted  in 
it,  6th  Edition,  veiy  much  improved,  los.  6d. 

9.  The  Rudiments  of  English  Grammar,  adapted  to  the 
Ufe  of  Schools,     is.  6d.  bound. 

10.  The  above  Grammar,  with  Notes  and  Obfervations, 
for  the  Ufe  of  thofe  who  have  made  fome  Proficiency  in  the 
Language.     The  4th  Edition,  3s.  bound. 

11.  Institutes  of  Natural  and  Revealed  Religion, 
in  tivo  volurnes,  8vo.  2d.  edition,  price  los.  6d.  in  boards. 

12.  Observations  relating  to  Education  :  more  efpecially 
as  it  refpe£}s  the  Mind.  To  which  is  added.  An  Eifay  on  a 
Courfe  of  liberal  Education  for  Civil  and  A6live  Life,  with  Plans 
of  Left  a  res  on,  i.  The  Study  of  Hiftory  and  General  Policy, 
2.  The  Hiliory  of  England.  3.  The  Conilitution  and  Laws  of 
England,  4s.  fewed. 

13.  A  Course  of  Lectures  on  ORATORYand  Criticism, 
4to.  los.  6d.  in  boards. 

14.  An  EiTay  on  the  Firfl  Principles  of  Government,  and  on 
the  Nature  of  Political,  Civil,  and  Religious  Liberty,  2d  Edi-. 
tion,  much  enlarged,  4s.  fewed.     In  this  Edition   are   introduced 
the  Remarks  on  Church  Authority,  in  Anfwer  to  Dr.    Balguy, 
formerly  fublifoed Separately , 

15.  Forms  of  Prayer,  and  other  Offices,  for  the  Ufe  of  Uni- 
tarian Societies.     Price  3s.  in  boards. 

16.  An  Examination  of  Dr.  Reid*s  Inquiry  into  the  Human 
Mind,  on  the  Principles  of  Common  Senfe,  Dr.  Beattie's 
Effdy  on  the  Nature  and  Immutability  of  Truth,  and  Dr. 
Oswald's  Appeal  to  Common  Senfe,  in  Behalf  of  Religion, 
2d  Edit.  5s.  fewed. 

17.  Hartley's  Theory  of  the  Human  Mind,  on  the 
Principle  of  the  AfTociation  of  Ideas,  with  Efiays  relating  to  the 
Subjeft  of  it,  8vo."5£.  fewed. 

18.   DlSQUI^ 


BOOKS   vjriaen   ^j'  Dj;.    P  R  1  E  S  T  L  E  Y.         397 

18.  Disquisitions  relating  to  Matter  and  Spirit.  Tq 
which  is  added,  the  Hiitory  of  the  Philofopiiical  Doctrine  con- 
cerning the  Origin  of  the  Soul,  and  the  Nature  of  Matter;  with 
its  Influence  on  Chriftianity,  efpecially  with  refpeft  to  the  Doc- 
trine of  the  Pre-exillence  of  Chriil.  Alfo  the  Dodrine  of  Phi- 
Jofophical  Neceffity  illuftrated,  the  2d  Edition  enlarged  and  im- 
proved, with  Remarks  on  thofe  who  have  controverted  the  Prin- 
ciples of  thern,  2  vols.  los.  6d.  in  boards. 

19.  A  Free  Discussion  of  the  Doctrines  of  Materi- 
alism and  Philosophical  Necessity,  in  a  Corrcfpondence 
between  Dr.  Price  and  Dr.  Priestley.  To  which  are  added 
by  Dr.  Priestley,  an  Introduction,  explaining  the  Nature 
of  the  Controverfy,  and  Letters  to  feveral  Writers  who  have 
artimadverted  on  his  Difquifitions  relating  to  Matter  and  Spirit, 
or  his  Treatife  on  Neceffity,  8vo.  6s.  fewed. 

20.  A  Defence  of  the  Dodrine  of  Necessity,  in  tw^o  Letters 
to  the  Rev.  Mr.  John  Palmer,  3s. 

21.  A  Letter  to  Jacob  Bryant,  Efq;  in  Defence  of  Philofo- 
phical  Neceffity,  js. 

22.  The  Doctrine  of  Divine  Influence  on  the  Human 
Mind  confidered,  in  a  Sermon  publiflied  at  the  Requcil;  of 
many  Perfons  who  have  occaflonally  heard  it,  is. 

^he  three  preceding  Articles  may  he  properly  honfjd  up  ivith  the 
Illullrations  of  the  Dodrine  of  Philofophical  Neceffity. 

23.  An  History  of  the  Corruptions  of  Christiani- 
ty, with  a  general  Conclufion,  in  two  Parts.  Part  i.  Con- 
taining Confiderations  addrefTed  to  Unbelievers,  and  efpecially  to 
Mr.  Gibbon.  Part  2.  Containing  Confiderations  addrefTed  to 
the  Advocates  for  theprcfent  EftabliiHimen!:,  and  efpecially  to 
Bifliop  Hurd,  2  vols.  Svo.  price  123.  in  boards,  or  14s.  bound, 

24.  Letters  to  Y^r,  PIorsley,  Archdeacon  of  St.  Alban's, 
in  two  Parts,  containing  farther  Evidence  that  the  Primitive 
Chriilian  Church  was  Unitarian,  price  63. 

25.  A  Reply  to  the  Animadversions  on  the  History  of 

the  Corruptions  of  Christianity,  in  the  Monthly  Review 

for  June,    1783  ;    with    Obfsrvations   relating  to  the   Dodrine 

of  the  Primitive  Church,  concerning  the  Perfon^cf  Christ, 

8vo.  price  IS, 

26.  Re- 


398        BOOKS  'written  by    Dr.   PRIESTLEY. 

26.  Remarks  on  the  Monthly  Revi2w  of  the  Letters 
to  Dr.  HoRSLEY  ;  in  which  the  Rev.  Mr.  Samuel  Badcock, 
the  writer  of  that  Review,  is  called  upon  to  defend  what  he  has 
advanced  in  it,  price  6d. 

27.  Letters  to  a  Philofophical  Unbeliever.  Part  i.  Contain- 
ing an  Examination  of  the  principal  Objedions  to  the  Dodlrines 
oi  Natural  Religion t  and  efpecially  thofe  contained  in  the  Writ. 
ings  of  Mr.  Hume,  3s.  fewed. 

28.  Additional  Letters  to  a  Philofophical  Unbeliever, 
in  Anfwer  to  Mr.  William  Hammon,  is.  6d. 

29.  A  Harmony  of  the  Evangelists  in  Greek  :  To  which 
are  prefixed  Critical  Dissertations  in  Englifli,  4to.  14s. 
in  boards* 

30.  A  Harmony  of  the  Evangelists  in  Englijh -,  with 
Notes,  and  an  occafional  Paraphrafe  for  the  Ufe  of  the  Un- 
learned ;  to  which  are  prefixed,  Critical  DilTertations,  and  a  Let- 
ter to  the  Bilhop  of  Oflbry,  4to.  15s.  in  boards. 

N.  B.  Thofe  'who  are pojjejjed of  the  Greek  Harmony,  may  ha've  this 
in  Englifh  avZ/i'o^/ />^(?  Critical  Differtations. 

31.  Three  Letters  to  Dr.  Newcome,  Bifhop  of  Waterford, 
on  the  Duration  of  our  Saviour's  Minillry,  3s.  6d. 

32.  A  Free  Address  to  ProtestantDissenters,  on 
the  Subj eft  of  the  Lord's  Supper,  3d  Edition,  with  Additions, 
28.*.^ — N.  B.  The  Additions  to  be  had  alone,  is. 

33.  An  Address  to  Protestant  Dissenters,  on  the 
Subjeft  of  giving  the  Lord's  Supper  to  Children,  is. 

34.  A  Free  Address  to  Protestant  Dissenters,  on 
the  Subjed  of  Church  Discipline;  with  a  preliminary  Dif- 
courfe  concerning  the  Spirit  of  Chriftianity,  and  the  Corruptions 
of  it  by  falfe  Notions  of  Religion,  2s.  6d. 

35.  A  Sermon  preached  before  the  Congregation  of  Proteflant 
Biffenters  at  Mill  Hill  Chapel,  Leeds,  May  16,  1773,  on  Occa- 
fionof  the  Author's  refigning  his  Pailoral  Office  among  them,  is. 

36.  A  Sermon  preached  December  31,  1780,  at  the  New 
Meeting-Houfe,  in  Birmingham,  on  undertaking  the  Pailoral 
Office  in  that  Place,  is. 

37.  The 


BOOKS  n^ritien  hy  Dr.  PIRESTLEY.        399 

37.  The  proper  Conllitution  of  a  Chriltian  Church  confidered, 
in  a  Sermon  preached  at  Birmingham,  November  3,  1782  ;  to 
which  is  prefixed  a  Difcourfe  relating  to  the  prefent  State  of 
thofe  who  are  called  Rational  DilTenters,  price  is. 

12.  Two  Discourses,  i.  On  Habitual  Devotion. 
2.  On  theDuTYof  not  Living  to  Ourselves  ;  both  preach- 
ed to  Aflemblies  of  Protellant  DifTenting  Minifters,  and  publifh- 
ed  at  their  Requeft,  price  is.  6(i. 

39.  The  Importance  and  Extent  of  Free  Enquiry  in  mat- 
ters of  Religion,  a  Sermon,  preached  Nov.  5, 1785  ;  to  which  are 
added,  Refledlions  on  the  prefent  State  of  Free  Inquiry  in  this 
Country,  and  Animadverfions  on  fome  Pafiages  in  Mr.  White's 
Sermons  at  the  Bampton  Le£lures,  Mr.  Howes's  Difcourfe  on. 
the  Abufe  of  the  Talent  of  Difputation  in  Religion,  and  a 
Pamphlet  entitled  Primitive  Candour,  price  is.  6d. 

40.  A  View  of  the  Principles  and  Conduct  of  the  Pro* 
TESTANT  Dissenters,  with  Refpeft  to  the  Civil  and  Eccle- 
iiailical  Conftitution  of  England,  2d  Edition,  is.  6d. 

41.  Letters  to  the  Author  of  Remarks  onfe'verallate  Public 
cations  relatinje  to  the  Dijfenters,  in  a  Letter  to  Do^or  Friejileyy  is. 

42.  A  Letter  to  a  Layman,  on  the  Subjedl  of  Mr. ,  Lind- 
fey's  Fropofal  for  a  reformed  Englilh  Church,  on  the  Plan  of 
the  late  Dr.  Samuel  Clarke,  6d. 

N.  B.  The  precedingvAXit  Pamphlet,  No.  34  to  42,  may  he  had 
uniformly  boundy  by  ginjing  orders  jor  Dr.  Prieftley's  larger  Tradts, 
2  vols.  8vo.  los. 

43 .  A  C  A  T  E  c  H I  s  M  for  Children  and  Toung  TerfonSy  3 d  Ed i  tion, 

44.  A  Scripture  Catechism,  confifling  of  a  Series  of 
Queflions ;  with  References  to  the  Scriptures,  inilead  of  An- 
fwers,  2d  Edition,  3d. 

45.  Watts's  Hiftorical  Catechifm,  with  Alterations,  price  6d.. 

46.  Considerations  for  the  Ufe  of  Young  Men,  and  the 
Parents  of  Young  Men,  2d  Edition,  2d. 

47.  A  Serious  Address  to  Mailers  of  Families,  with  Form? 

of  Prayer,  2d  Edition,  6d. 

48.  A 


40©         BOOKS  ^riiten  hy  Dr.  PRIESTLEY. 

48.  A  Free  Addrefs  to  Protellant  DilTenters  as  fuch.  By  a 
Diffenter.  A  new  Edition,  enlarged  and  correfted,  is.  6d.  An 
Allowance  is  made  to  thofe  who  buy  this  Pamphlet  to  give 
away. 

49.  An  Appeal  to  the  ferious  and  candid  ProfeiTors  of  Chrif- 
tianity,  on  the  following  fubj eels,  viz.  i.  The  Ufe  of  Reafon 
in  Matters  of  Religion.  2.  The  Power  of  Man  to  do  the  V/ill  of 
God.  3.  Original  Sin.  4.  Eleftion  and  Reprobation.  5.  The 
Divinity  of  Chrift;  and  6.  Atonement  for  Sin  by  the  Death  of 
Chrilt,  a  new  Edition  ;  to  which  is  added,  a  Concife  Kiilory  of 
thofe  Do(5lrines,  2d. 

50.  The  Triumph  of  Truth  ;  being  an  Account  of  the 
Trial  of  Mr.  Elwall  for  Her efy  and  Blafphemy,  at  Stafford 
Alfizes,  before  Judge  Denton,  2d  Edition,  2d. 

51.  A  Familiar  lliuftration  of  certain  Paffsges  of  Scripture, 
relating  to  the  fame  Subjeds,  the  2d  Edition,  4d.  or  3s.  6d.  per 

dozen. 

52.  A  General  View  of  the  Arguments  for  the  Unity  of 
God,  and  againil  the  Divinity  and  Pre-exiftence  of  Chriit,  fi-om 
Reafon,  from  the  Scriptures,  and  from  Hillory,  2d  Edition, 
price  2d. 

53.  A  Free  Address  to  thofe  who  have  petitioned  for  the 
Repeal  of  the  late  A61  of  Parliament  in  favour  of  the  Roman 
Catholics.     Price  2d.  or  12s.  per  Hundred  to  give  away. 

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pr  dozen  to  thofe  nvho  buy  them  to  gi've  a-vjay. 

Alfo  PubliJJ:ed under  the  DireBion  ofOr.  Priestley. 
THE   THEOLOGICAL   REPOSITORY: 
Confifting  of  Original    Effays,  Hints,  Queries,  &c.  calculated 
to  promote    Religious  Knoivledge,    in  Four    Volumes,  8vo. 
Price  il.  4s.   in   Boards.      This  Work   is  continued,  the  2d 
Number  of  the  5th  Volume  being  lately  publiflied. 


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