LIBRARY OF THE THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY
PRINCETON, N. J.
I
_ . . '~i:^\.iot-i
in A H u ^
.?35 1891 V.
12
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Pastor
, Ludwig, 1854-1928
The history of the
popes ,
from
the close of
the
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HISTORY OF THE POPES.
VOL. Xll.
PASTOK'S HISTORY OF THE POPES.
THE HISTORY OF THE POPES. Translated from
the German of Dr. Ludwig Pastor. Edited, as to Vols. I. -VI.,
by the late Frederick Ignatius Antropus, and, as to Vols.
VII. -XIV,, by Francis Ralph Kekr of the London Oratory.
In 14 Volumes.
Vols. I. and II, a.d, 1305-1458,
Vols. III. and IV. a.d. 1458-1483.
Vols. V. and VI. a.d. 1484-15 13.
Vols. VII. and VIII. a.d. 1513-1521.
Vols. IX. and X. A.D. 1522-1534.
Vols. XI. and XII. A.D. 1534-1549.
Vols. XIII. and XIV. in preparalion.
OCT 271024
THE
HISTORY OF THE POPES,
FROM THE CLOSE OF THE MIDDLE AGES.
DRAWN FROM THE SECRET ARCHIVES OF THE VATICAN AND OTHKR
ORIGINAL SOURCES.
FROM THE GERMAN OF
De. ludwig ^PASTOE,
PROFESSOR OF HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF INNSBRUCK, AND
DIRECTOR OF THE AUSTRIAN HISTORICAL INSTITUTE IN ROME.
EDITED BY
RALPH FRANCIS KERR
OF THE LONDON ORATORY.
SECOND EDITION.
VOLUME xn.
LONDON
KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER & CO., LTD.
BROADWAY HOUSE, 68-74 CARTER LANE, E.C.4
1923
Printed in Great Britain lu Butler & Tancei. Frame and London
CONTENTS OF VOLUME XIV
Table of Contents .....
List of Unpublished Documents in Appendix
PAGE
vii
Its work in
Paul III., 1534-1549
Ignatius of Loyola and the Society of Jesus
Constitutions of the Society of Jesus
Europe and the Indies
The Turkish war. The meeting between Paul III. and
Charles V. at Lucca, The conciliar question,
1541-1543
The meeting between Paul III. and Charles V. at
Busseto. Suspensionof the Council. The Pope's
neutrality and exertions for peace. Misunder-
standings with the Emperor ....
Spread of the German schism. Cardinal Farnese's
mission to Worms. Negotiations for an alliance
between Paul III. and Charles V. against the
Protestants. Investiture of Pier Luigi Famese
with Parma and Piacenza. The convening of the
Council of Trent
Transactions and decrees of the five first sessions of
the Council of Trent (December 1545 to June
1546)
The Papal-Imperial league of June 1546. The
Schmalkaldic war
^ For Bibliography see Volume XI.
1-57
58-12:
124-168
169-203
204-239
240-271
272-299
VI CONTENTS.
PAGE
Dissensions between Paul III. and Charles V. . , 300-336
Progress of the Council of Trent. Its removal to
Bologna. The Schmalkaldic war ends in victory
for the Emperor. Assassination of Pier Luigi
Farnese 337-374
The Emperor in opposition to the Pope and the
authority of the Council ..... 375-408
The Interim. Last days of Paul III. His death . 409-455
The completion of the ecclesiastical revolution in
England and Scandinavia. The Protestant pro-
paganda in France ...... 456-487
The Protestant propaganda in Poland and Italy.
Foundation of the Roman Inquisition. The Pope's
support of Christian missions outside Europe, and
his activity in other spheres of work . . . 488-522
Paul III. as the patron of learning and art . . . 523-648
Appendix of Unpublished Documents . . . 649-683
Index of Names 684-707
TABLE OF CONTENTS OF VOLUME XIL*
CHAPTER L
IGNATIUS OF LOYOLA AND THE SOCIETY OF JESUS.
A.D. PAGE
Birth of Ignatius of Loyola (1491 or 1495) during the
pontificate of Alexander VI.
The chief sources for his life and works
His family and birthplace .....
1521 Early life and subsequent conversion
He makes a pilgrimage to Montserrat and goes to live
at Manresa. His manner of life
Manresa may be called the birthplace of the Society
of Jesus .......
Ignatius begins to give "spiritual exercises"
Examination and description of the " Book of
the Exercises " . .
Its object and effect .....
Literary sources of the "Spiritual Exercises"
Little borrowed from other writers — taken as a whole
it is a new and original work
Paul III. declares the book to be "full of piety and
holiness" .......
Ignatius says of it, " This is our armoury "
Influence of the " Exercises " on the great spiritual
teachers of the age .....
1523 Ignatius arrives in Rome (March 29th) for the first
time and proceeds to the Holy Land .
His return to Barcelona, and life there
Incurs the suspicion of the authorities and is im
prisoned
^ Unpublished documents are marked by an asterisk (*) ; documents to be
published in "Acta Pontificum Romanorum" are designated by two
asterisks (**).
Vlll TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D. PAGE
1528 He goes to Paris (February 2nd), and followers gather
round him . , . . . . .21
1534 The vows taken by Ignatius and his six companions
at Montmartre (August 15th) .... 22
1536 They leave Paris and go to Venice .... 23
To await a vessel to take them to Palestine . . 24
This being impossible, they resolve to visit the Italian
Universities . . . = . . '25
Ignatius and the first Jesuits in Rome ... 26
1538 Ten members of the Society now in the city — their work 27
Attacks on the Society — Ignatius' interview with
Paul III. at Frascati .....
The Jesuits completely acquitted — Ignatius says his
first Mass on Christmas Day
The Society placed " unreservedly at the disposal of
the Pope" ......
Discussion on the vow of obedience .
The "Constitutions" submitted for examination
1540 They are confirmed by the Pope (September 27th)
1 541 Ignatius chosen (April) General of the Society .
Various privileges granted by the Pope
1549 These are ratified by a Bull (October i8th)
Beginnings of the house and church of the " Gesu
Works undertaken by the Society in Rome
The houses of S. Marta and S. Caterina .
Work in the hospitals .....
Ignatius and the dispute between Paul III. and the
King of Portugal .....
The work of instruction in Christian doctrine .
1547 The Roman clergy enjoined to attend lectures by
the Jesuits 51
Ignatius declines the direction of convents of nuns 52
Difficulties with Isabel Roser and her associates 52
Refusal of Ignatius to amalgamate with other Ordcro 54
And opposes the acceptance of dignities . . -55
Method of Ignatius in training his companions . . 56
CHAPTER II.
CONSTITUTIONS OF THE SOCIETY OF JESUS. — ITS WORK IN
EUROPE AND THE INDIES.
Need of a Rule consolidated in writing ... 58
I 547 Ignatius begins to commit his work to writing . . 58
1550 The final "Formula of the Institute" confirmed by
Julius III., July 2 ist -59
29
30
31
32
33
34
36
37
38
39
40
42
44
45
5°
TABLE OF CONTENTS. IX
A.IJ. Py^GE
1552 The Constitutions promulgated throughout the Society.
Method followed by St. Ignatius in writing the
Constitutions ....... 60
The scope, object, and description of the enactments
of the Constitutions ...... 61
The definition of " blind obedience" ... 67
End for which the colleges are called into being . 69
The fourth solemn vow ...... 70
The educational rules of the Constitutions . .71
The Society, despite its complexity, must maintain its
characteristic of unity ..... 73
Means of attaining this solidarity .... 74
St. Ignatius rejects the old methods .... 76
" To the greater glory of God " . . . . .77
1545 The first Jesuits at the Council of Trent ... 78
Instructions given to them by Ignatius ... 79
Laynez and Salmeron at Trent ..... 80
1546 Letter of Salmeron to Ignatius (July) ... 81
1547 As a consequence of the work of the Jesuits at the
Council, many bishops wish to have them in
their dioceses ....... 82
1545 Beginnings of the Society in Venice .... 83
Whither Laynez is sent by the Pope .... 84
Many Italian bishops obtain the services of the Jesuits 84
Who go to Montepulciano, Verona, Minori, Faenza . 84
Belluno and Modena; in the latter place Salmeron
has difficulties with Cardinal Morone ... 85
Le Jay sent to Modena to counteract the influence of
the Duchess Renee . . . ... 86
The Society in Florence and Parma .... 87
In Casola, Correggio, and Castiglione, etc. . . 88
1547 Beginnings of the Society in Sicily .... 89
Canisius and ten others go to Messina ... 90
1539 The first Jesuits to enter Spanish territory . . 91
They are defended by Prince Philip . . . .92
1544 In spite of opposition many colleges are founded . 92
Salamanca is the centre of this opposition • . . 93
The Dominican, Melchior Cano, and the Jesuits . 94
Early life of Francis Borgia . . . . . 96
T548 His profession in the Society (February ist) . . 97
The King of Portugal asks for Jesuit missionaries for
the East Indies 98
1545 Rodriguez in Portugal — foundation of the College
of Coimbra ....... 99
1542 Salmeron and Broet visit Ireland, passing by way of
Scotland . . ^ .... 100
io6
loS
109
III
1 12
11^
3. TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D. PACE
1542 Beginnings of the Society in France ... 101
Work of Peter Faber at Louvain .... 102
1540 Commencement of his work in Germany . , . 103
1542 Visits Spires, Mayence, and Cologne . . . . 104
At the latter place founds the first Jesuit settlement
in German territory ......
Work of Le Jay in Bavaria and other parts of Germany
1543 Activity of his colleague, Bobadilla ....
The first German Jesuit : Peter Canisius .
1549 Jesuits sent to the University of Ingolstadt
Canisius begins his lectures there (November 26th) .
Missions of the Society to Abyssinia and the Congo .
1540 St. Francis Xavier starts (March i6th) on his mission
to the Indies . . . . . . .114
His labours at Goa and in the neighbourhood . • i ' 5
His manner of life and work — his successes . .116
1549 Is named Provincial for India . . . . .118
Starts from Malacca for Japan (June 24th) . .120
Ignatius and Xavier what they were through the
Papacy . . . . . . . .122
" Manresa the grammar school, Rome the University " 122
CHAPTER III.
THE TURKISH WAR. — THE MEETING BETWEEN PAUL III. AND
CHARLES V. AT LUCCA. — THE CONCILIAR QUESTION, 1541-1543.
1 541 Ferdinand I. retreats from Ofen, which is captured by
the Sultan (August 26th) 124
Alarm aroused by this in Vienna and Rome . .125
Charles V. determines to attack Algiers . . .125
Paul III. arrives at Lucca on September the Sth and
the Emperor on the 12th . . . . .126
Conferences of the two heads of Christendom — subjects
claiming their attention . . . . .127
Milan, the religious affairs of Germany and the Catholic
League . . . . . . . .128
Charles V. sails from Spezia to attack Algiers
(September 28th) 129
Total failure of the campaign (October 24th) . . 130
The Pope begins to make preparations for the Council 131
Contarini and Aleander to make proposals regarding
time and place . . . . . . • ijr
Mantua proposed as the place of meeting . . .132
Attitude of Francis I. — opinions as to the place vary
widely, Trent strongly recommended . . . 133
142
TABLE OF CONTENTS. xi
A.D. PAGE
1542 Mission of Morone to Germany . . . . 134
His unceasing activity . . . . . -135
Announces the Pope's determination to summon the
Council ........ 136
His arrival at Spires (September Sth), and the opening
of the Diet 137
His interview with, and remarks to, King Ferdinand . 138
Morone receives permission to lay his instructions
before the Diet, and states that the Pope would
be glad to summon the Council to Trent (March) 139
And proposes August the 15th as date of opening . 140
The Protestants at once raise a protest . . .140
Cambrai is then proposed . ..... 141
Attitude of Ferdinand towards the demands of the
Protestant Estates ......
The Diet and the Turkish war — worthlessness of the
troops raised . . . . . . .143
Utter failure of the attack on Ofen . . . -144
The Pope finally decides to summon the Council to
Trent (April-May) 144
The Bull to this effect (dated May 22nd) is promul-
gated . _ 145
Francis I. meets it with a flat refusal. . . .145
The Protestants renew their protest and the Emperor
also is unfavourable . . . . . .146
Efforts of Paul IH. to promote peace between Charles
and Francis ....... 147
But war breaks out between the two monarchs (July) 148
The Pope appoints Legates to the Emperor and the
King of France . . . . . . .149
The Papal neutrality unbearable to Charles V. . .150
His embittered letter to the Pope (August 25th) in
reply to the conciliar Bull . . . . .150
But Paul HI. will not be moved to depart from his
neutral attitude . . . . . • 152
Preparations commenced at Trent for the Council . 153
Three conciliar Legates nominated (October i6th) . 154
Continued opposition of the Emperor and the King
of France ........
The Pope decides (November loth) to address a brief
to both monarchs ...... 156
The Legates arrive at Trent, but very few prelates . 157
Ferdinand expresses his delight at the beginning of the
Council and the Emperor nominates orators . 158
1543 Granvelle and his companions arrive at Trent (January
7th) 159
iSS
XII TABLE OF COMTENTS,
AD. PACfi
1543 And appear before the Legates (January 9th) , . iCo
Suspicious proceedings of Granvelle .... i6i
The Italian bishops urged to a speedy attendance at
the Council (January) ..... 162
Truchsess sent to the Diet at Nuremberg; he com-
plains of the neglect shown by the German
bishops (February) 163
And has interviews with King Ferdinand, Granvelle,
and the Bishop of Augsburg . . . .164
Who on the whole confine themselves to empty
promises ........ 165
At last a few more bishops arrive at Trent . .166
Small attendance owing to the conduct of the Emperor
and the French King , , . . 168
CHAPTER IV.
THE MEETING BETWEEN PAUL III, AND CHARLES V. AT BUSSETO.
— SUSPENSION OF THE COUNCIL. — THE POPE's NEUTRALITY
AND EXERTIONS FOR PEACE. — MISUNDERSTANDINGS WITH
THE EMPEROR.
1543 Paul III. leaves Rome (February 26th) and arrives at
Bologna (March 17th) 160
Discussion in consistory (May nth) on the postpone-
ment of the Council . . . . . . 1 7c
Granvelle and Morone discuss this question at
Trent 171
Charles V. lands at Savona (May 24th) and is invited
to a conference with the Pope . . . .172
Difficulties caused by the Emperor — the Pope leaves
Bologna on June the nth 173
And reaches Busseto on the 21st . . , .174
Negotiations with the Emperor . . . -. • ^75
The Milanese question again a difficulty . . .176
Charles V. makes an emphatic speech before the
Sacred College (June 24th) . . . . i77
No agreement come to on the conciliar question . 178
Discussions at Trent on the question of a translation
or suspension of the Council . . . -179
A suspension is decided upon in consistory of July
the 6th 181
And permission given to the prelates to leave Trent . 18 1
Renewed tension between the Pope and Charles V. . 182
Tactful attitude of Francis I. , , . .183
TABLE OF CONTENTS. XUl
A.D. PAGE
1543 The Emperor enters into an alliance with Henry VIII. 184
The Pope will not move from his neutrality , and sends
(November) Cardinal Farnese to Charles and
Francis . . . . . . . .185
Altercation between the Pope and the Cardinal of
Burgos (December 19th) . . . #.186
1544 Farnese goes first to France and then to the Emperor,
with whom he enters Worms on January the 25rd 1 87
Painful interview of Farnese with Charles V. .188
Total failure of the mission — Farnese leaves Worms 189
Resolutions of the Diet at Spires — concessions to the
Protestants (June-July) ..... 190
Result of Farnese's mission to France . . .191
Exasperation of the Imperialist party in Rome . .192
Undisturbed calm of Cardinal Farnese . . '193
Cardinal d'Este arrives in Rome (June gth) as ambas-
sador from France . . . . . •193
The Pope still clings to his policy of neutrality . .194
Measures taken in consistory (July 30th) with respect
to the Recess of Spires . . . . -195
Brief of remonstrance addressed to Charles V. (August
24th) 196
Who refuses to receive the Legate . . . .198
The peace of Crespy between Charles and Francis
(September) . . . . . . .199
Charles V. feels that in the Recess he had agreed to
more "than he could be responsible for" . . 200
His statesmanship — renewal of diplomatic relations
with the Pope (November) . . . .201
The nomination of Cardinals on December the 19th . 202
CHAPTER V.
SPREAD OF THE GERMAN SCHISM. — CARDINAL FARNESE's MISSION
TO WORMS. — NEGOTIATIONS FOR AN ALLIANCE BETWEEN
PAUL III. AND CHARLES V. AGAINST THE PROTESTANTS. — IN-
VESTITURE OF PIER LUIGI FARNESE WITH PARMA AND
PIACENZA. — THE CONVENING OF THE COUNCIL OF TRENT.
1541 Spread of the authority of the Schmalkaldic League . 204
1542 Apostasy of the Archbishop of Cologne in opposition
to his cathedral chapter ..... 205
1543 Overthrow by the Emperor of the Duke of Cleves
(September) ,,.,., 206
XIV
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D. PAGE
1544 Results of this victory — the secret clauses of the
peace of Crespy . . . . . .207
Nuncios sent to the Emperor and the King of France
about the holding of the Council (October) . 208
Removal of the suspension of the Council (November
, 19th), which is summoned for March the 15th,
1545 209
1545 Conciliar Legates appointed (February 6th) . . 210
Their powers — entry into Trent (March 13th) . .211
Not many prelates arrive . . . . . .212
Tortuous policy of the Emperor regarding the Council 2 1 3
■ Violent pamphlet by Luther (March) . . .215
The "Scholia" of Calvin and addresses of Sleidan . 216
Difificulties of the situation 217
Mission of Cardinal Farnese . . . . .218
Who arrives at Trent on April the 25th . . . 219
Delay in opening the Council . . . . .219
Anxieties of Farnese's journey ..... 220
His experiences in traversing Protestant states . . 221
He arrives at Worms on May 17th and has an
audience of the Emperor . . . . .222
Evasive answers of Charles V. and Granvelle . . 223
The proposal to use armed force against the Protestants 224
Opinion of the nuncios about this plan . . .224
Farnese returns (May 28th) to Rome to bring the
compact between the Pope and Charles V. to a
conclusion . . . . . . .225
Paul in, is prepared to give extensive help . . 225
And orders preparations to be made for war . .226
Difificulties spring up and the undertaking is post-
poned . . . . . . . .227
Andelot's announcement about the Council and the
war . . . . . . . . .228
Painful surprise of the Pope 228
The plan of conferring Parma and Piacenza upon Pier
Luigi Farnese . . . . . . .229
Opposition of the Emperor and some of the Cardinals 230
But Pier Luigi is invested with these cities (August
26th) 232
Opinions of Cardinals Gonzaga and Carafa . . 233
The Pope's proposals to the Emperor about the
Council (September 13th) . .... 235
Interviews of the nuncios with Charles V. (October) . 236
Decision in consistory to open the Council . . 237
The Schmalkaldic League capture Duke Henry of
Brunswick . . , , , . .238
TABLE OF CONTENTS. XV
A.D. i'AGE
1545 Brief for the opening of the Council sent to the
Legates (December 7th) 238
CHAPTER VI.
TRANSACTIONS AND DECREES OF THE FIVE FIRST SESSIONS OF
THE COUNCIL OF TRENT (DECEMBER 1 545 TO JUNE 1 546).
1545 The Council solemnly opened on December the 13th 240
Principal members of the Council present . . . 242
The important question " dogma or reform first " at
the first Congregation — suggestion by the French
prelates 244
1546 Discussions on procedure and on the title of the
Council ........ 245
Election of the conciliar officials (January) . . 247
Impressive exhortation from the Legates read at the
second session (January 7th) .... 248
Renewed discussion on the title of the Council . 249
The Pope wishes decisions on dogma to precede
measures of reform . . . . . '250
Resistance to this from the Imperialists . . .251
It is decided to deal with both questions simul-
taneously . .252
But matters of faith to be considered of primary
importance ....... 254
Attitude of the Protestants. Death of Luther
(February i8th) 256
Charles V. and the Protestants . .... 257
Intrusion of the Imperial policy into the procedure of
the Council (April) ...... 258
Discussion and decrees on the canon of Holy Scripture
(April 8th) 259
The Council at work — the Bull "Superni dispositione" 261
Discussion on the reform of the Episcopate and the
Dataria ........ 26;^
Approbation of decrees published at the fourth session 264
Debate on reform of the pulpit (May) . . . C65
And on original sin and the Immaculate Conception . 266
Dogmatic decree on these subjects (June) . . . 267
Decrees on reform . . . . . . .268
The Emperor wishes dogmatic decrees to be omitted 269
Ambassadors from France arrive at Trent (June 26tli) 270
"Justification" to be discussed in the sixth session . 271
Unforeseen difificulties suddenly arise . . ,271
VOL. xn. d
XVI TABLE OF CONTENTS.
CHAPTER VII.
THE PAPAL-IMPERIAL LEAGUE OF JUNE 1 546. — THE
SCHMALKALDIC WAR.
A.D. PAGE
Growing organization of the Schmalkaldic League . 272
Stubborn refusal of the Protestants to attend the
Council . . . . . . . .273
1545 The Emperor proposes an offensive alliance with the
Pope against the Protestants . . . .273
Difficulties in drawing up the articles of this alliance . 274
Anxiety of the Emperor at the aggressions of the
Protestants . . . . . . •275
Protracted negotiations with the Pope (December) . 276
Various tendencies at the Imperial court . . .277
1546 Charles V. allows (January 27th) another religious
conference to begin at Ratisbon . . .278
Attitude of the Protestants towards this . . .279
Proceedings at the conference — the speeches on both
sides . 280
The Protestants recall their representatives (March
20th) and publish two memoirs against the Council 281
Charles V. arrives at Ratisbon (April loth) . .282
He is suspected of playing a double game . . 282
The instructions of his envoy to Rome — irritation of
the Pope 283
Perverse schemes of Cardinal Accolti . . .284
The quarrel between Rome and Florence . . . 285
Despite the appearances to the contrary, the Emperor
really wishes for war against the Protestants . 286
The negotiations at Ratisbon (May) .... 287
The treaty signed (June) ...... 288
Conditions of the alliance ..... 289
It is sent to Rome for the Pope's ratification (June) . 290
Opposition by some of the Cardinals — the treaty
signed by Paul III. on June the 26th . . 291
The Emperor's description of the situation . . 292
His tactics — incapacity of the Schmalkaldic League . 293
Operations of the leaders of the League . . . 294
Lack of unity among the Protestants . . . .295
Arrival of the Papal troops in Germany (August) . 296
Extreme caution of Charles V. ..... 297
Break up of the Schmalkaldic forces and their retreat
(November) ....... 298
Charles V.'s belief in toleration leads to breaches of
amity with the Holy See 299
TABLE OF CONTENTS. XVU
CHAPTER VIIT.
DISSENSIONS BETWEEN PAUL III. AND CHARLES V.
A.D. PAGE
1546 Barriers to a permanent understanding between the
Pope and the Emperor ..... 300
Complaints of Charles V. . . . . . .301
The Pope's distrust is not unjustified. Cardinal
Farnese's audience with the Emperor (August
24th)
Disappointment of the Pope and of the Farnese family
The Fathers at Trent fear an attack from the Protes
tant troops ......
But the Pope will not allow the sessions to be sus
pended (July) ......
The proposal for a removal of the Council
Excited discussion on this at Trent (July 28th) .
Violent outburst of the Imperialist prelates
Irritation of the Emperor at the proposal (August)
The Bull authorizing a translation of the Council if
necessary .......
In the meanwhile the Council to continue its labours
Indignation of the Pope at the attitude of Charles V.
Fresh instructions sent to the Legates (August 17th)
Futility of the negotiations ....
Remarks of the Pope to the ambassador Vega (Sep
tember) .......
Difficulties of the question of the translation
The proposition that the Pope should suspend the
Council (October 9th) ....
The matter to be left to the Council's own decision
Reply of the Legates on the question (October 25th)
Declaration of Charles V. in his instructions to
Mendoza .......
Effect of the Spanish supremacy in Italy .
The Gonzaga and Pier Luigi Farnese— conflict be
tween Papal and Imperial interests
Altercation between the nuncio Verallo and Granvelle
(November 12th) .....
The Pope deeply hurt, but still desires peace
The danger of his being drawn into the strife between
Charles V. and Francis I. .
What had been gained by the great sacrifices made by
Paul III. ?
Violations by the Imperialists of the treaty with the
Pope
302
303
304
305
306
307
308
309
310
310
311
312
3^3
314
315
316
317
318
319
320
321
322
323
324
325
.•^26
XVIH
TABLE OF COM TENTS.
A.D. PAGE
1546 Disloyal agreement with the Protestant Estates . .327
The Pope determines to refuse the renewal of the treaty 328
1547 Brief to the Emperor (January 22nd) announcing the
recall of the Papal forces . . . . .328
Verallo's audience with the Emperor (February 2nd) . 330
Anger and violent behaviour of Charles V. . • 331
Calculated purpose of his threats . . . •332
Firmness and dignity of the Pope .... 333
Aim of the French policy 333
Design of Ferrante Gonzaga ..... 334
Death of Henry VIII. (January 28th), and project of
the Pope for the recovery of England . •335
Renewed anger of Charles V. , . . . '336
Unexpected measure of the translation of the Council
from Trent ....... 336
CHAPTER IX.
PROGRESS OF THE COUNCIL OF TRENT. — ITS REMOVAL TO
BOLOGNA. — THE SCHMALKALDIC WARS END IN VICTORY FOR
THE EMPEROR. — ASSASSINATION OF PIER LUIGI FARNESE.
1546 Cardinal Farnese endeavours to bring about an agree-
ment between the Papal and Imperialist interests
in the Council (November)
Points upon which an agreement is reached
But Charles V. refuses this (December)
1547 The sixth solemn session (January 13th) — its import
ance
Discussion of the decree of justification
Conferences of theologians on the subject .
Publication of the decree — its contents
Satisfaction of the Pope. Rejoinder to the Imperial
policy (January 30th) received by Mendoza
Seventh session — discussion and decree on the Sacra
ments .......
The reform decree (February 26th-28th) .
Outbreak of an epidemic in Trent
Discussion on the suspension or translation of the
Council .......
Decision (March nth) in favour of translation to
Bologna .......
On the following day the majority of the Fathers leave
Trent
337
337
339
340
341
343
344
347
348
349
351
352
353
354
TABLE OF CONTENTS. XIX
A.D. PAGE
1547 The Pope gives his consent to the translation
(March 25th) . . . . . . .355
Charles V, expresses his extreme displeasure . •356
Declaration by Paul III. to the Imperial ambassador . 357
The Emperor takes the field against the Elector of
Saxony (April) — angry remarks to the nuncio
Verallo 358
The Elector defeated at Miihlberg and taken prisoner 359
This is followed (June 19th) by the submission of
Philip of Hesse ....... 360
Efforts of Cardinal Farnese to compose the differences
between the Pope and the Emperor . . • 361
The misaion of Cardinal Sfondrato, who meets the
Emperor on July the 4th ..... 363
All the Legate's proposals are refused. Charles V.'s
continued discourtesy ..... 365
Memorial sent by Sfondrato to Rome (July 31st) . 365
Where his behaviour is strongly criticised . . . 366
Determmation of the Pope that the Council must
remain free . . . . . . -367
But consents to a postponement of the next session,
fixed for September 15th ..... 36S
Italian policy of Charles V. Plan of Gonzaga to over-
throw Pier Luigi Farnese ..... 369
Conditions of the duchy of Parma-Piacenza . .370
Ferrante Gonzaga's plot against Pier Luigi . .371
Who is assassinated at Piacenza on September the loth 372
Deeply as the Pope feels this calamity, he does not lose
his composure . . . . . . -373
And sends Cardinal Cervini (September 13th) to
Piacenza ........ 374
CHAPTER X.
THE EMPEROR IN OPPOSITION TO THE POPE AND THE
AUTHORITY OF THE COUNCIL.
1547 The Emperor's conception of religious unity — his
claims . . . . . . . -375
Unworthy behaviour of the Imperialists towards the
Pope and Cardinal Sfondrato (September) . . 376
The Legate's interview with Charles V. and with
Granvelle . . . . . . . .377
The Emperor and Ottavio Farnese . . , 1378
Colourless replies of the Emperor to the Legate . 380
XX TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D, PAGE
1547 No steps are taken to punish the murderers of Pier
Luigi 381
Firmness of the Pope and dignity of his conduct . 381
His address in consistory on the murder . . . 382
Troops collected together in Rome .... 383
Negotiations for an alliance between France and the
Pope 384
Rumours of an attack on Rome — the Pope looks on
all sides for support (November) . . . 385
Negotiations with Genoa, Venice, and France . . 386
Charles V. opens the Diet at Augsburg (September ist) 386
The situation in Germany ...... 387
Difficulties by which Charles V. is confronted . . 388
The affairs of religion in the Diet — division of opinions 389
The Imperial "resolution" of October the i8th . 390
The representatives of the towns oppose the Emperor 392
The conciliar question in the Diet .... 393
Efforts to browbeat the Pope into subjection to the
Emperor's will. Cardinal Madruzzo sent to Rome
(November) 394
His interview with the Pope ..... 395
Who consults various Cardinals .... 396
The opinion of the Fathers at Bologna to be taken
before a final decision is given . . . -397
The conditions laid down by the Council at Bologna . 398
Charles V. expects Pope and Council to bend before
his will ........ 400
1548 The Impefial agents appear at the Council (January
i6th) 401
The Emperor's protest is presented to the Council . 402
Rejoinder of the Cardinal-President .... 403
Declaration by Mendoza to the Pope in consistory
(January 23rd) ....... 404
Proposals of the Legates at Bologna .... 405
Dignified reply of the Pope to Mendoza (February ist) 406
The Emperor shrinks from the extreme step . . 408
CHAPTER XL
THE INTERIM. — LAST DAYS OF PAUL III. — HIS DEATH.
1548 The long-cherished plan of the Emperor . . . 409
His new expedient 411
Astonishment of the Cardinal-Legate, Sfondrato . 412
Charles V. conscious of the risks he was running . 412
Table of contents. xxi
A.D. PAGE
154S The "Interim," or "Declaration ... on the observ-
ance of reh'gion . . . until the decision of the
General Council " . . . . . •413
Private negotiations of the Emperor with each Estate
in the Diet 415
Opposition of the Catholic Estates to the Interim . 416
Concession made to them by the Emperor . -417
The Imperialist pretensions . . . , .418
Sfondrato and the Interim . . . . -419
Endeavours to drive the Pope into the arms of Henry II. 420
Charles V, and the nuncio Santa Croce . . 421
The Emperor tries to make the Interim acceptable to
the Catholic Princes . . . . . .422
But it meets with growing dislike .... 423
Charles V.'s scheme of reform for the Catholic clergy . 424
He takes steps to prevent a combination of the dis-
contented spirits . . . . . .425
To outward appearance the Emperor succeeds . .426
Varied acceptance of the Interim .... 427
Agitation of the Protestants against the "papistical "
Interim ........ 428
Reception of the Interim by Paul III. (May) . . 429
Should the Council be again transferred? . . -431
Mission of Dandino to France (June) . . . 432
And of Pietro Bertano to Charles V. ... 433
Bertano and Sfondrato received in audience by the
Emperor (July 2nd) ...... 434
New dissensions between the Pope and the Emperor. 435
French mission to restrain the Pope from making con-
cessions to Charles V. . . . . -435
Three Legates appointed for Germany (August 31st) . 436
Uselessness of the Interim. Anxiety of Charles V. . 437
The decrees of the Diet quite ineffectual . . . 438
1549 Receptionof the Legates by the Emperor (January 3rd) 439
The Pope endeavours to satisfy Charles V. . . 44c
Who still continues unconcihatory . . . • 44^^
The missions of Giulio Orsini about Piacenza . . 442
Nomination of new Cardinals on April the 8th . . 443
Reply of the Emperor to the demand for Piacenza
(June i2th) ....... 443
Astonishment and alarm in Rome .... 444
Paul III.'s letter to the Emperor .... 445
Again the project of a Franco-Papal alliance . . 446
Impossible conditions laid down by Charles V. . . 447
Invitation to Rome of bishops from Bologna and
Trent .... . . 4^8
Xxii TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D. PAGE
1549 The French alliance and Ottavio Farnese . . . 449
Ottavio leaves Rome secretly for Pdrma(October 20th).
Anger of the Pope .... . 450
Who is attacked by a violent fever . . .451
Death of Paul III. on November the loth . . 453
His burial in St. Peter's. The monument erected
to him 453
CHAPTER XH.
THE COMPLETION OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL REVOLUTION IN
ENGLAND AND SCANDINAVIA. — THE PROTESTANT PROPA-
GANDA IN FRANCE.
State of religious affairs in England since 1533 . . 456
Terrors of the new statutes 457
1535 Execution of More, Fisher, and others . . . 458
Indignation throughout Europe . . . -459
Anger of the Pope. Bull against Henry VIII. (August) 460
But Charles V. and Francis I. will not interfere. . 461
Division of opinion in the Sacred College (November) 462
1536 Death of Queen Catherine, and execution of Anne
Boleyn 463
Dissolution of the monasteries ..... 464
Catholic rising in the north of England. Paul III.
contemplates sending Pole to Henry VIII. . 465
1537 And sets great hopes on this mission . . . 466
Which is, however, a failure. Reasons for this . -467
1538 The Pope determines on the publication of the Bull
against Henry VIII. (December 17th) . . 468
Pole quite unsuccessful in his mission to the Emperor
and Francis 1 469
1541 Execution of his mother (May 27th), The confiscated
monastic property . . . . . .47°
The obstacles to Henry's reconciliation . . • 47i
1542 The situation in Scotland. Death of James V. . . 471
1543 Cardinal Beaton. Mission of Grimani . . . 472
1546 Murder of Cardinal Beaton (May 29th) . . . 473
1547 Death of Henry VIII. (January 28th). Action by
the Pope 474
Doctrinal standpoint of Henry VIII. . . . 475
Protestantism of Cranmer and Somerset . . . 47^
1542 Spread of heresy in Sweden. Revolt of the peasants 477
Quelled by Gustavus Wasa . . . .478
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
XXUl
A.D. PAGE
1536 State of the Catholic cause in Denmark. Arrest of the
bishops ........ 479
'537 Construction of a new Church system . . . 479
Inglorious end of the Catholic episcopate. Gradual
extirpation of the Faith ..... 480
Lutheranism established in Norway and Iceland . 481
The heretical movement in France .... 482
1535 Declaration of Francis I. (January 29th) . , . 483
His double game. Edict against the Protestants
(July) 484
1540 And another, "The Edict of Fontainebleau" (June I St) 485
Severity dealt out to the French Protestants. The
Waldensians ....... 486
Calvin's work, Handbook of Christian Doctrine . .487
CHAPTER XIII.
THE PROTESTANT PROPAGANDA IN POLAND AND ITALY. — FOUNDA-
TION OF THE ROMAN INQUISITION. — THE POPE'S SUPPORT
OF CHRISTIAN MISSIONS OUTSIDE EUROPE^ AND HIS ACTIVITY
IN OTHER SPHERES OF WORK.
Spread of Lutheranism in Poland ....
Causes of the failure to expel heresy from the kingdom
The political situation compels the King to turn to the
bishops .......
Stanislaus Hosius, Bishop of Ermeland
Protestant propaganda in Italy. Renee, duchess of
Ferrara . . .....
Clemency of Paul III. to those who recant
Surreptitious character of the Protestant propaganda
In Venetian territory, Lucca, Modena, and Siena
Juan Valdes in Naples, 1 532-1 541 .
Character of his teaching. The " Spirituali " .
Valdes and his circle. Pietro Martire Vermigli .
1541 His sermons at Lucca .....
1542 He flies from Lucca, and with Ochino leaves Italy
Spread of Lutheran opinions at Modena .
The " Accademia " a focus of religious rebellion
Action by Morone and Contarini ...
Six Cardinals appointed (July 4th) as Inquisitors
General
The Roman Inquisition .....
1 547-49 Attitudeof the Italian States towards the Inquisition
488
489
490
490
491
492
493
494
495
496
497
498
500
501
502
503
503
505
509
XXIV TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D. PAGE
Especially of Naples, Milan, and Venice . . . 510
1549 Apostasy of Pietro Paolo Vergerio . . . • 511
Measures to extirpate Lutheran errors, but precipitate
zeal is little to the liking of Paul III. . . . 512
An index of forbidden books published . . -513
Paul III. and the foreign missions . . . • 513
1534-38 In Ethiopia and the Congo . .... 514
1534-47 Missions in America; foundation of new sees . 515
The East Indies. The bishopric of Goa . . • 5 1 7
1543 The American Indians. Bartolome de las Casas . 518
The Pope forbids the slavery of the Indians . •519
His interest in the Armenians and Maronites . .520
Processes of canonization during the pontificate . 521
1549 Preparations for a General Jubilee . . . .522
CHAPTER XIV.
PAUL III. AS THE PATRON OF LEARNING AND ART.
The Pope, during his cardinalate, a warm friend to men
of learning . . . . . . -523
At his accession the Renaissance had passed its
zenith . . . . . . . .524
Duality of the character of Paul III.'s patronage of
letters . . . . . • . • 525
His first undertaking is the restoration of the Roman
University. His steps to obtain good professors 526
Success of the undertaking ..... 527
Lectures in medicine — teachers of rhetoric . . 528
Care bestowed by Paul III. in the education of his
relatives . . . . . • . '529
Support extended to men of learning by the Farnesi . 530
Theologians and canonists more in favour with the
Pope than poets 531
Poets associated with the reign of Paul III. . •532
The academies and the popularity of satire , .534
Pietro Aretino and Niccol5 Franco .... 535
Paolo Giovio. The physician, Fracastoro, and others 536
The classical scholar, Manetti . . . . -537
Giovanni Guidiccioni — Blosius Palladius . . . 538
Canonists and theologians encouraged by Paul III. . 540
Eminent Cardinals created during the pontificate . 541
Paul III. and Erasmus . . . . • .542
Theologians called to Rome in view of the Council . 543
TABLE OF CONTENTS. XXV
A.D. PAGE
1549 Great influence of Spanish divines .... 544
Paul III. and the Vatican Library .... 545
Orders search to be made for rare manuscripts . -547
Increased importance of the custodian of the Library 547
Many works of this period are dedicated to Paul III. 548
Copernicus and Paul III. . ..... 549
"The last great Pope of the Renaissance" . . 550
Paul III. reassembles in Rome the great artists of the
Medicean era . . . . . . -55^
His support and employment of Michael Angelo . 552
And of Peruzzi and Antonio da Sangallo . . . 554
The work of repairing and renewing the fortifications
of Rome 555
Sangallo's plan for the new defences . . . -556
Numerous architects and engineers employed to carry
these out . . . . . . . -557
Description of the works . . . . . -558
Fortification of j^e Leonine city .... 560
Paul III. appomts L. G. Manetti to take charge of
the antiquities of Rome ..... 563
Notwithstanding this, acts of destruction are still
continued ........ 565
Betterment of the conditions of the Roman streets . 566
Construction of new thoroughfares . . . .567
Reconstruction of the Capitol ..... 569
Vlagnificence of Michael Angelo's plan for this work . 572
Extensive restorations and embellishments in the
Vatican . . . . . . . • 573
The Cappella Paolina and the Sala Regia . . .574
Decorative work in the castle of St. Angelo . .575
1535-46 Construction of the Farnese palace . . . 579
1546 And that of S. Marco ...... 583
1544 Restoration of various churches .... 5S5
And of fortifications of towns in the States of the
Church . . . . . . . .586
1540-43 The new fortress of Perugia .... 587
Embellishment of Orvieto . . . . .588
Work at Viterbo and Frascati . . . . .589
And other works of general utility .... 590
Construction of the " Cava Paolina " . . . '591
Buildings by Pier Luigi Farnese at Nepi and Caprarola 592
Work of Vignola at Castro, the Vatican, and
Bologna 593
Place held by sculpture under Paul III. . . . 594
Almost all the sculptors employed are Tuscans . . 594
Renown of and homage paid to Michael Angelo » 595
XXVI TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D. PAGE
The minor arts and handicrafts .... 596
But few relics of these are now in Rome . . . 597
Coins and medals of Paul III 598
Benvenuto Cellini and Leone Leoni .... 599
Cesati, Marmitta, Belli, and Cherubino . . . 600
Work executed by Perino del Vaga . . . .601
The " Congregazione Ponteficia dei Virtuosi al
Pantheon" . . . . . . .601
Visits of Titian to Rome in 1543 and 1545- Daniele
da Volterra ....... 603
Frescoes by Vasari at the Cancelleria . . . 604
And by del Vaga and others. The illuminators,
Raimondi and Clovio. Work by Pastorino . 608
1536 Michael Angelo begins the fresco of The Last Judg-
ment in the Sixtine Chapel (April-May) . . 609
1 54 1 Which is finished and solemnly uncovered on the eve
of All Saints . 612
Extraordinary impression made by the fresco . .612
But it also meets with criticism '. . . .614
Invectives of Aretino . . . . . .615
And censure by Lodovico Dolce and others . .617
Decision of the Congregation of the Council of
January the 21st, 1546, on pictures. This is
carried out by Daniele da Volterra . . .618
Repeated repainting of parts of the fresco. . .619
Composition and design of the fresco . . .621
Influence of Dante upon the genius of Michael
Angelo 627
And his deviation from conventional usage . .629
Michael Angelo undertakes the decoration of the
Cappella Paolina . . . . . '631
Subjects of the frescoes in the chapel . . . 633
The monument to Julius II. at last terminated . . 634
The last great work of Michael Angelo : the rebuilding
of St. Peter's ....... 635
1535-44 Measures taken by the Pope to raise the necessary
funds ........ 636
1544 Discovery of the sarcophagus of Maria, wife of
Honorius ........ 638
The plan and model by Sangallo of the new building 639
Michael Angelo's criticism of this .... 640
1546 On the death of Sangallo, Michael Angelo is ap-
pointed . . . . . . . .641
And Paul III. grants him unrestricted powers . . 642
Attacks on Michael Angelo by the partisans of
Sangallo •643
TABLE OF CONTENTS. xxvii
A.D. PAGE
1549 Mohi propria by the Pope in support of Michael
Angelo ........ 644
Who makes the fullest use of the freedom guaranteed
to him ........ 645
And makes a model of his plan .... 646
The dome of St. Peter's 647
Importance of the Pope's share in the work done by
Michael Angelo * . . . , • 648
LIST OF UNPUBLISHED DOCUMENTS
IN APPENDIX.
PAGE
I. Pope Paul III. to Baldassare Peruzzi . .651
11. „ „ to Antonio da Sangallo . .652
III. „ „ to Francis I., King of France . 653
IV. List of churches demoUshed in Rome for the
Emperor's visit 654
V. Pope Paul III. to Antonio da Sangallo . .655
VI. „ „ grants to the " Fabbrica" of St.
Peter's the river Anio . . • -655
VII. Giovanni dell' Antella to Cosimo I., Duke of
Florence ... ... 658
VIII. Cardinal Aleander to Cardinal Alessandro
Farnese 659
IX. Nino Sernini to Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga. . 659
Y ... 660
XI. Giovanni Ricci to Cardinal Alessandro Farnese 661
XII. Nino Sernini to Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga . .661
XIII. Pope Paul III. to Francis I., King of France . 662
XIV. Nino Sernini to Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga . 662
XV. Averrardo Serristori to Cosimo I., Duke of
Florence 663
XVI. Lattanzio Tolomei to Siena .... 663
XVII. Cardinal Alessandro Farnese to Giovanni
Poggio 664
XVIII. Nino Sernini to Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga . . 665
XIX. „ „ „ . . 665
XX. Instruction for Dionysius, Guardian of the
convent of Sion in Jerusalem, as Visitor of
the Maronites of Lebanon . . . 666
XXI. Instruction for M. Grimani, Patriarch of
Aquileja, as nuncio in Scotland. . . 668
XXII. Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga to Ferrante Gonzaga 670
XXIII. „ „ to Monsignor de Rossi 672
XXX LIST OF UNPUBLISHED DOCUMENTS IN APPENDIX.
XXIV.
XXV.
XXVI.
XXVTI.
XXVIII.
XXIX.
XXX.
XXXI.
XXXIL
XXXIII.
XXXIV.
XXXV.
XXXVI.
XXXVII.
XXXVIIL
XXXIX.
XL.
Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga to the Duke of Ferrara
Cardinal Farnese to Cardinal Morone
Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga to Camillo Capilupi .
„ „ to Ferrante Gonzaga .
Girolamo Tiranno to Urbino . . . .
Pope Paul III. to King Ferdinand I.
Cardinal Morone to Cardinal Madruzzo .
Pope Paul III. to Antonino Sirleto .
A. Cattaneo to Cardinal Madruzzo .
Benedetto Buonanni to Cosimo I., Duke of
Tuscany .......
Uberto Strozzi to Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga
Cardinal Alessandro Farnese to Camillo Orsini
PAGE
672
673
673
674
674
675
676
677
677
677
678
679
680
681
681
682
683
CHAPTER I.
Ignatius of Loyola and the Society of Jesus.
At the very moment when the Church in Italy was
assuming daily a more and more mundane character, and
the corrupt elements of the Renaissance were, in the person
of the Spaniard Alexander VI., degrading the Holy See,
a man was born in Spain who was destined to contribute
more powerfully than any other, by the force and the
unequalled range of his activity, to purify the Church and
to restore by means of new conquests the balance of her
recent losses. This was Ignatius of Loyola.^
* The chief sources for Loyola's life and works, besides the " Spiritual
Exercises" and the "Constitutions of the Society of Jesus," which will
be discussed more fully in the text, are (i) his letters, Cartas de San
Ignacio de Loyola, in six volumes, published in Madrid, 1874- 1889,
by Spanish Jesuits. Since 1903 there has appeared (already about
thirty volumes) in the great authoritative Montimenta Historica
Societatis Jesu, also published at Madrid under the editorship
of Spanish Jesuits, a new critical edition which will furnish as
many letters again : Monumenta Ignatiana, Ser. I., Matriti, igo^ seqq.
(on two letters falsely ascribed to Ignatius, see Heitz in the Rev.
d'Hist. Eccles., IX., 47 seq., 506). (2) The "Autobiography" or
"Confessions." On the solicitation of his disciples Ignatius (t 1556)
related between 1553 and 1555 some of his experiences to P. Luis
Gonsalvez de Camara, who in the course of the narration made short
notes and afterwards dictated all he had heard in full, in Spanish and
Italian, to his amanuensis. These memoranda appeared in a Latin
translation in the Acta Sanctorum, Julii, VII. (Antwerpiae, 1 731),
and, as a separate work. Acta quaedam S. P. Ignatii a LuDOVico
VOT.. XII. I
2 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The Loyola family belonged to the lesser nobility of
the beautiful Basque country. There, in the province of
Guipuzcoa, hidden away among mountain solitudes to the
west of the little town of Azpeitia on the road to Azcoitia,
stood the cradle of the race, which differed in no respects
from the other seats of Basque noblemen. The small
CONSALVO excerpta, in Paris, 1873, in the original tongue in the
Monumenta Ignatiana, Ser. IV., t. i (Matriti, 1904). The authenticity
and value of this source has recently been pointed out by Joseph
SUSTA (Ignatius von Loyolas Selbstbiographie : Eine quellen-
geschichtliche Studie) in the Mitteilungen des Instituts fiir osterr.
Geschichtsforschung, XXVI. (1905), 86-106. (3) The Portuguese
Metnoriale or Diaritim of P. Gonsalvez. This is founded on the
notes which Gonsalvez took down in Rome day by day from June to
October 1555 from the answers given to his questions by Ignatius,
especially concerning private occurrences. In 1573 Gonsalvez put
all his notes into order and added explanatory remarks ; the first
copy is in the already named volume of the Monumenta. (4) A more
important account of Ignatius's life from 1521 to 1547, by the Spaniard
Diego Laynez, one of his first nine associates and his immediate
successor in the Generalship, written in Spanish in the form of a letter
in 1547; published for the first time in 1904 in the same volume of
the Monumenta. (5) De Vita P. Ignatii et Socieiatis Jesu initiis.
The Spaniard, Juan de Polanco, who as Secretary of the Order was
the founder's right-hand man from 1547 up to the death of the latter,
drew up, but in the last years of his life (+1577), from the numerous
letters and reports he had received and from his own recollections, a
Chronicon Societatis Jesu, to serve as a deposit of material for the
future historian, and afterwards set to work at a life of Ignatius
extending to the year 1543 but practically only to 1539; both first
published in the Monumenta Historica (Matriti, 1 894-1 898, 6 vols.);
cf. Anal. Bolland., XXVI., 487 seq. (6) Vita Ignatii Loiolae,
Socieiatis Jesu Fundatoris, written by the Spaniard, Pedro de
Ribadeneira, at the command of Francis Borgia, General of the Order,
in Latin and also later in Spanish, and founded on his own observation,
on the autobiography of the saint and that contained in the letter of
Laynez, finally on the communications collected throughout the whole
Order about 1567 ; first edition issued at Naples in 1572, that with
ST. IGNATIUS OF LOYOLA. 3
building with its thick walls is only two stories high ; over
the doorway can be seen in stone the armorial bearings
of the house of Loyola. In this abode,^ carefully pre-
served from decay by the pious regard of posterity, at
the beginning of the ninetieth year of the 15th century .'^
Inigo, who was later known as Ignatius,^ first saw the
important additions by the author himself at Madrid in 1583.
(7) De vita et moribus Ignatii Loyolae, qui Societatem Jesu fundavit,
Libri III., auctore Joanne Petro Maffeio, S.J. (Romae, 1585 and
often since), in Ciceronian Latin, an intelligent use being made of the
autobiography and other sources {cf. SusTA, loc. cit., 74). (8) Historia
Societatis Jesu prima pars, auctore NiCOLAO Orlandino, S.J.
(Romae, 161 5), describing the Generalship of Ignatius from Polanco's
Chronicon and the letters made use of by the latter ; carefully
compared with the printed work of Ribadeneira and others who were
intimate with the founder. Orlandino's skill is recognized by Ranke
(Papste, III., loth ed., Leipzig, 1900, 114). (9) Delia Vita e dell' Istituto
di S. Ignatio, Fondatore della Compagnia di Giesii. Libri cinque del
P. Daniello Bartoli, S.J. (Roma, 1650 and often), written in good
Italian, with careful employment of his authorities, contains much that
had been previously overlooked or purposely passed over {cf. Acta
Sanctorum, Julii, VII., 598, and Analecta Bollandiana, XII. [1894],
70; XV. [1896], 450, 451). (10) The very copious Commentarius
praevius to the acts of Ignatius, composed by the Bollandist Joannes
PlNius, S.J., in the same volume of the Acta Sanctorum. Various
other sources will be referred to as occasion arises. For GOTHEIN'S
criticism (Ignatius von Loyola und die Gegenreformation, Halle, 1895),
cf. Histor. Jahrb., XVII., 561-574, and Anal. Bolland., XV., 449-454
(see also Susta, loc. cit.). For earlier and more modern biographies
of the saint, see also Heimbucher, Die Orden und Kongregationeu
der kathol. Kirche, III., 2nd ed., Paderborn, 1908, 10-12.
Mt is now enclosed in a wing of the vast Colegio de Loyola, of
which the lofty-domed church was built by Fontana about 1683.
2 It is an old controversy whether the birth-year was 1491 or 1495 »
for the literature on the subject, see Analecta Bollandiana, XIX., 468.
Recently a plea has been put in for 1492 (Susta, 95).
' His baptismal saint was not St. Ignatius of Antioch, the disciple of
the apostles, but a Spanish saint, the Benedictine Abbot, Inigo
4 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
light of day. After a childhood passed in the lonely
valley, he was taken while yet a lad under the protection of
a friend of his family, Juan Velasquez, grand treasurer
to Ferdinand the Catholic, who resided sometimes at
Arevalo and sometimes at the King's court.^ The boy's
education did not pass the customary limits of that age ;
he learned to read and write, and after the death of
Velasquez he entered military service under the Duke of
Najera, viceroy of Navarre. He lived as a genuine child
of the Spanish chivalry of those days, filled with the
spirit of the Catholic faith, which that chivalry had de-
fended in centuries of wars against the Moors. Always in
readiness to deal a blow, rejoicing in the stress of battle,
and noble of heart, he was in the rest of his conduct far
from being a saint. Juan de Polanco, afterwards his com-
panion of long years' standing, relates that in his youthful
days Ignatius had been a gambler and had had amorous
adventures.2
Then came a turning-point. Ignatius's life was to take
a direction which should turn the hot head of the camp
into a champion of the Church and the Holy See and the
founder of a new Order.
(Enecho) of Ona. Up to 1537 he signed himself only Inigo (Mon.
Ignat., Sen I., 1 , 99, 156, 246) ; from 1537 to 1543 alternately Inigo
and Ignacio ; from 1543 onwards with one exception we meet only witii
Ignacio or Ignatius. He seems to have thought erroneously that this
was synonymous with Inigo {cf. Astrain, I., 2, 3).
^ FiTA in Boletin de la Real Academia de la Historia, XVII.,
Madrid, 1890, 492-520.
2 Vita Ignatii Loiolae et rerum Societatis Jesu historia, I., Matriti,
1894, 10; cf. further evidence in Astrain, I., 13 seq. See also the
Process in the Mon. Ignat., Ser. IV., I., 580-597, which does not, how-
ever, establish whether the accusation there dealt with, of serious offence
committed at night with previous intent and by cunning, was justified
01 not It is also unknown whether a sentence was passed or not.
CONVERSION OF IGNATIUS. 5
When the French were besieging Pampeluna in May
1521 Ignatius was determined to hold the fortress to the
last extremity ; nor did it yield before the valiant soldier
had been severely wounded in the leg.^ lie was conveyed
to his father's house, and there it was discovered that the
h'mb had been badly set, and would have to be broken
again. Ignatius bore the excruciating pain with no other
sign of suffering than the hard clenching of his fists, but it
was long before the limb was healed, and in order to while
away the time the sick man asked for romances of chivalry.
There were none such in the house, therefore he was given
a Spanish Lives of the Saints and a translation in the
same language of the great Vita Christi compiled by
the Carthusian, Ludolph of Saxony, from the Gospels and
patristic writings. Ignatius read and pondered the sacred
story herein narrated. Still, fancies and thoughts of this
world came back to him again, " For two, three, four hours,"
he relates, " he called before his mind the deeds of valour
which he wished to perform in honour of a certain lady.
She was not," he affirmed, " a lady of ordinary nobility, no
Countess, no Duchess — she was one of still higher rank."^
Yet there came hours of reading once more in the doings
of the saints. " What," he asked himself, " if I were to do
the deeds of a St. Dominic or a St. Francis?"
So his moods and plans varied. Thus he acquired this
experience : mundane thoughts fascinated him, it was true,
yet in the end they only left his soul parched and discon-
tented ; but when he purposed to himself to imitate the
strenuous lives of the saints, he not only found comfort in
such contemplations themselves, but afterwards felt satis-
^ Autobiography, n. I, 2 (Mon. Ignat., Ser. IV., I., 38).
2 Ibid., n. 6 (pp. 40,41). SUSTA (p. 81) makes the not altogether
inconceivable suggestion that Ignatius means here a princess in
genere^ an imaginary and ideal personage.
6 HISTORY OI< THE POPES.
faction and joy. He came gradually to fix his mind on
this contrast, and perceived that in the one case he was
moved by an evil spirit and in the other by a good.^
Finally, the thoughts of religion prevailed. They took
possession of his whole soul ; he determined to be God's
knight and not the world's. In order to strengthen this
resolution he copiad, as far as his strength permitted him,
in ornamental lett^s, an extract from Ludolph's Vita Christi
into an exercise book ; even then, as Laynez ^ assures us'
he had a special devotion for the mother of our Lord.
Cured at last, he broke away from his family, determined
to emulate the great deeds of the saints. He made a
pilgrimage to the great Catalonian shrine of Our Lady of
Montserrat. There in the rugged mountain wilderness he
withdrew, a prey to deep contrition, into seclusion with
a Benedictine monk and during three days poured forth
the penitential avowals of his past. On the night of the
Annunciation he held a vigil after knightly fashion before
the time-honoured miraculous picture of Our Lady in the
conventual church. He wore a rough garment of penance
— a cord round his loins and a pilgrim's staff in his hand ;
SMTord and dagger he hung up by the altar ; his knightly
apparel he bestowed on a beggar.^
In order to escape observation and remain in complete
concealment he now bent his steps to the neighbouring
small town of Manresa, where he was received into the
* Autobiography, n. 6-10 (pp. 40-42).
2 Letter of P. Diego Laynez, S.J., on Ignatius, to Polanco, dat.
Bologna, June 17, 1547 (Mon. Ignat., Ser. IV., I., loi).
3 Autobiography, n. 16-18 (pp. 46-48). The sword was afterwards
placed in the Church of Nuestra Senora de Bel^n in Barcelona and is
still there (see Creixell, 145-160). Recently, on insufficient grounds,
its authenticity has been disputed, see Revista Montserratina, I. (1907X
1 30 iCC]
AUSTERITIES OF IGNATIUS. 7
hospital. In spiritual exercises he was as yet unversed;
outward acts of penance seemed to him the one and only
standard of holiness.^ He led accordingly the most austere
life, begged his bread, fasted all the week except on Sunday,
and three times a day gave himself the discipline ; every
week he made his confession and received the sacrament
of the altar; daily he attended Mass and vespers; every
night he rose from his bed to pray and daily passed seven
hours on his knees in prayer;' the principal scene of his
prayers and penitential exercises was a cave near the city.^
No wonder that by the end of the year Ignatius was
seriously ill. Pious women in the higher ranks of life
tended him in their homes, but he determined to change
his dwelling, and in clothing and living to approximate
more nearly to the customary ways of men.*
For the first four months he felt an inward joy that
was almost without a cloud, but then came bitterest
anguish and conflicts of the soul. Once he resolved
neither to eat nor drink again until he had found peace.
He persevered for a whole week, and only the command
of his confessor availed to make him take some nourish-
ment at last. His director also calmed him when he
wished again and again to confess sins already laid bare.
Peace returned once more, and his heart rejoiced in God.^
Great illumination ensued. God treated him, as Ignatius
himself expressed it, "exactly as a schoolmaster treats a
* Letter of Laynez (see supra, p. 6, n. 2).
2 Autobiography, n. 19-23 (pp. 48-51); letter of Laynez, 102;
ASTRAIN, 34.
* Cueva Santa, above which afterwards the Church of St. Ignatius
was built {cf. PiNiUS, Comment, praev., n. 49-53 ; Acta Sanctorum,
Julii, VII. ; ASTRAiN, 33-34).
* Autobiography, n. 32-34 (pp. 55, 56).
5 Ibid., n. 20-25 (pp. 49-52) ; letter of Laynez, 103.
B History of the popes.
child whom he is teaching." ^ He bestowed upon him the
gift of contemplative prayer. Often, so he confidently
stated at a later time, " he thought to himself that even if no
Holy Scriptures had been given us to teach us the truths
of faith he would nevertheless have determined to give up
life itself for them, solely on account of what he had seen
with the soul." 2 To his bosom friend Laynez he said,
in speaking of the days at Manresa, that once in the
neighbourhood of the city he had learned more in the
course of an hour than all the sages of the world could
have taught him.^ It was by the river Cardoner; Ignatius
had sat down on the brink and was gazing into the stream ;*
many of the things then made known to him swept across
his vision at a later day when he came to found his Order.^
In this sense it may be said that Manresa was the birth-
place of the Society of Jesus. But that Ignatius then knew
clearly and certainly that he was to be the founder of such
an Order is a subsequent tradition which does not admit of
proof. As the most recent sources of information made
public show, Ignatius and those in his confidence spoke in
a very different fashion.^
While still at Manresa Ignatius led many to a change
* Autobiography, n. 27 (p. 53).
2 Ibid.^ n. 28-31 (pp. 53-55) ; letter of Laynez, 103-104.
2 Memoranda of P. Ribadeneira, De Actis Patris Nosiri Ignatii^
apparently previous to the first appearance of his Life of Ignatius and
therefore prior to 1572 (see supra, p. 2, note; first published in the
Mon. Ignat., Ser. IV., I., 337-393 ; see ibid., n. i).
* Autobiography, n. 30, 31 (pp. 54, 55); Bartoli (see supra, p. 3,
note), I., I, n. 14.
* So asserts P. Jeronimo Nadal, Loyola's right hand in Rome
(Epistolae P. Hieronymi Nadal, IV., Matriti, 1905, 652). Cf. also
P. Luis Gonsalvez in his Memoriale (see supra, p. 2, note), n. 137
(Mon. Ignat., Ser. IV., I., p. 220).
* See infra, p. 31 seq.
THE "SPIRITUAL EXERCISES." 9
of life by giving them "spiritual exercises."^ This was
the origin of the little book written simply and intelligibly,
with the utmost brevity and compression of style, which
belongs to the most remarkable books of mankind — the
Book of the Exercises, — not that it was written down at
one stroke. Ignatius himself replied to the question of
Gonsalvez: "The Pilgrim — so was Ignatius called in his
self-confessions — observed in his soul now this, now that,
and found it profitable ; then, thought he, this might also
be useful to others, and so wrote it down." Ignatius
particularly gave it to be understood that the directions
as to the choice of a vocation and as to the formation of
resolutions in weighty matters belonged to the time of his
serious illness at Loyola.^ The rules concerning thinking
in conformity with the mind of the Church {ad sentiendum
vere cum ecclesid) were added years afterwards in France
or Italy. But already in 1547 Laynez had declared that
Ignatius had made the Exercises his first consideration
from the early days in Manresa.^ Everything points to the
probability that there also he wrote out their first draft.*
The Book of the Exercises calls for a closer examination.
The contents are divided into four " weeks." Each week
can be curtailed or lengthened at need. The indispensable
foundation of the whole work is formed by the aim and
end of man. " Man was created that he might praise God
our Lord, show Him reverence, and serve Him, and by so
1 POLANCUS, Vita, c. 3 (p. 25).
^ Autobiography, n. 99 (L. 97).
' Letter, 103.
♦ RiBADENEiRA, Vita, I., 7, c. 8 {cf. supra, p. 2, note), in the edition
Vita Ignatii Loiolae ... a Petro Ribadeneira , . . conscripta,
Ingolstadii 1590, 30; ASTRAIN, 149; H. WatriGANT, S.J., La
Genesedes Exercises de St. Ignace de Loyola. Extrait des Etudes.
Reproduction avec pieces et notes complementaires, Amiens, 1897,
25-27-
10 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
doing save his soul. All other creatures upon earth were
created for the sake of man and to help him to reach his
goal. It therefore follows that man must use these
creatures so far as they help him to this goal, and abstain
from them so far as they hinder him from attaining it." If
he does not thus act, he sins. The meditations of the first
week awaken a horror of sin and a dread of its consequences.
The soul cleanses herself by confession ; she breaks her
fetters, reaches the true freedom of the children of God,
and presses on with all her strength to her Creator. For
no man can there be any other way than the imitation of
Christ, which for Ignatius was his life's ideal, one which he
pursued with the sincerity and strength of will peculiar
to him.
In the first meditation of the second week Christ
appears as the God-sent heavenly King ; He must rule
over all hearts, and therefore extend His sway over the
whole world; He calls upon all to enlist in His army, and
places Himself at the head of His loyal troops. All true
souls cleave to Him closely. Following the steps of the
Evangelists, the meditations now accompany the Saviour
through all the passages of his life, with frequent prayers
to the Heavenly Father that grace may be given to know
and to love the Redeemer more, and to be more faithful to
His example.^ Here the right moment has arrived to
make a choice of vocation. The Exercises offer a wise and
searching introduction to the treatment of this momentous
question; at the same time they serve as the pole-star for
any important decision in life, whether such be ma^e in
the Exercises or in the world without. Now, in the
Exercises, all, whom a choice of vocation no longer con-
cerns, must in their several stations " reform themselves."
* Second week, first day, first and second meditation ; third pre-
lude, fifth meditation.
THE "SPIRITUAL EXERCISES." II
Ignatius makes it perfectly clear that this is a question not
merely for priests and religious, but those also whom God
calls to wedlock, to power, and to riches.
Every man in his calling and position must, by living
faith and practical love, participate in the work of Christ's
kingdom. That is the ultimate goal of the Exercises. In
order to attain to it the meditation on the two standards
{ducB vexillce), that of Lucifer and that of Christ, shows
us with complete perspicuity the contrast between the
ruinous principles of the evil spirit and the principles of
Christian perfection as taught by Christ. Two other
meditations keep the same aim in view, that of calling forth
strong and effectual resolutions ; one deals with the " three
classes of men," the other with the three grades or " modes "
of humility. The third week, devoted to the sufferings of
our Lord, confirms the penitent in his renunciation of evil
and in his wholesome resolves. The fourth is a rapturous
meditation on the risen and glorified Son of God.^
The meditations are interspersed with various counsels
and rules of life which, like the directions for making a
choice, are serviceable not merely for periods of contempla-
tion but for the whole course of life : such for instance are
the rules for the "discernment of spirits"; for the treat-
ment of scruples; for the right expenditure of income; for
moderation in food, drink, and sleep ; for the practice of
meditation, examination of conscience, and other forms of
prayer ; for the duty of mental obedience to the Church.
These last especially are worth their weight in gold.^ At
their head stands the primary maxim : " We must be ready
* C/; M. Meschler, S.J., Die Aszese des hi. Ignatius : Stimmen
aus Maria Laach, LXXV. (1908), 269-280, 387-399.
2 Cf. Les Ragles du pur Catholicisme selon St. Ignace de Loyola
per Le P. Maurice Meschler, S.J. : Collection de la Bibliotheque
des Exercices de St. Ignace, Enghien, 1907, n. 7.
12 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
to renounce from our heart our private judgment, to obey
in all things the bride of Christ, and this bride is that Holy
Mother the Church." We must, he says further, exhort to
frequent confession, communion, and attendance at Mass,
not forgetting also prayer in choir, religious vows, the
veneration of relics, pilgrimages, indulgences, rules of
fasting and abstinence, exercises of penance ; and these not
only in their inward but also in their external practice.
We must also praise the building and adornment of churches
and the veneration shown to sacred images and pictures.
Above all ought we to praise the precepts of the Church,
always defending her teaching and never opposing it. We
should always be more ready to praise than to blame the
statutes and conduct of those set over us as superiors, even
if the persons themselves should not always be praiseworthy,
"since to attack them in sermons or in intercourse with the
common people would be more likely to give rise to mur-
murings and scandals than to edification." In speaking of
the predestination of men, of faith, and of grace such ex-
pressions should be avoided as are likely to cool the zeal
of the faithful for good works.^ The holy fathers should
be read diligently, yet without depreciation of the scholastic
teachers.2 With great emphasis Ignatius insists on the
duty of the unconditional surrender of the understanding
to the judgment of the Church led by the Holy Spirit.^
The Spiritual Exercises close in the contemplation of the
divine love which finds expression in a striking prayer of
absolute self-surrender to God.
* Rule, 14-17.
2 Rule, II. C. MiRBT (Ignatius von Loyola, Histor. Zeitschr.,
LXXX., 68) thinks notwithstanding that it cannot be proved that
Ignatius "felt driven to test the substance of his belief by Scripture
and Church doctrine."
f Rule, 13.
THE "SPIRITUAL EXERCISES." 1 3
One who has no knowledge of a spiritual world, to whom
the power of prayer is a negligible quantity, and in whose
scheme of life there is no room for the inroads of grace,
can neither fully grasp the meaning of this book nor
explain its effects. Besides this the Exercises were intended
to be gone through and not merely read. Their object has
been described as the attainment of that tranquillity of soul
which consists in the annihilation of the personal v.'ill, the
surrender of volition. On the other hand, a non-Catholic
scholar has recently pointed out with truth that, as a
matter of experience, those who have gone through the
Exercises and are to this day going through them, have
received moral forces which previously they had not
possessed. The effect of the Exercises is not to weaken
but to intensify and strengthen personality. They are the
masterpiece of" a sapient educational system."^
Ignatius himself called his book " Spiritual exercises
whereby a man may be enabled to conquer himself and so
order his life that he is never under the domination of any
inordinate affection whatever." ^ Thus prayer is not to
* Die Geistlichen tJbungen des Ignatius von Loyola : Eine psycho-
logische Studie, von Prof. Dr. Karl Holl, Tubingen, 1905, I., 2, 35.
Holl is in conflict with widespread opinions which GOTHEIN (p. 235 seg.)
also shares. The strong opponent of the Jesuits, JOH. HUBER (Der
Jesuitenorden, Berlin, 1873, 25), admits on the whole that Ignatius
in the Exercises shows "a great knowledge of the human heart"
and " proves himself to have deep insight as a teacher of Christian
ascetics."
2 " Exercicios espirituales para veneer i. si mismo, y ordenar su
vida, sin determinarse por afeccion alguna que desordenada sea." Title
of Anotaciones at the beginning of the book (Exercicios espirituales de
S. Ignacio de Loyola, Barcelona, 1892, 26). The Exercises were
written in Spanish, yet he himself often made use of a Latin transla-
tion. The book, especially in the Latin rendering, has often been
printed since 1 548, but mostly for members of the Order only. There is
a list of editions in C SOMMERVOGEL, Bibliotheque de la Compagnie
14 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
him an end in itself. He will not merely teach men
prayer as such, he will rather offer them a selection of
reflections, readings, oral prayers, examinations of con-
science, exercises, penance, which in a determined sequence
and combination shall lead up to the point when, as the
book itself says, "a man may set himself free from all
inordinate affections and, having done so, seek for and find
the will of God in conformity with which to rule his life
and secure the salvation of his soul." ^ Through abundant
prayer and works of spiritual and corporal penance he
seeks to receive the grace of heaven ; with this grace the
whole man, under the guidance of a wise director,^ enters
into co-operation. Memory, supported by the power of
imagination, places before the soul ^ the doctrines and facts
of revelation, especially those contained in Holy Scripture ;
the internal and the external correspond ; for the daily
work of life are substituted loneliness and silence ; yet all
this is only a means to an end. The central activities are
those of the understanding and the will ; the truths of
de Jesus, nouv. 6d., Bibliographic, V., Bruxelles- Paris, 1894, 59-74 ;
IX., 1900, 608, 609. C/. also Heimbuchf.r, III., 2nd ed., 28, n. 2.
A new critical edition will appear in the Monumenta Ignatiana (cf.
Ser. I., I., 7, 8). The original autograph copy of the Exercises has not
been preserved ; on the other hand, the Spanish copy, written in an
unknown hand and containing some thirty alterations in Ignatius's own
writing, still exists. A photographic reproduction by Danesi in Rome,
1908.
^ Anotaciones, n. i {/oc. ct'f., 9, 10).
2 Idici., n. 2, 6, 7, 17, and so forth, fhe necessity of such direction
is strongly insisted on in the Directorhon — an introduction or key to
the Spiritual Exercises which was taken in hand by order of a General
Congregation of the Society in 1558 and after much consultation was
drawn up in its final form in 1599 by the General, Claudius Aquaviva
(Directorium Exercitiorium spiritualium, c. 2, n. 6, 7 : Institutum
Societatis Jesu, III., Flor., 1893, 510).
8 Exercises. Second week, second meditation, first point.
THE "SPIRITUAL EXERCISES." r5
faith are to be weighed calmly and then applied to the
action or inaction of the individual life.
Reasonable reflection, independent calculation, mag-
nanimous resolves going into all the details of life, that it
is which Ignatius requires. What have I done for Christ ?
What am I doing for Him? What do I intend to do for
Him?i Fear and shame, admiration and gratitude, trust
and a generous and enthusiastic love must be called forth and
the whole character possessed by such sentiments. The
master of the Exercises must take care that this possession
be not distorted into a morbid excitement, that zeal be
not too precipitate. He must give warning against rash
and inconsiderate vows,^ must prevent injury to health
from austerities of penance and, however holy the religious
life may be, must not recommend it while the Exercises
are in progress. Now is the time " when the Creator and
the creature, the creature and the Creator, must deal
together alone without the mediation of man."^
In the preface which was prefixed in 1548* to the first
impression of the Exercises, the author says that he had
drawn his material not so much from books as from his
own inner experiences and the knowledge acquired in
directing the souls of others. The literary sources of the
Spiritual Exercises have been industriously explored. It
* Anotaciones, n. 2 and 5. First week, first meditation, first point
and colloquy. Directorium, c. 8, n. I ; c. 9, n. 4, 5, 9-1 1 ; c. 34, n. 1-3.
* GOTHEIN (p. 239) asserts incorrectly that Ignatius declares all
vows taken during the Exercises to be invalid. Such a declaration,
moreover, would have been powerless as being contrary to the laws of
natural and Christian morality
' Anotaciones, n. 14, 15, 18. First Week, tenth addition.
* Exercitia spiritualia S. P. Ignatii de Loyola, Romae, 1S70, xvi-
xvii ; cf. also Mon. Ignat., Ser. IV., I., 511. See also Hettinger's
fine work, Die Idee der geistl. Cbungen nach dem Plane der hi.
Ignatius, 2nd ed., Regensburg, 1908} see also IlEiiiEucnFR, 28 3».
l6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
is probable that while at Montserrat, Ignatius had becocne
acquainted with the Ejercitatorio de la vida espiritual
which Garcia de Cisneros, nephew of Cardinal Ximenes
and first Abbot of the reformed Benedictine convent of
Montserrat, had composed for the use of his community
and had had printed there in 1500.^ From him he may
have borrowed the title of his book and even some of its
details.^ Cisneros himself, to all appearance, was largely
indebted to the writings of two Netherlanders, " Brothers
of the Common Life," Gerhard Zerbolt of Zutphen and
Jan Mombaers, who in their turn again had been influenced
by St. Bonaventure and others. Ignatius has taken some
things from the Imitation of Thomas a Kempis and some
from Ludolph of Saxony's Life of Christ. The meditation
on the Two Standards is found in part in a mediaeval
sermon attributed to St. Bernard,^ while the teaching on
the three degrees of humility has a striking affinity with
remarks of Savonarola on this subject.*
But these are only single stones. The building, taken as
a whole, is a compact and uniform work of art constructed
on new and original lines,^ In particular, none of the
writers prior to Ignatius have given such sound and
thorough instruction on that form of prayer which, in a
restricted sense, we speak of as meditation. There is an
entire absence of all emotionalism, he addresses himself to
the reason and to faith and imparts his teaching in a
manner fitted for the school of life.
1 WATRIGANT, 28-31 ; ASTRAIN, 152-160.
* Cy: J. M, Besse in Rev. d. Questions Historiques, LXI. (1897),
22-51.
3 MiGNE, Patr. lat., clxxxiii, 761. For another example from the
Middle Ages, see Michael, Gesch. des deutschen Volkes, IV., 229.
' Watrigant, 102 ; cf. ibid., 50-59, jy.
* HoLL even recognizes this (pp. 4, 5).
FAUL III. APPROVES THE " EXERCISES." 17
One remarkable phenomenon always remains. Here
was a soldier, who had learned no more than to read and
write and had only just said farewell to a life adrift among
the temptations of the world, who yet was able to compose
a spiritual work remarkable for inwardness, lucidity, depth,
and strength. By Ignatius himself and his first disciples
this was regarded as a special instance of the overruling
power of the Spirit of God.^ Paul III. handed the book
over for examination to three theologians, who had full
permission to amend and to improve, and without altering
a single word they gave their approbatioP-
At the request of Francis Borgia, Duke of Gandia,
Paul III., on 31st July 1548, issued a brief declaring the
Exercises to be full of piety and holiness ; they had con-
tributed much to the greatest successes achieved by
Ignatius and his institution ; he (the Pope) gave his un-
reserved approval, and urged upon the faithful that they
should use the work to their own advantage.^
Ignatius wished that by means of the Exercises the spirit
of his Order might be stamped upon the novices. " This
is our armoury," he used to say ; he did not wish to see any
other method of prayer observed in the Society.* The
Exercises were, moreover, the means of bringing to
him, in 1543, his first German adherent. Peter Canisius,
then a young man of twenty-two years of age, wrote about
them from Mayence to a friend : " They taught me to pray
in spirit and in truth ; I felt new forces, as it were, within
* Autobiography, n. 27 (pp. 52, 53) ; letter of J. Polancn of Dec. 8,
1546 (Mon. Ignat., Sen IV., I., 526).
2 Preface to edition of 1548, p. xvii (see snpra, p. 15, n. 4). The
testimonials of the three censors are often printed at- ♦he beginning 0/
the Exercises {cf. ibid., xvi).
^ Ibid., xii-xv.
* Bartoli, I., I, n. 20 {supra, p. 3, nott
VOL. XII. ' ?
l8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
me; Uifty poured themselves from my soul over my body;
I was Lt»mpletely transformed into a new man."^
The Society of Jesus in all ages has seen in the Exercises,
and particularly in the meditation on the " Two Standards,"
the pattern of its existence.^
Their influence soon spread beyond the limits of the
Order and was felt by the great spiritual teachers and
saints of the age : Louis of Granada, John of Avila,
Ludovicus Blosius of the Order of St. Benedict.^ Gerhard
Kalckbrenner, Prior of the Carthusians of Cologne, wrote
on the 31st of May 1543 to one of his brethren, "Such
a treasure would be worth seeking for even if one had
to go to the Indies."* The scholastic theologian Joannes
Cochlaeus rejoiced that "now, once more, a teacher had
at last arisen who could speak to the heart." ^ Dietrich
van Heeze, private secretary and confessor to Adrian VI.,
affirmed in 1543 that "he had gained so much from the
Exercises that he would not give them away were he offered
the whole world in exchange."^ St. Francis of Sales also
recommended the Exercises,'^ and St. Charles Borromeo in-
troduced them among the clergy of the province of Milan.^
> Canisii Epistulae, ed. Braunsberger, I., 77.
2 Orlandinus, Historiae Societatis Jesu, P., I., i, 10, n. 66 {cf. supra,
p. 3, note) ; Bartoli, I., 2, n. 36 ; PiNius, Comm. praev., n. 344-
346 ; Chistoph. Genelli, SJ., Das Leben des hi. Ignatius von
Loyola, Innsbruck, 1848, 123, 124; J. Wieser, S.J., in the Zeitschr.
fur kathol. Theol., VIII., 85, 87.
3 Canisii Epistulae, I., 104 ; Bartoli, I., i, n. 18.
* Cartas y otros cscritos, del B. P. Pedro Fabro, I., Bilbao, 1894
421, 422.
fi "Magistri circa affectus" {ibid., 335, 336).
• POLANCUS, Chronicon, I., n. 55.
' Trait^ de I'amour de Dieu, I., 12, ch. 8 (CEuvres, V., Annecy, 1894,
334)-
8 Concilium provinciale, IV., p. 23 (Acta Ecclesiae Mediolanensis,
Mediolani, 1 599, 143, 171).
IGNATIUS LEAVES MANRESA. 19
All Orders have adopted the custom of going through
the Exercises at stated periods. " The little volume of
Exercises of Loyola," says a modern historian, "has
exercised on his own Order and the Catholic priest-
hood generally an influence of a powerfully pronounced
character."^ He might have added that this transforming
and sanctifying influence has also been felt, and will continue
to be felt, by laymen in the most varied conditions of life.^
Ignatius remained about a year at Manresa. Then the
craving for occupation drove him, the man of action, again
into the world. He set out for Palestine, that region of the
world which, in the Middle Ages, had been the magnet of
so many crusaders. Wearing the garb of the poorest
pilgrim, he sailed from Barcelona to Gaeta and from there
made the journey to Rome ; he set foot, for the first time,
in the Eternal City on Palm Sunday, the 29th of March
1523, when he stayed for fourteen days and received the
blessing of Pope Adrian VI. From Rome he proceeded,
begging his way, to Venice, and there took ship to the
Holy Land.
In Jerusalem heavenly consolations filled his soul ; he
would, there and then, have given himself up to missionary
work among the Mohammedans, but the Franciscan
Provincial, appealing to the Papal decrees, ordered him,
under ecclesiastical censure, to return to his native country.
The pilgrim bowed to the will of God and returned to
Barcelona, as he had come, a beggar.^
What was he now to do ? He thought of entering a
religious house, but his decided preference was for a life
1 M. RiTTER, Ignatius von Loyola, Histor. Zeitschr., XXXIV., 317.
2 Cf. JANSSEN- Pastor, IV., i6th ed , 405.
3 Autobiography, n. 29, 40, 45-47 (pp. 54, 60-65) ; Ribadeneira,
Vita, 1. I, c. 10. For fresh details about the journey, see Creixeli.
(p. 35 seqq\ quoted infra, p. 20, n. 2.
20 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
dedicated, in freedom, to God's glory. But one thing before
all else was clear to him — the need of a well-grounded
education.^ Thus at the age of thirty he took his place for
two years on the benches of a boys' school at Barcelona and
learned Latin amongst the children. Two pious women,
Isabel Roser and Ifies Pascual, supplied him with food.^
For higher studies he went to the universities of Alcala and
Salamanca. In all the three towns he gave the spiritual
exercises and devoted himself to other works of fraternal
charity. The followers who attached themselves to him
wore all alike coarse brownish clothing and were thus
nicknamed by the people the " Ensayalados."^
Many pious souls, especially women, came to Ignatius
for spiritual instruction and comfort. His studies suffered
in consequence, and he became inevitably the subject of
remark. Ignatius incurred the suspicion of being an
emissary of the fanatical " Alumbrados," who, under the
pretext of being the recipients of signal gifts from God, were
spreading distinctive errors throughout Spain, and he was
put in prison. In Alcala his detention lasted forty-two
days, in Salamanca twenty-two ; he refused to employ legal
aid, and in both towns he was adjudged innocent by the
ecclesiastical authorities. Ignatius afterwards was able to
assure King John III. of Portugal that he had never had
intercourse with the Alumbrados or known any of them.*
1 Autobiography, n. 54 (p. 68) ; POLANCUS, Vita, c. 5 (p. 3 1 ).
' For Ignatius's residence and charitable work in Barcelona before
and after the pilgrimage to Jeusalem, see J. Creixell, S. Ignacio in
Barcelona, 38 seq., 91 seq. According to Creixell (p. 46, n. 3) the
name ought to be written " Roses " ; she herself signed " Roser" (Mon.
Ignat, Ser. IV., 1., 338, 341 seq.).
' Autobiography, n. 56-61 (pp. 69-73) ; PoLANCUS, loc. cit. ; records
of the trial at Alcala (Mon. Ignat., Ser. IV., I., 608).
* Autobiography, n. 57-62, 69, 70 (pp. 70-74, 78, 79) ; POLANCUS, c. 5
(p. 34 seq.)\ Ignatius to John III., dat. Rome, March 15, 1545 (jM<-v,).
IGNATIUS IN PARIS. 21
He was now, however, drawn towards that institution,
which still maintained the reputation, centuries old, of
being the centre of European learning — the Sorbonne in
Paris. Ignatius reached the French capital on the 2nd of
February 1528. Seven years were now spent in methodi-
cal study ; after three and a half years of philosophical
training he took his master's degree ; ^ then succeeded
the course of theology. In order to collect alms for his
support he appeared repeatedly during the vacations in
Bruges and Antwerp, and once visited London.^
In Paris also Ignatius came under the suspicion of
heresy; but the inquisitors, Matthaeus Ori and Thomas
Laurentius, both of the Dominican Order, established his
innocence. Laurentius drew up for him and his associates
a highly honourable testimonial ; he was so much pleased
with the Book of Exercises that he asked to be furnished
with a copy.2
The followers Ignatius had gathered round him in
Spain had left him again ; in their place he found at the
Sorbonne a company of friends from whom he was never
to be separated. The first was Pierre le Fevre, commonly
called Peter Faber, a Savoyard of the simplest piety and
keenest intelligence, who was among those who shared
board and lodging with him at the College of St. Barbe.*
Ignat., Ser. I., I., 297); records of trial at Alcalk (Ser. IV., I., 598-
603). Cf. F. FiTA in Boletin de la r. Acad, de la Hist, XXXIII. (1898),
429, 457 seq.
1 POLANCUS, C. 6 (p. 41); RiBADENEIRA, 1. 2, C. I.
2 Autobiography, n. Ti^ 76 (pp. 80-82); Polancus, c. 6 (p. 41);
ASTRAIN, 59.
3 Autobiography, n. 81, 86 (pp. 85, 88). The evidence in Acta
Sanctorum, Julii, VII., n. 185.
* Autobiography, n. 82 (p. 85) ; Memoriale B. P. Fabri, nunc primum
in lucemleditum a P. Marcello Bouix, S.J., Lutet. Paris, 1873 (large
edition), 7, 8.
92 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
In tlie same company was a young nobleman of Navarre,
endowed with brilliant gifts and filled with far-reaching
plans: his name was Francis Xavier. Ignatius won the
affection of the young professor and withdrew him from
associates who at heart had become estranged from the
teaching of the Church. Francis finally went through the
Exercises and placed himself unreservedly in the hands of
his friend.* Through the Exercises the Spaniards Diego
Laynez and Alfonso Salmeron came to the same deter-
mination; they were followed by Simon Rodriguez, a
Portuguese; by Nicolas Bobadilla, a Spaniard; by the
Savoyard, Claude Le Jay ; and the Frenchmen, Pascal
Broet and Jean Codure. They almost all had taken the
degree of Doctor of Philosophy.^
On the Feast of the Assumption, the 15th of August 1534,
an important step was taken which has often been described
as the laying of the foundation stone of the Society of
Jesus. Ignatius and six of his first associates — Le Jay,
Broet, and Codure had not yet joined the band — passed
beyond the city to Montmartre, on the declivity of which
lay the sequestered chapel of St. Denis belonging to the
Benedictine nuns.^ Peter Faber, the only priest among
them, celebrated Mass, and during the Holy Sacrifice each
one vowed on the Blessed Sacrament to observe the rules
of poverty and strict chastity and to make the pilgrimage
to Jerusalem, there to work for the salvation of souls ; yet
they determined, as long as their studies lasted, to retain
possession of their means. For the sake of their pilgrim's
* Autobiography, n. 82 (p. 85) ; Polancus, c 7 (p. 48) ; Monumenta
Xaveriana, I., Matriti, 1 899-1 900, 204.
2 Polancus, Vita, c. 7 (p. 49 seq.).
3 Sec H. JOLY, St. Ignace de Loyola, Paris, 1899, 116, n. ; Ch.
Clair, SJ., La Vie de St. Ignace de Loyola, Paris, 1891, 162-175.
Cf. VoL X. of this work, p. 476 seq.
IGNATIUS IN VENICE. 23
journey they resolved to go to Venice and await during the
course of a year an opportunity of securing a passage ; if
none offered, they vowed to throw themselves at the Pope's
feet and place their services at his disposal.^ The next two
years saw the same solemnity repeated and, at least in the
year 1536, three new members were among the participants.^
In the meantime Ignatius had been obliged, on account
of impaired health, to revisit his home; from there he
went to Venice. Among those whom he introduced to
the Spiritual Exercises were Pietro Contarini and Gasparo
de Doctis, the auditor of the Papal nuncio Girolamo
Verallo. Even here Ignatius was not beyond reach of
calumny, and things went so far that judicial proceedings
were opened against him ; the sentence, however, was in
his favour, and de Doctis lavished praise on his teaching
and his character.^
Ignatius was the first of the ten comrades to enter
Venice. Francis Xavier and the remaining eight wandered
on foot from Paris in the winter of 1536, leathern knapsacks
on their backs containing the Bible, the Breviary, and their
college note-books, the rosary round their necks, towards
the city of the lagoons.* There they stayed two months
* Autobiography, n. 85 (pp. 87, 88); Memoriale P. Fabri, 12; P.
Simonis Rodericii Commentarium de origine et progressu Societatis
Jesu (account of the origin and progress of the Society of Jesus, com-
piled at Lisbon in 1577 by Simon Rodriguez at the command of the
General, Everard Mercurian) in the Epistulae PP. Paschasii Broeti,
Claudii Jaii, Joannis Codurii et Simonis Rodericii, Matriti, 1903,
457-459-
* Memoriale P. Fabri, 13 ; Rodericius, Commentarium, 459.
' Autobiography, n. 92, 93 (p. 92). The text in Acta Sanctorum,
Julii, VII., n. 255-258. P. Contarini was not the Cardinal's nephew
{cf. Tacchi Venturi, I., 444, n.).
* Rodericius, 462-474; letter of Laynez, 11 3- 114; Memoriale
Fabri, 13.
24 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
and a half; they worked in the hospitals, ministering to
the souls and bodies of the sick; then they started for
Rome to obtain the blessing of the Pope on their coming
pilgrimage.^
Only Ignatius was left behind. He feared two men in
Rome : Cardinal Carafa, with whom he had had shortly
before serious differences of opinion in Venice, and Pedro
Ortiz, the Imperial plenipotentiary at the court of Rome,
to whom, as a teacher in the University of Paris, he formerly
had been obnoxious.^ But it was no other than Ortiz who
gave his friends a warm recommendation to the Pope.
Paul III. ordered the Parisian theologians to carry on a
debate with several Roman doctors while he was eating
his dinner. When he had finished his meal he called the
former to him and, with outstretched arms, said he was
delighted to see so great learning combined with so great
modesty. He gave them willingly his permission to go to
Jerusalem, sent unsolicited on two occasions money for the
journey, but remarked that he did not believe that they
would ever reach that city.^ Cardinal Carafa also showed
great signs of favour.*
The pilgrims now returned to Venice. There, in virtue
of special permission from the Pope, Ignatius, Francis
Xavier, and five others were ordained priests.^
A ship had now to be waited for. The ten dispersed
themselves over various towns of the Republic during the
time of suspense, and Verallo gave them authority to preach
* Letter of Laynez, 115, 116.
2 PoLANCUS, c 8 (p. 56); Ignatius to Carafa, Venice, 1536 (Men.
Ignat, Ser. I., I., 114-118); Autobiography, n. 93 (p. 93). The
opposition between Carafa and Ignatius has not yet been fully cleared
up (see Stimmen aus Maria Laach, XLIX., 533).
3 RODERICIUS, 486, 487.
* Autobiography, n. 96 (p. 94).
5 RODERICIUS, 487, 488 ; letter of Laynez, 117.
THE NAME OF THE NEW ORDER. 2$
and hear confessions.^ But the experience of previous
years was now repeated ; owing to the war between Venice
and the Turks the whole year went by without a single
ship setting sail for Palestine;^ they were thus free from
their vow of pilgrimage and had to see in Rome the
Jerusalem of their quest. First of all they resolved, how-
ever, to visit the Italian universities, " in order to see," as
Laynez expressed it, " whether God was calling the one or
the other student to their manner of life."^ But here a
doubt arose. In Paris the companions of Ignatius had
come to be called " Inigista."* They now asked them-
selves: "When questioned as to what congregation we
belong to, what answer can we give?" They agreed to
say that they belonged to the Society of Jesus.^ The
love of Jesus had united them ; Jesus was their leader, and
His glory the only thing they strove for.* True servants
of Christ two of them were also recognized to be by
Vittoria Colonna in Ferrara, the city which had fallen to
their lot. This great woman supported them — they were
Le Jay and Rodriguez, — consulted them in cases of
conscience, and called them to the attention of Duke
* Documents in Acta Sanctorum, loc. cit., n. 252-254.
^ Letter of Laynez, 116.
3 Ibid., 118; cf. RODERICIUS, 491 ; POLANCUS, c. 8 (p. 62).
* Epistolae P. H. Nadal, L, 2.
' The name " Jesuit " is older than the foundation of the Society. In
the course of the 15th century it was used sometimes of a pious
Christian, sometimes of a Mendicant brother. It seems to have been
given to members of the Society first in the Netherlands in 1 544, and
certainly as a term of odium. The name was for a long time unpleasing
to the Society, but they gradually got reconciled to it and finally made
use of it themselves (N. Paulus in the Zeitschr. fiir kathol. Theol.,
XXVII., 174, 17s ; cf. also zbid., 378-380, and Braunsbsrger, B. P.
Canisii Epistulae, I., 121, 134, 135).
8 PoLANCus, Vita, c. 9 (pp. 72-74); Bartoli, I., 2, n. 36.
26 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Ercole II., who heard them preach and had recourse to
Le Jay as confessor.*
Ignatius himself, with Faber and Laynez, went on foot
to Rome, to prepare the way for the others. At their
last halting-place, La Storta, where Ignatius was at prayer
in the little church, he had a deep spiritual experience.
He believed that he had a vision of Christ, and heard Him
say, " I will be gracious to you." Ignatius told his com-
panions, and observed, " I know not what awaits us at
Rome ; perhaps crucifixion; but one thing I know certainly,
Christ will be gracious to us."^ This vision also heartened
him strongly to inscribe the name of Jesus on his banner
and on that of his companions.^
Their reception by the Curia was on the whole a chilling
one. Ignatius said that he felt that the windows were
shut;* yet the Pope accepted willingly the services of
the new association. Faber and Laynez were to lecture
on theology at the Sapienza, while Ignatius endeavoured
to propagate his Spiritual Exercises. The Imperial
ambassador, Pedro Ortiz, went with him for forty days to
Monte Cassino ; when he had gone through the Exercises
he appeared to himself to be a different man : he had, in
his own words, in those forty days learned a philosophy
of which he had never dreamed in the long years of his
activity as a teacher in Paris.^ Cardinal Contarini also
» RODERICIUS, 496 ; letter of Laynez, 118; POLANCUS, c. 8 (p. 63) ;
Bartoli, I., 2, c. 38 ; TaCCHI Venturi, v. Colonna, 152 seqq.
2 PoLANCUS, c. 8 (p. 63 seq) ; Ribadeneira, De actis S. Ignatii,
n. 83. Cf. Tacchi Venturi, I., 413 ^^qq-
» PoLANCUS, c. 8 (p. 64) ; Ribadeneira, loc. cit. ; J. P. Maffeius,
S.J., De Vita et moribus Ignatii Loiolae {supra, p. 3, note), 1. 2, c. 5 (in
the edition Ignatii Loiolae vita, postremo recognita, Antverpiae, 1605,
72); ORLANDINUS,1.2,n.29-3I,62. C^i also TaCCHI VENTURI, I., 587.
* Autobiography, n. 97 (p. 95).
« Ibid.^ n. 98 (p. 95) ; POLANCUS, c. 8 (p. 64) ; BARTOLI, I., I, n. 18.
THE FIRST JESUITS IN ROME. 27
underwent the same under the guidance of Ignatius, and
was so enchanted that he copied the Book of Exercises
with his own hand ; he thanked God that He had at last
sent the man on earth for whom he had been longing.
Ortiz and Contarini became great friends and patrons of
the new Society.^
Ignatius and his followers first found shelter in a villa
on the slope of the Pincian Hill near Trinita dei Monti ;
Quirino Garzoni, a Roman nobleman, had handed it
over to them for the sake of Christ. They begged alms
for their support, but the house was too remote ; they
therefore moved at Easter 1538 into the inner city to a
spot which was no better situated, and afterwards in the
same year hired from Antonino Frangipani a roomy
building in the neighbourhood of the Capitol near Torre
del Melangelo which is standing to this day.'^
In May 1538 the ten members of the Society were all
assembled in Rome. They found, wrote Ignatius to
Spain,' a soil bearing few good fruits and many evil.
The Cardinal-Legate, Vincenzo Carafa, gave them full
powers to preach and dispense the Sacraments.* They
began to preach and give instruction in Christian doctrine
in different churches and in public places. The Romans
opened wide their eyes when they saw men mount the
pulpit who did not wear monastic dress ; this was so
unprecedented that many said, " We thought that no one
* Cartas del B. P. Fabro, 6 ; Polancus, loc. cit. ; Maffeius, L 2,
C 6, 12 ; OrlandinuS, 1. 2, n. 34 ; Bartoli, L i, n. 18.
* Now the Palazzo Delfini in the Via Delfini, No. 16; Rodericius,
499 ; Polancus, c. 8 ; Tacchi Venturi, Le case abitate in Roma da
S. Ignazio di Loiola, Roma, 1899, 9, 13-18.
» To Isabel Roser, dat. Rome, 1538, Dec. 19 (Mon. Ignat., Ser. I,,
I., 138).
* Memoriale Fabri, 14,15. Text of the document in Acta Sanctorum,
Julii, VII., n. 295-298.
28 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
bat cr^onAS L<i.d a right to preach." ^ Another innovation
also was preaching after Easter ; it was not customary in
Rome to have sermons except during Advent and Lent.^
Ignatius preached in Spanish in S. Maria di Monserrato.^
Many now began to go to confession and to communicate
frequently. This practice, Rodriguez relates, had almost
become obsolete in many places in Italy ; if a man went
every eight days to the Lord's table, he became the town's
talk ; he was spoken of in letters to friends at a distance
as a strange novelty.*
The " reformed priests," as Ignatius and those with
him were called, continued to gain the confidence of the
people. They were soon able to say, "If our number
were quadrupled we should not be able to satisfy all
wishes."* Those were auspicious beginnings; but the
storm was soon to break which threatened to snap the
tender plant.
Paul III. in March 1538 went to Nice to restore peace
between Charles V. and Francis I.;^ the Augustinian,
Agostino Piemontese, now thought that the moment had
come to disseminate in Rome the Lutheran doctrine which
1 RoDERicius, 499.
'^ Ignatius to Isabel Roser, dat. Rome, 1538, Dec. 19 (Mon. Ignat.,
Ser. I., I., 139).
3 POLANCUS, C. 8 (p. 64).
* RODERICIUS, 477. Ignatius, on the contrary, in the Exercises
notes the practice of weekly communion as a sign of genuine Catholic
feeling (Regulae ad sentiendum vere cum ecclesia, n. 2). He goes
further and recommends daily communion as circumstances require
(see his letter to the Sister, Teresa Rejadella, of Nov. 15, 1543, in Mon.
Ignat., Ser. I., I., 275 se^.). Cf. also Tacchi Venturi, I., 230 seqq.
^ Roman memorial of the first companions, 1539, first published in
the Constitutiones Societatis Jesu latinae et hispanieae cum earuro
declarationibus, Matriti, 1892, 298.
^ See Vol. XI. of this work, pp. 279 seqq.
CALUMNIES AGAINST THE SOCIETY. 29
he cherished at heart. He preached it from the pulpit, yet
with caution, but Loyola and his helpmates saw through
the man, and after ineffectual exhortations addressed to
him in private, they began to refute him publicly. This
infuriated the friar, and also certain Spaniards among
the circle of his admirers. They scattered the gravest
suspicions abroad against the new preachers. As their
reports obtained wide credence, Ignatius demanded an
investigation ; it was an easy matter for him to convict
the principal organ of these calumnies, a Navarrese, of
falsehood, and obtain his expulsion from Rome. The
others now made a declaration that they held the Fathers
to be free from blame; but with that they wished pro-
ceedings to come to an end and the matter to be buried
in oblivion ; they won over the Cardinal-Legate* and the
Governor of the city to acquiesce in this escape from the
difficulty.
But Ignatius and his comrades would have been
debarred from any successful work unless every taint
of suspicion were removed from the integrity of their
conduct and doctrine. Ignatius, therefore, was immovable
in his determination that the case should go on ; he went
to Paul III. at Frascati and in a long interview obtained
the Pope's permission that the trial should go on to the
end and the decision be given in accordance with strict
judicial formality. This, however, was not obtained without
difficulty ; the opposing party had powerful connections
and were not inexperienced in the art of intrigue. But
circumstances intervened favourable to Ignatius, for at
that very moment there were in Rome three of the judges
before whom he had previously appeared : the episcopal
* Not to the Imperial ambassador, as translated by H. BoHMER
(Die Bekenntnisse des Ignatius von Loyola, Stifters der Gesellscbaft
Jesu, Leipzig, 1902, 64).
30 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Vicar of Alcala, the Parisian Inquisitor Ori, and the
auditor of the nuncio at Venice; these were unanimous
in insisting on his innocence and that of his friends. From
Vicenza, Bologna, Siena, where they had worked, came
glowing testimonials, as also from Cardinal Contarini and
the Duke of Ferrara. At last, after the troublesome suit
had dragged on for eight months, Benedetto Conversini,
as senior judge in temporal and ecclesiastical cases at
Rome, gave his decision : he pronounced complete acquittal
on all the ten ; all the charges brought against them
were groundless.^
Ignatius was now able to say his first Mass in peace of
mind. It took place on Christmas Day 1538 at S. Maria
Maggiore.2 This coincided with a fresh opportunity of
showing acts of charity to the Roman poor. The winters
of 1538 and 1539 were marked by the severity of the cold
and the scarcity of food,^ and people lay on the open street
stark and half dead. Towards evening the fathers went
their rounds, gathered the unfortunates in groups, and took
them to the roomy chambers of the Frangipani dwelling-
house; there they distributed bread which they had
begged, spread out beds of straw, and gave instructions
in the faith and prayed ; sometimes from 200 to 400
persons were thus tended. Their example kindled others ;
Cardinals and other great personages collected money ; in
^ Ignatius to Pietro Contarini and to Isabel Roser, dat. Rome, 1538,
Dec 2 and 19 (Mon. Ignat., Ser. I., I., 134-136, 138-143): Auto-
biography, n. 98 (p. 96) ; letter of Laynez, 148 ; Polancus, c. 9
^pp. 67-69) ; RODERiciUS, 502-507 ; Epistolae P. Pasch. Broeti, 385,
n. I. The original judgment is given in Mon. Ignat, Ser. IV., I.,
627-629.
2 Ignatius to his brother in Loyola, dat. Rome, Feb. 2, 1539 (Mon.
Ignat., Ser. I., I., 147).
8 Cf. BONTEMPI, 376 ; Manente, 263, and the **memoranda of
Cornelius de Fine (Cod. Ottob., 1614, Vatican Library).
THE SOCIETY AT THE POPE'S DISPOSAL. 3I
the hospitals of the city upwards of 3000 poor and sick
were ministered to.*
"After we had been declared innocent," Peter Faber
relates in his Memoriale,^ "we placed ourselves un-
reservedly at the disposal of Paul 1 1 1." The Pope accepted
the offer gladly, and showed willingness to send some of
the community into different spheres of work. The latter,
however, had come already to important determinations.
Ignatius himself at a later date^ directed the secretary of
the Order, Polanco, to give explanations on this point to the
rector of the college at Bologna, who was at work on an
account of the origin of the Society. Polanco wrote : " The
first of those whom our father Ignatius drew round him in
Paris, as well as he himself, betook themselves to Italy, not
with the intention of founding an Order but with the
purpose of going to Jerusalem to preach among the infidel
and there to die. But they were unable to get to Jerusalem
and had to remain in Italy ; and as the Pope afterwards
availed himself of them for the service of God and of the
Holy See, then the idea of forming themselves into a
corporate society came under consideration."* Polanco
wrote more explicitly in his Life of the founder : " When
they had come together again in Rome in 1538 they were
still without any intention of forming any perpetual
association or order."* But in 1539, so Laynez relates
> Letter of Laynez, 146; Polancus, c. 8 (pp. 65,66); Rodericius,
499, 500-
2 Memoriale, 15.
3 On July 29, 1553.
* This important letter was first published in Mon. Ignat., Ser. I., V.,
259, 260.
* POLANCUS: c. 9 (pp. 69, 70) ; cf. letter of Laynez, 1 14 ; J. Creixell,
S.J., Explicacidn critica de una cuestidn hagiogrdfica ; Razon y
Fe, XX., Madrid, 1908, 215-222; on the contrary side, Fr. VAN
32 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
later on, "we gave ourselves to prayer and afterwards came
together and weighed the circumstances of our vocation
point by point. Each one set forth as it seemed to him
the pro and contra of the matter. In the first place, we
were of one accord that we should found a society having
a permanent existence and not one limited to the term of
our natural lives." ^
At first there were great differences of opinion on the
question of obedience. Towards Ignatius all indeed had
shown persistently the utmost reverence and submission ;
but the office of Superior, to whom voluntary subjection
was offered, had changed in the different groups from week
to week and afterwards, when they were altogether at
Rome, from month to month.^ Were they now, in addition
to the vows of poverty and chastity which they had taken
already in Venice at the hands of Verallo, to pledge them-
selves to yet another, that of obedience to one of their
own body and so constitute themselves an order? From
contemporary memoranda it is evident that nearly three
months of prayer and penitential exercises preceded their
decision. Finally, they all agreed to take the vow.^
To Ignatius was assigned the task of drawing up the
draft constitution of the Order. Cardinal Contarini, who
OrtrOY, S.J., Manrese et les origines de la Compagnie de Jesus ;
Analecta Boll., XXVII. (1908), 393-418.
1 Letter of Laynez, 146, 147.
2 RODERICIUS, 489, 490.
» The notes were first published by P. J. J. DE LA TORRE, S.J.
(Constitutiones Soc. Jesu lat. et hisp., 297-301) ; cf. also RodericiUS,
508, 509. The resolution of April 15, 1539, to take the vow of
obedience, with the autograph signatures of Ignatius and his com-
panions, is in the Museum of the Society for the Propagation of the
Faith at Lyons ; facsimile in P. M. Baumgarten, Die kath. Kirche,
III., Munich, 1902, 33, and in Les Missions Cath., XIV. (1882), 571 ;
r-^. ihid.^ 576.
EXAMINATION OF THE CONSTITUTIONS. 33
looked upon the members of this company^ as his
"special spiritual sons in Christ," undertook to recommend
their rules for confirmation to the Pope, But the latter
referred the document to the Master of the Sacred Palace,
Tommaso Badia, a Dominican, who after two months'
examination pronounced the scheme to be " pious and
holy." 2 On September the 3rd, 1539, Contarini was able
to write the news to Ignatius from Tivoli, where Paul III.
was sojourning, that he had received the draft with Badia's
opinion. "To-day I read aloud to the Pope all the five
heads. He was much pleased with them, and confirmed
them with expressions of strong approval."^ From other
witnesses we learn that the Pope, after receiving Contarini's
report, exclaimed : " There is the finger of God ! " He
then lifted up his hand in blessing and said, " We give
this our benediction ; we approve it and call it good." *
Cardinal Ghinucci, Paul III. enjoined, was to draw up a
brief appropriate to the occasion, or, at his own discretion,
a Bull.5
But before such a document appeared there was much
ground to be covered. Paul I II., in the first instance, ordered
three Cardinals to examine the draft. One of them, the
influential Bartolommeo Guidiccioni, was opposed, on
principle, to new orders ; it would be much better, he
said, if the existing orders were cut down to the number of
four ; he would not even look at the scheme of Ignatius.
* Ignatius to Cardinal Contarini, dat. Rome, 1540, March-April
(Mon. Ignat., Sen I., I., 156).
^ Evidence of Cardinal Contarini in DlTTRiCH, Regesten, 305, and
Bartoli, I., 2, n. 45.
' Cartas de San Ignacio, I., Madrid, 1874, 433, 434 {cf. above,
p. I seq., n. i). The minutes, which were approved by the Pope
orally on Sept. 3, 1539, are in TaCCHI Venturi, I., 412.
* RODERicius, 508, 509; Orlandinus, 1. 2, n. 83.
* Cartas, loc. cit. ; Dittrich, loc. cit,
VOL. XII. 3
34 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
But Loyola did not give in ; he obtained many prayers,
and vowed that he would have three thousand Masses said.
Meanwhile good news came from without; Cardinal
Ennio Filonardi was full of praise of Faber and Laynez,
whom he had besought the Pope to send to his Legation,
and Cardinal Francesco Bandini, Archbishop of Siena, gave
very favourable accounts of Broet.^ Suddenly Cardinal
Guidiccioni asked to see the plan of the Society ; he was
delighted with it; here, he declared, an exception ought
to be made, and used his influence strongly for its con-
firmation.2 The preparation of the Bull was carried out
forthwith.^
This important document was issued by Paul III. at
Rome on the 27th of September 1540.* It begins with
the mention of the first ten members. These men, "im-
pelled, as we may well believe, by the Holy Spirit,"^ had
left the world, formed themselves into a community, and
for many years worked in the Lord's vineyard. Then
follow the ground lines of the constitution of the Order,
commonly called the "formula of the institution." The
word societas is used in the military sense of a troop or
squadron, which is "emblazoned with the name of Jesus,
* Letter of Laynez, 147 ; Epist. P. Pasch. Broeti, 203 ; Bartoli, 1. 2,
n. 46.
' Letter of Laynez, 122, 123, 147, 148; RODERiCius, 514, 515;
POLANCUS, C. 9 (p. 72); MAFFEIUS, 1. 2, C. 12; ORLANDINUS, 1. 2,
n. 113, 114.
3 For Cardinal Ghinucci's fears, see L. Tolomei's letter of Sept. 28,
1 539, in DiTTRiCH, loc. cit.^ 379. Cf. also Tacchi Venturi, I., 579 seq.
* Litterae Apostolicae, quibus Institutio, Confirmatio et varia
Privilegia continentur Societatis Jesu, Antverpiae, 1635, 7-16; Bull
VI., 303-306.
' "Spiritu sancto, ut pie creditur, afflati." In the second Bull of
confirmation of Julius III., of July 21, 1550, the expression is simply;
•' Spiritu Sancto afflati" (Litt. Apost, 8, 58),
THE POPE CONFIRMS THE CONSTITUTIONS. 35
and consists of men who fight for God under the banner
of the Cross and serve none other than Christ the Lord
and His representative on earth, the Pope of Rome," The
special aim of the Order is defined to be the furtherance of
Christian thought and practice and the propagation of the
faith by means of preaching, spiritual exercises. Christian
doctrine, confession, and other works of charity. To the
three ordinary vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience
another was joined whereby the Society was pledged in a
special way to the Pope's service ; in virtue of this, it was
said, " We must, where the salvation of souls and the spread
of the faith are concerned, we must do all within our power
to execute on the spot every command of the present Pope
and his successors without any hesitation or evasion,
whether we be sent to the Turks or to any other infidel
peoples, even in the regions named the ' Indies,' or among
heretics or schismatics or even, if needs be, among the
faithful." As especially necessary and profitable the
explanation of the fundamental grounds of the Christian
faith was then insisted on. The Superior, to be chosen by
the members, shall appoint to and distribute the offices.
Capital or settled incomes shall not be held by individuals
or by the Society, except in the case of the colleges serving
as seminaries for the younger members, whose spiritual
discipline and educational training are entirely in the hands
of the Society. The daily office is to be said by the
members individually and not in common.
The Pope confirmed these constitutions, took the members
under his own special protection and that of the Apostolic
See, and gave permission for the formation of more de-
tailed regulations. The number, however, of members of
the Order was not to exceed sixty. Ignatius was highly
gratified at thus provisionally securing so much, and ex-
pressed himself in terms of warm gratitude to Cardinal
$6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Contarini ; * nor was Cardinal Guidiccioni passed over
without marks of recognition from the whole Society.^
In the April of 1541 Ignatius was chosen General of the
Order 2 by the unanimous voice of the other nine, present
and absent, only one of the latter abstaining from sending
his vote. " I chose him," wrote Jean Codure, " because I
have always recognized in him a fervent zeal for God's glory
and the salvation of souls. He also has always been
amongst us as the least of all and the servant of all."*
On the 22nd of April 1541 the six members resident in
Rome made a pilgrimage to the seven principal churches
and in a chapel of the Basilica of S. Paolo fuori le mura
took these solemn vows while Ignatius celebrated Mass.^
The newly professed conducted themselves so well that
the Pope, not quite three years later (March 14th, 1544),
cancelled entirely the restriction of the Society to sixty
members ; at the same time he enjoined that the rules
drawn up for itself by the Society should at once receive
confirmation.^ In a brief of June 1545 he further gave
the Society, " in view of the great advantages it had con-
ferred and continued to confer on the House of God," full
* Ignatius to P. Contarini, Rome, 1540, Dec. 18 (Men. Ignat.,
Ser. I., I., 168).
2 Francis Xavier wrote on March 18, 1541 : "We have said 250
Masses for Cardinal Guidiccioni" (Mon. Xaver., I., 245, 295). Simon
Rodriguez also writes from Lisbon on Oct. 8, 1540, of 55 Masses which
he had recently said for the same Cardinal (Selectae Indiarum
Epistolae nunc primum editae, Florentiae, 1887, 4) ; c/. also Bartoli,
1. 2, n. 46.
3 The account of the election by Ignatius himself is in the Constitu-
tiones Soc. Jesu lat. et hisp., 313, 314.
* Epist. P. Pasch. Broeti, 419.
* POLANCUS, Chronicon, n. 26.
'> This and following Papal letters are in the Litlera? Apostolicae,
17-32.
PRIVILEGES GRANTED BY THE POPE. 37
powers to preach everywhere, to give absolution for all
sins, even in cases reserved for the Holy See, the exceptions
of the Bull " Ccena Domini" alone being retained, to ad-
minister the Eucharist and other Sacraments without
obtaining previous permission from the bishop or parish
priest, yet without prejudice to any third person.
In the meantime it had become evident that there were
very many excellent priests who had been of great help as
coadjutors to the Order but yet were inadequately furnished
with the educational and theological requirements de-
manded in the professed members of the Society. In 1546
Paul III. therefore ordered their admission ; after a period
of probation they were to be allowed to take the vows, but
in their simple, not their solemn, form. Likewise, according
to the usage existing in other orders, lay brothers were to
be received for domestic service.
In the following year the Pope bestowed a plenary in-
dulgence, obtainable once in a lifetime, on anyone offering
up prayers in honour of our Lord's Passion after making
confession to a Jesuit priest.^ Paul III. conferred besides
extensive indulgences ^ transferable to others on the
founder, and encouraged the formation of new settlements
by special graces.'
' Oliverius Manareus, S.J. (+1614), De rebus Societatis Jesu Com-
mentarius, Florentiae, 1886, 120, 121. In the *Mandati, 1542-1546,
f. 65, is included : *" Sacerdotibus Societatis Jesu Christ! de Urbe rubrum
unum cum dimidio salis nigri gratis et amore Dei, dat. 1543, Sept. 12"
(State Archives, Rome).
2 Braunsberger, IV., 30 ; cf. also Mon. Ignat., Ser. I., I., 172, 526
seqq. ; perhaps the letter here printed, of June 11, 1547, led Ranke
(Papste, I., loth ed., 123) to make the strange statement that " Loyola,
and later on his adherents, had, like the Spanish ' Alumbrados,' mads
a general confession a condition of absolution."
^ Synopsis Actorum S. Sedis in causa Societatis Jesu, I., Florentiae,
1887, 4-8 ; Braunsberger, I., 362, n. t, 696.
38 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The Pope crowned these enactments by the Bull issued,
at the instance of Francis Borgia, four weeks before his
death. For years Ignatius had wished the Society to
possess such a " Mare Magnum " as that granted by
Sixtus IV. to the Franciscans — a Bull, namely, which
should amalgamate once for all the various decrees,
privileges, and graces for which otherwise special applica-
tion for reconfirmation would always be necessary in each
particular case.^
The Bull appeared on the i8th of October 1549. It con-
ferred exemption on the Society from taxation and from all
episcopal jurisdiction ; without the General's consent no
member of the Order can accept a bishropric or any other
ecclesiastical dignity ; the Order cannot be called upon
to undertake the spiritual direction of women ; the faithful
are permitted to confess to and receive communion from
the priests of the Order without asking permission of their
parish priest — save at Easter and on the administration of
the Viaticum. Then follow many other grants and plenary
faculties in favour of the Order; the earlier guarantees
are confirmed and in respect of missionary countries largely
extended.^
After the year 1539 and the first authorization of the
Society of Jesus its external circumstances began to im-
prove. The fathers who had hired the Frangipani dwelling
were joined by Pietro Codacio, who relinquished his rich
benefices. This first Italian Jesuit was a man of noble
family, much beloved by ecclesiastics of the higher ranks ; *
* Ignatius to Oviedo, dat. Rome, 1547, Nov. 24 (Mon. Ignat,, Ser. I.,
I,, 653, 654 ; POLANCUS, Chronicon, n. 273). Cf. S. Franciscus Borgia,
III., Matriti, 1909, 28.
2 Litterae Apostolicae, 35-56 ; Bull. Rom., VI., 394-401.
* POLANCus, loc. cit., n. 11; Maffeius, I. 2, c. 14; Tacchi
Venturi, Le case, 6, 28, n. 2.
BEGINNINGS OF THE " GESU." 39
he undertook to provide a dwelling, sustenance, and
clothing for his colleagues.
The first great requisite was a church. Ignatius had
his eye on the parish church of S. Maria degli Astalli —
popularly known as S. Maria della Strada— not far from
the foot of the Capitol and near S. Marco, the Papal
summer residence. The building was narrow and incon-
venient but in a very good situation for mission work.^
Codacio went to the Pope and asked him to bestow the
church on the Order; they received it in 1540; in 1541
the Bull was drawn up, and in 1542 Ignatius took posses-
sion of the church and its appurtenances. Codacio took
over the administration of the parish.^ Besides this he
acquired in 1543 the neighbouring and almost abandoned
parish church of S. Andrea de la Fracta, with permission
to let the church and parish lapse. Six years later the
Pope added two other parish churches to the above and in
exchange erected four chapels in S. Marco and transferred
thither the parochial cures of these four churches.^ In
order to be better able to supervise his church, Ignatius
settled in 1541 in a hired lodging of small compass near
at hand. Codacio begged from Cardinals and bishops,
enlarged the church, and built alongside of it the General's
house; this was occupied in 1544.* The picture of Our
Lady over the high altar, then scarcely noticed, became
afterwards an object of great veneration.^ On the site of
S. Maria della Strada was afterwards erected, by the
* Polanco to Araoz, dat. Rome, 1547, Oct. 31 (Mon. Ignat, Ser. I., I.,
616, 617) ; Orlandinus, I., 3, n. 15.
2 Tacchi Venturi, Le case, 28, 29, 39 ; POLANCUS, Chronicon,
n. 49 ; Tacchi Venturi, I., 415 seq.
3 Synopsis Actorum S. Sedis, I., 9, 10.
* PoLANcus, loc. cit. ; Tacchi Venturi, Le case, 19, 20, 32.
fi Cf. Tacchi Venturi, 27, 38-40, where the current representations
of the picture and the Church are for the first time corrected.
40 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
munificence of Cardinal Alessandro Farnese, the magni-
ficent church of the Gesii.
The devotion and gratitude of the new Order towards
the Pope was displayed in the work undertaken by them
in Papal Rome. Here there were unbelievers and sinners
in plenty to convert. Among the numerous Jews there
were many who recoiled from the acceptance of the
Christian faith through an anxious fear for their temporal
belongings. Ignatius succeeded in obtaining from the
Pope, whose behaviour towards the Jews was marked by
traditional leniency,^ a brief dated the 2ist of March 1542
which stated that no Jew was to lose his property because
of his conversion to Christianity. Even children who
became Christians against their parents' will were to re-
ceive their full portion of inheritance. What had accrued
through usury or other unjust means must be restored to
the rightful owners, where the latter were to be found
otherwise it belonged to the convert. The same conces-
sions were granted to all unbelievers who received baptism.^
* Besides Rieger-Vogelstein, II., 61 seg., cf. also Revue juive,
IX., 81 ; Archiv fiir Kirchenrecht, LI 1 1., 36 seq. ; Univ. Cath., XIX.,
(1895), 102 seq. In order to protect the Jews in Rome from outrages, the
celebration of the Passion play in the Colosseum was instituted in 1540
(see AdinOLFI, II., 388; Dejob, Influence, 210 seq.-, GregorOVIUS,
Schriften, III., 189; Vatasso, Per la storia di dramma sacro, Roma,
1903, 86). The decree of Paul III. of May 12, 1540, which forbade the
persecution of the Jews under the severest penalties and anathemas, has
been published from the original text by Seeberg in Hengstenbergs
Evangel. Kirchenzeitung, 1900, No. 50. As a remedy for the usury
which was practised in Rome, certainly not by the Jews only, Giovanni da
Calvi, the Franciscan, succeeded in opening a Monte di Pieta in Rome
which was approved and privileged by Paul III. in a Bull of Sept. 9, 1539.
Cardinal Quiiiones was appointed Protector of the Compagnia del Monte
(see Tamilia, II. s. Monte di Pietk di Roma, Roma, 1900, 24 seq).
2 Bull. VI., 336, 337. Rieger-VogelsteiN (II., 63) is as wrong
in his dating of the Bull as in his comments upon it.
WORK OF THE JESUITS IN ROME. 4I
In order to facilitate conversions two houses, on Loyola's
advice, were established for catechumens, the one for men
and the other for women ; a confraternity was also founded
composed of distinguished and influential personages in
Roman society, and Cardinal Marcello Crescenzi was named
Protector.^ Paul III. issued a Bull in February 1543
praising the work and conferring spiritual graces.^ On
Whitsunday 1544, amid a great concourse of people, five
Israelites were solemnly baptized, one of them being a
Rabbi with a great reputation for learning. In 1544 Jews,
Moors, and Turks to the number altogether of forty were
baptized, and at the beginning of the following year ten
others received the same sacrament.^
Another undertaking had still better results. This aimed
at the removal of a permanent evil which the Renaissance
had bequeathed to Rome. Prostitution was a sore from
which the capital of the world suffered now as in times
past.* It was not enough to provoke to tears by penitential
sermons ; if there were to be no relapses some asylums of
refuge would have to be provided. The convent of the
Maddalena was indeed in existence for those who wished
to take the veil ; but it was not sufficient for all those who
sought admission, and among the latter were also married
women who had left their husbands. Ignatius determined
to create a home for such as these ; many showed a will-
ingness to help, but no one wished to be the first to begin ;
* Ignatius to Francis Xavier, dat. Rome, July 1 543, and to the Society,
1543 or 1544 (Mon. Ignat, Ser. I., I., 249, 268, 269).
2 Bull. VI, 353-358.
3 Ignatius to the Society, dat. Rome, 1543 or 1544 (Mon. Ignat.,
Ser. I., I., 249, 250) ; Jeronimo Domenech, S.J., to Simon Rodriguez,
dat. Rome, 1545, Jan. 29 (Epist. P. Pasch. Broeti, 773-774).
* Cf. Vol. XI. of this work, p. 348, n. 5, and Arch. d. Soc. Rom..
XXXI., 413.
42 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
he therefore set his hand to the work. Codacio had un-
earthed a number of antiquities on his building site and
sold them for about a hundred ducats. The General gave
them for the erection of an institution which was to be
called the Casa di Santa Marta. Here married women
could stay until they were reconciled with their husbands
or remain permanently if they wished to persevere in a
moral life ; as also could sinful women in the single
state until they entered wedlock or professed religion.^
Cardinals supported the undertaking, and the Pope sent
help in money and recommended the work in a special
Bull.2
Leonora Osorio, the wife of the Spanish ambassador
Juan de Vega, who confessed weekly to Ignatius, took an
energetic part in the work. Also Margaret of Austria,
the wife of Duke Ottavio Farnese of Camerino, gave
effectual help.' The young Jesuit, Peter Faber of Halle,
wrote on the 29th of April 1546 from Rome to Cologne,
*' Every day one of us goes to pray for S. Marta's house." *
In order to secure the permanency of the institution high
ecclesiastics, nobles, and other distinguished persons formed
themselves into the " Compagnia della Grazia " under the
patronage of Cardinal Carpi, at whose request the Society
* Ignatius to F. Xavier, dat. Rome, 1543, July 24, and Jan. 30, 1544,
(Mon. Ignat., Sen I., I., 269-271); POLANCUS, Chronicon, i, n. 68;
RiBADENEiRA, De actis S. Ignatii, n. 46. Cf. especially Tacchi
Venturi, I., 420 seqq.
2 Domenech to Rodriguez, dat. Rome, 1545, Jan. 29(Epist. P. Pasch.
Broeti, 774) ; Ignatius to F. Xavier, dat. Rome 1543, July 24, and 1544,
Jan. 30, and to Simon Rodriguez, dat. Rome, 1545, Nov. 21 (Mon.
Ignat., Ser. I., I., 269, 329, 330) ; Ribadeneira, Vita, 1. 3, c. 9.
3 Report written by order of Ignatius in Rome, 1545 (Mon. Ignat.,
Ser. I., I., 305, 306).
* Rheinische Akten zur Gesch. des Jesuitenordens, 1 542-1582
Bearbeitet von JOSEPH Hansen, Bonn, 1896, 51.
S. MARTA AND S. CATERINA. 43
undertook for a while the religious direction of the
institution.^ On the other hand, Ignatius gave to three
noble ladies of Rome the three keys of S. Marta.^ He
was told that his work was hopeless ; that these un-
fortunates were already too hardened in vice. He replied :
" If I only succeed in rescuing one of them from one night
of sin, I shall not regret my trouble."^ His success far
exceeded his hopes; in 1545 he was able to write to
Spain : " There are now from thirty-seven to thirty-eight
women in S. Marta ; most of them are doing spontane-
ously penance for their past life."* Up to the end of
1547 more than a hundred women of this class had been
brought to a better way of life.^
Another institution almost contemporaneous, which also
owed its existence to Ignatius or in which he was at least
one of the original co-operators, was that of S. Caterina
dei Funari. Maidens whose innocence was imperilled by
poverty or bad upbringing were here educated until they
married or entered a convent.^
The Roman orphanages found a warm friend in the
General of the Jesuits. Margaret of Austria sent him on
one occasion 300 ducats for distribution among the poor.
* Ignatius to Francis Xavier and the Spanish Jesuits, dat. Rome,
1543. July 24, and beginning of 1544; Bartolome Ferron, S.J., to
Rodriguez, dat. Rome, 1546, April 12 (Mon. Ignat., Ser. I., I., 269,270,
286, 287, 371, 372) J RiBADENEIRA, 1. 3, C. 9 ; ORLANDINUS, 1. 4,
n. 75 ; Bartoli, 1. 4, n. 18.
2 Ignatius to Leonora Osorio, dat. Rome, 1546, July or Aug. (Mon.
Ignat., Ser. I., I., 564).
3 RiBADENEIRA, 1. 3, C. 9.
* Mon. Ignat., Ser. I., I., 305.
^ Polanco to Araoz, dat. Rome, Oct. 31, 1547 (Mon. Ignat., Ser. I.,
1,613).
* RiBADENEIRA, L 3, c. 9 ; Orlandinus, 1. 4, n. 8 ; cf. Lanciani,
II , 64 seq.
44 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
He was told that the Princess wished in this way to assist
him and his associates in their poverty, but he never
appropriated a penny of it; all was sent to the convents
and benevolent institutions of Rome and an exact account
rendered.^
Ignatius in the first year of his generalship entered
the Archconfraternity of S. Spirito in Sassia with the
promise of a yearly alms to the hospital.^ One of the
tests which he imposed upon his novices consisted in
ordering them to work in the Roman hospitals.^ The
priests of the Society observed with sorrow that many
of those whom they visited on sick-beds departed life
without the Church's means of grace; Ignatius thereupon
remembered the ordinance of Innocent III., ratified by the
twelfth General Council, the tenor of which was that the
aid of the physician of the soul should be invoked before
that of the physician of the body. He earnestly recom-
mended the observance of these enactments with this
alleviation, that on the first and second day of illness a
doctor should be allowed to attend the patient, but not
again on the third and fourth day, unless the latter had
in the interval made his confession. All the theologians
and canonists of the Penitentiaria signified their approval
in writing. The Pope was much pleased with the proposal ;
about Epiphany in the year 1544 it began to be put into
execution.'*
Two years before this the indefatigable General of the
* RiBADENEiRA, Dichos y hechos de N. P. Ignacio (Mon. Ignat.,
Sen IV., I., 413) ; cf. also letter of Laynez, 120.
2 The deed of admission in Mon. Ignat., Sen IV., I., 554-558.
' Cf. Hansen, loc. cit., 145.
* Ignatius to Cardinal Cervini, dat. Rome, June 24, 1543, and to
Francis Xavier, dat. Rome, Jan. 30, 1544 (Mon. Ignat., Ser. I., I., 261-
C67, 271) ; POLANCUS, Chronicon, n. 48.
ST. IGNATIUS AND PORTUGAL, 45
Jesuits had supported a regulation which was destined to
have an important bearing for Rome and the whole of
Italy. While the Inquisition was especially active, some-
times too active, in the exercise of its functions in Portugal,
here and there in Italy it seemed as if the watchmen on
the roofs of Sion were fast asleep. " For this reason,"
wrote Ignatius to Portugal on the 28th of July 1542 to the
Cardinals Juan Alvarez de Toledo and Giovanni Pietro
Carafa, " I often made urgent representations ; they spoke
repeatedly to the Pope ; now his Holiness has appointed
six Cardinals" who were to form a Board of Inquisition.
The Papal Bull appeared on the 21st of July 1542.^
The reconciliation of enemies was a work of charity
which commended itself to the Jesuits' circle of activity .^
Ignatius himself travelled in the year 1548 to Tivoli and
to Citta Sant' Angelo in order to pave the way for the
restoration of amity between these two places, then at
feud. He was successful in getting them to accept as
arbitrator Cardinal de la Cueva, and also called in the
help of Margaret of Parma and the Bishop, Archinto, and
finally ensured the conclusion of a treaty of peace.^
The most difficult and most important pacification due
to Ignatius was that between Pope Paul III. and King
John III. of Portugal. John was afraid that his country
might be ruined through the machinations of the Jews, who,
in his father Manuel's reign, had been often compulsorily
baptized but in secret remained loyal to Judaism. He
thought that he ought to protect himself against these
^ Mon. Ignat., Ser. I., I., 218, 219 ; cf. also Polancus, loc. cif., n. 66.
The Bull in Bull, VI., 344-346. Cf. infra, pp. 504 seqq.
2 Mon. Ignat., Ser. I., I., 618. Cf. also Anton Vinck's letter to thf
Jesuits of Louvain and Cologne, dat. Rome, about May 1 548, in
HANSEN, 12S.
J Polancus, n. 228 j Orlandinus, 1. 8, n. 5.
46 HISTORY OF THE POrES.
" New Christians " by an exceptionally severe jurisdiction
in matters of belief on the lines of the Spanish Inquisition.
The disputes into which he had thus been led already with
Clement VI I.^ were renewed in an accentuated form under
Paul 1 1 1.2 At first the Pope had suspended the last
decrees of his predecessor,^ but on closer examination he
confirmed on October 12, 1535, those relating to the New
Christians, which were as just as they were lenient.*
King John III., filled with deep hatred for these Jews in
disguise, now tried to compass his object by means of
diplomatic negotiations in Rome. As Charles V. inter-
vened on his side, Paul III. gave way, for on the 23rd of
May 1536 he ratified the institution of a permanent
Inquisition in Portugal.^ The King disregarded the
stipulations which the Pope had inserted to protect the
• Cf. Vol. X. of this work, 371 seq.
2 Cf. besides the numerous documents in Corp. dipl. Port., III., IV.,
v., and VI. ; Schafer, III., 337 ; SCHMIDT, Zeitschr. fiir Gesch., IX.,
Xb"] seq.; Ersch-Gruber, XVIII., 471 Ji?^;'. ; Atti dell' Emilia, N.S., IV.,
I, III seq. ; Kathol. Schweizerbl., I. (1885), 341 seq. ; Archiv fiir kath.
Kichenrecht, LI II., 27 seq., and the characteristic works of Herculano
and Kunstmann given there; see also Histor. Zeitschr., IX., 121 ;
further, Pincheiro Chagas, Hist, de Portugal, V., Lisbon, s.a.
Numerous documents still unpublished concerning the conflict are in
the Secret Archives of the Vatican (*Min. brev.. Carte Fames., 2, and
Nunz, di Portug., I., A) and in Cod. H ■^■^^ Inf. of the Ambrosian
Library in Milan. The instructions for Girol. Capodiferro sent to
Portugal in 1537 (dat. Feb. 17, 1537), in the Altieri Library, Rome
(VII., E IV., f. 263), those for J. Lippomanno sent in 1542, in the
Royal Library, Berlin (Inf. polit., XII., 67 seq\ and in the Doria
Pamphili Archives, Rome (Istrug., I., 329 seq.). A series of documents
relating to the subject in Cod. 264, N.B., 3, Vol, I., of the Library of
Ferrara.
3 Corp. dipl. Port., III., 171 seqq.
* Ibid.., 254 seq.
6 Ibid.., III., 302 seqq.
ST. IGNATIUS AND PORTUGAL. 47
New Christians, and serious complaints were raised in
Rome, for John III. did all he could to turn the Inquisition
into a Royal tribunal. In vain Paul III. raised protests
against the King's arbitrary behaviour ; all the Pope's en-
deavours on behalf of justice and moderation towards the
Jews, and the preservation of the ecclesiastical character
of the Inquisition, were without avail. Negotiations were
bandied to and fro without result and fresh difficulties
arose over and above those already existing.
Miguel de Silva, Bishop of Viseu, a noble of the highest
rank, had left Portugal and gone to Venice contrary to
the King's wishes. Nevertheless, Paul III. made him a
Cardinal and summoned him to Rome. John III. now
confiscated his episcopal revenues and moreover forbade
the Bishop to hold intercourse, even by writing, with his
diocese. He was also unwilling to admit a Papal nuncio
into the country. Ignatius took the matter very seriously,
and wrote a confidential letter to his old friend and
colleague Simon Rodriguez, who was resident at the court
of Lisbon. It was reported in the Curia, he said, that
Rodriguez gave absolution to persons who had helped the
King in his aggression on the Cardinal of Viseu and thus
laid themselves under the bann of the Church ; he, the
General of the Order, was, however, unable to believe
this ; Rodriguez indeed had no faculty empowering
him to do so; he would, besides, thereby do injury to the
things of God, the Church and the Holy See.^ At the
beginning of 1542 the situation was so embittered that
Portugal was on the point of breaking off communication
with the Holy See.^
* Ignatius to Simon Rodriguez, dat. Rome, March 15, 1542. The
letter was first published in Men. Ignat, Ser. I., I., 196-199.
2 See the Florentine envoy's *despatch of Feb. 3, 1542 (Florentine
State Archives).
48 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Ignatius, who, like many others,^ laid the blame not on
the King but on his counsellors, sought then in every way
to arrive at a peaceable solution.^ The dispute was pro-
longed for some years to come; Ignatius, however, never
halted in his exertions as peacemaker. On the 14th of
December 1545 he wrote to Rodriguez that for the sake
of the Inquisition and the bishopric of Viseu he had gone
to see the Pope at Montefiascone ; he had there spoken
very fully to the Pope and had made a favourable impres-
sion. This communication was followed directly by
another announcing that an agreement had been reached.
The Pope would withdraw the brief directed against the
action of the Inquisition ; the New Christians would be
allowed a respite to admit of their expatriation ; after their
departure the Portuguese Inquisition should be put on the
same footing as the Spanish. The confiscated revenues
of the bishopric of Viseu were to be dealt with in accord-
ance with the advices from Lisbon ; all were to be placed
in the hands of Cardinal Farnese.^ The desired Bull
on the Inquisition appeared on the i6th of July 1547,
and the New Christians were given a year's grace. The
King was earnestly recommended to employ gentle
measures; Cardinal Farnese was made administrator of
Viseu, received the revenues of the bishopric, and pledged
himself under his own hand to remit them to Cardinal
Silva ; only a sum was to be deducted for the stipend
of the bishop-coadjutor placed in charge of the diocese;*
1 Thus the Portuguese nuncio (see his *report of July 13, 1535, in the
Nunz. di Portug., I., A, f. 6, Secret Archives of the Vatican), and later
also Paul III. (see Raynaldus, 1545, n. 58).
2 Cf. his letter to Rodriguez of March 18 and July 28, 1542 (Mon.
Ignat., Ser. I., I., 195 seq.^ 216 seq.).
3 Mon. Ignat., Ser. I., I., 346-350-
* Mon. Ignat., Ser. I., I., 193, 194, 348, 349; Cartas de S. Ignacio,
I., 224, n. 8, 496-509 ; Raynaldus, 1547, n. 131, 132; Orlandinus,
ST. IGNATIUS AND PORTUGAL. 49
the nomination of the latter was to be left to the
King.i
About this time a certain Fra Valentino Barbaran sent-
I., 5, n. 27 ; Corp. dipl. Port., VI., r66 seq. ; Herculano, Hist, de
Inquisi^ao em Portugal, III., 6th ed. (1897), 282 seq.; MacSwiney,
Le Portugal et le Saint Si6ge, III., Paris, 1904, 210-212.
^ Ignatius has quite recently been blamed for having, in the face of
ancient Church discipline and the proposals for reform just then in
progress, procured for Cardinal Farnese, already richly endowed with
Church benefices, additional possession of a Portuguese bishopric.
But Farnese was merely bishop in name and, for the sake of peace,
Rome wished to find for the King an honourable way of retreat. A
few years later Viseu received a new bishop. As regards the New
Christians, the latter had agents at Rome who were trying to prevent
the introduction of the Spanish Inquisition into Portugal. One of
them, Diego Hernandez, wished to bring Ignatius round to his side.
They had a two hours' conference in the Pantheon. Hernandez,
according to a letter from Ignatius to Rodriguez of Aug, 1 7, 1 542, in
Spanish, "made solemn professions, always bringing forward some-
thing new digressing from the subject. I therefore determined to cut
the matter short and gave him my oath before the Blessed Sacrament
that in this matter my desire was the same as his, to be of the greatest
service to all erring souls. I was, however, of opinion that no obstacle
should be put in the way of the Inquisitors, on the assumption that
their functions were authorized and that they carried out their duties
properly, and that this should specially be observed in cases where the
Inquisitors received no material recompense for their labours and
reaped injury rather than advantage from them. He tried, however,
always to adduce fresh reasons and to spin out the conversation. At
last I broke it off : I said to him, he need not waste any more time on
the subject with me and I had no wish to waste mine with him. My
conscience forbade me to think otherwise than I did. Since then ten
or twelve days have passed and I have not seen him again" (Mon.
Ignat., Sen I., I., 225, 226; Cartas de S. Ignacio, I., 142, 143). For
the wrong translation, a mutilation of this letter by A. N. Druffel
(Ignatius von Loyola an der Romischen Kurie, Munich, 1879, 12) and
those who have followed him, see Anal. Boll., XIII., 72 ; Duhr, S.J.,
Jesuitenfabeln, 4th ed., Freiburg i. Br., 1904, 33-39- For a criticism of
Drufifel, see also Zeitsch. fur. kathol. Theol., IV., 380 seq.
VOL. XII. 4
50 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
to Paul III. a memoir containing far-reaching complaints
against the Jesuits. They were desirous, he said, of
reforming the whole world ; they had no permission from
the Pope to carry out their work at S. Marta, and wished
to drive all married women who had been untrue to the
marriage vows from Rome, with many other accusations.
Cardinal Crescenzi, by command of the Pope, perused the
document and drew up a report. He considered it to be
of no importance.^
In obedience to the Pope the Jesuits tranquilly pursued
their good work among the Roman people. They
frequently occupied the pulpit,^ and Vittoria Colonna, who
had withdrawn into retirement with the Benedictine nuns
of S. Anna de' Funari, asked to have one of them as her
preacher.^
The General set a good example to his subordinates in
giving instruction in Christian doctrine ; no sooner had
he entered on his office than he began in S. Maria della
Strada to expound the elementary principles of the
Christian faith ; many grown-up persons were among the
audience. Although he had little time for preparation and
spoke an Italian strongly marked by Spanish idioms, yet
his addresses made a great impression. He usually closed
with the words : " Let us love God with all our heart, with
all our soul, and all our will ! " He uttered this with
great emphasis and animated visage ; many, as Laynez and
* Ignatius to Miguel Torres, dat. Rome, Oct. 13 and 18, 1547 (Mon.
Ignat., Ser. I., I., 447, 448 ; Cartas de S. Ignacio, I., 304, 305). Druffel
has not understood the Spanish letter which forms the source of this
report ; what Barbaran wrote has been put by Druffel {loc. cit.^ 28) in
the mouth of Cardinal Crescenzi, " the incorruptible."
2 Epist. P. Pasch. Broeti, 774 ; Mon. Ignat., Ser. I., I., 332, 373.
3 Report to the Spanish Jesuits, dat. Rome, 1545, about May (Mon.
Ignat, Ser. I., I., 306, 307}.
INSTRUCTION OF THE CLERGY. 51
Ribadeneira who both saw and heard him testify, sought
the confessional forthwith in deep contrition.^
Among the Roman clergy were many, as Polanco wrote
to Spain in 1547, "badly in need of instruction." On this
account Nadal gavd three times a week in S. Eustachio a
lecture on the professional duties of the priesthood ; the
Vicar of the Pope enjoined attendance on all who had
the cure of souls.^ The success attending this regulation
gave rise, apparently, to another determination. From all
parts candidates for Holy Orders came to Rome who were
unfitted for their office ; it was therefore decided in 1547
that in future none should be ordained who had not
previously made a general confession to a Jesuit and had
undergone an examination in morals and learning by that
Order. Ignatius had no other course open to him than to
undertake this arduous task at least temporarily. " Up to
the present," he wrote to Louvain in December 1548, "we
have given a certificate of fitness to hardly a quarter of
those who have presented themselves."^
The new Order was reserved with regard to the religious
direction of women. When Ignatius and his companions
came to Rome, he said to them, " We must be very careful
to avoid intercourse with women, for there are many of
high station "* whose influence and example might be of
great advantage to many souls. Such a one, in his opinion,
' Ribadeneira, De actis, etc., n. 47 ; (T/C also Maffeius, 1. 2, c. 14.
' Polanco to Araoz, dat. Rome, Oct. 31, 1547 (Mon. Ignat., Ser. I., I.,
617); Report to Araoz and the Jesuits of Louvain and Cologne, dat.
Rome, Oct. 31, 1547, and 1548, end of December {ibid., Ser. I., I„ 617 ;
II., 286).
3 Bishop Archinto to Ignatius, dat. Bologna, Dec. 17, 1547 ; Opinion
of Ignatius, dat. Rome, 1548, end of January ; letter to the Jesuits of
Louvain and Cologne, dat. Rome, 1548, end of Dcccaiber (Mon. Ignat.
Ser. I., I., 6158, 703, 704 ; II., 286).
* " Illustri," Autobiography, n. 97 (p. 95).
52 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
was that virile character Margaret of Austria, whose marriage
with the young Farnese was so unfortunate. Ignatius
was confessor to her and her household, and when in 1 545
she gave birth to twins, he was called upon to baptize
one of them.^ To please Cardinal Farnese, Ignatius also
undertook that his Order should draw up rules and act as
confessors ^ for the enclosed nuns near St. Peter's, known
as the "Murate"; but this was an exceptional case. Re-
quests often came to him from pious women living in the
world, from individual religious, and from entire convents
of nuns to be received into the obedience of his Society,
but Ignatius in all such cases refused.^ " We who live
here in the Curia," he said, " see every day how things
are with the Franciscans and Dominicans and their
coiivents of nuns, how much embarrassment is caused to
the friars ; we should fare no better."*
Nevertheless, it seemed at one time as if a female
offshoot of the Society would spring up in Rome. The
widow Isabel Roser, who had once been Loyola's pupil in
spiritual things and in temporal matters his great bene-
factress, came in 1545 from Barcelona to Rome. She and
some other women asked Ignatius to affiliate them to his
Society. On his refusal they made such clamorous
entreaties to Paul III. to order the General to receive
them, that the Pope granted their request. Thus Isabel
Roser, Lucrezia Bradine, and Francisca Cruyllas took the
* Report to the Spanish members of the Order, dat. Rome, beginning
1544; Ribadeneira and Faber to Araoz, dat. Rome, 1545, Aug. 29
(Alon. Ignat, Ser. I., I., 290, 316,317).
3 Polanco to Araoz, dat. Rome, Oct. 31, 1547 (Mon. Ignat., Ser. I.,
I., 613).
3 Cf. POLANCUS, Chronicon, 2, 475 (Mon. Ignat., Ser. I., I., 421).
'^ To Miguel Torres, dat. Rome, Sept. 10, 1546 (Mon. Ignat., Ser. I.,
I-, 421)
ISABEL ROSER. 53
solemn vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience at the
hands of Ignatius as Superior of their Order.^
Isabel Roser betook herself with great devotion to the
work at S. Marta^ but she had no idea of obedience.
The direction of the new sisters cost much time and trouble,
and they and those under their protection required bodily
support. Roser in addition was surrounded by a swarm
of relations; it was said in Rome that the Jesuits wished to
get possession of all their means and were keeping them
in Rome by force. Through Ardinghello, Ignatius had
representations made to the Pope, who was in residence at
Orvieto, that such occupations were not befitting for men
* For the "supplicatio ad Pontificem, ut emittere Societatis vota
permitterentur," cf. the remarks by POLANCUS, Chronicon, n. 87,
p. 149, n. I. A document of Dec. 25, 1545, concerning a gift of Isabel
Roser, wherein Ignatius appears as " Prepdsito de la venerable
Compaiiia de Jesus, Perlado y Superior de la dicha Sefiora Isabella, y
en cujus manibus ella hizo profession" is given in the Cartas de S.
Ignacio, I., 471, 472. "La hermana y madre Isabel Roser," " Sor
Lucrecia," " La Madre Sor Lucrecia," " La Hermana Cruyllas," say the
Jesuits Antonio Araoz and Andres de Oviedo in letters which (dat.
Valencia, Dec. 22, 1545, and Gandia, Jan. 26, 1547) they sent to
Bartolome Ferron, S.J., and to S. Ignatius at Rome. Araoz
addresses I. Roser in a letter from Valencia to Rome, Dec. 22, IS45)
as " Charisima Hermana." An old notice of I. Roser's letter to
Ignatius, dat. Barcelona, Dec. 10, 1547, says: " Haec fuit professa
Societatis, propter quam deinde cautum fuit, ne curam susciperemus
monacharum" (Epistolae mixtae ex variis Europae, locis ab anno 1537
and 1 556 scriptae, I., Matriti, 1898, 245-247, 335, 450 ; cf. also ibid., 29).
That Cruyllas vowed "de commissione suae Sanctitatis obedi-
entiam . . . Ignatio, et forsan pro tempore existenti Praeposito
Societatis . . ., atque castitatem et paupertatem ... in ejusdem
manibus solemniter," appears from a document drawn up at Rome,
Nov. 3, 1546, at the command of Paul III., by his vicar, Bishop
Filippo Archinto (Acta Sanctorum, Julii VII., n. 416-420).
2 Ferron to Rodriguez, dat. April 12, 1546 (Mon. Ignat, Scr. I., I.,
372).
54 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
who ought to be working all over the world in the great
interests of the Church.^ The Pope agreed, and gave
directions that the Order should be released from the
obligation of receiving women into their obedience or of
undertaking permanently the direction of their souls.^
Accordingly, in the autumn of 1546 a Papal dispensation
released Roser and her companion Cruyllas from their
vows of poverty and obedience; they were, however, per-
mitted to enjoy the graces and indulgences of the Society
exactly as if they were still members.^ Ignatius wrote
to Roser telling her that he therefore had no longer any
claim on her as a spiritual daughter under his obedience,
but that he would always regard her as a good and
affectionate mother, as indeed she had been for so many
years.* Isabel felt herself deeply hurt; she even made a
claim for damages which, however, the courts did not
uphold.^ Full of complaints and anger, she returned to
Barcelona ; but in a few months' time she was writing from
there for forgiveness, and later she made a distribution of
her property and became a Franciscan nun.^
Ignatius had impressed a special stamp on his foundation
and he took care that it should not be effaced. The
suggestion that he should amalgamate his Order with that
of the Somaschi he flatly refused.'^ Miani's community
* Ferron to Rodriguez, dat. Rome, Nov. 21, 1545 ; Ignatius to Torres,
dat. Rome, Oct. 9, 1546, and March 3, 1547 (Mon. Ignat., Ser. I,, I.,
329, 330, 437-441, 488-493). Cf. also RiBADENEIRA, Vita, 1. 3,
c. 14 ; Maffeius, 1. 2, c. 7 ; Astrain, I., 186 seq.
2 Polancus, Chronicon, r\. 172 ; cf. supra, p. 38 (Mare Magnum).
^ Acta Sanctorum, loc. cit., n. 419.
^ Mon. Ignat, Ser. I., I., 424, 425.
6 Ibid., Ser. IV., I., 645-659.
^ Epistolae Mixtae, I., 449, 450; II., 54. CREIXELL, 113.
• To P. F. de Medde, dat. Rome, March 15, 1547 (Mon. Ignat., Ser.
I., I,, 474^^^.).
IGNATIUS AND ECCLESIASTICAL DIGNITIES 55
had less affinity with the Jesuits than the disciples ot
Gaetano di Tiene ; the name of " Theatines " given to
the latter was for many years extended also to the
former. Ignatius tried very seriously to come to an
arrangement with Cardinal Carafa for the recall of the
Theatines to Rome^ but he was steadily averse to any
project for a fusion of the two Orders, and Cardinal Carafa
was, on the whole, of the same opinion himself.^ Later,
in 1 55 1, the Barnabites made similar overtures to Ignatius,
but he rejected them, although they had the strong support
of Archbishop Sauli of Genoa.^ On the other hand,
Ignatius welcomed with delight the invitation of the strict
Carthusian Order — without detriment to the individuality
of the one or the other constitution — to mutual approxima-
tion and special communion in prayer and other good
works.*
With equal determination the founder set himself to
hold his spiritual children aloof from the strivings of ecclesi-
astical ambition. King Ferdinand I. in 1546 longed to see
Le Jay made Bishop of Trieste. Ignatius entreated the King
to renounce this scheme, but Ferdinand, on the contrary,
desired Paul III. to command Le Jay to accept the dignity
in virtue of his obedience to the Holy See; the King's
ambassador at Rome was instructed to bring all pressure
to bear. Thereupon Ignatius, as he reported to corre-
spondents in Spain, made " incredible efforts " to frustrate
the nomination. He succeeded in keeping the matter in
suspense until the King declared that he would no longer
* Ignatius to Giovanni Bernardino Scotti, dated Rome, Aug. 18 and
Sept. 8, 1548 (Mon. Ignat., Ser. I., II., 194-19S, 229).
2 RiBADENEiRA, Dichos, etc., Gobierno, n. 91 (Mon. Ignat., Ser,
IV., I., 439, 440) ; BrOMATO, II., 101 seq.
' RiBADENEIRA, loC. Cit.
' Cartas de S. Ignacio, I., 403, 447, 448.
S6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
insist on his wishes ; Ignatius ordered Masses of thanks-
giving to be said and the Te Deum to be sung.^
To whatever extent his disciples might aim at Christian
perfection and union with God through love, their master
never estimated their progress by their demeanour nor
even by the greater or less promptitude of their disposition,
nor by their sensible enjoyment of prayer, but by the
measure in which they exerted themselves to curb their
unruly inclinations.^ " Overcome thyself" was his favourite
maxim. Far from depreciating bodily asceticism, he set
a value on " fasts, the use of the discipline and other instru-
ments of penance as useful and under certain circumstances
necessary," but he esteemed far higher the subjection of
an ambitious and selfish spirit.^ Obedience he asked for
before everything else, not a forced and slavish, but a
willing and high-hearted obedience. From time to time
he would set a test. This happened at the beginning of
1 548, when the college at Messina was established. Every-
one in the house was to make a written declaration
whether he was ready to go there, and when there to take
up any office that the General might think good to appoint
him to. Canisius assured him that he was equally willing
to remain in Rome or to go to Sicily, India, or wherever
else it might be ; if it must be to Sicily, he was then ready
to go as cook, gardener, porter, scholar, or teacher in any
* Ignatius to Ferdinand I., dat. Rome, Dec. 1546 ; Ferron to Torres,
dat. Rome, March 2, 1547 (Mon. Ignat., Ser. I., I., 450-453, 460-467) ;
Le Jay to Ignatius, dat. Venice, Sept. 25, 1546, and Cardinal Pio of
Carpi to Ferdinand I., dat. Rome, Dec. 4, 1546 (Epist. P. Pasch.
Broeti, 314-332, 392, 393).
2 RiBADENEiRA, De actis, etc., n. 64, and Vita, 1. 5, c. 10. Cf. the
Exercises : second week : " De emendatione et reformatione vitae."
3 RIBADENEIRA, De ratione S. Ignatii in gubernando, c. 2, n. 4, 5
(Mon. Ignat., Ser. IV., I., 447); Ignatius to the College of Coimbra,
dat. Rome, May 7, 1547 {ibid., Ser. I,, I., 507).
ST. IGNATIUS AND HIS SPIRITUAL SONS. S7
department. All the five-and-thirty members who were
with him gave wholly similar answers.^
In order to train his children in humility Ignatius often
allowed their acts of negligence and other faults to be
inveighed against from the reading-desk of their dining-
hall by a lay brother, Antonio Rion, a man of very humble
origin who was an adept in the art of cooking and also had
the gift of administering rebukes which could be as witty
as they were sharp.^ At the same time Ignatius always
made allowance for individual temperament. One, said
Ribadeneira, he would treat with the tender love of a
mother, another with the authoritative love of a father.
In distributing the more important offices and tasks,^ " in
virtue of holy obedience," he often kept in view the
inclinations of those under his control.* In converse
with others Ignatius was earnest and thoughtful, yet for
all his economy of words always friendly, so that his
spiritual sons could say that they never went away from
him other than contented and happy.^
* Braunsberger, I., 262, 263.
' O. Manareus, Comment, 128 ; Maffeius, 1. 3, c. 6.
' Ribadeneira, De ratione, etc., c. 4, and Dichos, etc., Gobierno,
n. 12 (Mon. Ignat., Ser. IV., I., 419, 454).
* Dictamina S. P. Ignatii generalia, collecta a P. Lancicio (Mon,
Ignat., Ser. IV., I., 478).
fi Responsio P. Manarei, n. 11 (Mon. Ignat., Ser. IV., I., 513);
Dictamina {t'h'd., 491). See also Carol. Linek, S.J., Imago absolutis-
simae virtutis . . . verbis et exemplis S. P. Ignatii de Loyola , ,
expressa, Pragae, 1717, 214-221.
CHAPTER II.
Constitutions of the Society of Jesus. — Its Work
IN Europe and the Indies.
The principles on which Ignatius governed his Society
could not remain in perpetuity as an unwritten tradition.
There was need of a rule consolidated in writing. The
professed members resident in Rome therefore met re-
peatedly and drew up a series of resolutions for the life of
the new organization.^
Their work was handed over for complete revision in
1 541 to Ignatius and Codure ; but as the latter died soon
after, the task fell solely into the hands of Ignatius;^ he
began to commit his work to writing in 1547.^ About the
same time he prepared, at the wish of his first companions
and in close co-operation with his secretary Polanco, an
amplified copy of that first draft of the rule of the Society
which was contained in the Bull of confirmation of 1540.
In this, not to mention other alterations, the three vows of
poverty, chastity, and obedience are designated as solemn
vows, while this at first had only been predicated of the vow
of chastity. At the same time it was clearly declared that
the supreme government normally was vested in the
General. Together with " vows of the professed " the
^ First published in the Constitutiones Societatis Jesu lat. et hisp.,
300-313, 316-329,
2 Astrain, I., 125.
5 Ephemerides P. Nadal (Epistolae P. H. Nadal, II., 2).
5S
DRAFT OF THE CONSTITUTIONS. 59
simple vows of the coadjutors and the scholastics were also
mentioned. The first Papal confirmation of this second
and final "Formula of the Institute" of the Society was
contained in the Bull issued by Julius III. on the 2ist of
July 1550.1
The first draft of the Constitutions was finished by
Ignatius at the beginning of 1550.^ He then summoned
all the professed living out of Rome, who could conveniently
attend, and other prominent members of the Society to
the capital, and there laid his work before them for ex-
amination. From the notes which each one individually
made^ he introduced alterations with Polanco's assistance.
Even then he looked upon the work as still lacking com-
pletion. From 1552 onwards Nadal was ordered to
promulgate and explain the Constitutions in Spain,
Portugal, Germany, and Italy ; Antonio Quadrio did the
same in India. Experience was to be the test of all. As
regards their substance the rules were now, generally
speaking, completed ; verbal changes Ignatius continued
to make here and there up to his death in 1556. In 1558
at the first General Chapter of the Order they were, after
improvement in some unimportant particulars, confirmed
and held the force of law.* As, in their leading principles,
* Litterae Apostolicae, 57-71 ; Astrain, I., 126-134.
^ First published in Constitutiones lat. et hisp., 365-418.
* Some are given in the Const. Soc. Jesu lat. et hisp., 337, 338.
* At that time also Polanco's Latin translation was compared with
the Spanish original (there is a photographic reproduction by DaneSI,
Rome, 1908) and approved by the assembly (Ignatius to Achilles,
dat. Rome, 1548, May 30; to Torres, dat. 1548, Sept. i ; to Oviedo,
dat. 1548, Dec. 8 ; to Viola, dat. 1549, Oct. 28 ; Mon. Ignat., Ser. I.,
II., 126, 214, 268, 584, 585; Ephemerides P. H. Nadal: Epistolae
P. H. Nadal, II., 2, 4, 7-10 ; I. I. DE LA TORRE, S.J., in the Constitu-
tiones lat. et hisp., vi, viii-ix). Many later Popes from Gregory XIII.
down to Leo XIII. ha^'e approved and confirmed thece Constitutiones,
6o HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the Constitutions were fully shaped at the time of the death
of Paul III,, this seems the proper place to form an
appreciation of them.
Ignatius had, it would appear, read the rules of the
earlier Orders ; ^ but when he came to write his own the
only works upon his table were the Gospels and the
Imitatio Christi. Following the rules concerning choice
which he had laid down in the Book of the Exercises, he
pondered the pro and contra of each particular question
not merely once but repeatedly ; later on he submitted
the subject to renewed examination. He often wrote
down the result on a sheet of paper and laid the latter on
the altar on which he was wont to say Mass ; hereupon
he prayed to God for illumination ^ just as if he had not
yet taken any action at all. Gonsalvez relates that
Ignatius had told him that at such times God had granted
him many illuminations. " He told me," Gonsalvez con-
tinues, " that he could assert this all the more easily as he
was in the habit of writing down daily the experiences of
his soul. He read aloud to me a considerable portion of
these."* If not all, yet a certain number of these revelations
have been preserved, and they form a remarkable memorial
of Christian mysticism.*
The actual Constitutions of the Society of Jesus, which
which are vahd to this day (Constitutiones lat. et hisp., l). For the
constitution of the Society, cf. Heimbucher, III., 2nd ed., 21-28.
' Bartoli, 1. 3, n. 3.
2 Orlandinus, 1. 10, n. 54, 55. Cf. also Constitutiones lat. et hisp.,
348, 349-
^ Autobiography, n. 100, loi (pp. 97, 98).
* A fragment had already been given by Orlandini (1. 10, n. 59-62).
They were first published in Spanish from the original transcript by
Ignatius in the Constitutiones lat. et hisp., 349-363. Hence they
were translated in French by L. Michel, S.J., Hist, de St. Ignace de
Loyola, II. (1893), 392-412.
THE "EXAMEN." 6l
corsists of ten parts, are preceded by an "Examen"; it
states what tests the Order applies to those who are to
be accepted as members and how the latter for their part
test the life of the Order before pledging themselves for
ever by its vows.
" The object of this Society," so we are told at the very
beginning of the "Examen," is "not only to pursue the
salvation and perfectioning of the individual soul by God's
grace, but, with the help of the latter, to seek zealously the
salvation and perfectioning of the soul of our neighbour."
The same thought recurs in the course of the Constitu-
tions themselves. " The particular object of the Society
is this: we wish to help our own souls apd the souls of
our neighbours to reach the final end for which we have
been created." The Society of Jesus is " founded for the
greater glory of God, for the highest general good, and the
profit of souls." ^
Other Orders had attached to personal sanctification,
the common aim of all monastic life, such accessory
observances as meditation on divine things, or solemn
celebration of worship, or the service of the sick, or other
charitable works ; in like manner Ignatius set as a special
task for his community the salvation and sanctification
of others ; this would redound to the greater glory of God
and to the extension of His kingdom over the whole
world under the leadership and through the imitation of
Christ. Among the Mendicant Orders, and especially
among the Dominicans and Franciscans, preaching and
similar agencies had been employed already; but Ignatius
had set the salvation of souls more emphatically in the fore-
ground, and had adapted with greater consistence, to this
end, the choice of members of the Order, their training and
education, and the whole disciplinary system of their lives.
* Examen, c. i, n. 2 ; Constitutiones, P. 3, c. i, n. 9 ; P. 4, prooem.
62 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
A repulsive outward appearance, disordered intellect,
intractability of character, bad reputation, uncathoHc
habits of thought were barriers to admission. None also
could be admitted who had worn, even if it were only as
a novice, the clothing of another Order. "For," said
Ignatius, "such a one ought to have remained true to
his first vocation."^ Some were received as " indifferent" ;
as long as it was uncertain whether they were qualified
for the priesthood or fitted for lay brotherhood, they
were to hold themselves in readiness for either alternative
and submit to be appointed to the one sphere or the
other at the discretion of their Superiors.'^
The term of probation, in the narrower sense of the word,
did not last, as in other Orders, for a term of one but of
two years. During this period novices had to undergo
various tests ; each one had to give a month to the spiritual
exercises, to visit the sick in hospitals, and go from door
to door on a quest for alms ; they had also to attend to
the house and do other domestic services. Moreover, they
were bound to explain the Catechism, and, if they were
priests, to practise themselves in preaching, and in hearing
confessions.^
On the expiry of the probationary period it was usual
in other orders to proceed at once to the assumption of
the solemn vows. In this instance Ignatius made a
trenchant alteration. By his rule novices only took
* Constitutiones, P. 1., c. 1-4 ; Examen, c. 2, n. 36. The most
recent edition, 3 vols., of the " Institutum Societatis Jesu" (Florentiae,
1 892-1 893), gives the Constitutions together vi^ith the Examen in
2 vols., pp. 1-145. It is the Latin translation in general use in the
Order. For the "Institutum," cf. Heimbucher, III., 2nd ed., 10,
21, 22. Newest edition of the Constitutiones: Romae, Typ. Vatic,
1908.
2 Examen, c. r, n. li.
' Ibid.^ c. I, n. 12 ; c. 1, n. 9-16, 28.
THE CONSTITUTIONS. * 63
upon them the so-called scholastic vows, namely, the
simple vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience, together
with the promise to allow themselves at a later period, on
the injunction of their Superior, to be incorporated finally
into the Order as a professed or formal coadjutor; these
final vows, however, were only confirmed after a long and
varied probation. In most cases he had to spend yet
another year as a scholastic in study; when this was
ended, there then remained yet a third year of probation
to go through ; during this period he had to regain in the
" school of the heart " what he might have lost of fervour
in the school of learning. Lay brothers were already
excluded from the circle of the professed, inasmuch as
priests only could assume the solemn vows.^ The former,
however, and generally speaking all who, after the two
years' probation, had taken simple vows, had the consola-
tion of knowing that in virtue even of the latter they were
sons of the Order in a true and specific sense.^
A large discretion was left to the Superiors of the Order
in the matter of dismissing incompetent and unworthy
* Examen, c. i, n. 10 ; c. 4, n. 16 ; c. 7, n. i ; Constitutiones, P. 5,
c. I, n. 3 ; c. 2, n. I ; P. 10, n. 7. For coadjutors, see supra, p. 37.
2 "Vera et propria religiosi," thus Gregory XIII. in the Bull
"Ascendente Domino" of May 25, 1584, in express terms (Bull.,
VIII., 461-464). Since the essential portion of the Order, that of
the professed, take solemn vows in the canonical sense, the Society
of Jesus thus belongs not to "ecclesiastical congregations" but to
the religious orders in the strictest acceptation of the words. Pius V.
declared in the Brief " Dum indefessae" of July 7, 1571, that the
Society was one of the "Ordines Mendicantium"(BuIl., VII., 923-926) ;
Gregory XIII., in the Bull before mentioned, calls them "Ordo
regulaiis" {ibid., VIII., 459, 461). The Council of Trent uses the
term " Religio Clericorum " (Sess., 25, De reg. et mon., c. 16). It is
not a monastic order but an order of regular clergy. For the expres-
sion "clericus saecularis Societatis Jesu," see Braunsberger, III.,
743. 744-
64 * HISTORY OF THE POPES.
members. This too not only in the case of novices but of
those under the scholastic vows ; on their part certainly
the dedication and obligation u'ere binding for life, but
the vows were taken on the tacit understanding that their
vows were revocable, on valid grounds, by the Order and
their membership dissoluble. In certain cases also a pro-
fessed might be dismissed, and even the General himself.^
For the spiritual life of each member effectual support
was forthcoming ; the daily Masses, frequent confession
and communion, examination of conscience twice a day,
meditation, the recitation of the Rosary, festivals of Our
Lady, spiritual reading, private exhortations, and edifying
readings during meals.^ All who had not become professed
or formal coadjutors had to renew their vows twice a year.^
All the members must open their whole conscience to their
directors or to the Superior in order to guard against self-
deception.* The professed also must be ready, at least
once a year, to give an account of the state of their
conscience to the Superior.^ It must be each one's en-
deavour to direct his undertakings with a good and pure
intention, more from love of God than from hope of reward
and fear of punishment.*'
In order that ambition may be shut out by bolt and
bar, it is strongly prohibited to strive for any post of
dignity or pre-eminence in the Order. The professed have
to take a special vow in this sense, and even to promise to
inform on anyone who shall solicit such honours, and the
1 Constitutiones, P. 2, c. 2, n. 3, 4 ; c. 3, n. 5, 6 A ; P. 5, c. 4 B j P. 9,
c. 4, n. 7-
2 Ibid., P. 3, c. I, n. 5, 10, 20, 21 ; P. 4, n. 3, 4 B ; P. 6, c. 3, n. i.
3 Ibid., P. 4, c. 4, n. 5 D ; P. 5, c. 4, n. 6.
* Ibid., P. 3, c. I, n. 12.
5 Ibid., P. 6, c. I, n. 2.
* Ibid., P. 3, c. I, n. 26.
THE CONSTITUTIONS. 6$
acceptance even of any dignity outside the Order can only
be permitted when this is enjoined under pain of sin by one
having authority to do so.^
The love of relations must be pure and spiritual.^ "The
closer a man draws to God," exhorts Ignatius, " and the
more generously he devotes himself to the Divine Majesty,
the more generous will he find God to be towards him."^
This magnanimous love of God must be the fundamental
law and mainspring of the whole life of the Order; from
this as from its source must spring also the desire to draw
ever nearer to the Incarnate Son of God on His Cross and
to imitate Him in the joyful endurance of suffering and
shame.*
The scope of the vows of the Order is accurately
measured in the Constitutions. In order to avoid any
appearance of covetousness, all spiritual functions must be
fulfilled without remuneration. Neither the professed nor
the formal coadjutors can hold or inherit any personal
property ; the houses and churches of the professed have
no fixed incomes ; professed and non-professed alike must
support themselves on alms.^ On the other hand, colleges
and noviciates have fixed incomes whereby the inmates,
free from anxieties of subsistence, can devote their whole
attention to teaching and learning. Those who have not
yet taken the solemn vows can certainly still hold property,
but not at their own free disposition ; they must also be
ready to renounce it before taking the solemn vows, and
even earlier still if the Superior should at any time enjoin
' Constitutiones, P. lo, n. 6.
2 Luke xiv. 26, Matt. xix. 29, Examen, c. 4, n. 7.
^ Constitutiones, P. 3, c. i, n. 22.
* Examen, c. 4, n. 44 ; Const. procEm. C/. Frins in Wetzer u.
Weltes Kirchenlexikon, VI., 2nd ed., 1384
^ Constitutiones, P. 6, c. 2, n. 2-4, 7, 12.
VOL. XIL . S
66 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
them to do so. Without permission of the latter no one
can make use of anything or dispose thereof by loan or
alienation.^ Also, as opportunity occurs, each one must
practically experience that he is a poor man. Poverty is
and always must be the "strong bulwark of the life of the
Order " ; for that reason all the professed must swear to
withstand any alteration of the rules concerning poverty;
in such a case it would behove them to make the regula-
tions more severe.^
As regards the vow of chastity, one exhortation is
addressed to all " to watch with the utmost care over the
doorways of the senses, especially the eyes, ears, and
tongue, in order that all that is irregular may be kept at a
distance." They must be assiduous in observing silence
when this is enjoined, in having regard to reserve and
edification when called upon to speak, in maintaining a
modest demeanour, a composure of step and bearing in all
their movements. " Fasts, vigils, and similar corporal hard-
ships are certainly not to be indulged in immoderately,"
but also " not so sparingly as to chill the fervour of the
spiritual, and inflame the lower and merely human motions
of the soul." In private no room must be left for "in-
dolence, the beginning of all vices " ; a strict regulation of
daily life is therefore necessary.^
Obedience was a primary consideration in the spiritual
contingent levied by the knight of Loyola for the army of
the Church. His soldiers must be capable of "any task,
not openly sinful, however difficult and repugnant to the
senses " it may be. They must be trained to exhibit
obedience not only where formal obligations command, but
^ Examen, c. i, n. 4 ; c. 4, n. 4 ; Constitutiones, P. 4, c. 2, n. 5 ;
c. 4E.
* Constitutiones, P. 3, c. i, n. 7, 8, 25 ; P. 6, c. 2, n. i, 11 A, H,
^ Ibid.^ P. 3, c. I, n. 4, 5, 15 ; c. 2, n, 2 ; P. 6, c. 3, n. i.
DEFINITION OF "BLIND OBEDIENCE." ^y
even on the slightest intimation of their Superior's wish.^
Commands must be carried out promptly, completely, and
perseveringly ; yet their fulfilment must not be merely
mechanical and external. Ignatius insists repeatedly on
conscious, spontaneous, joyful obedience; therefore his
subordinates must make " the wiJl and judgment of their
Superior the standard measure of their own judgment and
will." 2 In this sense they are to practise a "blind obedi-
ence";' blind not in relation to the thing commanded,
but certainly in relation to the deceits and illusions of
their own darkness, pettiness of soul, and sensuality.
St. Basil in one of his monastic maxims had once
compared obedience to a carpenter's tool:* in like manner
Ignatius drew his image from the staff in an old man's
hand ; he did not even forget to repeat, at least in a few
words, the comparison that St. Francis of Assisi had
worked out in such detail for his disciples^ — that the
perfectly obedient man resembled an inanimate corpse.^
' Constitutiones, P. 3, c. i, n. 23 ; P. 6, c. i, n. i.
- Ibid., P. 3, c. I, n. 23.
^ The translation has " caeca quadam obedientia," the Spanish
original simply "con obedientia ciega " (P. 6, c. i, n. i). Francesco
Suarez supports this doctrine of blind obedience by many sayings of
fathers and teachers of ancient Christendom and of the Middle Ages,
and concludes : " Ignatius clearly had either borrowed his teaching
from them or at least given expression to it in a like spirit to theirs"
(Tractatus de Religione Societatis Jesu, 1. 4, c. 15, n.4-11 : Opera, ed.
Car. Berton, XVI., Parisiis, 1866, 778-782). Cf. also Duhr, Jesuiten-
fabeln, 531-533; Heimbucher, III., -in^ ed., 27; Heiner, Die
Jesuiten, Munich, 1906, 40-46.
* Constitutiones Monasticae, c. 22, n. 5 (MiGNE, Patr. Gr., XXXI.,
1409).
° S. BONAVENTURA, Legenda (major) S. Francisci, c. 6 (Seraphici
Doctoris S. Bonaventurae legendae duae de VitaS. Francisci Seraphici,
Ad Claras Aquas, 1S98, 90).
^ Constitutiones, P. 6, c. r, n. i.
6S HISTORY OF THE POPES.
In order to attain this perfection we ought, Ignatius
warns us, "to have God, our Creator and Lord, before our
eyes in order that for His sake a man may render obedience
to his fellow-man," " to look upon our Superior whomso-
ever he be as the representative of Christ," and therefore to
give as " prompt obedience to his word " as though it came
from the mouth of Christ.^ At the same time the Constitu-
tions repeatedly concede the right to the subordinate to
make counter-representations to the Superior; only they
must have been made the subject of previous prayer and
be accompanied with the resolve to do, as best, what the
Superior finally determines.^ Ignatius also adopts the
clause in the Dominican Constitutions^ that, the vows of
the Order excepted, the regulations of the Order as such
do not bind under sin;* in that case the Superior must
* Constitutiones, P. 6, c. i, n. i ; P. 3, c. i, n. 23. St Benedict had
already taught the same : " Obedientia, quae majoribus praebetur,
Deo exhibetur ; ipse enim dixit : Qui vos audit me audit" [Lc. 10, 16]
(Regula Sancti Patris Benedicti, c. 5, ed. Edm. Schmidt, O.S.B.,
Ratisbonae, 1892, 27, 28). Benedict also describes obedient monks as
" voluntatem propriam deserentes," " ambulantes alieno judicio et
imperio" {ibid., 26, 27).
2 Examen, c. 8 A ; Constitutiones, P. 3, c. 2, n. i ; P. 5, c. 4 F ;
P. 7, c. 2 J.
3 "Volumus et declaramus ut Constitutiones nostrae non obligent
nos ad culpam, sed ad penam, nisi propter preceptum vel con-
temptum" (Constitutiones Ordinis Praedicatorum, Prologus, recension
of St. Raymond of Pennafort, given by P. Heinr. Denifle in Archiv
fiir Literatur und Kirchengesch. des Mittelalters, V., 534).
* " Obligar ci peccado mortal ni venial": "Obligationem ad pecca-
tum mortale vel veniale inducere" (Constitutiones, P. 6, c. 5). That
the expression " obligatio ad peccatum," occurring also in the
Franciscan and Dominican rules, does not mean an obligation to
commit sin but an obligation incurring sin or " under sin," if violated,
is recognized by Ranke, Gieseler, Steitz, Gardiner, and other Pro-
testant scholars and is now pretty generally admitted {cf. DUHR,
Jesuitenfabeln,^ 525, 541),
NECESSITY FOR COLLEGES. 69
enjoin something in virtue of obedience. Besides this
Superiors can, on good grounds, release a subordinate from
the observance of a particular rule.^
The General of the Society of Jesus, as sketched by
Ignatius, ought not to limit himself to the sanctification
of those under him, he must aim also at influencing
through them the world around. The renunciation of the
world did not drive the hero of Pampeluna, as it had
driven the other great monastic founders, to silent, sunlit
mountain peaks or to caverns hidden from the approach
of men ; Ignatius went in search of sinners in great cities ;
he bade his young followers cross the seas to deal blows
at heathendom. But as yet most of those who rallied
round him were not yet stout enough to fight under his
banner ; they must first be schooled and trained. To this
end therefore the colleges were called into being, and with
this aim in view the youthful scions of the Order were here
instructed in frequent disputations, trained as preachers and
Christian instructors, exercised in literary compositions.
None could become professed until he had spent four years
in theological study and gone through severe examinations.
The scholastics must have a fund of bodily and spiritual
health to draw upon ; they were therefore never to be
deprived of their needful times of sleep and not to be too
much engrossed in household duties, nor were they also to
study too long at a stretch or at unsuitable times. Prayers
and penitential exercises were not to take up so much of
their time as of that of the novices ; for, as the Constitu-
tions express it, " God will be as well pleased, indeed
better pleased, if with a good intention they serve Him by
devotion to those studies which, so to speak, make a claim
upon the whole man." ^ When ordained priests they must
^ Constitutiones, P. 4, c. 10 B ; P. 9, c. 3, n. 8 D.
2 Ibid., P. 3, c. 2, n. 4 ; P. 4, c. 4, n. i, 2 ; c. 6, n. 2, 3.
70 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
associate themselves with all the means afforded by the
Catholic Church for the fostering of piety: prayer and
Holy Mass, the confessional, preaching and catechizing,
spiritual exercises, and the labours of the pen. In the
vows of the professed and formal coadjutors great stress
is laid on the instruction of children in the elements
of the Christian faith, since, says Ignatius, in this way
" a great help is given to souls and a high service to
God."i
The wide powers conferred by the Holy See on these
apostolic workers are to be used with wisdom and discre-
tion and with the wholly unalloyed intention of making
them profitable to souls only.^ The field of labour was
coextensive with the world. Their fourth solemn vow
binds the professed to go whithersoever the Pope's word
commands them, without even asking him for money for
their journey or for any other sort of temporal aid. As often
as a new Pope is chosen the General must inform him of
this vow and of its scope.^ The General can send all,
even the non-professed, to any place and in the perform-
ance of any office coming within the purview cf the Society.
His fundamental principle must be that " the more general
a good is, the more divine is its character ; " therefore those
spheres of spiritual service are to be preferred through
which the influence of good may have the widest expan-
sion : bishoprics, principalities, magistracies, seats of learn-
ing and universities, and great nations.*
Another engine of activity touched more remotely the
salvation of souls, and yet in the hands of the Society
of Jesus became a powerful lever thereto: this was the
1 Constitutiones, P. 5, c. 3, n. 3, 6 B ; c. 4, n. 2 ; P. 7, c. 4, n. 2-1 1.
2 Ibid.^ ?. 10, n. 12.
3 Ibid., P. 5, c. 3, n. 3 ; P. 7, c. i, n. i, 3, 8.
« Ibid., P. 7, c. 2 D, E ; P. 9, c. 3, n. 9.
THE EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM. 71
education of extern scholars. In the first conception of
the founder this had no place; originally his aim was
solely to provide seminaries for his own Order. The
novices and junior members of the Order had a common
dwelling-place in a university city; thence they went to
attend the public lectures. Soon the strength of the Order
increased so greatly that he was able to think of allowing
its offshoots in the colleges to develop their own educa-
tional capacities. Finally, at the request of the founders
and benefactors, permission was given to receive extern
pupils for instruction, or also to take over middle and high
schools which were almost exclusively intended for the
tuition of externs.*
On these lines then even at an early period the educa-
tional rules of the Constitutions were moving. They
embraced the whole system of teaching from the alphabet
to the curriculum of the university.^ In the front rank of
educational functions stood the exegesis of Holy Scrip-
ture and the scholastic theology of St. Thomas Aquinas.
The sentences of Peter Lombard were at the same time
set down for reading. If the exigencies of the time
required it, some other theological text-book might be
introduced with the consent of the General and on the
advice of men of ripe experience ; canon law was also
taught with the exception of such portions as concerned the
practice of legal tribunals ;^ civil law and medicine might
^ Ferd. Tournier, Mons. Guillaume du Prat au Concile de Trente :
Etudes, XCVIII. (1904), 477-484.
2 These are published in Latin and German by G. M. Pachtler,
S.J., in the Mon. Germ, paed., II. : Ratio studiorum et Institutiones
scolasticae Societatis Jesu, I., Berlin, 1887, 8-69.
2 That is the meaning of the words "sin entrar en la parte de
C^nones que sirve para el foro contencioso" : "non attingendo tamen
eum partem Canonum, quae foro contentioso inservit" (P. 4, c. 12,
n. 1). Gothein's explanation is incorrect : "that Ignatius also though;
72 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
be taken up by extern pupils ; in philosophy Aristotle was
master. The collegiate course consisted of five classes :
three for grammar, followed by humanity and rhetoric.
Together with Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, Arabic, the
Indian and other languages might be studied where this
would be of use ; mathematics and history were not to
be omitted, and instruction in reading and writing was a
labour of love which the Order in no way excluded.^ To
pass Master in the liberal arts three years and a half
must be given to philosophy ; for the doctor's degree in
theology it was required that the customary four years of
study should be supplemented by another two. Promo-
tions were free of charge, and entertainments on taking the
doctor's degree forbidden on account of the expense.^
Higher value was attached to the moral discipline of
youth. The works of classical authors, therefore, were
purged of unseemly passages and expressions. A book
unobjectionable in itself but by an author of bad repute
was not to be used as a school-book, otherwise an attraction
might be felt towards the author and admiration for what
he says rightly be transferred to those things which he
asserts wrongly. Where laziness and bad habits do not
give way to persuasion bodily punishment must ensue ;
but the chastisement must never be given by a fellow-
member of the Order. All scholars, even the University
students, ought to go to confession at least once a month ;
they must also attend Mass daily, hear a sermon every
Sunday, go once a week to the explanation of the Catechism,
and also listen once a week to an edifying discourse in Latin
which one of the scholars shall be appointed to deliver.
that many parts of the canon law were of no use save for fostering a
spirit of litigation '' (p. 441).
1 Constitutiones, P. 4, c. 12, n. i, 2, 4 A, B, C ; c. 14, n. i, 3 B, C.
« Ibid., P. 4, c. IS, n. 2, 3,4 F.
NECESSITY OF UNITY. 73
The teachers, in and out of hours of instruction, shall
avail themselves of every opportunity to stimulate in their
pupils a love of God's service and of virtue.^ For scholars
belonging to the Society itself a special course of study
must be drawn up with the General's approval ; in this
attention must be given to the requirements of time and
place. Besides, each college is to have its own regulations
going more fully into details.^ In this part of the Con-
stitutions, as in all the rest, to the rules are often added the
words " as far as this is possible." The " when " and " how "
are constantly committed to the wise discretion of the
Superior.^ It is evident that the educational rules of the
Constitutions were copied from those obtaining in Paris,
where Ignatius and his first comrades had studied.*
The working of the Society must, despite its complexity
and great local expansion, maintain its characteristic of
unity. Of service for this was the correlated distribution of
the Society into a varied membership of novices, scholastics,
lay brothers, ecclesiastical coadjutors, and professed, with
their hierarchical order and dependence, as well as the
combination of individual houses into provinces and of
these into assistances under one common head. The
functions of obedience and command ascend in an ordered
series of succession from the subordinates upwards through
the immediate, mediate, and highest authorities, and vice
versa from the latter downwards. The Provincial must
make frequent visitation of the houses.^
^ Constitutiones, P. 4, c. 5 E ; c. 7, n. 2 ; c. 14, n. 2 A ; c. 16, n. 1-5.
2 Ibid.^ P. 4, c. 7, n. 2 ; c. 13 A.
3 Ibid., P. 3, c. I, n. IS, 18, 21 B, C, F, I, R ; c. 2, n. i, 5 E, G ; P. 4,
c. 4 A ; c. 6 A ; c. IS C-F ; P. 6, c. 2 M ; c. 3 A.
* More fully in B. DUHR, S.J., Die Studienordnung der Gesell-
schaft Jesu : Bibl. der kathol. Padagogik, IX., Freiburg i. Br., 1896,
3-5-
' Constitutiones, P. 8, c. I, n. 4 J.
74 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The secret par excellence of the powerful solidarity of
the Jesuit Order lies in the supreme authority of the
General. Chosen by the general assemblage of the Order,
he alone among all the officers holds his office for life; he
it is who has power to admit all and to dismiss all, who
nominates and removes not only the provincials but also
all rectors of the novitiates and the colleges,^ who dispenses
spiritual powers and graces, limits them and recalls them,
who convenes and presides over the general assemblies of
the Order. To him every third year each province of the
Order must send a confidential member to report to him
on the condition of the province. In difficult affairs indeed
the General must attend to the counsel of the Assistants,
about four in number, given him as assessors by the
general assembly, but their counsel has not binding
power.2 Yet on the other hand again, this supreme
authority in the Order is moderated not only by the divine
and ecclesiastical commandments but also by the Constitu-
tions of the Society itself; their alteration belongs only to
the General Congregation of the Order. This highest
tribunal is composed of the General, his Assistants, the
Provincials, and each couple of professed chosen in each
province by a Provincial Congregation consisting of the
Provincial, the Rectors, and the rest of the professed. The
General Congregation also alone has the right to dissolve
a college. The General is recommended to give a wide
scope for the activity of his subordinate officers. It is the
duty of his Assistants to watch over his personal tasks;
* At first Ignatius allowed or commanded, from time to time, the
members of a house to elect their own Superior— such was the case in
Gandia (letter to them, dat. Rome, July 29, 1547 ; Mon. Ignat., Ser. I.,
I., 560).
2 Constitutiones, P. 4, c. 10, n. 3 ; c. 17, n. I ; P. 8, C. 2 B. ; P. 9,
c. I, n. I A ; c. 3, n. 1-17 ; c. 6, n. 10, n.
MEANS OF ATTAINING UNITY. 75
they must take care that he does not injure his health
through too severe a manner of life or through excess of
exertion. Further, the Order sets beside him an Admonitor,
who, whether he be likewise chosen by the General as his
confessor or not, has in case of necessity to call his atten-
tion to faults in his behaviour or in the conduct of his
office. It is also the Assistants' duty to take care that a
General who is incapable of work or is unworthy of his
place should be provided with a coadjutor or a successor.^
A second unifying tie in the Order is brotherly love.
A common system of life, uniformity of doctrine in
sermons, lectures and writings, mutual discussion in
Provincial and General assemblies bind their hearts
together. " In their ceremonies" the Society "shall, so far
as it is practicable in different localities, follow the Roman
usage, as this is the more general and is in a more particular
way adopted by the Apostolic See." The of^cers shall in
their commands show good-will, modesty, and charity, so
that their rule shall be more by love than by fear. The
Provincials and Rectors must always have certain members
of the Order marked out for them with whom in matters of
importance they can consult even if the decision rests
entirely in their own hands.^
Ignatius showed exceptional skill in turning corre-
spondence into an instrument wherewith to direct the Order
and cement its unity. Frequently, at appointed times, the
General must receive reports from the Provincials and
Rectors, the Provincials from the Rectors, and the latter
from those whose work lies outside the houses, to all of
whom, in return, replies and instructions must be sent.
^ Constitutiones, P. 4, c. 2, n. 3 ; c. 10, n. 2 ; P. 8, c. 2, n. 2 ; c. 4,
n. I ; P. 9, c. 4, n. 1-7 ; c. 5, n. 3 ; c. 6, n. 2 ; P. 10, n. 8.
2 Ibid., P. 3, c. I, n. 18 ; P. 4, c. 8, n. 2 ; P. 8, c. i, n. 8 G j P. 9,
c. 6, n. 14.
76 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Moreover, in each house of the Order an account must be
given of anything consolatory or edifying that has been
reported from the rest. To serve this purpose, at appointed
times letters are set in circulation. Thus mutual re-
membrance is maintained, the different fields of labour
are passed in review, lessons are learned from the ex-
periences of others, comfort is afforded in moments of
misfortune, and the spur applied to a noble emulation.^
The originality of the founder of the Society of Jesus
was displayed not merely in his choice of new weapons
but in his rejection of old methods of warfare. Nothing
was further from his thought than a desire to subjugate the
world ; his only purpose was to supply the Papacy with a
band of auxiliary troops always ready to march and easy
to handle in the defence and extension of the Church.
For this reason the men of the Order were never to be
hampered by the episcopal staff or tied down to one fixed
spot by the regular direction of women's souls. After
giving in the Constitutions solid guarantees for the inner
life of the individual members, Ignatius felt that, for the
sake of the tasks set before them, many external means of
protection, which for centuries had been of the greatest
blessing and service to the religious orders, must be cast
aside. Among them was the special dress of the orders.
To the enemies of the Church the monk's garment was
an abomination ; nor was this all : stained by the immoral
and renegade, the habit even in many Catholic districts was
more likely to find doors and hearts closed against it than
opened to receive it. Ignatius ruled that his followers
should wear the dress of the countries in which they were
living; at the same time they were always to be mindful
of respectability and poverty.^ Also in their keep and
* Constitutiones, P. 8, c. i, n. 9 L, M.
* Ibid.^ P. 6, c. 2, n. 15.
ST. IGNATIUS AND "EXTERNALS." TJ
the Other external observances of life they were to con-
form to local customs without being bound by a general
rule to observe special fasts and other acts of penance ; in
the practice of the latter they were rather to be guided
each one by the direction of their confessor or superior.'-
In the same spirit Ignatius also took another bold step
which the founders of the Theatine Order had not yet
ventured upon, and for which ten years after his death he
was still unforgiven by many pious and learned men.
Strongly attracted as he was personally to the solemn
observance of the Church prayers in choir,^ he yet released
his Order entirely from this practice in order that the work
of preaching, hearing confessions, and giving instruction
might meet with no impediment ; those who wish to seek
edification in prayer in choir could find, he said, churches
enough wherein to satisfy their wishes.^
It would seem that the founder of the Society of Jesus
in all these regulations had before his eyes the saying of
St. Thomas Aquinas : " Strictness in external things is
not the main point in the life of an Order. . . . That
Order does not stand highest which exceeds others in
strictness in externals, but which in the external ordering
of its life adapts itself most reasonably to the special
object for which it exists."^ A computation has been
made of the number of times in which in his Constitutions
Ignatius makes use of the phrases "to the greater glory
of God," "to the greater service of God," and such and
* Constitutiones, P. 3, c. I, n. 15 ; P. 6, c. 2, n. 16 ; c. 3, n. i.
2 Cf. RlBADENEIRA, De actis, etc., n. 29 (Mon. Ignat., Ser. IV.,
I., 348).
2 Constitutiones, P. 6, c. 3, n. 4.
* S. theol., 2, 2, q. 188, a. 6 ad 3. P. Heinr. Denifle, O.P., has
some excelleiit remarks on the Jesuit system in his work : Luther
und Luthertum in der ersten Entwicklung, I,, Mainz, 1904, 175-179-
78 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
similar expressions are found to occur in more than two
hundred and fifty places.^ The Constitutions are the
shafts of h'ght which irradiated from his soul, and his
soul was filled with love — the love of God and of his
neighbour. If in his Exercises Ignatius revealed himself
as a great director of souls, in his Constitutions he appears
as a great lawgiver to his Order.^
A great opportunity for vindicating this zeal for God's
glory occurred to the Order at the end of 1545, when the
Council of Trent was opened. Ignatius had placed Le
Jay at the disposal of the Bishop of Augsburg, Cardinal
Otto von Truchsess, who appointed him his procurator
at Trent in December 1545. Le Jay had his seat by
the Bishop's side, although only with a consultative
voice.^ He was one of the two to whom, on the 23rd of
February 1546, the first draft of the decree on the Holy
Scriptures and tradition was entrusted.* With Cardinal
Cristoforo Madruzzo, Prince-Bishop of Trent, he stood
on a footing of great confidence.^ But the Pope himself
also wished to send some Jesuits to Trent. Ignatius had
* Acta Sanctorum, Julii, VII., n. 677.
2 Victor Naumann (Pilatus) says: "The constitution of the
Society is a masterpiece of art which does high honour to its inven-
tor" (Dor Jesuitismus, Regensburg, 1905, 95). Cf. also Buss, I,,
554-594-
3 The mandate (dated Dillingen, Dec. i, 1545) whereby provost
Andreas Rem von Kotz and Claude Le Jay were appointed procurators
is given by EhSES (Cone. Trid., IV., i, 440-442 ; cf. ibid., 540). Rem
remained only a short time in Trent.
* Notes of the promoter of the Council, Ercole Severoli, and
diaries of the secretary of the Council, Angelo Massarelli, in Merkle,
Cone. Trid., I., i., 3, 33, 88, 93, 105, 352, 430, 592. Cf. also Mon.
Ignat., Sen I., I., 302.
^ So Canisius in his autograph notes in Ribadeneira'S Life of the
saint, Mon. Ignat., Ser. IV., I., 719.
THE JESUITS AT TRENT. 79
to select them ; he named Faber, Laynez, and Salmeron.'^
Faber, however, died soon after at Rome. From the
instructions which the General gave them for their conduct
at Trent we see that the care of souls was to be a primary
consideration. In preaching they were to avoid exposition
of the doctrines on which the Protestants were at variance
with the Catholics ; their sermons and instructions were
to end with a prayer for the Council. In speaking they
were to be very cautious and unassuming.^
From the presidents of the assembly, the Cardinal-Legates
del Monte and Cervini, Laynez and Salmeron met with a
very cordial greeting — their reception by the bishops was
not so warm ; the Spanish prelates in particular were
almost ashamed of the youth and shabby clothes of their
fellow-countrymen.^ The latter made haste to visit the
poor, who had been gathered together in a house outside
the city. On alternate days Laynez, Salmeron, and Le
Jay went thither and said Mass, expounded the cardinal
doctrines of the Faith, and administered the Sacraments.*
" With great matters," they wrote conjointly to Ignatius
on the 4th of June 1546, "we do not mix ourselves up
beyond what is imposed upon us by our duties." ^ They
had no respite from work; all bishops and divines at
Trent were forbidden to preach in public ; at the request,
however, of some of the Fathers, Laynez was ordered by
the Cardinal-Legates to occupy the pulpit, and he preached
to great congregations on Sundays and feast-days in
' Ignatius to Francis Borgia, dat. Rome, April 23, 1546; Men.
Ignat., Ser. I., I., 381.
2 The reference in Mon. Ignat., Ser. I., 386-389.
3 Orlandinus, 1. 6, n. 21, 23.
* POLANCUS, Chronicon, I., n. 128. Cf. note i, loc. cit., 388, 389,
^ Epistolae P. Alphonsi Salmeronis, Societatis Jesu ex autographis
vel originalibus exemplis potissimum depromptae, a Patribus ejusdem
Societatis nunc prinium editae, I., Matriti, 1906, it.
80 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
S. Maria Maggiore^ Before this the Legates had already
bidden him and Salmeron take part^ in the gatherings of
theologians, who were not Fathers of the Council — the so-
called lesser theologians, — in which divines of the first
rank from different countries discussed before Cardinals
and bishops the burning questions of the hour. Here
Laynez and Salmeron dealt with the question of justi-
fication with such soundness and learning that many
members of the Council asked them for copies of these
disquisitions.^ Laynez refuted Seripando's view of "im-
puted justice" in a treatise which threw light on the
whole question.*
Peter Canisius, who was appointed in February 1547
by Cardinal Truchsess as an assistant theologian to Le
Jay, wrote from Trent to Rome: "Other theologians
have barely an hour to speak in ; but Laynez was
allowed by the Cardinal-President to speak for three
hours and even longer."^ The Bishop of Foligno declared
a year later that none had expressed themselves at Trent
so clearly and intelligibly as Laynez and Salmeron.^
From justification the discussion passed to the Sacraments;
* Ignatius to Torres, dat. Rome, Oct. 9, 1546 (Mon. Ignat, Ser. I.,
!•) 435) ; POLANCUS, I., n. 131 ; Epistolae P. A. Salmeronis, I., 16.
* Laynez and companions to Ignatius, dat. Trent, June 4, 1546
(Epistolae P. A. Salmeronis, I., 15, 16).
2 Le Jay to Ignatius, dat. Trent, July 3, 1546 (Epistolae P. Pasch.
Broeti, 310 seq.) ; cf. the diaries of Massarelli in Merkle, I., 459, 461,
463, 580, 605, 609, 610, 615.
* Cf. Pallavicini, 1. 8, c. 11, n. 9, The treatise is given by
Hartm. Grisar, S.J. : Jacobi Lainez Disputationes Tridentinae, II.,
Oeniponte, 1886, 153-192. Theiner's edition is faulty.
fi Braunsberger, I., 245.
8 Silvestro Landini to Ignatius, dat. Foligno, Dec. 1548 (Litterae
quadrimestres, I., Matriti, 1894, 124); cf. also Ignatius to Rodriguez,
dat. Rome, Aug. 19, 1546 (Mon. Ignat., Ser. I., I., 413).
THE JESUITS AT TRENT. Bl
Laynez and Salmeron were instructed by the Legates to
summarize the errors of the Protestants and the contrary
statements of Fathers and Councils. Cardinal Cervini
presented this work to the Fathers as a basis for the
negotiations.^ Salmeron, in the middle of July 1546, in
a letter meant only for the General himself, stated: "The
doctrine of some of the theologians is bad ; Cardinal
Cervini therefore takes care that in the meetings of
theologians one of us is among the first speakers and
explains the subject ; the other is kept in reserve for the
end ; it is his special business to refute the less correct
opinions that have been expressed. Almost all the
bishops, Italian, Spanish, and French, are on our side ;
and among the Spaniards those who at first were most
against us now speak openly in our praise, invite us to
their tables, and impart to us what they intend to say in
the congregations. . . . Many learned prelates come to us
before the congregations to consult us about their votes.
Others who are better versed in other subjects than
theology receive our instruction willingly and thoroughly.
Cardinal Cervini gives us his entire confidence."^
At the beginning of 1547 Ignatius, at the request of
the Duchess of Tuscany, wished to send Laynez to
Florence ; but Cardinal Cervini declared that he was
indispensable, and Bishop Archinto, the Vicar of Paul III.,
wrote to the General that his sons could not do more good
at any place in the world than at Trent.^ When in Marcl\
^ Massarelli, Diarium, II., III., ed. Merkle, I., 459,604,605; Le
Jay to Ignatius, dat. Trent, Jan. 30, 1 547 (Epistolae P. Pasch. Broeti,
333); POLANCUS, Chronicon, I., n. 177.
2 Epistolae P. A. Salmeronis, I., 26, 27 ; c/. also Orlandinus,
I. 6, n. 25, and Astrain, I., 526, 527.
2 Bartoli, Istoria della Comp. 1' Italia, 1. 2, c. 4 (Opere V., Torino,
1825, 35-38). C/. Tacchi Venturi in Civ. Catt., Sen XVIII.. vi
(1899), 156-166.
VOL. XII. 6
82 HISTORY OF THE POPES,
1547 the transference of the Council to Bologna was
decided on, Laynez and Salmeron were also sent there
by the Legates. Le Jay and Canisius wrote repeatedly
to Cardinal Truchsess, to whom the removal was highly
displeasing, and asked for instructions. As the reply
was long in coming, they betook themselves to Bologna
as Ignatius had ordered. At last Le Jay received from
Truchsess the hint not to appear as his procurator in
Bologna: he was now a simple theologian.^ Although
the assembly at Bologna was, owing to the Emperor's
opposition, only a troublesome waste of time, the Jesuits
stayed there a considerable time. Laynez spoke for
three consecutive hours on the sacrament of penance ;
Canisius also sometimes spoke. The secretary of the
Council, Massarelli, wrote in his diary on the 15th of May
1547: "This afternoon I was with Messers Claudius, Jacobus,
and Alphonsus, of the Society of Jesus, and showed them
the censures and opinions on the Canons on the Eucharist;
we conversed for four hours over these opinions. I then
drew up my report of this for my very honourable
masters." Salmeron in November 1547 was still working
for the Council.^
These exertions were also of advantage to the Society.
Bishop Guillaume du Prat of Clermont came to the con-
viction that the Jesuits would be of service to the Church
^ "Alias Tridenti procurator R™ Otthonis cardinalis Augustensis"
(Massarelli on the assembly of theologians of May 6, 1547 :
Diarium, IV., ed. Merkle, I., 649 ; cf. also ibid., 670) ; Letter from
Truchsess to Le Jay, dat. Dillingen, April 18, 1547 (Epistolae Mixtae,
I-, 356, 357) ; POLANCUS, n. 177.
2 Massarelli, Diarium, IV., loc. cit, 644-649, 652, 660, 671-674, 679,
683 ; Braunsberger, I., 684, 685 ; Salmeron to Ignatius, dat. Bologna,
Nov. 26, 1547 (Epistolae P. A. Salmeronis, I., 59) ; Orlandinus, 1. 7,
n. 24. Cf. also GUIS. BOERO, S.J., Vito del Servo di Die P. Giacomo
Lainez, Firenze, 1880, 70-75.
THE SOCIETY IN VENICE. 83
of France, and resolved to found two colleges for them, one
in Paris, the other in Billom. Many other bishops also
expressed a wish to have some Jesuits in their sees. The
Bishop of Badajoz sent very favourable reports to the
Spanish court of Laynez and his colleagues at Trent. He
also sent Salmeron's printed sermon to the council of the
Inquisition as the best that had been delivered on the
Council. The Inquisitors were much pleased with it.
" Thus," wrote the Provincial Araoz from Madrid to Rome,
"others have done more for us by their speeches than we
have ourselves with all the sweat of our brows in Spain." ^
Venice was the first city, with the exception of Rome,
in which the Jesuits found a foothold. The Venetian
patrician Andrea Lippomano offered the young members
sent to study at Padua by Ignatius a residence in the
priory of the Teutonic Order belonging to him there ; he
soon went a step further and without any solicitation
declared himself ready, with the Pope's permission, to
assign this benefice entirely to the Society. Paul III.
ordered an investigation of the circumstances to be made,
and then as supreme administrator of the property of the
Church ordained that the priorate of Padua should be set
apart for the maintenance of two houses of students of the
Society of Jesus, one to be established in Padua and
another in Venice.^ Philip, the Spanish heir-apparent,
wrote to the Doge that the priorate might certainly be
1 Le Jay to Ignatius, dat. Trent, May 10, 1546 (Epistolae P. Pasch.
Broeti, 307-309); Salmeron to Ignatius, dat. Trent, Sept. 30, 1546
(Epistolae P. A. Salmeronis, I., 29) ; Araoz to Ignatius, dat. April 24,
1547 (Epistolae Mixtae, I., 359); Orlandinus, 1. 6, n. 30; Som-
MERVOGEL, VII., 478, 479.
2 Ferron, S.J., to Rodriguez, dat. Rome, Nov. 21, 1545 (Mon. Ignat,
Ser. I., I., 330). Report on the Society of Jesus, 1547, sent from Italy
to the court of Charles V. (Const. Soc. Jesu lat. at hisp., 347, 348);
POLANCUS, Chronicon, I., n. 37, 51, 86.
84 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
given to the Jesuits and every favour be generally shown
to them, as he knew them to be men of zealous, learned,
and edifying conversation.^ When the vote was afterwards
taken in the Senate there was also a very large majority
in their favour.^
In compliance with their desire Laynez was sent to the
Venetians by Paul III., and together with other duties he
gave lectures thrice a week on St. John's Gospel. Cardinal
Cervini succeeded in securing for a while the services of
Pascal Broet for his native place, Montepulciano. In
Verona, Salmeron, sent thither by Ignatius on the invitation
of the learned and pious Bishop Luigi Lippomano, preached
on Sundays to the people on the Epistle to the Romans.
To another very learned bishop, the Dominican, Ambrogio
Catarino, Bobadilla was given for his see of Minori.^
In Faenza, Lutheran teaching had been disseminated by
the apostate General of the Capuchins, Ochino ; moreover,
in the city and throughout the whole Romagna many
vendettas existed, some of which had been handed down
for more than a century ; assassinations constantly ensued.
There Broet appeared and in seven schools of the city gave
Christian instruction ; his sermons produced such an effect
that on one occasion more than a hundred persons were at
the same time solemnly reconciled. He also founded the
Compagnia della Carita for the purpose of seeking out the
sick poor, moving them to confess and receive communion,
and providing for their nourishment and medical aid.^
* Epistolae Mixtae, I., 570, 571.
2 RiBADENEiRA, De actis, etc., n. 52. Cf. K. SCHELLHASS in Quellen
und Forschungen VII., 91-120. The later attempts of the German
Order to cancel the transfer were ineffectual.
8 POLANCUS, 43, 50, 235, 238, 391, 393.
* Broet to Francis Xavier, dat. Faenza, March i, 1545, and to
,'natius, dat. Faenza, Nov. i, 1545 (Epistolae P. Pasch. Broeti, 34-37);
OLANCUS, n. 910,
THE SOCIETY IN MODENA. 85
Belluno underwent a like transformation. Attendance
upon sermons had dropped out of practice ; un-Catholic
views on confession, purgatory, and the saints were diffused.
In 1549 Bishop Giulio Contarini made an arrangement with
Ignatius that Salmeron should come to Belluno, and in that
year the Sacraments were frequented by nearly a thousand
more persons than in the year before ; Lutheran books,
translated into Italian, were cast into the fire; the city
made public declaration that Salmeron had wrought a new
birth and total renovation.^
The first beginnings of the Order in Modcna were less
fortunate. The academy in that city had a reputation of
years' standing as a centre of error and free thought. As
early as 1536 and 1539 Paul III. had taken serious steps to
remedy the evil. In 1 543 the bishop of the city, the noble,
peace-loving Cardinal Morone, invited Salmeron to fill the
pulpit of the Cathedral. He began a course of sermons ;
the members of the academy soon began to accuse him
of caustic and acrimonious allusions. Morone having
returned home in the meantime heard one of the sermons
himself. He received the impression that in it the good
works had been rated too highly, and made representations
to Salmeron on the subject. The quick-tempered Spaniard
made a reply which was somewhat disrespectful; there-
upon the Cardinal, as he expressed himself later on, got rid
of his man upon the spot.^ When, fourteen years after-
wards, Morone was imprisoned in St. Angelo by Paul IV.
on suspicion of heresy, this brush with Salmeron formed
' Salmeron to Ignatius, dat. Venice, April 27, 1549 (Epistolae P. A.
Salmeronis, I., 74-77) ; Peter Schorich, S.J., to Leonhard Kessel, dat,
Rome, May 14, 1549 (Hansen, 152, 153) ; Polancus, n. 429, 430,
2 Polancus, n. 50, 66 ; Salmeron to Ignatius, dat. Lologna, Sept 24,
1547 (Epistolae P. A. Salmeronis, I., 52, 53); Cantu, Eretici, Il.i
172, and specially Tacchi VentURI, I., 533 seqq.
86 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
one of the points of the indictment. The magnanimous
Cardinal, however, was not diverted by this misadventure
from his leaning towards the Jesuits; their college at
Modena was the outcome of his insistence.^
One of the great supporters of the innovators in religion
was Renee, Duchess of Ferrara, wife of Duke Ercole II., a
French princess deeply implicated in Calvinistic teaching.
Her husband's confessor, the archd . xcon Guido Guidoni
of Modena, therefore made use of a favourable hour to
warn the former that he, who had so many counsellors at
his disposal for the government of his temporal affairs,
should at least have the assistance of one man to be his
exhorter and helper in the things that concerned his
salvation. Ercole assented, and ordered the Pope to be
asked to send to him Le Jay, whom Ignatius instructed,
while in Ferrara, to look upon the Duke as his true and
only superior. Le Jay came and took up his abode in the
hospital ; the Duke, in whom Ignatius was deceived,
troubled himself, however, very little about him. It was
reported that Ercole had said that he did not wish to have
anything to do with Theatines, as he had no wish to be
called one himself.^ Le Jay, at the Pope's orders, went in
1549 to Germany.
The favourable prospects of the erection of a college in
Florence were destroyed in 1547 by the young Polanco.
The General had commissioned him to carry spiritual
aid to the people of Florence under the direction of
1 Orlandinus, 1. 12, n. 17. Morone in 1563, after his appointment
as first President of the Council of Trent, declared to the General,
Laynez, that he was ready to shed his blood for the Society (Brauns-
BERGER, IV., 978).
2 Ignatius to Le Jay, dat. Rome, 1547, beginning of August (Mon.
Ignat., Ser. I., I., 569) ; Le Jay to Ignatius, daL Ferrara, 1547, summer
or autumn (Epistolae P. Pasch., Broeti, 336-338 j cf. ibid., 394, 395) ;
TuI-ANCUS, Chronicon, I., n. 182.
THE SOCIETY IN FLORENCE AND PARMA. 87
the Duke and the Archbishop of that city ; he, however,
was carried away by such excess of zeal that he attempted
to enforce written advice on the Duke Cosimo and the
Duchess Eleanora, instructing them how to reform their
life and government; this gave grievous offence at
court. Ignatius gave him severe reproof: "Such a
course," he wrote, " can only then be undertaken when
the sympathy, confidence, and esteem of such high rulers
has been secured"; Polanco must now try and remove
the soreness he had caused by services to the sick in the
hospitals and similar exhibitions of a humble spirit.^
Laynez indeed appeared, at the wish of the Duchess, in
1548, and on the Sundays in Lent preached to concourses
of 8000 to 9000 persons in the Duomo ; but it was not
until 1 55 1 that the college was able to make a beginning.^
The Society had to face an actual outburst of storm in
Parma, where the opposition was led by a member of a
religious order. The principal cause of offence was the
frequency of communion introduced by the missionaries;
in particular much comment was passed on the conduct of
Giulia Zerbini, a woman of high position and great piety, who
not only practised the Spiritual Exercises of Ignatius herself,
but gave them to friends of her own sex. She received
communion during a sickness every day and, it was said, on
those days on which she received the Lord's Body she took
no other food. The judicial investigation instituted by the
* Attempts have been made recently to show from this circumstanee
that Ignatius had lax notions of the duties of a Court confessor
(Druffel, Ignatius von Loyola, 17, 18, 32 ; Gothein, 340). On the
other hand, see reply of W. Kreiten : " If Ignatius displayed laxity on
this occasion, then laxity must be a characteristic of reason itself"
(Stimmen aus Maria Laach, XLIX. [1895], 543).
2 PoLANcus, n. 233; Orlandinus, I., II, n. 11-24; Ed. Fueter,
Das erste Auftreten der Jesuiten in Florenz : Zeitschrift fiir Kirchen-
geschichte, XXVIII. (1907), 432-453.
88 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Bishop of Parma, Cardinal Guido Ascanio Sforza, led on the
30th of December 1 543 to a complete acquittal of the Jesuits.^
In the Jesuit, Silvestro Landini, Italy then possessed a
missionary of the first rank. A priest of Casola wrote of
him to Ignatius : " When he, accompanied by five or six
ecclesiastics to whom he had given the Exercises, went
through the country, the people in the fields laid down
implements of work, left their oxen, and came running up
to them, sometimes ten, twenty, thirty at a time, begging
them to hear their confessions." The town of Correggio
had for more than twenty years been rent by feuds, two
parties, a French and an Italian, were opposed ; on one
occasion, within a short time five-and-forty men were slain,
nothing was spoken of but murder and revenge, and men
even came to church carrying weapons. Landini by his
preaching made an entire change ; arms were flung away,
and all — women, children, the aged — exclaimed, "Peace,
peace." With sobs and entreaties for forgiveness they fell
into one another's arms ; some hundred went at the same
time to the Sacraments.^
From Castiglione in the Lunigiana the magistrate
Baldassare Turiano wrote to Ignatius on the 27th of
November 1547 begging that "Padre Silvestro" might
not be sent elsewhere. " He makes peace between relatives,
between neighbours, between communities; he induces run-
away monks to return to their convent; he stirs men up to
give means of subsistence to convents and to the poor ;
he procures rules against profane swearing and for the
reverent observance of Sunday ; he preaches in churches
and public places, explains the Catechism, exhorts men to
enter the religious life ; he fasts daily, his food is a coarse
* Epistolae Mixtae, I., 584 ; Orlandinus, 1. 2, n. 76.
' Reports from Casola and Correggio to Ignatius of 1549 (Litterae
quadrimestres, I., 161-163, 178-180).
FIRST JESUITS IN SICILY. 89
bread of millet seed, his drink a little water. Great and
small model their lives on his ; even if he were not to
preach, his example alone would be a constant sermon."
Six months later Raffaello Augustini reports from
Fivizzano : " Padre Landini has been with us for about
three weeks. He imitates the Apostles and other saints
of the primitive church, being ever occupied in prayer,
preaching, penance, and works of charity. He is making
great efforts to banish hence the plague of Lutheranism,
which has forced its way from Lucca into the diocese of
Luni." After some months' work in Foligno, the Bishop of
the see, the Benedictine, Isidoro Chieri, gave his testimony
in the words, " We thought that an angel from heaven and
not a human being was dwelling among us."^ Also in
Bologna, Brescia, Naples, Pisa, Pistoja, Reggio, and other
cities Jesuit missionaries were welcomed. They often tried
to give some perpetuity to their work by forming confra-
ternities of the Blessed Sacrament, associations of women
for the protection of penitents of their own sex, and similar
communities.^
The first Jesuit to set foot in Sicily was a native of the
Netherlands, Jacob Lhoost ; he had been sent by Cardinal
Rodolfo Pio to his diocese of Girgenti. Laynez, at the
bidding of Cardinal Alessandro Farnese, brought reforms
into the Archdiocese of Monreale; in the cathedral he
delivered lectures on the Book of Ecclesiastes. Jeronimo
Domenech came in May 1547 to the capital Palermo ; he
became confessor to the viceroy Juan de Vega and his
* Epistolae Mixtae, I., 445, 446, 497, 498 ; Litterae quadrimestres, I.,
156. Cf. also Bartoli, S.J., Degli uomini e de' fatti della Compagnia
di Gesu : Opera postuma, I., Torino, 1847, 196-217.
2 The Jesuits, like Paul III., were instrumental in spreading through-
out Italy the confraternity of the Blessed Sacrament {cf. Tacchi
VentURI, I., 194 seqq).
90 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
wife, restored order to a convent of female penitents which
had fallen into the most neglected condition, worked hard
/or the erection of orphanages for boys and girls, and had a
catechism printed for the schools of the island. The
Bishop of Patti, Sebastiano de Aragon, Inquisitor for
Sicily and one of the foremost men in the kingdom, went
through the Spiritual Exercises, together with his vicar and
chaplains. At the request of the viceroy, Ignatius in
1549 procured a brief from Paul III. ordering the reforma-
tion of the Sicilian convents of nuns. In the same year a
college of the Society was opened in Palermo.^
A year earlier Palermo's mercantile rival, the rich city of
Messina, had received a similar institution in answer to
requests addressed to Paul III. and to Ignatius. It was the
fii^t of the Order which from its beginning and primarily
was set apart for the education of extern scholars. The
General wished to make of it a typical specimen. His
choice of the first teachers was characteristic ; they included
a Spaniard, an Italian, a German, a Frenchman, and a
Savoyard ; before they left Rome they were put through
the test of giving instructions before him. He then sent
the ten, who had been selected for Messina, to the Pope to
ask his blessing; their spokesman was Peter Canisius.
The Pope gave an extempore address which lasted half an
hour, full of affection for Sicily and the Society of Jesus.
Jeronimo Nadal, the first rector, gradually modelled the
college on the plan of Paris, where he had himself studied.^
* BraUNSBERGER, I., 193, 198 ; Domenech to Ignatius, dat.
Palermo, 1547, July 4, and i548(Litterae quadrimestres, I., 47-53, 131);
Nadal to Ignatius, dat. Messina, July i549(Epist. P. H. Nadal, I., 67) ;
PoLANCUS, Chronicon, I., n. 193-200, 242, 373, 379; Orlandinus, L 7,
n. 19 ; 1. 9, n. 27.
2 Cf. Emman. Aguilera, S.J., Provinciae Siculae Societatis Jesu
ortus et res gestae ab a. 1546 ad a. 161 1, Panormi, 1737, 7-13.
FIRST JESUITS IN SPAIN. 9I
In the autumn of the year 1548 a new scheme of studies
was extended throughout Sicily, and also in Calabria.
The scholars showed great diligence ; as an efficient
means of moral discipline frequent confession proved its
influence among them. Messina was so delighted with
the new school that already in 1548 it ventured to apply
to the Pope for powers to change the collegiate system
into that of an university. The time for that, however,
had not yet come, and the hopes which the founder of the
Order had built on this foundation were not fully realized,
but the work in Palermo and Messina bore continuous
fruit. "The whole of Sicily," wrote Canisius, "is in the
grip of a moral renovation." ^
The first among all the disciples of Loyola to enter on
Spanish ground was one of his relations, Antonio Araoz,
who had joined the Society in Rome. His arrival was at
the end of 1539, when he preached in various places with
success. He himself informed Ignatius how on the Holy
Cross day of 1540, the pulpit had to be erected for
him in the open air near Azpeitia ; over 4000 men had
come to hear him ; many climbed to the roof of the
church or the branches of trees in order to have a better
hearing.^ In 1541 Peter Faber came to Spain; in the
• Canisius to Kessel and Adrian!, dat. Rome, Feb. 8, 1548, and
Messina, Aug. 12, 1548 (Braunsperger, I., 265, 284) ; Report of the
Jesuits in Rome to those of Louvain, dat. Rome, March 19, 1548
(Hansen, 116-118); Polanco to Araoz, dat. Rome, March 27, 1548,
and Ignatius to Domenech, dat. Rome, April 7, 1548 (Mon. Ignat.,
Ser. I., II., 51, 52, 75) ; Nadal to Ignatius, dat. Messina, May 7, 1549
(Epist. P. H. Nadal., I., 57) ; Vita P. Cornelii Vishavaei {ibid., IV.,
875) ; POLANCUS, Chronicon, I., n. 231, 243, 244, 339, 350; F. Meyer,
Die Missionsplane des Ignatius von Loyola: Histor. Zeitschr., CI.,
237-252.
2 Vergara, dat. July 4, 1540 (Epist. Mixtae, I., 47); cf. Astrain,
I., 205, 230 seq.
92 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
following year he was in Germany, and in 1544 went from
there to Portugal, where he met Araoz. Soon, bearing
with them letters of recommendation from King John HI.
of Portugal, they both made their way to Valladolid to the
court of the Spanish heir-apparent, Philip. There they
found powerful patrons in Cardinal Juan Tavera, in the
Grand Inquisitor Diego Tavera, and in the Papal nuncio
Giovanni Poggio, who undertook the maintenance of the
Fathers.^ On Prince Philip removing his court to Madrid
Araoz was frequently resident there. He defended
earnestly the practice of frequent communion, which many
at that time regarded as unpermissible and stigmatized as
a Jesuit invention ; he also laboured with success at the
moral renovation of the convents of women of Catalonia.
At Philip's request Ignatius, in concert with the Spanish
ambassador in Rome, had obtained from Paul III. the
requisite instructions and faculties.^
In 1547 Araoz was appointed by Ignatius first Provincial
of the Society in Spain. Within two years a college
was started at Valladolid ; the house which was assigned
to the Fathers was fitted up by the nuncio Poggio at his
owe expense. Between 1544 and 1546 colleges also arose
in Valencia, Gandia, Barcelona, and Alcala.^ Hostility,
however, was not wanting. This was no subject of alarm
to Ignatius, on the contrary, he felt cause for depression
when the colleges enjoyed long intervals of peace ; for then
he begat! to fear that the zeal of the Society might be
» POLANCUS, I., n. 33, 143, 266 ; Orlandinus, 1. 5, n. 64, 65 ;
ASTRAIN, I., 235, 242.
2 Philip to Ignatius, dat. Monzon, Aug. 18, 1547 ; Polanco to Araoz,
dat. Rome, Oct. 31, 1547 ; Araoz to Polanco, dat. Barcelona, Jan. 12,
1549 (Epist. Mixtae, I., 395, 396; II., 37, 38; Mon. Ignat., Ser. I.,
I., 612, 613).
3 POLANCUS, aironicon, I., n. 364 ; AsTRAiN, I., 265-278.
THE SOCIETY IN SPAIN. 93
languishing.^ In Saragossa the Prior of the Dominicans
did his utmost towards the foundation of a Jesuit college;
the Viceroy, the Inquisitors, the civic council, and many
notables were on his side, but the Carmelites, Franciscans,
and Augustinians joined hands with the local clergy and
for a time made the execution of the scheme impossible.^
The new Archbishop of Toledo and Primate of Spain,
Juan Martinez Siliceo, was also unfavourable to the Society ;
he issued orders prohibiting any but parish priests to
administer communion in his diocese. This ordinance
was directed against the Jesuits who, it was reported, had
been spoken of as heretics by the Archbishop.^
Salamanca was the centre of the most violent storm
of opposition to the new Order. Cardinal Francisco de
Mendoza, Bishop of Coria, had in Rome proposed to the
General that he should erect a Jesuit college in that city
of Spain in which the first university had been opened.
This had taken place in Salamanca in 1548. In the
learned and wealthy Doctor Alonzo Ramirez de Vergara
the school had a liberal benefactor.* There an antagonist
of the new community arose in the person of the
* Orlandinus, 1. 14, n. 9 ; Dictamina S. Ignatii (Mon. Ignat.,
Ser. IV., I., 478).
2 Francesco de Rojas, S.J., to Araoz, dat. Saragossa, Aug. 1548
(Epist. Mixtae, I., 555-557) ; Astrain, I., 441-452.
2 Francesco de Villanueva, S.J., to Ignatius, dat. Guadalajara, Oct.
31, 1549 (Epist. Mixtae, II., 302).
* Vergara wished to join the Society, but was prevented by external
circumstances all his life long (Polancus, I., n. 463). This has
recently been adduced erroneously as evidence that he was throughout
his life a secret member, and has given rise to the curious identifica-
tion of the class of " Indifferentes " {see supra, p. 62) with a class of
"Secret Jesuits." No such class exists among the members of the
Order. For the beginnings of the College at Salamanca, see ASTRAIN.
I., 298-303.
94 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Dominican Melchior Cano, since 1546 first professor of
theology in the University of Salamanca, and a man whose
brilliant gifts and deep learning had made him the pride of
Spain. The strange hallucination took possession of him
that the Jesuits were the forerunners of Antichrist. He
first gave public utterance to this notion during the Lenten
sermons of the year 1548. At the close of the same year,
on the 25th of November, the Jesuit Alvarez had to inform
Ignatius : " To-day Doctor Cano preached before the whole
University : one of the curses of Christendom is the short-
sightedness of those prelates who, in order to please some
pious souls, give their sanction to new and laxly regulated
orders; I mean orders whose members go to and fro
about the streets like other people — an order of loungers,
I call them ; they are given up to indolence, they take
good care not to mortify the body, they procure for them-
selves permission to say their prayers out of the curtailed
Roman breviary." Fourteen days later Cano was under-
stood to say, " Signs shall go before the Last Judgment.
Among them hypocrisies, 'Alumbrado' — revelations,
exercises, and what now is deemed holy shall then be
accursed and led down to hell."^
Cano did not name the Jesuits, but everbody knew of
whom he spoke. Fingerswere pointed at them in Salamanca ;
to hold converse with them was to forfeit reputation. The
persecuted teachers suffered quietly for a time and waited ;
they then sought out Cano and privately addressed to him
explanations and arguments. When this was unavailing
Ignatius bethought him of a more telling means of defence.
At his instigation the General of the Order of Preachers,
Francisco Romeo, sent from Rome in December 1548 a
- Cartas de S. Ignacio, II., 485-488 ; Epist. Mixtae, I., 491, 492 ;
Ignatius to J. de Avila and to M. Tones, dat. Jan. 24 and 26, 1549
(Mon. Ignat, Sen I., II., 319, 320, 331) ; Astraiw, I., 321-333-
OPPOSITION IN SALAMANCA. 95
circular letter to all brothers of his Order in which he an-
nounced " that the Society of Jesus had the approval of the
Pope, and was doing an extraordinary amount of good by
its labours and example; he therefore, in virtue of holy
obedience, forbade any attack, public or private, on the new
Order, which ought rather to be looked upon as an ally in
their spiritual warfare and to receive their protection and
help." ^ Somewhat before this Pope Paul 1 1 1., at the request
of Cardinal Mendoza, had written already to the Bishops
of Cuen^a and Salamanca in which he bitterly complained
that evil men in Salamanca and in some other parts of
Spain had blackened the Society and its members in
sermons, lectures, and confidential conversation, thereby
depriving them of popular confidence and undermining
their influence for good ; the Pope therefore appointed the
two bishops protectors of the Order and gave them all the
necessary powers.^ Cano now held his peace for some time.
The feeling of enmity towards the Jesuits began to wane
in Salamanca. To this change of disposition contributed
especially, together with Estrada's Lent sermons and the
devotion of his comrade Miguel Torres to those in prison
and under sentence of death, the Apologia of the Jesuits,
written by a member of Cano's own Order, the distinguished
Dominican Juan de Pena. Louis of Granada also, great
as a master of Spanish style, greater still as a master of
the Christian life, one of the noblest ornaments of the
Dominican Order in that century, was a staunch and out-
spoken friend of the Society. For some time indeed it
seemed as if another great spiritual teacher, Thomas of
Villanova, Archbishop of Valencia, were about to take
his place among the opponents of the Jesuits ; to him, the
stern Augustinian monk, many things in the new Order
^ Printed in the Cartas de S. Ignacio, II., 492-494.
2 Published in the Cartas de S. Ignacio, II., 480-484.
96 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
seemed dangerous and suspicious, but when the saintly
man was shown how all had been approved at Rome, he
disquieted himself no longer and became a great benefactor
of the Order.i John of Avila, the Apostle of Andalusia,
deplored that old age and illness hindered him from joining
the Society ; but, he wrote to Ignatius, he wished to do all
that he could for them ; from the first he had seen in them
a work of God and a gift of Providence.^
Much closer to the Society was yet another saint to be
drawn. When Ignatius in 1527 was brought prisoner to
Alcala on a charge of heresy, he was met in the street,
so tjie. story goes, by the young Marquis Francisco de
Lombay, eldest son of Duke Juan III. of Gandia,^ mounted
high on his steed, with a retinue of friends and servants.
Little did either of the two men dream in what altered
circumstances they should meet together in the years
to come.
Appointed viceroy of Catalonia by Charles V. in 1539,
Francis Borgia, who was in 1 542 a Tertiary of the Franciscan
Order, heard through Peter Faber of the Society of Jesus.
Soon afterwards his father Juan III. died, and Francis suc-
ceeded to the Dukedom of Gandia. One of the responsi-
bilities he now felt most strongly was the care for the newly
converted Moors ; in order to give them religious help he
founded at Lombay a large Dominican convent. For the
education of the young Moriscos he wished to found a
school in the town of Gandia and hand it over to the
Jesuits; Ignatius, however, urged him to found a special
» Epist. Mixtae, I., 256-258 ; ASTRAIN, I., 333-339, 657-669.
^ Ignatius to Avila, dat. Rome, Jan. 24, 1549, and Polanco to
Villanueva, dat. Rome, Jan. 25, 1549 (Men. Ignat., Sen I., II., 317,
325) ; POLANCUS, Chronicon, I., n. 465.
3 Bartoli, Ignazio, 1. I, n. 33 ; P. SUAU, St. FranijOis cle Borgia,
Paris, 1905, II.
FRANCIS BORGIA. 97
college. While hitherto these institutions had been reserved
for young members of the Order only, now for the first time
admission would be given to Moorish children as well and
to others from outside. The college was opened in 1 546,
and Paul III. raised it in the following year to the rank of
a university. The Duchess did not live to see this, for she
died on the 27th of March 1546. Thereupon Francis went
through the Exercises and took a vow to enter the Order.^
He could not, however, refuse to take his place by the side
of Philip on the assembling of the Estates of Aragon in
1547. The Prince wished also to make him his " Major-
domo"; but Borgia now resolved to withdraw gradually
from the world. Ignatius obtained for him the Papal
permission to take the vows of solemn profession and
notwithstanding this to administer during three years his
temporal possessions ; by that time his children would be
provided for and his foundations completed."
On the 1st of February 1548 Francis made profession
at Gandia before a few witnesses ; the documents were
put on paper in secret characters and sent to Rome.^
Borgia continued to dress as a layman and to keep princely
state. The step that he had taken was not publicly known
in Spain until 1551.* Six months after his profession
the General had to shorten by half Francis' periods of
prayer and to prohibit his macerating sccurgings and
fastings; "otherwise," wrote Ignatius, "his bodily strength
will be ruined"; there must be "mens sana in corpore
' POLANCUS, I., n. 107; Sanctus Franciscus Borgia, II., Matriti,
1903, xx-xxi, 504, 532, 535 ; SUAU, 64-66, 80-83 ; ASTRAIN, I., 275,
284,285,287, 303, 304.
2 POLANCUS, I., n. 211, 274; Petrus Ribadeneira, S.J., Vita
Francisci Borgiae, P. Andrea Schotto interprete, c. 3, n. 52 (Acta
Sanctorum, Octob., V., 246).
^ Printed in Sanctus Franciscus Borgia, II., 545.
4 POLANCUS, I., n. 276.
VOL. XII. 7
98 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
sano."^ Now already, while yet amid the preliminaries to
his ordination as priest, Francis was setting forth "the
greater glory of God " by his exemplary virtue, his
wisdom, his influence over the wielders of spiritual and
temporal power. Since his Duchy was the exclusive
heritage of his eldest son and his remaining seven children
had not means adequate to their position, Paul III.
sanctioned, at his petition, on the 23rd of January 1549,
his appropriation, as a provision for the latter, of 25,000
ducats from the residuary estate of his great-uncle,
Giovanni, Duke of Camerino and Nepi, who had died
intestate.^
On their way to India the members of the Society
touched the soil of Portugal. The Portuguese doctor
Diego de Gouvea wrote from Paris to his former pupil
Ignatius to ask whether he and his associates did not wish
to evangelize the Portuguese Indies. Ignatius sent him the
reply that " they were ready to go joyfully to the Indies
when the Pope sent them." On this King John III.
applied to Paul III. for six Jesuit missionaries for the East
Indies. Ignatius, however, could only spare two, Francis
Xavier and Simon Rodriguez. In Lisbon they had to
await a passage, but there they so captivated the people
by their apostolic fervour that they were implored to
abandon their journey ; finally, with the Pope's consent,
Rodriguez at last resolved to remain in Portugal.^ The
* Ignatius to Borgia, dat. Rome, Sept. 20, 1548 (Mon. Ignat, Ser. I.,
ii, 233-237).
2 The brief is in Sanctus Franciscus Borgia, I., 655-660; for the
date, cf. SUAU in the Etudes, CI I. (1905), 186. The arrangements for
raising a monument to Alexander were altered by Pius IV., and finally the
scheme appears to have been altogether abandoned {cf. SUAU, loc. ctt.).
2 Peter Faber to Gouvea, dat. Rome, Nov. 23, 1538 (Mon. Ignat,
Ser. I., i, 132-134"): Rtbadeneira, De actis etc., n. 88, 89; Mon.
Ignat, Ser. IV., i, 380-383 ; Vita Ignatii, 1. 2, C. 16 ; I. 3, c. 3.
THE COLLEGE OF COIMBRA. 99
King entrusted the Society with the spiritual direction
of the young noblemen who, to the number of nearly a
hundred, were brought up at court. Almost all, Ignatius
reported in 1542, go to confession and communion weekly
and hear sermons every Friday.^ Many young men
sought admission to the Order, and the King sent them to
study at his University of Coimbra ; the college which he
established there for the Society numbered in 1547 already
115 members of the Order, including 92 scholastics;
John spent yearly 3000 ducats on their upkeep. In 1545
Ignatius had to yield to the King's pressing request that
Rodriguez should undertake the tuition of his son. In the
following year Rodriguez was also nominated Provincial
of Portugal. For the college of Coimbra in the years
1545-46 he composed, on a basis given him by Ignatius in
Italy, a series of general rules and some also for special
employments, which later were widely adopted throughout
the whole Order. The Blessed Peter Faber praised the
piety and discipline which he maintained among the
Portuguese brethren.^ They were popularly called " the
Apostles." When they passed through the country in
their poverty, preaching and administering the Sacraments,
every town and every village was open to them.*
In 1548 the Jesuits Gonsalvez and Nunez passed over
from Portugal to Morocco and conveyed to from 500 to
600 Christian captives in the Moorish city of Tetuan the
^ Report to the Jesuits in Italy, dat. Rome, June i, 1542 (,Mon.
Ignat., Ser. I., i, 204) ; cf. also Orlandinus, 1. 2, n. 103, 105.
2 PoLANCUS, Chronicon, I., n. 98, 99, 214; Orlandinus, I. 5,
n. 57 ; 1. 6, n. 98. The rules were first given to the public in the
Epist. P. Pasch. Broeti, 822-873 ; cf. ibid., 539, and Cartas del b. P.
Fabro, L, 246, 247.
^ Johannes of Aragon, S.J., to Martin Santacruz, S.J., dat. Lisbon,
June 5, 1548 (Epistolae Mixtae, L, 514, 515).
lOO HISTORY OF THE POPES.
consolations of religion. Deeply touched by their afflic-
tions, they returned to Portugal and collected clothes and
medicines and money to the amount of over a thousand
ducats. The King also committed to the Society the task
of delivering captives.^
It was at the instance of Paul III. that the first Jesuits
went to Ireland. His choice fell on Alfonso Salmeron and
Pascal Broet ; they brought with them three Papal letters :
one contained many ecclesiastical faculties; the second
recommended them to the Irish bishops ; the third
concerned their free passage through the country.^ The
bearers were to visit in the Pope's name the Irish bishops
and native princes, confirming them in their loyalty to
the Church, exhorting the clergy, reforming convents,
urging the erection of schools for Latin, pawnshops and
similar beneficent institutions, and finding out suitable
occupants for vacant Church offices. Ignatius specially
urged upon them to adapt themselves as much as possible
to Irish customs and " become all things to all men " ; if
they had to collect fines or burdens they were at once to
distribute the money through others among the poor or
see that it was spent on religious objects.^
Salmeron and Broet reached Scotland under great diffi-
culties. There Gavin Dunbar, Archbishop of Glasgow, and
other leading men strongly dissuaded them from pursuing
their journey. They would accomplish nothing, they were
told, and in view of the hostility of Henry VIII. to Rome
were imperilling their lives. Nevertheless, they determined
to go on, and James V. of Scotland, the father of Mary Stuart,
* POLANCUS, I., n. 289, 290; Peter Domenech to Araoz, dat.
Almeria, March i, 1549 (Epistolae Mixtae, II., 91).
2 The letters are given in Epist. P. Pasch. Broeti, 204-214; cf.
A. Bellesheim, Irland, II., 80, 81.
3 See Mon. Ignat, Ser. I., i, 174-181, 727-731.
FIRST JESUITS IN IRELAND. lOI
gave them letters to the Irish grandees and a companion
for their journey. They landed on the island in the Lent
of 1542; the Irish chiefs were entirely under the yoke
of Henry VIII., and they had pledged themselves to a man
to recognize the King as their ecclesiastical head and to
deliver up the emissaries of the Pope. Loyal bishops had
to go into concealment ; the convents were for the most
part deserted, the people savage and split into factions :
" Not one stone has been left upon another," wrote
Salmeron. They heard a few confessions, bestowed
indulgences and other graces, but the English were on their
track and they had no place of refuge to receive them.
Thus after a sojourn of thirty-four days they returned, in
accordance with their instructions, by way of Scotland to
Italy.^ "To outward appearance a failure," says one
versed in Irish Church history,^ "this first mission of the
Jesuits to Ireland was destined in course of time to bear
much fruit."
In France also the beginnings of the Order were not
noticeable. Some young men were sent by Ignatius to
Paris to study in 1540, and from time to time others joined
them. In 1548 a group of eighteen students lived together
in an annexe of the Lombards' college; they had their
Superior and observed the rules of the Order, yet only
a few knew that they belonged to the Society of Jesus ;
* Salmeron to Ignatius, dat. Edinburgh, Feb. 2 and April 9, 1542 ;
Salmeron and Broet to Cardinal Cervini, dat. Edinburgh, April 9, 1542
(Epistolae P, A. Salmeronis, I., 2-9, 11-13; Epistolae P. Pasch.
Broeti, 23-31); Edm. Hogan, Ibernia Ignatiana, I., Dublinii, 1880,
2-7.
2 Bellesheim, Irland, II., 82. Even R. W. DiXON (History of the
Church of England from the abolition of the Roman Jurisdiction, III.,
London, 1902, 421), writing from the Anglican point of view, admits
that this mission, " though unsuccessful," was yet " not without
fruit."
I02 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the majority were lads who dressed as laymen in clothes
of different cut and colour.^
When in 1542, on account of the war between Francis I.
and the Emperor, proclamation was made to the University
of Paris that all subjects of Charles V. must quit France
under pain of death and confiscation of property, eight
members of the Jesuit colony in Paris migrated to Louvain.
Here two of the most prominent citizens went through
the Spiritual Exercises: the Inquisitor Dietrich von Heeze,
once the confidential minister of Adrian VI., and the
learned theologian Ruard Tapper, Chancellor of Louvain
University. Heeze was ready to enter the Society, but
Peter Faber, to whom he had made known his resolve,
dissuaded him on account of his age and the great in-
fluence for good he was able to wield outside the Order.
The first recruit from Louvain was Cornelius Vischhaven,^
a priest of great piety and strictness of life. Peter Faber
during a short stay in Louvain had so ingratiated him-
self and his cause in the hearts of the youth of the
University that, on the rumour of his departure for
Portugal, nineteen undergraduates declared their wish to
accompany him ; nine of them he sent thither.^ In 1547
the members of the Order in Louvain chose Vischhaven
as their Superior and drew up regulations for the order-
ing of their common life. Ignatius confirmed the latter,
but enjoined on the community that the permission of
1 Viola, S.J., to Polcano, dat. Paris, July 19, 1549 (Epistolae Mixtae,
II., 257) ; POLANCUS, Chronicon, I,, n. 439 ; Oliv. Manareus, Com-
mentarius, 63, 64 ; Orlandinus, 1. 9, n. 56.
2 POLANCUS, I., n. 42, 55.
3 Cf. Faber to F. Xavier, dat. Cologne, Jan. 24, 1544 (Cartas del
b. P. Fabro, I., 209-216); Orlandinus, I. 4, n. 37-40, 82 ; W. van
NiEUWENHOFF, Leven van den H. Ignatius van Loyola, 1 1., Amsterdam,
1892, 5o-c;2.
FABER IN GERMANY. IO3
the Bishop of Liege should be invited for their corporate
settlement.^
As in the Netherlands, so in Germany the first appear-
ance of the Jesuits was, so to speak, the result of accident.
Peter Faber had been instructed by Paul III. to accompany
the Imperial ambassador Ortiz into Spain. Then Ortiz
received orders to attend the conference on religion at
Worms : he took Faber with him, and both reached their
destination in 1540. Faber occupied himself with the
confessional and the Exercises ; ^ afterwards he went
with Ortiz to Ratisbon, whither the conference had been
transferred and a Diet summoned. Here so many applied
for the Exercises that Faber's time was insufficient ;
some who had gone through them undertook to give them
to others ; thus Cochlseus initiated the Bishop of Meissen
and Robert Wauchope the Bishop of Spires ; Faber himself
took charge of the Prince Abbot of Kempten and the
Portuguese envoy. Ecclesiastical and secular princes
became penitents of Faber, among them the Duke of
Savoy. In a letter from Ratisbon of June the 8th, 1541,
the Pope was informed : " No small benefit, as we know
from experience, has accrued from the Exercises both
among the princes and their subjects. Some were faltering,
now they are strengthened ; some had already fallen away,
now they are restored."^
From Ratisbon in the summer of 1541 Faber had to go
with Ortiz into Spain. But he was soon to be back again
* ViNCK, S.J., to the Cologne Jesuits, dat. Maestricht, March 31,
1547 ; Crusius and Ignatius to the Louvain Jesuits, dat. March i and
May 24, 1547, in Hansen, 72, 76, "jt, 87, 88 ; cf. L'^tablissement de la
Compagnie de J^sus dans les Pays-Bas, Bruxelles, 1886, 8.
2 Faber to Ignatius, dat. Worms, Dec. 27, 1540, and Jan. i, 1541
(Cartas del b. P. Fabro, 31, 32, 38, 39) ; ORLANDINUS, I. 2, n. 107.
3 Raynaldus, 1 541, n. 125.
I04 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
in Germany. Paul III., on the strength of reports received
from the citizens of Ratisbon, summoned Faber with Le Jay
and BobadiUa to Germany in 1542. Faber reached Spires
on the 17th of April and awaited the instructions of the
Papal nuncio Morone; the Rhenish district was assigned
to him as his sphere of work. In Spires itself he gave the
Exercises to the Cathedral cantor, Otto Truchsess von
VValdburg, who afterwards as Cardinal and Bishop of
Augsburg was one of the chief pillars of the Church in
Germany.^ Morone then ordered him to go to Mayence.
The Archbishop and Cardinal, Albert of Brandenburg,
wished to make full use of his services for the restoration
of the spiritual and moral condition of his clergy, fallen into
deep decay. In Mayence also he was chosen as master
of the Exercises by two of the best bishops in Germany:
one was the gentle, high-minded Julius Pflug, Bishop of
Naumberg, and the other the learned and eloquent Michael
Helding, then Bishop-coadjutor of Mayence, later Bishop
of Merseburg. Faber lived with the parish priest of St.
Christopher and turned him, as Canisius expressed it, from
a "concubinarius into a Carthusian." At the Cardinal's
wish he began, in the winter of 1542, a course of lectures
on the Psalms. Albert also had a plan of appointing him,
with other theologians, to attend the Council of Trent.^
In the following summer Faber, with the Archbishop's
consent, complied with repeated and pressing invitations
to visit Cologne. The Archbishop, Hermann von Wied,
* Cartas del b. P. Fabro, 73-100, 139-153 ; Memoriale Fabri, 17-21 ;
UUHR, Gesch. der Jesuiten, 7 seq.
2 Faber to Ignatius, dat. Mayence, Nov. 7 and Dec. 22, 1542
(Cartas del b. P. Fabro, 163-166); Canisius to Busaus, dat. Freiburg
i. d. Schw., Jan. 2, 1596, in Hansen, loseq.; cf. also Frid. Reiffen-
BERGIUS, S.J., Historia Societatis Jesu ad Rhenum inferiorem, Coloniae
Agripp., 1764, 3-12.
FABER in GERMANY. 10$
an ignorant man and of totally mundane character, had
summoned the apostate Dominican, Martin Bucer, in
1542 to protestantize the archiepiscopal foundations of
Cologne. A substantial portion of the Cathedral chapter,
the secular Estates, and some of the Council of the
Imperial city of Cologne were on his side ; the Catholics
held back through fear of the Archbishop. Faber now
bestirred himself and went to Bonn, where the Emperor
and Hermann had a meeting in order to present to the
Papal nuncio a memorial from the University of Cologne
setting forth the necessity of some serious intervention.
The representations addressed by the Emperor to the lax
ruler of the archdiocese were productive of at least some
good results ; soon afterwards a petition from Cologne
reached the nuncio in which he was implored not to allow
Faber to depart from the city. This was followed by a
Papal command which provisionally detained Faber in
Germany.^ Faber, whose sermons in Cologne were a
great success,^ hired a house there and made it a home for
the seven young Jesuits who, in the meantime, had gathered
in the city. He was thus the founder of the first Jesuit
settlement in German territory.^
In July 1544 Ignatius called him back to Portugal,
and two years later he died in Rome ; the Church venerates
him as Blessed. In his spiritual diary Faber noted on the
loth of June 1543: Since he had come to know Germany
the thought of such a people falling away from the Church
» DUHR, 9-14. Canisius in his censure (made c. 1572) of Riba-
deneira's Life of Ignatius affirmed that Faber also "on certain
occasions had disputed with Bucer and other heretics "(Mon. Ignat.,
Ser. IV., i, 716).
* Cartas del b. P. Fabro, I., 235, 236 ; R. CORNELV, Life of Blessed
Peter Faber, Freiburg i. Br., 1900, 130-154.
^ Memoriale 327; DUHR, 13, m.
I06 HISTORY OF THE POPES,
filled his soul with continual anguish. This sacred com-
passion was never extinguished ; among the seven persons
for whom he specially prayed were, besides the Pope and
Emperor, also Luther, Melanchthon, and Bucer, and among
the seven cities for which he had all his life long under-
taken to intercede Wittenberg held the first place.^
The lovable and popular qualities which adorned Faber
were also conspicuous in his companion Claude Le Jay ;
he also looked for salvation much more in a reformation ol
morals than in the contests of theologians. ^ The nuncio
Morone in 1542 sent him to work about the Danube and
in Bavaria. " I have hopes that his work will be of service,"
wrote Morone to Cardinal Contarini.^ Le Jay came with
Wauchope to Ratisbon, where they presented the Papal
letters to the Bishop and Chapter;* they could not, how-
ever, obtain a footing. In the city Le Jay incurred odium
because he urged the removal of a preacher of bad
repute ; many of the clergy too were unwilling to change
their mode of life, and the two strangers were threatened
with expulsion from the city or immersion in the Danube.
" We told them," said Le Jay, " that heaven can be reached
by water as easily as by dry land."^ But at the beginning
of 1543 Le Jay had to leave Ratisbon; he went to
Ingolstadt and gave lectures at the University on the Holy
Scriptures; he was called upon to introduce Moritz von
Hutten, Bishop of Eichstatt, then living in his neighbour-
* Memoriale 22, 29, 30, 299 ; cf. also Pastor, Reunionsbestre-
bungen, 233, 306.
2 RoDERiciUS, Commentarium, 453 ; Janssen-Pastor, IV., i6thed.,
397-400.
8 Hansen, 2. For Le Jay, see Duhr, 15-24.
* Wauchope to Farnese, dat. Ratisbon, April 13, 1 542 (Zeitschrift fiir
kath. Theologie, XXI., 603).
* Le Jay to Ignatius, dat. Ratisbon, April to August 1542 (Epistolae
P. Pnsch., Broeti, 270-276).
LE JAY IN GERMANY. IO7
hood, to the Spiritual Exercises ; then, in obedience to the
Pope's commands, he went to Dillingen to Cardinal
Truchsess.^ Here he was met by an invitation from Duke
Ernest of Bavaria, Archbishop of Salzburg, to attend a
Provincial Synod, at which he should sit as a member and
vote. But he was aware that it would be contrary to the
Pope's wishes to take part in deliberations on religious
questions at the approaching Diet at Worms, and he was
under the impression that this assembly at Salzburg would
prepare the way directly for such deliberations ; he there-
fore confined himself to receiving the resolutions in his
chamber and expressing his opinion upon them. At
Salzburg he also composed two theses: one maintaining
the Bishop's responsibility for prohibiting, without special
permission from the Pope, participation in the ecclesiastical
debates in an Imperial Diet; the other, proving that
Protestants were still heterodox if, even while holding
another doctrine of the Faith, they denied solely and
exclusively the primacy of the Pope of Rome. At the
same time he made use of the opportunity of urging on
the Archbishop the need of establishing a boarding-house
for boys who were to be trained for the priesthood.^ On
his return to Dillingen the Cardinal had already set out
for Worms ; Le Jay had to follow him. His sermons in
Italian, delivered during the Diet, pleased King Ferdinand
and others in high station ; the bishops often invited him
to their tables and asked him to visit their sees.*
* POLANCUS, Chronicon, I., n. 72 ; ORLANDINUS, 1. 4, n. 22-25.
2 Le Jay to Ignatius, dat. Dillingen, Nov. 14, 1544; Domenech to
Rodriguez, dat. Rome, Jan. 29, 1545 (Epistolae P. Pasch. Broeti, 281-
285, 775, 776) ; POLANCUS, Chronicon, I., n. 72.
3 Le Jay to Ignatius, dat. Dillingen, Sept. 21, 1545 (Epistolae
P. Pasch. Broeti, 293-296) ; Canisius to Peter Faber, dat. Cologne,
Aug. 12, 1545 (BRAUNSBERGER, I., 159).
loS HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Other tasks were allotted to Nicolas Bobadilla, Le Jay's
colleague from the Order. Morone was of opinion that
he should accompany the Imperial forces into Hungary,
there to put a curb on the Lutheran preachers, attend to
the spiritual interests of the soldiery, and exercise an im-
proving influence on the clergy.^ He was kept, however,
in Vienna ; the nuncio Girolamo Verallo wished to have
him in his house, but Bobadilla preferred to lodge in
a hospital ; he preached, gave expositions of the Epistle
to the Romans, and prepared Jews and Turks for baptism ;
King Ferdinand often had conversations with him. But
soon afterwards began for Bobadilla a period of constant
shifting to and fro with the most varied activity. With
Verallo, whose nunciature to the Emperor was soon
changed for that to the King, he visited Nuremberg,
Spires, Worms, Brussels, and Ratisbon. In the intervals
he was engaged in writing, preached in Latin at Passau
and Ratisbon, visited, at the bidding of Cardinal Farnese,
the Imperial camp during the Schmalkaldic war and took
care of the Italian hospital, engaged in the reconstruction
of the University curriculum at Cologne, and supported the
Catholics of that city in their contest with the apostate
Archbishop.2 In the address of a letter from the Bishop
of Vienna, Frederick Nausea, to Bobadilla, the latter was
termed " the most vigilant agent of the Apostolic See in
all Germany."^
Bobadilla was always ready to speak and had much
• Morone to Cardinal Contarini, dat. Modena, May 21, 1542
(Hansen, 1-2).
2 POLANCUS, Chronicon, I., n. 40 ; Ferron by order of Ignatius to
Rodriguez, dat. Rome, April 12, 1546 (Mon. Ignat., Ser. I., i, 377);
Druffel, Beitrage, I., 20 seq. ; DUHR, 25-31 ; GiUS. BOERO, S.J.,
Vita del Servo di Dio. P. Nicol6 Bobadiglia, Fir^nze, 1879, 22-50
• Eoistolae Mixtae. I.. '?6c;-^68.
BOBADILLA AND CANISIUS. IO9
to say, sometimes with a touch of braggadocio. He
spoke his mind to ecclesiastical and temporal magnates
alike, with a frankness which more than once was disfigured
by bluntness and discourtesy; it was on account of this
that his German career came to an abrupt end. The
asperity of his language with regard to the Interim led
the Emperor to dismiss him from Augsburg;^ he went to
Rome, where Ignatius gave him a cold reception.^ Canisius
some years later gave him testimony : that he had worked
hard for the Germans in war and peace, run great dangers,
and " put a sturdy shoulder to the wheel " on behalf of the
Catholic cause, especially at Diets of the Empire.^
Bobadilla and his two comrades had worked on German
soil as strangers; the first German Jesuit and at the same
time the greatest among them was Peter Canisius. Born
in Nymegen in 1521 of a family of good standing, he
studied at Cologne as a youth, taking his degree of doctor
in philosophy in 1540.* Three years later he was led
through the Spiritual Exercises by Peter Faber ; there, as
he himself tells us, he heard the voice of God calling him
to join the Order. He took the vows on the 8th of May
1 543.'* Returning to Cologne from Mayence.he pursued his
* Nuntiaturberichte, X., 327, n. I.
* Mon. Ignat, Sen IV., i, 467.
3 Censure on Ribadeneira's Life of Ignatius (Mon. Ignat., Ser. IV.,
i, 715)-
* Canisii Liber primus Confessionum (composed in 1570), c 1-4;
Canisii Testamentum (his spiritual testament, composed at Freiburg i,
d. Schw. about 1596, shordy before his death), c. 12 ; (Braunsberger,
I., 7-21, 34-40)-
^ " One of the most important gains which ever accrued to the
Society," says Friedensburg (Die ersten Jesuiten in Deutschland,
Halle, 1905, 34). His "acquisition," remarks E. Zirngiebl, "was pro-
ductive of a rich harvest to the Order in Germany" (Studien iiber das
Institut der Gesellschaft Jesu, Leipzig, 1870, 262).
no HISTORY OF THE POPES.
theological studies ; in addition he began at once to lecture
on academic subjects, gave Latin addresses to students and
ecclesiastics, and preached simple sermons to the people ;
he was also anxious to promote frequent communion,
especially among young students.^ He was the first
member of the Order to appear publicly as an author ; in
1543 he published at Cologne an enlarged and improved
edition of the writings of the mystic John Tauler the
Dominican ; in 1546 this was followed by a Latin transla-
tion in three folio volumes of the works of Cyril of
Alexandria and of Leo the Great.^ The small band of
Jesuits, consisting almost entirely of students, which had
been formed at Cologne in 1544, was supported for the
most part on the paternal inheritance of Canisius.^ The
part taken by him in the struggle with Archbishop Hermann
von Wied was an active one. He went, at the bidding of
the clergy and University of Cologne, in quest of help and
protection to the Emperor and the Papal nuncio in the
Netherlands, then to Bishop George of Austria in Liege,
and again to the Emperor and nuncio in Suabia.* From
this last mission he was unable to return to Cologne, for
Cardinal Otto von Truchsess of Augsburg sent him to the
Council of Trent. ^ Then, in obedience to the General of
* Canisius to Adriano Adriani, dat. Cologne, Aug. 2, 1546 (Brauns-
BERGER, I., 208, 209) ; Testamentum, c. 2 {ibid., 38 ; cf. ibid., 1 12, 124,
143, 160).
2 BRAUNSBERGER, I., 79-93, 176-188, 215-222 ; SOMERVOGEL,
Biblioth^que, II., 617, 618 ; VIII., 1974.
8 Hansen, ii, 23-27; Sachinus, De Vita P. Canisii, Ingolstadii,
1616, 32.
* Canisius to Faber, dat. Cologne, Aug. 12 and Dec. 22, 1545,
and to Johannes Cropper, dat Geislingen, Jan. 24, 1547, and Ulm,
Jan. 28, 1547 (BRAUNSBERGER, I., 162-165, 233-240 ; cf. ibid.., 674-676) ;
Matth. Raderus, S.J., De Vita Petri Canisii, Monachii, 1614, 36, n,
* See supra, p. 80.
THE JESUITS AT INGOLSTADT. Ill
the Order, he went to Bologna, Rome, and Messina ; his
continuance in Italy, however, was not to be for long ; he
belonged to Germany.
After the death of Johann Eck the reputation of the
University of Ingolstadt began to decline. In order to
infuse new life into the institution the firm Catholic Duke
William IV. of Bavaria sought permission from Paul III.
to levy three-tenths on every convent and benefice in his
dominions for this purpose.^ At the same time he asked
the Pope to send him some Jesuits as professors of theology ;
among them was to be Le Jay. The Duke found every
encouragement in Rome, for Paul III. and those in his
confidence were anxiously desirous of establishing Jesuit
colleges in Germany.^ At the Pope's bidding Ignatius
appointed Le Jay, Salmeron, and Canisius for Ingolstadt;^
Canisius was first sent for from Messina to Rome. On
the 2nd of September 1549 he and his colleagues received
the Papal blessing. On the way to Germany the three
future professors of theology submitted themselves in the
University of Bologna to an examination by Bishop
Ambrogio Catarino and two other Dominicans, and then
received from the Papal Legate, Cardinal Giovanni Maria
del Monte, the cap of doctor of theology.*
Meeting as they advanced with friendly receptions
from the Cardinals of Trent and Augsburg and from the
Duke of Bavaria, they reached Ingolstadt on the 13th of
November 1549. The University prepared for them a
* The brief of Paul III. is given by JOS. Nep. Mederer : Annales
Ingolstadiensis Academiae, IV., Ingolstadii, 1782, 271-275.
2 Ignatius to Salmeron, dat. Rome, Aug. 10, 1549 (Mon. Ignat., Sen
I., ii, 509).
* POLANCUS, Chronicon, I., n. 428 ; cf. Mon. Ignat.. Ser, I., ii,
360, 361, 378; Braunsberger, I., 296, 686-688 ; DuiiR, 53.
* POLANCUS, I., n. 548 ; BraUNSBERGERj I., 685. 686,
112 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
public reception, and on November the 26th Canisius
opened his course of lectures.^ It was one of the last
successes within reach of Paul III. that he was able to
send Peter Canisius to the field of work for which he
was the right man. The time had now come when a
summons to halt was to be given to the victorious onrush
of Protestantism, since of its previous conquests a portion
were to be re-won. Canisius was one of the best leaders
in these successful contests ; during their continuance
under the successors of Paul III. he won for himself the
name of a second Apostle of Germany and elevation to
the altars of the Church by his academic exertions, his
countless sermons and instructions, his compoiition of
catechisms and many other writings, the accomplishment
of arduous tasks laid upon him by the Pope, indefatigable
work at the diets and other assemblies, the foundation
and direction of colleges of his Order, and finally by his
life of prayer and genuine holiness. ^
Before the call to Bavaria had come the Jesuits had
received an invitation to cross over into Africa. The
occasion was in some ways a remarkable one. King
John III. of Portugal received one day a letter from
Claudius Atanaf Sagad, the Negus of Abyssinia. The
latter wrote : Some years before a man had appeared
before him who stated that he had been recognized by the
Pope of Rome as Patriarch of ^Ethiopia, but personally
1 Braunsberger, I., 689-691 ; PoLANCus, I., n 432-434; Flor.
RiESS, S.J., Der selige Petrus Canisius, Freiburg i. Br., 1865, 81-86;
cf. also IGN. Agricola, S.J., Historia Provinciae Societatis Jesu
Germaniae Superioris, I., Augustae Vindelicorum, 1727, 19, 20.
2 For judgments of Catholics and non-Catholics on Canisius, see
Braunsberger, I., xviii-xxiii. See also the exhaustive work of
X. Le Bachelet: Canisius (Dictionnaire de Theologie Catholique,
II., Paris, 1905, 1507-1537)-
THE MISSION TO ABVSSINIA. T13
he evinced himself to be unfitted for such a post. The
Negus wished to be informed if this man were really
Patriarch, and if not, asked the King to send him one
with due authority, for the Abyseinians wished to obey the
Pope.^ King John could think of nothing better than
to turn to Ignatius for help. His wish was, he wrote,
that one of the Jesuits should undertake the Patriarchate.^
This was a case in which there was sore need of help. The
cleric Juan Bermudez, who had joined himself in 1541 to
a troop of Portuguese on their journey to Abyssinia, had
certainly played the part, in that country, of Catholic
Patriarch, but he had received from Rome neither conse-
cration nor jurisdiction ; he was an interloper, not to say
an impostor.^ Ignatius did not reject the petition, since
it did not concern the acceptance of a dignity bringing
with it pomp and leisure but of heavy and difficult
burden* The transaction was not finally settled until
I55S» when the Portuguese Jesuit, Nunez Barreto, was
consecrated to the ofifice.
The Order was more speedily settled on the Congo.
The mission of the Jesuits was already begun here in 1548,
but unfortunately the promise of its inception was not
fulfilled. Loyola's disciples were happier in their Brazilian
mission of 1549, when they successfully laid the foundations
of the conversion of the South American Indians.^
* Rodriguez, S.J., to Ignatius, dat. Almeirim, March 18, 1546
(Epistolae P. Pasch. Broeti, 543, 544).
'John III. to Ignatius, dat. Santarem, Aug. 1546; Ignatius to
Rodriguez, dat Rome, Oct. 1546, and to Torres, dat. Rome, Oct. 9,
1546 (Mon. Ignat., Ser. I., i, 428-430, 434).
' Cf. C. Beccari, S.J., Rerum Aethiopicarum Scriptores occidentales
inediti, V., Romae, 1907, liii-lx. See also reports of Gott. Gesellsch.
der Wissensch. Phil.-histor. Kl. (1904), "jo seqq.
* Cf. Mon. Ignat., Ser. I., i, 430.
* See infra, 5 1 6 seqq.
VOL. XII. 8
114 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
All these undertakings were as nothing compared with
the results to which the Order could already point in the
newly discovered regions of Asia, where history is linked
with the fame of a man whose name is still reverenced to
this day by friend and foe alike : with that of Francis
Xavier.i On the i6th of March 1540 Xavier left Rome
to go at the Pope's orders to the East Indies. On May
the 30th he reached Lisbon, where he received four
briefs: the first, dated July the 27th, 1540, appointed him
Papal nuncio for the Portuguese Indies on both sides
of the Ganges, and of the Cape of Good Hope, with
full ecclesiastical powers; two other briefs enlarged his
powers, and in a fourth he was recommended to the Princes
and rulers of these territories.^ While Francis was waiting
for a passage at Lisbon high and low showered marks of
respect upon him : he consoled himself for the absence
of tribulation by the thought of the sacrifices he should be
able to offer in India ; to be long without suffering, he
thought, was to be no true soldier of Christ.^ Suffering
awaited him on the voyage, which lasted more than a
year.
On the 6th of May 1542 he landed in Goa. At once,
as one of his biographers* relates, he threw himself
at the feet of the Bishop of the country, the Franciscan
Juan de Albuquerque, showed him his faculties, and
declared that he wished to use them simply at the bidding
* Cf. supra, p. 22.
* Text of first brief and main substance of the rest in L. J. M. Cros,
S.J : St. Francois de Xavier, Sa vie et scs lettres, I., Toulouse, Paris,
1900, 484-486.
3 POLANCUS, n. 23.
* P. Sebastian Gonsalvez, S.J., who went to the East Indies in 1593
and died at Goa in 1619. He composed a history of the Society while
in India which is still unpublished (Men. Xaver., I., xxiv-xxv) ; his
account of Xavier's first stay in Goa is in CROS, I., 214, 277.
ST. FRANCIS XAVIER AT GOA- II5
of the Bishop. He looked upon himself only as the
fellow-worker of the Franciscans, Augustinians, and other
apostolic men whose labours lay in this difficult region.
The Christian population of Goa was morally in a bad
condition. Xavier quickly made up his mind ; he made
his dwelling in a hospital and began a fight in good
earnest against the immorality of the Portuguese colonial
officials;^ he collected alms from house to house for the
sick, the poor, the prisoners ; ringing a little bell as he
went, he called to the children and male and female slaves
in the streets to come and listen to Christian teaching;
he also taught them to sing songs in which truths of the
Catholic faith were conveyed in verse.^ Already on the
20th of September 1542 he was able to inform his brethren
at Rome that so many had come to confession that in
order to satisfy all he would need to multiply himself by
ten ; he had also induced the prisoners to make general
confessions ; the lepers outside the city had all become his
good friends, and the viceroy was now sending him to a
quarter where he had hopes of many conversions.^ This
was the so-called Fisherman's Coast or Cape Comorin.
Eight years before the baptism of several heathens had
taken place, but as the place was barren and poverty-
stricken, no Portuguese could settle there; the inhabitants
were out of reach of all spiritual help. Xavier took with
> Cf. A. HUHN in Katholik, 1899, II., 538 seq.
2 GONSALVEZ, loc. cit. ; cf. also HORATIUS TURSELLINUS, S.J., De
Vita B. Franciscici Xaverii, Coloniae Agripp., 1 621, 1. 2, c. 23 (i 12-120).
3 Mon. Xaver., I., 256-258. The Monumenta historiae Societatis
Jesu {cf. supra., p. i, see n. i) contain in the first volume of the
Monumenta Xaveriana an edition of the letters of the saint. These
were taken from the autograph copies in Spanish {cf also Cros, II.,
xxi-xl ; for earlier editions see SommervoGEL, Biblioth^que, \\ ,
1748; v., 882; VI., 1126; VIII., 140-143, 1326-1336 ; Gros, I.,
xvi-liv).
Il6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
him three natives; afterwards he was joined by two of
the Order. For a year he went from place to place
leaving behind him written prayers which the inhabitants
were to learn by heart and repeat daily.^
The chief opponents of Christianity, the Brahmins, tried
to bribe him, but he inexorably exposed their shams
and had the idols destroyed. Many sick persons, for
whom he prayed or had prayers said by the Christian
children, were healed. Sometimes he gave baptism to a
whole village; "Often," he wrote on the 15th of January
1544, "my arms are weary from baptizing and I cannot
speak another word from having so repeatedly recited the
prayers to the people, one after another, and given instruc-
tions in Christian duties to them in their native tongue."
But, as he says in the same letter, he thereby feels an
indescribable inner consolation. Only one thing caused
him sorrow : " How many there are here who are not
Christians because no man troubles himself about the
pious and holy work of making known the faith ! " ^
Details of Xavier's work in India were brought to
Portugal by young Juan Vaz, who for six months had been
his companion in these countries. " I will send you," says
Martin Santacruz to Peter Faber on the 22nd of October
1545, "some of the things Juan Vaz has told us":
" Father Xavier goes about with bare feet ; his garments
are shabby and torn. He is called the ' great father ' and
all love him well. A king has given orders throughout his
kingdom that all are to show obedience to his brother, the
' great father,' as though it were to himself; all who wish
are free to become Christians. He also gave him much
* Francis Xavier to Ignatius, dat. Tutucorin, Oct. 28, 1 542, and to the
Roman Jesuits, dat. Cochin, Jan. 15, 1544 (Mon. Xaver., I., 273, 278-
289) ; POLANCUS, Chronicon, I., n. 47, 62, 64.
■ Mon, Xaver., I., 283-286, 293.
WORK OF ST. FRANCIS XAVIER. 11/
money, but Xavier gave it all away among the poor.
Along the coast he has built from forty-four to forty-five
churches. He has four native-born Indians with him whom
he has had ordained as priests. Six other Indians from
the College of Goa are on the point of taking Orders.
He takes with him two, three, four, yea six thousand men
into the open country, mounts on a tree, and then preaches
to them."^ In the following years Xavier made flying
visits, preaching everywhere to Christians and heathens, to
cities and districts on the frontier and in the interior of
India ; he carried his teaching to the island of Ceylon, and
spent nearly a year in the Moluccas and the Isle of
Amboina.2
All that was related of his ecstatic prayer, of his com-
passionate love for the children, the slaves, the sick, the
sinners, the soldiers, of his prophecies, of his gifts of healing,
of his raising of the dead,' gave to his preaching an almost
irresistible power. On the 27th of January 1545 he was
able to write from Cochin to Rome that in the short space
of a month he had baptized more than ten thousand men.*
He took special care to protect the newly made Christians
from the greed of European adventurers and the violence
of Portuguese officials. He called upon John III. in
* Epistolae Mixtae, I., 231, 232.
' See Fr. Ch. Danvers, The Portuguese India, I., London, 1894,
481 ; P. COURTENAY, Le Christianisme k Ceylon, Lille- Rome, 1900,
156-166.
3 Testimony of Caspar Coelho, then vicar of St. Thomas's Church
at Meliapur (in Cros, L, 308-310) ; Caspar Berse, S.J., to the Portuguese
Jesuits, dat. Dec. 13, 1548 {ibid., I., 395) ; Francis Perez to the Jesuits
of Coimbra, about 1548 (Selectae Indiarum Epistolae, 67, 68);
Orlandinus, 1. 3, n. 99; 1. 4, n. 64; 1. 8, n. 127, 129; Franc. DE
SOUZA, S.J. (ti7i2), Oriente conquistado i. Jesus Christo, L, 2nd ed.,
Bombaim, 1881, 20-31.
* Mon. Xaver., L, 366, 367.
Il8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
strong and outspoken language to abolish such misdeeds.'
What he had set on foot as a pioneer of the Gospel in
different places is shown in the catechetical writings which
he left behind hinn ^ and in the number of the members of
the Order who, in ever-increasing numbers, were sent out
to him from Europe. At the beginning of 1550, without
speaking of Goa, the ground for colleges had been laid
already in Bassein, Cochin, Quilon ; other Jesuits were at
work in the Moluccas, in Malacca, in the island of Socotra,
on the coasts of Comorin.^ Xavier, named Provincial
for India in 1549 by Ignatius, could give him witness that
amid the dangers of the greatest moral corruption these
men had led unsullied lives.* The new viceroy of the Indies
wrote to Portugal that the labours of the Jesuits resembled
the labours of the Apostles of old.^ In the sensual mer-
cantile city of Malacca in the year 1548 there were already
many who frequented the Sacraments weekly — by 1550
the city was almost entirely transformed. On the fisher
coast the Jesuit, Antonio Criminali, displayed special zeal ;
he fell there under the blows of savage assailants, the first
victim of fidelity to pastoral duty.®
* To John III., dat. Cochin, Jan. 20, 1544; Jan. 20, 1548; Jan. 26,
1549; Malacca, June 20, 1549 (Mon. Xaver., I., 356-361, 450-455,
509-512, 527-530); cf. also Orlandinus, 1. 4, n. 143, 153.
2 Cy; SOMMERVOGEL, Bibliotheque, VIII., 1336. An exposition of the
Confession of Faith, composed by Xavier in 1546 in the Moluccas, is in
the Mon. Xaver., I., 831-844 ; other catechetical writings, ?(5/</., 819-831.
2 Xavier to Ignatius, dat. Cochin, Jan. 12, 1549 (Mon. Xaver., 1. 476);
Lancillotti to Ignatius, dat. Quilon, Jan. 27, 1550 (Selectae Indiarum
Epistolae, 126, 127) ; Register of the missionaries in Cros, I., 481.
* POLANCUS, n. 498 ; ORLANDINUS, 1. 9, n. I.
6 To Simon Rodriguez, dat. Cochin, Jan. 5, 1551 (Selectae Indiarunx
Epistolae, 130).
6 Perez to the Jesuits of Coimbra about 1548 ; Lancillotti to Ignatfus,
dat. Quilon, Jan. 27, 1550; Enrique Enriquez to Ignatius, dat.
Punicale, Nov. 21, 1549; report of the Jesuit Cyprian on Criminali's
WORK OF ST. FRANCIS XAVIER. II9
Xavier's steps were closely followed by the Nether-
lander, Caspar Berse, who was sent in 1548 from the East
Indies to the island of Ormuz. He lived in a thatched
hut, gave daily instruction to children and slaves, preached
three times a week, and disputed on Saturdays with the
Jews in the synagogue. Thirty shocks of earthquake which
visited the island on his arrival he made the occasion for
penitential preaching. Every day he heard many confes-
sions, feuds and illicit connections disappeared, all priests
reformed themselves, and the Jesuit was looked up to by
all. Christian and non-Christian, as a prophet and a worker
of wonders.^
From Cochin Francis Xavier wrote on the 20th of
January 1548 to Ignatius and the other members of the
Order in Rome : " When I was in the city of Malacca some
Portuguese merchants informed me that a short time ago
certain very large islands had been discovered in this part
of the world, which are called the islands of Japan. There,
so they affirmed, our holy faith might be spread with great
success ; there more than any other country of the Indies
were great things to be hoped for, since the people of those
islands were quick-witted and eager to learn." ^ In Malacca
death, dat. S. Thome, Dec. 3, 1549 (Selectae Indiarum Epistolae, 70,
91, 92, 98-100, 127). Cf. [Tacchi Venturi] Nuove mem. e preziosi
docum. intorme al P. A. Criminal!, Protomartire d. Comp. di Gesia,
Venezia, 1900.
^ Lancillotti to Ignatius, dat. Quilon, Jan. 27, 1550; Nuove di M.
Caspar quali guinseroa Coa a' 10 di Ottobre del 1549; letter on the
foundation of the College of Goa about 1550 (Selectae Indiarum
Epistolae, 77-79, 120-122, 125-126 ; Polancus, Chronicon, I , n. 534-
543 ; cf. also NIC. TrigaulT, S.J., Vita Gasparis Barzaei, Coloniae, 161 1,
96-275).
'^ Mon. Xaver., I., 433-435. Japan was discovered by some
Portuguese certainly about the year 1543 (Hans Haas, Gesch. des
Christentums in Japan, I., Tokio, 1902, 15-49).
120 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
also the Japanese, Angero,^ came to Xavier, who converted
him and determined to go with him to Japan. From
Angero's accounts he had learned that in China, Japan,
and Tartary the same religion, Buddhism, was professed,
and his convert wished him to become acquainted with
the "great schools" and to overcome them. From the
universities Christian doctrine would penetrate among the
people.^ The Indian friends of Francis Xavier were beside
themselves when they heard of his plans. They set before
him the exceeding dangers of the journey ; the sea was
infested by pirates, and it was precisely Europeans, when
they fell into their hands, on whom they were wont to
perpetrate cruel tortures ; besides, there were many hidden
reefs and frightful storms, " when out of four ships two
are saved, this is much " ; Xavier was well aware of this,
but he trusted in God, who has power over winds and
robbers.^
Before his departure he wrote a letter to the General on
his knees, as he himself tells us, asking his prayers for the
undertaking.* With two brothers of the Order and a few
Japanese converts he left Malacca on the 24th of June
1549 for the island kingdom. As no other ship was to
be found, he took the small junk of the Chinaman Necoda
who, it would seem, was more of a pirate than a merchant.
^ So Xavier calls him. In Japanese his name was probably Anjiro.
Xavier himself was called by the Japanese historian Arai Hakuseki,
" Frankusu Saberius" (Haas, I., 27, 28, 57).
2 Xavier to Rodriguez, dat. Cochin, Jan. 20, 1549 (Mon. Xaver., I.,
487, 488).
3 Xavier to Ignatius, dat. Cochin, Jan. 12, 1549, and to Rodriguez,
dat. Feb. I, 1549 (Mon. Xaver, I., 477-479, 513).
* Dat. Cochin, Jan. 12, 1549 {t'did., 482).
* Alex. Valignani, S.J., Historia del principio y progresso de la
Compafiia de Jesus en las Indias Orientales, I., i, c. 16 (Mon. Xaver.,
I., 88, 89). Valignani (t 1606), visitor of the Order in India and Japan,
ST. FRANCIS XAVIER IN JAPAN. 121
They landed in Kagoshima, the home of Angero, on the
15th of August 1549. The latter converted his relations,
and the Prince of Satsuma, to whom the city belonged, per-
mitted all his vassals to become Christians. In November
1549 Francis Xavier addressed letters from Kagoshima in
various directions in which he thus expressed himself:
Among all the peoples who have recently been discovered,
the Japanese seem to be the best ; they have a high sense
of honour, are valorous, seekers of knowledge; a great
portion of the people can read and write; they listen
willingly to speech concerning God ; only the Bonzes are
addicted to unnatural vices. Xavier wished to go to the
Emperor at Miako, the modern Kioto, then the university
of Japan ; he was also thinking already of making his
way, with the Emperor's help, into the Chinese Empire.
He recommended to the leading teachers of the college
at Goa the Chinese and Japanese youths who were study-
ing there, begged the Jesuits of Malacca to show the
greatest kindness to two Bonzes who were to land there,
and called for three members of the Order to come to
him in Japan.*
The later work of Xavier in Japan and his plans for the
composed in India an Indian history of the mission in two parts. The
first contained Xavier's Life ; the FF. Enrique Enriquez and Francisco
Perez, who had stayed in India with Xavier, supplied information ;
P. Manuel Teixeira, who had been with Xavier there also, collected
much material. The Life appears to have been finished by Valignani
in 1574; it was first published in the Mon. Xaver. {cf. ibid., xxiii,
xxiv, 199).
^ Francis Xavier to Paolo da Camerino, Anton Gomes, Caspar Berse,
to the Jesuits of Goa, to Pedro da Silva, etc., dat. Kagoshima, Nov. 3
and II, 1549 (Mon. Xaver., I., 573-601, 642-655; cf. also H. J.
Coleridge, S.J., The Life and Letters of St. Francis Xavier, II.,
new ed., London, 1881, 225-282); Delplace, Le Catholicisme en
Japon. S. Fr. Xavier et ses premiers successeurs, Malines, 1909.
122 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
mission to China, up to the day in December 1552 when
he died on the island of Sancian in sight of the coast
of China, He outside of the pontificate of Paul III, He
had now proved himself to be already a great propagator
of the kingdom of Christ. From Rome Xavier had been
drawn to the farthest East, and from thence he was ever
looking back to Rome. " I will," he wrote on the 5th of
November 1549 from Kagoshima to Goa, " give an account
to his Holiness the Pope, who is Christ's representative on
earth and the shepherd of those who believe in Him, and
also of all those who are on the point of coming to the
knowledge of their Saviour and obedience to the Pope's
spiritual jurisdiction."^
Xavier and his master Ignatius both alike became what
they were through the Papacy. The latter once spoke of
Manresa as his grammar school,^ his university was Rome.
There the comrades of Montmartre received their call to
form anew Order; there Ignatius met with the Church's
approval of his designs, was chosen General, wrote the
Constitutions of the Order, received from the Pope his
sphere of work and spiritual authority; from thence he
sent out his faithful followers into the wide world. The
reputation and power of the Papacy were then shaken well-
nigh to the ground ; a great portion of the clergy was
defiled by greed and unchastity ; many convents were
deserted or disorganized; the influence of the Church over
the schools had, for the most part, vanished. Wide strata
of the people were ignorant of and indifferent to sacred
things ; the stream of heresy from the north threatened to
sweep over Europe in a flood. On the other hand, new
worlds had been discovered; millions were waiting for
1 Mon. Xaver., I., 599.
■2 RiBADENiciRA, De actis etc., n. 40 (Mon. Ignat., Ser. IV., i, 353,
354).
THE MESSAGE OF THE SOCIETY. 123
the message of salvation. It was therefore, so to speak,
inevitable that a new Order should arise such as the
Society of Jesus, with its devotion to the Roman See,
its catechisms and spiritual exercises, its system of educa-
tion, its message of war to error at home, and its message
of the Gospel to the heathen abroad.
CHAPTER III.
The Turkish War. — The Meeting between Paul III.
AND Charles V. at Lucca. — The Conciliar Question,
1541-1543-
The ambiguous attitude assumed by Charles V. at the
close of the Diet of Ratisbon inflicted serious injury on the
Imperial authority and on the Catholic cause.
The Pope, like the German Catholics, was filled with
deep mistrust, a mistrust intensified by the representations
made to him by Francis I. ; ^ but the Protestants, as had
all along been feared in Rome,^ felt emboldened^ to make
further encroachments by the concessions they had suc-
ceeded in exacting. The situation was made still worse
by the unfortunate turn taken by the Turkish war. The
consent of the Diet to a subsidy from the Estates had
come too late ; before the resolution was passed the troops
of Ferdinand I. had raised the siege of Ofen and on the
2 1 St of August 1 541 had begun their enforced retreat. The
Sultan, who appeared before Ofen on the 26th, deceived
Isabella, Zapolya's widow, and by a combination of force
and cunning made himself master of the capital of Hungary,
which henceforth for one hundred and forty-five years was
to remain subject to the Crescent. The whole country,
* Cf. Dandino's *report, dat. Lyon, Sept. 28, 1 541. Nunz. di Francia, 2
(Secret Archives of the Vatican).
' Cf. the letter in Ehses, IV., 216, n. 4.
" See Janssen-Pastor,*^ 512.
124
DANGER FROM THE TURKS. 12$
from the Danube to the Theiss, was incorporated in the
Turkish empire.^
With the Christian princes at variance with one another,
Cardinal Aleander saw in the loss of the largest portion ol
Hungary the prelude to the subjugation of the whole of
Europe to the house of Osman.^
In Rome the news aroused such alarm that it seemed to
many as if the infidel were already at the gates of the city ; ^
not less was the consternation in the territories of the
Hapsburgs. In Vienna the thought of a second siege filled
men with terror, but fortunately the hereditary possessions
of the house of Austria were left unmolested by the Turks ;
on the contrary, the Sultan on the 22nd of September left
Ofen on his return march to Constantinople.* One reason
for this certainly was the extensive warlike preparations of
the Emperor,^ who had determined in person to strike a blow
at the Turkish power in its most opposite extremity, the city
of Algiers. With this object in view, as soon as the Diet of
Ratisbon was over he made his way by Trent to Milan and
from there to Genoa; thence on the loth of September 1541
he journeyed to Lucca to hold a conference with Paul III/
* Cf. BUCHOLTZ, v., 153 seq.^ 159^6^.; DE LEVA, III., 449 seq. ;
HUBER, IV., 80.
2 See *letter of Sept. 12, 1541 (State Archives, Parma), in Appendix
No. 8.
3 See N. Sernini's *report, dat. Rome, Sept. 17, 1541 (Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua).
* Cf. ZINKEISEN, II., 845 seq.
* Paul III. was made distrustful (see Turba, Algier, 7, 8); pre-
cautionary measures were therefore taken in Rome (Le Legaz. di
Serristori, w>,seq. ; Benigni, Miscell., V., 170 seq).
^ Vandenesse, II., 190 seq. For the negotiations as to place of
meeting, see DiTTRICH, Contarini, 780 seq. ; SiMONETTI, 7 seq.
Cardinal Guidiccioni's *Ietter to Lucca, dat. Rome, Aug, 10, 1 541
(State Archives, Lucca), gives interesting details.
126 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The Pope, despite the representations of his physicians
and of the French party, left Rome on the 27th of August,^
leaving Cardinal Carpi behind as Legate.* On the 8th of
September he entered Lucca in state, amid festive decora-
tions and surrounded by Cardinals Farnese, Santafiora,
Contarini, Henry of Portugal, Gambara, Cervini, Guidiccioni,
and Trivulzio. He went first to the Cathedral and then
to the episcopal palace, which was to be his resting-
place.^ On the loth of September Margaret, the wife of
Ottavio Farnese and daughter of the Emperor, arrived, the
latter himself coming on the 12th, accompanied by the
Dukes of Ferrara, Florence, and Camerino. Paul HI. had
sent Cardinal Farnese and four other Cardinals to meet
him at the Porta S. Donato. The two heads of Christendom
exchanged greetings in the Cathedral. On the 13th of
September Charles V. had a long conversation with the
Pope in the bishop's palace. The latter returned the
visit on the following day at the Palazzo della Signoria,
where the Emperor was lodged. Return visits were paid
to Paul III. on the 14th and 15th, and on the i6th he
1 For the journey on which Siena was purposely avoided, see *the
reports of A. Serristori of Aug. 2, 7, 31, and Sept. 3, 1541 (State
Archives, Florence), *Min. brev. Arm. 41, t. 22 (Secret Archives of
the Vatican), and Simonetti, 13 seq., 19. Samminiato wrote on Aug.
31, 1541, from Acquapendente : "S. S'^ questa mattina partendo da
Acquapendente et entrando in su il Senese volse la sua guardia seco "
(State Archives, Lucca, Anz., 621).
* Carpi was appointed on Aug. 12, 1541 (see Acta Consist. Cancell,
Consistorial Archives, Vatican).
3 Cf. SiMONETTi's full account (p. 19 seq.). See also the Diario in
FUMI, Aumenti del Archivio di Lucca, Rocca S. Casciano, 1907, 44 seq.
In the *Memorie di Lucca di M. Bertolani, f. 144 seq.^ the lodgings
of the Cardinals are mentioned. Contarini stayed at the Abbey of S.
Frediano, Cervini at the Bishop's palace, and Farnese with V. Guinigi
(State Archives, Lucca).
PAUL III. AND CHARLES V. 127
went to see the Emperor. The two final conferences
took place on the 17th and i8th; Charles left Lucca on
the 1 8th, while the Pope remained until the 20th.i On his
way home he stopped at Bologna, Loreto, and Camerino ;
October was drawing to an end when he again entered
Rome.2
To the mass of subjects claiming the attention of Pope
and Emperor fresh material was added by the arrival of
the news of the capture of Ofen,^ whereby the Turkish
question was opened out afresh. The time at their dis-
posal was much too short to admit of the numerous political,
religious, and private differences between them being
discussed and final decisions formed upon them.*
The point of first importance for the Emperor was to
secure the Pope's aid in dispelling the menace of war
from France, which was looming in the near foreground,
on account of the attempt on the lives of the French
diplomatists Rlncon and Fregoso, and threatened to
obstruct the expedition against Algiers. Paul III.
promised to do his best, and while still in Lucca a capable
diplomatist, Girolamo Dandino, was despatched to France.
He was to urge the maintenance of the armistice and to
lay before the French King, Charles's proposal that the
Netherlands instead of Milan should be the dowry to
* See SiMONETTi, 29 seq., 31 seq. ; cf. Mazzatinti, Archivi, V.,
106. The Pope presented the Emperor with a valuable cross, two
candlesticks, and a pax, works of Belli (see Lett, inedit. di C.
Gualteruzzi di Fano, Pesaro, 1834, 42), and also gave him a Bull
relative to half of the ecclesiastical income of the Netherlands (see
Nuntiaturberichte, IX., 213).
2 See Acta Consist. Cancell. (Consistorial Archives, Vatican) and the
*notes of Cornelius de Fine in Cod. Ottob., 1614, f. 55 seq., Vatican
Library.
' See Hasenclever in Mitteil. des osterr. Instituts, XXVJ, so^r
* Cf. Corp. dipl. Port, IV., 398.
128 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
be brought by his daughter to the Duke of Orleans.^
Paul III. had advised the cession of Savoy to Francis I.,
while the dispossessed Duke of that country would be
compensated with Milan. He was probably led to
suggest this scheme, which was rejected by Charles, by
some arriere pensee with regard to Ottavio Farnese, whose
name, however, had not yet been mentioned.^ The Papal
policy concerning Milan was dismissed in the same way as
the recommendation that the Emperor, instead of attack-
ing Algiers, should go directly to the aid of his brother
Ferdinand.^ As regards the religious affairs of Germany,
the Pope spoke openly on the Recess of Ratisbon, against
the terms of which Contarini addressed a protest from
Lucca to the Cardinal of Mayence.*
The Papal decision, which the Emperor wished for, on
the Catholic League and the reform of the German Church
had to be postponed, as there were not Cardinals enough
in Lucca to form a consistory ; still, a prospect of the
gratification of his wishes was held before Charles.^ The
question of the Council was also gone into thoroughly at
Lucca.^ The Emperor now showed himself to be so far
* Dandino failed, as did N. Ardinghello, who was sent, on the return of
the former, in the middle of Nov. 1541 (see PlEPER, Nuntiat., 122 seq.).
2 See DE Leva, III., 455 ; cf. ibid., 476, n. 3, according to whom
there was talk of Siena as well as Lucca, but no authentic proof of this
is forthcoming (see Cardauns in Quellen und Forschs., XI L, 194).
From Antella's *letter of Dec. 18, 1540, it is probable that Paul III.
was then thinking of Milan for Ottavio (State Archives, Florence),
see Appendix No. 7.
3 See JOVIUS, Hist., i, 40 ; ^ TURBA, ^Zseq.
* See supra, p. 477 seq.
* See DE Leva, III., 456 ; Dittrich, Contarini, 788 seq. ; Hasen-
CLEVER in Mitteil. des osterr. Instituts, XXVI., 305 ; Simonetti,
37 seq.
* Cf. Ehses, IV., 206 seq. ; Pallavicini, 1. 4, c. 16, n. 1,2;
Dittrich, 788 j Korte, 48 seq. ; Pijeper, Nuntiaturen, 141 seq.
FAILURE OF ATTACK ON ALGIERS. 1 29
compliant to the Pope's wishes as to be ready to accept
Vicenza as the place of meeting. The Pope, who had
spared himself no pains to obtain, before his meeting with
Charles should take place, the acquiescence of Venice in
this choice, received an inopportune check at this very
moment by the final announcement, after long delays, of
the Republic's refusal, actuated out of consideration for
Turkey and France.^ It appears that the Emperor, with
an appeal to the Recess of Ratisbon, suggested Trent
as a place specially suitable.^ On this as on the other
questions under consideration no definite pronouncement
was reached at Lucca ; the Pope reserved himself for con-
sultation with the Sacred College.
On the 28th of September the Emperor, in whose suite
was Ottavio Farnese, left the harbour of Spezia with
his galleys. By a rapid descent on Algiers, which under
the Turkish Pasha, Hassan Aga, had become a nest of
piracy, he hoped to put an end to the almost unceasing
pillage of the coasts of Spain, Naples, and Sicily and to
divert the Sultan from an attack on Austria. The latter
object was attained, but the undertaking against Algiers
was a total failure.
This had been foreseen by experienced observers, for
at the advanced season of the year violent storms might
be expected with certainty. Paul III. had already drawn
the Emperor's attention to this at Lucca.^ The obstinate
determination of Charles to carry out his plan was a grave
mistake which he had to rue bitterly. When, on the
20th of October, the African coast came in sight, the sea
* Letter of the nuncio in Venice, the Bishop of Chiusi, to Farnese,
of Sept. 3, 1 541; cf. for this and the foregoing negotiations with
Venice, Capasso, Legati, 32-34.
2 Ehses, IV. 207, n. I ; KORTE, 49 ; SlMONETTI, 36 seq.
3 See TuRBA, as quoted in n. 2, p. 18.
VOL. XII. 9
I30 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
was SO stormy that the landing of the troops had to be
put off for three days. Even then heavy seas hindered
the disembarkation of cavalry, artillery, and provisions.
The troops, 22,000 in number, pitched their camp before
the city ; they were full of courage and assurance, but
all their hopes were soon shattered by the inclemency of
the elements. During the evening of the 24th of October
a storm broke out which lasted all night ; torrents of
rain, with the volume of waterspouts, submerged the camp,
so that the soldiers were wading knee-deep in slush and
water. On the following morning the storm had risen to
hurricane pitch and in a short space of time annihilated
before the eyes of the army ten great galleys and more
than a hundred transport vessels. Even more sensibly
felt than the sacrifice of life demanded by this tempest
was the loss in artillery, ammunition, and food-stuffs. The
critical position of the camp was intensified, as the soldiers
could not make use of their rain-soaked muskets against
the onsets of the enemy. It was a desperate business to
ward off the incessant attacks ; the courage and presence of
mind of the Emperor alone saved the army from total ruin.
As the most necessary supplies were lacking, the troops
were compelled at great sacrifice and amid persistent en-
gagements with the enemy to fall back upon Cape Matifou,
where the remainder of the fleet had taken refuge. Here
the soldiers were got on board, but fresh storms brought
loss and disaster on the homeward voyage; at last, on the
1st of December, the Emperor landed at Carthagena.*
* Cf. together with SCHOMBURGK, Die Geschichtschreibung iiber
den Zug Karls V. gegen Algiers, Leipzig, 1875 ; TURBA in Archiv
fiir Osterr. Gesch., LXXVI. (1890), 25 seqq., who also examines the
question of Charles's responsibility for the failure of the expedition (see
L. Pastor in Histor. Jahrb., XII., 184 seq. ; see also Segre, Carlo II.
di Savoia, 21 ; ARMSTRONG, II., 7 seq. ; Arch. Stor. Sicil., XXXI., 372).
PREPARATIONS FOR THE COUNCIL. I31
When in the middle of November news reached Rome
of the unhappy issue of the Algerian expedition, the
central point of public interest was, together with discus
sions on ecclesiastical reform, the question of the Council.
Immediately after the conference at Lucca the Pope
had thrown himself with energy into the preparations for
the Council.^^ Cardinal Farnese had already on the 5th of
October 1541 commissioned from Bologna two of the
most prominent members of the Sacred College, Contarini
and Aleander, to make proposals regarding the time as
well as the place of the Council irrespective of the circum-
stance whether the Christian princes were at peace or at
war, or whether there was agreement between them or
not. The persons named were also to consider carefully
the reform of the German Church as desired by the
Emperor at Ratisbon, to propose personages fitted for
the task, and to draw up a draft of instructions for the
preachers. All this was to be got ready so as to admit of
a speedier settlement on the return of the Pope to Rome.'
As Aleander fell ill Contarini took the work in hand alone.
It was ready by the middle of October ; as introductory
to the reform of Germany, Contarini recommended the
appointment as nuncio of Giovanni Morone, Bishop of
Modena, to be accompanied by the Scotsman, Robert
Wauchope, and two members of the Society of Jesus,
With regard to the Council, Contarini abode by his
opinion of its urgent necessity, which he emphasized with
great precision. On the question of locality his unfortunate
experiences had brought a change of mind and he also
^ Cf. DiTTRiCH, Contarini, 791. "There cannot now," says Korte
(p. 48), "be the slightest doubt of the Pope's sincerity in wishing the
Council to be held."
^ Farnese to Contarini, dat. Oct. 5, 1541, in DiTTRICH, Regesten
385 ; cf. DiTTRICH, Contarini, 791 ; Ehses, IV., 208, n. 2.
132 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
rejected Trent. Any German town he ruled out, not only
on account of the existing unrest and the strength of
Protestantism, but also because of the opposition of other
nations. Besides, the Pope would be putting his life in
danger if he were to visit such a cold climate at his
advanced age.
Yet a further reason there was ; since^^ the Recess
of Ratisbon had demanded a council in Germany, it
might seem a concession of weakness to give way on
this point, as if the Council should assemble in virtue of a
resolution of the Diet and not in virtue of the Papal
authority. A council in Spain was out of the question,
while to a city in France no Germans would go ; thus no
other country remained but Italy. Here, since the
Germans were opposed to Milan and the French to
Ferrara and Bologna, Mantua had the strongest recom-
mendations. It was near Germany, was an Imperial city,
although not wholly subject to the Emperor, and offered
all the requirements for such an assembly. Since the
Germans did not travel during the winter, the right time
would be eight days after Easter. As to the Recess of
Ratisbon, it called for no further consideration, having
been passed without the co-operation, indeed without the
knowledge of the Legate and nuncio.^
With these well-grounded proposals Paul III. was in
substantial agreement. All the efforts of the Imperialists
to turn the Pope's choice on a German city were in vain.
They only gained one point, that a final decision should be
deferred until Morone, appointed on the 7th of November
1 541 nuncio-extraordinary to the Diet at Spires, should have
* Ehses, IV., 208 seq, Cf. the *report of N. Sernini to Cardinal E.
Gonzaga of Nov. 11, 1541 : " M' ero scordato scriver di sopra come io
ho inteso che facendosi il concilio si ragiona incominciarlo a Pasqua o
al pii lungo a quelle del Spirito Santo" (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
ATTITUDE OF FRANCIS I. 133
given his report on the opinion of the German Catholics ;
in the meantime, Ardinghello, who had been sent to
France on the nth of November, would also have fur-
nished fuller information on the attitude of Francis I.^
On December the 17th Paul III. addressed a request to
the latter as well as to the Emperor that they would allow
their Cardinals to come to Rome to take part in the
deliberations there to be held on the question of the General
Council.^
Francis I. adhered, even after this fresh exhortation
of the Pope, to his old standpoint. Out of consideration
for the Protestants and the Turks he was now, as before,
against a Council;^ his objections to the Cardinals'
journey were put so strongly that the nuncio Capodiferro
saw there was little to be hoped for.* Paul III., neverthe-
less, held firmly to his plan. On the 3rd of January 1542
he discussed both the time and place of the Council with
his Cardinals. They were all agreed that Whitsunday
(May 28) should be adhered to as the latest date for the
opening. The opinions as to place varied widely ; besides
Mantua, Ferrara, Bologna, and Piacenza, Trent was also
strongly recommended ; no determination, however, was
yet arrived at.^ On January the 4th Morone left Modena
on his journey to Germany,^ where twice already he had
* Cf. Ehses, IV., 207 seq.^ 210 stq. ; Korte, 50 seq. For Morone's
appointment, see Acta Consist, in Ehses, IV., 206, n. 5.
2 Ehses, IV., 212. Cf. Ruggieri's *report of Dec. 19, 1541 (State
Archives, Modena).
3 See Capodiferro's, Dandino's, and Ardinghello's reports in EhseSj
IV., 205 seqq. Cf. Pallavicini, 1, 4, c 16, n. 8.
* See Capodiferro in Ehses, IV., 214, 215 seq.
^ Together with Contarini's letter of Jan. 7, 1542, in Quellen und
Forschungen, II., 217 seq.^ see also N. Sernini's *report of Jan. 4, 1543
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua); see Appendix, No. 1 2,
« Laemmer, Mon. Vat., 398.
134 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
supported the interests of the Holy See with distinguished
success.^ In accordance with Contarini's proposal he had,
as colleagues in the reform of ecclesiastical affairs, Robert
Wauchope and three sons of St. Ignatius: Peter Faber,
Nicolas Bobadilla, and Claude Le Jay.^
In Trent and Brixen Morone left traces of his reform-
ing activity. In Munich he dealt with Duke William of
Bavaria on the subject, and in Dillingen with the Bishop
of Augsburg and the Cathedral Chapter. To the latter he
made serious representations on the disregard of celibacy,
on the lavish tables, drinking bouts, gaming and hunting
parties in which the clergy indulged, and on their ignorance
and want of mental culture. The capitular clergy listened
to his remonstrances willingly, and showed a disposition to
alter their manner of living. The Bishop, who was counted
one of the most learned of the Prince-Bishops of Germany,
thanked Morone for the Papal messages delivered to him
and said that he would do his utmost to give effect to those
admonitions ; at the same time he deeply deplored that the
predecessors of Paul III. had not twenty years before
taken the reformation of Germany in hand. Now, in his
opinion, their efforts would be fruitless since the bishops,
even with the best wish to do so, could effect nothing more.
He proceeded to enumerate the chief hindrances: the
exemptions of the Chapters, the ungovernable character of
the German nobles, the support which the bad example of
the clergy in moral relations finds in the licence of the
Lutherans, the tyranny of the secular princes, and the
deficiency of Catholic priests. Even from a council, the
Bishop remarked, he no longer hoped for a remedy for such
great disorders unless Germany first became united and
laid aside her particular dissensions. In the course of
» KORTE, p. 52.
' Cf. supra^ p. 104 seq.
ACTIVITY OF MORON E. 135
these arguments he attacked now the Bavarians, now the
Emperor and the other princes. Morone met this despair-
ing pessimism with exhortations to pluck up courage and
not to follow the example of the soured and listless who,
while they bewail the past and despair about the future,
stand with folded hands and let the opportunities of the
present slip away, while the bad goes from worse to worse.
The bishop must not imitate such, but use his gifts and
learning in God's service, and if for the reasons adduced he
cannot reckon on the full extent of his jurisdiction, he yet
ought to try at least and unite the few souls over whom
his authority extends.^
Apart from the ecclesiastical reforms which Morone was
to introduce with the co-operation of the German bishops,
Contarini's instructions also comprised important business
bearing on the Pope's entrance into the Catholic League,
the Turkish war, and lastly the Council.^ As the document
relating to the Catholic alliance contained some expressions
prejudicial to the Papal jurisdiction, Paul III. wished
them to be recast in such a way as securely to establish
* Report of Feb. 8, 1542, in Laemmer, Men. Vat., 402 seq. The
pessimistic description given by the Bishop of Augsburg of the state
of things even in those parts of Germany which remained Catholic,
was confirmed later to Morone by Cardinal Albert of Mayence (see
Laemmer, 412 seq.). For Morone and reform, see Pastor,
Reunionsbestrebungen, 290 ; PlEPER, 142, n. 3 ; and DUHR in Zeitschr.
fiir kathol. Theologie, XXI., 594 seq.., and Gesch. der Jesuiten, 7 seq.,
16 seq.
2 Raynaldus (1542, n. 2 seq:) gives the text of the Instruction, dat.
Jan. 9, 1542, from a very corrupt copy which Pallavicini (1. 4, c. 17)
uses, a manuscript from the Secret Archives of the Vatican. There is
also a copy in the Sec. Arch. Vat. in Varia Polit., 20, f. 238. See also
iLHSES, IV., 214 seq. Another copy in the Graziani Archivis, Cittk di
Castello, Istruzioni, I., 320 seq. For Contarini as the composer, see
PlEPER, 142.
136 HISTORY OF THE POPfiS.
his rights. As a subsidy the Pope was willing to give, not,
as was demanded, a fourth, but a sixth only of the whole.
He was ready to send 5000 men against the Turks if the
Emperor would command the army in person, otherwise
only half that number, and even that amount merely in
the event of the Papal States being unmenaced by a
Turkish landing.
With regard to the Council, Morone's instructions were
to announce the Pope's determination to summon one, but
at the same time to state the reasons why the place of
meeting could not be Germany. In the first place, the
Pope wished to take part in it himself, or at least to be not
far away, and at his great age it would be impossible for
him to undertake the journey to or encounter the climate
of Germany. Further, it was to be feared that owing to
the agitated state of that country the treatment of ecclesi-
astical questions there would only heat men's tempers the
more and make the breaches between them still wider, even
to the outbreak of war, a thing most repugnant to the Pope,
whose wishes were directed only to the restoration of peace
in Christendom. Paul III. wished, however, in the choice
of a place to consult as much as possible the convenience
of the German people; he therefore recommended in the
first place Mantua, a city lying almost at the foot of the
Alps, in the neighbourhood of Germany, and in other
respects peculiarly suited. In case this proposal could not
possibly be carried out he named in the second place Ferrara,
also very favourably situated and well fitted for the pur-
pose ; since, however, the latter place, although certainly a
fief of the Church, but not under immediate Papal rule,
could not with certainty be offered by the Pope, the Legate
might propose Piacenza or Bologna, cities of the Papal
States ; he was also fully empowered, if the Germans were
in agreement with him on the point, to offer definitely one
MORONE ARRIVES AT SPIRES. 137
or other of these cities, Whitsunday was to be fixed upon
as the date of opening.^
Morone, who in the course of his journey had discussed
the subject of reform as well as that of the Council with
Duke William of Bavaria at Munich and with the Bishop
of Augsburg at Dillingen, reached Spires on the 8th of
February,^ where the Diet was opened on the following
day. The German princes were divided, as formerly, on
the question of the Council. Duke William of Bavaria
declared the Synod to be absolutely necessary and was
in favour of its immediate opening. Mantua he preferred
to any other place, but, if this were impossible, Trent; but
he announced his intention of agreeing entirely with all
that the Pope decided.^ Morone was displeased at finding
on his arrival at Spires that almost all the spiritual princes
were absent, so that there was no means of coming to an
understanding with them. He regretted this all the more
as he had a suspicion that the Imperial orators, Montfort
and Naves, and King Ferdinand as well, were inclined to
consent to the settlement of religious affairs by a national
' The proposal of the above-named four cities arid of the Whitsun-
tide term correspond with the results of the consistorial discussion
on Jan. 3, 1542 {cf. supra, p. 133). On Jan. 28 Farnese wrote to
Morone that he would adhere to his proposal of those four places as
being the most suitable for the purpose ; he recommended Bologna
for preference, but Morone was to report on the feeling there so that
further steps should be taken in accordance therewith (PlEPER, 176).
Farnese wrote in the same sense to Poggio on Feb. 5, observing that
Trent in itself was certainly not regarded with dislike by the Pope, but
that the latter saw objections to it in other quarters (Francis I.) and
therefore fell back on the other four cities : Mantua, Ferrara, Bologna,
Piacenza (Ehses, IV., 2\bseq).
2 See Verallo's report of Feb. 12, 1542 (Secret Archives of thf
Vatican) ; cf. Morone in Laemmer, Mon. Vat, 403.
8 Morone to Farnese, dat. 1542, Feb. 8 (Laemmer, 401).
138 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
council or by another Diet^ in order to guarantee the
help of the Protestants against the Turks. The King of
the Romans, moreover, who was then only occupied with
the demand for support throughout the Empire against
the Turks, saw with dissatisfaction that the Pope's repre-
sentatives were bent on separate negotiations with the
Catholic Estates.^ Already in the first audience, given on
the 9th of February, he tried to induce Morone to explain
the task with which he was entrusted in a session of the
Diet. Morone had to refuse, since he was not instructed
to this effect and had no letters of credence to the Diet
but only to certain individual princes.^ He told the King
and the vice-chancellor Naves that he was not at Spires
to negotiate with the Diet but with the Emperor and the
King of the Romans, in the Pope's name. On further
pressure, however, from Ferdinand he applied through
Farnese to the Pope for power to address the Diet on
the subject both of the Turkish war and of the Council.*
Ferdinand thought, as Morone did not fail to observe,
that in the public session no one would venture to declare
himself against the Recess of Ratisbon, while he feared
that the nuncio might succeed in isolated negotiations in
winning over individuals to a hostile position,^ The King
was also displeased at the promptitude with which Morone
had announced openly that the Pope had resolved to
open the Council at Whitsuntide.^ The Bishop of Spires,
who was the only ecclesiastical prince present at the time
* Same to same, dat. 1542, Feb. 10 (Laemmer, 404). Cf. Korte,
52 seq.
2 Same to same, dat. 1542, Feb. 10 (Laemmer, 404, 411). C/: Korte,
53-
' Same to same, dat. 1542, Feb. 10 (Laemmer, 407 seq.).
* Ibid. (Laemmer, 409, 410).
6 Laemmer, 404. 0 /^/^_^ ^jq seq.
THE WISHES OF THE POPE. I39
of the nuncio's arrival, said that he would accept the
Pope's orders, but recommended the Council to be held
in Germany in order to cut off all further excuse for
calumnious statements about the Holy Father ; he pro-
posed Metz or Trent, both of which places in a certain
degree were in Germany and yet out of Germany.^ The
Cardinal of Mayence, on the contrary, with whom after his
arrival Morone had long consultations, declared that the
hindering of the council in Germany would be dangerous
even although certain bishops were in favour of it, but the
speedy assemblage of the Synod he thought very necessary.^
In a letter written by Farnese on the 6th of March'
Morone received the permission desired by Ferdinand.
He was now at liberty to lay before the Diet all his in-
structions regarding the Turkish subsidy and the Council.
As regards the Council, he was to explain that the Pope,
who had always been ready to hold the Synod and had
offered it, was now more than ever determined to carry
out his wishes. In order on his part to remove every
doubt and impediment, the Pope would also be glad to
summon the General Council to Trent, if none of the cities
of which prior mention had been made were found suitable.*
With regard to the opening of the assembly, the Pope
* Laemmer, 404.
* Morone to Farnese, dat. 1542, Feb. 20 (Laemmer, 413).
3 In PlEPER, 177-181. For portion relating to Council, see also
Ehses, IV., 217 seq.
* KORTE (p. 54) thinks that the Pope's sudden compliance in the
matter of Trent is to be explained by the conviction at Rome that
neither Francis I. nor the Emperor wished the Council to be held.
The danger of the situation was thus diminished, while at the same
time a more favourable complexion was given to the Pope's obligingness.
The actual course of events showed, on the contrary, that the Pope was
acting quite honestly in trying to obviate the slightest pretext foi
objection on the part of the Emperor or Germany,
140 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
even now would prefer that it should be fixed for Whitsun-
tide; but if, as time wa? advancing, it should be found
desirable to postpone the date, he left the settlement of
that point to Morone's discretion ; as soon as his answer
was received the Bull of summons would be prepared.
On the receipt of these instructions Morone, on the
23rd of March, laid before the Diet the Pope's proposals
regarding the subsidy for the Turkish war and the Council.^
He spoke strongly of the Pope's determination, and re-
marked that matters had hitherto been in suspense only
at the request of the Emperor and King Ferdinand. In
accordance with his previous instructions he unfolded the
reasons which had led the Pope ostensibly to object to a
German meeting-place for the Council ; he mentioned the
four cities which had been proposed at first, but then ex-
plained that his Holiness, if these places for various
reasons should be deemed less suitable, offered to summon
the Council to Trent in order to meet more fully the wishes
of the German nation and to obviate all hindrances. As
the date of opening he proposed the 15th of August, the
festival of the Assumption of Our Lady.
The Protestants, who had abstained from appearing at
the session, at once raised a protest ^ against a Council the
summons to which depended on a Pope, while the Electors
and Catholic Estates were satisfied with the proposals.
Subsequently, on the 30th of March, Morone received a
fresh letter from Farnese of the 21st according to which
the seat of the Council had been again dealt with in
* Propositio facta per lo. Moronum episcopum Mutinensem nuntium
Apostolicum in dieta Spirensi die 23 Martii 1542 (Ehses, IV., 218 seq.).
Cf. also Morone's letter to Farnese of March 28 in Laemmer, 420,
and that to E. Gonzaga of March 29 in Solmi, Contarini, 90 seq. ; cf.
also WiNKELMANN, III., 252.
* Ehses, IV., 219 j«^.
PROPOSALS AS TO PLACE OF MEETING. I4I
consistory on March the 15th, and besides Trent, Cambrai
had also been taken into consideration, the latter appear-
ing to a majority of Cardinals to be preferable to Trent
on account of its situation and out of regard for the
existing political relations. To the Pope both places were
acceptable ; Cambrai indeed was less convenient owing to
its being further off; but as the object of the Council
was the general good of Christendom, he would give his
decision in favour of that one of the two cities which
should be considered most adapted for that object. The
nuncio was to confer with the King on the subject and
with any other person whom he thought it good to
speak to.^
Morone was upset by this message.^ He feared, not
without reason, that fresh suspicions would be aroused in
the Germans concerning the sincerity of the Pope's inten-
tions. On the 1st of April, having on that day received
the verbal reply of the Estates to his former proposals, he
laid before the Diet, on the advice of King Ferdinand, a
fresh proposition in which, besides Trent and the four
Italian cities, he recommended Cambrai.^ Previously, how-
ever, he had already made corresponding communications
to the Electors of Mayence and Treves, and to Bavaria
and some other Catholics.* As he had feared, this new
proposal was no better received by the Catholics than by
the Protestants ; even on the Catholic side it was suspected
1 InPlEPER, 181-183. Cardinal E.Gonzaga,*writing to the Marchese
del Vasto, says of the consistory of March 15, 1542 {cf. EhSES, IV.,
218, n. i) : " II card. Trivnltio ha nominato Geneva per luogo confi-
dente a tutti i principi christiani da congregarvi il concilio, della qual
cosa ognino e massimamente il Papa s' 6 maravigliato." Cod. Barb,
lat., 5790, f. 151, Vatican Library.
2 Morone to Farnese, dat. April 3, 1542 (Laemmer, 424-428).
' Ehses, IV., 220.
* Morone to Farnese, dat. April 3, 1542 (Laemmer, 424 seg.).
142 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
that the Pope had no intention of holding the Council
and was trying in this way to evade it. The nuncio was
accused of disingenuousness and vacillation.^ On the 4th
of April Morone received the written answer of the Estates,-
which corresponded to the verbal declaration of their
deputies made on April the ist. Cambrai was not even
mentioned ; on the other hand, the Estates declared that
if no more suitable city in the Empire, Ratisbon foi
instance, or Cologne, was to be obtained from the Pope,
they wished, in that case, for Trent in preference to the
other places named, and they earnestly begged that the
Council might be convened and held without further
delay.
The attitude of Ferdinand towards the demands of the
Protestant 2 Estates caused Morone and the nuncio Verallo
not less anxiety than the question of the Council. The
Papal representatives were not sparing of warnings against
further concessions; but the King had an eye for his
necessities which forced him to give his consent to things
of which at first he had taken no thought* By the Recess
of the nth of April the Ratisbon conditions of peace, to-
gether with the suspension of all causes affecting matters of
religion pending before the Imperial Courts, were extended
over another five years. As regards the Council, the
Recess held to the 15th of August as the date for its
opening and reiterated the wishes expressed in the letter
of April the 4th ; the protest of the new religionists was
* Morone to Farnese (Laemmer, 427) ; Morone to Farnese, dat.
April 4, 1542 (Ehses, IV., 221, n. i).
2 Ehses, IV., 221.
3 Cf. Verallo's letter of March 30, 1542 (Nunziat. di Germania,
Secret Archives of the Vatican). See also Morone's report of March
28, 1542, in Laemmer, 421 seq.
* Cf. Verallo's *report of April 6, 1 542 (Laemmer, 421 seq.).
THE DIET AND THE TURKISH WAR. I43
expressly mentioned.* Ferdinand justified his fresh compli-
ance by the state of his affairs which, at the present juncture,
forced him to shut his eyes.^ The King of the Romans
was soon to learn from experience what the Turkish war
subsidy voted in the Diet of Spires was worth.
The Diet had promised to raise 40,000 foot and 8000
horse soldiers within six months. These troops were to
be assembled at Vienna by the beginning of May ; but
the promise was not kept either with regard to time or
numbers. It was the beginning of July before 30,000 were
in readiness, in addition to which Paul III., to the disgust
of the French,^ sent 3000 infantry and 500 horsemen,*
somewhat more than he had stipulated ; these troops
reached Vienna on the 3rd of July. With the contingents
raised by Hungary and the Austrian and Bohemian
Estates the host increased to upwards of 55,000 men.
Want of money, with the accompanying lack of discipline
and insubordination among the soldiery, put a check to
any active operations. At last, in September, the army
* See Neue Sammlung der Reichsabschiede, II., 444 seq. ;
BucHOLTZ, v., 16 seq. ; Janssen-Pastor, III., 1 8th ed., 521 ; Ehses,
IV., 223, n. 2 ; KORTE, 55 seq.
2 Cf. Verallo's *report, April 12, 1542 (Nunziat. di Germania,
Secret Archives of the Vatican).
^ " Dicono il Papa inclinar alia banda imperiale, anchora che
mostri pur di starsene nella sua neutralita, perche S. B. ha chiariti
Francesi, che vuol aiutar 1' Imperator et il re de Romani contra '1
Turco, di che non si contentano molto," *vvrote Cardinal E. Gonzaga
to the Marchese del Vasto on March 27, 1542. Cod. Barb, lat., 5790,
f. 145 (Vatican Library).
* The infantry was commanded by Paolo Vitelli, the cavalry by the
Marchese Sforza Pallavicini (great-grandfather of the Cardinal). Cf.
the*briefs to Sforza Pallavicini of Jan. 5, 1542, to Ferdinand I., and to
the " Protonotarius de Medicis," appointed commissary-general, the
two latter of May 29, 1542. Min. brev. Arm., 41, t. 23, n. 12 ; t. 24,
n. 446, 456 (Secret Archives of the Vatican),
144 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
took the field. If this ended in a scandalous disaster the
chief blame rested on the incompetent commander-in-chief,
Joachim, Elector of Brandenburg, and the spirit of disaffec-
tion among the unpaid soldiers which culminated in open
mutiny. As the assault on Ofen by the Papal troops
was not supported by their German comrades, the attempt
failed ; without having effected the most meagre results
Brandenburg decided to withdraw; and the great army
disbanded itself "amid the derision of all Christendom."^
In a consistory held on the 26th of April 1542,
Paul III., notwithstanding the French ^ opposition, finally
decided to summon the Council to Trent ^ out of regard
for the wishes of Germany. After this important matter
had been discussed again on the 5th and 12th of May in
consistory the Bull was read aloud on the 22nd and its
publication agreed to.* This took place on the Feast of
SS. Peter and Paul.«
* Cf. KArolyi, a nemet birodalom nagy hddi vdllata Magyarors-
zdgon 1542 ben, Budapest, 1880; Ruber, IV., 86 seq. \ Traut,
Joachim II. und der Tiirkenfeldzug von 1542, Gummersbach, 1892;
JANSSEN- Pastor, III., l8th ed., 524 seq. In 1543 Fiinfkirchen and
Gran were taken by the Turks (see BUCHOLTZ, V., 189 j^^. ; HAMMER,
III., 248 seq. ; ZiNKEiSEN, II., 850 seq).
2 See in Vol. XI., App. No. 37, the report of N. Sernini of March 18,
1542 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
8 Cf. Acta Consist, and Farnese's letter of April 28, 1542, in EhsES,
IV,, 223, and the *reports of N. Sernini to Cardinal E. Gonzaga of
April 22 (see App. No. 14) and April 30, 1542. In the latter it says:
There was a consistory " Mercordi : N. S. ordinb che si spedisca la bolla
del concilio a Trento." Then the question arose, who was to be
Legate? "si dice di Contarini, Parisio e Chiete et S. Croce ; ma Dio sa
se bisogneranno et sel Turco vien cosi potente, come si dice, si penserk
pill alia guerra che al concilio" (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
* See Acta Consist, in Ehses, IV., 223.
6 See Farnese's letter of June 29 in EhseS, IV., 232 ; cf. MeRKLE,
I., %\tseq.
THE CONCILIAR BULL. 145
In the important document drawn up by Sadoleto^ and
dated May the 22nd, Paul III. glanced back at his
endeavours to promote the Council since the beginning
of his pontificate, on his various earlier convocations and
the reasons then existing for the frustration of his plans ;
he then announced that he was determined to wait no
longer for the consent of any princes, but fix his eyes only
on the will of Almighty God and the general good of
Christendom. He summoned the Council to Trent on All
Saints' Day, the ist of November.^
The Conciliar Bull met with a most unfavourable
reception. Francis I. met it with a flat refusal ; he de-
clared to the nuncio Capodiferro that since Trent had been
chosen without his consent, and was a city which offered
no security to his subjects, he would not suffer the Bull
to be published in his kingdom. The nuncio made
counter-representations in vain. The King angrily
remarked he would see to it if anyone dared to act
contrary to his command ; his determination to refuse
recognition to the Council of Trent, which served only
the Emperor's interests, was irrevocable.^
Not less troublous were the experiences of the nuncio
Verallo and the Papal private chamberlain Otto Truchsess
von Waldburg, who was sent specially to convey the Bull
to the Diet opened at Nuremberg in August 1542. Both
gave notice of the Council* in lengthy orations to the
^ This interesting fact, hitherto unknown, I took from a *report
from N. Sernini to Cardinal E. Gonzaga, dat. Rome, May 27, 1542:
" L' ultimo consistorio fu lunedi passato, nel qual il card. Salviati lesse
la boUa del concilio fatta dal card. Sadoleto " (Gonzaga Arch., Mant.).
* Best and latest copy of the Bull, also of all editions of the Tridentine
Canons and Decrees, in Ehses, IV., 226-231.
3 See the nuncio Capodiferro's report of July 24, 1542, in Ehses,
IV. 233.
* See Ehses, IV., 234 seq., 236 seg.
VOL. xn. 10
146 HISTORY OF THE POPES. i
Diet on August the 13th. While the Protestants "renewed
their protest, the Catholic Estates gave answer to the
envoys of Paul III. first orally on the 17th of August and
afterwards in writing ; they thanked the Pope, and ex-
pressed their readiness to attend the Council either in their
own persons or, in case of hindrance, in those of their
envoys and procurators.^ King Ferdinand, in his letter of
reply to the Pope of September the 21st, 1542, notified his
joyful readiness in complying.^ While the Protestants had
nothing but ridicule for the Council, the Catholics, as
Verallo learned in private conversation, doubted for the
most part whether the Synod, in view of the disturbed
state of Europe, would ever meet at all.^ In the Recess of
the Diet the Council was not even mentioned, an omission
significant of the general opinion.* Otto Truchsess, in
obedience to his orders, went from Nuremberg to Poland,
where, on the 15th of October, he gave intimation of the
Council to King Sigismund in Cracow.^ He likewise pre-
sented the Bull to the Archbishop of Gnesen, who forthwith
communicated its contents to his clergy and the episcopate
in a Provincial Synod.^
The summoning of the Council called forth marked signs
of disfavour from the Emperor. This was connected with
the neutrality strongly maintained by Paul III. and the
renewed outbreak of war with France
* Ehses, IV., 237, n. 3, and 237 seg.
^ Ibid., IV., 248; cf. Massarelli, Diarium, II., ed. Merkle, I.,
417.
^ See Farnese's letter of Sept. 4, 1542, in Ehses, IV., 237, n. 3. Cf.
the *report of Verallo, Aug. 18, 1542, Nunziat di Germania (Secret
Archives of the Vatican).
* Cf. KORTE, 58.
6 Ehses, IV., 259-261.
" The Archbishop of Gnesen (Petrus Gamiat) to Paul III., dat.
Krakau, Nov. 7, 1542 (Ehses, IV., 279 seq^.
THE POPES EFFORTS FOR PEACE. I47
Paul III. had done all in his power to prevent the
unholy conflict between the two most powerful sovereigns
of the West. When the Pope in December 1541 sent his
chamberlain Giovanni Ricci to Siena to report to Granvelle
on the ineffectual mission of Ardinghello, the Emperor's
representative thanked him in the warmest terms for the
Pope's intervention in behalf of peace.^ At the end of
March 1542 Ricci was again sent by the Pope,^ always
hopeful of maintaining peace, to the two contending
princes.^ He carried with him on this occasion a brief
for Francis I. with an autograph postscript by Paul III.
containing earnest exhortations to peace.* Not till the
24th of May did Ricci, eagerly awaited by the Pope, return
to Rome,^ only to set forth again immediately on the 30th
of May to hasten ^ with fresh pacific messages to the French
and Imperial courts. On the 7th of June he reached
* See Appendix No. 11 for Ricci's *report of Dec. 29, 1541 (Ricci
Archives, Rome).
' On March 29, 1542, N. Sernini *wrote to Cardinal E. Gonzaga :
" Ho inteso di nuovo per buona via che N. S. ha buona speranza che
debbia succedere pace fra 1' Imp'® et Francia, pure 11 piu che non
credono, ricordandose delle cose passate, pure 1' occasione fanno mutare
proposito " (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). Cf. the *letter of Cardinal
E. Gonzaga to the Marchese del Vasto (Cod. Barb, lat, 5790, f. 156,
Vatican Library).
' See Rayn ALDUS, 1542, n, 21.
* Seethe *brief of March 27, 1542, in Appendix No. 13, from the
original in Ricci Archives, Rome. Ricci left on March 28 ; see the
♦report of A. Serristori of March 29, 1 542 (State Archives, Florence,
Med. 3264).
* See Serristori's letter of May 26, 1 542. Ricci on his return reported
the Pope's longing and hope for peace in his *letters of May i, 5, 8, and
14, 1542 (State Archives, Florence).
® See the *brief to Charles V. of May 29, 1542 (Ricci Archives, Rome).
Cf. Farnese's *letter to Poggio of June 4, 1542 (Chigi Library, Rome,
LIII., 65).
148 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Francis 1.^ Although the King's demeanour offered but
little prospect of peace, Ricci, on the i6th of June, was
with the Emperor with new proposals of mediation.^
In Italy, at this time, the renewal of hostilities was
looked upon as inevitable. Even the Pope's optimism was
ahaken,^ and he began to see that he was cherishing but
dwindling hopes of the prevention of the unholy strife.
Nevertheless he was determined, under cover of his un-
broken neutrality* to press to the utmost his proposals
for mediation.
The Imperial ambassador Aguilar and the Roman
envoy of the Duke of Florence took every opportunity
at this time to influence Paul III. to become the partisan
of Charles V. When the war actually broke out in July
they redoubled their efforts in this direction, but without
success. They reminded the Pope that he himself pre-
viously had undertaken to declare against Francis if he
made common cause with the Turk. Paul III, thereupon
replied that he was only waiting for Ricci's return,^ which
took place on the 22nd of July.^ It was evident that he
had effected nothing.^ Still the Pope's attitude underwent
^ See Ricci's *letter to Farnese, June 1 5, 1 542 (Secret Archives of
the Vatican) ; Lett, di Princ, XII., 334 seq. {cf. Pieper, 124).
2 N. Sernini reported on July 24, 1542, on Ricci's mission (Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua).
3 On June 20, 1 542, Lattanzio Tolomei *wrote : To-day the Pope
came back "et le prime parole che disse al Card, de Viseo [M. de
Sylva], cheli ando incontro farono queste : Anco non h. rotta la guerra
intra Francesi et 1' Imperatore" (State Archives, Siena).
* Cf. L. Tolomei's *report of July 6, 1 542 (State Archives, Siena).
' Legazioni di A. Serristori, 128.
' L. Tolomei's *report of July 22, 1 542, who adds : " Ricci si mostra
in cera molto allegro" (State Archives, Siena). Cf. RaynalDUS, 1542,
n. 22 ; Pieper, 124.
' L. Tolomei's *report of July 24, 1542 (State Archives, Siena). Cf
Serristori's *letters of July 24 and 31, 1542 (State Archives, Florence).
LEGATES TO THE EMPEROR AND FRANCIS I. I49
no change. He thought it too hazardous to declare openly
against Francis I., since then the latter might apostatize.
In that case, he represented to the Emperor, the French
King would seize upon the property of the Church and
then become a more powerful opponent of Spain than
before.^ When on the 31st of July Ricci gave a report of
his mission in consistory, Paul III. deplored with emotion
the war between Francis and Charles, but no decision was
reached.^ On August the 7th, with the consent of the
whole Sacred College, the Pope appointed two of the most
famous and most experienced Cardinals to be Legates
for peace : Contarini was to go to the Emperor, Sadoleto
to the King of France.^ The departure of the latter was
prepared with such despatch that he was ready to start
on the 17th.* Paul III. once more was now confident of
a good result,' but the unexpected death of Contarini
necessitated the appointment of a successor; the Pope
first thought of Morone, but afterwards gave the Legation
* See Cardinal Farnese's *Ietter to Poggio of Aug. 7, 1542 (Chigi
Library, Rome, LI II., 65).
2 See N. Sernini's *report to Cardinal E. Gonzaga, dat. Rome, Aug.
I, 1542, who adds: "S. S'* mostra haver ancor speranza di pace"
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
^ That the appointment took place not on the 5th but on the 7th
August, as Ehses (IV., 283) insists, is established by N. Sernini's *report
of Aug. 7, 1542 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua), by that of *L. Tolomei of
the same day (State Archives, Siena), and by the ^letter of Cardinal
Farnese to Poggio of Aug. 7, 1542 (Chigi Library, Rome, LIII., 65).
* See Farnese's ^letter of Aug. 19, 1542, in Appendix No. 17 (Chigi
Library, Rome) ; cf. the ^letter of N. Sernini to Cardinal E. Gonzaga, dat.
Rome, Aug. 11, 1542 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). The briefs which
Sadoleto took with him are dated Aug. 17 (Raynaldus, 1542, n. 27,
and *Min. brev. arm., 41, t. 25, n. 683 seq.\ ibid., n. 688: *Delph
Franciae ; n. 689: *Reginae Navarrae ; n. 690: *Cancell. ; r, 692
♦Card. Turonens. Secret Archives of the Vatican).
* See L. Tolomei's *report, Aug. 1542 (Statt Archives, Siena).
ISO HISTORY OF THE POPES,
to the Portuguese Cardinal Miguel de Silva, who had
eagerly solicited the post ; he had little idea, however, of
the Emperor's mood.^
The strict neutrality to which the Pope saw himself
driven in consequence of the French King's threats of
apostasy ^ was unbearable to Charles V. Since Francis I.,
who was in alliance with the Turk, had been the aggressor,
he was convinced that it was the Pope's duty to declare
himself against him. In Paul III.'s role of mediator he
saw the action of a partisan of his enemy. He was deeply
wounded that the Bull of the Council in its exhortations
to peace should speak of him, the champion of Christendom,
in exactly the same tone in which it spoke of Francis, his
deadly enemy, and in his estimation the sole destroyer of
peace.
At first Charles fought against his agitation, so that it
might not seem as if he wished to hinder the Council, and
also advised his brother to take no offence at the phrase-
ology of the BuU.^ But when the French declaration of
war arrived soon after, his long-suppressed indignation at
the Papal neutrality found vent with extreme violence. In
his detailed reply to the Bull, dated from Monzon the 25th
of August 1542, Charles bitterly complained that he was
placed by the Pope on a level with Francis I. He had
always been an obedient son to the Father of Christendom ;
at incalculable cost, at the peril indeed of life itself, he had
fought the Turks by sea and land ; he had used every re-
source to suppress heresy in Germany, while the boundless
* Cf. L. Tolomei's *report of Aug. 26, 1542 (State Archives, SienaX
and that of N. Sernini of the same date in Appendix No. 18 (Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua). The brief of credence for Sylva in Lanz, II.,
3^,7 seq. \ in Gavangos, VI., 2, n. 50, incorrectly dated.
Cf. Serristori's *report of Aug. 4, 1542 (State Archives, Florence).
^ See the letter of Aug. 11, 1542, in Korte, 59, 83.
LETTER OF CHARLES V. TO THE POPE. 151
ambition of Francis I. had turned the sword of the infidel
against the Christian, stiffened the obstinacy of the
Protestants, put difficulties in the way of the Council and
even now, under the flimsiest pretexts, had broken up the
armistice concluded through Papal mediation. The ample
statement of all his disputes with the French King had been
interspersed by the Emperor with numerous hits at the
Pope. At the very beginning, he says, Paul III. might take
as an example the father in the Gospel, who indeed welcomes
back the lost son, but still does not set him above the in-
dustrious and obedient one. Then follows the complaint,
which he, the Emperor, cannot refrain from uttering, that
the whole College of Cardinals is subservient to the will
of Francis I. in order to purchase an ostentatious profes-
sion of faith. In conclusion, Charles V. observes without
disguise that if the Pope rightly understood his duty he
would make cause against Francis without reserve ; in this
way alone can the Council be held and a possible remedy
for the scandals of Christendom be found ; whether under
other conditions the Council can be attended by the
Estates of the Empire and the bishops of the Imperial
States is a question which the Pope in his own wisdom
must answer.^
On the 1 8th of September the Imperial ambassador
handed this embittered letter of his master to the Pope, then
in sojourn in Perugia ; the ambassador took the opportunity
of again asking the Pope to take sides decisively against
Francis I. But Paul III. still adhered now to what in
former years he had once said to Granvelle, the Chancellor of
Charles V.: "Neutrality in Rome, like our daily bread, must
be regarded as a necessity." ^ This view was shared by the
* In the Latin text in Ehses, IV., 238-245 ; cf. also Fallavicini,
1. 5, c. I, n. I, 2 ; KORTE, 58 seqq,
* Ehses, IV,, 245, n. i.
152 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Cardinals, with the exception, naturally, of the adherents of
Francis I. and Charles V. Among the latter, Cardinal
Dionisio Laurerio went so far as to demand that Francis
should be deprived of the title of Most Christian King and
that excommunication and war should be declared against
him.^
What specially withheld the Pope from taking extreme
measures against Francis I. was the total miscarriage of
the ecclesiastical penalties passed on Henry VIII. To
attempt now similar proceedings against the French King
would, it appeared to him, be a downright act of folly, as
he would thereby not only sever a member from the
Christian body, but split Christendom itself into two
portions.^ With regard to the Emperor's letter, Farnese
told the nuncio Poggio on the 19th of September 1542 that
an answer would be sent after the Pope's return to Rome ;
at the same time, for the information of the nuncio, certain
objections made by Charles to the composition of the Bull
were refuted.^
In the meantime the more immediate preparations for
the Council had begun. On the 2nd of June, in express
anticipation of the coming Synod, the College of Cardinals
was increased by seven new members, among whom was
Morone.* In August a prelate and some other officials
were sent to Trent,^ and on the i8th of September the Pope
appointed Bishops Gian Matteo Giberti of Verona and
Gian Tommaso Sanfelice of Cava as commissaries to
^ For the discussions then held, see JoviUS, Hist., 1. 42.
2 Cf. Pallavicini, 1. 5, c. 2, n. i.
3 Ehses, IV., 247.
* Cf. Pallavicini, 1. 5, c. i, n. 7 ; Farnese to Poggio, dat. June 4,
1542 (Ehses, IV., 231 seq.\ and Vol. XI. of this work, p. 203 seqq.
^ Farnese to the Cardinal of Trent, dat. Aug. 19, 1542 (Ehses, IV.,
238). In the consistory of August the nth the speech " De mittendis
clericis ceremoniarum et foreriis ad locum concilii" {ibid..^ n. 4).
THE PREPARATIONS AT TRENT. I53
superintend the further preparations.^ Of these two the
latter only, who left on the 23rd of September ^ and reached
Trent on the 5th of October,^ was in a position to meet
the requirements of his task. That he did this actively
and prudently his despatches to Farnese show. In
consultation with the Bishop of Trent preparations,
carefully considered and arranged, were made for the
lodgment of the Cardinals, bishops, envoys, and theii
suites, for a regular postal service, for the internal and
external security of the city, for the security of the streets,
and for the provisioning and commissariat.* Sanfelice, to
his great dissatisfaction, had besides to encounter the doubts
of the citizens of Trent whether the Curia was really in
earnest about holding the Council, since up to the 25th
of October not a word had been heard of the nomination
of the conciliar Legates.^
» The brief in Ehses, IV., 246.
2 Farnese to Sadoleto, dat. Sept. 25, 1542 (Ehses, IV., 246, n. l) ;
cf. Pallavicini, I. 5, c. 4, n. i. On the i8th Sept. Orlando Ricci was
also sent as a commissary to Trent to assist the Bishops of Cava and
Trent in the preliminary labours. See his brief in Ehses, IV., 246.
^ His report to Farnese of Oct. 6, 1542, in Ehses, IV., 251.
* See the reports of the Bishop of Cava to Farnese of Oct. 6, 1542
(Ehses, IV., 251 seq^y Oct. 9 {ibid.^ 252-254), Oct. 13 {ibid., 254-259,
with the supplement " Consultatio," dat. 13 Octobris 1542), Oct. 19
{ibid.y 264-266), Oct. 25 {ibid.y 266 seq.\ Nov. 4 {ibid.^ 278 seq.\
Nov. 10 {ibid., 280), Nov. 15 {ibid., 284), Nov. 30 {ibid., 290), Dec. 6
and 9 {ibid., 291), Dec. 15 and 22 {ibid., 293) ; also Farnese's answers
of Oct. 20 {ibid., 266), Oct. 28 {ibid., 275) Nov. i {ibid., 276), and
Farnese's letter to the conciliar Legates of Dec. 2 {ibid., 290).
Cf. KORTE, 62 seq., who expresses the view that " notwithstanding all
these preparations it may well be doubted whether the Curia really
thought seriously of holding the Council."
^ Cf. his letter to Farnese of Oct. 25 begging the Cardinal to
forward him frequent instructions concerning the Council so that he
may have his letters to appeal to in order to silence doubts, Farnese.
in his reply on Nov. i, assured him of the Pope's firm determination.
154 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
On the i6th of October 1542 the Pope nominated,
after prolonged consultation, the three conciliar Legates.*
They were Cardinals of distinction : Parisio, Morone, and
Pole.^ Three days later they received the Legatine cross,^
Their instructions were, at the command of Paul III., drawn
up by the Cardinals Giovanni Maria del Monte, Barto-
lommeo Guidiccioni, and the Bishop of Feltre, Tommaso
Campeggio; they bear the date the 26th of October, 1542.*
Pole left Rome for Trent on the 26th of October, and
Morone and Parisio on the 27th and 28th.^ The delay
in their journey was apologized for by Farnese in a letter
of October 28th to the Bishop of Cava^ in which the
latter and the Bishop of Trent were commissioned to
receive the prelates on their arrival until the coming of
the Legates. On the 30th of October the Pope renewed
the decree of the 29th of May 1536 on the Papal election
in case such an emergency should arise during the Council/
Sanfelice thanked him on Nov. 10 for this letter, which enabled him
to meet the doubters with greater confidence.
* Cf. N. Sernini's *report of Oct. 14, 1542, in Appendix No. 19
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
2 See *report of N. Sernini to Cardinal E. Gonzaga, dat. Rome, Oct.
17, 1542 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). The Bull of appointment of the
same day in Ehses, IV , 261 seqq.
^ Farnese to Sanfelice, dat. Oct. 20, 1542 (Ehses, IV., 266) ; Farnese
to Poggio, dat. Nov. 3, 1 542 ; EHSES (IV., 277) gives the date as Oct. 20 ;
also Pallavicini (1. 5, c. 4, n. i).
* In Ehses, IV., 267-275. For Guidiccioni's memorial and his
previous labours in other ways on behalf of the Council on which the
memorial is based, cf. Schweitzer, Guidiccioni, 190-194.
^ Massarelli, Diarium, II., ed. Merkle, I., 418; cf. Ehses, IV.,
261, n. 2.
0 Ehses, IV., 275 seq.
7 *Report of N. Sernini to Cardinal E. Gonzaga, dat. Rome, Nov. 2,
1542 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua) ; Ehses, IV., 268, n. 1 ; Pallavicini,
1. 5, c. I, n. 8.
STEPS FOR THE OPENING OF THE COUNCIL. 1 55
Immediately after the appointment of the Legates the
remaining requisite steps for the approaching opening
of the Council were taken. In briefs of October the i6th
those foreign Bishops whose previous summonses to Rome
in view of the Council had not been followed by any
result, were again urgently addressed by the Pope.^ On
November the 3rd Farnese directed the nuncio Poggio^ to
intimate to the Emperor the nomination and departure
of the Legates, and to beg him to send the prelates of his
States to the Council. The invitation to the Spanish
Bishops was entrusted to the Portuguese Cardinal de Silva
of Viseu, who had succeeded Contarini, on the death of
the latter, as Legate to the Emperor.^ Sadoleto, who had
been sent in the interests of peace as Legate to France,
tried to get Francis to look favourably on the Council ; he
was unable, however, to move the King from his stiff
attitude of refusal. His interposition on behalf of peace
was equally unsuccessful.^
Cardinal de Silva fared still worse. In disgrace with his
own King, he received from the Emperor, who had come
to terms of friendship with the Portuguese monarch, the
worst reception. The mission of the Legate was still
more objectionable than his person, and he determined
simply to dismiss him ; on the 8th of October he com-
municated to the Pope his intention. The letter is full
of dry remarks on the Pope's mediation for peace which
had only made Francis I. more daring ; as his Holiness
was the originator of the armistice, it was his duty to
avenge its violation ; the longer sojourn of the Legate
was purposeless, negotiations with him were superfluous, as
^ The brief to the Cardinal of Lorraine in Ehses, IV., 262 ; cf. also
ibid., 277, n. 4.
* Ibid., 276 seq. ^ Ibid., 283, n. 2.
* See PlEPER, 124 ; Ehses, IV., 283.
IS6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
they only afforded the French King fresh opportunities of
exercising deception.^
After this very clear declaration no other course re-
mained to the Pope but to recall the Legate ; which he
did on the 2nd of November. The Pope now resolved to
try once more the experiment which had been successful
in 1538. After long discussion in consistory- it was
decided on the loth of November to address an almost
identically expressed brief to both sovereigns with the
proposal that, for the sake of negotiations on the subject
of the peace which the Turkish danger made so necessary,
they should meet the Pope personally in Lombardy. The
Pope, in making this proposal, dwelt on the great duty which
his office imposed upon him of never failing to exercise
the authority of the father as well as of the judge.^
The date fixed for the opening of the Council had in the
meantime been exceeded by three weeks when the Legates
made their solemn entry into Trent* This proceedingseems
at first to have evoked favourable and hopeful impressions.
Hitherto, as Robert Wauchope had found in September,
public opinion in Germany had been tepid and inactive,^
* Lanz, II., 378 (with wrong date); cf. Gayangos, VI., 2, n, 65 ;
Ehses, IV., 264, n. I, 283, n. i.
* See Acta Consist, in Ehses, IV., 247, n. i, 287, n. 5, and *report
of N. Sernini to Cardinal E. Gonzaga, dat. Rome, Nov. 7, 1542, dealing
specially with the Turkish war. The latter was also discussed in
consistory on Nov. 24 (see *report of N. Sernini of Nov. 25, 1542,
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
* See *Acta Consist, for Nov. 10, 1542 (Consistorial Archives,
Vatican) ; cf. Raynaldus, 1542, n. 31 seq. ; Ehses, IV., 287, n. 5.
* The Bishop of Cava to Farnese, dat. Nov. 23, 1542 (Ehses, IV.,
285). The three Legates to Farnese, Nov. 24, 1542 {ibid.^ 286 seq.).
PallaviCINI (1. 5, c. 4, n. i) gives Nov. 22 as the day of their arriva'
in Trent.
' Wauchope to Cardinal Cervini from Salzburg, dat. Oct. i, 1542
(Ehses, IV.,'250).
"AS YET NO ONE HAS COME." IS7
those who were well disposed towards the Council were
shy of expressing themselves, while those who declared
themselves ready to attend the Council in person were
determined to wait until the Pope had begun his journey
to Trent; among these were the Bishop of Ratisbon and
the Archbishop of Salzburg, who promised that he would
then appear with his provincial bishops. On the 13th of
November came the Cathedral Dean of Salzburg, Ambrosius
von Lamberg, to inform himself of the position of things
in Trent.^
The three Legates, on their arrival in Trent, sent to
Farnese^ a list, which has not been preserved, of the
German bishops who sent envoys to the Council with the
promise to attend themselves or by representatives ; they
thought that they had grounds for hoping that now that
their coming was an established fact that an increasingly
great number would attend. Less optimistic was Gian
Tommaso Sanfelice, Bishop of Cava, who wrote to Farnese ^
on the 30th of November: " As yet no one has come; we
must at least, this once, take care that Italian prelates
appear, especially such as belong to the Curia." In
Sanfelice's letters of December the 6th and 9th* the same
view is expressed concerning the participation of the
German bishops, and he calls attention to the fact that
the forthcoming Diet at Nuremberg would decide whether
the Germans generally would attend the Council or not.
On December the 17th Sanfelice urged again ^ that the
Italian bishops must put in an appearance first. The Arch-
bishop of Salzburg certainly wrote a letter on the 28th of
* Sanfelice to Farnese, dat. Nov. 15, 1542 (Ehses, IV., 284).
2 Nov. 24, 1542 (ibid.^ 287).
^ Ibid., 290.
* Ibid.^ 293.
' Ibid.y 291.
158 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
November to Morone ^ in which he declared that, since he
had been informed of the Legates' arrival, he was now
ready, together with his provincial bishops, to come to
Trent as soon as he heard that the Council would pursue its
course. He also instructed the Dean of his Chapter to tell
Morone, on the delivery of his letter,^ that he would appear
in person with eight of his suffragans within eight days if
he heard that as many prelates from Italy and other
countries had arrived as would secure the constitution of the
Council. The Dean thought, moreover, that all the other
German prelates would follow as soon as the participation
of the other nations became known and the certainty of a
General Council thus secured ; he also declared that it was
taken for certain in Germany that King Ferdinand would
go to Trent at the close of the Diet. On the 14th of
December came from Ferdinand himself the message to
the Bishop of Trent ^ bidding him express to the Legates
the King's delight at the beginning of the Council and to
keep in view the early arrival of his envoy; his own
absence he excused on account of the Diet, but intended
when that was over to go to Innsbruck in order to be able,
in case of necessity, to reach Trent without difficulty.
Charles V. had nominated, on the i8th of October, the
Chancellor Granvelle,his son Antoine Perrenot de Granvelle,
Bishop of Arras, the Marquis de Aguilar, and his am-
bassador at Venice, Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, to be
his orators at the Council.* Granvelle, however, did not
* Ehses, IV., 287 seq.
2 The Legates to Farnese, Dec. 11-15, 1542 {ibid., 292).
' Cf. the letters of the Bishop of Cava of Dec. 15, and of the Legates
of 22nd, 1542, to Farnese, in Ehses, IV., 293, and n. 3.
* Mandatum Caroli V., dat. Barcinone, 18 Octobris 1542 (Ehses,
IV., 263 seq^j. For their entrance into Trent, cf. ibid., 297, 298 ;
Pallavicini, 1. 5, c. 4, n. 1-19 ; Korte, 64-68.
THE MISSION OF GRANVELLE. 1 59
leave Spain before December. On his arrival in Italy
he not only avoided paying a previous visit to the Pope,
but his intention of going to Trent was also carefully
kept a secret from Paul III. when Granvelle's younger son
Thomas de Chantonnay and the Imperial ambassador
Aguilar had an audience of him on December the 24th.
For the sake of complete secrecy it was also arranged
that Aguilar should remain in Rome and not take a part
in the embassy.^
The Florentine secretary Lorenzo Pagni, who accom-
panied Granvelle into Italy, was certainly of opinion, as
he reported to his sovereign the Duke from Piacenza
on the 28th of December,^ that the Imperial Chancellor
was going to Trent with the intention of bringing about an
adjournment of the Council. In any case, the Imperial
diplomacy was directed towards leaving the Pope and the
conciliar Legates entirely in the dark as to the intended
mission and its object; the latter were to be entirely un-
prepared and taken by surprise, a manoeuvre which in the
event proved completely successful.
The arrival of Granvelle and his companions at Trent
took place on the 7th or 8th of January 1543.^ They
at once visited the Legates. During the proceedings on
the following day * Granvelle requested a public audience
for the orators in the Cathedral in which they could tender
excuses for the Emperor's absence and the delay in the
despatch of his orators, then publicly notify their appear-
ance and receive an official acknowledgment that this
* Cf. Ehses, IV., 297, n. I.
2 Ibid.
3 Ehses (IV., 297 n. 2) takes Jan. 7 as the correct date of arrival,
although the reports say Jan. 8.
* See the Legates' report to Farnese of Jan. 9, 1543, in Ehses, IV^
297-300.
l6o HISTORY OF THE POPES.
had taken place. The Legates did not comply with this
demand ; the precedents of former Councils must not be
departed from, for before the Council had been solemnly
opened, after previous fasting and prayer, it did not appear
to be becoming to proceed to any public act ; the pre-
sentation of the mandates had always taken place after
the inauguration in the congregations. But if they wished
a certificate from the Legates of their appearance and
the presentation of the mandates, they were ready to give
them one. Granvelle replied with warmth that the re-
fusal of a public audience was an affront to the Emperor ;
he threatened, if the Legates persisted therein, to put
forward a plea of nullity against the Council and to have
the same affixed to the doors of the Cathedral. The
Legates stood firm ; it was not in their power to grant an
audience in the Cathedral ; an understanding, however, was
arrived at by an assurance that the orators should be
heard in the house of Cardinal Parisio. Here they appeared
with a retinue on the 9th of January.^
The Bishop of Arras made a speech in which he first
spoke of the necessity of a Council and of the Emperor's
persistent zeal in its behalf, now once more manifested
in the despatch of his orators, whose presence in his
name would be an effectual help to the carrying out of
the Council. If Charles V. was unable to be present
himself, he had an adequate excuse in the preoccupa-
tions of war which prevented him leaving his dominions ;
their own late arrival also was caused by the danger and
insecurity of the journey and the existing condition of
affairs ; the bishops in the same way had been hindered
' See the notarial documents ; " Comparitio oratorium Caroli V
Imperatoris coram legatis Apostolicis. Oratio habita ab Antonio
Perenoto, episcopo Atrebatensi. Tridenti 9 Januarii 1543 " (Ehses, IV.,
300-303).
PROCEEDINGS OF GRANVELLE. l6l
from coming up to the present time by this very in-
security ; they promised, however, in the Emperor's name,
that he would himself appear later, unless he was hindered,
contrary to his wishes, in the case of his presence being of
use to the Council, and 'that he would send his bishops as
soon as they could undertake the journey. They were
now here themselves with full powers to assist the Council
in every way. After this discourse the Emperor's mandate
was read out and then, at Granvelle's request, a notarial
deed was drawn up registering the whole proceeding. At
the close of this public transaction the orators again
assured the Legates, but not in the presence of witnesses, of
their best wishes, but on the following day, January the loth,
Granvelle informed the Legates individually that he was
obliged to return to Nuremberg to the Diet.^ Accordingly,
on January the i ith he left Trent, together with his son.
The whole manner of his arrival, combined with his
departure for Germany, filled the Legates with justifiable
suspicion. They surmised - that Granvelle had come to
Trent only in order to ascertain that the Council had not
yet begun ; they were also in anxiety lest the Imperial
diplomacy, as soon as the eighteen months fixed by the
Recess of Ratisbon had expired, should pursue the object,
at the Diet of Nuremberg, either of deciding on a national
council or of yielding to the demands of the Protestants in
order to secure their aid against the Turks. To meet this
danger it was represented to the Pope by the Legates that
he ought not now to delay in inducing the bishops to betake
^ " Sommario del ragionamento havuto da Monsgr. di Granvella col.
card. Morono alii lo da gennario 1543 in Trento" (Ehses, IV., 304
seq). " Ex ejusdem Granvellae colloquiis cum Parisio et Polo
cardinalibus habitis Tridenti 10 Januarii 1543" {ibid., 305 seg.).
2 The Legates to Farnese, dat. 1543, Jan. 12 {ibid., 306-308; cf.
297, n. i).
VOT.. XII. II
l62 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
themselves to Trent to enable the Council to be held ; he
ought also to send someone from Rome to Nuremberg to
make, simultaneously with the nuncio Verallo, the neces-
sary representations to King Ferdinand and Granvelle,
in order to turn them from their ruinous schemes, since the
whole question of religion and reformation must be reserved
to the Council. Notwithstanding the promises and the
decisive protests made by the Legates, Mendoza, who had
remained behind temporarily in Trent, also returned on
January the 17th to his post as ambassador to Venice.^
Orders were at once given from Rome corresponding to
the Legates' admonitions. In his answer to the letter of
the 9th of January 1543 Farnese had informed them on the
20th 2 that the Pope had given orders that steps should be
taken to secure the presence at Trent of an appreciable
number of Italian bishops. Cardinal Cervini was com-
missioned on January the iQth,^ and again, on the receipt
of the fuller reports, on the 22nd,* to inform the Italian
bishops appointed for that purpose that they must hold
themselves in readiness for their journey. On the 29th of
January the Pope, in addition to his preparations for the
journey to Bologna, had been specially occupied with
urgent reminders to the Italian and other bishops of their
journey to Trent. To a great number of prelates present in
Rome, wrote Farnese on the 14th of February to the nuncio
Poggio,^ the orders for departure have been sent, while others
are every day holding themselves in readiness to start.
Corresponding measures were taken with regard to the
remaining bishops in and out of Italy. The nuncio Poggio
1 The Legates to Farnese, dat. Jan. 17, 1543 {ibid., 308).
2 Ibid., 300, n. I.
3 Cf. ibid., 309, n. 2.
* Farnese to Cervini, dat. Jan. 22, 1543 (Ehses, IV., 308 seq).
6 Ihid., 309-311.
MISSION OF OTTO VON TRUCHSESS. 1 63
was at the same time instructed to urge upon the Emperor
to send without delay the bishops of all his territories and
to exhort the King of Portugal to do the same.^ To King
Sigismund I. of Poland, on the i8th of February, a briefs
was sent. The Pope thanked him for his reply, sent by
Otto von Truchsess, and prayed him to send off his orators
and the prelates of his kingdom. On February the 25th
orders were sent to the Sardinian metropolitans and their
suffragans to repair with the abbots and other prelates of
their dioceses to the Council without delay ; similar in-
structions were sent to many other prelates as, on the 5th
of March, to the Bishops of Sitten and Chur and the
Abbots of St. Gall and St Urban.^
To the Diet at Nuremberg Otto von Truchsess was sent
as in former years. He brought with him a brief addressed
to King Ferdinand and the archbishops, bishops, and
princes* assembled in the Diet, drawn up on the i8th of
February 1543, complaining of the neglect of the invitation
to the Council shown by the bishops of Germany up to
that time. The object of Otto's mission was described to
be the enforcement of this invitation with the co-opera-
tion of Verallo.^ Truchsess left Rome on the 26th of
February;^ in accordance with his instructions,'^ he was
first to visit Trent to transmit orders to the Legates and
to receive from them advice regarding his mission to
^ On March 13 and again on April 6 Poggio was again commissioned
to urge the appearance of the Spanish prelates {ibid., 316).
2 Jbid., 312, 316, n. 4.
3 Ibid., 314, n. 7,315-
* Ibid., 311 seq.
° Cf. ibid., 312; ibid., 313 seq., a letter of an unidentified corre-
spondent to Granvelle of Feb. 21, 1543, in which the latter is begged
to prevent resolutions in the Diet which might put hindrances in the
way of the Council.
" Ibid., 311, n. 3. ' Uat. Spoleto, March 4 {ibid., y,t\
164 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Germany. On his arrival in Nuremberg he w^as, if King
Ferdinand, Granvelle, and the nuncio were there, to seek
out the latter first and go with him to the King to lay-
before him the object of his mission and convey to
him information about the Pope's journey to Bologna ;
his instructions for Granvelle were similar. If, however,
Ferdinand and the nuncio had already started for
Bohemia, he was to give his information to Granvelle and
then follow up the King and Verallo, returning to the
Diet from there, if the nuncio thought good, on the
accomplishment of his instructions. Truchsess reached
Trent on March the 12th and continued his journey on
the 15th, after transacting his business with the Legates.^
They gave him, further, a letter for Verallo ^ which, while
referring him for the most part to Truchsess's verbal
communications, contained special injunctions to do every-
thing in combination with him that could check dangerous
resolutions in the Diet.
Truchsess who, on his onward journey from Augsburg
had transacted business with Duke William of Bavaria
and received in Eichstatt the solemn promise of Bishop
Moritz von Hutten to attend the Council at Trent,
reached Nuremberg on the 22nd of March.^ In accord-
ance with his instructions he had an interivew with King
Ferdinand on Holy Saturday, in the presence of the
nuncio; the King gave him benevolent assurances of the
presence of the German bishops at the Council. He then
saw Granvelle, who complained with emotion of the dis-
trust felt towards him in Rome, but finally also promised
his assistance in the matter of the Council. On March
1 The Legates to Farnese, dat. March 15, 1543 {ibid., 317 seq.\
2 Dat. March 14, 1543 {ibid.., 316 seq>).
3 Truchsess to Farnese from Nuremberg, dat. March 31, 1543 {}bid.^
MISSION OF OTTO VON TRUCHSESS. 1 65
the 26th Truchsess went to see the Bishop of Augsburg,
Christoph von Stadion, who enlarged on the necessity
for the Council and the dangerous condition of Germany,
and likewise declared his readiness to give support.^
On April the 6th Truchsess reported again ^ that he had
sent the briefs addressed to princes who were absent
from Nuremberg through their envoys ; the archbishops
he intended to visit personally. Truchsess at this time
was full of hope for his mission and that after the Diet
was over the Catholics would go to Trent without delay,
as so many had already determined to do: thus the
Cardinal of Mayence had already given orders to that
effect to the Bishop of Hildesheim, to his own coadjutor,
and to two theologians.^
On the whole, however, the Catholics confined themselves
to fine words and empty promises, since King Ferdinand,
notwithstanding his ostensible goodwill, was implicated
in his brother's policy. The Bishop of Vienna, Nausea,
whose enthusiasm for the Council had led him repeatedly
to ask the Pope to call him to his side, since it was in his
power to give him important information, could only on
receipt of the brief of February the i8th send a letter of
excuse to Paul III.* to say that on account of express
' The full account in his letter above mentioned of March 31 {ibid.^
320-325).
2 Ibid.^ 325, n. 6.
8 Further reports from Truchsess, who soon afterwards, on the
death of Christoph von Stadion (April 15), was chosen Bishop of
Augsburg on May 10, do not appear to be forthcoming (EhSES, IV.,
326, n.). The Bishop of Hildesheim, Valentine von Teutleben, came
to Trent after the Diet, but not with the Archbishop of Mayence, but
with his suffragan (see i7ifra, p. 167).
* Dat. Vienna, April 25, 1543 (EhseS, IV., 326 seq). For his
subsequent summons to the Pope and his journey to the latter at
Parma, see infra., p. 174,
1 66 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
counter-orders from the King he was obliged to abandon
his departure for Trent; his immediate journey must be
put off, but he hoped as soon as possible to attend the
Council and to pay a visit beforehand to the Pope. On
the other hand, the apprehensions aroused by the Diet in
the Catholic party were not fulfilled. The Protestants
certainly, as Verallo wrote to Farnese on the I2th of April,^
were not backward in trying, if possible, to bring Charles
to summon a national council ; but no conclusion was
reached on the further treatment of the religious question,
nor was the question itself discussed in the Diet. Granvelle
on his return to Trent from Nuremberg took to himself
the credit for this.^ The Protestants on this occasion had
to be content with another protest against the Council.^
The danger of a national council was not removed in this
way ; it was only pushed somewhat into the background.
One by one and at long intervals a few bishops arrived
at Trent; they were Italians, for the most part, attached to
the Curia, and a few Germans. On Granvelle's first arrival
in Trent, besides the Bishop of Cava, Bishop Richard
Pate of Worcester had already arrived and was a witness
of the proceedings on the 9th of January.* On March
the 10th came Tommaso Campeggio, Bishop of Feltre,^
and on the nth Cornelio Mussi, Bishop of Bertinoro;
' Ehses, IV., 317, n. I.
2 Cf. Morone's report to Farnese of May 26, 1543 {ibid.^ 335 seq^.
8 Cf. Pallavicini, 1. 5, c. 4, n. 17 ; Ehses, IV., 336, n. 2.
* Ehses, IV., 303.
6 T. Campeggio to Farnese, dat. March 15, 1543 (Ehses, IV., 318) ;
the Legates to Farnese, dat. March 15, 1543 {ibid); the Legates to
the nuncio Verallo, dat. March 14, 1543 {ibid., 316). Campeggio
immediately on his arrival had been struck by the unsuitableness of
Trent for the Council on account of the scarcity of accommodation and
lack of means for keeping up its provisionment. In his letter of
March 15 he gave his opinion that the Council ought only to be
ARRIVAL OF BISHOPS AT TRENT. 167
on the 20th of March they were followed by the Arch-
bishop of Corfu, Giacomo Cauco, and Bishop Giacomo
Giacomello of Belcastro.^ On the 28th of March the
procurators of three German prelates presented their
mandates,^ and on April the 4th the Legates ^ mentioned
the presence of the Archbishop of Otranto, Pietro Antonio
da Capua. The good feeling and zeal of the prelates who
up to April 15th had appeared on the scene is praised in a
letter of the Bishop of Trent to Farnese on the 30th of
April ^ from Brixen, the former having come to that city
a fortnight before. About this time also the Bishop of
Chironia (Cheronaea), Dionigi Zannettini, was at Trent.^
On the loth of May arrived the Bishop of Hildesheim,
Valentine von Teutleben, and his coadjutor Balthasar
Waneman ; the two bishops, who were accompanied by the
jurist Dr. Conrad Braun, came together in the name of the
Cardinal of Mayence.^ The Bishop of Hildesheim made
special excuses in a letter to the Pope for the absence of
Albert/ laid stress on the necessity for a Council, and
made strong representations that everything should be
done to avert the threatened national council and to
obtain from the Emperor in the meantime the revocation
and cancellation of that consent to the Recess of Ratisbon
opened formally and then without delay transferred elsewhere or,
better still, not be opened at all but at once relegated to some other
locality. The Legates also on March 28 called attention to the in-
conveniences of provisionment : to Farnese (ibid., 319).
^ The Legates on March 10 to Farnese {ibid.).
2 The same on March 29 to same {ibid.).
3 To Farnese {ibid.., 328, n. 3).
* Ibid.., 327 seq,
^ Ibid.., 328, n. 6.
^ Parisio and Morone to Farnese {ibid.., 329).
" Cf. the letter to Farnese of May 20, 1 543 {ibid., 330 seq.). Ehses
could not find the letter of May 16 to the Pope himself.
l68 HISTORY OF THE fOPES.
which the Protestants had wrung from him under
pressure. The Bishop of Wiirzburg, Conrad von Bibra,
since he could not attend in person, appointed on the
1st of June as his representatives the Bishops of Eichstatt
and Hildesheim.^ The former of the two, Moritz von
Hutten, came to Trent at the end of June and went thence
to visit the Pope at Bologna.^ The hope that after the
close of the Diet a still greater number of German bishops
would arrive proved deceptive. In consonance with the
policy of Charles V., the Spanish bishops who appeared
were as few in number^ as the French, the latter being
forbidden to travel by Francis I> The further time
advanced the more nugatory seemed the prospect of the
opening of the Council.
1 His letter to the Pope of June i, 1543 {ibid.^ 342).
2 Morone to Farnese, dat. June 30, 1543 {ibid.^ 346; cf. 342, n. 4).
In the beginning of July representatives of the Elector of Treves came
to Trent {ibid., 352, n. 3).
3 Some Spanish Bishops came to Italy in the Emperor's suite on his
visit to the Pope, but not before (see infra, p. 180).
* On Feb. 20 or 21 the ambassador of Francis I., de Siney, came
to Rome. He brought with him the King's refusal to take part in the
proposed meeting, and at the same time informed the Pope that neither
the French King nor his prelates would appear at the Council
(Ehses, IV., 310, n. 1,314; cf. also 337 seq., n. 5).
CHAPTER IV.
The Meeting between Paul III. and Charles V, at
BussETo. — Suspension of the Council. — The Pope's Neu-
trality AND Exertions for Peace. — Misunderstandings
WITH THE Emperor.
Paul III. had left Rome on the 26th of February 1543
for Bologna, partly on account of his endeavours to secure
peace and partly that he might be nearer to Trent. His
journey was opposed by many in Rome, where the worst
reports were in circulation ^ as to the Emperor's intentions.
Nevertheless, the Pope set out; he did not listen to
the complaints of the Romans, the representations of the
Cardinals, and the prayers of his relations, who brought
before the aged man the dangers of a journey at such an
unfavourable season of the year. Cardinal Carpi again
remained behind as Legate. To the General of the troops,
Alessandro Vitelli, was committed the safe custody of the
castle of St. Angelo.^ Paul III. entered Bologna on the
17th of March ;2 in order to personally acquaint himself
' See the letter to Granvelle of Feb. 21, 1543 (Ehses, IV., 313).
2 See JOVIUS, Hist, I., 43, and Ehses, IV., 316, n. 7.
^ See Gualterius, *Diarium (Secret Archives of the Vatican, Miscell.
Arm., 12, t. 58, f. 368''). According to this source the Pope left Bologna
on April 2 for Modena, from thence to Parma (April 5 and 6) ; on 8th
he reached Piacenza, returned to Parma on the 15th, remained there
until 19th, and then went to Ferrara, where he made his state entry on
April 22. (For his stay there and the objects thereby obtained, see
Fontana, II., 177 seq.^ and Rodocanachi, Renee de France, 160
169
170 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
with the state of things in Trent and to be better informed
as to the views of the Legates, he summoned Cardinal Pole
to him on the 3rd of Ma.y} Pole started on the sth.^ A
discussion was held in consistory on the nth of May
whether, under existing circumstances, affairs at Trent
should be allowed to drift or the Council be postponed to
a more favourable time. The prevailing view among the
Cardinals was that the Pope's efforts hitherto had been
more than sufficient to prove his zeal. If the experiment
of the Council were persisted in much longer, the only
result would be to make the disobedience of the Catholics
appear all the more culpable and inconsiderate and in-
creasingly to diminish the respect for Papal authority
among the party of error. It would therefore be the
lesser evil to dissolve the assembly now with a promise
of resumption at a time when the members of the Christian
body seemed better disposed thereto.^ The Pope, however,
was unwilling to make a decision until he had personally
conferred with the Emperor, who on May the 1st had
embarked at Barcelona for Italy. On the 13th or 14th of
May, Parisio was also summoned to Bologna.* In Trent
the sudden departure of the two Legates, the object of
seqq.') On April 25 the Pope returned to Bologna, whither on April 27
Capodiferro came from France; on May 12 Dandino was despatched
to France {cf. Pieper, 126).
^ Farnese to Pole from Bologna, dat. May 3, 1543 (Ehses, IV.,
328).
2 Parisio and Morone to Farnese, dat. May 6, 1543 {ibid., 329).
3 Thus Pallavicini, 1. 5, c. 4, n. 19, who is mistaken, however, in
stating that Parisio had already been summoned to Bologna before
Pole. The extract from the Consistorial Acta of May 11 in Ehses
(IV., 329, n. 2) gives only the names of the eight Cardinals named
deputies in the affair of the Council in this consistory.
* Parisio and Morone to Farnese, dat. May 16, 1543 (Ehses, IV.,
330 ; c/". n. I for the date).
GRANVELLE AND MORONE. 17I
which was a matter of mere surmise, produced a dispiriting
impression. The assembled prelates felt that their last
hope of meeting in Council had slipped from them.^
On the 26th of May Granvelle, with the Bishop of Arras
and his two other sons, arrived at Trent on his return from
Nuremberg.2 In discussing the question of the Council
with Morone, who was the only Legate left in Trent, he
regretted that the two others had been called away, since
when this became known in Germany the Council would
be regarded with general incredulity, the Protestants would
become bolder tha« ever, and the Catholics correspondingly
depressed. If it were the Pope's intention to dissolve the
Council, then it would be fitting that he should first consult
the Emperor and the King and even himself as to the
manner and way of doing so. Morone replied that he
was not aware that Paul III. had summoned to him his
colleagues for the purpose of dissolving the Council. He
thought it much more likely that he wished to take their
advice as to what ought to be the next matter for negotiation
with the Emperor. For the rest, no decision had been
taken whether the Council was to go on or be suspended ;
if the Pope had already resolved on the latter course, he
would not have allowed Morone himself and the other prelates
to remain longer in Trent. He was also certain that the
two Legates would return. If the Emperor came to Italy
and had a meeting with Paul III., it would only be reason-
able that the question of the Council should be dealt with
^ Cf. letter from Tommaso Campeggio to Cardinal Cervini of May
21, 1543 (EhSES, IV., 331 seqq.). The two Hildesheimer bishops
repeated to Campeggio their expressions of anxiety lest the failure to
hold the General Council would be followed, in accordance with the
Recess of Ratisbon, by a national council (Ehses, IV., 332 seq.).
2 See Morone's full reports to Farnese on May 26 and 28, 1 543, of
his negotiations with Granvelle (EhSES, IV., 335-342). Cf. KORIE.
68 seq.
1/2 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
and settled between them ; but it was no matter of surprise
if the Pope wished also to confer with two of his Legates
beforehand. As his own opinion, which, as he observed,
he had not imparted to the Emperor or the King, Granvelle
gave it to be understood that the Council ought not now
to be actually opened and held, or dissolved, but allowed
to remain in its present unsettled condition ; so that an
Imperial army in Germany might find in it precisely the
kind of weapon with which to curb the Lutherans, while
on the other side it would bring moral support to the
Catholics and the wavering.^
Charles V. had landed at Savona on May the 24th and
then gone on to Genoa,^ where he found Pier Luigi Farnese
sent by the Pope to invite him to a conference at Bologna.
The Emperor, who was little inclined for peace negotiations
for their own sake and was in haste to reach Germany,
declined the invitation, but on the other hand showed him-
self willing to meet the Pope at some spot convenient to
himself, such as Parma or Mantua.^ Charles V. adhered
to this even when Cardinal Farnese proposed a town not
far from Bologna; he could not go so far out of his route.
It was believed by many that the Emperor, out of con-
sideration for Henry VIII., with whom to the general
astonishment he had concluded on February the nth, 1543,
an offensive alliance against Francis I., wished to create
the appearance of being forced reluctantly into a meeting
with the Pope.*
i Ehses, IV., 337-341.
2 On this journey Charles V. dictated the famous instructions for his
son (see Gachard, Biogr. nat., III., 666).
* Gayangos, VI., 2, n. 153.
* JOVIUS, Hist., I., 43, confirmed by Gayangos, VI., 2, p. 400 seq. ;
for the alliance with Henry VIII., which was at first to be kept secret,
see State Papers, IX., 355, n. 2 ; Rymer, XIV., 768 seq. ; Ehses, IV.,
338, n. I ; Brosch, VI., 359 seq. ; Gachard, loc. cti., 663.
PAUL III. DECIDES TO MEET THE EMPEROR. I73
Farnese arrived at Bologna with the Emperor's answer
on June the 8th, just in time to take part in the consistory
held on that day. The views of the Cardinals were divided ;
not a few were of opinion that the aged Pope should not
risk his health by any greater excitement nor expose the
majesty of his office to any further humiliation. Sadoleto,
however, interposed in a contrary sense ; as regarded the
question of health he imparted their decision, as a matter
of course, privately to the Pope ; as far as the Papal office
was concerned none other existed — for the servants of the
Church — to the care of which the salvation of Christendom
could be committed. Nor could there be any doubt that
the conclusion of peace might be awaited with greater
certainty if the Pope appeared personally as a mediator.
Besides, the contemplated meeting would also be of service
in dissipating the rumours of a serious quarrel between the
two sovereign heads of Christendom. The Pope yielded
to this advice, and the consistory agreed unanimously that
the conference should be held at Parma or in some other
conveniently situated place.^
The Pope accordingly left Bologna on June the i ith and
reached Parma on the I5th,2 where he found the Marquis
del Vasto with an autograph letter from Charles. Great
difficulties were caused at the last moment by the Emperor's
intention of appearing with a large military force. The
Papal party remembered then full well the claims of the
Emperor on Parma, raised in his letter of complaint to
Clement VII. In order to obviate all grounds of danger,
it was agreed on the 17th of June that the meeting should
take place inBusseto,a small town belongingto the Marchese
* Together with the very laconic entries in Acta Consist. (Ehses,
IV., 344, n. i), see Sadoleto, Opera, II., 210 seq.
2 Cf. Lett. ined. di C. Gualteruzzi di Fano, Pesaro, 1834, 47;
GUALANO, 65 seq.
174 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Pallavicini ; both parties were to be accompanied by an
equal number of retainers. A consistory on tiie i8th of
June approved of this arrangement, whereupon Cardinals
Parisio and Cervini were appointed Legates to the Emperor.^
In Parma Paul III. received the Bishop of Vienna,
Frederick Nausea, who, as he had repeatedly asked per-
mission to do, communicated his views to the Pope and
handed him the manuscript of his Sylvcs Synodales?
Paul III. reached Busseto with fourteen Cardinals on June
the 2 1st. They remained there till the evening of the 25th
of June, when the Pope returned to Parma and the Emperor
went on to Cremona.^ In the long and repeated interviews
between the Emperor and the Pope all the points of
dispute between them were examined.* It was decided
* See the original sources collected in Ehses (IV., 334, n. i).
2 The invitation to join the Pope was sent to Nausea by a brief of
May 16, 1543, as an answer to his last letter of April 25 {se.& supra,
p. 165). Nausea proposed to the Pope, Cologne or Ratisbon for the
Council, but met with great opposition. Notwithstanding he held
firmly to his proposal and published in 1 545 a work specially in its
favour {cf. Pastor, Reunionsbestrebungen, 293, n. 2, where Nausea's
communications with the Pope are assigned incorrectly to 1542). Cf.
Ehses, IV., 327, n. 2.
3 See Gualterius in Ehses, IV., 344, n. i ; Vandenesse, II., 256, and
the *letter of Charles V. to Ferdinand I. of June 29, 1543 (Court and
State Archives, Vienna). V. Gambara wrote a fine sonnet on the
meeting (Rime e lett., 9 ; cf. Giorn. d. lett. Ital., IX., 338).
* See for the following the important ^letter of Charles V. to
Ferdinand I. of June 29, 1543, in Court and State Archives, Vienna
(from which KORTE [p. 87] gives a passage relating to the Council ;
the date July 29 in Korte is a printer's error), as well as the Imperial
explanations to Philip and de Vega in Gayangos, VI., 2, n. 153, 282,
pp. 376, 560 seq. Among the historians the account of JoviUS (Hist.
I., 48) stands high. Adrian!, Sandoval, and Sarpi err, as Ehses (IV.,
349, n. i) well observes, in bringing forward excessive charges against
Paul III., and Pallavicini (1. 5, c. 2-3) goes into the opposite extreme
THE NEGOTIATIONS AT BUSSETO. 1 75
that further negotiations should be held in Rome over the
Spanish pragmatic policy. The nomination of Cardinals
of Imperial leanings, as wished for by Charles, fell through,
for Paul III. held firmly that in the event of such a creation
corresponding claims on the part of France would have
to be considered. Charles V. proposed further that the
hostile relations between the Pope and Ascanio Colonna
should be brought to an end by the marriage of a son of
Ascanio with Vittoria, the Pope's niece, an arrangement
which meant the rupture of the negotiations begun over a
marriage of this lady with the Duke of Orleans. Another
question handled at Busseto related to the possession of
Milan ; this was a matter closely bound up with the most
important topic with which the diplomacy of that day had
to deal : the reconciliation of Charles V. and Francis I.
The plan already ventilated of conferring Milan on a
third party was one which had been brought to the
Emperor's immediate attention by his warmest adherent
in the Sacred College — Cardinal Carpi. The latter had
maintained in a memorial on the subject that Charles
ought not to be Count, Duke, or Prince, but solely the
Emperor ; he ought to be the owner not of many provinces
but of great fiefs. With the possession of Milan his luck
had deserted him. The restoration of the Duchy to
Francis I. would not satisfy the latter's thirst for territory
but only whet that appetite the more ; but he himself also
ought not to be the owner, since thus he increased the
number of his enemies and raised the suspicion that he was
covetous of foreign countries. In the case of his wiping
out this suspicion by erecting Milan into a special Duchy,
Francis I. would no longer have adherents, Charles on the
contrary would have Germany and Italy on his side, his
of advocacy {cf. also Affo, 49 seq.\ Ranke, Papste, III., 36*;
Brischar, I., 131 seq^.
176 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
banners would fly over the most remote lands, and he
would win undying glory.^
If the Emperor, then, was neither to resign Milan to
the French nor keep it as his own, it might appear to him
to be a good way of escape out of the difficulty to bestow
it as a favour on Ottavio, his son-in-law, the Pope's nephew.
This scheme, which was not a new one, was recommended
to Charles at Genoa by Pier Luigi Farnese and now at
Busseto made a subject of serious consultation. Charles
had, in fact, no counter-project to suggest as to how he
could then compass the desired peace.^
It seems that at the outset a hope had arisen of coming
to an agreement on this basis, if it were true that the
viceroy of Milan, the Marquis del Vasto, had already
greeted, as was said, Margaret as Duchess of Milan. That
Charles should have entered seriously into a "bargain
over Milan " certainly appears questionable in view of
the strategical importance of the place, but the Farnesi
were counting on the financial necessity of the Emperor,
who had only just handed over to Duke Cosimo the
fortifications of Florence and Leghorn for money.^
* See *Discorso de Rev. Card, di Carpi del 1543 a Carlo V. Cesare
del modo del dominare (Corsini Library, Rome, n. 443). Ranke
(Papste, I., 6th ed., 162), who used this manuscript, thinks that the
discourse perhaps dates from 1542; but there are also other copies,
as the three in the Bibliothfeque Nationale, Paris (Cod. Ital., 10075,
n. 3 ; 10076, n. 14 ; and Cod. 1067 [St. Victor]), and Cod. Urb., 855,
f. 66 seq., of the Vatican Library, which have the date 1543.
' Cf. Ehses, IV., 349, n. I.
3 See Giovio's letters of June 15 and July 19, 1543, in Atanagi, 63
seq. Giovio's opinion that Siena was also under consideration has been
otherwise confirmed (see Mitteil. des osterr. Instituts, XXIIL, 129,
n, i). Aquila and Tarento were also spoken of, as the *reports to
the Duchess of Urbino of June 16, 1543, clearly show (State Archives,
Florence, Urb. 266, f. 5-^4).
THE NEGOTIATIONS AT BUSSETO. 1 77
The amount which Paul III. was to give for Milan had
been discussed already in Genoa with Pier Luigi. The
Emperor's demands were enormous ; at first two, then one
million ducats, with perhaps yet other hard conditions such
as the retention of the citadels of Milan and Cremona. It
was owing to the exorbitant demands of Charles that the
negotiations on this point at Busseto came to a standstill.^
They were not broken off; as Charles instructed his son
to discuss 2 the matter with the Spanish Council of State,
the Farnesi still cherished a hope of attaining their object.
Although on this question Paul III., under family
pressure, made himself deeply subservient to nepotism, he
never lost sight of active endeavours to effectuate a peace.
Giovio bears witness with what rare shrewdness and
wonderful memory he availed himself of every opportunity
that was of service to that object. As the Emperor in
the bitterness of his enmity to Francis I. would not listen
to the Pope's representations, the latter asked him to hear
the Cardinals. Charles assented, and on June the 24th he
appeared in the midst of the Sacred College. To the
brilliant speech in which Cardinal Grimani recommended
peace the Emperor replied with emphasis and conviction.
With rising emotion he defended his old standpoint, so
often explained before. As Paolo Giovio on taking his
departure kissed his hand, the Emperor remarked : " Get
ready to write, and give a correct account in your history
book, for the war that is about to take place will furnish
you with fresh and troublesome material." Paul III.
expressed astonishment at the Emperor's passionate
* See together with the authorities cited, si/pra, p. 174, n. 4, the
*letter of June 16, 1543, from Girolamo Guicciardini to Cosimo I.
(State Archives, Florence), already produced by Ranke (Piipste, I.,
6th ed., 164, n.).
2 Cf. Gayangos, VI., 2, p. 377 seq. ; cf. ibid., 4i;3, 481.
VOL, XII. '^ 13
178 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
temperament, but gave assurance that in any case he
would stand by King Ferdinand in his resistance to the
Turks — a promise which was kept.^
With regard to the Council the Pope, taking into con-
sideration the war in Europe and the danger arising from
the Turk, proposed to the Emperor at Busseto^ that the
Council should be suspended to a more suitable moment and
at the same time that some place should be chosen other
than Trent, which was unhealthy, cramped, and ill supplied
with provisions. To this the Imperial ministers objected
that the Diet of Ratisbon had agreed to Trent and de-
manded the immediate tenure of the Council ; therefore,
without consulting the Estates, the Emperor could not
consent either to the suspension or the translation of the
Council. As no agreement was reached, the Pope finally
promised to take the advice of the Cardinals.
In Trent during the last days of June Morone, in com-
pliance with instructions from Farnese, drew up an inter-
rogatory circular for the prelates asking what they thought
ought to be done.^ The opinions were divided ; immediate
translation to another place was favoured by the Archbishop
of Corfu and the Bishops of Chironia, Feltre, Bertinoro, and
Belcastro. Their principal reason rested on the considera-
tion that the Synod, if it were to take place in Trent,
would be essentially a Council of Germans under the
influence of the Emperor, since the French bishops would
not come to that city. Also, the assembly being authorized
as a General Council by the Pope might easily, under
* For the troops sent by the Pope (4000 men), see Manante, 275 ;
Ehses, IV., 250.
2 According to the Emperor's own instructions to his new orator
at the Roman Curia, Juan de Vega, of July 4, 1543 (Gayangos, IV.,
2, n. 282, p. 560 ; Ehses, IV., 347, n. i).
' Morone to Farnese, dat. June 30, 1543 (Ehses, IV., 345-348).
DISCUSSIONS AT TRENT. 179
those circumstances, be more dangerous than even a
national council in Germany, to which also, perhaps,
obstacles of the same kind might arise. The above-named
bishops also put their objections in writing, and sent them
to Farnese.
The Archbishop of Otranto, on the contrary, saw the
greatest danger in the threatened national council anc
was of opinion that the most important question now
was how to prevent the latter, since during the existing
period of unrest it was impossible to carry out the Council
at Trent or elsewhere ; the best course, he thought, would
be to sustain the hope of a Council as it had existed
hitherto, since a translation undertaken without the con-
sent of the German princes, who had approved of Trent,
would only offer them a temptation to take arbitrary
proceedings. If, sooner or later, peace were brought
about, the Council then could either be held in Trent, as
the removal of external disadvantages was a matter of
possibility, or be transferred elsewhere with the consent of
all parties. This opinion of the Archbishop of Otranto,
Morone added, was also in agreement with that of tht
Bishop of Hildesheim and the other agents of the Cardinal
of Mayence, who recently had been so much disturbed by the
departure of the two Legates from Trent and whose last
hope for the rescue of the Catholic remnant in Germany
was bound up with the stability of the Council at Trent,
while the dissolution of the latter or its removal from
thence might be followed by the worst results. The
present war also might soon come to an end, and with its
cessation the chief obstacle to the Council would disappear.
The Bishop of Eichstatt, when Morone was writing, was
on his way to visit the Pope.
Morone himself, in view of the great danger to Germany
under all circumstances, was with difficulty able to adopt
l80 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
a decided attitude. On the one side there was present
to his mind the assumption that the General Synod of
the Church was now certainly impossible, on the other
that the national synod or a Diet dealing with matters of
religion was hardly avoidable, in which case the best
course perhaps would be to revoke the publication of the
Council and to announce by a Bull the impracticability
of convening that assembly at Trent. In that case a
Christian reformation might be carried out at once in
those countries where the Papal obedience still prevailed.
But Morone was still unable to make up his mind to
recommend this method. He gave as his reason that this
involved the assumption that Germany was lost beyond
hope, an assumption from which conclusions must be drawn
perilous to the rest of Christendom. Nor was Morone
more attracted by the recommendation to prorogue the
Council, since such a step, taken without the consent of
the German princes, would affect the Empire in exactly
the same way as a complete dissolution. He was there-
fore most inclined to associate himself with the opinion
of the Archbishop of Otranto, as thereby at least he
would not be an accomplice in the inevitable ruin of
Germany.
After his meeting with Paul HI. the Emperor began his
journey towards Trent, while the Papal decision on the
question of the Council was awaited, and took up his
quarters in that city from the 2nd to the 5th of July.^
In the suite of Charles V. were some Spanish bishops who
now, when it was too late, expressed their willingness to
take part in the Council and immediately afterwards
departed, 2
In Bologna, whither the Pope had returned on the ist of
* Morone to Farnese, dat. July 2 and 4, 1543 {ibid., 348 segq.),
• EhseS, IV., 21; I.
SUSPENSION OF THE COUNCIL. l8l
July,^ he was delayed only by the expectation of Morone's
report and that of the bishops assembled in Trent. On
the arrival of these documents it was decided in a con-
sistory held on July the 6th that the Council should be
suspended until a more convenient date ; the resumption
of the Synod was reserved for the Pope's decision. The
Bull of suspension is of the same date, July the 6th; it
makes retrospective mention of the Pope's efforts, calls
attention to the six months' period of suspense in Trent,
and states as reasons for the momentary impossibility of
holding the Synod the war between the Christian princes
and the Turkish danger ; Morone was recalled, and the
prelates assembled in Trent dismissed.^ The Bull was not
published until September the 19th ;3 a brief of July the 6th
informed Morone of the consistorial decision.* He and
the bishops waited in vain for the arrival of the Bull to
enable them to take their departure,^ but not until July the
25th did a brief arrive giving permission to leave Trent.
Morone thereupon took his departure and the others dis-
persed ;^ at the same time briefs announcing the suspension
of the Council and giving the grounds for this decision
were sent out to a number of metropolitans and princes.'
1 Diary of Gaulterius {cf. supra, p. 169, n. 3), Secret Archives of
the Vatican.
2 The Bull of suspension of July 6, 1543, in EhSES, IV., 352-355.
Cf. PallaVICINI, 1. 5, c. 4, n. 20; KORTE, 69 seq. See Massarelli,
Diarium, II., ed. Merkle, I., 419.
3 Ehses, IV., 352, n. 4 ; Merkle, loc. cit.
* Ehses, IV., 352.
6 Morone to Farnese, dat. July 12 and 25, 1543 {ibid., 352, n. 3, 356).
8 Ibid., 356, n. 3.
' The brief to the Cardinal of Mayence from Bologna of July 10,
1543 {ibid., 335 seq.); similar briefs to the Archbishop of Salzburg
Treves, Bremen, Besangon, Gnesen ; on July 21 to the Dukes William
and Louis of Bavaria and to the King of Poland {cf. ibid., 356).
1 82 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The suspension was undoubtedly justified, since under
the existing circumstances nothing beneficial could be
expected from the Council.^ Probably a certain number
of votes were given vindictively as a retort to the
Emperor's frustration of the Papal scheme concerning
Milan. How far Charles V. shared this opinion must
remain a matter of conjecture; what is certain is that as
every prospect of his holding Milan for Ottavio Farnese
melted away his relations with Paul III. became more and
more delicate.^ To this many other causes contributed ;
in order to keep the Protestants in a state of inaction,
the Imperial diplomatists took care that they should be
made aware of the tension which had arisen between the
Pope and their master. With this object the bitter letter
that Charles V. had addressed to Paul III. on the 25th of
August 1542 was translated into German and circulated
in printed copies.^ The document thus acquired an
increased importance, and what a damaging effect such a
measure must have had in Rome can easily be imagined.*
The fresh state of tension between the Emperor and the
Pope led of necessity to nearer relations between the latter
and Francis I., an approximation which might become all
the closer as the party of Charles V. in the Sacred College
1 K. A. Menzel, II., 310.
2 According to the *Vita di Alfonso d' Avalos, Marchese del
Vasto (MS. in Cod. 34, E. 23, f. 267, of the Chigi Library, Rome),
Charles V. had looked upon the Pope in this matter as a downright
simpleton.
^ Cf. Ehses, IV., 238. For the long and violent letter of excuse
from Francis I. in 1543, in which he tried to throw all the blame on
the Emperor, cf. Pallavicini, 1. 5, c. 1, n. 3 ; Ehses, IV., 245, n. 2.
* Paul III. (see *Diarium of Gualterius, Secret Archives of the
Vatican) left Bologna on July 11, stayed in Ancona from the 20th to
the 23rd, from July 30 to Aug. 8 in Perugia, from 13th to i6th in
Viterbo, and returned on 19th to Rome.
ATTITUDE OF FRANCIS I. 1 83
liad been reduced to very slender dimensions.^ The
French King had for a long time been making efforts in
a very tactful way to wipe out to some extent the stigma
which he had incurred by his alliance with the infidel.
When the Turkish flotilla under Chaireddin Barbarossa
appeared at the mouth of the Tiber at the end of June
1543, ^he French commissary who was on board made it
publicly known that the Papal territory had nothing to
fear. The Turks in fact refrained from any acts of plunder
and soon afterwards withdrew from the coasts of the
Papal States.2 The attitude also taken by Francis towards
the religious innovations in France could not fail to
produce a favourable effect upon the Pope. A few weeks
after the declaration of war against Charles V. the King
had ordered the Parliaments to take severe measures of
' On March 30, 1543, Cardinal E. Gonzaga had already spoken in
a ^letter to the Marchese del Vasto of the " pochi servitori, che si
truova S. M. nel coUegio nostro, per la qual cosa un di potriamo
vedersi far un papa tutto francese " who could do great harm. On
Dec. 12, 1543, the Cardinal insists in a *letter to D. Ferrante, in con-
nection with the death of Cardinal Grimaldi, " that there are but few
servants of the Emperor in the Cardinalate, and such as there are
(Accolti, Cibo) are so powerless that he beseeches earnestly that some
steps may be taken to strengthen the party " (Cod. Barb, lat., 5790,
f 150, and 5791, f. 165, of the Vatican Library.) Cf. also in Appendix
No. 22 E. Gonzaga's letter of March 18, 1544.
2 Cf. Jovius, Hist, I., 43, the reports in the Mitteil. des osterr.
Instituts, XXIII., 130, and the *Ephem. in Cod. Vat., 6978, t. 148:
"Die 29 Junii 1543 Romae disseminatum est Turcarum classem Ostia
capta infestam adventare, eoque nuncio populus ita consternatus est,
ut plerique metu aufugerint, omnes autem exsangui vultu formidabundi
hue illuc concursaverint. Indignum facinus, quae urbs olim orbi
terrarum pavori fuit earn tunc inani timore perculsam trepidasse ! —
Hoc mense junio 1543 Regium lulium civitas Brutiorum a Turcarum
classe duce Barbarossa direpta et incensa est, incolis omnibus secum
captivis abductis" (Vatican Library),
1 84 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
repression against all who showed disobedience to the
Church; throughout the whole kingdom proceedings
against the Protestants were ushered on to the stage with
demonstrative effect. In this way not only was the Pope
favourably impressed, but Charles V. and Ferdinand I.
were also at the same time, with their obsequiousness
towards the German Protestants, placed in a very pre-
judicial light before the eyes of Catholic Christendom.^
As the crowning touch of all came the alliance of the
Emperor with Henry VIII. of England. Charles V. made
necessity his excuse for this connection whereby he was
to protect himself against the combination, far more
perilous to Christendom, of France and the Turks. His
ambassador in Rome renewed his demands that the
weapons of ecclesiastical and temporal power should be
wielded against Francis ; this was all the more urgent
since the King had provided the Turkish ships with
every supply which could enable them to attack Nice.
Paul III. replied to the Emperor's representative that if
he were to direct his arms against the French, he could
not dispose of them at sea and on land in Hungary, as
was at present the case, to the advantage of the house
of Hapsburg, but that if he brought ecclesiastical pressure
to bear on Francis he would be exposing the Holy See to
the danger of losing France just as it already had lost
England. Besides, he saw himself placed in the necessity
of now exercising also his functions as a judge and of
examining with which of the two contending parties lay
the guilt of hindering the consummation of the peace
which was so necessary for the world.^
The Imperialists tried to excuse the policy of their master
by calling attention to the dissimilarity of the alliances
* Cf. SOLDAN, I., 179 seq. ; Pallavicini, 1. 5, c. 4, n. 22.
2 Pallavicini, 1. 5, c. 4, n. 25 seq.
THE MISSION OF CARDINAL FARNESE. 185
formed by Charles and by Francis. The alliance of the
Emperor and Henry VIII. aimed solely at victory over the
French and consequently over their allies the Turks, it did
not mean the support of the English monarch in his
aggressions on the Holy See ; much rather was there
ground for hope that the Emperor would be successful in
bringing Henry once more into the right way.^
Paul III. was not moved from his standpoint of
neutrality.^ As the mediator of peace he determined on
November the 21st, 1543, to send Cardinal Alessandro
Farnese as Legate to both the sovereigns.^ In order to
gain the support of the German princes for his endeavours
on behalf of peace, the Bishop of Sarno, Francesco Sfondrato,
was despatched soon after; he was at the same time
directed to justify the Pope's attitude in the question of
the Council.*
Farnese was given the Legatine cross in an assembly of
Cardinals on the 27th of November 1543. The Imperial
ambassador, Juan de Vega, who had replaced Aguilar^ in the
summer of 1543, took this opportunity of trying to induce
the Pope to come to an open breach with France. He laid,
in fact, before the Pope a letter from Francis I. to his son
the Duke of Orleans, together with a supplementary in-
struction to the latter from which it appeared that the
King was seeking the friendship of the Landgrave of Hesse
and showed himself ready to introduce Protestantism into
> Pallavicini, 1. 5, c. 4, n. 25 seq.
2 See Legaz. di A. Serristori, 130 seq.
3 Acta Consist, in Pieper, 126. Cf. Druffel, Karl V., I., 7 seq.
* Sfondrato's instructions of Nov. 30, 1543, in Ehses, IV., 257 seq. ;
Morone's memorial for Farnese, based on the same grounds, of
Nov. 25, 1543, in Pieper, 183-185. For Sfondrato's execution of his
task, see Druffel, loc. cit., I., 8 seq.
^ Cf. Gayangos, VI., 2, xlv seq. ; ibid., n. 282, the instructions for
Vega, dated July 4, 1543.
1 86 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Luxembourg. But Paul III. was not to be drawn into
any precipitate measures ; he postponed an inquiry into
the circumstances until the next consistory. On this
occasion he discounted the Imperial ambassador's eulogies
of his master's adherence to the Holy See, the reward of
which fidelity was to be a forced alliance on the Pope's
part against France, by ordering a report to be presented
through Cardinal Parisio on certain pragmatic decrees
issued in Spain by Charles V. of a nature derogatory to
the rights and freedom of the Church. With regard to
the documents impleaded against the King of France,
since they were the originals, it was resolved that the
nuncio should have speech with the King upon the matter
and receive from him his justification.
In the consistory of the 19th of December 1543 a heated
altercation took place between the Pope and the Cardinal
of Burgos, Juan Alvarez de Toledo. The latter complained
of the severe sentence passed on the pragmatic measures
taken in Spain, while similar enactments in France and
other countries passed into law without criticism. When
Paul III. remarked that he was opposed in general to all
such legislation, but that the Spanish was much the most
objectionable, the Cardinal retorted : " The French alliance
with the Turks and yet other things worse than that were
winked at." The Pope brought the discussion to an end
by referring to the Emperor's alliance with Henry VIII.,
which was worse than a compact with the Turks.^
' Cf. PaLLAVICINI, 1. 5, c. 5, and the copious authoruits given in
EhseS, IV., 378, n. ; see here also for the Spanish Pragmatic of
April 2, 1544. For the efforts of Charles V. in Spain to carry out an
anti-papal and State Church policy, see Ranke, Osmanen, 225 seq.^ and
Armstrong, II., 65 seq. Here are some remarks on Paul III. and
the Spanish Inquisition on behalf of which Charles intervened. With
reg id to the French Pragmatic arrangements, see Schmidt, Franzos.
CARDINAL FARNESE MEETS THE EMPEROR. 187
Cardinal Farnese, accompanied by Giovanni Ricci and
Niccolo Ardinghelli, had left Rome on the 28th of November
1543. He travelled first to the seat of the French court,
where a very respectful reception greeted him ; thence on
the 6th of January 1544^ he went to the Emperor. On
reaching Brussels on the 12th he found that Charles had
already left, and not until the 20th of January did the
Cardinal come up with him, at Kreuznach; on the 23rd
both made their entry on horseback into Worms.
Farnese delivered a letter from the Pope to the Emperor
exhorting to peace. In order to conduce to the restora-
tion of peace between the Emperor and the King he made
certain proposals in which the surrender of Milan or the
cession of Savoy to France were suggested. Charles V. was
convinced that the Pope's peace proposals were mere words
which held out no prospect of results. He was determined,
as he himself said, neither to allow himself to be caught
nor to give up the execution of his plans and the pursuit
of the military undertakings which he had entered upon in
order to re-acquire what had already been wrested from
him. He declared to the Cardinal that, as long as a hand's
breadth of Italian soil was in the grasp of France, a peace
was impossible. The Emperor was so excited that he
hardly allowed Farnese to finish his speech, and he broke
Gesch., II., 685. For the tension then existing in the relations
between the Pope and the Emperor, cf. Serristori's *reports of Dec 12,
16, and 22, 1543 (State Archives, Florence). The accusation brought
in 1 546 by L. Malatesta that the Farnese family had, previous to the
meeting at Busseto(!), conspired through Matteo Varano against the
life of Charles V. (see Arch. stor. Ital, 5th Series, XVI., 98), deserves
no credence (see Brosch in the Mitteil. das osterr. Instituts, XXIII.,
131 seq.\ cf. specially Massignan, Di una supposta congiura ordita dai
Farnesi contra la vita di Carlo V., Padova, 1901).
* Cf. Dandino's *letter, dat. Paris, Jan. 9, 1 544. Nunz. di Francia, 2
(Secret Archives of the Vatican).
1 88 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
in upon his explanations with the words: " Monsignore,
through us you hold the Archbishopric of Monreale, your
father became Duke of Novara, Ottavio Farnese received
the hand of our daughter with an income of 20,000 ducats ;
in order to come to agreement with his Holiness we
have suffered the loss of two of our best friends, the Duke
of Urbino and Ascanio Colonna ; and now we are so
treated, and must submit to it, that the Vicar of Christ,
who has received so many benefits at our hands, is ready
to join forces with the King of France or rather, we should
say, with the Turk. He may well look to it that we do
not deal the same measure to him that we dealt to
Clement VH."
The Cardinal's attempt to justify the Pope's action was
dismissed by Charles with the remark that he knew more
than enough of the obstinacy of Paul HI. It was there-
fore superfluous to have more words on the matter. The
Cardinal, who during this painful interview had shown
great self-command, asked at its close that he might have
the Emperor's permission to discuss the question further
with Granvelle; to that Charles V. offered no objection.
With the Emperor in this frame of mind there was
little to hope for from negotiations with Granvelle and
Idiaquez. On the 24th of January the Cardinal had
once more an audience of the Emperor to which also
Granvelle, Idiaquez, and the nuncio Poggio were admitted.
The long debates, in which religious questions as well as
political were bandied to and fro, were entirely fruitless.
On Farnese entreating that at the coming Diet the interests
of religion should be borne in mind, the Emperor asked
him what counsels in particular the Pope had to impart to
him. When the Cardinal replied to this apologetically
that he had no instructions, Charles rejoined that at previous
Diets the representatives of Rome had done more harm
FAILURE OF FARNESE'S MISSION. 1 89
than good ; at the ensuing Diet the reform of the Church
and the removal of abuses would be dealt with ; he was
resolved to do his duty as a Christian prince.
Farnese could not conceal from himself that his mission
was a total failure. The Emperor rejected all overtures to
France and showed openly that in the approaching Diet
he would have no impediment raised to his negotiations
with the Protestants by the presence of a Papal Legate.
The Cardinal was still sufficiently master of himself to
avoid an open rupture, and in order to facilitate the re-
adjustment of relationships he declared the Pope's readi-
ness to give 50,000 ducats to the funds of the Catholic
League. Sfondrato remained behind to attend to the
settlement of this point, while Farnese at once began his
return journey to Rome.^
The Emperor went from Worms to Spires for the Diet,
where he hoped the Estates would give him open-handed
support in obtaining a full reckoning from France, In
this he was successful, since in the Recess of June the loth
1544 he made such large concessions to the powerful
confederates of Schmalkald as well-nigh to give away the
Catholic cause.^
In this Recess the Council was spoken of in a manner
^ The principal authority for Farnese's negotiations with the Emperor
is the report intended for Vega's information in Lanz, Staatspapiere,
346 seqq. Cf. also Comment, de Charles V., 80 ; Druffel, Karl V.,
i, 14 seq., and Gayangos, VII., 7, n. 18 seq. That the report in Lanz
should be dated Jan. 25, 1 544, had already been pointed out by Gachard
before Druffel (Biogr. nat., III., 682). A very important addition for
the audience given to Farnese by Charles V. is contained in the letter
of Cardinal E. Gonzaga of March 18, 1544, given in Appendix No. 22,
and found by me in the Vatican Library.
2 Cf. Menzel (II., 325), who concurs with this opinion, MaUREN-
BRECHER (p. 61), Janssen-Pastor (III., i8th ed., 579) and BrzOLD
p. 747).
190 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
and in terms which were entirely Protestant ; the authority
of Pope and Church were passed by without mention.
As it was uncertain whether and how soon "a common,
Christian, free Council" would be held, a fresh Diet
ought to be summoned before the expiry of another
year or a German national synod called to settle the
religious question in Germany pending the meeting of a
General Council, all to be done without participation by
the Pope, in accordance with proposals emanating from
the Emperor and the Estates of the Empire through their
theologians. During the interval concessions surpassing
all their boldest hopes would be made to the Protestants
in respect of the sequestrated Church property, the re-
constitution of the Imperial Court of Chancery, and the
cases affecting religion still in litigation. The cases were
to be quashed and assessors belonging to the Protestant
party admitted to the Court of Chancery. Finally, the
Catholics were bound to contribute to the churches and
institutions which had been taken possession of by the
Protestants.^
The resolutions of Spires, a copy of which reached Rome
through Veralloin the middle of July, must have given the
greatest offence to the Pope. The French party in Rome
exulted; they hoped now to bring Paul III. completely
round; as early as March, after Farnese's return,^ the
French thought that their goal was in sight. The Cardinal-
Legate's ungracious reception and speedy dismissal by the
* See Neue Sammlung der Reichsabscheide, l\., 4g$seg. For the
Diet of Spires, f/: Haberlin, XII., 473 seg. ; Janssen-Pastor, III.,
i8th ed., 576 se^.; Winkelmann, III., 358 se^., and DE Boor,
Beitr. zur Geschichte des Speirer Reichstages von 1544, Strassburg,
1878.
2 The Cardinal re-entered Rome on March i, 1544 ; see Raynaldus,
U4?, n. I
RESULT OF FARNESE'S MISSION TO FRANCE. I9I
Emperor made all the more impression on the susceptible
Pope^ as they were in sharp contrast to the brilliant
advances of the French court. The results of Farnese's
mission to France consisted in the agreement of Francis I.
to the marriage of the Duke of Orleans and Vittoria
Farnese, whose dowry was to be made up of Parma and
Piacenza. In return the King demanded of the Pope an
open declaration in his favour and against Charles V.
This Pier Luigi now sought to prevent with all his power.
This man's influence over Paul III. was then unusually
great, for Farnese was at the time making ostensibly a
change for the better in his mode of life. According to
the account given by Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga, Pier Luigi
did not cease to represent to the Pope that a war with the
Emperor must inevitably bring with it in its train the ruin of
the family of Farnese.^ In consequence of this no express
and public hostility to Charles was evinced, but it was
perceptible from other signs that the Pope's preference was
veering towards France.
It was not merely the censure on April the 2nd of the
Spanish pragmatic measures which filled the Imperial
party in Rome with anxiety ; they found no less cause for
apprehension in the Pope's repeated evening conversations
and the secret proceedings in consistory.^ About this time
the ambassador de Vega had begun to drop all diplomatic
considerations. When on the 3rd of April he met, at the
house of Margaret, the Emperor's daughter and wife of
* He had been much displeased at Charles V. for not awaiting the
Cardinal's presence in the Netherlands ; see F. Babbi's *report,
Jan. 17, 1544 (State Archives, Florence).
"^ Cf.'va. Appendix No. 22 Cardinal E. Gonzaga's important letter of
March 18, 1544 (Vatican Library). Pier Luigi's reformation, if meant
seriously, did not last long {cf. LUZIO, Pronostico, XXXIV.).
' See Legazioni di A. Serristori, 133, 135,
192 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Ottavio, Cardinal Alessandro, and the latter used expres-
sions of courtesy towards the Emperor, de Vega replied
that such words were worthless; he wished to see deeds.
Passing on to the secret transactions in consistory, the
ambassador observed that he knew that the betrothal of
Vittoria to the Duke of Orleans had been discussed ; such
a violation of neutrality would bring with it the ruin of his
Holiness, the ruin of the Holy See and of the house of
Farnese.^
Matters became still more acute when Margaret in her
impetuous way took up the Imperial party with intensity
and allowed herself to make disparaging remarks on the
" Farnese brood."* Paul HI.'s enemies, Cosimo de' Medici
and Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga, flung oil on the flames.^
Cosimo's representative informed de Vega that his Duke
had been informed that with the favourable connivance of
the Farnesi, French recruiting was going on in the Papal
States.
De Vega forgot himself so entirely as to reply to Pier
Luigi, who, before leaving for Parma, had conveyed to
him his willingness to do something for the Emperor,
that he would certainly let the latter know how badly
his servants and relatives demeaned themselves.* A
similarly sharp expression was used by Charles himself
towards the Papal nuncio.^ Yielding to the pressure
from Henry VHI., he at last even made up his mind to
recall his ambassador from Rome.®
^ See Legazioni di A. Serristori, 136.
2 Ibid., 139.
3 Cf. Cardinal E. Gonznga's *letters to D. Ferrante of March 18
and 25 and April 5. Cod. Barb, lat., 5792, f. 20, 23, 26'' seq. (Vatican
Library).
* Legazioni di A. Serristori, 139.
* See B. Ruggieri's report in Balan, VL, 363, n. 3.
« See Druffel, Karl V., L, 63, and Ehses, IV., 377, n. 8,
POSITION OF THE PAPAL DIPLOMACY. I93
On the evening of May the 22nd de Vega secretly left
Rome^ without taking leave of the Pope and without
leaving any representative behind. While this critical
situation lasted Alessandro Farnese maintained the un-
disturbed calm of the practised diplomatist. A short time
before, when Margaret one day blurted out, " Don't you
see that in view of the Emperor's indubitable victory
you are preparing the ruin of your house?" he replied,
" Madam, when the Emperor's victory is an assured fact —
then our position will at once be clearly taken. But who
knows what is going to happen ? " ^
These words denote plainly the actual situation of
affairs. Papal diplomacy before taking a definite position
wished to know what the outcome of the great contest
was to be. A friend of Cardinal Gonzaga was of
opinion, in the beginning of June, that Paul III. would
think more than thrice before he made open cause with
Francis I.^ But that in view of the Emperor's threatening
demeanour the Pope should have thought of making his
position sure by an alliance with Venice and the Catholic
Estates of Germany can cause no surprise.* On the 9th
of June Cardinal Ippolito d'Este arrived in Rome as
French ambassador, after having previously, certainly
without success, tried to woo the Republic into an alliance.^
The reception prepared for him was exceptionally mag-
nificent, and his apartments were in the palace of the
Cancelleria. The Romans now believed that the triple
^ He only informed Margaret and Serristori ; see the *report of
latter of May 23, 1544 (Florentine State Archives).
2 Legazioni di A. Serristori, 140.
^ See Cardinal E. Gonzaga's *ietter to Granvelle of June 3, 1544.
Cod. Barb, lat., 5792, f. 64 (Vatican Library).
* See Ehses, IV., 377, n. 8.
* See Brosch in the Mitteil. des osterr. Inst, XXIII., 132 seq.',
Atti Mod., IV., 142, 158 scq.
VOL. xn. ' w
194 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
alliance of Rome, France, and Venice was already con-
cluded, especially as the city was full of rumours of the
seductive offers held out by Francis to the members of
the Farnese family.^
The Romans were as much deceived as those diplo-
matists who thought that the Emperor's ominous attitude
at Spires and other signs of enmity from the Imperialists^
would drive the Pope to an open rupture with the temporal
head of Christendom ; Giovio, as was shown, was a much
shrewder judge of the situation when he wrote, in his caustic
way, on June the 7th to the Duke of Ferrara, " Pope Paul
as a man of common-sense and high character will certainly
remain neutral. The day after to-morrow the Cardinal of
Ferrara will be here knocking at a door which won't open.
His Holiness will wrap himself up tightly and hang weights
on his feet so as to elude any temptation to take flight.
It is said that the Cardinal of Ferrara will, as he did in
Venice, pray here also for help ; but St. Peter will stand
just as neutral as St. Mark."^
Even if Paul III. had secret inclinations towards the
side of France,* he still avoided an open declaration ; for
ten years he had kept his neutrality, and to that policy he
clung as before. Therefore, when rumours were abroad of
negotiations between the two opponents, he determined,
notwithstanding his hitherto discomfiting rebuffs, in a
consistory held on the 30th of July, to support the cause
* Cf. Arch. stor. Ital., Append., VI., 171 seq. ; Druffel, loc. cil., I.,
64. Cf. also AdRIANI, IV., c. 4.
2 Besides Vega's departure another weight was thrown into the
scale, the rumour that Charles V. had sent for Ascanio Colonna ; see
Serristori's *report of June 23, 1544 (State Archives, Florence).
3 Desjardins, III., 49, 50.
♦ See Adriani, IV., c 4 ; ^ Brosch, I., 180, n. i, and Staffetti,
in Arch. stor. Ital., 5th Series, XV., 71,
i^ETTER OF REMONSTRANCE TO CHARLES V. I95
of peace by the despatch of Legates. Cardinal Morone
was sent to the Emperor and Cardinal Grimani to
Francis I.^
In the same consistory measures were taken with
respect to the Recess of Spires, which had been so injurious
to Catholic interests. Already at the beginning of June
the Pope and Cardinals had discussed this question. To
pass over in silence resolutions so damaging to religion
and the authority of the Holy See seemed irreconcilable
with the Pope's duty as the chief ruler of the Church,^
Every effort ought to be made to induce the Emperor
to withdraw his concessions. Giovanni Ricci, Archbishop
of Siponto, who had been appointed nuncio to Portugal
on the 27th of July 1544, was instructed accordingly to
bring the influence of the King of Portugal, of Prince
Philip of Spain, and other prominent personages in that
kingdom to bear upon Charles V.^ A very severe letter
of remonstrance for transmission to the Emperor himself
was drawn up and read aloud in the consistory of July
the 30th.*
This important document, the composition of which
was largely the work of Cardinal Carafa, was at last
completed on August the 24th after yet another discus-
sion on the Recess of Spires in a special congregation
of Cardinals. Besides the letter to the Emperor, others
of similar import were addressed at the same time to
his confessor Soto and to Granvelle. They contained
exhortations to act counter to the Spires resolutions.
> See Raynaldus, i 544, n. 20 ; Pieper, t 28 : Ehses, IV., 363,
n. 4.
2 See Farnese's letters of July 22 and 23, in EhseS, IV., 358, n. 2 j
cf. Pallavicini, 1. 5, c. 5, n. 5.
3 See Ehses, IV., 362 seq.
* Acta Consist, in EhseS, IV., 364, n. 2.
196 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Protests against the Recess^ were also sent to King
Ferdinand and the Catholic princes of the Empire.
In the comprehensive brief addressed to Charles V.^ on
the 24th of August 1544 the Pope began by enforcing the
duty that lay upon him of protesting against the decrees of
Spires. He did not wish to incur the penalties of the high
priest Heli, who left unchastised the evil doings of his sons,
but to shield himself as well as the Emperor from the
wrath of God. The resolutions of the Recess of Spires
excluded from the treatment of religious affairs the very
person who, from the first existence of the Church, had
wielded the first and highest authority in that sphere. In
his place laymen, even the votaries of condemned teachers
of error, were indiscriminately to pronounce their decisions.
Yet the Emperor ought not to listen to those enemies of
the Church who whispered in his ear that the priests and
pastors of the faithful were neglecting their duties and
that he ought to step into their place, for even the best will
and intention could not justify in the affairs of the Church,
any more than in the affairs of a private household, the
intrusion of alien authority into matters placed by the
ordinance of God in the hands of another. Even Oza,
who wished to uphold the tottering Ark of the Covenant
and certainly was inspired by the best of motives, was yet
instantaneously struck down by the hand of God because
he did that which only the priests and Levites had a right
to do. Why were Core, Dathan, and Abiron swallowed up
1 See Rayn ALDUS, 1544, n. 8, 9 ; Ehses, IV., 364, n. 2. For the
participation by Carafa, see SiLOS, I., 243 ; Bromato, II., 94 seq.
2 Best edition in Ehses, IV., 364-373 ; an Italian translation in
Pallavicini, 1. 5, c. 6. Another version, sharper in tone, was first
published by Raynaldus (1544. "• 7), who supposed (mistakenly)
that this was the brief actually sent to Charles V. and which is
reproduced by Ehses (IV., 374-379) ; it is probably an early draft
which afterwards was softened down in form.
LETTER TO CHARLES V. I97
in an earthquake if it were not that they arrogated to
themselves the dignity and functions of the priesthood ?
And yet the priesthood of the Covenant was only the
shadow of the Christian priesthood. King Ozias, other-
wise so distinguished, was carried away by pride at his
successes and, despite the opposition of the priests, entered
into the holy place to kindle incense on the altar, and
straightway became a leper all the days of his life. Yet
to what a pitch of power and renown had God raised those
Emperors who, like Constantine and Theodosius and
Charles the Great, had shown honour to the priesthood of
His Church. How evil had been the end of such enemies
and persecutors as Anastasius, Maurice, Constans II.,
Justinian II., Philippinus, Leo III., and, later, Henry IV.
and Frederick II. Next to the people of the Jews, who
had denied the Saviour Himself, no nation had suffered
severer punishments than the Greeks, whose stubborn
obstinacy had hardened them in separation and apostasy
from the Holy See. How then should Charles V. escape
the wrath of God if he walked in the footsteps of such
hostile Emperors, he the successor of those who in days
gone by had been careful to render to the Church the
same meed of honour which they had received from her?
The settlement of the religious difficulties lay nearer,
the Pope continued, to no man's heart than to his own ;
but even in the pursuit of so beneficent an aim he could
not yield to the Emperor the place of leadership, but only
concede to him the mighty office of champion and pray
him to exercise the same. More than that was not re
quired, since on his own initiative the Pope had greeted
with joy any opportunity which gave the least hope ol"
opening the Council. On every occasion when the most
slender possibility of holding the Synod showed itself he
had sent his Legates ; the Germans, whose reconciliation
198 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
was made increasingly difficult by the Emperor's ever-
enlarged concessions, he had treated with more compliancy
than any other nation, inasmuch as he had appointed
Trent to be the meeting-place and had sent his Legates
thither; but " I came, and there was not a man: I called,
and there was none that would hear " (Isa. 1. 2), Even now
the Pope is not to blame if the Council is not a reality ;
one thing only is wanting, and that is the conclusion
of peace between the Emperor and the Christian princes,
Francis I. in particular, since the war is the only obstacle
which has caused the postponement of the Council. The
Emperor therefore has it in his power to open up the
way for the Council ; to the Emperor it belongs to listen
in matters of faith to the Pope's voice and to give the
latter a free hand in the matters appertaining to his office ;
to the Emperor it belongs to withdraw the concessions
made with untimely leniency to the enemies of the
Church. Otherwise the Pope cannot rest satisfied with
mere admonition, in which even Heli was not sparing
towards his sons, but with the help of God will take all
those steps the neglect of which brought upon Heli so
grievous a punishment.
This hortatory letter was to be delivered by Cardinal
Morone. But Charles V., then in the midst of his war with
Francis I., refused in the most positive way to receive the
Legate. Cardinal Farnese lost no time in informing
Morone of this on the 9th of September ; the latter received
the news at Lyons on the 1 5th of September and thereupon
began his return journey .^ As soon afterwards peace was
concluded between Charles and Francis at Crespy, Grimani's
mission also was rendered superfluous.
The Papal chamberlain David Odasio was entrusted
with the delivery to Morone of the letter of expostulation.
» See PiEPER, 128; Ehses, IV., 365, n.
THE LETTER PRESENTED TO CHARLES V. I99
When he reached the Imperial headquarters he found,
contrary to expectation, that Morone was absent. Since
he had no instructions to deliver the letter to the Emperor
in person, he only left a copy of it at the court and
brought back the original with him to Rome, but the
letters addressed to Soto and Granvelle he delivered. The
presentation of the original letter to the Emperor was then
committed to Flaminio Savelli, a relative of Charles, wh©
started for Worms at the end of January 1545 in order
to convey to Otto von Truchsess, Bishop of Augsburg, the
insignia of the Cardinalate.^
The communication of the letters to King Ferdinand
and the Catholic Estates was entrusted to Giovanni
Tommaso Sanfelice, Bishop of Cava, who on the 27th of
August 1544 had been appointed nuncio-extraordinary to
Germany. The latter accomplished his mission with such
despatch that Ferdinand I. was already in possession on
September the 24th of the letter addressed to the Emperor.^
At the moment of its delivery the contents of this im-
portant document had already been anticipated by facts.
Peace between Charles V. and Francis I. had been con<
eluded.
The conditions agreed to at Crespy on the 17th of
* The duplicate despatch of the brief through Odasio and Savelli is
witnessed to by Massarelli in his Diary, I., on March 25, 1545 (ed.
Merkle, I., 163). Cf. also the explanations in Ehses (IV., 364 seq.,
n. 2), who discusses the opinions impugning the correctness of
Massarelli's statements in Druffel (Karl V., L, 73 seq.)^ FriedenS-
BURG (Nuntiaturberichte, VI IL, 24), and Merkle (I., 421, n. i).
2 See Ehses, IV., 364, n. 2. At the Diet of Worms on April 7, 1545,
Granvelle complains vehemently to Mignanelli of the Bishop of Cava's
mission, especially as the brief had thus fallen into the hands of the
Lutherans and afforded them opportunity for attacks (see Mig-
nanelli's report of April 9, 1545, in the Nuntiaturberichte, VIII., 97;
cf. Drijffel-Brandi, 42).
200 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
September, to the exclusion of the Pope,^ signified for the
French King an honourable peace. In order to settle the
dispute over Milan it was stipulated that the Duke of
Orleans, Francis' second son, should marry either the
eldest daughter of the Emperor, Maria, or a daughter of
King Ferdinand, receiving in the former case the Nether-
lands and in the latter Milan. The Emperor renounced
his claims on Burgundy, the King restored Savoy and
gave up his claims on Milan, Naples, Flanders, and Artois.
Both monarchs engaged themselves to join in common
warfare against the Turks and to give mutual support to
each other towards the "reunion of religion." In the
latter connection secret articles were agreed to that both
princes should support the Council and carry out its
decrees by armed force. Francis I. promised to make
no more fresh alliances, especially with the Protestants of
Gtrmany.2
The conclusion of peace removed one of the principal
causes of the Emperor's irritation against the Pope.
Further, as a wise statesman Charles V. perceived that
an answer to the letter of expostulation could not well
be sent without inflicting serious injury on the honour
and reputation of the two heads of Christendom;^ he
also felt that in the Recess he had agreed to more
"than he could be responsible for."^ After calm reflec-
tion he could not but see that the Pope's complaints on
this score were not unjustified ; statesmanship and Catholic
1 Cf. Capasso, Politica, I., 44.
2 Cf. Baumgarten in the Histor. Zeitschr., XXVI., 31, and Druffel,
Karl v., I., 49 seq.^ for the date of the treaty (17 or 19 Sept.). For the
sense of the last somewhat indefinitely worded article of peace and the
secret tendency of the parties to the treaty, see Soldan, I., 186 seq.
3 Commentaires, 98 ; Ehses, IV., 371, n. 2, and 382, n. i.
* Conversation with the Elector of Saxony (see Schmidt, Gesch.
der Deutschen, XII., 333 seq^.
STATESMANSHIP OF THE EMPEROR. 20I
sentiment were equal determinants in the decision to give
only a verbal answer to the Pope's letter. Taking into
consideration the great importance of the matters dealt
with in the letter and the manner in which expressions
used in that document affected the Imperial authority,
dignity, and reputation, it seemed better that the Emperor's
detailed reply should be reserved for a more suitable
occasion. Then it could be explained and clearly proved
that he had no guilty responsibility for the doleful condition
of Christendom, but that personally as well as indirectly
he had persistently endeavoured to avoid and ward off
such calamities, as was the duty not only of a good Emperor
and as the dignity and authority of the Empire demanded,
but as befitted every Catholic prince who was loyal to the
reverence due to the Apostolic See. If everyone according
to his position and rank had so acted, the present distresses
of Christendom would have been avoided.^
The admirable self-restraint then observed by Charles V.
redounded to his lasting reputation as a Catholic and a
statesman. It shattered the hopes of the Protestants that
the two heads of Christendom would be involved in sacri-
legious strife and led the way to a combination between
Pope and Emperor from which the greatest results would
follow. The state of affairs demanded that a good under-
standing should exist between the two highest powers in
the world. That these two should, especially at first, have
approached each other with grave misgivings is only too
intelligible from the course of previous events.
First of all, at the end of November the interrupted
diplomatic relations were resumed in the regular way by
the return of Vega to the post^ from which he had with-
' Druffel, Karl V., I., 78, 79.
* Nuntiaturberichte, VIII., 15. Cf. Charles V.'s instru' tions to
Vega of Dec. 2, 1544, in Gayangos, VII., i, n. 258.
202 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
drawn in May. Opportunity for a fresh fit of petulance
was given by the nomination of Cardinals on the 19th
of December, at which certainly three Spanish prelates
(Francisco Mendoza de Coria, Gasparo d'Avalos of
Compostela, and Bartolome de la Cueva) were appointed
to the purple, but to the exclusion of Charles's principal
nominee, Pedro Pacheco. The Emperor was so unable
to suppress his annoyance that he forbade the prelates
above mentioned to assume their Cardinal's dress.^ Under
these circumstances it was not surprising that Pier Luigi
Farnese's secretary, Annibale Caro, who was to sound the
Emperor as to his master's investiture with Parma and
Piacenza, met with the very worst reception.^ The Bishop
of Trent, Cardinal Cristoforo Madruzzo, and the Bishop of
^ See Nuntiaturberichte, VIII., 18 j^^. Red hats were also bestowed
on Dec. 19, 1544, on: two Frenchmen, George d'Armagnac and
Jacques d'Annebaut ; one German : the Bishop of Augsburg, Otto
Truchsess von Waldburg, and seven Italians : Francesco Sfondrato,
Federigo Cesi, Niccolo Ardinghello, Andrea Cornaro, Girolamo
Capodiferro, Durante de' Duranti, and Tiberio Crispo. With the ex-
ception of the two last all were excellent men who had often
distinguished themselves in ecclesiastical posts. Cf. Ciaconius, III.,
688 seqq., and Cardella, IV., 253 seq. (in the names of the bishoprics
here attributed to the above named there are numerous errors). For
Truchsess, see Histor. Jahrb., VII., 177 seq., 369 seq., XX., 71 seq.;
Allgem. deutsche Biogr., XXIV., 634 seqq. ; Wetzer and Welte,
Kirchenlexicon, XII., 2nd ed., 114 seq. ; the Cardinal's brief for
Truchsess is in Ehses, IV., 440, n. 2. For Cesi, see Garampi, App.
253 ; ibid., 262 seq., for Capodiferro and Cornaro. For N. Ardinghello,
see Mazzuchelli, I., 2, 981 seq. For Mendoza, see Fonds grec de
I'Escorial, 43 seqq. The elevation of Durante and Crispo, in sur-
prising contrast to the usual caution of Paul III. in his nominations,
is attributed by Massarelli to the influence of the covetous Costanza
Farnese who had deceived the Pope (Diarium, I., ed. Merkle, I.,
195, 196).
* See Aff6, 62 seq.; Nuntiaturberichte, VIII., 21, 638.
RENEWAL OF CLOSER RELATIONS. 203
Augsburg, Cardinal Otto von Truchsess, then undertook
with success to renew closer relations between the Pope
and the Hapsburg brothers.^
* See Nuntiaturberichte, VI IL, 23 seq. For the very strained
relations between Paul IIL and Charles V. in the spring of 1545, se«
the *letter of Cardinal E. Goniaga of March 7, 1545, in Appendix
No. 23 (\'atican Library).
CHAPTER V.
Spread of the German Schism. — Cardinal Farnese's Mission
TO Worms. — Negotiations for an Alliance between
Paul III. and Charles V. against the Protestants. —
Investiture of Pier Luigi Farnese with Parma and
PiACENZA. — The convening of the Council of Trent.
The concurrent pressure upon the house of Hapsburg
from the Turks and the French since the year 1541 had
been used by the Schmalkaldic League as an opportunity
for usurping authority over the Catholic Estates of the
Empire and introducing the new ecclesiastical system
into regions of Germany which hitherto had been Catholic.
To the protestantizing of the bishoprics of Naumburg,
Zeitz, and Meissen had succeeded the campaign of the
Elector John Frederick of Saxony and the Landgrave
Philip of Hesse against Duke Henry of Brunswick, the
last prince of importance who still held fast in northern
Germany to the ancient faith. The enterprise was success-
ful, for Henry was unprepared for war; the Schmalkaldic
forces had no difficulty in taking possession of the Duchy,
into which they at once introduced the new doctrines.
After that the overthrow of the old Catholic conditions in
Hildesheim and Thuringian Miihlhausen was also carried
out by means of violence. In south Germany the year
1542 saw the introduction of the Protestant teaching into
the city of Ratisbon, while in the following year the Count
204
THE ELECTOR OF COLOGNE. 20$
Palatine, Otto Henry of Pfalz-Neuburg gave his adhesion
to the same cause.^
On the Lower Rhine still heavier losses awaited the
Church. There no less a personage than the Prince Elector
and Archbishop of Cologne, Hermann von Wied, threatened
to secede. The total incapacity of this prelate in theo-
logical learning — he had never succeeded in becoming
master of the Latin language — was in strong contrast with
his passionate interference in theological questions. At
first an opponent of the Lutheran heresies, this inconsistent
prince of the Church showed later a suspicious inclination
to patronize the advocates of the new system. Little by
little the Archbishop, whose theological standpoint was
hopelessly confused, found himself on a precipitous slope
on which he entirely lost his footing. At the end of 1542
he summoned Bucer to Bonn and ordered his priests to
administer the chalice to the laity and to preach Lutheran
sermons. Although the Cathedral Chapter, the Uni-
versity, and the city clergy of Cologne held out manfully
on behalf of the Catholic faith, Hermann persisted in his
efforts to protestantize his diocese. In May 1543 Mel-
anchthon visited Bonn in person, and in July the secular
Estates declared themselves in agreement with the Arch-
bishop's course of action.^
At the same time it was rumoured that Francis von
Waldeck, Bishop of Miinster, Minden, and Osnabriick, was
on the brink of apostasy. This prelate, prone to intemper-
^ Cf. JaNSSEN-PaSTOR, in.,'8 528 seqq., 538 seq., 548 seq., 561 seq.
See also Knieb, Gesch. der kath. Kirche in der freien Reichstadt
Muhlhausen, Freiburg, 1907, 37 seq.
2 Cf. Varrentrapp, H. von Wied und sein Reformationsversuch
in Koln, Leipzig, 1878 ; Floss and Pastor in the Annalen der Histor,
Vereins fiir den Niederrhein, XXXVIL, 121 seq.; Janssen-PastoR,
in.,1* 562 seq. ; POSTINA, Billick, 41 seq. \ GULIK, Cropper, 44 seq..
62 seq.., 86 seqq. ; Histor. Jahrb., XXVI IL, 138 seq.
200 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
ance and licentiousness, had for some length of time caused
serious scandal in Catholic Westphalia by his personal
conduct and his toleration of Protestant preaching. In
the beginning of 1543 he solicited admission into the
Schmalkaldic League.^ The same step was taken by the
Duke of Julier and Cleves, who since 1541 had been in-
volved in war with the Emperor's sister, Maria, Regent of
the Netherlands, on account of the succession to Guelders.
William, who had been for long under the influence of
Protestant-minded counsellors, promised the Schmalkaldic
leaders that he would protestantize his states in return for
their help against the Emperor. But since Philip of Hesse
opposed the entrance of the Duke of Julier and Cleves into
the League, the latter found himself alone when Charles
appeared in the summer of 1543 with a greatly superior
force. On the 24th of August, Diiren, the chief stronghold
of the duchy of Julier, was stormed and the entire country
overcome. On September the 7th William appeared as
suppliant at the feet of the Emperor in the camp of the
latter at Venlo. Charles restored to his conquered enemy
his ancient inheritance, but compelled him to renounce
Guelders and Zutphen as well as his alliances with France
and Denmark and also to cancel his introduction of re-
ligious innovations into his duchies.^
The overthrow of Duke William of Cleves had a decidedly
reactionary effect on the development of affairs at Cologne.
There the Emperor personally encouraged the Catholics to
energetic resistance to the Archbishop's religious changes
and insisted on Bucer's dismissal. Thereby the great
danger threatening the Church on the lower Rhine was, if
not indeed removed, yet substantially diminished.^
• See Janssen-Pastor, III.,^^ 560 seq., and Fischer, Die Reforma-
tionsversuche des Bischofs F. v. Waldeck. Dissert, Miinster, 1906.
2 See Janssen-Pastor, III.,'^ 570 ^^jr. 3 cf. Culik, 97.
THE PEACE OF CRESPY. 20/
The Emperor's victory over the Duke of Cleves had,
however, yet another important result : it opened Charles's
eyes to the " weakness and political incapacity " of the
Schmalkaldic group. He perceived, as he relates in his
commentaries, that henceforward it was no longer simply
impossible to curb their high spirit by force, but that this
would be a very easy thing to do if only the attempt were
made under suitable circumstances and with adequate
means.^ The Emperor's first requirement certainly was
the unconditional support of all his subjects in his war
against France, and thus the Schmalkaldic League had
experienced once more a brilliant triumph at the Diet of
Spires. Charles V., however, in his innermost heart dis-
liked the concessions into which he had been coerced by
the pressure of necessity ; that he did not intend to adhere
to them is shown by the secret clauses of the Peace of
Crespy, by which Francis I. was pledged to give the
Emperor support in restoring religious unity.^ In this
way the political situation was shifted in a manner favour-
able to the meeting of the Council.
Immediately after the conclusion of peace Charles V.
and Francis conveyed through the nuncios accredited to
their courts as well as through their ambassadors in Rome
the expression of their wish that the Council should soon
be opened at Trent.^ Before their messages had yet
reached Rome* Paul III., on his part, had already taken the
initiative towards summoning the Council, now that the
peace had cleared the way.
On the 29th of October 1544 Francesco Sfondrato, who
had exchanged his former Bishopric of Sarno for the
* Commentaires, 10 1 ; Bezold, 746.
2 Cf. supra, pp. 1 89, 200 ; see also BezOLD, 747.
3 Nuntiaturberichte, VIII., 15 seq.; Ehses, IV., 383,0. 1.
« Ehses, IV., 381, n. i.
208 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Archiepiscopal See of Amalfi, was sent as nuncio-extra-
ordinary to the Emperor ^ in order, in the first instance, to
be the mouthpiece of the Pope's congratulations on the
peace, but also to point out that one of the most important
fruits of that peace was the possibility now opened of
summoning and holding the Council. He was once more
to represent to the Emperor all the efforts which the Pope
had made to hold the Council up to its last suspension and
the great necessity of holding the Synod, and then to
announce that Paul III. now wished to remove the suspen-
sion and to enter upon the Council without delay. There-
fore he besought his Majesty to co-operate with the Pope^
especially by the despatch of the prelates of his Empire to
Trent ; the Emperor, on the other hand, ought to prevent
the discussion of religious questions at the forthcomir^
Diet of Worms ; no Legate also would represent the Pope
in that assembly. With regard to the seat of the Council
his Holiness was averse to any change of place, notwith-
standing the inconveniences which had arisen at Trent
and his own inability to proceed thither, as an alteration
on this point would only give occasion for fresh difficulties
and delays. On the 31st of October, Girolamo Dandino,
with similar instructions, went as nuncio to the court of
Francis I.^
On the 7th of November the French ambassador,
George d'Armagnac, Bishop of Rodez, read aloud in con-
sistory a letter of Francis I. of the 28th of October, in
which, among other requests, he asked the Pope to open
the Council within three months and certainly in Trent or
* His instructions, ibid.^ 380-382. For his mission, cf. also Merkle,
I., 421, n. 5; Nuntiaturberichte, VIII., 8 seq. Contrary to Friedens-
burg's supposition that Sfondrato left in the first days of November,
Ehses finds Oct. 29 as the date of his departure.
2 Cf. Ehses, IV., 3S0, n. I ; Campana, 358.
SUSPENSION OF THE COUNCIL REMOVED. 209
the place that seemed most suitable to the Emperor and the
King.^ About the same time, after Sfondrato's departure,
a letter was also received from the nuncio in France which,
at the King's command, communicated in similar terms the
position of the latter on the conciliar question ; there was
also a letter from Poggio announcing what Granvelle, in
the Emperor's name, had pronounced on the matter.^
As soon as the Pope was assured of the agreement of
the two sovereigns, on November the 14th the unanimous
assent of all the Cardinals was given in consistory to the
removal of the suspension of the Council and the fresh
proclamation of the same on the 25th of March 1545.^
The final decision and the issue of the new Bull of sum-
mons took place in consistory on the 19th of November;*
in place of the 25th of March, as intended, the fourth
Sunday in Lent, the 15th of March 1545, was fixed for the
date of opening. In the same consistory Cardinals Cupis,
del Monte, Carafa, Parisio, Cervini, Guidiccioni, Crescenzi,
Cortese, Pole, together with Grimani and Morone, who
were temporarily absent, were deputed to attend to the
affairs of the Council.^ In a Bull also dated the 19th of
* Extract from the Consistorial Acts of Nov. 7, 1544, in EhseS, IV.,
382 seq.
2 Cf. Farnese's letter to Poggio of Nov. 14, 1544 {ibid., 383, with
n. 5). Francis I., however, was not, as later events showed, sincere,
when in the period immediately after the conclusion of peace he
displayed so much zeal for the Council {cf. ibid., 384, n. 2 ; PASTOR,
Reunionsbestrebungen, 297).
3 Farncse reported on this to Poggio on Nov. 14, 1544 (EhseS, IV.,
384 seq.\ and to Morone on Nov. 17, 1544 {ibid.).
* The text of the Bull "Laetare Hierusalem" of Nov. 19, 1544 {ibid.,
385-388). On the circumstance of the two decisions in the consistories
of Nov. 14 and 19, cf. ibid., 383 seq., n. 6, with reference to Friedens-
burg's statement in Nuntiaturberichte, VIII., 16.
* Extract from the Consistorial Acts in EhseS, IV., 385.
VOL, XII, 14
2IO HISTORY OF THE POPES.
November^ Paul III. renewed his earlier decree on the
Papal election in case his death during the Council should
render such a measure necessary. The publication of the
Bull of summons followed on the 30th of November.^ On
December the 3rd all bishops of all nationalities absent
from Rome were summoned thither for the Epiphany.*
In a consistory on the 6th of February 1545 the
following were appointed conciliar Legates : the Cardinal-
Bishop Giovanni Maria del Monte, the Cardinal-Priest
Marcello Cervini, and the Cardinal-Deacon Reginald Pole,^
On the 22nd of February the Legatine crosses^ were
distributed, whereupon Cervini left Rome on the 23rd and
del Monte on the 24th of February.® Pole remained in
Rome some time longer through fear of the machinations
of Henry VIII., and rejoined the others later.^ The Bull
> Ehses, IV., 388 seq.
2 Ehses, IV., 387. For the despatch of briefs to various princes
partly before and partly after this date, cf. ibid., 384, n. i. For the
history of the delivery of the Bulls to the Bishops by the metropoli-
tans, cf. ibid., 389 seqq. ; here also is the mandate of the Bishop of
Hildesheim, Valentine von Teutleben, of Jan. 12, 1545.
* Ehses, IV., 384, n. i. Cardinal E. Gonzaga, who hitherto had
been the worst enemy of Paul III., thereupon thought it expedient to
make peace with the Pope. Foi the Cardinal's own feelings, cf. his
**letter to the Duke of Ferrara of Oct. 14, 1544; see E. Gonzaga's
**Ietter to the Pope of Jan. 7, 1545, and **that of March 3 to Cardinal
Farnese. Cod. Barb, lat., 5792, f. 112 seq., 135 seq., 143 (Vatican
Library).
* Ibid., 394, n. 2 ; Pallavicini, 1. 5, c. 8, n. I ; Massarelli,
Diarium, II., ed. Merkle, I., 422 seq.
* Massarelli, Diarium, I., ed. Merkle, L, 151 ; EhSES, IV.,
394, n. 2.
* Massarelli, Diarium, I., ed. Merkle, I., 152 ; Ehses, IV., 394
seq.^ n. 2.
' Massarelli, Diarium, II., ed. Merkle, I., 423; Ehses, IV., 395, n. ;
Pallavicini, 1. 5, c. 8, n. 3.
POWERS OF THE LEGATES. 211
of nomination for the Legates of the 22nd of February*
was sent after them with another of the same date, em-
powering them, if the worst came to the worst, to hold the
Council in some other city than Trent and to dissolve
or continue it^ at their own discretion. Not until the
27th of April was the brief, antedated at the wish of the
Legates to the loth of February, got ready. This gave
them full powers to bestow an indulgence on their entry
into Trent and on the opening of the Council.^ The
two Legates who had left for Trent brought with them a
brief of the 22nd of February for Cardinal Madruzzo of
Trent* in which he was directed to undertake the necessary
preparations for the Council. On the 23rd of February
Bishop Sanfelice of Cava was, as in September 1542, again
sent to Trent ^ to make arrangements for lodgments and
commissariat. The secretary of the Council, Angelo
Massarelli, had left Rome on the 23rd of February with
the Legate Cervini, but was sent forward by the latter and
reached Trent on the 6th of March, where he already found
the Bishop of Cava.^ By a brief of the 6th of March ^ the
Legates were still further empowered to preside over the
Council in twos or even singly if the others were absent or
hindered.
The two Legates, Cervini and del Monte, reached
Rovereto on the 12th of March and on the 13th made their
solemn entry into Trent.^ Besides the Cardinal of Trent
» Ehses, IV., 393 seq. * Ibid., 395 seq.
3 Ibid.y 391 seq. * Ibid., 396.
6 The brief in EhSES, IV., 397. The three following briefs also
deal with reprovisionment {ibid., 397 seq^.
6 For his journey and arrival, see his Diarium, I., ed. Merkle,
I., 152 seqq.
' Ehses, IV., 398 seq.
* Described in Massarelli, Diarium, I., ed. Merkle, I., 159. Their
letter to Farnese from Trent of March 13, in DrUFFEL-Brandi, 18 seqq.
212 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
and the Bishop of Cava they found no other prelates. On
the 14th the Bishop of Feltre, Tommaso Campeggio, made
his appearance.^ Under these circumstances the Council
could not be opened on the i5th.^ On the 23rd of March
the Imperial orator, Dpn Diego Hurtado da Mendoza,^
came, was received on the 26th in the house of Cardinal
del Monte by the Legates in public audience, and received
on the following day their answer.* On the 8th of April
the orators of King Ferdinand, Francesco de Castelalto
and Antonio Quetta, presented themselves before the
Legates.^
In the weeks supervening on the date of opening only
a few more prelates appeared, among them the Bishop of
Bitonto, Cornelio Mussi,^ and the Abbot Jean Loysier of
Citeaux.'^ In April a mandate of the viceroy of Naples,
Pedro de Toledo, give occasion for counter-regulations,^
The latter had given orders that of the bishops of the
* Massarelli, Diarium, I., ed. MeRKLE, I., 160; Ehses, IV., 399, n. 3.
2 Massarelli, Diarium, I., ed. Merkle, I., 160; Diarium, II., ibid.^
I., 424 I Ehses, IV., 399.
^ On Feb. 20 appointed orator and procurator of the Emperor to
the Council (Ehses, IV., 392 seq.).
* Comparitio 111. Dni Don Didaci de Mendocia oratoris Caesarei
in sacro concilio Tridentino, 26 Martii, cum legatorum responsio,
27 Martii 1545 (Ehses, IV., 399-402); Massarelli, Diarium, I., ed.
Merkle, I., 161-165. Cf. the reports of the Legates to Farnese, of
March 26, 27, and 30, of their negotiations with Mendoza in DRUFFEL-
Brandi, 29 seqq.
6 Massarelli, Diarium, I., ed. Merkle, I., 171 seq. ; Ehses, IV., 408,
n. I. The mandate from King Ferdinand for the procurators was
presented by them to the Legates on August 29 (Ehses, IV., 408 seq.).
' Came on March 24 (Massarelli, Diarium, I., ed. Merkle, I., 162).
' Appeared with other Abbots of the Order before the Legates on
April 12 (Ehses, IV., 403 seq., and Massarelli, Diarium, I., ed.
Merkle, I. 173).
8 Cf. Pallavicini, 1. 5, c. 10, n. 3, 4 ; Ehses, IV., 404-407.
THE EMPEROR AND THE COUNCIL. 213
Neapolitan kingdom only four, to be appointed by him,
should go to the Council as procurators for the rest. The
nuncio Poggio had already in March given notice of
similar intentions on the Emperor's part with regard to the
Spanish bishops.^ The matter was all the more dangerous
since Cardinals with Imperial leanings, such as Ercole
Gonzaga, were dreaming of a deposition of the Pope by
the Council after the manner of Basle.^ In any case the
freedom of the Council seemed to be threatened by the
decrees of the Neapolitan viceroy, since the princes in
this way might make themselves masters of the Council
if it lay in their power to reduce hundreds of votes to
those of a few of their satellites.^ The mandate of the
viceroy led to the publication of the Bull of the 17th of
April 1545* by which the prelates were bound, save in
cases of just impediment, to appear personally at the
Council, and representation by procurators was forbidden.^
In the meantime the Imperial policy with regard to the
Council had entered once more on its former tortuous path.
In the proposition, presented by Ferdinand to the Estates
at the Diet of Worms in the Emperor's name on the 24th
of March 1545, the Council about to be held certainly
was not passed over in silence, but on the other hand a
promise was made that, in the event of the Council not
having begun before the close of the existing Diet and
1 Cf. Ehses, IV., 412 seq., n. 6; see also Nuntiaturberichte, VIII.,
80, n. 2.
2 Cf. supra, p. 210, n. 3, the Cardinal's hitherto unknown and very
characteristic **letter of Oct. 14, 1544. Cod. Barb, lat., 5792, f. 112
seq., Vatican Library.
3 Cf. Pallavicini, loc. cit., the letter of Bishop Corn. Mussi to
Cardinal Santafiora from Trent of April 30, 1545 (Ehses, IV., 412 j^^.).
* Ibid., 404-406.
* In the case of the Germans the strict execution of thi.s Bull was
waived. Cf. ibid., 404, n. 2.
214 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
taken in hand the work of reformation, the Emperor would
summon afresh the Estates of the Empire, which would
then enter upon the task of reform themselves.^ In place
of Verallo, transferred to the Imperial court, Fabio
Mignanelli, Bishop of Lucera,^ had been appointed per-
manent nuncio to Ferdinand. When he entered Worms on
April the 2nd he was confronted by the difficult situation
which the declaration in the Emperor's proposition had
already caused. In his audience with Ferdinand on the 4th
of April he received in reply to his official representations
on the subject of the Council an evasively reassuring pro-
nouncement, while Cardinal Otto von Truchsess of Augs-
burg, with whom he afterwards conversed, put before him
with urgency^ the danger which threatened if the Council
were not held at once. On the 7th Mignanelli visited
Granvelle again, who was vehement in his complaints of the
letter that had been sent to the Emperor. To Mignanelli's
suggestion that it only contained fatherly admonitions,
Granvelle replied that representations of that kind might
certainly have been conveyed to his Majesty, but that the
Bishop of Cava had no right to communicate the docu-
ment to the Catholic princes ; in this way the letter had
been made known to the Protestants, who were on all
sides circulating the most scurrilous refutations.*
The most passionate of these retorts had been written
at the command of the Elector and Chancellor of Saxony
» Cf. Janssen-Pastor, III., i8th ed., 387.
* The brief of credence (Nuntiaturberichte, VIII., 81-83) contained
a request that Ferdinand should take steps to inform the Council of
the nature of any discussions which might arise at the Diet of Worms
on the question of religion. For the mission of Mignanelli, cf. Nuntia-
turberichte, VIII., 27 seq.
3 Mignanelli to Farnese, dat. April 4, 1545 j Nuntiaturberichte,
89 seq. ; Druffel-Brandi, 34 seq.
* Nuntiaturberichte, VIII., 96 seqq.
LUTHER'S PAMPHLET. 21$
by the originator of the religious disruption, now standing
on the verge of the grave. This was the pamphlet which
appeared in March 1545 "against the Papacy in Rome,
founded by the Devil," the most violent effusion of Luther's
pen. The chief ruler of the Church is here spoken of with
wearisome iteration as "the most all-hellish father," "his
Hellishness," and styled " Juggler," " the Ass Pope with long
asses' ears," " desperate knave," " the destroyer of Christian-
ity," " Satan's bodily dwelling-place," " the Devil's apostle,"
" the author and master of all sins," " Roman Hermaphro-
dite" and "Pope of Sodomites." By means of a Council
the Pope and his followers could not be made better :
" Since they believe that there is neither God nor hell nor
a life after this life, but live and die like cow, sow, or any
other cattle, it is indeed laughable that they should hold
seal or brief or reformation. Therefore this were best ;
let the Emperor and the Estates of the Empire tell the
vicious, scandalous knaves and the cursed dregs of the
devil at Rome to go to hell for ever ; yet there is no hope
there that any good will be gained. We must work in
other ways. Nothing was ever set right by Councils."
What, however, ought to be done to extirpate " the devil-
founded Papacy," Luther tells us in the words : " Fall to
now. Emperor, King, Princes, Lords, and whoever will fall
to along with you. God brings no luck here to idle
hands. And first of all take from the Pope, Rome,
Romandiol, Urbin, Bononia, and all that he has as a Pope ;
for he has with lies and tricks — ah! what say I, lies and
tricks ! — he has with blasphemies and idolatry shamefully
filched, robbed, and robbed from the Empire and trampled
them under foot, and therefore has he led to their reward
in the eternal fire of hell countless souls through his
idolatry and destroyed Christ's kingdom, wherefore he is
called an abomination of desolation. Therefore ought he
2l6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the Pope himself, his Cardinals and all the rabble of his
idolatry and Papal holiness, to be taken and as blasphemers
have their tongues torn out from the back of their necks
and nailed in rows on the gallows just as they attach their
seals in rows to their Bulls. Yet what a trifle is this
compared to their blasphemy and idolatry ! Therefore let
them hold one Council, or as many as they please, on the
gallows in hell, deep below all devils."
The contents of Luther's scurrilous libel correspond with
the frontispiece, which represents the Pope on his throne
in priestly robes but having asses' ears and surrounded by
devils, who are crowning him from above with a scavenger's
bucket and from below are dragging him down to hell.^
At the same time Calvin composed, in the form of forty-
seven scholia on the Papal letter, a violent pamphlet
against Paul III.^ Johann Sleidan, once a French spy,
afterwards the historian of the Schmalkaldic League,
published two addresses to the Emperor and the Empire
in which he called for measures of force against the Pope,
who is identified with Antichrist.^
Undisturbed by the indignation displayed by the
* Cf. Janssen, Ein zweites Wort an meine Kritiker, 99 seq.\ EhSES,
IV., 373, n- 4.
2 Admonitio paterna Pauli III. R. P. ad invict Caes. Carolum V.
. . . cum scholiis, 1545 {cf. Druffel, Karl V., I., Zo seq.). Although
Druffel says of Calvin's scholia, "They are in many places not merely
sharp and incisive but coarse and foul," he yet in many respects makes
himself the accomplice of the Genevan reformer and discharges the
lattei-'s scholia like barbed arrows against Paul III. and previous Popes.
Ehses retorts in the Wissenschaftlichen Beilage zur Germania, 1900,
No. 16, and in Cone. Trid., IV. 373, that Calvin in matters of exact
knowledge is not the man behind whom an historical inquirer of the
present day ought to take shelter (see also Merkle, I., 174, n. 4).
2 Sleidanus, Zwei Reden, neu herausgegeben von E. Bohmer,
Tubingen, 1879; (^f- Janssen-Pastor, III., i8th ed., 591 seq.
DIFFICULTIES OF THE SITUATION. 217
Catholics and even the Emperor at the scandalous
writings of Sleidan and Luther, the Protestants had these
and other poisonous pamphlets and vulgar caricatures of
the Pope distributed in the Diet. These proceedings, as
well as their unconditional rejection of the Council, show
how powerful they already felt themselves to be.^ The
situation was made worse by many on the Catholic side
casting doubts on the sincerity of the curial efforts to
bring about the Council.^ To the remonstrances of
Granvelle, who, opposed to the nuncio in this respect, had
also called attention to the fact that since the notification
of the resumption of the Council no further communica-
tions on the progress of affairs had been made to the
Imperial ambassador on the side of the Pope, Mignanelli
replied that Paul III. testified by his action that he
wished for the Council, but in his report he gave a warn-
ing that the Curia had better make up for lost time.
Mignanelli also instructed the Legates in Trent on the
state of things in Worms ; a letter from him in cipher
full of details was sent on to Rome by the Legates on
the 23rd of April.2
Mignanelli's reports, a warning letter from Cardinal
Truchsess, and the advice of Cardinal Madruzzo were
decisive in determining the Pope to yield to the earnest
desires of Charles and to send Cardinal Farnese to Worms.*
• Cf. Janssen-Pastor, 590, 592 ; DruSSEL-Brandi, 75 ; Nuntia-
turberichte, VIII., 98, n. loi, n. 4. See also Wendeler, Luthers
lilderpolemik gegen das Papstum : Archiv fiir Literaturgesch., XIV.,
16 scqq,
''■ Mignanelli to Farnese, dat. April 9, 1545; Nuntiaturberichte, VIII.,
98 seq. ; Druffel, Karl V., I., 41 seq.
3 Nuntiaturberichte, VIII., gq seq. ; cf. MerKLE, I., 178.
* Nuntiaturberichte, VIII., 28, 106, n. 3. For Madruzzo's advice,
see in Appendix No. 24 Cardinal E. Gor)73ga's *Jetter of March 2?.
1545 (Vatican Library).
21 8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
After Paul III., in a consistory held on the 14th of April
had given fuller information to the Cardinals concerning
this important mission, Alessandro left Rome on the 17th,
So that no attention should be excited in Germany, he
was attended only by a small suite.^ After Farnese's
departure a letter reached Rome from the conciliar
Legates in which they fully set forth that the very
imminent danger of a national council in Germany in
consequence of the proposition of the Diet, made the
early inauguration of the Council at Trent necessary, in
any case before the close of the Imperial Diet,^ Paul III.
thereupon on the 23rd, and once more on the 27th of
April, caused instructions to be sent to the Legates to
open the Council on the 3rd of May 1545, the Feast of the
Invention of the Cross. Out of consideration for Farnese's
mission the command was not made absolute, but left the
Legates at liberty to postpone the opening in case during
the interval further information should come from Worms
which would seem to make this expedient.^
Cardinal Farnese travelled very quickly. On the 21st of
April he was already in Bologna,* and on the 23rd in Mantua,
where the Regent, Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga, discussed with
him among other matters the failing strength of the Pope.^
The same evening the Legate hastened on to Peschiera,
whence a ship belonging to Cardinal Madruzzo conveyed
» Nuntiaturberichte, VIII., 107, n. ; cf. Campana, 480.
2 See Druffel-Brandi, 55 seqq. Cf. Pallavicini, 1, 5, c. 10,
n. 5-8; Nuntiaturberichte, VIII., 122, n. 2.
3 Ehses, IV., 411 ; Druffel-Brandi, 65.
* Nuntiaturberichte, VIII., 120, n. i.
^ Cf. \xi App. No. 25 Cardinal E. Gonzaga's *]etter of April 26,
1 545 (Vatican Library). San Benedetto, which the Cardinal touched
on his journey and which Friedensburg (Nuntiaturberichte, VIII.,
120) cannot identify, is the Abbey of S. Benedetto di Polirone near
Mantua.
CARDINAL FARNESE ARRIVES AT TRENT. 219
him to Riva. There the latter Cardinal and his two Legatine
colleagues awaited him and in their company he entered
Trent on the 25th.^ Just as he was on the point of setting
forth again on the 28th of April the order for the opening
of the Council reached the Legates. Farnese, however, was
successful in persuading the latter of the necessity of
deferring this event until he had had speech with the
Emperor. Since Mendoza also and the Cardinal of Trent
were in agreement with Farnese, the Legates followed their
advice and reported on the matter on the same day to
Cardinals Santafiora, Cervini, and Morone.- Farnese also
at the very moment of departure wrote to the Pope upon
the subject.^
On May the 3rd the Legates called the ten bishops,*
who up till then had appeared in Trent, to a meeting and
communicated to them the Papal orders and their reasons
for temporary delay, on which all were agreed.^ The Pope
ordered Cardinal Santafiora to write ^ to the Legates on
the 4th of May with his approval of the postponement, but
on the 2 1st communicated to them instructions that as
soon as they were informed from Worms of the Emperor's
^ Nuntiaturberichte, VIII., 120 seq.; Massarelli, Diarium, I., ed.
Merkle, I., 179.
2 Massarelli, Diarium, I., ed. Merkle, I., 180, under date of April
28; Druffel-Brandi, 66 seq., 68 seq. Cf. Pallavicini, 1. 5, c. 11,
n. 4, 5.
' Nuntiaturberichte, VIII., 133, n. i.
* They were the Bishops of Cava, Feltre, Cadix, Pesaro, Piacenza,
Accia, Majorca, Bitonto, Belcastro, and Bertinoro.
^ The accounts of this assembly in Massarelli, Diarium, I., ed.
Merkle, I., 183, and in Ehses, IV., 413. Letter of the Legates to
Santafiora of May 4 in Druffel-Brandi, 80 seq. A memorial of the
Bishop of Feltre on the question of the opening of the Council and
other matters brought before the Bishops by the Legates in the
assembly of May 3, in EhseS, IV., 414-417.
® Druffel-Brandi, 82 seq.
220 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
consent to the opening of the Council they were to proceed
thereto without delay and without waiting for a fresh
Papal mandate.^ That the Pope at this time assumed
that there would be only a short interval of delay is
proved by the fact that on the 9th of May he had in-
structions sent by Cardinal Santafiora to the nuncio
in France to urge Francis I. to send the prelates of
his kingdom to the Council at the earliest possible
moment.^
Cardinal Farnese reached Brixen on the evening of the
29th of April 1545. There he met Bellagais, the secretary
of Cardinal Truchsess, who assured him that King
Ferdinand, Granvelle, and the Catholics hailed his appear-
ance at Worms with great joy. A message received from
Verallo, that the Emperor had rescinded the order for-
bidding the Cardinals nominated on the 17th of December
1544 to assume the insignia of their new dignities,^ also
helped to dissipate any misgivings as to the reception that
awaited Farnese from Charles and Ferdinand.
The Cardinal's further progress was not without anxieties
owing to the danger of his seizure in a Protestant ambus-
cade. On the advice of Cardinal Truchsess, who had sent
his only brother to meet him, he abandoned the usual post-
roads on foot and did not touch Augsburg. In the course
of his journey Farnese fell in with Niccolo Madruzzo,
brother of the Cardinal of Trent, who was to accompany
him until he reached Worms. In DilHngen, which he
» Ehses, IV., 413, n. 3.
2 Ibid. On April 29, 1545, this nuncio, Alessandro Guidiccioni,
reported to Farnese that Francis I. had declared to him that before he
sent his Bishops to the Council he would await the outcome of the
Diet of Worms {ibid.., 412). The third conciliar Legate, Pole, entered
Trent on May 4 (see Massarelli, Diarium, I., ed. Merkle, I., 183 seq. ;
Ehses, IV., 395, 419)-
8 Nuntiaturberichte, VIII., 133 seq.
FARNESE AT ULM AND WORMS. 221
reached on the 5th of May, the Legate found awaiting him
a messenger from Cardinal Truchsess with urgent entreaties
to suspend the journey as the Protestant Duke of Wurtem-
berg was not to be trusted. Farnese and his companion
were burning with impatience to advance, and the Legate
thought for a moment of braving the dangers and passing
through the Protestant Duchy in disguise, but on further
consideration he decided to choose the safer course and to
go round the zone of danger. Therefore, under sufficient
protection, with a guide of King Ferdinand, he made his
way by Ulm, Scheer, Donaueschingen, and Freiburg to
Spires and thence to Worms.^
When in Ulm the Cardinal had an opportunity of
catching a glimpse of the Protestant world. The noble
minster of that city he found to be in the interior " as
white as a mosque," with a bare, undecorated altar. The
desolation of this House of God, "as empty as a barber's
basin," had a profoundly depressing effect on the Cardinal
and his company. What a difference between this and
the churches of Italy, richly adorned with works of art !
Farnese, who naturally did not disclose himself, visited the
booksellers' shops in Worms and found there only Protestant
works. On this occasion he plunged with great boldness
into religious discussion. On his representing that no one
had a right to leave the old secure path at the bidding of
a private person guided by his own passions, he was met
with the rejoinder that no one should have any other guide
than the clear words of Holy Scripture; they were perfectly
sufficient, wherefore a Council was unnecessary. The ani-
mated counter-propositions of the Cardinal were without
effect. He had shown so much eagerness on this occasion
that his companions urged him to use greater caution in
* Nuntiaturberichte, 139 seqq. ; Kannengiesser, 54, 123 seq. ;
Druffel-Brandi, 80, 83, 85, 91
222 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the future; nevertheless, the Cardinal soon afterwards was
holding discussions, in Catholic places, it must be said, and
on more than one occasion with a lettered member of the
Protestant community.^
When Farnese entered Worms on the 17th of May he
had already been preceded by Charles V. The delay
caused by the Legate's circuitous journey had one good
result; his appearance in Worms could be accounted for
simply as bearing on the Diet and the subsidy required
for the Turkish war.
Farnese's audience with the Emperor took place on
the 1 8th of May. Charles made open display of his
Catholic sentiments; he met, hat in hand, the Pope's
representative in the foremost reception chamber, and
when the latter withdrew, the Emperor reconducted him,
in the same manner, to the door. The reception generally
was such that in Farnese's opinion he had never before
been greeted so well as on this occasion. Even if
Charles V. did not disguise a certain dryness and firmness
of demeanour, yet, when Farnese touched in a tone of
apology on former misunderstandings, he remarked that it
would be better to let bygones be bygones and turn over
a new page. Further, the Emperor assured him of his
determination to give his protection to the Holy See and
the house of Farnese. The Legate's second mandate, like
the first, met with the best reception. The Emperor offered
a subsidy of 100,000 ducats for the Turkish war, to be
deposited for that purpose in Augsburg. Farnese's third
request was that Charles should support the Council by
ordering his bishops to participate in it, and that he should
put a stop to the attempt of the viceroy of Naples to
substitute a small representative body for the collective
episcopate of that kingdom and prohibit such attempts
1 See Nuntiaturberichte, VIII., 149 ^^1-
EVASIVENESS OF CHARLES V. 223
in other parts of the Empire. To this Charles V. gave an
evasive answer.^
Further transactions were carried on by Granvelle, who
certainly praised the Pope's decision to open the Council,
but pointed with emphasis to the danger with which
this step was coupled — the danger of the Protestants
then breaking up the Diet, of a massacre of Catholics
in Germany, even of a vindictive enterprise against Rome
itself; the Emperor alone could make but a feeble resist-
ance against such an attack, if the German Catholics could
not be counted on. All depended on the help of the Pope.
The Cardinal was amazed at these announcements. That
the Emperor, whose illicit concessions to the Protestants
in former years had drawn from the Pope the most serious
remonstrances, should now be seeking an alliance with
Rome to compass the forcible suppression of these very
Protestants, seemed to him at first incredible. The cool
treatment of the affairs of the Council, as well as the
sudden announcement of the Emperor's extreme fear of
the Protestants, aroused strong suspicion in the Cardinal.
He rejoined that the task of getting the better of their
opponents lay in the first instance with the Emperor, but
that financial support from Paul III. towards their chastise-
ment was not excluded. That the Emperor was really in
earnest in the matter seemed to the Cardinal at first to be
highly doubtful. His surmise was that Charles in reality
would go no further than to extract as much money as
» See Farnese to the Pope and the conciliar Legates, dat. Worms,
May 22, 1545, in Druffel, Karl V., IL, 57 seq. ; IIL, 62 seq., and in
the Nuntiaturberichte, VIIL, 160 seq.; ibid., 158 seq. Also a report
of May 21 on the first impressions. (In Friedensburg, p. 159, line
10, for "chiesino" marked by a "sic" read "chietino"; it is a term
for a pious man.) Cf. in Appendix No. 26 Cardinal E. Gonzaga's *!ttLer
of June 4, 1545 (Vatican Library).
224 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
possible from the Pope under the pretext of a war against
the Protestants and then, indifferent to the interests of the
Holy See, would, as he had done before, come to some ac-
commodation with the Protestant Estates against levying
the Turkish subsidy.^
In the course of the negotiations, however, this misgiving
vanished. Farnese became convinced that the Emperor's
plan of armed aggression on the Protestant Estates was
seriously meant, and that his endeavours to put off the
Council were only a feint to enable the opening to take
place with all the greater prestige. The Emperor's pro-
posal to use force against the Protestants with the Pope
as his ally would rouse not merely an expectation of the
restoration in Germany of the deeply injured Catholic
Church, but also a hope that Charles would uphold the
Papal authority against that of the Church assemblies
instead of making himself, as was feared, the champion of
the movements aimed at the limitation of the Papal power.
Moreover, there was the prospect of the union between
Emperor and Pope being also of the greatest advantage
to the exaltation of the house of Farnese.^
The nuncios at Worms, Mignanelli and Dandino,
could find nothing sufficiently favourable to say in their
reports to Rome of the tact and sagacity displayed by
the Cardinal- Legate during the negotiations. Both held
the view that the Pope under all circumstances must agree
<vith the Emperor's plan that they should make common
cause in warfare against the Protestants.^ Even Farnese
» Thus of May 22, 1545, to the Pope (see Druffel, Karl V., II., 57 ;
cf. Pallavicini, 1. 5, c. 12).
2 See Farnese's letter to the Pope of May 22, 1545, in Druffel, II.,
57 seq. ; cf. Kannengiesser, 58, and the same in the Festschrift (217
^eq!) of the Protestant Gymnasium at Strasbourg (i{
' Nuntiaturberichte, VIII., 169^-^7.
FARNESE RETURNS TO ROME. 22$
was of this opinion, but without definite instructions on
this entirely unexpected proposal, without powers to enter
into so weighty and far-reaching a scheme, he could only
give the general assurance that the Pope would support
with all his might an undertaking of such importance to
the Church.^ In order by his personal mediation to bring
to a conclusion so promising a compact between the heads
of the Church and Empire as well as to keep his great
secret safe, he resolved to return with all speed to Rome.
He and his companion Aliprando Madruzzo put on
German clothes in order to keep up their incognito and
to escape the machinations of the Protestants, whose
suspicions were now aroused. In the stormy night between
the 27tli' and 28th of May the Cardinal left Worms.^ By
the 2nd of June they were in Trent, where he reported
to the Legates the success of his mission with regard
to the Council,^ and on the evening of the 8th of June
he rode into Rome.*
Cardinal Farnese brought with him an autograph
letter from the Emperor in which he announced that he
had come to a complete understanding with the Legate
and prayed his Holiness to come to an early decision.^
Paul III. at once resolved to accept the Emperor's offers.
After discussing the important situation with the Cardinals,
he declared himself prepared to give extensive help. He
would pledge himself to bank at Venice 100,000 ducats
in addition to the same amount deposited by Farnese
* He seems to have gone pretty far in this respect (see Kannen-
GIESSER, 58 seq.).
2 Nuntiaturberichte, VIII., 181.
3 Massarelli, Diarium, I., ed. Merkle, I., 198-200 ; ESHES, IV.,
422.
* Nuntiaturberichte, VIII., 37, 198 ; Campana, 482
^ Nuntiaturberichte, VIII., 183, n. i.
VOL. XII. 15
226 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
at Augsburg; 12,000 Italian infantry and 500 light horse
were to be maintained at his cost for four months;
besides, the half-year's income of the Spanish Church,
amounting to 400,000 ducats, would be assigned and
permission given for the sale of the holdings of Spanish
convents, which would be compensated in other ways, to
the amount of 500,000 ducats. The Pope was also inclined
to acquiesce in the postponement of the opening of the
Council. On the other hand, he demanded that the money
contributed should be spent exclusively on the operations
against the Protestant Estates, and that no agreement
should be concluded with the latter to which the Pope and
Emperor were not both parties. By the 17th of June
Farnese was able to communicate these offers to Granvelle.
The day before he had written to Charles V. that the
Pope's firm determination to place all his power at the
Emperor's disposal had filled him with greater joy than he
had ever experienced before.^
Paul III. then ordered preparations for war to be made
on a vast scale, the objects of which could not be doubted.^
The courier despatched on the i6th of June with the
offers to the Emperor must have travelled with such
extraordinary speed that on the 23rd he reached Worms.^
Evidently the hammer was to strike while the iron
was hot.*
The Emperor was all the more delighted with the Pope's
* Nuntiaturberichte, VIII., 37, 198 seqq.
2 Besides Druffel, Karl V., II., 2^., cf. in Appendix No. 27
the *letter of Cardinal E. Gonzaga of June 30, 1545 (Vatican Library).
3 See Druffel, II., 25; Nuntiaturberichte, VIII., 198 seq.^ 204,
664, 665 ; Merkle, I., 207, 221.
* All decisions were suspended until the Emperor's return ; see
*H. Tiranno, letter from Rome on June 27, 1545, to Urbino (State
Archives, P'lorence),
PROPOSED WAR AGAINST THE PROTESTANTS, 227
offer as he was in expectation of soon having yet another
100,000 ducats, making 300,000 in all. He promised to
expend the Papal contributions only against the Protestants
and not to make any terms with them to which the Pope
was not also a party. The Wcir itself he intended to begin
in the course of the year.^
As on the 27th and 28th of June so also on the ist and
2nd July the nuncios were still able to report that Charles
was occupied in the preparations for the campaign and
seeking to form an alliance with Duke William of Bavaria,
and to lull the suspicions of the Protestants by making
arrangements for a religious conference. But already on
July the 4th the nuncios received an intimation that diffi-
culties had sprung up which might cause the war to be
put off until the following year.^
The more the Emperor pondered over the state of affairs
the more doubtful it seemed to be that a speedy beginning
of the war was possible. Although a considerable time
had passed by he was still hoping for the available ready
money. In addition to this the negotiations with Bavaria,
contrary to expectation, were not proceeding favourably .^
The Emperor's fears were increased by Ferdinand and
Granvelle, so that on the 5th of July the postponement of
the undertaking was a settled affair. On the following day
the High Steward of the Empire, Johann von Andelot,
left Worms in order to lay before the Pope by word ot
mouth the changed condition of things.*
Andelot had an audience on the 15th of July. He first
of all set forth the reasons which had compelled the
Emperor to defer the war until the next year; in the mean-
• See Nuntiaturberichte, VIII., 38.
2 /did., 226 seg.
2 /did, 41.
♦ C/. Kannengiesser, 63 ; Nuntiaturberichte, Vill., 227, N
228 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
time measures might be considered for supporting the
Catholics against the attacks of the Protestants, and a
written agreement drawn up determining the shares in the
burden of war to be borne by the Emperor and the Pope.
In the second place, Andelot begged that the opening of
the Council might not be premature ; in any case, that the
Emperor should have previous intimation so that by with-
drawal from Worms he might escape the dangers threaten-
ing him from the Protestant side. Andelot pressed his
requests further : that the Council after its opening should
at once occupy itself with reform and not with dogma.
He also asked for the Pope's consent that the Emperor
should keep the Protestants in check by holding a religious
conference and summoning a new Diet for the winter
at which he promised to avoid any encroachments on
the authority of the Holy See, Finally, Paul HI. was
asked to take steps against the Archbishop of Cologne,
who might prove a serious obstacle to the Emperor's
plans.^
The Pope, who from the Emperor's communications to
Farnese and his lavish offers had become firmly convinced
the outbreak of war was close at hand, was painfully
surprised by Andelot's announcement ; nevertheless, his
reply was as accommodating as was possible. He was
ready for war at any moment, but submitted to the more
competent judgment of the Emperor with regard to its
commencement. He was prepared to conclude an agree-
ment on the basis of his existing offers. The opening
of the Council, which he would gladly notify to Charles,
did not admit of longer delay, but the proceedings would
be such that the cause of religion and the war against the
Protestants would derive advantage and not prejudice
* Cf. Farnese's report of July 19, 1545, in Druffel, II., 72 seq., and
still more correctly in Nuntiaturberichte, VIII., 249 seq.
F. L. FARNESE AND PARMA AND PIACENZJl 229
from them. The best help the Catholics could have would
be the continued presence of Charles in Upper Germany.
The Pope on his side would, under any circumstances,
continue to give them his protection ; he was also willing to
take summary measures against the Archbishop of Cologne
even to the length of deposition.^
Whilst acceding to the latest wishes of the Emperor,
Paul III. had hopes that the latter would raise no objec-
tions to the plan which he had long been maturing of
conferring upon Pier Luigi Farnese the fiefs of Parma
and Piacenza. This matter had already been a subject of
conversation during Cardinal Farnese's sojourn in Worms.^
Charles V. would have preferred to see the above-named
cities bestowed upon his son-in-law, Ottavio Farnese. But
this did not suit the views of Pier Luigi ; he himself must be
the master of those fertile territories. It was represented
to the Pope that Parma and Piacenza were in constant
danger of being lost in war, and their only security was the
government of a prince with undisputed authority. Still
the Pope hesitated before taking the final step. Pier
Luigi therefore sent to Rome his confidential secretary,
Apollonio Filareto. The eloquent representations of this
* The nuncio Verallo was more thoroughly instructed by Farnese
(see letter of July 19, 1545, mentioned in preceding note) to represent
at court, opportunely and tactfully, that the treatment of questions of
the Faith, as the primary cause of the summoning of the Council, could
not be shelved. On July 26 Verallo had an audience of the Emperor
in which he acted simply in accordance with Farnese's letter and
received from Charles in reference to the Council the reply that he was
satisfied with the opening of the Council, but only wished it could be
deferred until the Assumption (Aug. 15) or Nativity (Sept. 8) of our
Lady (Verallo and Mignanelli to Farnese, dat. Aug. 3, 1545, in
Nuntiaturberichte, VIII., 265).
2 See Affo, Pier Luigi Farnese, 69 seq. ; xVuntiaturberichte,
VIII., 42.
230 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
agent were at last successful, in the beginning of August,
in allaying the lingering scruples of the Pope>
Nothing now remained but to win the consent of the
Sacred College. This Cardinals Farnese and Gambara
undertook to do, the latter having been from the beginning
a warm partisan of Pier Luigi. Everything seemed to be
settled, and on the 7th of August a final vote was to be taken
in consistory. Then on the evening of the 6th, just as the
Pope was retiring to rest, Andelot and Marquina appeared
on the scene with the announcement that the Emperor
gave his consent only to the investiture of Ottavio. When
Paul III. opposed his firm determination not to relinquish
the cause of Pier Luigi, the representatives of Charles gave
way to the length of assuring him that they would allow
the case to proceed in silent acquiescence.^
But in the College of Cardinals an objection sprang up.
Here undoubtedly the ambitious Ottavio had cards to
play. On the 12th of August the Pope in person brought
the subject before the consistory. He pointed out that the
two cities were far too responsible and far too costly a
possession for the Holy See, he therefore conveyed them
to Pier Luigi and his heirs as fiefs in return for a yearly
tribute of 9000 ducats. Pier Luigi was in a position to
uphold these cities and to give to the Holy See in com-
pensation Camerino and Nepi, the latter places, on account
of their situation, being much more important and profitable,
so that in the end their acquisition would be a gain. The
opponents were, naturally, not satisfied with such flimsy
arguments; they wished to know whether the Pope, who
was only the trustee of the Papal States, had any right to
alienate portions of their territory. The opposition was so
* See Aff6, 71 seqq.; cf. Navenne in Rev. Hist., LXXVIII.,
13 seq.
2 See A. Filareto's report of Aug. 6, 1545, in Aff6, 76 seq.
OPPOSITION TO THE POPE'S NEPOTISM. 23 1
vehement that the Cardinals came to no conclusion.^ In
a second consistory on the 19th of August the treasurer
produced accounts which showed that the yearly net
income of Parma and Piacenza only amounted to 7339
ducats, while those of Camerino and Nepi reached 10,375 ;
besides, the fortification and garrisoning of Parma and
Piacenza during the existing pontificate had amounted to
over 200,000 ducats.2 But even these figures did not con-
vince the opposition. The Pope in his financial estimates
might not be altogether at fault, yet the fact stared them
in the face that a small hill-town like Camerino and a place
as paltry as Nepi could not be looked upon as more than
an equivalent for such prosperous and wealthy cities as
Parma and Piacenza.^ The jest that the Farnese intended
to take a closet (Camerino) in exchange for two stately
chambers was not unjustified.*
The strongest opposition came from Cardinals Cupis
and Juan Alvarez de Toledo, Archbishop of Burgos.
Pisani, Carpi, and Sadoleto also spoke against the project,
but submitted their opinion to the superior judgment of
the Pope. Trivulzio, Armagnac, and Carafa were far away
from the consistory, so that the final decision lay with only
a small group in the Sacred College.^
' See Acta Consist, in Nuntiaturberichte, VIII., 289, n. I, and
Massarelli, Diarium, I., ed. Merkle, I., 244. se^.
2 See *Acta Consist. (Consistorial Archives of the Vatican) ; c/.
Nuntiaturberichte, VIII., 290, n. i.
3 See in Appendix No. 28 the opinion of Cardinal E. Gonzaga in
his *Ietter of August 18, 1545 (Vatican Library).
* The reasons adduced by Manente (p. 293) in excuse of Paul III.
are not sound, but explicable in a work dedicated to Duke Alessandro
Farnese.
^ C/. *Acta Consist. (Consistorial Archives of the Vatican) ;
Pallav;cini, 1. 5, c. 14 ; Aff6, 83 seg. ; Merkle, I., 261. See also
the *Vita di Paolo III. in Cod. Bolognetti, 209, f. 114'' se^. of the
232 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
A Bull, antedated the 26th of August, decreed the
incorporation of Can:ierino and Nepi into the States of the
Church and the investiture of Pier Luigi with Parma and
Piacenza, these cities being erected into a Duchy.^ Ottavio
was compensated for the loss of Camerino and Nepi by the
Dukedom of Castro ; the Prefecture of Rome fell to the lot
of Orazio Farnese.^
The scandalous unconcern with which Paul III. indulged
his nepotistic instincts on this occasion was shown by the
fact that the famous Alessandro Cesati was ordered to
strike a medal the obverse of which represented the naked
Ganymede supported by the Olympian eagle in the act of
watering the Farnese lily.^
The new allocation of territory brought with it a change
in the jurisdiction of the Papal States. A new Legation
was formed comprising Camerino, Spoleto, Terni, Narni,
and Rieti. This Umbrian Legation was bestowed on
Cardinal Durante, while Assisi and Citta di Castello
were transferred to the Legation of Perugia.*
Secret Archives of the Vatican. The speeches here given are not
authentic, as Botta (Storia d' Itaha, II., 109) supposes; on the other
hand, it is quite correct that N. Ardinghello entered into the scheme.
1 The question was not finally settled until the end of 1545 (see
AffO, 89 ; Histor. Jahrb., XXIV., 520; Gualano, 71 seq. ; Massig-
NAN, 58, and Istoria del dom. temp. d. sede ap. nel ducato di Parma
e Piacenza, Roma, 1720, 353 seq^.
2 Cf. Navenne in Rev. Hist., LXXVIII., 17 seq. ; for the cession of
Camerino, see LiLl, 344 seq.
2 See Armand, I., 172. A fine specimen of the medal in the
Museum of Parma (see Atti Mod., II., 256, n. 6). Paul III.'s nepotism
was so great that in October 1545 many persons believed "che il papa
cerchi di lassarsi un successore" (Massarelli, Diarium, I., ed.
Merkle, I., 290). In August 1546 it was reported that Sfondrato had
been selected ; see Luzio, V. Colonna, 49 seq.^ and Lupo Gentile,
Farnesiana, Sarzana, 1906, 10 {Nosze-Publ.).
* See Nuntiaturberichte, VIII., 290, a,
OrPOSITlON TO THE POPE'S NEPOTISM. 233
While the courtiers were heaping congratulations on the
new Duke of Parma and Piacenza and throwing out hopes
for the acquisition of Milan,^ the opposition were enraged
at the success of Paul III. in surmounting so many
obstacles. In a letter of the 23rd of August 1545 to the
Duke of Ferrara, Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga gave expression
to his bitter scorn of the " dear old man " who was about to
raise the new Duke to the thrones of France and Spain,
and indeed of the whole world. " To us scions of ancient
princely houses, whose heritage was won by so much effort
and is with such difficulty maintained, it seems strange
indeed that so new a prince should spring up like a mush-
room in the night." ^ Carafa gave nobler expression to his
deep repugnance to this latest act of nepotism to which
Paul III. had yielded, to the injury of the Church and the
temporal power. On the day of the consistory, apparently
with deliberate intention, he made a pilgrimage to the
seven principal churches of Rome.^
In the face of this arbitrary proceeding of the Pope's,
the Emperor found his hands tied by a twofold knot.
On the 27th of August his daughter Margaret had at
last borne the longed-for offspring of her marriage with
Ottavio Farnese. It did not therefore become Charles V.
to protest against a decree which opened up the prospect
of a Duchy for his own grandson. But a still more
decisive motive for silence lay in the plan of war against
his Protestant subjects, towards which the Pope's help was
* Aff6, 85, who sees in this evidence of Farnese aspirations to Milan.
See also Brosch, I., 182, on this point.
2 See text of the *letter in Appendix No. 29 ; cf. also the very
characteristic **letters of the Cardinal of Aug. 31 and Sept. 5, 154^
(Vatican Library, loc. cit.).
3 See Caracciolo, *Vita di Taolo IV. (Casanatense Library.
Rome); Bromato, IL, 121 seq.
234 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
indispensable. He therefore accepted the accomplished
fact without expressing approval or the reverse.* Never-
theless, the relations of the Pope and the Emperor continued
for some time to come to be anything but satisfactory.
The Recess of the Diet of Worms of the 4th of August
1545, which entirely ignored Council and Pope and
promised a religious conference, continued, in spite of the
tranquillizing assurances of Andelot and Vega, to be as
much as ever an object of mistrust and anxiety ^ to the
Papal party. There was, further, the difference of stand-
point from which the question of the Council was regarded.
This became apparent when Juan de Vega made excuses
for the Recess to the Pope and at the same time requested
that the Council should remain suspended throughout the
whole of September, and that also subsequently, after
the opening had taken place, no decisions on questions
of faith should be declared, but that the transactions of
the Council should be confined to disciplinary matters.^
Upon this Paul III. turned the discussion to the question
of the transference of the Council, which had for so long
claimed attention.^ As the ambassadors announced that
> Nuntiaturberichte, VIII., 44.
2 Ibid., 44, 45.
3 Farnese reported on this to the Legates on Aug. 26, 1545
(Druffel-Brandi, \%oseq. ; cf. Pallavicini, 1. 5, c. 15, n. 2).
* The question of transference was also discussed in Trent where, in
consequence of the prolonged uncertainty whether or where the
Council would be opened, the position was an uncomfortable one. On
June 7 the Legates had already written to Farnese, in the memorials
requested from them, on the question of a transference and had observed
that if this became a matter of discussion the Emperor's wishes would
have first of all to be considered (Nuntiaturberichte, VIII., 194, 195).
Pietro Bertano, Bishop of Fano, repeatedly laid before Farnese his
opinion that the Council ought to be transferred to a place agreeable
to the Pope: Trent, July 3, 1545 {ibid., 640 seqq.\ July 12, 1545
THE POPE'S PROPOSALS ABOUT THE COUNCIL. 235
they had no powers to deal with this point, Girolamo
Dandino, Bishop of Caserta, was sent ^ as nuncio-extra-
ordinary to the Emperor's court in order to obtain clear
information as to Charles's intention in this respect as well
as in regard to the war against the Protestants.
According to Dandino's instructions^ dated the 13th of
September 1545, he was to propose to the Emperor in the
name of Paul III. that the Council should be no longer
deferred, as Charles out of consideration for his plan of
campaign desired, but opened at once, but in some place
more convenient for the bishops of all nations, as well as
for the Pope and Emperor, than Trent with its numerous
disadvantages. In opposing the reasons adduced in favour
of a transference to Italy, the predominant consideration
that weighed for Trent, its suitability for the Germans, was
no longer taken into account, since the Protestants ex-
pressly declined to appear wherever the Council might be
held and the German Catholics also stayed away on the
plea that, owing to the existing state of disturbance, they
could not desert their churches. If the nuncio saw any
inclination on the Emperor's part he was as far as possible
to secure his consent to the choice of a new place being
left entirely to the Pope ; but if Charles wished the Pope
(Ehses, IV., 427, n. I), again on Oct. 5 (Nuntiaturberichte, VIIL,
648 seqq.). Farnese on July 13 and 14 ordered the Legates to send a
written opinion on an eventual transference (Druffel-Brandi, 153).
Through Lodovico Beccadelli the Legates made proposals to the Pope
and Cardinal Farnese on the question in August (the instructions to
Beccadelli of Aug. 13 in Druffel-Brandi, 171 seqq.). On July 14
the Cardinal of Trent, writing to the Legates from Brixen, said that he
thought that the transference should be brought about through the
Emperor's influence on the Pope {ibid., 154 seq.).
' For Dandino's mission, cf. Nuntiaturberichte, VIIL, 314 seqq. •
Ehses, IV., 430, n. i ; Pieper, 145.
2 Ir Ehses, IV., 430-432.
236 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
to make some specific suggestion, then Bologna was to be
recommended.
Dandino, accompanied by Marquina, secretary to the
Imperial ambassador Vega, reached the Emperor's court
at Brussels on the 3rd of October. On the 4th he laid
his instructions before the Emperor,^ who at once declared
his objection to a transference, an objection which was
renewed on the pursuance of the negotiations by the
regent Figueroa and the Imperial secretary Idiaquez.^
On the 7th the nuncios Verallo and Dandino had another
audience of the Emperor in which the latter went more
thoroughly into his reasons for opposing the transference.^
On the loth the Emperor handed to the nuncios the
written reply to be communicated to the Pope.* Therein
he stated fully the grounds of his refusal, but on the other
hand agreed to an immediate opening of the Council by
the Pope, althougih he wished that at first there should be
no discussion of the Protestant heresy. On the 19th
Marquina, bearing the Emperor's reply to the Pope,
reached Trent on his journey to Rome and handed to
the Legates letters from Verallo and Dandino containing
fuller information concerning the Emperor's position.^ On
the same day the Legates wrote to Farnese and the Pope.*^
They protested strongly against the Emperor's demand
that the Council should deal only with reform and throw
> Dandino to Farnese from Brussels, dat. Oct. 5, 1545 (Nuntia-
turberichte, VIII., 317 seqq.).
2 Ibid.^ 321, 324 seq.
3 Verallo and Dandino to Farnese, dat. Oct. 8, 1545 {ibid.^ 330
seqq.) ; cf. also Dandino to Farnese of Oct. 9 {ibid., 345 seq.).
•* In Spanish {ibid., 647 seq.).
' Massarelli, Diarium, I., ed. Merkle, I., 291 seq.
* The letter to Farnese in Druffel-Brandi, 201 seq. ; that to the
Pope does not appear to be forthcoming (Merkle, I., 293, n. 3). Cf.
Massarelli, Diarium, I., ed. Merkle, I., 293 seq.
DECISION TO OPEN THE COUNCIL. 237
the questions of faith into the background, and proposed
that the Pope should send an answer through the Bishop
of Caserta to the effect that, since the Emperor was set
against a transference of the Council, he would proceed to
open the same forthwith at Trent, but with the freedom
and in the order which were the prerogatives of that body.
After the arrival of the Imperial embassy in Rome ' it
was decided provisionally in consistory on the 30th of
October that the Council should be opened in any case
before Christmas, the date to be determined in the next
consistory.2 This took place on the 6th of November,
when it was finally settled that the opening should be
held on the Third Sunday in Advent, December the
13th; the prelates absent from Trent were to be recalled.^
When the news of the great achievement* of the Schmal-
1 Marquina came to Rome on Oct. 24 (Nuntiaturberichte, VIII.,
354, n. 4). On Oct. 26 Farnese wrote provisionally to the Legates that
the arrival of their opinions had been most welcome (DRUFFEL-
Brandi, 203 seq.).
2 Cf. Ehses, IV., 435, n. 5. On Oct. 31 Farnese informed the
Legates of the decision (Druffel-Brandi, 204 ; also in Massarelli,
Diarium, I., ed. Merkle, I., 317). They received this on Nov. 7
(Massarelli, Diarium, ed. Merkle, I., 310). Their reply to Farnese
of Nov. 8 in Druffel-Brandi, 209 seq. On Nov. 4 Farnese also
informed the French nuncio Alessandro Guidiccioni (EhSES, IV.,
434 seq.). On Nov. 4, 1545, L. Strozza *wrote from Rome to Mantua :
" Di novo poco vi e che dire, non si parlando d' altro che del aprir
questo concilio, del quale si parlera ancora nel consistorio di venerdi"
(Gonzago Archives, Mantua).
3 Extract from Consistorial Acts in Ehses, IV., 435, n. 5. Farnese's
communication to the Legates of Nov. 7, 1545 {ibid., 436); also in
Massarelli, Diarium, I., ed. Merkle, I., 317 seq. This reached Trent
on Nov. 13 {ibid., Ehses, IV., 436). On the following day the letters
were drawn up for those prelates who in the meantime had left Trent
(Massarelli, Diarium, I., ed. Merkle, I., 319).
* Cf. Brandenburg, Die Gefangennahme des Herzogs Heinrirh
von Braunschweig i. I., 1545, Leipzig, 1894.
238 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
kaldic League in capturing Duke Henry of Brunswick
reached Rome, many believed that the Council would
be prorogued once more.^ But a letter of Cardinal
Farnese of November the 2ist^ informed the Legates that
the Pope remained determined that the Synod should
be opened on the 13th of December. On the 24th of
November Farnese communicated the same to Poggio,^
and on the 26th to Verallo and Dandino.* A brief of the
24th of November exhorted the King of Portugal to send
his prelates.^ On the 27th of November Morone who, as
Legate, was still in residence at Bologna, was recalled to
Rome in anticipation of the approaching Council.^
At the repeated request of the Legates a special Edict
of Inauguration was sent to them in a brief dated the 4th
of December 1545.'' After a congregation on the 7th of
December of the Cardinal deputies for the affairs of the
Council, Farnese sent the brief to Trent on the same day ;^
it reached that city on the iith.^ At the same time the
Legates received a brief of the 5th of December which
' Cf. Ant. Borghesi's report, dat. Rome, Nov. 15, 1545 (State
Archives, Siena).
2 In DruffeL-Brandi, 218. For the arrival of the letter in Trent
on Nov. 27, cf. Massarelli, Diarium, I., ed. Merkle, I., 335 seq. with
n. 3.
3 In Ehses, IV., 439.
* Three versions of the letter from Nov. 24 to 26 in the Nuntia-
turberichte, VIII., 441 seqq. For Friedensburg's opinion that the
letter "can hardly have been sent," cf. Ehses, IV., 439 seq., n. 2.
6 Ehses, IV., 438.
6 Ibid., 440.
" Ibid., 442.
8 The accompanying letter from Farnese to the Legates of Dec. 7 in
DraFFEL-BRANDi, 233. Cf. also Ehses, IV., 442 seq., n. 3, who
corrects several mistakes of Druffel regarding the letter.
» Cf. Massarelli, Diarium, I., ed. Merkle, I., 350^-^7. ; the Legates'
letter to Farnese of Dec. 12, 1545, in Druffel-Brandi, 236 seq.
ALL DIFFICULTIES OVERCOME. 239
g?.ve permission to the German bishops to be represented
by procurators on account of the gravity of their position
and notwithstanding the promulgation of the earlier de-
cree;^ the execution of the brief lay, however, at the
discretion of the Legates, who did not, however, publish it,
but reserved it for use should emergencies arise.^
A host of difficulties had now been overcome. All was
ready for the opening of the Council on German soil and
in the ancient episcopal city of Trent. The longing of
many years, the event around which so many baffled
hopes had centred,^ was on the point of realization.
1 In Ehses, IV., 443 seq. Cf. Pallavicini, I. 5, c. 15, n. 5
2 Ehses, IV., 444, n. 2.
3 Cf. *Seripando's memorandum in his Register, xxi, 131'' (General
Archives of the Augustinian Order in Rome).
CHAPTER VL.
Transactions and Decrees of the Five First Sessions of
THE Council of Trent (December 1545 to June 1546).
On receiving the Papal brief giving orders for the opening
of the CEcumenical Synod on the 13th of December the
Legates immediately appointed fasts and processions for
the 1 2th and proclaimed an indulgence for those who re-
ceived the Sacraments of Penance and Holy Communion.
Since the shortness of the time did not permit of the
observance, in the usual manner, of three previous days of
fasting and prayer, those who found it impossible to prepare
for the reception of the Holy Eucharist until the Sunday
could obtain the indulgence on the following Sunday as
well as if they fasted on the foregoing Wednesday, Friday,
and Saturday and then made their communion. On
the 1 2th of December the procession of the Tridentine
clergy took place; in the afternoon a congregation of the
conciliar prelates was held at Cardinal Cervini's lodgings,
at which Cardinal Monte delivered an address and read
aloud the brief of December the 4th, whereupon a discus-
sion ensued on his proposals for the solemnities of the
opening and the orders for the day of the first session.^
1 Herculis Severoli de Cone. Trid. Comment., ed. Merkle, I., 1-4 ;
Massarelli, Diarium, I., II., ibid., 351, 400 seq., 429 ; Ehses, IV., 445
seq. Differences arose on the question whether the mandates of the
Legates should be read aloud. The Bishop of Jaen, Pedro Pacheco,
at the instigation of the other Spanish prelates, the Neapolitans, and
some others, demanded this. The Legates indeed declared, with an
THE COUNCIL OF TRENT OPENED. 24I
Paul III. in a Bull of the 13th of December^ ordered
universal intercessions and processions to invoke God's
protection on the Council and promised a plenary in-
dulgence to all who took part in these pious exercises or,
in case of hindrance, ful'fi.lled some equivalent duty, fasted
on the Wednesday, Friday, and Saturday of the week
following the promulgation of the Bull, went to confession,
and on Sunday received the Holy Eucharist. In Rome
the intercessory processions were held on the 14th, 15th,
and 1 6th of December.^
On the 13th of December, the Third Sunday of Advent,
the Council of Trent was solemnly opened.^ The Fathers
assembled with the Legates in the Church of the Holy
Trinity and thence proceeded in copes and mitres, accom-
panied by the clergy of the city, in solemn procession, sing-
ing the Veni Creator Spiritus, to the Cathedral, the choir of
which had been fitted up as the council hall. Here the senior
President of the Council, Cardinal del Monte, celebrated
the solemn Mass of the Holy Ghost and published a plenary
indulgence for those present. Bishop Cornelio Mussi of
Bitonto then mounted the pulpit and preached a Latin
appeal to the procedure of the eighth General Council, that the demand
was untenable, but at the same time gave way in order to avoid
dissension over a point of very minor importance {cf. Merkle, I.,
3, 400 ; Ehses, IV., 446, n. 2 ; see also Pallavicini, 1. 5, c. 17, where
misstatements of Sarpi are corrected). The Legates were housed in
the palazzo Giroldi, destroyed in 1845 (see Zanella, S. Maria di
Trento, Trento, 1879, 32, and Giuliani in Arch. Trentino, I., 158 seq.).
> Ehses, IV., 446 seq. The Bull reached Trent on Dec. 28 {cf.
Massarelli, Diarium, I., under the above date, ed. Merkle, I., 361 seq.).
2 Massarelli, Diarium, I., under Dec. 17, ed. Merkle, I., 353; cf.
Ehses, IV., 447, n.
^ The Acta of the opening session in Ehses, IV., 515-532. Cf
Severoli, ed. Merkle, I., 4 seq. ; Massarelli, Ordo aperitionis Cone.
Trid., Dec. 13, 1545 {ibid.^ 402-404); Massarelli, Diarium II. {ibid.., J.,
429 seq.) ; Pallavicini, 1. 5, c, 17.
VOL. XIL 16
242 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
sermon in which he gave his enthusiasm free course, not
unmarked by faults of bad taste.^ After Cardinal del
Monte had read the prayers prescribed in the ceremoniale,^
Bishop Tommaso Campeggio of Feltre read from the pulpit
the Bull "Laetare Jerusalem" of the 19th of November
1544, and the Bull of the 22nd of February 1545 nominat-
ing the Cardinal-Legates.
After that Alfonso Zorilla, the secretary and theologian
of the Imperial ambassador, Diego Hurtado de Mendoza,
presented a letter of apology from that diplomatist, who
was detained in Venice by illness, and laid his mandate
before the Council.^ Finally, Cardinal del Monte gave
another short address,* declared the Council open with the
assent of the Fathers, and appointed the 7th of January
for the second solemn session ; the ceremonies ended with
the singing of the Te Deum. Present at the opening
session besides the three Papal Legates, Cardinals del
Monte, Cervini, and Pole, were Cardinal Madruzzo of
Trent, four archbishops : Antoine Filheul of Aix, Olaus
Magnus of Upsala, Pietro Tagliavia of Palermo, and
Robert Wauchope of Armagh, one-and-twenty bishops,
five generals of orders, and the ambassador of King
Ferdinand.^ Of the bishops the most noted were Juan
1 In Ehses, IV., 521-529. Pallavicini (1. 5, c. 18) devotes an
entire chapter to a vindication of this sermon against Sarpi's censures.
On Pallavicini's defence, see Ehses' notes, loc. cit, and Merkle (I., 4,
n. 3). See also Brischar, I., 149 seq.^ and DE Leva, Le prime sessioni
del Concilio di Trento : Mem. d. 1st., Veneto, XX., 367 seq. For the
Cathedral of Trent, see Heider-Eitelberger, Mittelalterl, Kunst-
denkmaler Osterreichs, I., Stuttgart, 1858, 155 seq.
2 Ehses, IV., 516.
3 Ibid., 517 seq.
* Ibid., S19 seq.
6 The list of names and those of theologians and other personalities
present in Ehses, IV., 529-532.
PRINCIPAL MEMBERS OF THE COUNCIL 243
Pachcco of Jaen, soon afterwards made Cardinal,^ Braccio
Martelli of Fiesole, Tommaso Campeggio of Feltre, and
Giacomo Nachianti of Chioggia. Among the generals of
orders were the Servite, Agostino Bonucci, and the learned
Augustinian Hermit, Girolamo Seripando.
The theologians present at the first session included
four secular priests from Spain ; all the rest were regulars,
namely, six Dominicans, among them Ambrogio Catarino
and the famous Domenico Soto, ten Franciscan Observants,
eight Franciscan Conventuals, five Augustinian Hermits,
as many Carmelites, and four Servites. On the following
day the Legates sent to Rome the announcement of the
opening of the Council and applied for further instructions.^
Three general congregations, occupied with the organiza-
tion and procedure of the Council, formed a preparation
for the second session.^ In the congregation of December
the 1 8th the Legates laid seventeen articles before the
* Together with Pacheco there were nominated Cardinals on Dec.
16, 1545 {cf. ClACONIUS, III., 707 seqq. ; Cardella, IV., 273 seqq.) :
Georges d'Amboise, the Portuguese Infant Henry, 1 533-1 537, Bishop
of Braga, since 1540 of Evora, which, out of consideration for him, was
raised on Nov. 24, 1544, to the rank of a MetropoUtan see (see Gams,
99; c/. SCHAFER, Portugal, III., 367 seq.), and the Pope's nephew
Ranuccio Farnese. The last named, in accordance with the corrupt
custom of the time, was made Archbishop of Naples in 1544, although
only fifteen years old. It was quite unprecedented that two brothers
should sit at the same time in the Sacred College, and Alessandro
Farnese was displeased at the elevation of Ranuccio (see Massarelli,
Diarium, I., ed. Merkle, I., 311, 3S7^ 364 .y^^.)-
2 The Legates to Farnese, dat. Dec. 14, 1545 (Druffel-Brandi,
241-244).
3 Cf. for these congregations the Acta in Ehses, IV., 533-546.
Severoli, ed. Merkle, I., 6-16 ; Mass.-irelli, Diarium, I., th'd., 353-367 ;
Diarium W.Jbid., 430-432; Diarium III., /(5/<i., 469-471 ; Pallavicini,
I. 6, c. 12. Knopfler in Wetzer and Weltes Kirchenlexicon. X!.,
2nd ed., ''048 seq.
244 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Fathers dealing with the external order of the Council and
to be submitted for discussion in the next congregation.^
The important question whether dogma or reform was to
be discussed first in the Council was also brought before
the Fathers in this first congregation and made the subject
of debate,^ As differences of opinion manifested them-
*selves, a decision was for the time being postponed at the
instance of Bishop Ferreri of Ivrea. In this congregation
the Portuguese Dominican, Hieronymus ab Oleastro, as
temporary ambassador of the King of Portugal, announced,
in an address, the later arrival of orators from that monarch
and presented his sovereign's letters of the 29th of July
1545 to the Council and the Pope, which were then read
aloud.^
At the command of the King of France the Archbishop
of Aix and the Bishop of Agde laid before the Legates,
first in the congregation of December the i8th and then in
that of the 19th, their instructions that the Council should
not enter upon its deliberations before the arrival of the
French ambassadors and the rest of the French prelates.
This ominous suggestion, designed to put a check on the
business of the Council, was, after previous deliberation with
the prelates, met, on the 20th of December, by a refusal
couched in intentionally vague and general terms and
handed in writing to the two French dignitaries. The
Council, it said, would always show becoming considera-
tion for the King of France, as far as God's honour and
that of the Synod permitted; but his Majesty, knowing
1 The text in Ehses, IV., 533 seq., and in Massarelli, Diarium I.,
ed. Merkle, I., 354 seq.
* Ehses, IV., 534; Massarelli, Diarium II., III., ed. Merkle, I.,
430, 469.
3 Ehses, IV., 534-536 ; Severoli, ed. Merkle, I., 7 ; Massarelli,
Diarium, ibid., 354, 430, 469 seq. ; Pallavicini, 1. 6, c. i. The letter
.)f King John of Portugal in EhSES, IV., 425-426.
DISCUSSIONS ON PROCEDURE. 245
that the sessions of the Council admitted of no further
delay, was requested to hasten the attendance of his repre-
sentatives and bishops.^
Since the discussion of the article presented on the 1 8th of
December concerning the formal procedure of the Council
led to no practical result,^ in a congregation on the 22nd
of December a commission consisting of the three bishops,
of Ivrea, Cava, and Feltre, and the Auditor of the Rota,
Pighini, was formed to deal with the matter first of all with
the Legates, and then to report to the general congregation.^
Although the above named declined to serve, the three
bishops were re-elected in the next general congregation
of the Council on the 29th of December for a term of three
months.* On December the 22nd the question of the right
to vote belonging to abbots and generals of orders ^ had
been left undecided. At the two next general congre-
gations, on the 29th of December 1545® and the 4th of
January 1546,'^ the subject came under discussion again.
Opinions were widely divergent; some wished the voting
to be vested exclusively in the bishops, others wished the
decision to be deferred until the Council were more largely
attended. Cardinal del Monte carried the point that the
^ Cy] Ehses, IV., 536^'^^.; Severoli, ed. Merkle, I., 7-9; Massarelli,
Diarium, ibid.^ 358 seq., 431, 470 seq. ; PALLAVICINI, 1. 6, c. i, I. The
Legates' reports are in Druffel-Brandi, 251 seqq.
^ The vote of Bishop Tommaso Campeggio of Feltre on this in
Ehses, IV., 539.
3 Ehses, IV., 538 ; Severoli, ed. Merkle, L, 9.
* Ehses, IV., 540; Severoli, ed. Merkle, I., 10, 12; Massarelh,
Diarium, t'did., 362, 431, 471.
^ Ehses, IV., 538 ; Massarelli, Diarium, ed. Merkle, I., 431, 471.
6 Ehses, IV., 541 ; Severoli, ed. Merkle, I., 10 seq. ; Massarelli,
Diarium, th'd., 471.
^ Ehses, IV., 543 seq. ; Severoli, ed. Merkle, I., 16; cf. especially
the note in Merkle, I., 1 1 se^., and Pallavicini, 1. 6, c. 2.
246 HISTORY OF THE TOPES.
right to vote of the generals of orders should be recognized.
After long discussion, and likewise on the motion of del
Monte, it was decided in the case of abbots that the three
Benedictine abbots sent by the Pope should have one vote
collectively, not as abbots but as representatives of their
Order.
In the general congregation held on the 4th of January,
the senior President, del Monte, informed the Fathers more
fully of a letter of Farnese of the 31st of December,^ by
which the Pope approved of what had been done and
ordered the Legates to deal in the first instance with
matters of faith ; in so doing, however, only the doctrines
and not the persons of heretics were to be condemned,
a measure which aimed at conciliating the Protestants.^
Further, the brief of the ist of January 1546^ was read
aloud, by which the Fathers in attendance at the Council
were freed from contributions and permitted to draw upon
their incomes. Later came up for recital and approval
the decree appointed for publication in the second session,
whereupon there arose, as was subsequently again repeated,
a debate on the style and title of the Council.^ Several
Fathers proposed in particular that to the title " Sacrosancta
Tridentina Synodus " the clause used by earlier Councils,
* In Druffel-Brandi, 255-259. Cf. Ehses, IV., 542 ; Severoli,
ed. Merkle, I., 12 ; Pallavicini, 1. 5, c. 16, n. 2.
* The Council consented. " De cette mani^re," says Maynier
(p. 285), "le concile ne refusait pas aux protestants le droit de se
defendre, puisque leurs livres seuls, et non leurs personnes, se trou-
vaient en cause, et on pouvait repondre, k ceux qui lui reprochaient de
juger des accuses sans les avoir cites et convaincus, qu'il n'y avait
d'autres accuses que des ouvrages r^pandus partout."
8 In Ehses, IV., 545 seq. ; cf. Severoli in Merkle, I., 12 ; Mas-
sarelli, Diarium, ibid.^ 366, 432.
* Cf. Ehses, IV., 543 ; Severoli, ed. MeRKLE, I., 14 ; Massarelli,
Diarium III., ibid.., 471 ; Pallavicini, L 6, c. 2, n. 8-10.
ELECTION OF CONCILIAR OFFICIALS. 247
"universalem ecclesiam repraesentans," should be added.
This proposal met with special opposition from Cardinals
del Monte and Madruzzo. The first showed that it was
uncalled-for to imitate thereby the precedents of Constance
and Basle; the latter pointed out that this magniloquent
title would only irritate the Protestants. The majority
were in favour of rejecting the additional clause. Finally,
on the 4th of January, certain conciliar officials were elected,^
while some wished their nomination and appointment to
proceed from the Pope, to which proposal some of the
Fathers, zealous in their defence of the prerogatives of the
Council, raised objection.^ Paul III. had at first looked
to the humanist Marcantonio Flaminio to be secretary to
the Council ; as the latter declined, the post was given
provisionally on the 4th of January to Angelo Massarelli,
hitherto private secretary to Cardinal Cervini, until the
Council, which claimed for itself the right of appointment,
should come to a final decision. Since Luigi Priuli, who,
it would appear, had been chosen by the Council in the
beginning of February, did not take up the office, Massarelli
continued to hold it, and was tacitly recognized as secretary.^
* Cf. Ehses, IV., 544 ; Severoli, ed. Merkle, L, 14 seq. ;
Massarelli, Diarium, ibid., 432, 471.
2 Cf. Ehses, IV., 542 ; Severoli, ed. Merkle, I., 12 seq. ; cf. also
Pallavicini, 1. 6, c. I, n. 2-9. For still later objections, see Merkle,
I., 18, n. 2.
2 See for this Merkle, I., xxxi seq., who gives passages from the
correspondence of the Legates with Farnese relating to the election of
the secretary. Merkle (I., Ixviii seqq^ devotes pages to a close
examination of Massarelli, concerning whose life and numerous
writings a variety of opinions has been held. He comes to several
new conclusions. He defends the secretary of the Council against
Druffel's charges of falsehood, with complete success (p. Ixxx seqq.\ but
on the other hand opposes the attempts of the Italian party to canonize
Massarelli's reputation.
243 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
On the Pope's nomination Achille de' Grassi was appointed
consistorial advocate ; the post of abbreviator was given
to Ugo Boncompagni, noted for his great knowledge of
canon law.^
On the 7th of January 1546 the second session of the
Council was held in the Cathedral of Trent.^ It was
opened by Bishop Juan Fonseca of Castellamare saying the
Mass of the Holy Ghost and Bishop Coriolano Martirano
of S. Marco preaching a sermon.^ After the usual prayers
and ceremonies the secretary, Massarelli, read aloud an
impressive exhortation from the Legates to the Fathers,*
composed by Cardinal Pole. In eloquent terms this
document described the corruption of the Church and
exhorted the Fathers to amendment and contrition of
heart, whereby alone they could expect the descent of
the Holy Spirit upon them. Especially urgent was the
entreaty to expel all passions which can darken the reason,
and never to lose sight of the sacred things of God by
espousing the interests of the world.^ The Bishop of
Castellamare then ascended the pulpit in order to read
the Bull of April the 17th, 1545, forbidding Bishops to be
represented at the Council by procurators, the brief of
December the 4th at the opening of the Council,^ and lastly
1 Pallavicini, 1. 6, c. I, n. 23 ; Ehses, IV., 544, n. 4. Achille de'
Grassi arrived in Trent on March 4 (Massarelli, Diarium, III., ed.
Merkle, I., 509).
2 The Acta in Ehses, IV., 547-564. Cf. Severoli, ed. Merkle, I.,
16-18; Massarelli, Diarium I.-III., ibid., 367 seq., 432, 472;
Pallavicini, 1. 6, c. 5.
3 In Ehses, IV., 557-561.
« Admonitio ilimorvim iggatorum ac patres concilii (Ehses, IV., 548-
553)-
° Ehses, IV., 548 seq. ; cf. de Leva, Le Prime Sessioni, 372 seq.
6 For the form in which the brief of Dec. 4, 1545, was read aloud, cj.
Ehses, IV., 442 seq., n. 3, 446, r. l. 'Oel Morte on the first reading'
THE TITLE OF THE COUNCIL. 249
a decree on the blamelessness of life required of the Fathers.
The last was approved unanimously ; but the " placets" of
nine Bishops were accompanied by protests against the
omission in the title of the words " universalem ecclesiam
repraesentans." ^ Bishop du Prat of Clermont, on the other
hand, made complaint that in the decree the name of the
King of France was not expressly mentioned together with
that of the Emperor. Besides the three Legates and the
Cardinal of Trent there were present four archbishops,
six-and-twenty bishops, three abbots, and five generals of
orders.-
In the interval between the second session and the
third, appointed for the 4th of February, the position of
the Legates towards the Pope and his Council had begun
to be one of difficulty. General congregations were held on
the 13th, 1 8th, 22nd, 26th, and 29th of January and on the
3rd of February.^ As in the first congregation, so in that
of the 13th of January, the title of the Council gave rise to
prolonged debate. The Legates, mindful of the opposition
in the general congregation of Dec. 12 had omitted the words of the
original text, "juxta formam litterarum indictionis nostrae," as he was
afraid that the Bull on the prohibition of the Procurators might be
prejudiced thereby. In their letter to Farnese of Dec. 14 the Legates
urged this danger, and on Dec. 30 received accordingly a new version
of the brief, in which the words "juxta formam litterarum nostrarum"
were substituted for those objected to by the Legates. In this form
(as also given by Ehses, IV., 442) the brief was read out on Jan. 7.
* Ehses, IV., 556. The individual contrary votes were noted down
by Massarelli on a single sheet of paper discovered by Merkle and
given by him, p. 18, n. i. Cf. also Pallavicini, 1. 6, c. 5, n. 4.
2 The list of those and of others present in Ehses, IV., 561-564.
3 See the Acta in Ehses, IV., 565-578 ; also Severoli, ed. Merkle,
I., 18-27; Massarelli, Diarium I., ibid.^ 368-399; Diarium W.^ibid.,
432-434; Diarium III., ibid., 472-476; PALLAVICINI, 1. 5, c. 6-8;
Knopfler in Wetzer und Welte, Kirchenlexicon, XI., 2nd ed.,
2050-201:7.
250 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
shown in the previous session, wished to bring the question
to a final issue. They spoke against the addition " uni-
versalem ecclesiam repraesentans." Cervini addressed the
Fathers at great length,^ followed by Madruzzo and Pacheco,
who in this session appeared for the first time with the
insignia of a Cardinal ; then the Bishop of Astorga spoke,
and also finally the Augustinian Seripando.
The last-named succeeded in silencing the opposition.
Seripando pointed out in particular that there was no ques-
tion of excluding that designation for ever; it was only a
postponement until a larger attendance of members and the
passing of important decrees gave a semblance of propriety
to so pretentious a title. The opposing Bishops declared
that they would not be fully satisfied until it was agreed
that in future the words " oecumenical " and " general "
should be inserted in the Decree, expressions already
made use of by the Pope in his Bull of Convocation.^
These more formal controversies were trifling in com-
parison with the disputes occasioned by the very important
question whether the Synod should begin with decisions on
dogma or with disciplinary measures of reform. Paul III.
wished for the former, Charles V. for the latter.
The primary consideration with the Emperor was the
avoidance of offence to the Protestants, who would be em-
bittered by the rejection of their new tenets at the outset of
the Council ; together with this he nourished a strong dis-
trust of the Pope's intentions with regard to reform. The
* A fuller extract from Cervini's speech in Massarelli, Diarium I.
ed. MWKLE, I., 374-377-
2 Ehses, IV., 565 ; Severoli, ed. Merkle, I., 18-20. In Massarelli,
Diarium II., III. {ibid., 433-472) it says "universalis et cecumenica"
instead of "cecumenica et generalis"; the latter words are used in
the title of the Decrees of subsequent sessions. In the general
congregation of Feb. 3 the protest of three Bishops was again
renewed (Ehses, IV., 578 ; Severoli, ed. Merkle, I., 27).
RESISTANCE TO THE PAPAL STANDPOINT. 25 1
latter started with the view that in accordance with ancient
custom and the nature of the case, the safeguards of dogma,
as the things of most importance, should first be settled.
Paul III, also looked upon it as preposterous that instead
of appearing as the accuser he should, of his own free will,
place himself in the position of the accused, in order that in
the meantime the contumacious might go unpunished while
he submitted himself, as if they were the judges, to their
criticism. Finally, he was afraid that the immediate treat-
ment of the reform question by the Bishops would lead to
a repetition of the occurrences of Constance and Basle.^
Weighty reasons could be adduced in favour of the
Pope's standpoint, above all the usage of the ancient
councils. The Imperial ambassador Mendoza, himself an
expert in canon law, acknowledged this.^ Besides, it was
clear to everyone that not only the morals of the Catholics
stood in need of improvement, but that the faith of Christen-
dom, so violently attacked, demanded protection. Notwith-
standing, when the Legates endeavoured to carry out the
Pope's wishes at Trent they met with passionate resistance.
Already in the general congregation of the i8th of January
1546, and afterwards in that of the 22nd, the debates were
long and violent.^ That reform should take the first
place was urged especially by the Cardinal of Trent.*
The opposite standpoint was championed by Cardinal
Pacheco and the Archbishop of Aix. The Bishop of
» Cf. Pallavicini, 1. 6, c, 7.
Cf. MAYNIEJi, 237.
3 Acta in Ehses, IV., 567-572 ; Severoli, ed. Merkle, I., 20-24 ;
Massarelli, Diariuan, ibid., 379 seq., 382-384, 473 seq. ; PALLAVICINI,
1. 6, c. 7.
* In the congregation of Jan. 18, the Cardinal of Trent, in the name
of the Bishop of Capaccio, proposed that the Protestants should be
once more invited. The proposal was rejected. (Massarelli, Diarium,
ed. Merkle, I., 380, 433, 473.)
252 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Feltre, Tommaso Campeggio, brought forward on the
1 8th of January a proposal for a via media, that dogma
and reform should be dealt with simultaneously.^ As the
Legates saw no possibility of carrying a resolution in the
sense of the Papal instructions, they fell in on January the
22nd with the proposal of the Bishop of Feltre, whose reputa-
tion stood very high. Although Madruzzo still continued
his opposition, the Legates were successful in carrying
through the compromise of the Bishop of Feltre which
was to be published as a decree at the next Session.^
Paul III., however, was in no way disposed to consent.
On the 26th of January the Legates received a letter from
Farnase dated the 21st and 22nd of January insisting on
the Pope's determination that the treatment of matters
of faith should have pMority. The Legates, therefore, in
order to gain time, put the question on the same day to
the general congregation whether the date of the session
might not be postponed, as the matters intended for pub-
lication then were not sufficiently advanced ; no such
decision, however, was reached. On the other hand, in the
general congregation of the 26th an important resolution
of another kind was carried. The negotiations as hitherto
conducted had revealed the want of a settled order of
business and of uniform guidance. Among the various pro-
posals made in this respect, one at last which the Legates
brought forward carried the day. It provided that the whole
number of the Fathers should be divided into three separate
classes, each of which should sit under the presidency and
in the house of one of the three Legates, and prepare the
agenda to be presented to the general congregation. ^
1 His vote in Ehses, IV., 568 seq.
2 See Ehses, IV., 571-
3 See Ehses, IV., 572 ; Severoli, ed. Merkle, I., 24 ; Massarelli,
Diarium I., ibid., 392.
THE COMPROMISE ACCEPTED. 253
In the meantime the Legates were endeavouring, in
repeated despatches to Rome, to justify the resolution of
January the 22nd as unavoidable, and thereby to gain the
Pope's approval.^ In the short period remaining before
the day of the session, the 4th of February, they could not
hope to obtain this. Moreover, on the 30th of January
they received once more a letter from Farnese dated the
27th, according to which the Pope's intentions were in-
flexible.2 Consequently, after previous understanding with
Cardinals Madruzzo and Pacheco ^ on the same 2nd
of February, when the three separated congregations
met jointly for the first time, they brought forward the
proposal that the decree appointing the simultaneous
treatment of dogma and reform should not be published
in the forthcoming session, nor for the present at all, but
be reserved until the attendance at the Council had be-
come more numerous. In the general congregation held
on the following day it was resolved, in spite of the
violent opposition of the Bishops of Badajoz and Astorga,
that the decree should not be published at the session on
the morrow, but be treated from henceforward as if it had
been enacted.* The Legates were now able to make this
concession, since on the very evening of February the 2nd
they had received a letter from Farnese dated the 30th of
January according to which the Pope consented that the
resolution of January the 22nd should not be withdrawn ;
only, the Legates were to take heed that the treatment
1 Cf. Pallavicini, 1. 6, c. 7, n. 14-16 ; Merkle, I., 399, n. 8.
* Druffel-Brandi, n. 312.
3 On Feb. i {cf. Massarelli, Diarium I., ed. Merkle, I., 369 ; cf.
Ehses, IV., 544 seq.., n. 4). The general congregation which should
have met on Feb. i was, on the receipt of the letter of Jan. 27, post-
poned, in order to gain time.
* Ehses, IV., 575-578; Severoli, ed. Merkle, I., 26 seq. ; Massa-
relli, Diarium I., ibid.^ 433 seq., 475 seq. ; Pallavicini, I. 6, c. 8, r. C, 7.
2 54 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of matters of faith should still be considered of primary
importance.^
As nothing else had been prepared for the session,
which nevertheless was now bound to be held, it was
resolved to publish only two decrees, the first of which
should declare the Nicene-Constantinopolitan Creed to
be the common foundation of all Christian belief and the
presupposition on which all future definitions of faith must
depend ; the second, out of regard for the prelates whose
attendance at the Council was still expected, should fix
the ensuing session for the Thursday following " Laetare "
Sunday, which would fall on the 8th of April.^
On the following day, the 4th of February 1546, in
the third solemn session,^ at which the Archbishop, Pietro
Tagliavia of Palermo, said Mass and the learned Dominican
Ambrogio Catarino preached,^ these resolutions were ac-
cordingly passed. Only the Bishops of Fiesole, Capaccio,
and Badajoz handed in written protestations against the
omission of the phrase " ecclesiam universalem repraesen-
tans," while the two latter also objected to the non-publica-
tion of the decree of the 22nd of January,^ Present at the
session were the five Cardinals, six archbishops, six-and-
twenty bishops, four generals of orders, and three abbots.
» Ehses, IV., 578, n. I ; Pallavicini, 1. 6, c. 7, n. 16.
2 Ehses, IV., 577 ; Severoli and Massarelli, loc. cit.
s The Acta in Ehses, IV., 579-588. Cf. Severoli, ed. Merkle, I.,
27 seq. ; Massarelli, Diarium II., III., ibid.^ 434, 476 seq. ; Palla-
VICINI, 1. 6, c. 9.
4 In Ehses, IV., 582-586.
* These protests called forth from the Legates in the next general
congregation on Feb. 8 another complete vindication of their previous
proceedings (Severoli, ed. Merkle, I., 28 seq. ; Pallavicini, 1. 6,
c. II, n. 1-3). The Bishop of Fiesole, notwithstanding his protest
against the omission of the additional clause, also renewed his opposi-
tion to the decrees of the following sessions.
ACTIVE LABOURS ENTERED UPON. 255
According to the resolution of the general congrega-
tion of January the 22nd, letters in the name of the Council
were to be addressed to the Pope, the Emperor, and the
Christian princes thanking them for the goodwill hitherto
manifested by them, and praying them to send a greater
number of prelates. When these documents came up for
recitation in the general congregation of the 29th of
January, strong differences of opinion were revealed ; in
particular, a dispute arose over the precedence of the King
of France or of the King of the Romans at the reading
aloud of the letters in the session. As no agreement was
reached, the reading of the letters and their approbation in
the session was deferred, and also their despatch.^
After the business under preparation had been settled
and the order of procedure laid down in essentials,^ the
Council after the third session entered upon its active
labours, and accomplished in the course of a year, up
to the transference to Bologna, a considerable portion of
its task, although the external condition of affairs was little
favourable to the progress of a work undertaken in the
greatest seriousness and with much enthusiasm.
The only German bishop present at the beginning of the
Council, Michael Helding, Bishop of Sidon and auxiliary
Bishop of Mayence, had, in obedience to a summons from
the Emperor to the Colloquy at Ratisbon, been obliged
to leave before Christmas, and was only able to attend the
second session, leaving Trent immediately, on the following
day, the 8th of January .^ Germany since then had only
» Ehses, IV., 573 seq. ; Massarelli, Diarium I., II., ed. Merkle, I.,
398, 433 ; Pallavicini, 1. 6, c. 8, n. 1-3.
2 KnoPFLER in Wetzer und Welte, Kirchenlexicon, XI., 2nd ed.
2053-2056, gives a clear account of the standing orders.
^ Massarelli, Diarium, I., under Nov. 16, Dec, 23, and Jan, 8, £{'.
Merkle, I., 327, 359, 369; Diarium, ibid., 432.
2S0 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
been represented by the procurators of Cardinal Otto von
Truchsess of Augsbui^. German bishops were not to
be expected for a while owing to the disturbed state of
the Empire and the Emperor's attitude.^ By the end of
January and in the course of February various disquieting
rumours were already current in Trent with regard to the
intentions of the Protestants.^ On the 29th of January
Massarelli recorded that^ he had heard from Cardinal
Madruzzo that the Protestants had offered to recover
Piedmont from France for the Emperor if the latter would
renounce his alliance with the Pope and withdraw his
support from the Council. On the 23rd of February
Madruzzo again affirmed on reliable sources of information
that a deputation of German Protestants was shortly to
be expected at Trent to assert the illegality of the Council.*
Luther's death, which took place on the i8th of February
1546, did not alter the hostile attitude of his followers
towards the General Synod ; Melanchthon, on the contrary,
now issued at the bidding of the Elector of Saxony a work
in oppvosition to the Council;^ and soon afterwards two
long pamphlets were printed by the Protestants, contain-
ing a rejection of the Council.^
From the side of the Imperial policy, the Council, after
its opening on the 13th of December,^ contrary to the
* On May 14 the Dominican, Ambrosius Pelargus at last made his
appearance as procurator to the Elector of Treves (Massarelli,
Diarium III., ed. Merkle, I., 547 seg.).
2 Nuntiaturberichte, VIII., 559 n.
* Diarium I., ed. Merkle, I., 396.
* Diarium III., idtd., 490.
6 Knopfler in Welzer und Welte, Kirchenlex., XL, 2nd ed., 2059.
^ C/. Pastor, Reunionsbeitrebungen, 326 seg'^.
^ On Dec. 18, 1545, the nuncio Dandino wrote from Bois-leduc to
Farnese that the Imperial court was still convinced that the Council
would not be held (Nuntiaturberichte, VIII., 501). After the actual
CHARLES V. AND THE PROTESTANTS. 257
hopes of the court, met at first only with restrictions, since
the plans of Charles V. as then existent were not in favour
of the undisturbed progress of the dogmatic labours of
the Fathers. The Emperor, already resolved to meet the
Protestants, if necessity demanded, on the field of battle,
wished first of all to make one more attempt at reconcilia-
tion by means of a religious conference to be held during
the Diet appointed to meet at Ratisbon. To meet the
justifiable offence caused by the resumption of such
religious conferences after the Council had been opened,
Charles, before his departure for Ratisbon, gave the nuncio
Verallo a general assurance that affairs would be con-
ducted there in such a manner as to give the Pope
satisfaction. The religious colloquy was only a mask.
The Emperor, however, expressed a wish that the Council
might for a while suspend its labours in order to avoid
irritation of the Protestants.^ The religious discussions at
Ratisbon, opened on the 27th of January but actually begun
on February the 5th, were just as ineffectual and resultless
as all their predecessors,^ and ended in the departure of the
Protestant disputants from the city on the 20th and 21st
of March without having even waited for the Emperor's
arrival.
About this time the Cardinal of Trent in a confidential
opening of the Synod was made known, Verallo and Dandino wrote
again, on Jan. 7, 1546, to Farnese that the Emperor had expressed to
them his gratification at the news.
1 Verallo to the Legates from Utrecht, dat. Feb. 4, 1546 (Nuntiatur-
berichte, VIIL, 547 seq.). Dandino and Marquina wrote likewise to
Farnese {cf. Massarelli, Diarium, III., ed. Merkle, L, 513); also
Dandino to Cervini, dat. Feb. 4, 1546 (Druffel, Karl IV., 528 ; cf.
Merkle, I., 482).
2 See infra, p. 2%o seq. ; ^ also Cardinal Otto Truchsess' letter from
Augsburg to Farnese and, in similar terms, to the Legates at Trent,
dat. March 14, 1546 (Nuntiaturberichte, VIIL, 573 seqq.).
VOL. XII. 17
258 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
conversation with Massarelli ^ spoke of the danger of a
transference of the Council to Germany, while the adoption
of an ItaHan city would never meet with the consent of
the Emperor and the Germans.
At last, on the 15th of March, the Imperial orator
Francisco de Toledo also reached Trent. He was in-
tended temporarily to replace Mendoza, who was ill, and
afterwards, if it was necessary, to be joint representative
with him of the Emperor at the Council. Francisco de
Toledo paid his visit to the Legates on the i8th of March,
and then, on Madruzzo's advice, went at once to Padua in
order to confer personally with Mendoza and to come to a
closer understanding. After his return he attended for the
first time, on the 5th of April, a general congregation, and
there presented his mandate ; in the next general congre-
gation, on the 7th of April, he received the written reply
of the Council.2 In the solemn session held on the follow-
ing day all these documents were read aloud. From that
time forward the intrusion of the Imperial policy into the
procedure of the Council was carried on by the ambassadors
with far greater want of consideration than had been shown
hitherto by the Cardinal of Trent; for Charles V., in view
of his attitude towards the Protestants, was seeking at any
price to avoid the discussion of dogmatic questions. On
the 25th of May, Mendoza also at last arrived in Trent.^
The Council in the meanwhile had applied itself to a
subject which the Legates had brought forward in the
general congregation of February the 8th : the establish-
1 Massarelli, Diarium, III., under March 15, ed. Merkle, I., 513;
also in the Nuntiaturberichte, VIII., 653.
' Cf. Massarelli, Diarium, II., ed. Merkle, I., 436 seq.; Diarium,
III., ibid., 512, 517, 530 ; Severoli, ibid.., 44, 48 ; Pallavicini, 1. 6, c. 13.
3 Cf. Massarelli, Diarium, II., ed. Merkle, I., 439 ; Diarium, ibid.,
S50.
THE CANON OF HOLY SCRIPTURE. 259
ment of the Canon of Holy Scripture as the foundation
and bulwark of the defence of Church doctrine. Here clear
definition was all the more necessary as the Reformers
appealed in the first instance to the Bible, certain portions,
however, of which they rejected. The question therefore
had to be examined, whether all the books of the Old and
New Testaments in common use were to be regarded as
parts of Holy Scripture; and also a point of no less im-
portance, what respect was due together with the written
word to that ecclesiastical tradition which the Protestants
had entirely discarded.
One only among the Fathers of the Council, Nachianti,
Bishop of Chioggia, a man of Protestant tendencies, was
of opinion that tradition should be disregarded, since in
the gospels all was written down that was necessary to
salvation and the Christian life. This view, however, was
rejected and refuted by appeal to Holy Scripture and the
ancient Fathers. On the establishment of the Canon
of Holy Scripture animated debates from time to time
arose.
After long discussion in the general congregations of the
I2th, 15th, and 26th of February, the 5th, 17th, and 27th of
March, the ist, 3rd, 5th, and 7th of April, and in the particu-
lar congregations preceding them, which were accompanied
by meetings of the theologians, the two decrees were at
last agreed to which were published in the solemn session
of the 8th of April 1546.^ The first dogmatic decree,
* For the negotiations and events between the third and fourth
sessions, cf. Severoli, ed. Merkle, I., 28-48 ; Massarelli, Diarium, II.,
ibid., 434-437; Diarium, III., ibid., 477-533; EhseS, V., 3-89;
Pallavicini, I. 6, c. 11-16: Knopfler, in Wetzer und Welte,
Kirchenlex., XL, 2nd ed., 2056 seq, ; EhSES, iu the Rom. Quartalschr.,
XL, 598 seq., in Histor. Jahrb., XXVI. , 300 seq., and in the Dritten
Veremschrift der Gorres-Gesellschaft for 1908, 37 seq. For the fourth
26o HISTORY OF THE POPES.
" Of the Canonical Scriptures " (de canonicis Scripturis),
declares not only the Old and New Testaments, but also
apostolic tradition, to be the sources of the Church's
doctrine, and sets forth the Canon of the Bible. The
discussions on the misuses which had become current with
regard to editions and translations of the Holy Scriptures,
as well as with regard to their interpretation and use, led to
the second decree of the fourth session, " Of the editing and
use of the Sacred Books " (de editione et usu sacrorum
librorum). Here it was in the first place declared that the
ancient Latin version, preserved for so many centuries by
the usage of the Church under the name of the " Vulgata,"
was in public recitals, disputations, sermons, and exposi-
tions to be held to be authentic, and no one was to dare,
under any pretext whatever, to reject it. This, as had
been set forth in the preceding discussions, did not assert
that the language or form of the Vulgate was incapable of
improvement, but only that in matters of faith and morals
it contained no errors. In the same province of teaching
it was enacted that all interpretations of Holy Scripture
were forbidden which did not adhere to the sense held
by the Holy Catholic Church, or disagreed with the clear
consensus of the Fathers. Further, the decree prescribed
the greatest care and accuracy in the future issue of
editions of the Bible, and ordained that for the future no
books on religious subjects should be published without
ecclesiastical authority.^
sitting, of April 8, 1546, cf. Severoli, ed. Merkle, I., 48-50 ; Massarelli,
Diarium, II., III., ibid., 437 seq., 534; Ehses, V., 90-104; Pal-
LAVICINI, 1. 6, c. 16.
* For the two decrees, cf. Kaulen, Gesch. der Vulgata, Mainz, 1868,
379-419. No decision was come to with regard to the translation of
the Bible into the vernacular (see Peters, Kirche und Bibellesen,
Paderboin, 1908, 24). That no adverse measures were t?.ker>, as
THE COUNCIL AT WORK. 26 1
Besides these two decrees of the 8th of April, it had
been intended to publish a third in the same session on a
resolution of the general congregation held on the previous
day. This was to contain an indictment " in contumaciam "
against the bishops who still abstained from attending the
Council. But before the proceedings began, the Legates
were induced by the ambassadors of Charles V., supported
by the two Imperialist Cardinals, to drop the publication
for the present ; it was represented that Charles V. and
other princes would take offence, whereupon the majority
declared themselves in favour of postponement.^ At this
session the Archbishop of Sassari sang the High Mass, and
the Servite General, Agostino Bonuccio, preached, while the
prelates in session were the five Cardinals, eight arch-
bishops, forty-one bishops, four generals of orders, and
three abbots.^ The time between the third and fourth
sessions was occupied with the transactions of the Legates
with the Pope over an important matter of ecclesiastical
reform.
After Paul III. had given his consent to the resolution
of the 22nd of January 1546 that the Council should treat
questions of reform and dogma concurrently, the Bull
" Superni dispositione,"^ probably drawn up in January
1542 but not published, was again produced, with fresh
suggestions for revision,'* and conveyed to the Legates
Cardinal Pacheco wished, was due to Cardinal C. Madruzzo, the
single German prelate who was then present at the Council. (See
EhSES in the Dritten Vereinschrift der Gorres-Gesellschaft for 1908,
46.)
* Cf. Severoli, loc. cit. ; Pallavicini, loc. cit. ; Ehses, V., 93.
2 Ehses, v., 10 1 seq.
3 The text of the Bull in Ehses, IV., 489-498. For the date of its
appearance, ibid., 489 seq., n. 6, and its subsequent fortuneSj ibid.,
498 seq.
* In Ehses, IV., 499 seq.
262 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
for their opinion on the 17th of February 1546.^ By this
document the jurisdiction of the bishops in their dioceses
was to be extended as against the limits imposed by the
Roman Curia, and some of the most crying abuses done
away. In their answer of the 7th of March 2 the Legates
pointed out the necessity that, in this matter, the Pope's
ruling should not be one-sided, but be preceded by con-
sultation in the Council. At the same time, in their letter
to Cardinal Farnese^ they expressed themselves without
reserve on the general expectation and demand for reforms,
and showed that the programme contained in the Bull
under consideration was quite inadequate. Paul III. was
in no way displeased with their candour, and sent answers
through his secretary Maffei and Cardinal Farnese on the
13th and 23rd of March 1546, consenting to the submittal
of the question of reform to the Council, while reserving to
himself a certain amount of co-operation by reconstructing
the Bull in conformity with their observations.*
In a letter of acknowledgment dated the loth of April
1546 the Legates again unfolded with much detail their
reasons for insisting that the labours of reform should be
a joint burden to be borne by the Council in combination
with the Pope.^
They first laid stress on the necessity of reform of the
Dataria, which must begin with deeds and not with the issue
* Cf. Farnese's letter to the Legates of Feb. 17, 1546 (Druffel-
Brandi, II., n. 343, p. 390 ; EhSES, IV., 499).
2 Considerationes legatorum concilii super bulla, quam proposuerat
edere Paulus III. super reformatione, in Ehses, IV., 500 seq.
3 In Ehses, IV., 501 seq. ; cf. Pallavicini, 1. 6, c. 13, n. 6 ;
Knopfler in Wetzer und Welte, Kirchenlex., XI., 2nd ed. 2058.
* See DRUFFEL-Brandi, n. 368, 386; Ehses, Kirchliche Reform-
arbeiten, 404.
6 Druffel-Brandi, 469. A full account of the contents in
Pallavicini, 1. 7, c 2.
THE COUNCIL AT WORK. 263
of Bulls. But besides the reform of this tribunal, that of the
Consistory was also absolutely imperative. The primary
consideration must be to bestow bishoprics with proper
caution and sense of responsibility, and in places where
the appointment lay in the hands of princes to accept such
persons only as possessed the proper qualifications in age,
worthiness, and learning, and were able and willing to reside
in their sees. The appointment to a plurality of bishoprics
must, even in the case of Cardinals, be entirely abolished.
The reform of the episcopate, the Legates continued,
consists mainly in the enforcement of the duty of residence ;
with regard to the regular clergy, the presence of Generals
of Orders at the Council permits of the necessary settle-
ment being reached ; as to the secular power, the canonical
penalties against the transgressors of ecclesiastical juris-
diction must be renewed, and with an increase of severity.
As far as the rights of the Apostolic See are concerned, all
depends upon the just dealing of the Pope. The grievances
of the bishops are specially directed against pensions,
tenths, the ordination of unworthy priests, the exemptions
granted to protonotaries and other privileged persons,
against the absolutions of the Penitentiaria, and above all
against the bestowal of benefices carrying with them a cure
of souls on unfit recipients, who are non-resident and
pluralists. The Dataria must be inflexible in filling up
vacancies only with men of competent learning and
approved piety, who have the inclination and the sense of
duty to discharge their functions in person. For the
training of a good body of clergy the Legates advised the
encouragement of seminaries, and with justifiable severity
they finally denounced the monstrous abuses of the so-
called reversions.
In a letter to Farnese of the 15th of ApriP the Legate'
' Druffel-Brandi, 474 ; cj. Pallavicini, 1. 7, c. 2, n. 7, 8,
264 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
with a thorough recapitulation of the state of things, asked
what matters were now first to be taken in hand. Farnese's
answer of the 24th of April ^ expressed the Pope's full
approval of the Legatine programme of reform, but insisted
that their labours in this direction should not retard the
progress of their dogmatic decisions, and that the Council
should not pass resolutions without the Pope's consent,
just as he wished to carry out the measures of reform
immediately and directly affecting himself, only in agree-
ment with the Synod.
The approbation of the decrees published at the fourth
session of the Council by Paul III. gave rise to difficulties
which were only removed after long negotiation.^ Not
only the commission of theologians appointed by the Pope
to consider the decrees, but also the College of Cardinals,
expressed unfavourable criticism of the proposition that
the Vulgate, without previous revision or improvement,
simply as it stood, was to be declared authentic. It was
only after repeated and elaborate justification of the
decrees on the part of the Legates that the approbation
of the Pope was obtained.
After the fourth session the Council ^ in the general
congregation of the 15th of April was occupied with the
still unsettled questions of reform which were now to form
the subject of discussion in the fifth. The Easter season
offered a moment of respite. Then in the general congre-
* Druffel-Brandi, 482 ; cf. Pallavicini, 1. 7, c. 2, n. 10.
* Cf. Kaulen, Gesch. der Vulgata, 421-426; Pallavicini, 1. 6,
c. 17; 1. 7, c. 12; Knopfler, loc. cit., 2059. The correspondence
between the Legates and Rome belonging to this period in Ver-
CELLONE, Dissert. Acad., Roma, 1864.
3 For the time between the fourth and fifth sessions, cf. Severoli, ed.
Merkle, I., 50-80; MassareUi, Diarium, II.,zW^., 43S-441 ; Diarium,
III., ibid., 534-554 ; Ehses, V., 105 seq. ; Pallavicini, 1. 7, c. 3-12 ;
Knopfler, loc. cit., 2059-2061.
DISCUSSION ON PREACHING. 265
gations of the lOth, i8tb, 20th, and 21st of May the work
proceeded.- There was a discussion on the erection of
chairs of exegesis of Holy Scripture and the art of
preaching. In dealing with the highly necessary reform
of the pulpit, particular attention was directed to the
limitation of the privileges of the monks. The debates
on this point were occasionally very heated ; as usual,
Bishop Martelli of Fiesole gave way to uncurbed violence
of language. He was met by the Dominican, Caselli,
Bishop of Bertinoro, who in other ways also was at great
pains to refute all the grounds of objection brought against
the religious orders. A great impression was made by a
speech from the General of the Augustinian Hermits,
Seripando, who in very calm and effective words balanced
the reasons for the exercise of the preacher's office by the
bishops or the regular clergy. Seripando showed clearly
that under existing circumstances the bishops and parish
priests could not meet the exigencies of preaching in a
diocese. After thus proving the necessity of calling in the
regulars as auxiliaries, he went on to show how unreason-
able it was that even in their own churches they should
be entirely dependent on the bishops.^ The bishops' duty
of residence was also treated in the general congregation
of the loth of May, and again on the 9th and loth of
June. The decision on this difficult question was, how-
ever, postponed to a later date.
The Imperial ambassador, Toledo, supported by Cardinal
Madruzzo and the other prelates of the Emperor's party,
did all he could to prevent dogmatic questions also being
prepared for the next session.^ To this wish of the
Emperor the Legates opposed the, for them, more authori-
* EhSES, v., 132 seq.
2 The reform decree was passed on June 15 and 16,
' Pallavicini, 1. 7, c. 3.
266 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
tative wish of the Pope. They wrote in any case to Rome
for powers to enable them to suspend the Council rather
than to be forced to yield to the Emperor's attacks on
its freedom. After they had once more received, through
a letter of Farnese of May the 13th, the intimation that
they were to pay no regard to the Emperor's objections,
they laid before the general congregation of May the 24th
the article on original sin as the subject of discussion for
the dogmatic decree of the forthcoming session. This
important topic occupied the general congregation on the
28th and 31st of May, the 4th, 5th, 8th, 9th, and 14th of
June; on the i6th of June the decree was drawn up.^
It contained a thorough and lucid definition, in opposition
to the vacillating doctrines of the Protestants, of the nature
of original sin, of its propagation, of its consequences, and
its remission in baptism.
The Immaculate Conception of Mary was also the
subject of deliberations of the most profound and weighty
character. Cardinal Pacheco had already proposed the de-
finition on the 28th of May.^ The newly arrived theologians
of the Pope, Laynez and Salmeron of the Society of Jesus,
maintained the ^ame view with ardour, and were supported
by no inconsiderable number of the Fathers. The opposi-
tion came chiefly from the Dominicans. They were so
strong that Pacheco on the 8th and 14th of June moved that
the decree should only contain the words, "The Immaculate
Conception of the Mother of God is a pious opinion." ^ But
even on this point Pacheco was not successful ; the majority
were against any immediate decision on the question.
* See EhSES, V., 163 seq.^ 166 seq.., 172 seq.^ 182 seq., 193 seq., 199
seq., 212 seq.^ 218 seq., 233 seq. ; cf. Histor. Jahrb., XXVII., 70 seq.
2 Severoli, ed. Merkle, I., 64 seq. ; PallaviCINI, I. 7, c. 3, n. 8 ;
c. 7 ; Druffel-Brandi, p. 539.
3 Severoli, ed. Merkle, I., 70, 76.
THE IMMACULATE CONCEPTION. 267
The Synod at the end of the decree only declared that it
was not their intention to include in this decree on Original
Sin the blessed and immaculate Virgin Mary and Mother
of God (non esse suae intentionis comprehendere in hoc
decreto, ubi de peccato originali agitur, beatam et immacu-
latam Virginem Mariam, Dei Genitricem). The terms
of the ordinances of Sixtus IV. on this question were
adhered to.^
The decree on Original Sin was published on the 17th
of June 1546 in the fifth public session.^ This was
attended by the three Cardinal Legates and Cardinal
Pacheco,^ nine archbishops, forty-eight bishops, two mitred
Benedictine abbots, three generals of orders, many theo-
logians, and the Imperial ambassadors. The solemn High
Mass was sung by Bishop Alessandro Piccolomini of
Piacenza, while the Dominican, Marco Laureo, preached.
The final passing of the dogmatic decree raised once more
objections from Cardinal Pacheco and a certain number of
other bishops on account of the omission of an express
clause on the Immaculate Conception of Mary.
After this dogmatic decree came another for publica-
tion of a sound reforming character. It dealt with the
Holy Scriptures, instituted expert instruction in the same,
and regulated preaching. Among particular enactments
was one ordering that in cathedral churches, where
foundations already existed for lectures on theology and
* Cf. our remarks, Vol. IV. of this work, 394 seq.
2 Severoli, ed. Merkle, I., 88-82; Massarelli, Diarium, II., III.,
ibid., 441, 554 ; Ehses, V., 238 seqq. ; Pallavicini, 1. 7, c. 13.
^ Madruzzo was absent. He had gone on May 12, at the Emperor's
request, to the Diet at Ratisbon (Massarelli, Diarium, III., ed.
Merkle, I., 547), and had indeed returned thence to Trent on
June 14, but, after a visit to the Legates, had at once continued his
journey to Rome, where he had to present to the Pope proposals -frofti
the Emperor {ibid..^ 554 ; cf. Nuntiaturberichte, IX., viii-xi, 46 seqq.).
268 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Holy Scripture, the bishops must provide that those who
drew the salaries also carried out the obligations. In other
churches where no such foundations existed, vacant livings
should be given to learned men, or a common contribution
be levied to endow suitable lectureships on the Holy
Scriptures. Nor should similar instruction be lacking in
convents, and princes ought to be exhorted to supply such
lectureships to universities where they were still lacking.
But in order that, under the show of godliness, godlessness
might not be sown, no one should be permitted to exercise
such functions privately or publicly who had not been
examined first by the Bishop as to his manner of life, his
opinions, and his knowledge, and been found approved.
With regard to preaching, it was ordered that bishops,
archbishops, primates, and all other prelates of the Church
should be bound in duty themselves to preach the gospel,
and in case of hindrance to find suitable persons to take
their place ; that parish priests should at least on all Sundays
and feast days, either in person or through fitting substitutes,
teach those things the knowledge of which is necessary to
salvation, whereby in short and intelligible words they
may point out the faults which men ought to shun, and
the virtues after which they should strive. The regular
clergy, even in the churches of their order, are forbidden
to preach before they have received from their superior a
certificate of character and learning and a permission from
the bishop ; preachers who disseminate errors or cause
scandal must be forbidden the pulpit by their bishops, and
if they have been teachers of heresy be dealt with according
to the customs of the locality; the bishop, however, should
be careful that no preacher is molested on false charges or
otherwise given cause for just complaint. Regulars who
are not enclosed and secular priests who have not under-
gone sufficient examination must not under any pretext
REFORM DECREES, 269
receive episcopal permission to preach until they have
made application to the Holy See. The collectors of alms
or questuaries shall never preach themselves or get others
to preach for them.
At the request of the Archbishop of Sassari, the brief of
June the 7th to the Legates, in which the Pope confirmed
the decrees of reform, was then read aloud. Finally, the
Promotor of the Council, Severoli, raised the charge "in
contumaciam " against the still absent prelates. The
proposed opening of the case against them was, however,
deferred, since in the voting opinions were much divided as
to which bishops should incur liability. Pacheco claimed
immunity for the Germans ; others wished to restrict the
proceedings solely to those who were in Italy, or only in
Rome, without making their appearance in Trent.
On the very day before the session a courier reached
Trent from Ratisbon who brought to the Legates the
Emperor's pressing entreaties that they should omit
dogmatic decisions in the forthcoming session, out of
consideration for his policy towards the Protestants. It
was obviously no longer possible to give effect to this
wish.^
The sixth session had been fixed for the 29th of July.
In the general congregation on the 2ist of June the
Legates decided that the agenda for the session should
comprise the dogmatic decree on justification and the
measures of reform relating to episcopal residence and its
hindrances.^
* Nuntiaturberichte, VIII., 76 seq.^ n. ; ibid.., Verallo's letter to
Farnese of June 13 from Ratisbon.
2 For the time between the fifth and sixth sessions, see Severoli, ed.
Merkle, I., 82-121 ; Massarelli, Diarium, II., III., ibid., 441-458,
554-601 ; Pallavicini, 1. 8 ; Knopfler, in Wetzer und Welte,
Kirchenlex., XI., 2nd ed., 2063-2065.
270 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The Pope and the commission appointed for the Council
were here entirely at one. The Legates were all the more
in earnest as they held that on the article on justification
all other dogmas depended, just as all other reform legisla-
tion depended more or less on the enforcement of episcopal
residence. In order to give support to the discussion of
these two important points the Pope deputed a band of
distinguished theologians.^ The envoy of the republic
of Lucca affirmed with satisfaction that the fifth session
had been held with the participation of nearly seventy
voting members, so that opponents could now no longer
point the finger of criticism at the slender number of those
who attended the Synod.^ Spirits rose still higher when
on the 26th of June the ambassadors of France at last
made their entry into Trent. They were Claude d'Urfe,
Jacques de Lignieres, and Pierre Danes. Their letters as
plenipotentiaries were to be presented at the general
congregation on the 30th. It seemed as if on this occasion
the conflicting claims of the French and the representative
of Ferdinand I. might lead to an unseemly quarrel over
precedence. The wisdom of the Legates, however, found
a way of escape which satisfied both parties. In conse-
quence the Imperial ambassador, Mendoza, attended in
person the solemn reception of the French envoys. In his
oration Danes called to mind, yet in moderate terms, the
services rendered by the French Kings to the Church, in
order afterwards to lay special emphasis on the fact that
Francis I. had always kept his kingdom pure from any
stain of error. The most important passage in his speech
was the exhortation to the Fathers to restore unity to
Christendom on the firm basis of dogma, and thence to
proceed to a thorough reform of ecclesiastical evils. In
' See Pallavicini, 1. 8, c. i.
2 Cf. Ehses, in the Rom. Quartalschrift, XIX., 180.
UNFORESEEN DIFFICULTIES ARISE. 27 1
the execution of this programme King Francis would
array all his power on their side.^
The appearance of the French ambassadors and their
declarations encouraged the hope that the Synod would
soon oe more amply constituted by the arrival of the French
bishops. Meanwhile the Fathers threw all their energy
into the settlement of the doctrine of justification, which, as
yet, had hardly ever come within the scope of Conciliar
treatment. They hoped in deep earnest that this subject,
which struck at the capital doctrines of the Protestants,
would be mastered in time for the sixth session, appointed
to meet on the 29th of July.^
While thus everything warranted the prosperous con-
tinuation of the labours of the Council, suddenly unfore-
seen difficulties arose which threatened even to cut short
its days. The long-impending war between Charles V.
and the Protestant Estates had broken out, and the
Emperor and the Council were links in a closely forged
chain.
^ Cf. Pallavicini, 1. 8, c. 3 ; Mavnier, 364 j^*?.
' Ehses, loc. cit.y 181.
CHAPTER VII.
The Papal-Imperial League of June 1546.
The Schmalkaldic War.
With ever growing success the political and military
organisation of the Protestant Estates known as the
Schmalkaldic League continued their efforts to weaken
the Imperial authority in accordance with the principle,
"Cujus regio ejus religio," to set up within their own
boundaries the supremacy of religious absolutism, and to
establish an order of things which should leave no room
for the ecclesiastical princes, especially those who still
clung to the belief and discipline of the Catholic Church.
The Emperor had laboured in vain to bring the ecclesias-
tical troubles to an end by means of a peaceable settlement
and to appease the Confederates of Schmalkald by far-
reaching concessions. Every new success only emboldened
the latter to make fresh encroachments. Now, as before,
they were suitors for foreign help ; now, as before, their
proceedings within the limits of the Empire bore every-
where the stamp of the negation of that Empire's laws.
If the existing system of the law was not to founder
utterly, the aggressions of the Protestant Estates would
have to be met by force of arms. Even the Emperor
convinced himself of this at last. According to his own
memoirs, the thought of encountering the Protestant
Estates of the Empire on the field first came to Charles V.
nfter his successful overthrow of the Duke of Cleves tn the
272
STUBBORNNESS OF THE PROTESTANTS. 273
summer of 1543.^ At first the time was not fully ripe;
some fresh provocations must yet be given. The strongest
was undoubtedly the stubborn refusal of the Protestant
Estates to attend the Council summoned by the Pope,
because it was neither general nor free, nor even Christian.
In the meantime the peace with France had entirely
altered the political situation, and created the possibility
of giving a decisive turn to affairs in Germany by an
appeal to the sword. The protestantizing Estates were
not blind to the danger which they thus incurred. Never-
theless, with the temerity of previous successes, they
demanded of the Emperor impracticable terms: either
security against the decrees of the Council by a recognition
under the laws of the Empire of a territorial ecclesiastical
system, or a council without the Pope, which was identical
with the subversion of the whole ecclesiastical constitution
then existing.^
At the time of the Diet of Worms, when the Protestant
policy of entire disavowal of the "papistical council" at
Trent was made manifest,^ the plan of Charles V. to apply
force had already assumed so definite a shape that he
proposed to Cardinal Farnese in May 1545, an offensive
alliance with the Pope against the Protestant Estates.
The Cardinal hastened joyfully to Rome, where the Pope
at once entered into the scheme and ordered preparations
for war to be begun at once. But it soon became evident
that the Emperor, fully apprised of the greatness and
difficulty of the undertaking, had made up his mind 10
defer hostilities until the following year.*
The Pope consented, and, in conformity with the
^ Cf. supra, p. 206.
2 Cf. Ranke, Deutsche Gesch., IV., 6th ed., 256, 258 seq.
' J ANSSEN- Pastor, III., i8th ed., 587 seq,
* Supra, pp. 223, 227 seqq.
VOL. XII. iS
274 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Emperor's wishes, took advantage of Andelot's presence to
have a draft drawn up of the articles of the Papal-Imperial
League for the overthrow of the protesting Estates.^ To
the terms of this proposal, however, the Imperialists had
many objections. They disliked, to begin with, the wording
of the preamble that the use of force appeared necessary to
Charles V., since in consequence of the determined refusal
of the Protestants no more hopes could be entertained of
the removal of the religious troubles by the Council. They
also took exception to the clause stating that the Emperor
ought not, without the express sanction of Paul III., to
enter into any negotiations with the Protestants. They
also demurred to the subsidy being restricted to 200,000
ducats, and the payment of the auxiliaries to a period not
longer than four months.^ As the nuncios Dandino and
Verallo did not feel authorized in introducing alterations
of such importance into the document, Marquina, who had
come to Rome in October 1545 on the matter of the
Council, undertook to negotiate with the Pope concerning
the objections to the draft treaty and other wishes of the
Emperor as well, bearing on the taxes to be levied on the
Spanish ecclesiastical funds.^
The political situation was further improved for the
Emperor by the armistice concluded with the Turks in
November 1545 by Ferdinand I.* Not less favourable
was the continuance of war between France and England,
which deprived the Schmalkaldians of any hope of
support from either of those powers. But in the Empire
* The text of the draft in Deutschen Zeitschrlft fiir Geschichtswissen-
S(haft, III. (1890), \\(i seq.
^ See Nuntiaturberichte, VIII., 50 seq., 321 seq.^ 326 seq. Cf.
DrUFFFX, Beitrage, I., 3.
3 See Nuntiaturberichte, VIII,, 51 seq.
♦ See ZiNKEiSEN, II., 860 seq.
ANXIETY OF THE EMPEROR. 2/5
itself affairs were undergoing a development which almost
forced the Emperor to take decisive steps against the
Protestant Estates.^
The latter were always usurping new positions. In
August 1545, Duke Augustus of Saxony appointed a
Protestant " bishop " in Merseburg ; in October, Sebastian
von Heusenstamm was chosen, through the intrigues of
Philip of Hesse and contrary to the wishes of the Emperor
and the Pope, to succeed Albert of Brandenburg in
Mayence, where the Protestant party promised themselves
that he would follow the example set by the Arch-
bishop of Cologne, Hermann von Wied. The latter, when
Paul HI. took action against him, had appealed, on the
nth of July 1545, to a free Christian council to be held
in Germany or to a Diet, and gave in his adhesion to the
Schmalkaldic League.^
The affairs of Cologne caused anxiety to the Emperor,
not merely because by the introduction of Protestantism
on the Rhine his possessions in the Netherlands were
seriously threatened, but because of other reasons beyond
that. As the secession of the Elector Palatine Frederick
to the new religion was to be expected, the Protestants, in
the event of Hermann von Wied holding his own, would
have a majority in the Electoral College. If the Catholic
Church in Germany collapsed, the fall of the Roman-
German Empire would follow.^
Charles V. was fully conscious of the gravity of the
1 This is Egelhaaf'S opinion (II., 444). "Unless the Emperor,"
says HUBER (IV., 120), "wished to renounce all his plans for good and
all and to forfeit all authority in Germany, only one course lay open
to him — war."
2 Cf. GULIK, Gropper, 114 seq.\ Janssen-Pastor, III., i8th ed.,
611 seq. ; Hasenclever, Politik der Schmalkaldner, 27 seq.^ 151 seq. ;
Nuntiaturberichte, VIII., 60.
3 Cf. Egelhaaf, II., 446 seq. ; Janssen-Pastor, III., i8thed.,6i3.
276 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
situation. In his memoirs he summed up his feelings at
the time in the words : " Come what will, I am determined,
dead or alive, to remain Emperor in Germany."^
Although Charles did not conceal from himself the
greatness and difficulties of his enterprise, he did nothing
precipitately. To the Pope he showed himself determined
to have the form of the treaty altered. The negotiations
over this were protracted, but when Marquina left Rome at
last on the 13th of December 1545 he had gained weighty
advantages for his master. On December the 27th he
presented to the Emperor at Bois-le-Duc the answer of
Paul I II. J containing important concessions. The pre-
amble of the treaty was entirely altered ; it now ran that
the Emperor and Pope allied themselves in support of the
Council. A larger subsidy than 200,000 ducats Paul III.
refused, but, on the other hand, he consented to extend the
payment of the auxiliaries over another two months, making
a total of six months. Further, he declared his readiness to
help the Emperor should he be attacked unjustly by any
other prince — France was meant, — not only during the
war against the Protestant Estates, but also for six months
after its termination. The article which made it impossible
for Charles V. to enter into pacific negotiations with the
Protestants before the outbreak of war seems to have
been allowed to drop out of sight at Rome. On the other
hand, Paul III. insisted that while war continued, the
Emperor, without the express consent of the Holy See,
should be debarred from making any agreement with the
Protestants, so far as the object of the war was concerned,
and in particular any compromise on matters of religion.^
* Commentaires, 229. Cf. Mocenigo in the Fontes. rer. Austr.,
XXX., 81 seq.
2 Cf. Druffel, Beitrage, I., 3; Karl V., IV., I seq.; Druffel-
Brandi, 239 ; Nuntiaturberichte, VII I,, 53 seq.^ ^\7. seq
REASONS FOR AND AGAINST WAR. 277
If not all, yet the essential wishes of the Emperor were
thus satisfied. It was therefore to be expected that the
signature of the treaty thus amended would now take
place, but instead of this, the decisive moment was again
put off. At the Imperial court various tendencies were
at work. The Emperor's confessor, Pedro Soto, was for
war, and composed a report, exposing with great acumen
the weak side of the Schmalkaldic League, in order to
remove the Emperor's fears. To the confessor Granvelle
stood opposed, and Charles, who on the whole liked to put
things off, deferred his decision and declared he would not
settle the treaty before he got to Ratisbon. He hoped
not merely to obtain still further alterations in the agree-
ment, but also was afraid lest in the event of a final deter-
mination the Protestants should get to know beforehand
of the blow that was being aimed at them, and thus be
able to take counter-measures the more easily.^
Besides deceiving the enemy, it was of the first import-
ance for the success of the undertaking that alliances
should be won and the right time chosen for delivering the
first blow. With admirable circumspection the Emperor
bent his mind on creating a political situation favourable
to the approaching war. If even in this respect he
achieved successes which were of no mean value, yet from
time to time he was visited by grave doubts as to the
possibility of carrying through an enterprise on the success
of which his all was staked. The indecision with which in
February and March 1546 he still continued to expresi
himself with regard to his military plans justifies the con-
clusion that if a means had offered itself of attaining his
* Cf. Nuntiaturberichte, VIII., 54 seq.^ 518 seq., 545; the letters of
Charles V. of Feb. 16, 1546, in Maurenbrecher, 36* seq. ; for which
compare Druffel, Karl V., IV., 458 ; Soto's memorial in MaUREN
BRECHER, 29* seq.
278 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
end v/ithout having recourse to war, in no case would he
have thrust that instrument aside.^
In the first place, Charles V. on the 27th of January 1546,
allowed the religious conference, already promised in the
Recess of Worms for the 30th of November 1545, to
begin at Ratisbon. It must be assumed that he wished
thereby to gain time and also to make an impression on
the Pope,^ since he can hardly have reckoned on any sort
of success. The prospects of a friendly agreement were
more unfavourable than ever. It was not merely that
since the last attempt of this kind, made five years before,
the feeling on both sides had altered essentially, and that
all hope had departed of ever attaining anything by means
of such conferences, but the position of the Catholics was
one of the utmost difficulty since the sessions of the Council
of Trent had begun. From nearly all the Catholic princes
the Emperor had received refusals. The staunch Catholics
were more than ever disinclined for conferences on religion,
since the total failure in 1541 of the colloquy at Ratisbon
arranged by the representatives of the middle party in
conjunction with the Emperor. In these strict circles the
opinion had been reached, not incorrectly, that in such con-
ferences the Protestants had always come off as the winning
side. Even from the side of the disputants themselves
difficulties were in store for the Emperor. Julius Pflug, in
whom Charles placed special confidence, and to whom, for
that reason, he had offered the place of President, declined
on grounds of weak health. Even the Bishop of Eichstatt,
Moritz von Hutten, who thereupon consented to fill the
post, declared that he was only there in order to attend to
the external order of the conference, but not to express
his opinions on matters of faith. The Catholic theologians,
^ See Nuntiaturberichte, VIII., 57 seq.^ 65 seq.
« CJ. Druffel, Beitriige, III., 508 ; Hasenclever, 217, 218.
ATTITUDE OF THE PROTESTANTS. 279
the Spanish Dominican Malvenda, Eberhard Billick, the
Provincial of the Augustinians, Johann Hoffmeister, and
Cochlaus, who obeyed the Emperor's summons, addressed
letters to friendly curialists begging them to prevent the
Pope from attaching an unfavourable meaning to their
conduct.^
The Protestants, on their side, were much divided as to
the attitude that should be taken towards the conference.
To the strict Lutherans organizations of this sort seemed
to be equally preposterous and superfluous. From their
point of view the old believers had nothing else to do but
simply to accept the new " Evangelium " proclaimed by
Luther. This was approximately the opinion of the Saxon
Elector and his theologians. The Landgrave of Hesse,
having a diplomatic turn of mind, thought otherwise.
Constantly under the influence of the slippery Bucer, he
was again once more in favour of a certain amount of
compliancy.
The opening of the Council of Trent threw the Protestant-
izers into no small perplexity. They had to choose now
between participation in the Council or in the new con-
ference on religion ; they decided for the latter as being in
their opinion the lesser evil of the two. Consequently, on
the 17th of September the Elector of Saxony came to an
agreement with the Landgrave that Melanchthon, Bucer,
Schnepf, and Brenz should be spokesmen ; the Elector
nevertheless was indisposed towards the conference. He
and his theologians were fully determined to prevent any
> C/C Pastor, Reunionsbestrebungen, 305 j^^.; Druffel, Karl V.,
IV., 465 seq. ; Paulus, Hoffmeister, 198 seq. ; SPAHN, Cochlaus, 306 ;
POSTINA, Billick, 82 seq. V. Amerbach is an exception ; in his work,
Praecipuae Constit. Caroli Magni (Ingolst., 1545), he expresses a hope
that Charles V. would be successful in terminating the religious schism
in Germany.
28o HISTORY OF THE POPES.
agreement being reached at Ratisbon. At a later date
Melanchthon's place was taken by Major.^
The conference opened on the 27th of January 1 546, and
there at once arose an unpleasant wrangle over matters
of form. The actual proceedings began on the 5th of
February with a speech from Malvenda which raised a
protest from the opposite side. By order of the Emperor
the fourth article of the Confession of Augsburg, on
justification, was to be discussed first at the conference.
Malvenda unfolded the Catholic view; Bucer replied to
him from the 6th to the nth of February. From the
I2th to the 17th Billick spoke; he was opposed on the
two following days by the Protestant theologians. From
the 19th to the 22nd the debates were carried on "with-
out notes or memoranda."
The speeches of the Catholic delegates, with whom on
this occasion no representative of the middle party was
present, breathed a very different spirit from those of five
years ago. The semi-Lutheran doctrine of justification,
then supported by Cropper, was now energetically re-
jected; the spirit of the Catholic revival was distinctly per-
ceptible. The Protestant theologians had great difficulty
in establishing Luther's doctrine of justification and in
adducing as proofs on their side such Bible texts as the
Catholic theologians had used on theirs. Not even an
approximation, far less an accord, was reached between
them. It was clearly recognized that this was not, as had
been asserted at the conference in 1541, a mere logomachy,
the misunderstandings of which might be cleared away
with ease, but a controversy invoK ing two conceptions of
the most important doctrine of Christianity, which at the
* Cf. DOLLINGER, Reformation, III., 323 seq.\ Pastor, Reunions-
bestrebungen, 307 seq.; Druffel, Karl V., IV., 468 seq.; Postina,
Billick, 83 seq.\ Hasenclever, Politik der Schmalkaldner, 219-22S.
Tlili PROTESTANTS NULLIFY THE CONFERENCE. 28 1
innermost core were diverse and irreconcilable. It was
not, however, this consciousness of the fact which was
decisive for the further course of the debate, but the
publication on the 26th of February of an Imperial edict
binding the disputants on oath to observe secrecy as to
their transactions, in order to put a stop to unjustified
attempts at interference from without. This reasonable
and well-meant ordinance was welcomed by the Protestant
party as an opportunity for recalling their representatives
and thus bringing the conference to an end. On the 20th
of March the Saxons departed after handing in a protes-
tation. In spite of the most imploring entreaties on the
part of the Presidents, the remainder of the party followed,
appealing to the commands of their rulers. Even the
gentle Pflug wrote at the time to Gropper that the repulsive
and odious behaviour of the Protestants had nullified the
conference, although the Emperor called it together at the
urgent request of the opponents themselves.^
At the same time the Protestants had published two
long memoirs in which they rejected the Tridentine Council
and therefore demanded a free council, open to all
Christians in common and without party, in a German
city, to which the Emperor should summon not only the
clergy but also the laity.^ These decjarations were
peculiarly fitted to dispel any illusions as to the absolutely
negative attitude of the Protestants towards the Council of
Trent. The Landgrave Philip expressed himself in the
^ Cf. DOLLINGER, Reformation, IIL, 325 seq. ; Lammer, Vortrid.
Theol., 198 ; Pastor, loc. cit.^ 314-344 ; Heyd, IIL, 323 seq.; Baum,
Capito und Butzer, 607 seq.; Druffel, Karl V., IV., 472 ; Paulus,
Hoffmeister, 207 seq.; Spahn, Cochlaus, 307 seq.; Postina, Billick,
86-90; Archiv fiir Ref.-Gesch., V., i seq., 375 seq., and Cammerer'S
(Berlin, 1901) Dissertation.
2 See Walch, XVII. , 11 12 seqq., 11 52 seqq.; Menzel, II., 443 scj.
282 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
same sense in an interview which he had at Spires at the
end of March with the Emperor. When Philip also met
the Emperor's request that he should attend the forth-
coming Diet with a qualified promise,^ this certainly was
not likely to allay the Emperor's displeasure at the
Landgrave's behaviour.-
Charles thereupon made haste to reach Ratisbon, arriv-
ing there on the loth of April 1546. His experience
at the Diet there, as well as the outcome of the religious
conference, could not but confirm him in his opinion that
all pacific negotiations were in vain, and that nothing now
remained but the appeal to arms.^
In Rome the Emperor's conduct had been watched
with strained attention. He was as much as ever an
object of distrust and suspected of playing a double game.
The feeling in curial circles is described in a letter from
Bishop Giovio to Duke Cosimo of Florence of the i8th
of February 1546. " Never," he says, "will the Emperor's
sword be drawn in reality against the Lutherans ; such
an undertaking would be too perilous and unbefitting his
sagacity. Charles will so comport himself at Ratisbon
as to win over the Protestants and secure their friend:>hip
in order to make use of them in his schemes against
France." *
The Imperial ambassador Vega believed for his part
that the Pope at heart was opposed to the wars against
the Protestants. Paul III., he advised, should be taken
» See Hasenclever, Die Politik Karl V., und des Landgrafen
Philipp von Hessen vor Ausbruch des Schmalkald. Krieges, Marburg,
1903' 39 s^Q-
* Cf. Commentaires, 117.
8 Cf. Ranke, Deutsche Gesch., IV., 6th ed., 287, 296 seq. ; Janssen-
Pastor, III., i8th ed., 617 seq. ; Venet. Depeschen, I., 480.
4 Druffel, Karl v., IV., 533.
INSTRUCTIONS OF MARQUINA. 283
on his weakest side and gained by hopes of the aggrandize-
ment of the Farnesi.^
Marquina reached Rome again on the 23rd of February
1546. His instructions were that the Emperor agreed to
the conditions imposed by the Pope, but was not yet ready
to ratify the treaty.^ This fresh delay must, together with
renewed attempts at friendly negotiations with the Pro-
testants, have disquieted the Pope intensely.^ Paul III.'s
irritation at Charles was heightened still more by the
want of consideration for his wishes and interests shown
by the Imperialists in other matters. Quite apart from
the interminable disputes over Spanish prize claims and
Neapolitan tenths, there was a catalogue of grievances
of other sorts : there was the Pragmatic question, the
Emperor's demand that the Colonna should be reinstated,
his attitude towards the matrimonial projects which were
being forged for Vittoria Farnese, Pier Luigi's daughter ;
lastly, the question of the suzerainty over Parma and
Piacenza> A statement made by Granvelle in April to
Buoncambi, Pier Luigi's agent, left no doubt that Charles
held steadfastly to his Imperial rights over both these
cities."
For a long time the relations between Pope and Emperor
were materially influenced by the violent disputes into
which Paul III. was drawn with his old opponent Cosimo
de' Medici.
The hostility of Cosimo to the Pope of the house of
Farnese, whose intercourse with the Florentine exiles
• See Vega's report of March 12, 1546, in Maurenbrecher,
69* ; cf. Nuntiaturberichte, VIII., 571, n. 2.
2 Cf. Vega's report of March 30, in MaurenbrecheR, 69* 70*.
3 Cf. Druffel, IV., 483 ; Nuntiaturberichte, VIII., 471, n. 3.
* Cf. Nuntiaturberichte, VIII., 43, 56, 488 n., 489 n., 510, 524, 572, 590.
' See Aff6, 109 seq.
284 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
seemed suspicious, was constantly fanned into flame by
Cardinal Accolti, who was resident in Florence, and against
whom Paul III. had sworn vengeance. This dangerous
man busied himself with the most perverse schemes. In
the summer of 1542, when the relations between Pope
and Emperor were of extreme delicacy, he laid before
Charles V. a detailed plan whereby Paul III. might be
struck to the heart. The Emperor was to make himself
master of Rome, put an end to the temporal power of the
Pope, and once more assert the rights of the Empire.^
In order to give Accolti an assured position, Cosimo in
the autumn of 1543 had succeeded in obtaining his
appointment as ambassador from Charles to Florence.^
When the Pope thereupon uttered threats, Cosimo let
Accolti know that he need have no fear, as he could easily
obtain help from the Duke of Urbino, Ascanio Colonna,
the Abbot of Farfa, and the Perugians. He refused un-
conditionally to give up Accolti, while in the dispute on
tenths in the spring of 1545 he agreed to a compromise.^
But immediately afterwards the question of the reform of
the very decadent convents of Florence gave rise to fresh
misunderstandings with Rome.*
Cosimo was a bitter enemy of the Dominicans of
S. Marco. He complained that in remembrance of
Savonarola they nourished republican tendencies and
supported the opposition to the Medici. By a stroke of
arbitrary power they were made an end of at one blow ;
on the 31st of August 1545 the Dominicans were expelled
from S. Marco, S. Domenico at Fiesole, and S. Maria
Maddalena at Mugnone because they had secretly har-
* Desjardins, III., 25 seq.
2 COSTANTINI, 402 seq.
3 Lupo Gentile, Politica, 92 seq.
* Ibid.., 93 seq.
ROME AND FLORENCE. 285
boured the exiles. The representations and complaints
of the Pope at this proceeding were repudiated by
Cosimo through his representative in the sharpest manner.
Paul III. therefore brought before consistory in November
a brief addressed to Cosimo threatening him with excom-
munication if within three days of notification he did not
reinstate the Dominicans who had been driven forth without
form or trial. This time Cosimo gave in. The Dominicans
were allowed to return, but the envoy Del Caccia was
recalled from Rome.^ Only an agent named Francesco
Babbi remained behind.
By March 1 546 the quarrel between Rome and Florence
was again in a blaze. The Dominicans of S. Marco
complained that Cosimo had forbidden any alms to be ex-
pended on the convent. Paul III. thereupon, on the 15th
of March, made a strong protest, and Babbi, who lodged
with the Im.perial ambassador, was put under arrest. For
this the latter also now made a remonstrance. Cosimo,
however, wrote a letter of justification to the College of
Cardinals. Angry as Charles was at the Pope's severe
proceeding, he yet counselled the Duke to show modera-
tion, since a war between Rome and Florence would have
been destructive of his plans in Germany. Vega exerted
himself to bring about an agreement, which was reached
in April.2
From the remonstrances to Cosimo, as well as from
other sources, it is evident that the war against the Protes-
tants formed the central point of the Emperor's policy.^
1 Lupo Gentile, Politica, 97-102. Cf. Mondaini, La Storia di
G. B. Adriani, Firenze, 1905, 31 seqq.
2 By a brief of April 9, 1546, Paul IIL asked the Duke to sanction
the collection of alms, which the latter at once agreed to (see Lupo
Gentile, Politica, 114-115).
3 See Nuntiaturberichte, VI IL, 57.
286 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Paul III. was in error when he doubted the Emperor's
sincerity in this undertaking. But the Pope's apprehen-
sions admit of explanation, since Charles even after his
entry into Ratisbon continued to put off the signature
of the treaty. The Emperor then disclosed to the nuncio
Verallo that he must first obtain King Ferdinand's consent
and know for certain what the Pope's concessions from the
revenues of the Spanish Church would amount to. When
the latter had come in, Charles declared that he could
not sign the treaty until King Ferdinand had arrived.
Verallo, who was unable to obtain any clue to the labyrin-
thine policy of the Emperor,^ went through a painful time.
Week after week went by and still no decision was
reached; again and again it was reiterated that the Pope
must still have patience. Verallo and Cardinal Truchsess
were of opinion that Cardinal Farnese should appear once
more in order to make all things clear. Farnese declined
at first to undertake the journey, as he did not know
whether his coming was wished for, and it seemed to all
appearance as if the Emperor intended to give up the war.*
At the beginning of May 1546 the outlook began at last
to improve, Soto then informed Verallo that Charles,
since King Ferdinand delayed his coming, only awaited
the arrival of Duke William of Bavaria before ratifying the
treaty. On the 6th of May Verallo wrote that the Emperor
was altered and seemed now to think seriously of the
war. In his subsequent despatches also he was able to
report indications of a more favourable aspect of affairs.
In the middle of May, Granvelle and Soto announced the
prospect of a speedy decision, but still counselled reserve
and close secrecy for yet a while longer. On the i8th
Verallo had an audience of the Emperor, who still seemed
» See Nuntiaturberichte, IX., vii.
2 Ibid.^ IX., 8 seq., 11 seq., 21, 26, 29.
NEGOTIATIONS AT RATISBON. 2S7
as determined as ever to let things drift and to avoid the
appearance of openly avowed measures.^
When afterwards, on the 21st of May, Cardinal Madruzzo
arrived in Ratisbon, a ternnination seemed at last to be
assured. To his astonishment Verallo now found himself
excluded from the negotiations which were taking place.
Together with Madruzzo, Cardinal Truchsess was, on the
other hand, admitted. As the nuncio subsequently was in-
formed, Charles V. was ready to sign the treaty of alliance
in exact conformity with the second draft, but Madruzzo
was bidden to lay before the Pope a further series of
demands. Before all, the Emperor wished the Pope to
make a special agreement binding himself in case of
necessity to supply troops for a longer period, if possible
up to the end of the war, or at least for a period of certainly
eight months. He also asked for a further extension of
the time, fixed in the original draft as six months from
the finish of the campaign, for taking steps against dis-
turbers of the military operations, i.e. the French. Charles
hoped thus in a circuitous way to compass what he had
earlier striven for in vain for years, a permanent alliance
with the Pope against Francis. The old wish that the
Papal subsidy should be raised from 200,000 to 300,000
ducats was again expressed. Further demands included
the Pope's permission to levy a half of the ecclesiastical
revenues of the Netherlands, an appeal for more vigorous
support from the Catholic Estates, especially the bishops,
and the payment of the war funds, not in Augsburg and
Venice, but in Ratisbon and Trent; finally, the Legatine
dignity for the war was asked for Cardinal Madruzzo, the
negotiator, and for Cardinal Farnese.^
^ See Verallo's letters in the Nuntiaturberichte. IX., 31: sfx^.^ 34 sn^.]
40 seq.^ 42 seq., 44 seq.
2 Nuntiaturberichte, IX., ix-x.
288 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
By the beginning of June all this was settled. Still a
whole week went by before the treaty was signed. The
cause of this fresh and final delay was that the negotiations
with Bavaria lasted longer than Charles had expected.
To gain the support of this power seemed to the Emperor
an indispensable preliminary to his great undertaking.
He thus secured a base of operations within the Empire,
an arsenal and a provision store for the war.^ On the 7th
of June 1546 a treaty was made in closest secrecy between
Charles V., Ferdinand I., and Duke William of Bavaria.
The last-named undertook to supply 10,000 gold gulden,
to place a great portion of his artillery with ammunition
at the Emperor's disposal, and to maintain the Imperialist
troops at a moderate cost in his territories.^
On the same day on which this compact was agreed to
the Emperor summoned Verallo to his presence and with
exhortations to profound silence initiated him into the
secret of his arrangements with Bavaria and Madruzzo, and
declared himself ready to ratify the treaty with the Pope.
With Verallo standing by, Charles affixed his signature
to the document, dated the 6th of June.^ The treaty ran
thus : " As Germany for many years, to its grievous hurt
and in peril of total ruin, has been disturbed by erroneous
teaching, and all remedies have proved fruitless, a General
Council has assembled itself in Trent, the decisions of which
are now rejected by the Protestants and the Schmalkaldic
League. The Pope and Emperor have therefore deter-
mined to combine in the following alliance for the glory ot
* See RiEZLER, Gesch. Bayerns, IV., 342. ^ Ibid.^ ly^ seq.
' See Verallo's *letter of June 7, 1 546, and that of Cardinal Truchs ss
of June 9, both to Farnese, in Nuntiaturberichte, IX., 65 seq., 71 seq.
The original treaty with the signature of Charles V. is in the Se ret
Archives of the Vatican (Nunz. di Gerniania sotto Paolo III., Vol. 3)
{cf. Zeitschr. fur Kirchengesch., IX., 135).
CONDITIONS OF THE ALLIANCE. 289
God and the salvation of Christendom : The Emperor binds
himself, after all friendly means have been unavailing, in
the next month of June, with the aid of the Pope, to open
war against the Protestants, the Schmalkaldic League, and
other German teachers of error, in order to bring them back
to the true and ancient religion, and to the obedience of the
Holy See. The Emperor further binds himself, not, with-
out the express consent of his Holiness or the Apostolic
Legate, to make any terms of agreement with the above-
named false teachers which can affect the reason and
object of the present undertaking, or injure or prejudice its
progress and success, and in particular to refrain from any
concessions in matters of religion and the constitution of
the Church. The Pope promises, within a month from the
conclusion of the treaty, to deposit 100,000 ducats in
Venice, which, with the 100,000 ducats at Augsburg, shall
be spent exclusively by the commissaries of his Holiness
on the purposes of the war. The Pope also engages to
place, at his own charges, under the command of a Legate
and necessary officers, 12,000 Italian infantry and 500
light horsemen as auxiliary troops for six months, or up to
the close of the campaign if it should be of shorter duration.
He consents, in addition, to set apart for the war, for one
year, half the ecclesiastical revenues of Spain, with a further
500,000 ducats from the sale of conventual property.
During the undertaking, and for six months afterwards, the
contracting parties pledge themselves to render mutual assist-
ance, should one or other of them be molested by a third
party. Entrance into the alliance, which is to be confirmed
by the Sacred College, lies open to the Catholic Estates of
Germany, and to all Christian powers in general."^
' See Nuntiaturberichte, IX., 575-578. A copy of the Imperial
version of the treaty also in Cod. Barb., LVI., 107, f. wbseq., Vatican
Library.
VOL. XIT. ig
290 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Cardinal Madruzzo was to deliver the treaty as ratified
by Charles to the Pope, and to be the spokesman of the
Emperor's further wishes. About midnight on the 7th-8th
of June, Aurelio Cattaneo, the Cardinal's secretary, started
for Rome to announce beforehand his master's coming.
Madruzzo himself left early on the morning of the 8th,
with such speed that he did not wait a moment for the docu-
ments requisite for his mission. These were conveyed by
an Imperial courier on the loth of June to the ambassador
Vega.^
Verallo's reports from the ist to the 4th of June, which
reached Rome on the 9th, finally dispelled the doubts
which had never ceased to prevail in the Curia of the
Emperor's firm intention of beginning the war. Cattaneo
arrived on the evening of the 13th, followed on the i8th by
the courier, whereupon Vega made haste to see the Pope.
On the evening of the 19th of June Cardinal Madruzzo's
arrival was also announced. He was received at once on
the following morning, together with Vega, by the Pope.
Paul III. seized this opportunity to complain of the long
delay, and to bring up his old grievances against Charles V. :
the keeping back of the Imperial recognition of Pier Luigi
as Duke of Parma and Piacenza, the disputes over prize
cases in Spain, the tenths in Naples, and the maintenance
of the Pragmatic. Madruzzo was not slow in offering tran-
quillizing assurances on all these points.^
As the consent of the Cardinals was one of the express
* See Nuntiaturberichte, IX., 6g, n. i ; Venet. Depeschen, I., 520 ;
cf. Kannengiesser, Karl V. und Maximilian Egmont, Graf von
Biiren, Freiburg, 1895, 135 seq. The credentials prepared by
Charles V. for Madruzzo and Vega, dated June 10, 1546, are given in
Arch. Stor. Ital., 4th Series, XIX., 442 seq.
2 See Druffel-Brandi, 580 seq. ; Nuntiaturberichte, IX., 88, n. I ;
cf. ibid.y xi.
OPPOSITION TO THE TREATY. 29 1
conditions of the alliance, the treaty had to be laid before
a general congregation. This took place on the 22nd of
June in the palace of S. Marco, the summer residence of
the Pope. The French and Venetian Cardinals raised
such strong opposition that Paul III. found himself com-
pelled to intervene personally in the discussion. He was
supported in particular by Madruzzo, who was a warm
advocate of the war. The opposition's chief objection was
to the sale of the Spanish Church property ; at last it
was generally agreed that this point should be allowed to
drop, the Pope being left to his own discretion to find out
some other equivalent. The treaty thereupon was accepted
unanimously.^ In drafting the document, the alteration
above mentioned was not taken into consideration, in order
to avoid any fresh delay, only, at the end of the treaty
a supplementary note was added that by the June named
as the future starting-point of the campaign the current
month of June 1546 was meant. In this form the docu-
ment was signed on the 26th of June by Paul III. in the
presence of Madruzzo and Vega. ^ The day before. Cardinal
Farnese had been nominated in a consistory Legatus a latere
to the Emperor and the army.^ On July the 4th a solemn
ceremony took place in the Church of S. Maria in Aracoeli,
^ Together with Maffei's report of June 23, 1 546, first made use of
by DE Leva (IV., 67), see also the Acta Consist, and the other reports
published by Friedensburg in the Nuntiaturberichte, IX., 90, n. i,
as well as Druffel-Brandi, 565, 582. The news of the acceptance
of the treaty in consistory reached Ratisbon on July 3, 1546 (see
Venet. Uepeschen, I., 561 ; ibid.^ 677, for the attempts of the Venetian
ambassador in Rome to influence the Cardinals against the treaty
with Charles).
2 See Kannengiesser, Die Kapitulation zwischen Karl V. und
Paul III. (reprinted from the Festschrift des Protest. Gymnasiums
zu Strasbourg, 1888), 215 seq. ; Nuntiaturberichte, IX., 576-578.
3 See Acta Consist, in the Nuntiaturberichte, IX., 90, n. i.
292 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
when Cardinal Farnese received the Legatine cross, and
Ottavio Farnese was appointed commander-in-chief of the
army and received the marshal's staff and the standard
of war "against the Lutherans."^ The most complete
arrangements for the conveyance of the subsidies and the
equipment of the troops were made at once.^ There was
all the greater necessity for despatch as the Emperor was
placed in a position of great difificulty.
Charles V. had from the beginning surveyed the coming
events with the greatest circumspection. In a confidential
letter to his sister Maria, of the 9th of June 1546, he
described the situation as one that was most favourable to
him. " The war against the Duke of Brunswick has drained
the Protestant finances. In Saxony and Hesse the greatest
discontent prevails both among the nobles and the other
subjects, who are tired of being kept in grinding poverty
and bitterest serfdom. Then the Protestants are split up
into difterent sects, and ample help is promised by the
Pope. Further, I have hopes even of inducing some of the
Protestant princes, such as Maurice of Saxony and Albert
of Brandenburg, to submit in matters of religion to the
Council." He intended accordingly to begin the war by
attacking the Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave of
Hesse as destroyers of the public peace, and to justify
his action by their conduct towards the Duke of Brunswick.
Even if this pretext, he thought, did not prevent his
opponents from thinking that the war was one of religion,
yet it was through this pretext in any case that he would
cut them off.'
* See Acta Consist, in Ravnaldus, 1546, n. 105, and also other
sources in the Nuntiaturberirhtc, IX., 98, n. I ; Casimiro, Aracoeli,
328, must also be added.
2 Cf. Nuntiaturberichte, IX., xiv seq.^ 97 scq.^ 104 seq.
3 Lanz, II., 486 jri^.
TACTICS OF THE EMPEROR. 293
At the same time, this first reckoning was to some
extent mistaken. The Emperor certainly won over by
secret agreements Duke Maurice of Saxony, the Margraves
Hans of Brandenburg-Ciistrin and Albert of Brandenburg-
Culmbach, and also secured the neutrality of the Elector
Palatine and the Elector of Brandenburg ; but South
Germany remained true to the Schmalkaldic League, and
armed with such rapidity that they might have forestalled
Charles's attack. Even before war was declared, the
Emperor found himself in Ratisbon already in serious
danger from his enemies. While his troops lay at great
distances in the Netherlands, Italy, and Hungary, or were
gathering at the recruiting grounds of South Germany,
the foe already had at his disposal in the immediate
neighbourhood squadrons and regiments fit to take the
field.
But the incapacity of the Schmalkaldic League was still
greater than its strength. In the Commentaries, in which
Charles enumerates with satisfaction the defects of his
enemies, he speaks of them as if God had smitten them
with blindness.^
As a matter of fact, the Schmalkaldic forces in the first
weeks of the war might easily have obtained the victory
if they had only understood in any degree how to avail
themselves of the exceptionally great advantages of the
situation. Their complete self-deception with regard to
the attitude of Bavaria was of most momentous import to
them. For long they never once suspected that Duke
William IV. was in alliance with the Emperor, and even
later never realized it with perfect certainty. They trusted
Chancellor Eck that Bavaria would remain neutral and
keep watch to see on which side fortune was leaning.^ In
^ Commentaires, 127.
* See RiEZLER, Gesch. Bayerns, IV., 350, 353, 354.
294 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
consequence the bold dash of the first detachment of the
Oberland Leaguers, led by Schartlin von Burtenbach and
Schankwitz, was a failure. Their plan was to fall upon
the Imperialist mustering-places in Upper Suabia, to seize
the passes of the Tyrol, thus cutting off the Emperor's
communications with Italy, and afterwards even to make
a raid on the Council at Trent. On the 9th of July
Schartlin had already taken Fussen, but durst not follow
up the Imperialists as they retired over the adjacent
Bavarian frontier, since the order had come from Augs-
burg that they were not to push Bavaria into the arms of
the enemy by a violation of the supposed neutrality of
that power. Schankwitz on the night of July the loth
captured the strong Ehrenberger pass near Reutte, and
afterwards had already pressed on to Lermoos when he
also received counter-orders. The council of war at Ulm
did not wish to anger Ferdinand, of whose neutrality they
had hopes. As any further advance of Schartlin's troops
would become a source of danger to Ulm and Augsburg,
he was obliged on July the 14th to fall back with all his
forces.^
The Schmalkaldic forces now turned their thoughts to an
entire concentration of their military strength, to be followed
by an advance on the Emperor, who was still sojourning in
Ratisbon. On July the 20th Schartlin joined forces with
the Wurtembergers and took Donauworth ; during the
3rd and 4th of August the Saxons and Hessians came up
to that city with the South German contingent. The
approximate numbers of the Schmalkaldic army now
amounted to 30,cxdo foot soldiers, 4600 horsemen, and
* Cf. Ladurner, Der Einfall des Schmalkaldner in Tirol (Archiv
fur Gesch. Tirols, I., 145 scq.); EGELHAAF, II., 467 seq.-, Janssen-
Pastor, III., 1 8th ed., 627 seq. See also Nuntiaturberichte, IX.,
109 seq,^ 113 seq.^ 117 seq.
THE PROTESTANTS LACK UNITY. 295
about a hundred guns.^ They greatly outnumbered the
Imperialists.
Charles V. had made use of the breathing-space given
him by his enemies, by gathering about him reinforcements.
By the 3rd of August he thought that Ratisbon might
be abandoned without danger. On the 4th he entered
Landshut, where he hoped to effect a conjunction with the
auxiliary troops called out of Italy. For the Schmalkaldic
army everything depended on preventing this combination.
But even this favourable opportunity for snatching victory
was allowed to slip through their hands ; not merely were
they hindered at every step by consideration for Bavaria,
but they were wanting in the self-sacrifice, spirit, and
confidence which their cause demanded. Saxony and
Hesse had brought no war funds ; they thought they
had done enough in adding their troops to those of
the South Germans. The cities were getting tired of
paying out moneys, and thought that the Word of God
cost much too dear, that it would have been better to
have stayed at home and come to some compact with
the Emperor. When the hopes of foreign assistance
proved illusory, the boastful assurances of victory with
which they had started gave place to deep despond-
ency. To the want of the necessary money, for which
the plunder of churches and convents did not suffice,
there was added the lack of unity among their leaders.
What the impetuous Landgrave wished was displeas-
ing to the slow-moving Elector ; what Schartlin von
Burtenbach counselled was rejected by both.^ Before the
Schmalkaldic leaders had come to a decision, Charles
* See the investigations of Le Mang, Die Darstellung der Schmal-
kaldischen Krieges in den Denkwiirdigkeiten Karls V., I., Jena, 1890,
25, n. 7, 61, n. I.
2 Cf. Janssen-Pastor, III., i8th ed., t-^Z sec
296 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
had joined hands with the expedition sent out of Italy
by the Fope.^
This consisted of io,ooo infantry and more than 700
light cavalry. The latter, with Giovanni Battista Savelli
at their head, entered Landshut on the 7th of August ; the
infantry appeared three days later, but were so exhausted
by the long march that a rest was imperative. The
commander-in-chief, Ottavio Farnese, waited on Charles V.
on the nth of August, and was received with the utmost
marks of respect ; two days later the order of the Golden
Fleece was conferred upon him. He afterwards paraded
his troops before the Emperor, who was highly delighted
with their eminently soldierly appearance. " The men,"
wrote Verallo to Rome, " have surpassed all our expecta-
tions."* By this accession of strength and other reinforce-
ments Charles was now numerically superior to his
enemies, against whom he now published the Ban dated
the 20th of July.^
On the 26th of August Charles occupied a well-fortified
camp on the plains before the Bavarian frontier fortress,
of Ingolstadt. The enemy directed their fire on city and
camp, but did not venture on an open attack. Their
retirement, which began on September the 4th, was in
glaring contradiction to the bombastic and insulting
language of the letter of defiance which they had just
delivered to the Emperor. Thus in the moral scale also
* The French court had counted it a certainty that the Schmalkaldic
League would prevent this ; see the *letter of Bishop Dandino of
Iinola to the Cardinal Camerlengo, dat. Fontainebleau, Aug. 8, 1546,
Nunz. di Francia, 2 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
* See Nuntiaturberichte, IX., xxii seq.^ 186 seq. ; cf. also Mocenigo
in the Fontes rer. Austr., XXX., 125 seq., who criticises severely the
choice of commanders {cf. p. 137). The names of all the captains of
the Italian auxiliaries in Manente, 285 seq.
2 See Nuntiaturberichte, IX., 185, 197.
CAUTION OF CHARLES V. 297
Charles was superior.^ Failure also attended the attempt of
the Schmalkaldic forces to cut off the supports coming to
the Emperor from the Netherlands under the command of
Maximilian Egmont, the Count of Biiren. On the 15th
of September Egmont's force joined that of the Emperor,
who had now at his disposal over 50,000 infantry and
14,000 cavalry.2 Notwithstanding his superiority, Charles
was determined not to stake all on one throw ; his plan
was rather to keep the enemy in check and wear him out
financially. The situation of the latter grew worse; the
help which they had solicited from Denmark, France, and
England never came, while even their strong hope that the
Turks would open a way of relief to them was unfulfilled.
The Emperor took Donauworth, Dillingen, and Lauingen ;
the Schmalkaldic forces fell back until they took up their
position about the middle of October in a fortified camp to
the north of Ulm near Giengen. Here they remained
inactive for six weeks while Charles lay encamped at
Lauingen. Many fell victims on both sides to disease,
the rough autumnal German weather telling with special
severity on the unacclimatized Spaniards and Italians ; the
latter troops gradually melted away from sickness and
desertion.^ The Emperor refused to be drawn into a
battle; his dogged caution was to crown his banners
with victory.
At the end of October a new aspect of the Emperor's
widespread plans was disclosed. Duke Maurice of Saxony
* See RiEZLER in Der Abhandl. der bayr. Akad. der Wissensch.,
XXI. (1895), 211 ; Bezold, 780; Egelhaaf, II., 470; Lenz in the
Histor. Zeitschr., LXXVL, 467.
2 Cf. KannengiesSER, Karl V. und Maximilian Egmont, Graf von
Biiren, Freiburg, 1895.
^ For the wholesale desertion of Italians on the departure of Cardinal
Farnese, see Nuntiaturberichte, IX., 310, n. i, 312, n. 2.
298 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
declared war against his cousin John Frederick, and put
into execution the Ban which had been pronounced against
him. It was not, however, by the Saxon catastrophe
that the war was decided against the fortunes of the
Schmalkaldic League, but by their financial necessities.
" The promised French money," wrote Philip of Hesse,
"did not come. Wurtemberg and the cities cannot and
will not give any, Saxony and ourselves have none;
therefore we must give in."^ On the 23rd of November
the confederates broke up at Giengen. The Landgrave
made haste home through Wurtemberg "to his two
wives," as Schartlin scornfully remarked ; the Elector
plundered on his way back weak dependencies of the
Empire, whether, like Gmiind, Mayence, and Fulda, they
were Catholic, or, like Frankfort, Protestant.^
The retreat of the Schmalkaldic forces quite unexpectedly
made the Imperialist troops, who from wet, cold, and sick-
ness were in a very precarious position, masters of the field.
The war on the Danube was brought to a victorious close
without a battle, almost without a skirmish, through
the circumspection and iron persistency of Charles, who
had displayed throughout great tranquillity and confidence.
Seldom was a contest begun on the one side with greater
braggadocio and carried out with greater incompetency.
The strange spectacle was witnessed of an army originally
the stronger retreating without having struck a blow,
finally separating and hurrying homewards in rapid flight.
Scarcely had the Emperor entered on his victory than the
cities and princes of southern Germany began to compete
in abject entreaties for grace and pardon. Charles V. for-
» Rommel, Urkundenbuch, 262-263 ; cf. Egelhaaf, II., 475 seq. ;
Histor. Zeitschr., XXXVI., 76 ; LXXVII., 468.
2 See Janssen-Pastor, III., 18th ed., 648 seq.\ cf. Nuntiatur-
berichte, IX., 364 seq., 375.
CHARLES'S BELIEF IN TOLERATIOK. 299
gave, but he made the guilty pay roundly for the cost of war.
In matters of religion he believed that at first in southern
Germany general toleration must be observed.^ This
position, in which the Pope justly saw a violation of
the treaty of June, was followed by other questions also
which led afresh to serious breaches of amity with the
Holy See.
1 See Janssen-Pastor, III., l8th ed., bsoseq. ; Egelhaaf, II., 477.
CHAPTER VIII.
Dissensions between Paul III. and Charles V.
The insecurity of the foundations on which the friendship
between Charles V. and Paul III. rested was shown by
the circumstance that, while the signatures of the treaty
of June 1546 were scarcely dry, fresh differences emerged.
The old suspicions and exorbitant demands on the part
of the Emperor raised barriers in all directions to a
permanent understanding,
Charles V., in the first place, was offended that Paul III.,
in spite of the pleadings of Cardinal Madruzzo, would not
consent to an extension in time of the obligations laid
upon him by the treaty. Madruzzo, on the other hand,
obtained the Pope's consent to the wishes of Charles with
regard to the disbursement of the moneys in Trent and
the attribution of the half of the ecclesiastical revenues of
the Netherlands.^ Nevertheless, the Emperor was not
satisfied. From the first he had assiduously placed the
political motives for his hostile action against the Pro-
testants in the foreground, while endeavouring to veil,
in fact to repudiate, the religious motives. Since there
were cogent reasons for this behaviour, he could not but
feel aggrieved that in Rome the ecclesiastical objects of
the war in common were emphasized unceasingly, and in
* See Nuntiaturberichte, IX., xii seq. ; cf.ibid., 154, n. i., the Bull,
dated already Aug. 11, 1546, relating to the Church revenues of the
Netherlands.
300
CHARLES V. OFFENDED. 3OI
the briefs to the Kings of France and Poland, the Doge
of Venice, the German archbishops and bishops, and the
University of Louvain an open summons was given to a
crusade against the German heretics.^ In reply to this, how-
ever, the Pope could point out that Charles V. himself had
demanded that the treaty should be discussed in consistory ;
and that the briefs, at the urgent request of the German
ambassador, had been so discussed before they were sent
off.2 The Emperor's complaint that the treaty of June
had been communicated to the Swiss Confederation was
justified. In this way the German Protestants received
authentic information concerning the object of the blow
directed against them, and they did not hesitate to use the
weapon placed in their hands to incite their co-religionists.
The breach of confidence which this involved was inexcus-
able, and can only be explained on the assumption that
Paul III., never free from suspicion, wished to make any
agreement between Charles and the Protestants impossible.^
How little confidence was placed in the Emperor is
evident from the fact that Verallo in the beginning of
August 1546 recommended some consideration to be
shown for his wishes in the affairs of the Council, since
otherwise it was to be feared that some hurtful agreement
might be made with the Protestants and Granvelle's threat
of a national council be carried out.* Under these cir-
1 See Raynaldus, 1546, n. 58 seq., and Nuntiaturberichte, IX., 98,
n. 2, 122.
2 See Farnese's letters in Nuntiaturberichte, IX., 457, 465 seq.
That the Protestants must have become aware of the alliance through
the discussions in consistory is insisted upon by Brosch in the
Mitteil. des Osterr. Instituts, XXIII., 136. Cf. also DE Leva, IV., 159.
^ Cf. Janssen-Pastor, III., 1 8th ed., 622 ; Kannengiesser, Die
Kapitulation zwischen Karl V. und Paul III., 23 seq.', Nuntiatur-
berichte, IX., xxxii.
* See Nuntiaturberichte, IX., 172.
302 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
cumstances the nuncio and his master in Rome looked
with misgiving on the cautious policy of Charles and his
attempts to win over a portion of his adversaries by
concessions.
The Pope's distrust, eagerly fomented by the French,*
was in reality not unjustified, for the guarantees in matters
of religion by which Duke Maurice of Saxony, the
Margraves Hans von Brandenburg-Ciistrin and Albert of
Brandenburg-Culmbach were gained, could not be brought
into accord with the treaty of June.^ If Paul III. had
heard of these agreements at once he might then have
complained with much greater right of the non-fulfilment
of the treaty, as Charles did with regard to the immediate
payment of the war funds. The difficulties in this con-
nection, as well as those regarding the compensation for
the alienation of the Spanish Church property objected
to by the Cardinals, were removed in essential points by
the arrival of Farnese accredited as Cardinal-Legate to the
forces. He was not, however, in a position to prevent
further disputes over the management of the Italian
auxiliaries and delays in their payment.^
Farnese, who had his first audience on arrival on the
24th of August 1546, also presented to the Emperor the
Bull agreeing to the conveyance of the half of the ecclesi-
astical revenues of the Netherlands. Charles V. thanked
him, but declined to comply with the Legate's request of
the 29th of August that he would openly declare the war
to be a religious one. With regard to a series of minor
contentions the Emperor promised redress.* He did not,
however, go beyond fair words. The pettiness of Charles
' See Nuntiaturberichte, IX., 107, n. i.
2 Cf. Janssen-Pastor, III., 1 8th ed., 622-624.
' Nuntiaturberichte, IX., xxx seq.
♦ Ibid.,20i,seq.^ 212 seq.
DISAPPOINTMENT OF THE POPE. 303
in shelving any arrangement in matters of trifling conse-
quence caused an annoyance which was all the more bitter
as the Pope was conscious that in all primary points he
had discharged his heavy obligations.
Paul III. and his family had to learn that the hopes
which they had cherished of greater consideration on the
Emperor's part for their private wishes were not in the
way of realization. The disappointment was all the greater
as they had reckoned on the Emperor's gratitude for the
very substantial assistance brought to him at a most
critical moment by the Papal troops.^ Instead of this,
Granvelle came forward with reiterated complaints of the
communication of the treaty to the Swiss. Charles V.,
however, showed himself only too much inclined to lay
the personal responsibility for the daily grievances arising
among the Italian soldiery on the Pope himself, who, he
thought, was intentionally causing him difficulties in all
directions.^
The extraordinary distrust with which the two heads of
Christendom regarded each other, although the general
situation demanded imperatively the best understanding,
received its worst illustration in their mutual attitude over
the affairs of the Council.
The war between the Emperor and the Schmalkaldic
League was bound to react upon the Synod in session at
Trent. The news of the capture of the Ehrenberger pass
by Schartlin von Burtenbach had caused such terror in that
* Cf. in Appendix, No. 31, Cardinal G. Gonzaga's *letter of July 23,
1546 (Vatican Library).
"- See Nuntiaturberichte, IX., xxi, 227. Friedensburg observes on the
mutual distrust of Charles V. and Paul III.: "Neither of the two
trusted the other ; each stood suspiciously on his guard and scrutinized
closely the steps of his partner, always anxious lest the latter should
gain an advantage over him, and therefore disinclined to make any
concession above and beyond what was absolutely necessary."
304 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
city that many of the Fathers thought of immediate flight.^
On July the isth, 1546, as the doctrine of justification had
now undergone thorough examination, four bishops were
appointed in the general congregation to draw up the
decree on that subject. The discussion then proceeded, in
the course of which Cardinal Pacheco spoke. But when it
came to the turn of Archbishop Jacopo Cauco of Corfu,
the latter declared that he had not supposed that they
would be discussing justification that day, but more
probably, in view of the danger from the war, a removal
or a suspension of the Council. The Archbishops of Siena
and Matera^ also dwelt upon the danger. The Legates
themselves, in a letter of the 25th of June 1546 to Cardinal
Farnese, had called attention to the distressing situation
of the Council. They said it was neither decorous nor
without danger to remain so close to the assembling of
troops and fanatical enemies. There were no means in
Trent of repelling an attack threatened by friends of the
Lutheran party in the Grisons, an attack which was all the
more sure of success as that canton had sympathizers
in Trent itself, Verona, Vicenza, and other neighbouring
places. But even the soldiery who were friendly to them
would be burdensome owing to the decreasing supply of
provisions ; they covered the country like hordes of locusts ;
an assembly of defenceless clergy would be in a sad plight
under such circumstances. It seemed at the least a hard
demand to make upon them that amid such anxieties they
should devote their attention to conciliar deliberations.^
The Pope, however, was not at all well pleased with the
Legates' suggestion that the seat of the Council should be
removed. The Emperor had repeatedly made known his
1 Massarelli, Diarium, III., ed. Merkle, I., 560.
" Severoli, ed. Merkle, I., 89 ; cf. Pallavicini, 1. 8, c. 5.
« Druffel-Brandi, 566 ; cf. Pallavicini, 1. 8, c. 5.
THE pope's instructions. 305
wish that the Council during the war should under any
circumstances continue assembled in Trent.^ Paul III.
was determined not to embroil himself at any price with
Charles over this question at the very moment when he
had entered into alliance with him to bring the Protestants
into forcible submission to the Council. The Legates
therefore received orders to remain in Trent, and to proceed
with the deliberations. How disagreeable such instructions
were is shown by a letter from Cervini to the Papal
secretary Mafifei of the 8th of July. Cervini declared that
he bowed to the Pope's will, but expressed his fear that the
time might come when it would be the business of the
mail-clad Emperor to prescribe to the Council the course
of its proceedings. Yet the Pope held fast by his deter-
mination, once for all expressed, that he would not for a
moment consent to the proposal of the Legates that the
sessions should be suspended on account of the approach-
ing passage of troops ; ^ on the other hand, he was not
willing to meet the further wish of the Emperor, who was
still pressing for a cessation of the dogmatic discussions.
As long as the Synod in Trent remained open, it must
continue, in accordance with the Pope's wishes, to carry
out its tasks fully.
On the 2 1st of July Paul gave instructions to Cardinal
Farnese, then on his way to join as Legate the Imperial
army, that he might represent to Charles, if the latter de-
manded the avoidance of dogmatic questions, that such an
interruption of the activities of the Council would only
then be possible if the Council were transferred to some
other spot.^
* Nuntiaturberichte, IX., xxxiii, 70.
* Pallavicini, 1. 8, c. 5.
* See Cardinal Santafiora's letter to Farnese of July 21, 1546, in
Nuntiaturberichte, IX., 135 seq. On July 23 the same Cardinal wrote
VOL. XII. 2C
306 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The timorous Cervini again broached the subject of
removal when Cardinal Farnese as Legate passed through
the southern Tyrol with the Papal troops. Farnese's ill-
ness at Rovereto gave Cervini an opportunity of discuss-
ing the matter with him thoroughly. As Cardinal Ercole
Gonzaga informed Camillo Capilupi, Cervini set before the
Legate in such vivid colours the danger of Charles becoming
supreme over the Council, as he would be supreme in the ap-
proaching war, that Farnese was won over to the proposal for
a removal of the Council, and in that sense reported to Rome.^
It seems that hopes were entertained there that Charles
might be induced to give his consent to a removal. This
certainly was not to be thought of now; Charles clung to
his determination that the Council should be a dummy to
serve as a prop for his scheme of policy. If the Pope
thought that this was more than he could consent to, his
reasons were not difficult to understand. It would be
beneath his dignity and a thing impossible in itself to
require the Fathers of the Council to regulate their conduct
by the dilatory course of German affairs and sit idle in
Trent squandering time and money until the cast of the
iron dice should have decided the Schmalkaldic vvar.^
As Cardinal Cervini was lingering by the sick-bed
of Farnese in Rovereto and Pole had gone on already
on the 28th of June to recuperate his feeble health at
again that the Pope consented to a translation, but only in case of
necessity, and if a continuance at Trent was actually impossible. In
case too long a time would be required to enable him personally to
make the necessary representations to the Emperor, he gave per-
mission to send a prelate of high standing to Charles V., entrusted
with this task. Ferrara and Lucca were to be proposed to the Emperor
as suitable places {ibid.^ IX., 141 seq.).
1 Cf. Cardinal E. Gonzaga's *letter to C. Capilupi of Aug. 13, 1546,
Cod. Barb. Lat., 5793, f. I57^ Vatican Library.
2 Cf. Ehses in the Rom. Quartalschr., XIX., 182.
DISCUSSIONS IN THE COUNCIL. 307
Padua,* Cardinal del Monte was left the sole President of
the Council, His position was not an enviable one. See-
ing that the Pope was opposed to any postponement of the
sittings, he had proposed in the general congregation of the
28th of July to hold the session and there publish the dog-
matic decree as it stood. Pacheco, on the contrary, with
the almost unanimous consent of the Fathers, asked for a
postponement of the session, and that too contrary to the
view taken by del Monte that the prorogation should be
indefinite. In opposition to Pacheco, the Archbishops
of Corfu and Matera, Cauco and Saraceni, declared them-
selves in favour of a translation of the Council. The
former remarked that to stay in Trent under the existing
conditions was to tempt Providence and to inflict great
indignity on the whole Church ; moreover, he had no doubt
that if the Emperor were informed of the true state of
affairs he certainly would be the first to approve of a re-
moval of the Council to some safer place. At these words
he was violently interrupted by Cardinal Pacheco exclaim-
ing : " Speak to the business in hand, and do not digress
upon the intentions of the Emperor, of which you know
nothing." Cardinal del Monte, to whom the Archbishop's
utterance of opinion had been by no means displeasing,
refrained from calling the latter to order, and thereby
brought on a passage of words between himself and Pacheco.
The latter displayed no little excitement. Some of the
Spanish bishops emulated him in violence of language, and
it taxed the Legate to the utmost to restore calm.^ In a
* As Pole's illness was protracted he was released on Oct. 27, 1546,
from his Legatine duties and recalled to Rome (Pallavicini, 1. 8,
c. 7). It is certain that then, and for some time longer, Pole was in
very bad health owing to the climate of Trent (see Reumont in
Theol. Literaturbl., 1870, 997).
2 Severoli, ed. Merkle, 1 , 95-97 ; Pallavicini, 1. 8, c. 7.
303 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
letter of July the 29th the conciliar Legates represented to
Verallo that, in view of the war, a removal of the Council
seemed advisable, as otherwise it was to be feared that it
might dissolve itself. They named as suitable places
Ferrara or Lucca.^
On the 30th of July the general congregation continued
the discussion of the decree on justification. At the close
of the sitting Pacheco again demanded the appointment of
a fixed day for the next sitting. As del Monte, who was
again sole President, opposed him, the Imperialist Cardinals
Madruzzo and Pacheco attacked him in the most reckless
fashion. Madruzzo allowed himself to go so far as to
accuse del Monte of conduct unbecoming a Christian,
taunting him at last on his plebeian origin. The assembly
broke up amid great excitement without having come to
any decision.^
This outburst on the part of the Imperialists was exactly
calculated to precipitate what, in the interests of Charles V.,
they wished to prevent. Del Monte, deeply chagrined at
the contempt of his authority, was now more than ever in
favour of a removal of the Council from Trent, where the
authority of an Imperial master seemed to be quite as
dangerous as the peril from foreign enemies. Madruzzo
himself perceived that his anger had carried him too far;
Cervini, on his return from Rovereto on the 31st of July,
made warm representations to him. The incident was also
made the subject of conversation with the Cardinal-Legate
Farnese, who arrived in Trent on the 2nd of August. The
result was surprising. On the 3rd of August Bishop Pietro
Bertano of Fano, as representing not the Council but the
Legates only, yet with the approval of Madruzzo and
Pacheco, was sent to the Imperial court with the object of
» Nuntiaturberichte, IX., 155 seq.
« Severoli, ed. Merkle, I., gS-icxj ; Pallavicini, 1. 8, c. 7.
IRRITATION OF THE EMPEROR. 309
favourably disposing Charles to the removal of the Council
to Ferrara, Lucca, or Siena.^ On the following day Achilla
de' Grassi was despatched to Rome to inform the Pope
more thoroughly of the state of affairs. Bertano did not
get far. In Brixen he met Aurelio Cattaneo, secretary to
the Cardinal of Trent, returning from the Emperor's court.
From him he received so vivid an account of the irritation
shown by Charles at the proposal to translate the Council ^
that he was convinced of the futility of his mission and on
August the 4th turned back to Trent. De' Grassi also was
recalled thither by a special messenger, to be again sent forth
on the 6th of August with the most recent information.
He was the bearer of a letter to the Pope from Cervini,
dated August the 5th, containing a report of the threatening
language in which the Emperor had inveighed against him.^
At the same time the Legates forwarded to Verallo a
document of the 5th of August exculpating themselves,
and Cervini in particular, from the charge of endeavouring
to bring about the dissolution of the Council,* On the 7th
of August Bertano also left for Rome, sent by Madruzzo.^
* His instructions are in Nuntiaturberichle, IX., 589 seq.
2 Massarelli, Diarium, III., ed, Merkle, I., 565. For the Emperor's
anger and his repeated threats of vengeance on Cervini, whom he
considered the chief culprit in the matter of the translation of the
Council, cf. also Verallo's reports : to Farnese, July 30, 1 546
(Nuntiaturberichte, IX., 163 seq.)-, to the Legates, July 31 {ibid., 163
seq., n.); to Santafiora, Aug. 7 {ibid., 177 seq. ; here an utterance of
Granvelle is reported repeating the threat of a national council).
On Aug. 12 Mendoza spoke to the Legates about the Emperor's
temper (Massarelli, Diarium, III., ed. Merkle, I., 566).
3 Cf. Massarelli, Diarium, III., ed. Merkle, I., 565 ; PALLAViciNr,
1. 8, c. 8,n, 3 ; Nuntiaturberichte, IX., 179 seq., n. 4. Besides Cervini's
letter to the Pope of Aug. 5 (not 15), cf. Nuntiaturberichte, IX., 163,
n. 2 ; Merkle, I., 567, n. i.
* Nuntiaturberichte, IX., 590-592.
^ Massarelli, Diarium, III., ed. Merkle, I., 566.
3IO HISTORY OF THE POPES.
In the meantime, on the night of August the 7th,
Montemerlo, Farnese's secretary, had arrived in Trent. He
brought to the Legates, together with a letter from Cardinal
Santafiora of the 3rd and 4th of August, in which Lucca was
recommended, a Bull dated the ist of August 1546 con-
veying full powers, in the case of prolonged continuance in
Trent becoming impossible, to translate the Synod to some
more suitable place with the consent of the Fathers or of a
majority.^
Montemerlo was also authorized to show a letter from
Santafiora to Verallo in which the latter was instructed to
inform the Emperor of the proposed translation, while
avoiding any appearance of soliciting his approval. The
Legates were to use their discretion whether this open
letter should be forwarded or not to its destination.^ The
Imperialist Cardinals and Mendoza received the com-
munication with strong disapproval. Farnese, with the
consent of the Legates, came to an understanding with
them that neither should the translation be decided upon
nor the letter to Verallo forwarded until they had once
more received a reply from the Pope to the reports to be
presented to him by Farnese and the Legates , in the
meanwhile, the Council was to continue its labours in the
congregations.^ The plan of bringing the question of
translation before the next general congregation was
abandoned by the Legates on the receipt of a written
* Cf. Nuntiaturberichte, IX., 170 seg.,n. 2; see also Pallavicini,
I. 8, c. 8, n. 4.
* Nuntiaturberichte, IX., 171, n.
' Farnese to Paul III., dat. Trent, Aug. 9, 1546 (Nuntiaturberichte,
IX., 179-182) ; the Legates to Santafiora, dat. Aug. 9, 1546 (Nuntiatur-
berichte, 181 seg., n. 3). Cervini in a confidential letter to Maffei
written at this time urged that the present opportunity should not be
neglected and no postponement be permitted {idt'd., 182, n.).
INDIGNATION OF THE POPE. 3II
expostulation from Farnese, who had left Trent on
the loth of August. On the contrary, del Monte, on the
13th of August, after an introductory address tending to
allay the apprehensions of the Fathers for their safety in
Trent, ordered the discussion of the decree on justification
to be resumed.^
A letter of Bishop de' Nobili of Accia is descriptive of the
situation then existing. He speaks strongly of the great
disinclination of the Legates and a large number of the
Fathers to see the work of the Synod obstructed by the
Emperor's insistence that the decree on justification should
not take shape out of consideration for the Protestants.
It is matter of complaint, writes de' Nobili, that the Council
has been deprived of its freedom, many Fathers on that
account have left, others make the best of the situation.^
In letters to Santafiora of the i6th and 17th of August
the Legates complain that the Imperialists assiduously
protract the work of the sittings, and beg to be removed
from their posts.^
Paul III. displayed great indignation on hearing Cattaneo
and Bertano's account of the attitude of Charles V. and of
his threatening language towards Cervini. He also spoke
very angrily of Madruzzo, accusing him of having incited
the Emperor against the Legates.* It was only with great
reluctance that the Pope made up his mind to defer the
translation of the Council for a while. Already on the
i6th of August he had, through Santafiora, renewed the
authority given to the Legates to take tW* step, provided
it conformed to the voice of the majority. They were,
* Massarelli, Diarium, III., ed. Merkle, I., 566 seq. ; Pallavicini,
1. 8, c. 8, n. 5.
2 See Ehses in the Rom. Quartalschr., XIX., 182.
3 Cf. Nuntiaturberichte, IX., 183, n. ; Mfrkle. I., 568, n. 2.
♦ Pallavicini, I. 8, c. 10, n. 2.
3T2 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
however, if possible, without delaying the opportunity for
removal, to proceed as far as they could with the decrees
on justification and the residence of bishops and to have
them settled in their entirety or in part.^ On the follow-
ing day, however, news reached Rome that in the event of
a translation the Emperor intended to come to an under-
standing with the Protestants, or to take steps to constitute
a national council. Upon this the Pope resolved, all con-
vinced though he was of the necessity of a translation,
to meet the Emperor so far as to detain the Council at
Trent for some time longer and to settle the decrees under
consideration. Farnese was to use his influence to obtain
from Charles a declaration that he would consent to the
translation taking place at the end of September or the
middle of October. The Legates in the meantime were to
secure the consent of the prelates so as to be certain of
having a majority in favour of the translation at any time
at which the Pope might announce a fresh decision
respecting it. These instructions were communicated to
Farnese and the Legates on the 17th of August.^ On the
24th Santafiora wrote to Farnese ^ that the Council must
be moved at the latest by the end of October ; the Emperor
» Nuntiaturberichte, IX., 191, n. i. On Aug. 14, 1546, Vine.
Parenzi wrote from Rome to Lucca, that Lucca was one of the four
cities in which eventually the Council would be held. The Govern-
ment of Lucca wrote on Aug. 20 to Cardinal Guidiccioni requesting
him to ask the Pope to omit their city from the number (State
Archives, Lucca). The pros and cons for holding the Council in
Ferrara were considered in a *letter from Cardinal E. Gonzaga, dat.
Mantua, Aug. 17, 1546, Cod. Barb. Lat., 5793, f. 161 seq. (Vatican
Library),
2 Santafiora to Farnese, dat. Aug. 17, 1546 (Nuntiaturberichte, IX.,
191-193) ; Santafiora to the Legates {ibid., 193, n. i) ; cf. Pallavicini,
1. 8, c 10, n. 2.
8 Nuntiaturberichte, IX., 202 seq.
FUTILITY OF THE NEGOTIATIONS. 313
must also be led to ponder the danger of a schism arising if
the aged Pope were to die while the Council sat at Trent.^
The Legates, taking into consideration the repugnance
shown by the prelates to a much longer continuance in
Trent, would gladly have taken their votes at once in the
general congregation on the question of translation and
then have awaited the subsequent orders of the Pope.^
They would not have been displeased even if the order
prohibiting the Fathers to leave the Council on their own
initiative had been relaxed, so that the necessity of a
translation to avoid dissolution from within might have
been proved by facts. But the Pope, mindful of the
negotiations with the Emperor then in the air, refused
his assent to both suggestions.^ The negotiations led to
nothing. Farnese attempted in vain in an audience on
the 29th of August in the camp at Ingoldstadt to win the
Emperor's approval of a translation to Lucca.* Charles
explained to the Legate that the presence of the Council
in Trent was exactly the one thing essential to the assured
success of his operations in the field, so that Farnese for
the moment could only declare that he would advise the
* Pallavicini (1. 8, c. 12, n. 2) thinks that the principal reason,
although not openly expressed in their correspondence with Rome, which
led the Legates to wish for a translation of the Council was their
anxiety lest the Pope should die suddenly. In that case the freedom
of election would be endangered if the Council were being held in a
place where the influence of the princes was so powerful.
2 The Legates to Farnese, dat. Aug. 20, 1546 (Nuntiaturberichte
IX., 193, n. 3).
3 Pallavicini, 1. 8, c. 10, n. 3.
* Farnese to Paul III., dat. Ingolstadt, Aug. 30, 1546 (Nuntiatur-
berichte, IX., 210-212). That Lucca, in the letter to Santafiora of
Aug. 28 (Pallavicini, 1. 8, c. 8, n. 2), had already written to decline,
could not yet have been known to Farnese {cf. Nuntiaturberichte, IX ,
210, n. 5). Further discussion took place on Sept. 3 between Granve'Je
and Verallo in place of the sick Legate {ibid., 222-224),
314 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Pope to order the Synod to continue its sittings there for
some weeks longer, under the assumption that it was now
a certainty that after that the translation might be under-
taken. To the conciliar Legates Farnese wrote on the
31st of August^ that for the present they must not move
in the matter. Cardinal Truchsess of Augsburg also
warned them with reference to existing circumstances, in
a letter of the 31st of August, what the consequences of
a translation would be.^ Farnese found the Emperor, in
consequence of the tardy progress of the war, in a less
uncompromising mood on September the 8th.^ The latter
still declared that under the conditions of the moment
all talk of a translation was out of the question, but he
thought that perhaps later on the matter might admit of
discussion when it had become apparent what the further
course of the campaign would be.
The Pope was exceedingly mortified by the attitude of
Charles V. In the beginning of September he remarked in
a discussion with the ambassador Vega : " You have not
yet been victorious over the Protestants, and neverthe-
less your demands are already insupportable ; what will
your first step be when the Emperor is victorious ?..."*
Paul III. was unshaken in his determination that the
translation should take place, and on the 1 1 th of September,^
in his reply to Farnese's first report, bade him repeatedly
call attention to its necessity, adducing in particular, among
other reasons, the danger of schism in the case of his
» Cf. Pallavicini, 1. 8, c. 10, n. 4.
2 Ibid.
^ Cf. Verallo to Santafiora, dat. Sept. 11, 1546, and Farnese to
Santafiora, dat. Sept. 11, 1546 (Nuntiaturberichte, IX., 236 seq^.
* Campana, 503.
6 Santafiora to Farnese, dat. Sept. 11, 1546 (Nuntiaturberichte, IX.,
246).
THE QUESTION OF THE TRANSLATION. 315
death.* On the 15th of September the Pope ordered a
letter to be sent to the Legates ^ making urgent inquiries
as to the prospects of a majority when the question came
up for decision by the votes of the Council. On the 20th
of September, Paul III., after an interview with the Imperial
ambassador to discuss the Emperor's objection to the
translation, directed Santafiora to write ^ that he still held
by his opinion that the removal ought to take place by the
middle of October; this Farnese was at liberty to com-
municate to the Emperor, who would apprecia'te the Pope's
reasons, with which he was already previously acquainted.
The conciliar Legates were again, in a letter from Santa-
fiora of the 22nd of September,* requested to state what
result they anticipated on submitting the question to the
vote in the middle of October. In the meantime they
were to push on as far as possible the decree on justifica-
tion as well as that on episcopal residence, so that it
might not appear as if the Council were going to rise from
its labours in order to evade reform.
Further difficulties at this time were raised, to the Pope's
annoyance, by Francis I./ who refused to consent to the
choice of an Imperial city, but on the contrary wished the
Council to be transferred to Avignon whither, he promised,
he could induce even the English and Lutherans to come.
1 Cf. also Maffei's letter to Farnese, dat. Oct. 14, 1546 (Nun-
tiaturberichte, IX., 288, n. i).
2 Santafiora to the Legates, dat. Sept. 15, 1546 (extract, ibid.,
246, n. 2).
3 Cf. ibid., 264, n. I.
* Cf. ibid. The letter was brought to Trent on Sept. 26 by Vega's
secretary, Marquina, who, at the ambassador's bidding, was on his
way to the Imperial court.
^ Maffei to Cervini, dat. Sept. 19, 1546 {cf. Pallavicini, 1. 8, c. jo,
n. 6); Mafifei to Farnese, dat. Oct. 6, 1546 (Nuntiaturberichte, IX.,
271).
3l6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
On the 2nd of October Maffei wrote to Farnese ^ that in
his opinion the Pope, in case of necessity, would decide on
a further postponement of the translation in order to
avoid the convocation of a national council by the
Emperor or something even worse than that; Farnese,
however, was to do all he could to overcome the opposition
of the monarch ; the latter might hand over the manage-
ment of religious matters to the Pope, just as the Pope had
left the management of the war to his Majesty. As the
month of October was half over without any fresh news
coming from Farnese concerning the matter, the Pope had
conveyed to him the expression of his astonishment and
the reiterated intimation that the time was now fully come
to proceed on the grounds already mentioned. ^
The Legates on their part were now no longer willing to
take upon themselves the responsibility of deciding on the
question of translation through the votes of the Council.^
On the contrary, they proposed on the 9th of October* that
the Pope should suspend the Council after the close of the
approaching sitting and then summon the prelates to Rome
in order to establish the remaining reforms with their
approval and consent. A principal reason for this
proposal was the repeated opposition, on the part of the
Imperialist prelates, to the further consideration of the dog-
matic decrees which the Legates had to encounter at this
time. Paul III.'s treatment of this proposal was vacillating,
* Nuntiaturberichte, IX., 272.
2 Santafiora to Farnese, dat. Oct. 14, 1546 {ibid.^ 287 seq>j. On
Oct. 14, 18, and 20 Verallo reported to Santafiora on his and Farnese's
further negotiations with Granvelle, which left the question on the old
footing (J.bid., 293, 296 seqq.^ 302 seq.).
» Cf. Pallavicini, 1. 8, c. 15, n. 7,
• Ibid.^ n. 10. In further confirmation of this opinion, which
emanated from Cervini himself, the latter wrote on Oct. 9 a special
letter to the Pope {ibid.).
TRANSLATION OR SUSPENSION? 317
On October the 14th Mafifei wrote to Farnese^ that his
Holiness seemed disinclined to it. On the other hand, he
wrote again on the 1 6th,' Paul III. for a time was against
any alterations with regard to the Council, but that he
approved of a suspension if it could be arranged without
opposition and with the consent of the Imperialists. A
letter of Maffei to Cervini of October the i6th^ also
expressed fears lest the matter should be carried out
contrary to the decision of a majority in the Council.
On the 20th of October Maffei informed Farnese* that
the Pope now intended, so as to avoid any cause of offence
to the Emperor, to give no order himself for a translation
or suspension of the Council but to leave the matter to
the Council's own decision, as a measure whereby the
continued attendance of the Imperialist prelates at the
Synod would be secured ; then he intended to convene
prelates of different countries in Rome for the purpose of
drawing up a draft of reform. In the same sense
Santafiora wrote to the Legates on the 20th of October.^
Three days later he gave them to understand ^ that they
had better take steps towards suspension as quickly as
possible, before the aspect of affairs underwent a change.
* Nuntiaturberichte, IX., 288, n. i.
2 Ibid.
3 Cf. Pallavicini, 1. 8, c. 15, n. 11 ; Nuntiaturberichte, IX.,
xxxvi seq.
* Nuntiattirberichte, IX., 300 seq.
* Since the suspension "a beneplacito di Sua Santita," as at first
desired by the Pope, he adds, although certainly approved by the
majority, was yet sure to meet with considerable opposition, while a
suspension for a fixed period, not less however than six months,
would be agreed to unanimously, the Legates ought to have full
discretion as to the steps to be taken (Nuntiaturberichte, IX., 300
seq., n. 5).
" Cf. Nufttiaturberichte, IX., 309, n. i ; c/. ibid.^ xxxvii.
3l8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The Legates in their reply of the 25th of October,* besides
pointing out that the favourable opportunity which had
offered at the beginning of the month was over, urged in
particular how dangerous it would be if the powers of self-
suspension were to be recognized in the Council when, like
those of summons and dissolution, they resided in the
Pope alone ; such a measure, moreover, could only be
passed in a session, and for this they were not sufficiently
prepared. They designed, however, to consider carefully
several ways by which the Pope's intentions might be
carried out. First of all they must play upon the
Imperialists' fears of a translation in order to obtain their
consent to a suspension as the lesser of two evils.
Madruzzo undertook to apply this argument to Pacheco
and Mendoza. Mendoza seemed even to be in agreement,^
and held out prospects of the Emperor's consent.
The last accounts received, on the 28th of October, from
Farnese before his return from Germany, through his
secretary Antonio Elio,^ who had been sent on in advance,
were not favourable to suspension.* According to these the
Emperor in opposing the project adhered to the reasons
he had already expressed, although he did not intend
thereby to dispute in any way the right of the Pope to
adopt such a measure even without his consent. For the
rest he no longer intended to oppose the wishes of
Paul III. in respect of the future action of the Council
whether in matters of dogma or of reform. Charles V.
^ Cf. Pallavicini, 1. 8, c. 15, n. ii; Nuntiaturberichte, IX., 309,
rul', cf. ibid.^ xxxviii.
'•' Cf. Pallavicini, 1. 8, c. 15, n. 12; Nuntiaturberichte, IX.,
347, n. I.
3 Massarelli, Diarium, III., ed. Merkle, I., 582.
* Farnese's instructions for Elio on making his report in the
Nuntiaturberichte, IX., 609 seqq.
CHARLES V.'S DECLARATION. 319
set forth his standpoint with greater precision in his
instructions to Don Juan Hurtado de Mendoza,^ who at
the end of October had been sent as ambassador-extra-
ordinary to Rome. Charles herein declared that it had
never been his intention to hinder the proceedings of the
Council in the deliberations on the article on justification ;
what was of interest to him was that this subject should
be examined and tested with the greatest thoroughness on
account of its importance in relation to the Protestanta
He therefore thought it also appropriate that fresh
invitations from the Pope and the Legates should be sent
to the German bishops requesting their attendance at the
Council or at least, so far as they had legitimate excuses
to offer, that of their theologians, especially those who had
taken part in the religious conferences of time past and
knew all the ins and outs of their opponents' machinations.
He also thought that it might be well to submit the article
on justification to the opinion of some of the universities,
such as Paris or Louvain.
Besides the affairs of the Council, Mendoza was to treat
of delay in the payment of the subsidies promised by
Paul HI. for the war against the Protestant Estates and the
appointment of Verallo with plenipotentiary powers to
execute the functions of Legate to the army, hitherto vested
in Farnese. The Cardinal, who suffered severely from the
unaccustomed climate of Germany, had already applied
for recall, but out of consideration for the Emperor his
request had been refused. Now at last, on the approach of
* Oct. 18, 1540 (Nuntiaturberichte, IX., 612 seqq. ; cj. ibid., xxxiv
seq.). The conciliar Legates, as they wrote to Santatiora on Nov. 10,
had been informed by Diego de Mendoza of the mission of Juan de
Mendoza and the nature of his commission concerning the Council {cJ,
Pallavicini, 1. 8, c. 15, n. 13; Nuntiaturberichte, IX., 348, n. cj
Merkle, I., 584, n. 1).
320 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the cold season, permission was granted to him, and on the
25th of October 1546 he began his return journey to Italy.
Two days previously he had his farewell audience. In this
all the questions still at issue, especially the Council and the
agreement with Francis I,, came under discussion, and
finally an opportunity was given to treat of an incident
which affected the conflict of interests on both sides in
the Italian Peninsula. This was the dispute between
Pier Luigi Farnese and the Count del Verme of Romagnese,
whom the viceroy of Milan, Ferrante Gonzaga, protected.^
The supremacy of Spain bore heavily on Italy, For
this reason Paul III. from the beginning of his pontificate
felt that both as Pope and as an Italian ruler he was
bound to oppose the establishment in Milan of the
authority of a sovereign who was already master of Naples
and Sicily. Naples and Milan under one ruler threatened
not merely the remains of Italian autonomy but the
independence of the Holy See. Paul III. would have
liked best to have seen Milan in the hands of a Farnese,
or at any rate of an Italian, but if this presented itself as
an impossibility, then a French would have been more
desirable than an Imperial prince, as in the former case
at least an equilibrium of forces would have been restored
in Italy. The peace of Crespy stipulated that either the
Netherlands or Milan should be held by the Duke of
Orleans, son of Francis I. After the Duke's death
(September the 8th, 1545) had made this engagement void
it was not to be expected that Francis would rest quiet
without some compensation for his baffled prospects. The
King, in fact, did hold Savoy for himself for a while, but
in this question " the interests of France lay hidden by
those of the Pope, to whom the establishment of Imperial
1 See Nuntiaturberichte, IX., 310,11. I ; cf. Venet. Depeschen, II.,
57, 60, 62-66.
CONFLICT OF INTERESTS IN ITALY. 32 1
preponderance in Italy could not be less insupportable
than it was to the King."^
The conflict of interests in Italy had become more acute
when Charles V. in April 1546 appointed Ferrante
Gonzaga as viceroy of Milan. Paul III. had hoped that
Ottavio Farnese, the Emperor's son-in-law, would have
received this important post. Instead of the latter there
came to Milan in the person of Gonzaga a man who was
a bitter adversary of the house of Farnese and one who
at a former time had cast covetous eyes on Parma and
Piacenza.2 Ferrante's brother, Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga,
did all he could to keep this enmity alive ;^ no wonder
the conflict with Pier Luigi, whose recognition as Duke of
Parma and Piacenza the Emperor stubbornly declined,
was an endless one. In this contention the Imperial
diplomacy interfered in favour of Gonzaga.*
As Pier Luigi, to counteract the hostility of the
Imperialists, attached himself to France, the situation
grew even more strained. Ferrante urged Charles V. to
put an end to the matter by expelling Pier Luigi from
Parma and Piacenza. What under such circumstances
would follow when Charles made himself completely
master in Germany? The old dread felt by Paul III.
grew more intense, kept alive as it was by the machinations
of France. The Imperial supremacy was bound to react
with the worst effects on the Farnese family, on the States
of the Church, and on the Council.
While the conflict between Papal and Imperial interests
* Friedensburg'S opinion in Nuntiaturberichte, IX., xlii.
2 See GosELLiNi, Vita de F. Gonzaga, 14, 18; Maurenbrecher,
1 1 5 seq.
^ Cf.va. Appendix No. 32 the *letter of Cardinal E. Gonzaga of
Oct. 13, 1546 (Vatican Library).
* See Nuntiaturberichte, IX., xlv, 316, 317.
VOL. XII. ^1
322 HISTORY OF THE POPES,
was reaching its sharpest point the position of the nuncio
Verallo at the court of Charles was one of poignant distress.
On the 1 2th of November 1546 the nuncio and Granvelle
came into violent collision during an examination of their
respective grievances. Granvelle complained of the lack
of support given to his master by the Pope; he once
more turned the discussion in an uncalled-for manner on
the disclosure of the treaty of June to the Swiss. Verallo's
attempts at an excuse were brushed aside by the Imperial
minister, who demanded angrily that the Pope should
show more zeal in his behaviour. On Verallo asking what
then his Holiness was to do, Granvelle referred him to
the mission of Mendoza. The nuncio replied that Paul III.
would certainly do all that was possible, but reciprocity
demanded that the Emperor on his side should make
some advances to the Pope. "What advances? What
advances?" cried Granvelle. "We would like to send him
a whole army who should fire him a salvo and blow an
alarm." In consequence of this scornful rebuff Verallo on
his part also broke through his restraint and enumerated
a series of points in which Charles V. had failed to show
any compliance : the still unsettled incident of the pre-
bend of Barletta, the encroachments on ecclesiastical
jurisdiction in Naples and Spain, and other instances.
Granvelle replied that general affairs and private ought
not to be mixed, and said threateningly that if the Pope
did not give more thorough and more substantial support
it would be necessary to find out other ways of safeguard-
ing the Imperial interests. When the nuncio then brought
forward Pier Luigi's quarrel with the Count del Verme
the two diplomatists fell into a renewed altercation. In
the eagerness of their dispute they both sprang from their
seats, a circumstance which Granvelle made use of to
close the interview and bow the nuncio politely out. In
THE POPES DESIRE FOR PEACE. 323
the report which Verallo at once sent to Rome of this
occurrence he drew the conclusion that Charles V. was
bent on making his supremacy effective over the whole
of Italy.i
The impression made in Rome by these and other
communications need not be described. It was tlie
extreme of unwisdom on the Emperor's part to exasperate
and wound the Pope's feelings at the very moment when
he was asking for a prolongation of the treaty. Cardinal
Farnese, who was once more in Rome on the loth of
December, found the Pope still undecided but deeply hurt
that even in such a small matter as that of the "spolia" of
the bishopric of Badajoz the Emperor showed not the
smallest desire to oblige him. Nor did the Pope feel less
painfully Granvelle's behaviour over the quarrel between
Pier Luigi and the Count del Verme. Verallo was
instructed on the 13th of December to bring both matters
once more before the Emperor. In this letter Farnese
impressed on the nuncio the necessity of establishing a
secure peace between Charles V. and Francis I. as that
upon which everything else depended,^
For such a peace the Pope had been working ever since
November with an earnestness ^ proportioned to the clear-
ness with which he gauged the consequences of a breach
between the two monarchs. In this case he was in conflict
with France, as his alliance with the Emperor was still
binding. It was therefore of great importance to him to
induce the Emperor to withdraw from Piedmont as a
concession to Francis I. By taking the part of the French
King in this matter he put the latter under an obligation,
a circumstance of double value while his relations with the
* See Verallo's letter of Nov. 12, 1546, ibid.^ IX., 339 seqq,
"' See Farnese's letter of Dec. 13, 1546,//^/^/., 387 seq.
' Ibid., IX., xliii.
324 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Emperor were so strained. As an intermediary in the
cause of peace the Modenese, Gurone Bertano, was on
the 5th of January 1547 sent to Germany.^
In the meantime the question had become urgent
whether the alliance concluded with the Emperor should
be prolonged or not. It appears that Cardinal Farnese
was in favour of a further guarantee of help, while the
Pope from the first had leaned to a contrary opinion.^
He was principally influenced by his old fear of the
Emperor's supremacy, but also by the little inclination
displayed by the latter for a peace with France.^ There-
fore, since the outbreak of another Franco-Imperial war
seemed probable, Paul III. was confronted with the danger
of being drawn into the strife with results in the sphere of
politics and of ecclesiastical affairs which no man could
foresee.
At the time of Farnese's mission to Germany Paul III.,
fully realizing this danger, had instructed him to bring
his influence to bear on Charles V. in favour of a final
peace with Francis. He had been untiring in pointing
out to the Imperialist as well as to the French repre-
sentatives in Rome the necessity of such a peace, had
ordered the nuncio to work in the same sense,* and finally,
when all else had proved vain, had sent Bertano. Until
this question was settled Paul III. could not make up his
mind to prolong his alliance with the Emperor. There was
the further consideration that after the news of the war in
Germany, received in December, a turn in affairs had
1 See PlEPER, Nuntiaturen, 130, 189 seg.; Nuntiaturberichte, IX.,
412 seg.
2 Nuntiaturberichte, IX., 413, n. i.
3 For the Emperor's motives, see Nuntiaturberichte, XI., xlii-
xliii.
* fh'd.f x!iii-xliv, 335, n. I.
RESULT OF THE POPES SACRIFICES. 325
taken place which apparently made the Emperor much
more independent than hitherto of assistance.^ The state
of the Papal finances also threw weight into the scale.
The despatch and upkeep of the Pope's contingent had
cost 300,000 ducats.2 How was it possible for the Pope,
who had to bear also the burden of the not inconsiderable
expenses of the Council, to produce the immense sums
demanded by a fresh war ? Finally, and this may well have
been the master motive, the Pope was full of distrust of the
intentions of Charles, who had addressed to Verallo the
language of menace.^ What had been gained by the
great sacrifices already made? The answer did not admit
of doubt. Simply that the political power of the Emperor
had been greatly strengthened, while in matters of religion,
even after his successes in south Germany, a state of
uncertainty prevailed.
Apart from Cologne, where the removal of Hermann
von Wied was rendered possible,* the Catholic cause at
first derived very little advantage from the swing of the
pendulum. The restoration •* of a few convents in Wurt-
1 Together with Nuntiaturberichte, IX., xliv, 387, cf. also the
^report of the Sienese envoy, A. Sansedoni, dat. Rome, Dec. 8 and 17,
1546 (State Archives, Siena). See also H. Tiranno's ^report to the
Duchess of Urbino of Dec. 11, 1546 (State Archives, Florence).
2 See Nuntiaturberichte, IX., xxii.
3 See in Appendix No. 33 the ^report of H. Tiranno of Dec. 1 1,
1 546 (State Archives, Florence).
* Hermann von Wied, already deposed by the Pope on April 16,
1 546, had to resign on Jan. 26, 1 547, the administratorship of Paderborn,
and on Feb. 25 the Archbishopric of Cologne (see Varrentrapp, 272
seq.\ BuCH WeinSEERG, pubhshed by Hohlbaum, I., Leipzig, 1886,
260 ; GULIK, Cropper, 1 17-120).
* The Imperialists pointed to this and Pflug's establishment in
Naumburg as well as to the removal of Hermann von Wied from
Cologne (Nuntiaturberichte, IX., 456, n. l).
326 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
emberg meant very little in presence of the fact that the
Imperial policy was much more bent on bringing the de-
feated Protestants into civil subjection to the head of the
Empire than into religious obedience to the Pope. On
many grounds these tedious, cautious methods, which in
their results indeed were not successful, seemed to be
justified ; but in any case it was the Emperor's duty to
have fulfilled his treaty obligations in matters of religion.
By them he was expressly bound not to make any agree-
ment with the Protestants on matters affecting the cause
or object of the war without the consent of the Pope or his
Legate, and especially to refuse concessions which would
run counter to the interests of religion and the constitu-
tion of the Catholic Church.^
The Imperial diplomatists had already infringed this
stipulation by the engagements entered into at Ratisbon
with Duke Maurice of Saxony and the Margrave Hans of
Brandenburg-Ciistrin. While in the treaty with the Pope
the origin of the war as alleged was the refusal to submit
to the Council sitting at Trent, in the agreement with the
Duke and the Margrave the authority of the Council was
altogether disregarded.^ In those made with the Count
Palatine Frederick and Duke Ulrich of Wurtemberg the
question of religion was not even mentioned.^ Also in the
treaties with the Estates of the Oberland the recognition
of the Council was not made a condition, but only submis-
sion to the decrees of the Diet and the jurisdiction of the
Imperial Chancery. In religious affairs the Emperor still
1 Cf. supra, p. 289.
* Cf. JANSSEN- Pastor, III., i8th ed., 622 seq., 671.
> Cf. Pallavicini, 1. 9, c. 3 ; Stalin, Wirtemb. Geschichte, IV.,
460. With the ratification of the treaty of Cadan the continuance of
Protestantism was secured (see Ranke, Deutsche Geschichte, IV.,
6th ed., 339).
VIOLATION OF THE TREATY. 327
gave these Estates express security for the toleration of the
"existing religion," on account of which they were not to
be liable " to the sword or any other form of forcible
authority."^ Accordingly the Protestant preachers were
at liberty, even under the very eyes of the Emperor, to go
about as before declaiming against " the Antichrist in
Rome." 2
All these treaties with the defeated Protestant Estates
were concluded without the consent of the Pope or that
of the Legate's successor, the nuncio Verallo, having been
invited, as was expressly laid down in the compact of
June 1546.^ That Charles was well aware of the viola-
tion of treaty thus committed is clear from his anxious en-
deavours to keep Verallo aloof from all negotiations. The
nuncio only appeared upon the scene in order to hear the
Emperor's complaints of the behaviour of the Papal troops
and his threats against Paul III. if the latter should not
consent to a prolongation of the treaty. It was a misfor-
tune that here again Verallo was not equal to his task ; a
stronger man would have insisted more forcibly on the
observance of the treaty.
If the whole of the previous behaviour of the Emperor
had been of a kind to disgust Paul III. in the highest
degree with the treaty, so must the disloyal agreement with
the Protestant Estates, in the hour of their defeat, have
revived the opinion in Rome that the Emperor was only
making use of the Pope's assistance for the extension of
* Cf. RanKE, IV., 6th ed., 336 seq. ; Keim, Reformation in Ulm,
Stuttgart, 1851, 375 seq.; Egelhaaf, II., 476; Nuntiaturberichte,
IX., 444, n. 2.
2 Cf. Venet. Depeschen, II., 137.
s Cf. Maffei's complaints in the letter of Jan. 23, 1547, in Balan, VI.,
282, as well as Farnese's letter of Feb. 5, 1547, in the Nuntiaturberichte,
IX., 456.
328 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
his own political power and that, heedless of the Papal
interests, he was making a vital attack on the Church by
illicit concessions to his adversaries in order to disarm
their opposition. Under these circumstances, the Pope's
determination to refuse the renewal of the treaty, which
had expired in December, to suspend his subsidies and to
withdraw his forces, is intelligible.
Intelligible as this course of action by Paul III. might
have been under existing circumstances, undisputed as his
formal rights were, yet the question may be asked whether
a Pope led only by ecclesiastical considerations would have
taken a step which was of a kind to give the Protestants
the greatest advantage.^ The quarrel between the Emperor
and the Pope, moreover, never would have been of so violent
a character if France had not continually fanned the flame.
Paul III., in his dread of the Hapsburgs becoming masters
of the world, was only too ready to listen to such insinua-
tions, especially when Charles V. gave cause for just com-
plaint. Both parties were to blame for the outbreak of
fresh causes of dissension and the final dissolution of an
alliance directed against the common enemy.^
The withdrawal of a benefaction is not seldom construed
as an active offence. Paul III. was too well schooled in
human nature not to know this ; therefore the briefs
drawn up on the 22nd of January 1547, announcing the
recall of the Papal auxiliary forces, were couched in the
most temperate language. Charles was congratulated in
the handsomest terms on a victory in which indeed the
Pope himself also had been a participator, and the expecta-
tion was expressed that his work in Germany would be
» Ranke (Papste, I., 6th ed., 167) goes too far in saying that the
Pope felt that he was then an ally of the Protestants.
2 Hergenrother (Kirche und Staat, 220) thinks that not the
smallest share of the blame lies on Charles V.
THE BRIEF TO THE EMPEROR. 329
crowned by a restoration of the Catholic reh'gion. With
genuine diplomatic skill the most important point was
introduced briefly at the close : " Since the war is as good as
at an end, and your Majesty's position is wholly favourable
and secure, we have determined to recall from Germany
the troops sent to your aid and which now are terribly
reduced in numbers, with the intention, in the case of such
another occasion arising and your undertaking a similar
war against the enemies of the Christian religion, of again
springing to your side, as we have hitherto done, according
to our own strength and that of the Apostolic See."^
To Cardinal Farnese, who still favoured an extension
of the alliance, fell the disagreeable task of giving Verallo
more precise instructions as to the manner in which he
was to justify the contents of the brief on its delivery to
the Emperor, The nuncio was to call attention to the
Pope's deep regret that audience was so long refused to
his representative and that the latter, contrary to treaty,
had not been admitted to the negotiations with the
Protestant Estates. In a drastic postscript written in his
own hand Farnese gave lively expression to his keen
annoyance at the turn affairs had taken. During his
presence at the Imperial court a deaf ear had been turned
to his expostulations that greater consideration should be
shown to the Pope. Like Cassandra, he had foreseen
everything that had come to pass.'
1 See Ravnaldus,' 1547, n. 98; cf. also Nuntiaturberichte, IX.,
422, n. I.
2 Farnese's letter to Verallo, dat. Jan. 22, 1547 (Nuntiaturberichte,
IX., 421 seq^. Concerning the refusal of an audience, Friedens-
BURG says {ibid.^ xlvi), correctly, that this complaint was unfounded.
But that there had not been also a previous infringement of the
treaty, I cannot agree to. That such had taken place is assumed by
DE Leva (IV., 184) and Ranke (Deutsch. Gesch., IV., 6th ed., 300).
330 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Farnese's prognostications of evil were surpassed by the
reception given to Verallo in an audience at Ulm, on the
2nd of February 1547, when he presented his instructions
to the Emperor, then exasperated by the publication of
the decree on justification at Trent and by the exhorta-
tions of Bertano to come to a peace with France.
As far as the recall of the Papal troops was concerned,
Charles observed scornfully, he was thankful to be quit of
a pack of Italian robbers who had done nothing but harm ;
only, the reasons adduced for the withdrawal were puerile
and untrue. For the congratulations offered by his
Holiness he kissed his feet, but did not believe in their
sincerity ; on the contrary, he had become more and more
convinced that the Pope had entangled him in this war
with the intention of destroying him. In order to give
a hint that he saw through the cause of such conduct the
Emperor, whose temper had been steadily rising, recalled'
a well-known Italian proverb to the effect that it was
excusable in young men to contract the French sickness
but not in the old. Although the nuncio tried to give
another turn to the discussion, the Emperor applied the
proverb, so insulting in its double meaning to the Pope,
a little further by remarking that this was no new
complaint with Paul III., as he had already suffered from
it in his youth. Throwing off figures of speech, the
Emperor said plainly that the Pope was getting out of
his alliance on the inducement of France. He was certain
that Paul III.'s one object in drawing him into war was to
ruin him ; but God had ordained otherwise, and he hoped,
even without the Pope's help, to bring his undertaking to
a victorious end. Charles accounted for his refusal to give
an audience by his many preoccupations, his gout, and the
conviction that Verallo only wished to ply him with
empty speeches.
ANGER OF THE EMPEROR. 33 1
To the complaint that he had made agreements with
the Protestant Estates without consulting the Pope, Charles
replied in anger that he had acted with wise precaution,
since the name of Paul III. was so hated in Germany and
many other Christian countries on account of his evil deeds
that its introduction would only have wrought harm. The
Emperor then returned once more to his standing grievance
of the disclosure of the treaty to the Swiss, whereby Paul III.
sought intentionally to embroil him with the Protestants.
He was conscious of having performed his own duty as
a Christian prince better than the Pope had done his, and
he hoped that the day would yet come when he should be
able to tell the Pontiff so to his face. He cherished the
certain expectation of bringing the war, from which Paul III.
retired, to such a finish that he might perhaps prove a
cause of inconvenience to a third party. A rejoinder from
the nuncio he cut short by leaving the room upon the
pretext that it was time for him to go to Mass. The
Emperor had spoken so loud in his passion that those
waiting in the antechamber understood his expressions of
wrath at the Pope for being on so good a footing with
the French.^
Even Granvelle, who in other respects was sorry for the
violent behaviour towards Verallo, imputed Paul III.'s
conduct chiefly to French influence.^ The nuncio there-
fore tried in a second audience which he had together with
Bertano to defend his master against all these accusations,
by adducing the reasons which had been conclusive against
a renewal of the treaty. While this parleying on these and
other debatable points was going on, Verallo perceived in
^ For Verallo's audience we have, as well as his report (Nuntiatur-
berichte, IX., 444 seq.), that of Charles V. to Mendoza (MaurEN-
BRECHER, 90* seq.) ; cf. also Venet. Depeschen, II., 163.
* See Nuntiaturberichte, IX., 448.
332 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the Emperor a more approachable frame of mind. Never-
theless, Charles could not refrain from saying that if France
began to make war upon him and the Pope left him in
the lurch he would come to terms with the Protestants.
In the same audience Charles declared openly that the
revolt of Genoa under Fiesco against the Imperialist Doria,
hatched with the help of France, had taken place in
understanding with the Pope. This Verallo emphatically
challenged. At the close of the audience Charles stated
that in future his bearing towards the Pope would depend
upon the behaviour of the latter towards him.^
The outburst of anger, in which the Emperor had attacked
the Pope personally and asserted, in direct contradiction
to facts, that the latter had enticed him into war,^ was not
by any means a momentary fit of passion but had a calcu-
lated purpose. The threats, mingled with violent com-
plaints, were intended to intimidate his former ally and
force him to further compliance, especially in relation to
finance.
The claims of Charles in this respect, now of long
standing, led to nothing less than a vast scheme of secu-
larization. All the churches and convents throughout his
empire and states were to surrender a half of the movable
property in gold and silver and a half of their yearly
income from the funds for the support of edifices. Even
in Madrid such a requisition was regarded with dismay.^
1 For this audience also we have the reports of Verallo (Nuntiatur-
berichte, IX., 462 seq.) and of Charles V. (Maurenbrecher, 94*
seq. ; cf. Mavnier, 455 seq.).
2 That the Emperor himself determined on the Schmalkaldic war
is incontrovertible (see supra, p. 223 seqq.) ; see also FriedensbURG
in Nuntiaturberichte, X., xxix ; cf. Riezler, 339.
3 See Maurenbrecher, 47* seqq., 123 ; cf. Nuntiaturberichte, IX.,
624.
FIRMNESS OF PAUL III. 333
The proposal, moreover, was made in a way most likely to
offend Paul 1 1 1. The haughty behaviour of the Imperialists
in Rome betrayed clearly their intention of treating the
Pope with insolence.^ Paul III., however, did not lose his
presence of mind; ^ he replied firmly that so immoderate a
demand, the result of which was beyond conjecture, could not
be acceded to ; a specified amount somewhat over 4CX),ooo
ducats would admit of discussion. The Imperialists, how-
ever, would hear nothing of this, taunted the Pope with his
partiality towards France, and declared plainly that in case
of necessity they would proceed without the Pope's permis-
sion with their plan of secularization, which had received
the sanction of their theologians. In audience on the 27th
of February 1547 they even went so far as to threaten the
Pope's person. Paul III., however, was no Clement VII.
With much dignity he told them that an old man, whose
days in any case could not be long extended, was not one
to be frightened by such threats as these, and if he had to
die a martyr for the honour of God, this for him would
only be glorious — death indeed would bring him freedom
from the care and toil which accompanied his position in
such an age and among such princes.^
That Charles V. was determined to go to extremes
Paul III. must have understood from the unprecedented
language which he had indulged in to the nuncio Verallo.
The French policy in the meantime aimed unremittingly
at widening the breach between the Pope and Emperor and
producing an incurable antagonism. Cardinal du Bellay
drew the nuncio Dandino's attention to the Emperor's
toleration of the Protestant confessions in the Estates
1 Thus FriedenSBURG in Nuntiaturberichte, IX., 11.
2 Cf. Ruggieri's report of Feb. 16, 1547, in Balan, VI., 382.
3 See the contemporary reports in the Nuntiaturberichte, IX., 494.
n. 4 ; f/; ibid., li.
334 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
which had made their submission, and asked the question
if that were not a betrayal of the Holy See.^
The Emperor's behaviour was, in fact, favourable to such
insinuations. Although southern Germany was tranquil-
lized, the state of religion remained just as it was ; indeed
it seemed as if the Emperor had abandoned the war against
the leaders of the Schmalkaldic League, now retired into
northern Germany, and was once more directing his atten-
tion to Italy. While the Count Egmont of Biiren was
ordered to discharge a portion of the troops, new Spanish
levies were recruited for purposes upon which Ferrante
Gonzaga was called in to deliberate. He was of opinion
that they should be sent to Siena in order to hold in
check 2 the Pope and the Farnesi, who for a long time had
had their eyes fixed on that city. Together with this
went Ferrante's design, which was becoming more and
more pronounced, of wresting Parma and Piacenza from
the Papal family.^
In view of this situation it was not surprising * if Paul 1 1 1.,
sorely menaced in the political as well as the ecclesiastical
sphere by the domination of the victorious Hapsburg, should
have seen not in the Protestants but in the Emperor the
more dangerous enemy of the two, and would have been not
altogether displeased if the Schmalkaldic forces in northern
Germany had held their own against the Imperial army.^
* See Druffel, Sfondrato, 310.
2 /did., 310, 311.
* See in/ra, p. 369 se^g.
* Thus Druffel (Sfondrato, 311).
* In an undated letter of Du Mortier to the French King it says :
S. S. a eu nouvelles de la defaite du marquis de Brandenbourg par
I'industrie de la scEur du Landgrave et entendu que le due de Saxe se
trouve fort, dont elle a tel contentement comme celuy qui estime le
commun ennemy estre par ces moyens retenu d'ex6cuter ses entre-
prises et connoist-on bien qu'il serait utile sous main entretenir ceux
RENEWED ANGER OF CHARLES V. 335
The danger appeared all the greater to Paul III. since he
could not count with certainty either on France or Venice.
Under these circumstances he hit upon a strange plan
whereby he hoped to evade giving his consent to the
Emperor's ever more urgent demands for the great scheme
of secularization : special Cardinal-Legates, Sfondrato and
Capodiferro, were to invite Chaj-les V. and Francis I. to
avail themselves of the opportunity offered by the death
of Henry VIII. (27th-28th January 1547) to undertake
the recovery of England to the Catholic Church.^
When Verallo on the nth of March 1547 communicated
this project to the Emperor in Nordlingen, the latter
grasped the opportunity of onc€ more giving expression to
his anger at the Pope's conduct. To please the Pope, who
had treated him so shabbily in the present war, he cried
out, he would not go to war against the commonest
rapscallion, let alone the nation of England. As for the
plan of secularization, he only refrained from carrying it
into execution because he estimated the result at a low
figure. Yet even Ferdinand the Catholic, who was much
more of a Catholic than Paul III., had carried out such a
scheme. For the future he would reserve his reverence
only for St. Peter, but not for the Pontiff Paul. The war
against the Protestants, which was in nowise yet settled,
would be renewed immediately, and he hoped, even were it
unpleasant for the Pope, to bring it to a good end. Since
Paul III. refused him any other support, let them put the
nuncio and the Legates in the forefront of the battle, so as
qui luy resistant, disant que vous ne scauriez faire depense plus utile
(RiBlER, I., 637). This letter is so evidently written with a dinect
purpose that it can hardly be relied upon without sotne further proof
of credibility.
1 Cf. Maynier, 456; Druffel, loc. cit., 312 seqq.', Pieper, 130
seq.; FriedensburG in Nuntiaturberichte, IX., lii, 493,494 5 X.,xxiii.
336 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
to set a good example to the rest, and let men see what
they can do with their exorcisms and blessings.^
When things had gone thus far on the same nth of
March on which Verallo had had to submit to such out-
pourings of scorn and jeers on himself and the Pope, an
event occurred by which the opposition between Pope and
Emperor was sharply accentuated. This was the transla-
tion of the Council from Trent to Bologna. This most
important measure came unexpectedly, as the Synod
during the winter of 1546-7 had displayed much productive
activity.
* For Verallo's audience at Nordlingen, see besides his letter of
March 11, 1547 (Nuntiaturberichte, IX., 511), the communications
of Charles V. to Mendoza in Maurenbrecher, 102* seqq.^ and
Maynier, 457 seq. ; cf. also Venet. Depeschen, II., 191, n. 2, 195 seq.^
203.
CHAPTER IX.
Progress of the Council of Trent. — Its Removal to
Bologna. — The Schmalkaldic War ends in Victory for
THE Emperor. — Assassination of Pier Luigi Farnese.
When Cardinal Farnese returned to Trent from his
German legation on the 14th of November 1546, he there
set to work to bring about an agreement between the
opposed Papal and Imperialist interests in the Council,
He succeeded, in fact, not merely in winning Cardinal
Madruzzo but also Mendoza, the ambassador of Charles V.,
to agree to a suspension.^ By this via media the transla-
tion might be avoided. After long and repeated conversa-
tions an agreement was reached on the following points :
first, the postponement of the decree on justification ;
secondly, as it would not be fitting that a reform decree
should be published by the Council without a dogmatic
decree, but, on the other hand also, the reproach must be
avoided that the Council wished to do nothing, the Pope
must be asked to issue a Bull on the question of reform,
to be afterwards read aloud and approved at the Council ;
thirdly, that the Council, on account of the Emperor's
objection to a translation and of the dangerof a suspension
for an indefinite period, should be suspended at first for six
months only. To this agreement the consent of the Pope
and of the Emperor was to be invited. On the assump-
1 Massarelli, Diarium, III., ed. Merkle, I., 385 seq. See alsg
Pallavicini, 1. 8, c. 16, and Nuntiaturberichte, IX., 346 seq.
VOL. XII. 337 -2
338 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
tion that the Emperor's consent was certain Farnese
requested the Pope, in communicating the terms of the
arrangement, to declare his consent also, and to intimate
the same to the Legates.^
The Legates in their report to Santafiora of the 17th of
November 2 remarked that since Mendoza had anticipated
the Emperor's consent they also had done so in the case of
the Pope without saying anything of the powers committed
to them to accept this measure. They intended in the
meantime to work energetically for the formulation of
the decree on justification, and advised that the Pope
should, if the Emperor did not consent to a suspension,
make known his will concerning the immediate publica-
tion of the decree, so that the Council might proceed on
its course and soon be ended. The Legates expressed
stronger doubts of the possibility of carrying through a
suspension in their next letter to Santafiora of the 19th
of November.^ Here they insisted that the favourable
opportunity had already gone by, and doubted that the
Emperor would confirm the agreement come to with his
ambassador; in any case, they asked for the speedy trans-
mission of regulations for the continuance of the work of
the Council.
The Pope would have preferred, wrote Santafiora on
the 23rd of November to Farnese,* on receipt of his report
from Trent, and to the Legates on the 29th of November,^
that the suspension had taken place at once after the
arrangement had been come to with Mendoza without
* Letters of Nov. 16 and 17, 1546, ibid.^ 346 seq.\ Pallavicini,
loc. cit.
2 Nuntiaturberichte, IX., 351-353.
3 Ibid., IX., 353-355-
* Ibid., 361 seq.
Ibid.., 362, n. 1.
CHARLES V. AND THE COUNCIL. 339
waiting any longer for a message from the Emperor. It
this should come in the sense hoped for, then the Pope,
according to the letter of the 29th, would like the suspen-
sion to take place, not as proceeding from him ; he would
much rather in this case send the Legates a brief command-
ing them to procure the suspension by means of the vote of
a majority. This promised brief was sent by Farnese to
the Legates on the 13th of December.^
The Emperor's answer was long delayed, and when it
came contained a refusal. After Mendoza and Toledo in
the meantime had left Trent, there appeared on the morning
of the 20th, as representatives of the Imperial interests,
Cardinals Madruzzo and Pacheco, with the Emperor's
decision, which they made known to the Legates.^ Ac-
cording to this Charles V. desired, out of consideration for
German affairs, the postponement of the publication of the
decree on justification and a further examination of the
same. With regard to the duty of episcopal residence,
he was in favour of the mode agreed to, namely, that the
Pope should issue a Bull on the subject, but begged that
the special interests of the Spanish bishops should be
considered. The suspension of the Council he rejected
entirely on the ground that now, after the success of his
campaign, he hoped that Germany would submit to the
decisions of the Council ; but of that there could be no
talk unless the Council remained in session, as otherwise
its reputation was gone. Thereupon the Legates at once
informed the Emperor's representatives that if under these
circumstances the suspension was to be dropped, there was
then no necessity to comply with the Emperor on the
* Nuntiaturberichte, IX., 390.
* Cf. the report of the Legates to Farnese of Dec. 20, 1546, ibid.,
398-403 ; ibid., 401 seq., n., a letter of Cervini's to Maffei of Dec, 20.
Cf. also Pallavicini, 1. 8, c. 16, n. 11, 12.
340 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
other points. If the Council was to remain in session the
decree on justification must be published, and afterwards
the remainder of the work quickly settled. They would
therefore now, without delay, propose to the Fathers the
discussion of the question of episcopal residence and the
fixture of a terminal date for the sitting. This they did
notwithstanding the objections of the two Cardinals in the
general congregation ^ held on the afternoon of the same
day ; the voting was to take place on the following day.
This was on December the 2gth.^ In accordance with the
Legates' proposal the sitting was fixed for the 13th of
January by a majority of more than two-thirds as against
the sixteen votes of the Imperialists, led by Pacheco. The
date was well chosen, for the decree on justification was
ripe for judgment. On the following day the discussion
on episcopal residence began.
In accordance with the vote taken the sixth solemn
session was held on the 13th of January 1547.^ It was
one of the most important of the whole Council, since in it
the publication of the decree on justification took place.
The Fathers of the Council had devoted all the more
diligence and enthusiasm to this subject as it was in itself
one of the most difficult questions of theology, and one in
which, as Bishop de' Nobili said at the very beginning, the
axe must be laid at the root of the Lutheran errors.* From
* Cf. Severoli, ed. Merkle, I,, 109 seg'.; Massarelli, Diarium, II.,
III., ed. Merkle, I., 454, 594. The Legates' letter to Farnese of Dec.
20 in the Nuntiaturberichte, IX., 401 se^,
' C/". Severoli, ed. Merkle, I., in seg'. -, Massarelli, Diarium, II.,
III., ed. Merkle, I., 454, 496. The Legates to Farnese, dat. Dec. 29,
1546 (Nuntiaturberichte, IX., 403, n, 2); Pallavicini, 1. 8, c. 17,
n. I.
' Severoli, ed. Merkle, I., 121 seg'. ; Massarelli, Diarium, II., III.,
ed. Merkle, I., 458, 601-603 ; Pallavicini, 1. 8, c. 18, n. 10-13.
* See Ehses in Rom. Quartalschr., XIX., 181
DEBATES ON JUSTIFICATION. 341
the 22nd to the 28th of June 1546 the questions, often most
difficult, appertaining to this subject were discussed first
of all by the theologians and then from the 30th of June by
the bishops. The debates were very animated. At the
close of the general congregation of July the 17th, as the
Fathers were taking their departure, a deplorable scene
took place between two hot-blooded southerners when the
Greek Bishop of Crete, Zanettini, roused Sanfelice, Bishop
of La Cava, to such a frenzy of anger that the latter
seized his opponent by the beard and plucked out the
hair.^
The draft of a decree on justification, which had been
entrusted to four bishops on the 15th of July, encountered
strong opposition.^ Consequently, Cardinal Cervini held a
conference with a number of prominent theologians and
committed to them the task of drawing up a fresh scheme.
Among them was Girolamo Seripando, the learned General
of the Augustinian Hermits. On the nth of August he
presented a first draft, afterwards revised at Cardinal
Cervini's request, which formed the basis of the discussions
conducted by Cervini together with the presiding Legate,
del Monte, and many bishops and theologians.^
New propositions thus arose which were distributed on
* Cf. Massarelli, Diarium, II., III., ed. Merkle, I., 444, 561.
2 For the following, cf. Ehses, Joh. Croppers Rechtfertigungslehre
aufdem Konzil von Trient, in the Rom. Quartalschr., XX., 178 seq..,
where Seripando's *memoranda in Cod. VII., D 12, of the National
Library, Naples, are used for the first time. See J. HEFNER, Die
Entstehungsgeschichte des Trienter Rechtfertigungsdekretes, Pader-
born, 1909. Cf. further, Ehses, Der Anteil des Augustinersgenerals
Seripandi an dem Trienter Dekret iiber die Rechtfertigungslehre, in
the Rom. Quartalschr., XXIII. (1909), 3 j^y^. The whole collection
of documents will shortly be published by Ehses in his 5th vol. of the
Cone. Trid.
' Massarelli, Diarium, III., ed. Merkle, I., 569 ; Ehses, 179.
342 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
September the 23rd among the members of the general
congregation. They differed to such an extent both in
form and matter from those of Seripando that he could
hardly recognize his original handiwork. On the 27th,
28th, and 29th of September the theologians discussed
Cervini's proposals, and on the ist of October the prelates
made them the subject of a special debate which was
sustained throughout with the greatest thoroughness,^ It
was in the course of these proceedings that Seripando on
the 8th of October introduced the theory of a twofold
justice, an inherent and an imputed — a theory already
supported by certain learned and distinguished theologians
in Italy and Germany. It was not his wish, however, he
remarked, to affirm or deny in this question, but only to
invoke the decision of the Council ; if it were found that
the doctrinal opinion of a twofold justice was erroneous,
let it be rejected unconditionally ; but if the contrary were
shown to be the case, let not truth be condemned along
with error ; the great names of Contarini, Cajetan, Pighius,
Pflug, and Gropper, on the Catholic side, ought not to be
included in the disavowal of Luther, Bucer, and Calvin.
It must have made a great impression when Seripando
dwelt upon the necessity of submitting the apparently
heterodox opinions of men who had been, and still in part
were, the champions of the Church to such a full examina-
tion that no one could bring forward the charge that
the Council had passed sentence against them without
thoughtful consideration.^
Seripando's action gave rise to deliberations of the most
thoroughgoing character not only on the doctrine of an
> Massarelli, Diarium, III., ed. Merkle, I., 575 seq.\ Ehses,
179 seq.
• See Theiner, Acta, I., 234, and Ehses, 180 seq.^ who justly
insists on Seripando's great services throughout the negotiations.
CONFERENCES OF THEOLOGIANS. 343
imputed justice, but also on the difficult question of the
assurance of salvation on the part of the justified. The
debates lasted from the 15th to the 26th of October,
through no less than ten conferences of theologians, almost
all of whom submitted their opinions in writing at great
length.* Upholders of the most different opinions, pro-
fessors of the Sorbonne and Salamanca and members of
the old orders, vied with one another in giving lucidity to
a question upon which even the most devoted Catholics
were widely at variance. Among the new orders the
Jesuits were represented by men of such conspicuous
learning as Salmeron and Laynez; both had come as
theologians of the Pope, and as such enjoyed a certain
precedence, but the importance of their position was due
primarily to their deep erudition and brilliant powers of
exposition. This was particularly the case with Laynez,
whose opinion given at the final sitting was one of the
most influential.^
As the result of the conference of theologians the
doctrine of imputed justice was rejected by thirty-two votes
to five, to Seripando's bitter disappointment. Still more
unfortunate was the well-intentioned but unsuccessful
theory of compromise produced at the special debate of
the episcopate, which lasted from the 9th of November to
the 1st of December. This proposal was rejected by all
the Fathers, led by the unerring conviction that inherent
righteousness through God's mercy contains already every-
thing necessary to salvation, and that the acceptance of
an imputed justice is quite unnecessary in order to venerate
in the justifying and redeeming grace of Christ the basis
and root of the justification of man. Even Seripando, who
1 Massarelli, Diarium, III., ed. Merkle, I., 580; Theiner, Acta,
I., 239 ; EhSES, loc. cit.f 182 seq.
* Best copy in Grisar, J. Lainez, Disput. Trid., II., 153 seg.
344 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Still defended his favourite thesis with talent and composure,
could not resist the force of this argument. He practically
surrendered his position by clothing his opinion in words
which did little more than express what was common to
both opinions.^
In the general congregation of the 17th of December
1546 Cardinal del Monte once more drew the attention of
the Fathers to a second central question : the assurance
of salvation in the justified. Del Monte wished this topic,
which must have caused further delay in the publication of
the long-debated decree on justification, to be passed over
as not strictly belonging to the subject. Cardinal Pacheco
opposed him strongly. Both Cardinals had numerous
followers, so that it was for long doubtful which opinion
would carry the day. In the end del Monte was victorious ;
the article on final assurance was dropped, the Council
having to restrict its decisions to publicly pronounced
errors only.^
After repeated drafts, redrafts, and alterations, after
thorough and impartial discussion, the decree on justifica-
tion, composed with scrupulous care, was at last published
on the 13th of January 1547. It contains sixteen chap-
ters and three-and-thirty canons and is a masterpiece of
theology, formulating with clearness and precision the
standard of Catholic truth as distinguished from Pelagian
error on the one hand and Protestant on the other.'
* Ehses, loc. cit.^ 187 seq.
* Severoli, ed. Merkle, I., 109.
8 With Hergenrother's opinion (Kirchengesch., II., i, 405), cf.
that of Harnack (Dogmengesch., III., 605), who speaks of the decree
" as in many respects admirably worked out," and even goes so far as
to assert that " it may be doubted whether the Reformation would have
developed as it did if this decree, for example, had been promulgated
at the Lutheran council and had actually become incorporated into
the doctrinal system of the Church." For Ranke's total misconcep-
THE DECREE ON JUSTIFICATION. 345
Starting from the axiom that neither the heathen by
their natural powers nor the Jews by the Mosaic law are
capable of participation, i.e. of reaching a state of grace and
of adoption as children of God, the decree first of all
insists that Christ alone is the salvation of the world
through the communication of the merits of His sufferings,
and that only for those who believe in Him and have been
born again in Him by baptism. In adults justification has
its beginning in the calling of God through prevenient
grace without any supernatural merit on the part of man.
The latter can resist grace or co-operate with it. In both
cases there is the exercise of free will, but the co-operation
is also conditioned by grace.
With justification man receives not merely the forgive-
ness of sins but is also inwardly sanctified. This renewal
also is not merely imputed as something adhering to the
man from without but is a deep inward process funda-
mentally transforming the soul.
Faith, however, is not alone sufficient for justification,
it must be accompanied by hope and love, and, as the
Scripture says, faith certainly must work by love, since
faith without works is dead. Faith working by love in
a constant state of grace through the following of the
commandments of God and the Church results in a
continual advance from virtue to virtue.
In opposition to the Protestant assertion of an absolute
assurance of salvation it was laid down as Catholic
doctrine that no one in this life can fathom the secret
of his predestination by God and, apart from a special
revelation, know of a certainty that he is of the number
of the elect.
tion of the decree (Papste, I., 6th ed., 134), see Histor.-polit. Bl.,
XXXII., 399, n. For the sense of the 22nd Canon, see Straub in
the Zeitschr. fiir kath. Theol., XXI., 107 seqq.., 208 seqq.
346 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
While the decree on justification was unanimously
accepted in the session of January the 13th, 1547, the reform
decree on episcopal residence met with manifold opposition
on points of detail. Consequently, the Legates proposed to
consider the objections in a general congregation and
decide upon them. The 3rd of March was fixed for the
next session, and the Fathers were prohibited from leaving
Trent before that date. With this the momentous sixth
session closed, at which the Archbishop of Spalato, Andrea
Cornaro, had sung the High Mass, and the Bishop of Salpe,
Tommaso Stella, preached. There were also present the
two Legates, Cardinals Madruzzo and Pacheco, ten arch-
bishops, forty-seven bishops, two procurators, five generals
of orders, and two abbots. The Imperial ambassadors were
absent, and the French kept themselves aloof.
With the publication of the decree on justification,
produced under difficult circumstances and after long and
serious labour, the Council, in its sixth session, reached
the high-water mark of its endeavours.^ Among the
members there was general satisfaction over the announce-
ment of this important decision. There was reason to
believe that the Council might now proceed quickly to
a finish, since with the publication of the decree the most
important dogmatic decision had been reached, and nothing
now remained to be done but to apply to the doctrine of
the Sacraments the conclusions drawn from the premises
thus established.^
The Cardinal-Legate Cervini derived such confidence
from the success thus happily achieved that he no longer
feared the renewed threats of a German national council
and wrote to Rome that these declarations were to be
» Cf. Knopfler in Wetzer und VVelte, Kirchenlex., XI., 2nd ed.,
2065.
2 Ibid.^ 2066.
REJOINDER TO THE IMPERIAL POLICY. 347
received with perfect composure and answered by the offer
of a Legatine mission to Germany.^ The Pope also showed
great satisfaction at the results of the sixth session.^ In
the answer to his instructions ^ which Mendoza received
before his departure from Rome on the 30th of January,
the following rejoinder was made* to the Imperial policy :
As the contumacy of the Protestants had gone so far that
Charles V. himself had found it necessary to take up arms
against them, it also seemed to the Pope superfluous to
interrupt the Council on their account, especially as the
success of the Imperial forces offered a possibility of re-
calling their opponents to obedience to the Holy See. The
dogmatic decrees of the Council, which in the meantime
had been passed, would only be a support and not a
hindrance to such a movement. Nevertheless, the Pope,
in accordance with the understanding come to with Diego
de Mendoza during Farnese's sojourn in Trent, had been
willing to meet the Emperor's wishes in regard to the
postponement of the dogmatic decisions by means of a
suspension ; but as Charles had not consented to this, it
had been necessary to let the Council pursue its course, if
it were not to dissolve automatically, which undoubtedly
would be the case if the Fathers had been obliged to
remain inactive in Trent. As to the Emperor's request
that the article on justification should be thoroughly
examined before publication, enough had undoubtedly been
done, since the Council had been occupied with it for six
whole months. The proposal that the decree should be
* Cervini to Maffei, dat. Jan. 26, 1547 (Nuntiaturberichte, IX., 424,
n. I).
2 Pallavicini, 1. 9, c. I, n. 2.
' See supra, p. 319.
* Cf. Farnese's letter to Verallo of Feb. 5, 1547 (Nuntiaturberichte,
IX., 453-455 ; cf. ibid., xmhx seq) ; Pallavicini, 1. 9, c. 3, n. 4
348 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
submitted to the Universities before publication, as wished
for by Charles V., would not only be superfluous, seeing
that the opinion of these bodies was already known, but
in opposition to the authority of the Council.
The labours of the Council preparatory to the seventh
session were now carried on without interference from with-
out.* In the general congregation of the 15th of January, del
Monte proposed to the Fathers as the subject of discussion
for the seventh session the dogmas of the doctrine of the
Sacraments, while in relation to reform further debate would
be held on the duty of episcopal residence and the abuses
and obstacles connected with it. On the 17th of January
Cervini distributed among them a summary of the points
to be considered under the dogmatic decree, namely, fourteen
errors concerning the Sacraments in general, seventeen
concerning baptism, and four concerning confirmation.
They were first to be treated by the theologians ; after
preliminary examination by the latter and division into
three classes they were, on the 7th of February, again
referred to the Fathers and then came before the general
congregation for discussion from the 8th to the 21st of
February.
As the doctrine of the Sacraments had been the sub-
ject of very detailed disquisition by Peter Lombard,
St. Thomas Aquinas, and their commentators, it did not
appear necessary, as with the decree on justification, to set
forth the Catholic doctrine in detail and connectedly ; the
decree was rather to consist of canons in which the various
errors should be condemned. It was the wish of some of
the Fathers that the condemnation should include the
authors of the false teaching by n^me, but this was dis-
* Cf. Severoli, ed. Merkle, I., 123-136; Massarelli, Diarium, II.,
III., ibid., 458-465, 603-621 ; PaLLAVICINI, 1. 9, c. I-u ; KnopFLER,
loc. cit , 2066-2069.
FURTHER DECREES OF THE COUNCIL. 349
allowed. Here also, especially in the general debate on
the sacrament of the altar, which was taken beforehand,
the closest examination was made of all theological
questions without curtailment or hurry. The final decree,
which passed on the 1st and 2nd of March, after many
alterations in the original draft, consisted of a preface,
thirteen canons on the Sacraments in general, fourteen on
baptism, and three on confirmation.
For the preparation of the questions on reform a deputa-
tion of canonists consisting of Fathers of the Council was
formed on the 20th of January. They sat, under the
presidency of del Monte, from the following day until the
29th of January, when their transactions were transferred
to the general congregation from the 31st of January to
the 7th of February. These dealt, in part, retrospectively
with the votes already given on the reform decree in the
sixth session, and how they were to be regarded in con-
junction with the various separate votes recorded on that
occasion. During these first discussions the question was
left open whether the previous decree should be taken as
published or be submitted again for a final revision. It
was not until the general congregation of the 24th of
February, when the question of reform was resumed, that
the Legates brought forward this point for settlement. On
the following day it was resolved that the decree, as read
at the sixth session, should be taken as accepted and
approved by the majority in that assembly.^
The new reform decree for the seventh session, consisting
of fifteen chapters, was finally settled on the 26th and 28th
of February. It dealt with the qualifications of nominees
to bishoprics, the visitation of sees, the maintenance and
repair of churches, the powers of the Cathedral Chapter
* Cf. Severoli, ed. Merkle, I., 132-135 ; Massarelli, Diarium, II.,
III., ibid., 464, 617-619.
350 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
during the vacancy of a see, the conferring of orders, the
approbation of the presentee, the care of hospitals, and
the legal position of ecclesiastics; the combination of
bishoprics and benefices in one person was made matter of
special prohibition. The express nomination of Cardinals,
wished for by many, was prevented from becoming subject
of discussion by the Legates, on receipt of instructions
from Rome, as the reform of the Sacred College was a
matter belonging exclusively to the Pope ; the same
restriction applied to the question whether the duty of
episcopal residence was of Divine law. As a matter of
fact Paul III., in a consistorial decree published the i8th
of February 1547, issued orders prohibiting Cardinals from
holding more than one bishopric, and enjoining on them
the duty of residence. Del Monte communicated this to
the Fathers on the 25th of February and the 2nd of
March.^
The seventh solemn session held on the 3rd of March
15472 published the two decrees previously prepared.
That on reform again called forth numerous objections
from some of the Fathers. The celebrant was the Arch-
bishop Jacopo Cauco of Corfu ; the sermon was omitted, as
the preacher, Bishop Martirano of S. Marco, was disabled,
owing to hoarseness. Those present were the Legates
and Cardinal Pacheco, nine archbishops, fifty-two bishops,^
two abbots, and five generals of orders. The next
session was fixed for the 21st of April.
* Cf. our remarks. Vol. XI. of this work, p 510; Severoli, ed,
Merkle, I., 135 ; Massarelli, Diarium, III., ibid., 619 seq. The
decree in Merkle, I., 621, n.
2 Severoli, ed. Merkle, I., 136 seq.\ Massarelli, Diarium, II., III.,
ed. Merkle, I., 465, 621 seq. ; Pallavicini, 1. 9, c. 12.
^ List in Massarelli, Diarium, III., ed. Merkle, I., 622. For the
number, ibid., n. i.
EPIDEMIC IN TRENT. 35I
After such a successful beginning it was not to be fore-
seen that the work of the Council, instead of being carried
quickly forward to a fortunate end, would before long
undergo an interruption of more than a year's duration.
For some time complaints of the unhealthiness of Trent
had been made by not a few of the Fathers. They were
redoubled when, about the date of the seventh session, an
infectious and in many cases fatal malady, the spotted
fever {mal di petecchie), entered the city. It was said that,
owing to the epidemic, external communication with Trent
would be cut off. The fears thus aroused among the
Fathers afforded an opportunity for removing the Council
which the Legates on this occasion could not overlook.
If the intolerable pressure which the Emperor, with his
claims against the Council, brought to bear upon the
Legates and Fathers, is taken into consideration, it is not
difficult to understand that they made use of an oppor-
tunity, the weight of which is open to dispute, to restore
independence to the Synod by withdrawal to a city re-
moved from the reach of the dominating influence of
Charles V.'
The Legates certainly lost no time in setting to work.
In a letter of the 5th of March to Farnese the presiding
Cardinal-Legates- asked what they were to do if the sick-
ness continued. They did not, however, await the arrival
of instructions from the Pope. As the alarm among the
Fathers was further increased on the following day, the 6th
of March, by the death of Bishop Loffredo of Capaccio, they
judged that no more time was to be lost, and after receiving
a medical certificate of the infectious character of the
disease from Balduino Balduini, private physican to del
Monte, and from Girolamo Fracastoro, physician to the
* See Ehses in Rom. Quartalschr., XIX., 184 j^f. ; cf. Vermeulen,
Die Verlegung der Koniils von Trient, Regensburg, 1890.
352 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Council, brought the matter on the 9th of March before the
general congregation. Del Monte here announced that
since the session twelve prelates had left, some without
having received the required permission and some without
having even asked for it ; others again had now declared
that they would go on account of the danger of infection ;
it was therefore necessary that the Council should come to
some decision.
The Legates, as del Monte had made known, did not
wish to influence their decision, but to be guided by the
voice of the majority; only they could not give their
consent to the dissolution of the Synod. Pacheco raised
the objection whether they had any right to discuss the
removal of the Council from Trent without previous
knowledge on the part of the Pope and P2mperor. He
asked for a few days' postponement ; he had with him the
Spanish, Neapolitan, and some other prelates. The great
majority, however, were for the quickest possible removal
from Trent; opinions only differed as to how this should
take place — by suspension, or translation, or free permission
to individuals to absent themselves for a certain time. The
voting was deferred to the following day. Del Monte then
announced that the Legates were opposed to a suspension
as well as to a general dispersal, as both courses might
lead to dissolution. They thought it best to translate the
Council to some more suitable spot at not too great a
distance from Trent ; for preference they recommended
Bologna as pre-eminently the most fitted. Pacheco again
spoke in opposition ; the Pope alone could undertake
to translate the Council ; such a step would arouse the
displeasure of the Emperor and other princes as well as
of all Christendom if taken on insufficient grounds ; the
prevailing sickness did not constitute such a ground, since
in the opinion of local physicians it was not nearly so
DECISION TO TRANSFER THE COUNCIL. 353
serious or dangerous as Balduini and Fracastoro had re-
presented. To the opposition of the Legates, Pacheco
once more declared that the measure was one solely
within the Pope's competency, the Legates could not
decide without special powers to do so. Pacheco was
supported by the rest of the Imperialist prelates, who
presented written statements. They concluded by declar-
ing that if the rest of the Fathers left Trent on inadequate
grounds, they would remain there, and with them also the
authority of the Council. Many of the majority wished to
go at once to the Cathedral and there resolve on the
translation, but the Legates, in order to avoid the appear-
ance of tumultuary proceedings, put off any further action
to the following day.
In this eighth session,^ held on the nth of March, del
Monte once more gave a summary of the previous discus-
sions on the question, made known the ascertained facts
concerning the sickness, and then read aloud the draft
decree of translation. After Pacheco had once more
protested and Archbishop Saraceni of Matera had en-
countered his objections, the voting took place, which
resulted in a majority of two-thirds in favour of the decree
for translation to Bologna.^ Del Monte now informed the
Fathers for the first time that the Legates had, all along,
been empowered by a Papal Bull to undertake the trans-
* Cf. Severoli, ed. Mh-rkle, I., 142-144; Massarelli, Diarium, II.,
III., ibid.^ 466, 625 seq. ; Pallavicini, 1. 9, c. 15.
^ The number of votes is differently stated : Pallavicini says that
out of 56 Fathers 38 "ayes" voted unconditionally and 14 "noes,"
2 "ayes" conditionally and 2 with a "non liquet." Vermeulen
(p. 18 seq.) and Knopfler (Kirchenlex., XI. ,2 2070) follow this calcula-
tion. Severoli gives 34 unconditionally for and 14 unconditionally
against, 2 with "non liquet." Massarelli says 39 were unconditionally
in favour and 14 against, while some ("aliqui") voted conditionally and
some were "neutrales."
VOL. XII 2%
354 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
latfon of the Council, a fact which they had hitherto kept
secret so as not to prejudice the freedom of decision.
They then ordered the Bull of the 22nd of February 1545
to be read aloud, and forthwith announced the translation
of the Council to Bologna, where on the previously ap-
pointed day, the 21st of April, the next session would be
held.i
On the same day the Legates informed Farnese of what
had occurrv.d, with a request that the Curia would take
steps to see that the Council in Bologna was more numer-
ously attended. They also addressed themselves to the
nuncio Verallo, in order that he, correspondingly instructed
as to the state of affairs, might defend the translation
against the Emperor's objections.^ On the 12th of March
the Legates, with the majority of the Fathers, left Trent.
On the 22nd Cervini and a certain number of bishops entered
Bologna, and on the 26th he was followed by del Monte.^
^ Sarpi's story that on the very day of the seventh session the Legates
received a secret command from the Pope to transfer the Council is
contradicted by Pallavicini (1. 9, c. 13, n. 2 seq.). For the entire
freedom from interference from the Pope with which the translation of
the Council was resolved upon, see also Vermeulen, 20 seq.
2 The letter of the Legates to Farnese of March 11, 1547, in the
Nuntiaturberichte, IX., 651-655. Extracts from the parallel letters of
the Legates to Verallo, ibid., 518 n. and 652 and 654 in the notes.
Cf. also the letter of Pietro Foscheri, Podesta of Trent, to Duke Ercole
of Ferrara, of March 12, 1547 (ibid., 655 seq), and the letter by an
unknown writer in an opposite sense (perhaps by one of Madruzzo's
circle), ibid., 656-659.
3 For the Council in Bologna and the contemporary events concern-
ing it, cf. Massarelli, Diarium (IV.), de Concilio Bononiensi a 12
Martii, 1547, usque ad 10 Novembris, 1549, ed. Merkle, I., 627-873 ;
Severoli, ed. Merkle, I., 144-147; Pallavicini, 1. 9, c. i7tol. ii,
c. 6; Vermeulen, 20 seqq. {cf. Liter. Rundschau, 1891, 355);
Vermeulen, Das XIX. allgemeine Konzil in Bologna, Regensburg,
1892 ; Knopfler, loc. cit., 2070-2072 ; Nuntiaturberichte, IX. and X. ;
THE REMOVAL TO BOLOGNA. 355
The Imperialist prelates, fourteen in number,^ remained
behind in Trent.
The precipitate removal of the Council to Bologna was
for the Papal court as well as for all the rest of the world
a surprise. The majority of the curialists rejoiced when
the news reached Rome. Not so the far-seeing Pontiff,
who with characteristic discernment perceived what mis-
understandings might arise from a measure so hastih'
taken without his previous consent.^ While he left the
conciliar Legates in no doubt as to his private opinions,^
he did not think it right, seeing that they had acted from
a real regard for his interests, to disavow them officially.
The translation, in fact, was to this extent unassailable,
that it had been voted for by a majority in the Council.*
In a consistory held on the 25th of March 1547 the Pope
gave the measure his consent, the only opponents being
three Cardinals, the Spaniards Juan Alvarez de Toledo and
Francisco de Mendoza, to whom must be added Sadoleto.^
Carcereri, Storia esterna del Concilio di Bologna, Montevarchi,
1903 ; Ehses in the Rom. Quartalschr., 1902, 429, and Carcereri
in Arch. Trentino, XVIII. (1903), 64 seq.
1 See the list in Massarelli, Diarium, IV., ed. Merkle, I., 638 seq.
Carcereri's proposed work on " II Concilio di Trento dalla traslazione
alia sospensione " has unfortunately not yet appeared.
2 Cf. Pallavicini, 1. 9, c. 16 ; Maynier, 511 seq.
3 He ordered Maffei to be informed that he would have preferred to
have seen the Council in session at Trent for some months longer.
Two further sessions would have sufficed to settle the necessary
decrees, and then perhaps the Synod might have been brought to a
close (Pallavicini, 1. 9, c. 17).
* See Wiener Jahrb. der Litteratur, CXV., 115.
6 Pallavicini (1. 9, c. 16) gives with Massarelli, Diarium, IV, ed.
Merkle, 633, the 23rd March, while the detailed report of Bonifazio
Ruggieri places the consistory on the 24th (Nuntiaturberichte, IX.,
528, n. i). In the *Acta Consist. (Consistorial Archives of the
Vatican) the date is not entered.
^S^ HISTORY OF THE POPES.
From the first Paul III, supported by Farnese, made
every effort to prevent this unexpected incident from
increasing the tension which already existed between him
and the Emperor. But the ambassador Vega would hear
of no excuses; to the assurance that the Pope had not
been a party to the translation he refused to give the
slightest credence.^
Charles V. was of the same opinion. On the 17th of
March he had despatched a courier to Rome with instruc-
tions for Vega bidding the latter to express his extreme dis-
pleasure to the Pope and to demand the immediate recall
of the Council to Trent The ambassador, who received
this command on the 24th of March, delivered his message
on the same evening. Before the audience Cardinal Farnese
adjured him to show moderation apd " to throw water rather
than fuel on the fire." " I bring neither water nor fuel," re-
plied Vega, " but intend to carry out his Majesty's behests."
As Paul III. was also much excited, the interview would
have been a stormy one if the Pope at the last moment had
not exercised a wise self-control. He calmly explained
to Vega that he had taken no part in the proceedings that
had led to the translation of the Council. The measure
had been as great a surprise to him as to the Emperor.
As the Council had agreed to the measure by a majority
of more than two-thirds, he could not recall the Synod to
Trent without derogating from its freedom ; moreover, the
sickness was still prevalent there. Should the Council
resolve spontaneously to return, that would be all the more
agreeable to him, as thereby the Emperor's wishes would
be realized. But it was desirable that the Synod should
first assemble in its entirety at the place to which it had
been legitimately translated. Charles V. would therefore
* See Maffei's letter of March 26 and Farnese's of April 5, 1547, in
the Nuntiaturberichte, IX., 527 seg., 530 j^^.
DECLARATION BY PAUL IIL 357
do well to permit the bishops who had remained in Trent
to proceed to Bologna, as thereby they would have the
advantage of being able more easily to induce the other
Fathers to return to Trent for the reasons adduced by the
Emperor, The sojourn in Bologna could not be looked
upon as suspicious since, as a matter of fact, a greater
number of Councils had been held even in Rome itself.
Bologna, moreover, was encircled by territories the
princes of which were known to be the most loyal adherents
of the Emperor. This great city again offered all the
necessary requisites for the tenure of such an assembly,
just as it was suited for the eventual meeting in person of
the Pope and the Emperor, Finally, what concerned the
security of the Council, which Charles was bound to
guarantee, could only be discussed when necessity
demanded, a necessity, however, which at present had not
arisen, Paul III. added, in conclusion, that if the Emperor
considered himself to be the eldest son of the Church, he
at the same time could not forget that as Pope, albeit
unworthy, he was the Church's head.^
Verallo repeated the substance of these declarations on
the 14th of April 1547 in an audience granted to him in
Plauen by Charles V.
The Emperor, who had been suffering all through the
winter, had for a long time intended to leave the subjection
of the Saxon Elector, John Frederick, to his brother
Ferdinand and the Margrave Albert of Culmbach ; he
thought of going himself to Frankfort-on-Main and from
there conducting his operations against Philip of Hesse.^
• See Farnese's report of April 5, 1547 (zdtd, 531 se^. ; here also is
the report of the envoy of Ferrara), and that of Vega of March 26, 1547,
in Maynier, 516, n. i,
2 See Maurenbrecher, 54* seg., and Ranke, Deutsche Gesch.,
IV., 6th ed., 369.
358 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
He was moved, however, to change his plans ^ by the news
that John Frederick had, on March the 2nd, succeeded in
taking prisoner the Margrave Albert in Rochlitz and that
Ferdinand was threatened by the Bohemian Utraquists.
Against the advice of his physician he resolved to hasten
with all possible speed with his whole army to the aid of
his brother and Duke Maurice, in order to deliver in person
a decisive blow against John Frederick. By the 13th of
April he had already crossed the Saxon frontier. His first
night encampment was at Adorf, the second at Plauen.
The audience which Verallo had to undergo in the
latter place made his position almost untenable. He
would never believe, declared Charles, breaking in upon
the nuncio's representations, that the translation of the
Council took place without the Pope's knowledge, since the
latter had never wished the Synod to meet in Trent ; as
for the outbreak of an epidemic, that was merely a pretext.
On Verallo remarking that the Pope would not recall a
decree of the Council, the Emperor interposed that he had
long known well that the Pope knew how to turn things so
as to bring them into accordance with his own wishes.
He added angrily : " The Pope thinks of nothing but to
prolong his days, to aggrandize his family, to heap up
riches ; in order to attain his own ends he rejects the
duties of his high office. We know him. He is an
obstinate old man, who is working for the destruction of
the Church. Those who promised to submit themselves
to the Council of Trent have now a just excuse for reject-
ing the Council of Bologna. But there will be a council
forthcoming which shall correspond to the wishes of all
Christendom and remove all abuses. We know the full
extent of our authority, and that it belongs to us as
* Commentaries, 179. For the threats against Ferdinand I., see
HUBER, IV., 125 seq.
THE emperor's VICTORY AT MUHLBERG. 359
Emperor to secure the freedom of the Council whether
men wish it or not. If necessary we shall send the
bishops not merely to Bologna but to Rome, and lead
them thither in person."
Verallo tried to defend the Pope from such immoderate
attacks. He remarked, among other observations, that the
bishops who were in Bologna had gone there of their own
free will, while those in Trent remained there at his
Majesty's pleasure. It must therefore be said of the
latter that they were deprived of freedom ; no one could
assert that of the former. This very apposite remark had
such an effect on the Emperor that he exclaimed : " Go,
nuncio ; I am not going to argue with you. When you
have any business to transact, take it to Granvelle." ^
Ten days after this audience the arbitrament was settled
on the field of Miihlberg on the Elbe; the Emperor in a
few hours broke up the whole Saxon army and took the
Elector John Frederick prisoner. It was not a battle, said
Melanchthon, but a helter-skelter rout.^ The Imperialist
loss amounted to about fifty men, including those who
succumbed later to their wounds. Of the Electoral troops
more than 2000 fell. They lost all their banners, 21 guns,
and 600 waggons with munitions and stores.^
On the 5th of May the Emperor stood before Wittem-
berg ; on :he 19th a treaty was there concluded, the terms
of which included John Frederick's renunciation of the
* See Verallo's report, written also on April 14, 1547, in the Nuntia-
turberichte, IX., 536 seq., and Charles V.'s letter to Mendoza of
April 15, 1547, in Maurenbrecher, 106* seq., and Maynier, 520,
n. I.
2 Corp. ref., VI., 587.
3 See Lenz, Die Schlacht bei Miihlberg, Gotha, 1879; Janssen-
Pastor, III., i8th ed., 659 seg ; \'enet. Uepeschen, II., 234 seg. ',
Nuntiaturberichte, IX , 547.
36o HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Electorate and the surrender of all his fortresses. The
overthrow of the Elector was followed by the submission
of the Lower Saxon Circle and on June the 19th by that
of Philip of Hesse. Utterly discouraged and intimidated,
the latter prince surrendered at discretion. The Emperor
handed him over, like the Elector, to strict custody.^ The
victory was complete, and more brilliant than the cautious
Emperor had dared to hope.
The news of the overwhelming success in north Germany
made all the deeper impression in Rome ^ as shortly before
deceptive reports had been received of the long struggle
with his adversaries that still awaited Charles V. Instead
of that the monarch, who had indulged in such menacing
language to Verallo, had reached a fulness of power which
no Roman-Germanic Emperor had possessed for centuries.
The Pope's fears of Charles V. were increased, for with
the death of Francis I. on March the 31st the check which
he had hoped to find in France became very insecure.
Not only did the Imperialist Montmorency regain his
influence with the new King, but Henry II. also showed
himself indisposed to favour a Council over which Papal
influence prevailed.^ Consequently, the new ambassador,
Diego Mendoza, who had taken Vega's place on the nth
of April, found Paul III. much more accessible. Even
when Mendoza brought out his threats of an Imperial
protest and a national council Paul III. maintained his
composure unruffled.* At the same time the Fathers in
Bologna carried concession so far as to determine on the
19th of April to put off the publication of the decree until
> Cf. J ANSSL'N- Pastor, III., i8th ed., 661, 663 seqq.
2 Cf. Campana, 393, 394.
3 See Druffel, Sfondrato, 322-324.
* See Ruggieri's report of April 30, 1547, in the Nuntiaturberichte,
X., xxxii, n. 2.
farnese's efforts for mediation. 361
the 2nd of June and in the session fixed for the 2ist of
April only to announce its prorogation.^
The victory of Miihlberg was first announced to Paul III.
by Mendoza^ and then in a letter from Ferdinand I. of
the 25th of April.^ The Pope answered on the 20th of
May ;* ten days later he wrote a letter of congratulation
to the Emperor,^ and the event was celebrated by a
solemn service in St. Peter's.
Cardinal Farnese was at this time in a fever of anxiety
to compose the differences between the Emperor and the
Pope. With Mendoza on the one hand, with the Pope and
powerful Cardinals such as Morone, Crescenzi, Ardinghello,
and Santafiora on the other, he kept up indefatigable nego-
tiations. He was successful in arriving at an arrangement
with Charles V. on the promised subsidies from the Spanish
Church. After Mendoza had agreed that the sum to be
raised on the sale of conventual property was not to exceed
400,000 ducats, the Pope gave his consent to the pre-
paration of the necessary Bull, although it seemed to him
that, in view of the most recent events, the Emperor's
opposition to the translation of the Council and the use-
lessness of the victory in Germany for the Church, he
might well have refused.*"
Cardinal Farnese held out hopes to the Imperialists of
* See Massarelli, Diarium, IV., ed. Merkle, I., 642 ; Pallavicini,
1. 9, c. 20, n. 4.
^ Nuntiaturberichte, X., 532, 538.
2 This letter is published in the Nuntiaturberichte, IX., 677 seq.^ from
the draft in Court and State Archives, Vienna.
* See *Brevia Pauh III. (Arm., 41, t. 39, n. 475, Secret Archives of
the Vatican) in Appendix No. 34.
^ Raynaldus, 1547, n. loi. On July 29 Paul III. congratulated
Ferdinand on the successes in Bohemia (see ibid.^ n. 104).
® See Farnese to VerallOjdat. May 31, 1547 (Nuntiaturberichte, X., 5);
cf. DoLLiNGER, Beitrage, I., 84.
362 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
further generous support in money. Even Paul III.
expressed himself favourably on this point. Farnese left
Mendoza in no doubt as to the leading motive of his busy
efforts at mediation ; an arrangement, he thought, might
be reached on all points if only the Emperor would invest
Pier Luigi with Parma and Piacenza or Siena.^ On the
conciliar question Farnese and Mendoza were united on
a middle course, the acceptance of which, however, by the
Emperor was very doubtful. This was that the Council
should again return to Trent or to some neighbouring city
in German territory, as soon as the Emperor should have
ascertained that the Diet or the individual Estates of
Germany had pledged themselves to place the questions
of religion under the arbitrament of the reassembled
Council or to accept the decrees of that Synod. In the
meantime the Fathers who had not left Trent should
betake themselves to Bologna and there, while for the
present avoiding dogmatic questions, continue to deal
exclusively with measures of reform.^
Paul 111. had refused at first to make any concessions
on the question of the Council, having remarked to
Mendoza that Christ had addressed to St. Peter and not
to the Emperor the words : Upon this rock will I build my
church.^ Nevertheless he at last turned an ear to the new
proposals, and on May the 31st Cardinal Sfondrato, who
had already started oa his journey to the Emperor on the
22nd of April, was given full powers to enter upon the
arrangement agreed upon between Mendoza and Farnese.*
1 See Mendoza's reports in Dollinger, I., 57 seq. ; cf. de Leva,
323 seq.
2 Nuntiaturberichte, X., xxxiii, 3 seq.
3 Pallavicini, 1. 10, C. I.
* Nuntiaturberichte, X., 2 seq. For the deep-seated distrust of
Charles V. on the part of Paul III., cf. Legazioni di A. Serristori, 161 seq.
MISSION OF CARDINAL SFONDRATO. 363
Before this suggestions had come from Rome to Bologna,
where the Emperor's victory also had been celebrated,
to await the result of the negotiations with Mendoza and
to postpone the next session until the middle of August,
The Fathers at Bologna therefore determined to fix a
date later than the 2nd of June, the day appointed for
the future session, since the Pope wished it; the 15th of
September was accordingly the day chosen.^
This concession was due mainly to the hope entertained
in Bologna as well as in Rome that Cardinal Sfondrato,
in his Legatine capacity, would allay the quarrel with
Charles V. This noble Milanese seemed to be the right
man for the task, as in former days he had once done good
service in the cause of Imperial policy. In addition to his
previous instructions to obtain Charles's consent to an
undertaking against England, he was also to secure from
him the recognition of the Council at Bologna or at least a
pledge that he would not take any measures detrimental
to its success. Then, as an after-thought, he was to intro-
duce the subject of the joint proposal of mediation in the
matter of the Council arranged by Mendoza and Farnese.-
Cardinal Sfondrato, who entered on his difificult mission
in no sanguine mood, travelled very slowly. It was the
beginning of July 1547 when he first met the Emperor at
Bamberg, where, on the 4th of that month, he had an audi-
ence. Charles accorded a friendly reception to the Legate,
who first congratulated him on the victorious close of the
campaign, but refused curtly and firmly to interfere in
1 See Massarelli, Diarium IV., ed. Merkle, I., 658 seq. \ Palla-
viciNi, 1. 10, c. I ; DE Leva, IV., 321 seq.
2 See DOLLINGER, Beitrage, I., ^^seqq. ; Druffel, Beitrage, I., 51
seq., and Sfondrato, 374 seq. ; Nuntiaturberichte, X., xxiv ; here
(xxii seq^ there is also more concerning the personahties of the Legates.
Cf. also for Sfondrato, Arch. stor. Lomb., 1894, 27 seqq.
364 HISTORY Ob' THE POPES.
English affairs. Germany, where enough still remained to
be done, was nearer his thoughts ; he had, especially after
his recent experiences, no inclination to look after the
business of other people as commander-in-chief, and finally
declared himself heartily sick of campaigning. Sfondrato,
with eulogiums of Mendoza, then introduced the subject
of mediation with regard to the Council, but here also the
Emperor, determined on the unconditional meeting of the
Synod at Trent, met him with a positive refusal. In the
proposal that the Diet, before the return of the Council to
Trent, should declare its submission to the conciliar decrees,
Charles saw only a purposely devised scheme to get rid of
the Council altogether. He said this openly, and remarked
that methods would not be wanting of counteracting such
a decision. The Legate dismissed this suspicion as un-
founded, so far as the Pope was concerned, and insisted
that it was against the dignity of the Council to be again
recalled to Trent out of consideration for the German
nation, if no guarantee were given that that very nation
would suspend its hostility towards the Synod. When the
Legate at last requested the Emperor at least to ratify the
acceptance of the decrees as they now stood, while the
stamp of victory was fresh upon him, he received a scornful
rebuff. As he perceived, said Charles, that the Legate had
been well instructed on all points, nothing remained for him
to say save that in matters of religion he would do his duty
and hoped that others would do the same. The Legate
replied that this was also the intention of the Pope, and it
followed that the only difference lay in the choice of means
towards that end. He begged his Majesty to give the
matter more mature consideration, as the proposals of
mediation had commended themselves to Mendoza. The
Emperor, however, rejoined that it would not be astonishing
if Mendoza had made a mistake. It would not be neces-
SFONDRATO AND THE EMPEROR. 365
sary for hitn now to give the matter further reflection, since
he had devoted more thought to this than to the war itself.
After this hard refusal of all his proposals, the Legate
asked if, in view of the fruitlessness of further discussion, it
would not be better that he should withdraw, to which the
Emperor replied coldly " that he might do as he chose." ^
The Emperor's rudeness and inflexibility made such an
impression on Sfondrato that together with his official
report on the 7th of July he sent a private letter to Farnese
in which he implored him to come round on the question
of the Council and at least to support a suspension of the
Synod at Bologna, as otherwise there was a great danger
of the powerful Emperor provoking a schism. The Legate
was confirmed in this opinion by the continued discourtesy
of Charles, who for a long time refused him any audience on
the pretext of indisposition. Alba, Soto, and Madruzzo also
begged Sfondrato, in the interests of the Church, to induce
the Pope to consent to the return of the Council to Trent.^
In a letter to Maflei on the 31st of July, Sfondrato wrote
that he would rather incur the blame of the public at large
by advising a course of conduct unpopular at Rome than
burden his conscience by silence. The Emperor, he set
forth in a memorial sent at the same time, is unchangeable
in his demand that the Council should return to Trent. If
he is told that this cannot possibly be done without the
consent of the Council, he replies that it depends solely and
entirely on the Pope. If it is suggested that the Council
of Trent has waited already two whole years for the German
nation and that the Emperor now has the power in his
* See Sfondrato's report to Farnese of July 7, 1547, in the Nuntia-
turberichte, X., 35 seqq. Cf. Pallavicini, 1. 10, c. 3 ; Druffel,
Sfondrato, 328 seq.
2 Nuntiaturberichte, X., 39 seq., 43 seq.., 53 seq.. and Druffel, loc
cii., 332 seq.
366 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
hands to force that nation to return to the Church, the
Imperial rejoinder is, that that is only possible by means
of the Council and that the Councfl must be assembled in
Trent. If it is pointed out that Trent cannot offer
adequate certainty of freedom to the Council, the Imperial
contradiction is ready that numerous decrees on dogma
have been passed there in opposition to the express orders
of the Emperor. If it is pointed out that in the case of
Paul 1 1 1.'s death the Council in Trent might introduce some
innovation in the mode of Papal election or, vacante sede,
some reform disadvantageous to the Holy See, the counter-
allegation is raised that the very same objections were
mooted when Trent v^as originally proposed as the seat of
the Council and yet were at that time rejected. Besides,
the same reasons are adducible also in the case of Bologna.^
In Rome, Sfondrato's behaviour was subjected to strong
criticism. The most important Cardinals, Farnese,
Crescenzi, Morone, Ardinghello, and Santafiora, took excep-
tion to the nuncio's precipitate declarations on his first
audience.^ The situation was made more complicated by
an illness which for eight days incapacitated the Pope from
holding audiences. It was only a case of obstinate
catarrh; but at Paul III.'s great age even a slight indis-
position might lead to fatal results. In that event it was
more than doubtful that a Council would be held on
German soil. No one, it was the general opinion, could,
under such circumstances, feel perfectly certain of the
security of the Papal election.^
* Nuntiaturberichte, X., 64 seqq.
2 See the report, ibid., 55, n. i.
3 Cf. DOLLINGER, Beitrage, [.,80,91,97; Nuntiaturberichte, X., 55,
n. I ; BUCHOLTZ, VI., 198, and Paolo Mario's *report to the Duchess
of Urbino, dat. Rome, July 15, 1547 (State Archives, Florence), who
insists on medical evidence on the strength of Paul's constitution.
DETERMINATION OF THE POPE. 367
Paul III. took counsel with his confidential advisers on
the 17th of July as to what should be done. It was
determined that the Council must remain free, and decide
for itself whether it would return to Trent or move else-
where. The Pope, reported the Florentine envoy on July
the 1 8th, was much annoyed at the Emperor for not waiting
until the Diet of the Empire met, but simply demanding
the recall to Trent. That incited the Pope to equal
obstinacy. Moreover, he certainly was counting upon
the Emperor's want of money, his preoccupation with
German affairs, and the probability that he might have to
face difficulties in Italy as well.^ The last remark referred
to the Papal endeavours to prepare the way for an alliance
with France and to extend this into a formal anti-
imperialist coalition. Mendoza, who was informed of
these intrigues, displayed no alarm. There is always talk
going on, he said, of alliances against the Emperor, but
these are so formed that the treaties have hardly been con-
cluded before they end in a competition of all the allies
for recnnciliation with the object of their attack.^
* See Serristoh's letter in the Nuntiaturberichte, X., 55, n. r.
^ Cf.T)¥. Leva, IV., 319 ; Nuntiaturberichte, X., xxxix ; Brosch, I.,
183; Mitteil. des osterr. Instituts, XXIII., 141. The alliance with
France was to be sealed by the marriage of Orazio Farnese with
Diane de Poitiers; the betrothal took place in June 1547 (Nuntia-
turberichte, X., 62, n. I ; cf. Atti d. soc. Ligur., VIII., Doc. 105). On
June 29, 1547, the wedding of Vittoria Farnese with the Duke of
Urbino was celebrated (see Mendoza's report in DOLLINGER, I., 90 ;
cf. also Feliciangeli, 218). While the marriage was being
arranged the Duke's younger brother, Giulio della Rovere {cf. Manni,
Osserv. s. i sigilli antichi, VII., 31 ; X., 143), was promised the red hat
(DoLLiNGER, I., 69, 81 ; RiEiER, II., 25). When on July 27, 1547, a
nomination of Cardinals took place, the only one named was Charles
Guise of Lorraine, a second (Giulio) was reserved z"« pei/o (see the
^report of Paolo Mario to the Duke of Urbino of July 27, 1547, in the
State Archives, Florence, whereby ClACONlus, III., 724 seq., and
^68 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Although many expressed themselves in favour of a
return to Trent, the Pope remained firm in his refusal, and
with all the more tenacity as the prospects of the Council
at Bologna were improving. It seemed as insupportable
as ever that the Emperor, the head of secular dominion,
should arrogate to himself the final decision in the spiritual
sphere as well.^
From this certainly justifiable standpoint the Pope
would not budge for some time longer ; but at last he
recoiled in alarm at the incalculable consequences of a
complete breach with the victorious monarch. Cardinals
Farnese and Crescenzi supported Mendoza's representa-
tions, who, in accordance with his master's instructions, did
not omit to utter threats of a solemn protest against the
Synod of Bologna.^ Thus the Pope decided to make a
partial surrender. At the beginning of September the
following agreement was come to at the Pope's summer
residence in Foligno. The sitting of the Council fixed for
the 15th of September was postponed until the situation
as developed by the Diet of Augsburg should be made
known ; in the interval no conciliar acts were to be under-
taken ; therefore the prorogation, which was to be for an
indefinite time, was only settled in a simple congregation.
If a session were appointed the Pope was to give four-
teen days' notice to the Spanish ambassador. Paul III.,
Cardella, IV., 284 seg'., are to be corrected). Giulio's publication
with that of Charles de Bourbon did not take place until Jan. 9, 1548
(see Druffel, Beitrage, I., 90). The coat of arms of Cardinal G.
della Rovere in the Pinacoteca of Todi, with the then customary
Cardinal's hat with six tassels, in Pasini-FRAssoni, I cappelli prelatizi
Roma, 1908, 10.
1 See Maurenbrecher, 149 ; Druffel, Sfondrato, 335 seg. ;
Nuntiaturberichte, X., 86, n. 2.
2 Cf. Nuntiaturberichte, X., 87, n. I, 515.
ITALIAN POLICY OF CHARLES V. 369
Cardinal Farnese, and the Legates at Bologna gave their
word that the agreement would be observed.^
At this juncture a deed of blood, the assassination of
Pier Luigi Farnese, the Pope's son, by the Imperialist
Viceroy, Ferrante Gonzaga, cut asunder the threads which
had just been reunited and threw all things into confusion.
The Italian policy of Charles V. had undergone a decided
change since the appointment of Ferrante Gonzaga as
Viceroy of Milan. With the zeal of a genuine renegade
this man had courted the favour of the Emperor by stirring
up his animosity against the Italians.^ The determination
of the Spaniards to strengthen, by annexations, the position
which the possession of Milan and Naples gave them
became clearer day by day. Besides enterprises in Genoa
and Siena, the acquisition of Parma and Piacenza was
further aimed at.^ As early as June 1546 the Emperor
had let Ferrante Gonzaga understand that he was only
awaiting the death of the aged Pope to destroy Pier Luigi.*
The latter had formed close connections with the French and
was in association with all in Italy by whom the Spanish
supremacy was regarded as unbearable. The Imperialists
believed that in the conspiracy of Fiesco in Genoa the
traces of the Farnese influence were to be discerned.^
The plan of Ferrante Gonzaga to overthrow his incon-
1 Cf. Maynier, 530 seq. ; DE LEVA, IV., 339 ; DruffEL, Sfondrato,
344 ; Nuntiaturberichte, X., xxxv, \ob seqq., 557 seq.^ 569. In Bologna
in a general congregation of Sept. 14, 1547, the next session was
postponed sine die (Massarelli, Diarium IV., ed. Merkle, I., 695).
2 Cf. Mocenigo's report in FlEDLER, 130.
3 See Maurenbrecher, 155 seq., 159 ; Balan, VI., 391.
* See Affo, 112 ; DE Leva, IV., 355.
* Cf. DE Leva, IV., 240 sc.q.^ 244 seq. ; BelgraNO in Arch. stor. Ital.,
3rd Series, IV., i, 216 seq.; Landau in the Allgem. Zeitung, 1887,
Beil. 35, who considers the evidence of Paul III.'s participation incon-
clusive ; so also Manfroni, 365 seq.
VOL. XII. 24
370 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
venient and dangerous neighbour, with whom personal
dissensions were constantly breaking out, was favoured by
the internal conditions of the Duchy of Parma-Piacenza.
Pier Luigi had here made for himself more bitter enemies
by the rigour of his administration and the harsh assertion
of his territorial authority than by his dissolute life. In
general his government was no better and no worse than
that of most of the petty Italian princes of that day. Like
Cosimo de' Medici he also strove to form a homogeneous
state out of the conflicting portions of his domain, but in
this attempt he came into collision, before all others, with
the insubordinate nobility. Accustomed to the lenient
rule of the Church, these small barons chafed impatiently
under the strong hand of the new ruler who, in proportion
as he improved the condition of the people, set limits to the
feudal privileges of their masters.^
The dissatisfaction grew when Pier Luigi formed under
his own immediate command a territorial militia and, with
characteristic disregard for others, began to erect in Parma
as well as in Piacenza a huge citadel. By the end of 1546
Ferrante Gonzaga had made proposals to the Emperor that
he should employ the discontented nobles to overthrow
Farnese.2 Impressed by Farnese's attitude towards the
* The first supporter of this view of Farnese, who had been appointed
simply in the first instance as " Tiranno," is L. Scarabelli : Dell'
ultima ducea di Pier Luigi Farnese, Bologna, 1868. This defence,
which certainly goes too far here and there {cf. Arch. stor. Ital., 3rd
Series, IX., 2, 226 seq.\ has been adopted by Reumont (III., 2, 501),
Balan (VI., 395), Bertolotti (in the Atti dell' Emilia, III., 27 seg.,
49 seq.), and Giarelli (Storia di Piacenza, Piacenza, 1889). Recently
Scapinelli has treated the question from the like point of view
(Rassegna naz., I. [1906], 182 seq., Le riforme sociali del duca Pier
Luigi) and MassiGNAN (p. 61 seq., cf. y>- m ^^g-)-
- See Gonzaga's letter of Dec. 30, 1546, in Maurenbrecher, 156,
n. 15. For the building of the citadel of Piacenza, see Atti Mod.. I.,
PLOT AGAINST P. L. FARNESE. 37 1
conspiracy of Fiasco, the Emperor listened to Ferrante's
schemes with assent, but only in the case of a vacancy in
the Holy See.^ Ferrante Gonzaga, embittered by personal
quarrels and constantly goaded on by Doria against
Farnese,^ was loath to wait so long ; he tried hard to
obtain the Emperor's permission to hazard an early
blow. In the spring of 1547 he set forth in detail how
favourable the situation was for securing Parma and
Piacenza by a sudden stroke.^ But Charles V. had fresh
scruples ; he turned with a shudder from Gonzaga's
murderous plot when it lay before him point by point ;
and he was also struck by the unwisdom of thus directly
conjuring up the vengeance of the Pope. But after-
wards, when the translation of the Council took place,
he gave his consent on May the 31st to the forcible
expulsion of Pier Luigi.*
Ferrante Gonzaga without delay made all the necessary
arrangements with the malcontent nobles. Seeing that the
works of the citadel of Piacenza were far advanced, and
that there was a danger of the conspirators making an
alliance with France, he urged upon the Emperor that the
moment to strike had come at last. The latter gave his
consent, but on the emphatic condition that the Duke's
life should be spared. Gonzaga was at pains to obtain a
480 seq. ; Massignan, 71 seq. Cf. Arch. stor. Ital., 4th Series, XIV.,
105.
1 See Charles V. to Gonzaga, Jan. 14, 1547, in the Atti d. Soc. Ligur.,
VIII., Doc. 36, and in Maurenbrecher, 157.
2 Scipio de Castro insists on this in the *Avvertimenti et ricordi
al duca di Terranova, governat. di Milano, in the Inf. polit., XII.,
f. I7^ of the Royal Library, Berlin. Another copy in the Ambrosian
Library, Milan.
^ See the documents in Odorici, 67 seq. ; Affo, 145 seq. ; DE Leva,
IV., 357 seq.
* See Maurenbrecher, 157 ; de Leva, IV., 361 seq.
372 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
promise from the conspirators, with the express approval of
Charles ; ^ but they firmly refused to enter into the condi-
tions laid down by the Emperor. Gonzaga therefore let it
drop and, indeed, assured all the participators in the deed
of immunity from punishment for all murders committed
in the execution of their design. After all the prepara-
tions had been made with scrupulous care a postpone-
ment was caused by the presence of Ottavio Farnese with
his father.^
Ottavio had hardly taken his departure when the con-
spirators made ready for their crime. While the Duke, for
whom his astrologer had predicted length of years, sat at
table at midday on the lOth of September 1547 with a
brilliant retinue, foreboding no evil, the murderers stole one
by one into the citadel of Piacenza, unhindered by the un-
suspecting German bodyguard. After the Duke had risen
from table Count Giovanni Anguissola and two privy to
the plot forced their way into his chamber and struck him
down with a dagger. The rest of the band had in the
meantime overpowered the guard and taken possession of
the citadel. In vain Alessandro Tommasoni, commander
of the ducal troops, tried to penetrate withiri the main
building, from the window of which the bleeding corpse of
Pier Luigi was flung into the trench.^
^ Cf. Affo, 157 seq., 178 seq. ; Maurenbrecher, 158.
2 Cf. Affo, 164 seq. ; Odorici, 93 seq. ; de Leva, 363 seq.
3 Cf. Faleti, 370 seq. ; Adriani, VI., 2 ; Affo, ij()seq. ; Odorici,
53 seq. ; Balan, VI., 394 ; Bertolotti, La morte di P. L. Farnese ;
Processo e lettere ined. (Atti dell' Emilia, III., i, 25 seqq. ;
MassiGNAN, 98 seq.). For the chief of the conspirators, G. Anguissola,
and his relations with Spain, see Bonardi in Arch. stor. Lomb., 1895.
The murder gave rise to several pamphlets deploring the crime (see
Lamento p. la morte di P. L. Farnese p. da G. Capasso, Parma, 1894).
Marmitta addressed poem of condolence to Paul III. (see Atti Mod.,
I., 153).
ASSASSINATION OF PIER LUIGI. 373
Among the people the murder met with no response ;
the city authorities likewise would not hear of any change
of government. Nevertheless, the fate of Piacenza was
already decided. Ferrante Gonzaga hastened thither and
on the 1 2th of September occupied the city in the Emperor's
name, after promising the conspirators on Charles's behalf
that the city should never again be delivered to the Pope
or a Farnese. It was only the vigilance of the com-
mandant that prevented Parma also from falling into the
Imperialists' hands. On the i6th of September, Ottavio,the
murdered man's eldest son, had already made his entry ,^
This terrible blow, which seemed to many contempor-
aries to be the punishment of heaven for the Pope's
inordinate nepotism, struck the Pontiff like a lightning
flash from a clear sky. On that very loth of September
Paul III., then staying in Perugia, had an interview with
Mendoza in which he talked of the course of his career and
extolled his luck.^ On that same day, and perhaps at the
self-same hour, his son fell dead at the hand of the
assassin.
Deeply as the Pope must have felt this calamity as a
father and as a sovereign, yet the aged man, weak in
body and vigorous in mind, never lost his composure for a
moment. When Cardinal Farnese brought him the fearful
tidings he only lamented that he was too fortunate and
therefore open to such a counter-stroke ; but this event was
* Cf. Affo, i8i seq. ; DE Leva, IV., 369 ; Nuntiaturberichte, X.,
114, 115 n.
2 See Mendoza's report of Sept. 18, 1547, in Dollinger, Beitrage,
I., 114. The good fortune of Paul III. was the subject of letter from
Giovio (Lettere 32), June 1547. For the stay in Perugia, see Bon-
tempi, 394; cf. *Acta Consist., "Die iovis 25 Augusti 1547 S. D. N
discessit ab urbe Perusiam versus. Die veneris ultima Septembris
1547 fuit reditus S. S. 1I civitate Perusiae ad alniam urbem" (Con-
sistorial Archives of the Vatican).
374 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
indeed too hard a blow.^ To save Piacenza, whose magis-
trates had sent him a letter of condolence on the loth
of September with assurances of loyalty ,2 he despatched
on the 13th Cardinal Cervini as Legate in order to rescue
that city for the States of the Church.^ By whom the
blow had been delivered was not long a mystery to
Paul III. By the 15th of September he was firmly con-
vinced that all must have been done with the connivance
of the Emperor and his servants, especially Ferrante.*
Such then were the circumstances under which the
question of the Council and that of the reorganization of
religion in Germany awaited a final solution.
* See Ruggieri's report of Sept. 17, 1547, in the Nuntiaturberichte,
X., 115, n. I ; f/; ibid., 116. The terrible news reached Perugia on
Sept. 12 (BoNTEMPi, 394) and was known in Rome on the 14th (see
Nuntiaturberichte, X., 522 ; Legaz. di A. Serristori, 160 seq?).
2 Printed in Spicil. Vatic, I. (1890), 74. There is a similar letter to
Cardinal A. Farnese of Sept. 10, 1547, in the archives of the Spanish
Embassy at Rome.
3 *Briefto Cardinal Cervini, dat. Perusiae (Min. brev. Arm.,41, t. 40,
n. 745 ; Secret Archives of the Vatican) ; original in the State
Archives, Naples.
* See F. Rodi's *report of Sept. 15, 1547, in BaLAN, VI., 395 ; cf. also
Legazioni di A. Serristori, 161; Nuntiaturberichte, X., 115, n. i;
DoLLiNGER, Beitrage, I., 121.
CHAPTER X.
The Emperor in Opposition to the Pope and the
Authority of the Council.
In the German war Charles V. had made a brilliant
display of his superiority over all his opponents: the
Schmalkaldic League was shattered, and its leaders, the
Saxon Elector and the Landgrave of Hesse, made prisoners.
The Emperor seemed to have reached the summit of his
power. The reorganization of the religious condition of
Germany, which had been suspended during the war, no
longer admitted of any postponement. With the destruc-
tion of the political power of the Protestant Estates only
one-half of the task assigned to himself by Charles was
fulfilled ; the other and more difficult half had now to be
accomplished : the restoration of religious unity. Deeply
convinced of the truth of Catholic doctrine, the Emperor
sincerely desired this unity, but only in the sense that he,
the temporal head of Christendom, should outweigh in
influence the spiritual head, the Pope.
As protector of the Church the Emperor held himself
to be justified in claiming not only in the political but also
in the ecclesiastical sphere the casting vote on all critical
questions. Paul HI., who saw clearly through this pre-
tension, was not disposed, however, to sink himself to the
level of an Imperial vassal or chaplain. It was by no means
his nepotism only, but rather his determination from a
sense of duty to preserve his independence and freedom
as Pope which drew Paul III. into antagonism to the
375
^6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
monarch " who wished to have all Italy at his free dis-
posal, to secularize in Spain, to dictate in Trent, and to
adjudicate at his own tribunal on the great controversy
on religion in Germany." ^
The opposition between the two potentates, which had
been declared openly during the Schmalkaldic war,
appeared to have reached the point of rupture when
Pier Luigi fell murdered at Imperial instigation and
simultaneously Piacenza was seized without a semblance
of legal right 2 by Ferrante Gonzaga, the Emperor's
viceroy in Milan.
The situation was now made worse by the unworthy
behaviour of the Imperialists towards the aged Pope and
his Legate, Cardinal Sfondrato. At first the most
deliberate dissimulation was practised in order to prove
that the assassination had taken place without the
Emperor's knowledge. Already on the evening of the
13th of September 1547 Granvelle hastened to Sfondrato
and showed him a letter from Ferrante Gonzaga assuring
the Emperor's minister that the first news of the murder
had just reached him, after the event. On the i6th
Granvelle came once more to announce that Piacenza
had surrendered to the Emperor. Sfondrato was not at
a loss to declare that the speedy re-delivery of the city
to Ottavio Farnese, the murdered man's son and son-in-
law of the Emperor, must be the touchstone of his
innocence as regards the catastrophe and of his upright-
ness of intention towards the Pope.^
* Bezold, Gesch. der Reformation, 795 ; cj. also Ranke, Deutsche
Gesch., 6th ed., V., tj.
2 See Brosch (I., 186), who describes Ferrante's act as that of a
bandit.
" See Sfondrato's letter of Sept. 17 in the Nuntiaturberichte, X.,'
1 1 7 seqq.
CARDINAL SFONDRATO AND CHARLES V. 377
It was not until two days later that Sfondrato had an
opportunity, after a High Mass, of seeing Charles, who
had been laid up for some time with gout. The latter
remarked on this occasion of his own accord and with
every apparent sign of sorrow, that he had heard of the
events at Piacenza with no other feelings than those of in-
dignation both on account of the murdered Duke himself
and of the Pope, and that he was longing for the arrival of
an envoy from Gonzaga with fuller information. The
Cardinal-Legate, knowing very well that the occasion did
not permit of further discussion, confined himself to re-
questing the Emperor to take such measures as would be
consonant with his lofty station, his justice, and his high
reputation.^
After the arrival of Ferrante's emissary Granvelle once
more gave assurance of the viceroy's innocence. He had
found himself compelled to comply with the invitation
of the inhabitants of Piacenza themselves, who would
otherwise have handed over the city to the French ;
among the conditions to which he had to agree was one
prohibiting the transfer of Piacenza either to the family
of Farnese or to the Papal States. The Legate rejoined
that he did not intend to investigate the question of
Gonzaga's innocence ; he was content with the fact that
the city was occupied by Imperialist troops while belong-
ing by every title of law to Ottavio Farnese. Granvelle
replied vaguely that the Emperor would give orders such
as the occasion required, but that astonishment was felt
that no instructions had come from the Pope. The Legate
was able to reply, with reason, that it was the duty of the
Emperor and the person who had taken possession to give
explanation to the Pope, who was the injured, and, he
* See Sfondrato's despatch of Sept. 18, 1547, in PALLAVicmr, 1. 10,
c. 5, n. 4; also partly in Nuntiaturberlchte, X., 120, n. I.
378 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
might add, the plundered party. Hereupon Granvelle
assured him that such had been the Emperor's intention,
but that he had awaited the arrival of Gonzaga's envoy
and also had been afraid of a summons to the French
from Piacenza. Sfondrato met this by saying that if the
immediate delivery of the city were refused, the greatest
embroilment in political and ecclesiastical relations would
ensue.^
The Emperor even brought himself to despatch his
court official, Figueroa, to Ottavio Farnese and the Pope
with messages of condolence^ and a denial of all com-
plicity in the deeds committed in Piacenza. On his
return from a hunting party on the 2nd of October he
received both the Cardinal-Legate and Ottavio's repre-
sentative, Count Sforza Pallavicini. The Legate, who was
given audience first, remarked that although he had not
yet received from the Pope any instruction with regard
to his attitude towards the events at Piacenza, he could
not refrain from saying that the occasion was of the utmost
importance and one on which it was imperative that his
Majesty should declare his mind. He made no conceal-
ment that no credence could be given to Ferrante's plea
of justification, and once more urged the immediate
restoration of Piacenza to Ottavio Farnese. Charles
attempted to defend Gonzaga, and declared that his own
affection for Ottavio was that of a father for his son ; but
he was of opinion that the Duke could not ask more from
him than he was receiving from the Pope ; the behaviour
of Paul HI. could not conduce to benefits towards Ottavio.
* Sfondrato's letter of Sept. 21, 1547, in Pallavicini, 1. lo, c. 5,
n. 5, and partly in the Nuntiaturberichte, X., 120 seqq.
2 Cf. Nuntiaturberichte, X., 126, 142. The letter of credence from
Charles V. here printed, of Sept. 25, 1547, was already published in
Spicil. Vatic, I., 76.
CARDINAL SFONDRATO AND CHARLES V. 379
Here the Legate thought that he must interpose with the
observation that the Emperor had made similar remarks on
various occasions ; he therefore could not avoid reminding
his Majesty that the Pope not only on repeated occasions
had refrained from courses injurious to the Imperial
interests, but had expended a substantial portion of his
income on services rendered to Charles, and that to those
very contributions the victory in Germany was for the
most part owing.
As the Emperor made no answer to these outspoken
utterances, the Cardinal went on to describe the trouble
which would arise everywhere, especially in the affairs of
the Council, if on the question of Piacenza a miscarriage
of justice were to be allowed. Charles replied that private
concerns ought never to exercise an influence on public
affairs, whereupon the Cardinal remarked that such influence
was sure to be exercised when its source was, in both cases,
the same, namely, mutual confidence or mutual distrust.
The Emperor now tried to bring the interview to an end by
assuring Sfondrato that his dutiful reverence and obedience
towards the Holy See would never fail ; in the Diet now
begun he would do everything that was possible on behalf
of the cause of religion and inform the Pope and the
Legates on all points ; as regarded Piacenza he had come
to no decision, but he would not fail to take the measures
proper to the occasion. To this concise and general
statement the Legate replied: "Since your Majesty has
not yet come to any decision on this subject, I beg
permission to request that the decision may be come to
in such a way that it may be not only salutary but
swift."!
Immediately after the Legate, Sforza Pallavicini had an
* See Sfondrato's letter of Oct. 2, 1547, in the Nuntiaturberichte,
X., 131 seq.
38o HISTORY OF THE POPES.
audience. Yet even he received the same colourless
answers, but with this difference, that the Emperor re-
marked at the close that he did not wish misunderstandings
to arise between him and the Pope over Piacenza, and that
he would show his favour towards Ottavio Farnese. The
spark of hope which this expression had kindled in the
Legate and Pallavicini was very soon extinguished in
both by a declaration made by Granvelle.^
The same devices which had been employed at Augsburg
were also employed at Rome by Mendoza towards the
Pope and Cardinal Farnese with the same unsuccessful
results.'^ What else could have been expected when it
was already known at the Papal court on the 17th of
September that Ferrante Gonzaga had threatened Count
Santafiora and Sforza Pallavicini with the Emperor's
displeasure if they continued to protect Parma ? ^
Even if the Imperialists subsequently abstained from
* See Sf>?rza Pallavicini's letter of Oct. 3, 1547, ibid.^ 134, n. i ; here
(137, n. 4) also in an Italian translation is Granvelle's Spanish docu-
ment handed to the Legates and already cited by Pallavicini (1. 10,
c. 5, n. 10).
2 Cf. Mendoza's reports in Dollinger, Beitrage, I., 119 seq., 121,
126. For Diego Hurtado de Mendoza as statesman, humanist, and
poet, see Graux, Orig. du fonds grec de I'Escurial, Paris, 1880, 163
seq. ; Fesenmaier, Diego Hurtado de Mendoza (Progr.), Munich,
1881-1882, 1883-1884; Histor. Zeitschr., XXXIX., 404 seq. ; Have-
MANN, Darstellungen aus der Gesch. Spaniens, Gottingen, 1850, 311 ;
Nuntiaturberichte, X., xv seq. ; Ehses in Histor. Jahrb., XXIX., 677.
The extracts from Mendoza's letters made by the partisan writer
Aymon (Maximes politiques du Pape Paul III., La Haye, 1716),
from a codex in the Library of the Escurial, are so fragmentary and
arranged with such a polemical intention that they are of no use
for historical purposes.
^ See B. Ruggieri's report of Sept. 17, 1547 (copy in BaLAN is
inaccurate, VI., 396), now authentically reproduced in Nuntiatur-
berichte, X., 522, n. I.
FIRMNESS OF PAUL HI. 36 1
vexing Parma, they yet took no steps to punish the
murderers of Pier Luigi and to surrender Piacenza as
Paul III. demanded.^ The crime of the loth of September
was to be turned to the fullest account. The surrender
of Piacenza on the guarantee of compensation was held
out as an enticement by the Imperialists to bend the
Pope to submission to their master's policy. Paul III.
saw through the scheme, and now at last made plain
his unmistakable disinclination to give way on the question
of the Council.^
The Pope's inordinate love for his own offspring may
have given the Imperialists some hope that the agitation
and horror caused by the recent occurrences would put an
end to a life now numbering eighty years; but the iron
disposition of Paul III. was proof even against such a
shock as this,^ and henceforward his conduct gained in
dignity. " In his relation to the Emperor he appears as
the one who has received injury, and the sympathies of
men are turned to him and withdrawn from the cold state-
craft of his adversary." *
Next to the Pope, Cardinal Farnese was the most cruelly
stricken. In his first moment of excitement he exclaimed :
" If Piacenza is not given back, then will I help myself, as
best I can, even if I have to summon hell to aid me."
* See the brief of Sept. 20, 1547, in Raynaldus, 1547, n. no,
and Nuntiaturberichte, X., 116, n. i, where there is fuller informa-
tion about Mignanelli's mission; see also Spicil. Vat., I., 75 seq.\
FONTANA, II., 502 seq.
2 Already on Sept. 26, 1547, Mendoza had reported that the Pope
had spoken of ordering a session to be held in Bologna (see
DOLLINGER, Beitrage, I., 123).
' He told the Venetian ambassador that he hoped to outlive the
Emperor (see de Leva, IV., 377, n. i).
* FriedenSBURG in Nuntiaturberichte, X., xxxviii ; cf, CampaNA.
382 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Later he threatened to deliver over Parma to the French.*
Such utterances were intended to alarm the Imperialists,
but at bottom Farnese hoped against hope that the Emperor
would have the sense to give back his booty under certain
precautionary measures and place Ottavio, his son-in-law,
once more in possession of Piacenza. Mendoza tried to
foster these vain hopes by showing a letter from Granvelle.
Even after the disappointment caused by Figueroa's silence
on the restoration of Piacenza, Farnese was of opinion that
the Emperor, in view of the ferment in Germany and Italy
and the threatening attitude of France, would not push
things to extremities.^
The Pope also did not yet wish to bar a way of return
to the Emperor. When Paul III. in the middle of October
addressed a consistory on the murder of Pier Luigi, he
declared that Ferrante Gonzaga was certainly the murderer,
but he hoped that the crime had been committed unknown
to Charles V. and that his Majesty would restore Piacenza
to the Church, with which object Mignanelli had been
sent to Augsburg. He cherished a distinct hope that
the Emperor would fulfil this just expectation and not
make himself a participator in wrongdoing. Even if, the
Pope went on to declare, he were willing to forgive the
injuries he had suffered as a man, leaving it to God to
inflict punishment on the sinner, he could not tolerate and
forget the acts of iniquity and robbery perpetrated against
the Papacy and the Church, but must visit them with
chastisement even if in doing so he should die a martyr's
death.^
» See Mendoza's report in DOLLINGER, Beitrage, I., 124, 129.
2 Q^ DE Leva, IV., 374 seq. ; Nuntiaturberichte, X., 142 seq.
3 Of the consistory, which is not mentioned in the *Acta Consist.
(Consistorial Archives of the Vatican), nothing was known except from
the extract given by RiBlER (II., 61), from a despatch of the French
THE POPE'S MEASURES OF SECURITY. 383
In reality Paul III. believed that since the murder of
September the loth everything w^as to be feared from the
Imperialists.^ The fate of Clement VII., in which he had
shared, rose before his eyes in vivid colours; after losing
Piacenza, he observed, he had no vv^ish to lose Rome also.^
Measures of security were ordered to be taken without
delay. While in Rome troops were collected together
under pretext of danger from the side of the Colonna,
secret negotiations were entered into with the ambassadors
of Venice and France.^ Henry II., on hearing the news
of Pier Luigi's murder, had at once held out hopes of
assistance to the Pope.* Du Mortier, hitherto French
ambassador in Rome, was recalled and replaced by
Frangois de Rohan.^ In the last week of October came
also Charles de Guise, appointed Cardinal on the 27th of
July, ostensibly to receive the red hat,^ but really in order
ambassador in Venice, with the obviously incorrect date, Sept. 17.
We are indebted to Friedensburg for further information by his publica-
tion of Mendoza's Spanish report of Oct. 16 in the Nuntiaturberichte,
X., 579 seq.
1 "Who," observes Bezold pertinently (p. 803), "could any longer
feel safe in the presence of a power which could stoop to employ such
means?"
2 See Mendoza's letter of Sept. 20, 1547, in the Nuntiaturberichte,
X., 570.
3 Cf. DoLLiNGER, I., 113, 116 seq., 119 seq., 121, 124, 126, 129;
Nuntiaturberichte, X., 570, 572, 574.
* See Dandino's *letter to Cardinal Farnese, dat. Fontainebleau, 1547,
Sept. 17 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
^ His instructions (without date) in Ribier, II., 39 seq. The
*Acta consist, cancell. give Oct. 6, 1547, as the date of the consistory
in which Rohan was received to do homage for Henry II. (Consistorial
Archives of the Vatican) ; see the *declaration of obedience in Var.
Polit, 46, f. 157b seq. (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
^ The hat was given at last on Oct. 24, 1547 (see Acta consist.
cancel!., Consistorial Archives of the Vatican).
384 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
to negotiate about an alliance by means of which Paul
III. hoped to be backed up by France.^
Guise, an ardent French partisan, once more set before the
Pope in glowing colours the shamelessness of the Emperor's
conduct: the murder of Pier Luigi by hired bravos, the
forcible occupation of a city which Charles himself had
bestowed on the Holy See in requital for the help given
to him by Papal forces to conquer the Duchy of Milan,
and finally, the refusah to restore it to the legitimate
successor of the murdered prince and his own son-in-law,
who had served him in the war with the happiest success.
All the pent-up anger of the Pope, which in Mendoza's
presence he had wisely curbed, now broke out afresh. All
that he had done for the Emperor, especially by his parti-
cipation in the Schmalkaldic war, he now rued bitterly.
He could forgive his predecessors Leo X. and Clement
Vn. for the favours shown to them by Charles V., but not
himself. From henceforth he was determined to renew
in perpetuity the alliance with France which, as the
course of history proved, had always been advantageous
to the Holy See. He hoped that he might live long
enough to see his friendship with the French King set
upon a firm basis, his own family bound to him by
indissoluble ties, and he himself an agent in raising Henry
n. to be one of the most powerful princes in the world.^
The danger from the Emperor's side seemed so great to
Paul HI. that he forgot everything else. The warlike pre-
parations which Charles V. was making in Germany and Italy
caused alarm in Rome lest he should carry out the acjvice^
* For Guise's negotiations, see RiBiER, II., 71 seq. ; DE Leva. IV.,
376 ; Nuntiaturberichte, X., 168, n. i.
2 See Guise's report of Oct. 31, 1547, in RiBlER, II, 74, 75.
^ For the period of Clement VII., see our statements in Vol. IX.
of this work, 453 seqq. During that of Paul III., Charles's chief
RUMOURS OF AN ATTACK ON ROME. 385
SO often given him by his statesmen and the enemies of
the Farnesi and invade the Papal States, already wedged
in on the north and south, and confine the Pope within the
limits of his ecclesiastical office. Rumours were already
afloat of an armed expedition against Rome like that
led in 1527 by Frundsberg and Bourbon.^ No proof
was forthcoming that Charles had formed any such plan,
but, on the other hand, it is certain that Ferrante Gonzaga,
in anticipation of a conjunction between France and the
Pope, had made proposals of a similar kind. Gonzaga
himself wished to seize Parma, Cosimo de' Medici, with
the help of Rodolfo Baglioni, was to operate against
Perugia, while Ascanio Colonna attacked Rome on the
south.2
Against such a danger Paul III. thought of securing
himself by a defensive alliance with France, Venice,
Urbino, and Switzerland. This combination was to form
" the door for offensive operations,"^ and to free Italy from
the Spanish yoke.* The Pope in his alarm looked on all
sides for support : he even appealed to his mortal enemy
Cosimo de' Medici,^ and naturally appealed in vain. Far-
reaching schemes were concocted. In Italy, Milan, Genoa,
counsellors were Cardinal Accolti {ca. 1542; see Desjardins, III.,
25 seq\ Mendoza, 1543 (de Leva, IV., 479, n. 4), and Burlamachi
(see ibid., 234, n. 3; Cantu, Eretici, II., 476).
1 C/ Henne, VIII., 315 ; BROSCHin theMitteil. des osterr. Instituts,
XXIII., 144. For Charles V.'s ascendency in Italy, see Fiedler,
Relationen, 58 seq., 65 seq.
2 See Gonzaga's letters of Nov. 4 and 7, 1547, in Maurenbrecher,
164.
3 Cf. RiBiER, II., 75 seq., 81 ; Brosch, loc. cit. For the slender
relationships between Paul III. and the Swiss, see Archiv fiir schweiz.
Gesch., XIII., 272 seq., and WiRZ, Filonardi, 98 seq,
* Cf. Campana, 417.
• See Lupo Gentile, 121.
VOL. XIL 25
386 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
and Naples were to be wrested from the Emperor; for
the undertaking against Naples the assistance of the
numerous refugees was counted upon before all else, and
even the services of the ruler of Algiers and of the Sultan
were taken into calculation.^
With regard to Genoa, Spinola negotiated with Cardinals
du Bellay and Guise ; Giulio Cibo, who had been already
implicated in the Fiesco conspiracy, came at this time to
Rome.2 As the secret of both plots was divulged, it
may well be surmised that they were only intended to
intimidate the Emperor.^ Besides, the Pope, despite his
great indignation, was far from intending to fling himself
there and then into the arms of the French King. Only
when Venice also entered into the compact would Paul III.
bind himself to the league with France.* Henry II., on
his side, had many considerations to bring forward against
the draft of the Franco- Papal treaty, which Cardinal Guise
had transmitted to him on the lOth of November 1547.^
On neither side was a conclusion arrived at ; for the time
being everything was in suspense.
In the meantime Charles V., surrounded by Spanish
and Italian troops, had opened at Augsburg on the ist of
September 1547 the Diet to which the epithet "armed"
was given. All the seven Electors and almost all the
temporal and ecclesiastical princes were present, and the
1 See RIBIER, II., 81 ; Druffel, Beitrage, I., 81 ; Nuntiatur-
berichte, X., 571, 575. In the beginning of 1548 Paul III. even put
out diplomatic approaches to the Sultan ; but nothing more is known
(see BrOSCH, loc. cit, 146 seq.).
2 See Druffel, Beitrage, I., 73, 74 ; cj. Atti d. Soc. Ligur., VIII.,
Docum., 136; F. MUSETTINI, Ricciarda Malaspina e Giulio Cib6,
Modena, 1864 ; DE Leva, IV., 379 seq.
3 DE Leva, IV., 382.
* Cf. Campana, 411.
^ See Druffel, Beitrage, I., 80, 84 seq., 86.
THE SITUATION IN GERMANY. 387
Venetian envoy observed with astonishment the "un-
bounded reverence " displayed towards the Emperor.^
To those who looked only on the surface, Charles
certainly appeared to stand on the pinnacle of his
authority, but he did not fail to perceive that a com-
plete subjection of the Protestant Estates as a whole
was out of the question. The northern portions of the
Empire were as good as untouched by the events which
had just come to pass ; but in the rest of Germany also
the situation seemed so difficult that the Emperor felt
that he had not the means in his possession to carry
out his wishes by force. ^ The circumstance that the
Emperor had already been confronted by a confederation
of numerous Protestant Estates was charged with weighty
consequences.
In securing the neutrality of Duke Maurice of Saxony,
concessions, on matters of religion, contrary to the stipula-
tions of the treaty concluded with the Pope, had been
made which flung over the authority of the Tridentine
Council. In renewed violation of the above-mentioned
agreement, Charles, in his treaties with the conquered
Estates, had not made recognition of the Council one of
his conditions, but only submission to the ordinanx:es of
the Diet. To the Estates he had given the express
* Fiedler, Relationen, 146.
2 Wolf, Interim, 44. As to the possibility of restoring the Church
throughout the Empire by force, contemporary opinion was already
divided. Among modern historians also the most opposite views are
still held on this point. K. A. Menzel(III., 282) is of opinion that
forcible measures on behalf of the ancient Church would, humanly
speaking, have brought about the same results in Germany that
Ferdinand I. had achieved in Bohemia and Austria. Maurenbrecher
(p. 175) goes further, but overlooks entirely the hindrances which lay
in the dissatisfaction of Bavaria and in the separate treaties which
Charles entered into with the Protestant States.
388 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
assurance that they would be permitted to continue in
their reh'gion as before, and that no compulsory change
would be forced upon them.^ If, therefore, there were
expectations among many that the victor in the Schmal-
kaldic war would take vigorous measures for the restoration
of the Catholic Church in Germany, the fact was over-
looked that the victor himself had already barred the way
to any decisive policy of this sort.
The situation was still further complicated by the
quarrel with the Pope over the Council, in regard to
which the Emperor remained stubborn in his autocratic
demand that the Fathers at Bologna should return with-
out delay to Trent. Paul III. was ready to accede to
this if the Emperor would give him assurances of the
submission of the Protestants of Germany to the decrees
of the Synod. Amid the great difficulties with which
he was confronted, Charles V., looking upon the Council
as if it were an Imperial Diet, seems to have contem-
plated the possibility of a re-discussion and re-statement
of the dogmatic decisions already registered.^ He com-
pletely failed to see that this was beyond the power
of any Pope to allow ; in theological matters Charles
was somewhat at sea, and was also strongly biassed by
his political advisers, who from the religious point of
view were to some extent in favour of very questionable
opinions.
The critical nature of the situation explains the very
moderate attitude taken by Charles at the beginning of the
Diet of Augsburg. The proposition which he laid before
the Estates on the ist of September 1547 reaffirmed, "as
if there had been neither war nor victory," in relation to
ecclesiastical as well as secular affairs, the utterances of
' See supra, p. 327.
• Cf, Ranke, Deutsche Geschichte, V., 6th ed., 3, 5 seq.
THE DIET AT AUGSBURG. 389
previous Diets.^ The afifairs of religion were handled with
striking brevity. Since the disruption in Germany, so ran
the message, has been the root and chief cause of all the
disturbance in the Empire, and without its removal no
restoration of peace was possible and to attain this object
the Council in Trent had been summoned, the first and
principal subject of deliberation must be how to effect an
agreement and, pending the success of such efforts, how
to deal with questions of religion ; it would be the business
of the Estates to submit proposals on this subject.
No doubt could exist as to the object Charles V. had
in view. He was as determined as ever to carry out his
wishes in the matter of the Council, in spite of the Pope
and the Fathers in Bologna. He was bent on exercising
pressure on the latter to transfer the Synod once more
to Trent through the initiative of the Diet, and in the
case of this form of intimidation failing, to cover his
retreat by an arbitrary interim regulation of religion
carried by the unanimous vote of the Diet.^ He had
taken steps preparatory to such an interim in August,
before the opening of the assembly.^ This finely devised
plan was frustrated by the refusal of the ecclesiastical
princes to give an expression of opinion before Charles
had expounded his intentions more clearly. The secular
Electors also of the Palatinate, Saxony and Brandenburg,
while disclaiming any intention of anticipating his
Majesty, begged, all the same, that a "general, free
» See Janssen-Pastor, III., i8th ed., 675. As many of the Pro-
testant princes objected to a "Papist" as President of the Diet,
Charles V. conferred this position not on Cardinal Truchsess but on
the Archduke Maximilian (see Venet. Depeschen., II., 336).
2 Wolf, Interim, 48.
3 Referred to by FriedensbURG in Archiv fiir Ref.-Gesch., IV.,
213 seq.
390 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Christian council should be held at Trent or elsewhere
in Germany" for the removal of erroneous doctrines and
abuses, to the decisions of which Paul III. must submit.
At this "free" council all bishops would have to abjure
their oath to the Pope, a decisive vote be given to the
Protestants, and the decrees already formulated at Trent
be " reassumed," i.e. re-opened for discussion ! Even the
College of princes, prelates, and counts, in which there
was a Catholic majority, demanded this " reassumption,"
a proceeding in direct contradiction to the principles of
the Church. The Estates of the Empire declared that
the best way to remove the religious dissensions would
be to summon a new religious conference or a national
council in which God-fearing persons of all stations in
life should have a voice in the decisions ! Regarding the
Council of Trent, the Estates expressed their conviction
that the Emperor would not take any steps towards its
continuance, since that Synod " prematurely, without
impartial hearing of the cause, had drawn up a medley
of confessions and anathemas of doctrine on the most
important articles under dispute, and from it nothing was
to be looked for but trouble and injustice."*
Opinions being thus divided, the Emperor interposed
with a resolution of a very peculiar kind. In this docu-
ment, dated the i8th of October,^ he declared, with a
strange ignoring of contrary opinions, that he understood
from the answer of the Estates, " in which he graciously
1 Sastrow, II., 142 seq. ; cf. Menzel, III., 225 seq. ; Wolf, 49 seq.
* Sastrow, II., 151 seq.-, Bucholtz, VI., 203; Beutel, 22 seq.
Wolf (p. 51) remarks : "The idea of the Emperor was this, to obtain
from the Protestants a declaration that they were ready to attend a
council in a German city and to execute its decrees. Thereupon
Charles, with this important concession in his hand, would, as executor
of the proposals of the Estates, demand the reassembly of the Council
at Trent." Cf. also Pallavicini, 1. 10, c. 6, n. 4.
THE IMPERIAL RESOLUTION. 39I
acquiesced, that the discussion on disputed points of religion
by the General Christian Council appointed to be held and
duly opened at Trent, should there be continued," and he
''undertook that they would submit themselves to such
a General Council and obediently await and accept its
determinations for themselves and their successors, and
thus in that place follow the footsteps of the Holy Fathers
and ancients who in matters of religion had ever had
recourse to holy councils of the Church." The Emperor
went on to invite the co-operation of his subjects, especially
those of the lower orders, to help as far as possible in
supporting the Council in its continuance at Trent so that
the deliberations might run their course the sooner and
with greater dignity. He also called upon all Christian
potentates and nationalities, and especially the German
archbishops, bishops, and prelates, to be present personally
or by representatives, giving also an assurance that the
upholders of the Augsburg Confession might appear also,
with safe-conducts there and back and the right to be
heard if necessary. All the transactions and decrees of
the Synod should be godly and Christian, all party spirit
set aside, all discussions and decisions regulated by Holy
Scripture and patristic teaching, and also a serviceable
and Christian reform established in matters ecclesiastical
and secular and all erroneous teaching and abuses duly
abolished. The prayer of the Estates that means should
be contrived whereby, until the General Council gave its
decisions, they might live on good terms one with another,
the Emperor was willing to consider.
Regardless of the objection of Sfrondato, the repre-
sentative of the Pope, of whom not a single mention ^
' Sfondrato at once complained, when Granvelle on October 18 sub-
mitted to him the Imperial resolution, that the promise of the reassembly
at Trent was arbitrary, and dwelt especially on the absence of any
392 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
had been made in the Emperor's document, the latter
endeavoured to induce the Estates, by acceptance of this
vague resolution, to entrust to him " the sole management
of the affairs of the Council." He succeeded with the
Electors and princes, although they only pledged them-
selves thereby to a council which was to be held at once.
The representatives of the towns withstood stubbornly all
the endeavours of the Emperor's counsellors. Called before
Charles V., they declared that it was not their province
to overrule and improve on the opinion of the princes.
At the same time they presented a declaration, which had
been prepared some time before, demanding a free general
Christian council not subject to Papal authority or a
national council. The Emperor conveyed to them in reply
that it was most acceptable to him that, following the
example set by the higher Estates, they placed themselves
entirely in his bands and were of the same mind as the rest !
mention of the Pope and of the Holy See. In reply he was told that
the latter had been intentional in order to obviate difficulties from the
Protestant side, and that even with this omission the authority of the
Holy See was safeguarded by the express condition " according to the
teaching of Scripture and of the Fathers." When Sfondrato further
called attention to the lack of any definite pledge with regard to the
restitution of Church property, he was silenced by the assurance that
that lay within the intention of the Emperor but that it was impossible
to do everything at once. Sfondrato finally pointed out the difficulties
that might arise from the expression that the Council was in the first
instance to be held at Trent. Granvelle was of opinion that no further
alteration could be made, as the matter was now fully settled (see
Sfondrato's letter of 21st October 1547 in the Nuntiaturberichte, X.,
154 seq.\ cf. Pallavicini, 1. 10, c. 6, n. 4, who here cites another letter
from Sfondrato of 17th November 1547, belonging to this period, but
no longer forthcoming). In the words "according to the teaching of
Scripture and of the Fathers," Bucholtz (VI., 205) sees "the funda-
mental preservation of the Papal rights if they are understood in the
sense given them by the Church." Yes, if 1
THE CONCILIAR QUESTION. 393
In this way an entirely different meaning was given to
the declaration of the towns, for in reality they were not
in agreement with the higher Estates at all. They only
did not like to animadvert openly on their opinions of the
latter in the presence of the Emperor. In order that this
ambiguous behaviour might not be used against them in
the future, they had set forth their true sentiments in the
declaration before mentioned to which afterwards under all
circumstances they could appeal.^
If the Emperor was satisfied with a "personal manage-
ment " of the Council fenced about with provisions in this
way, he was deceiving himself; for it was clear that the
Protestants had never intended really to submit to the
conciliar decrees, and that the towns made downright
demands for a Council without the Pope, and such an one
as should not be a continuation of the Synod of Trent.^
In no case was he justified in allowing Cardinal Madruzzo
to declare to the Pope that the Electors, the ecclesiastical
and temporal princes, as well as the towns, had submitted
' Cf. Haberlin, I., 263, who remarks correctly that in the case
under discussion one party wanted to circumvent the other (see also
Beutel, 24 seq. ; WOLF, 52). One of the Nuremberg delegates at
the Diet told Mocenigo in September that he did not understand how
the Council could be general and free when the Pope granted a vote
to prelates only and demanded from the Germans a recognition of the
decrees hitherto passed in the Council without the concurrence of that
nation (Venet. Depeschen., II., 340). Many towns did not agree with
the negative attitude of their representatives. Thus the Council of
Frankfort wrote on 3rd November 1547 to their envoy O. von Melem
that they could not understand why their honourable city should
repose so little confidence in the Emperor and thus act separately
from the other Estates, and held strongly that since the Electors and
princes had entrusted the matters of religion to the personal manage-
ment of the Emperor, the towns should act in like manner (Reichstags-
akten, LX., 44 ; State Archives, Frankfort).
* Maurenbrecher'S opinion (Karl V., 1 76)
394 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
themselves unconditionally to the Council assigned to
Trent and there opened, and that on these grounds the
Fathers assembled at Bologna ought to return to the
former place.^ In order to give more force to a state-
ment founded on an untruth the Emperor had already,
without letting the Legates know, induced the German
bishops, in a letter to the Pope, to describe in the most
glowing colours the dangers and disadvantages arising
to the Church from the translation of the Council to
Bologna, and to demand the return of the Fathers of
Bologna to Trent,^
Every means was to be used to browbeat the Pope into
subjection to the Emperor's will. The despatch of the
letter from the German episcopate, as well as Madruzzo's
mission, was a continuation of the policy of terrorism which
the murder of Pier Luigi had introduced.
Cardinal Madruzzo at a critical moment in the year
1546 had played the part of go-between for the Emperor
with the Pope.^ At the same time it was difficult to
understand how, on this occasion, he could allow himself
to be made use of for services which were doomed before-
hand to hopeless failure. The instructions given him were
contrary to fact when they spoke of unconditional sub-
mission on the part of all the Estates to the Tridentine
Council, and made this a reason that the Emperor should
demand a speedy return of the Council to Trent, and that
too under threats of a protest if the Pope were to refuse
his consent.
Sfondrato was right in his immediate surmise that by
1 See Madruzzo's instructions of Nov. 10, 1547, in Nuntiaturberichte,
X., 441 seqq.
2 The letter dated Sept. 14, 1547, in Raynaldus, 1547, n. 84 {cf,
Nuntiaturberichte, X., 119 ; Venet. Depeschen, II., 351 seq).
* Cf. sufra^ pp. 287, 290 seg.
MISSION OF MADRUZZO TO THE POPE. 395
the demand for a retranslation of the Council nothing else
was intended than to put the Pope in the wrong in case of
his refusal, and thereby to lead up to an independent course
of action in religious affairs. The Legate, on hearing of
Madruzzo's mission, insisted that the latter should also have
the fullest instructions with regard to the incident of
Piacenza. The Imperialists would not at first consent to
this, and only with difficulty was permission obtained that
Madruzzo might bring the matter up for general discussion
in Rome.^
Madruzzo left Augsburg on the 6th of November 1547.
His instructions were sent after him a few days later by
special courier. In this document the Emperor begged that,
besides complying with his principal request, the reopening
of the Council in Trent, the Pope would send officials with
full powers to set in order temporarily the religious affairs of
Germany ; concerning the Papal election, the tranquillizing
assurance was given that this, even during the assembly of
the Council, would be vested in the Sacred College alone.^
On November the 23rd Madruzzo entered Rome, having
been met by Mendoza, who had gone forward to accompany
him and in accordance with the Emperor's wishes was to
take part in the negotiations.^ Madruzzo alighted at the
Vatican, and on the following day was received in private
audience. He knew well how deeply offended Paul III.
had been by the Emperor's behaviour in the matter of
Piacenza, and therefore dealt first of all with this subject
only, on which certainly he was not able to bring forward
much of importance. In an audience in which Farnese
and Mendoza took part, on the 25th of November, Madruzzo
* Nuntiaturberichte, X., 178 seqq., 190.
* See Nuntiaturberichte, X., 441 seqq.
' See Charles V.'s letter of Nov. 10, 1547, in Maurenbrecher.
124* seqq.
396 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
stated his case as regards the Council, and presented a
copy of his instructions. Their phraseology deceived no
one, and it was at once recognized that they only dealt
with the submission of the Protestants to the first Council
that should be held. Nevertheless, no hurried steps were
taken ; the Pope deferred his answer, as the opinion of the
Cardinals had first to be taken,^
Paul III. had already, on the 6th of November, called
Cardinal Cervini to Rome.^ Opinions were also asked from
Sfondrato, del Monte, and the deputation of Cardinals
for the Council. Sfondrato drew a vivid picture of the
dangers, but dared not offer any advice. Cardinal del
Monte was of opinion that the Emperor was trying to
find a means of inculpating the Pope and Cardinals for
waste of time, and of then assembling a Council himself.
As the Tridentine Synod had removed its seat of its own
accord to another place, it was not within the Emperor's
competency to transfer it again at his fancy to another
city without the approval of the Pope and the rest of the
Christian princes. It was impossible, only to please the
Protestants, because they demanded a Council in Trent,
to do such a thing against the wish of the Fathers and
against the wishes of a great number of Catholic princes.
In addition Trent had at an earlier period been thought
dangerous as a seat for the Council, and this was now still
more the case since the events at Piacenza. From dislike
of a suspension del Monte advised that the Council should
carry out its work in Bologna. Still stronger, he thought,
would the Pope's position be against the Emperor if the
sittings were removed to Rome. The deputation of
Cardinals, in consequence of the deaths of Sadoleto and
* Cf. Farnese's letter in the Nuntiaturberichte, X., 211, 212, 214 n.
* Cervini left Bologna on Nov. 10 (see Massirelli, Diarium, IV.,
ed. Merkle, I., 717 segq.).
PROPOSED COMPROMISE. 397
Badia and the absence of Sfondrato and Morone, now
consisted only of Guidiccioni, Crescenzi, and Pole, and were
at first unable to agree. The strict Guidiccioni was in
favour of the continuance of the Council in Bologna,
while his two colleagues preferred a suspension. At last
they drew up together a memorial recommending, with
regard to the despatch of a plenipotentiary to the Pope,
that the opinion of the Fathers at Bologna should be taken
on the question of the Council and afterwards a final
decision given.^
The Pope approved of this compromise. On the 9th
of December 1547 he let Madruzzo be informed of it in
consistory, but at his request no resolution was come to
until Mendoza had been heard. The latter allowed It
to transpire that he would deliver a protest against the
continuance of the Council in Bologna. In reality,
however, he confined himself to a demand made in con-
sistory on the 14th of December, in forcible but very
courteous tones, that the Synod should forthwith without
delay return to Trent. He was informed that in the next
consistory a reply would be communicated to him. After
Mendoza and the other envoys had left the consistory
it was decided that the matter should be laid before the
Fathers of Bologna, which was done in a brief of the i6th
of December.^ Madruzzo now despaired of any success
for his mission, and avoided the conflict between his
* Cf. Pallavicini, 1. 10, c. 6-8 ; Le Plat, III., 662 seq. ; Beutel,
31 seq. ; Nuntiaturberichte, X., 212, n. 2. The memorial also insisted
that Charles V. had obtained from the Protestants a promise of sub-
mission only to a Council to be held {celebrando) at Trent.
* See Farnese's letter in the Nuntiaturberichte, X., 212, 213; cj.
RaynaldUS, 1547, n. 90; here (n. 91) is also the brief of Dec. 16,
which, according to Massarelli (Diarium IV,, ed. Merkle, I., 727),
reached Bologna two days later (see also Pallavicini, 1. 10, c. 8).
398 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
position as Cardinal and that as representative of the
Emperor by a hurried departure from Rome.^
In consequence the answer of the Council, to which
Paul III. had left the decision, bearing date of the 20th of
December, was presented to Mendoza in consistory on the
27th of the same month. In this document, drawn up in
accordance with del Monte's proposals, the Fathers at
Bologna expressed their readiness to return to Trent if this
could be done without general prejudice to the interests
of Christendom. As a preliminary step to this it would
first be necessary for those who had remained behind in
disobedience in Trent to attend the legitimately constituted
Council as a mark of their recognition, as was due, other-
wise an evil precedent would be created. In the second
place, since the submission of the German nation was
promised only to a Council which was still to be held in
Trent, it must previously be established beyond possibility
of mistake that the decrees on doctrine hitherto published
in accordance with Catholic teaching shall be recognized
* He reached Trent by Dec. 23 ; he was expected at Augsburg on
the Epiphany (see Sfondrato's letter in the Nuntiaturberichte, X.,
220). The Bishop of Fano, P. Bertano, *wrote on Dec. 15, 1547,
from Rome to the Duke of Camerino : "Parte questa mattina il s.
Cardinale di Trento maHssimo sodisfatto et in grandissima rotta con
costoro" (State Archives, Florence, Urb., 125, f. 204); ibid.^ 108,
f. 703, a *letter of the Duke of Urbino to his mother, dat. Pesaro,
Dec. 21, 1547, on Madruzzo's visit (hieri et questa notte) : "Dice che
se ne torna con la guerra in pugno et che gh duole la ruvina d' Italia,
la quale ha protestato et protesta per tutto et che senza dubbio fra
quattro mesi al piu lungo saranno in Italia cento mila fanti et venta
mila cavalli Thodeschi, i quali non potevano havere la miglior nova
di questa et che ogni cosa andark a ferro e a fuoco, di che Dio per
sua bonta tolga loro el potere in tutto et per tutto. Dice che la lega
fra el papa e il re di Francia h al credere suo gia conclusa et che in
ogni caso crede, che non vi sia piu disegno di accordo ; parte tanto
mal satisfatto in ogni cosa, che non si potria aggiongervi."
REPLY OF THE FATHERS AT BOLOGNA. 399
as immutable and not under any pretext whatever liable
to fresh examination. In the third place, since a Council
has been spoken of consisting of members drawn from all
conditions of men, an assurance must be given that no new
form of conciliar discussion is intended. Not less necessary
is it, in the fourth place, that on the return of the Council
to Trent both the whole assembly in general and each
individual member thereof in particular shall have perfect
freedom to remain at or to depart from that place. Fifthly
and finally, the right of the majority of the Fathers to
decide upon the translation and termination of the Council
must be recognized.^
The conditions laid down by the Council touched the
core of the matter and made the situation clear. Even the
Emperor could not fail to see that the " personal manage-
ment" of conciliar affairs did not signify that unconditional
submission to the Tridentine Council, so successfully begun,
which he had ordered Madruzzo to offer ; on the contrary,
no one knew better than he that the Protestants had only
been driven by the superiority of his armed power to
consent to the " personal management" of this matter, and
that under the general term of a free Christian Council the
Protestants meant nothing else than what they had always
declared before. In the same way he must also have been
well aware that they had not the slightest intention of recog-
1 See Raynaldus, 1547, n. 94, 95 ; cf. Massarelli, Diarium IV., ed.
Merkle, IV., 727 seq. ; Pallavicini, I. 10, c. 9, 10. By a brief of
Jan. I, 1548, the ecclesiastical Estates of the Empire were also at last
given an answer to their representations of Sept. 14, 1547 (see
Raynaldus, 1548, n. 4-5 ; Nuntiaturberichte, X., 226 n. i). Farnese
again impressed strongly on Sfondrato on Jan. 10, 1548, that there must
be no room left for doubt that, unless the conditions, formulated by the
Council and acknowledged by Charles himself to be justified, were
carried out, there could be no further question of the return of the
Synod to Trent (Nuntiaturberichte, X., 226 seq.).
400 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
nizing the conciliar decrees already published on the Holy
Scriptures, original sin, justification, and the Sacraments,
whence it was that in their declarations they always spoke
of a council to be held at Trent but not of the Council
which had been in session there already. The removal of
all these dangerous ambiguities was the more unpleasant
to the Emperor since thereby the whole artificial fabric of
his "personal management" of the Council by means of
all Estates of the Empire fell tumbling to the ground ; but
on this his demand for the retranslation of the Synod to
Trent had been based ; since, moreover, the answer of the
Council made it clear that, in the case of their suspicions
not being removed within a suitable lapse of time, they
would proceed with their deliberations, Charles V. felt
that he must no longer delay the adoption of counter-
measures. The dread of a schism would deter Pope and
Council from proceedings such as would, he feared, prove
the destruction of all his plans.^
Not for a moment did Charles accept the first of the
conditions laid down by the Fathers at Bologna : that the
Spanish prelates who had stayed behind in Trent must
again unite with those in Bologna before the Council
transferred its seat.^ In everything must the Pope and
Council bend before his will. The protestation, that appeal
to terror, which hitherto he had only used as a threat, he
now brought into immediate execution.^ For this purpose
he chose the most solemn form which he could find. Two of
his officials, the attorney, Francesco Vargas, and the doctor
of canon law, Velasco, who since the beginning of November
1 547 had secretly held themselves in readiness in Bologna
» See Pallavicini, 1. lo, c. ii.
* This first condition, in BUCHOLTZ'S opinion (VI., 2io), might have
been complied with undoubtedly by the Emperor.
• Cf. Venet. Depeschen, II., 379 seq. ; Nuntiaturberichte, X., 627.
THE IMPERIAL AGENTS AT THE COUNCIL. 4OI
for any emergency, appeared on the i6th of January
1548 in the general congregation of the Council, then
engaged in discussing abuses of the Sacrament of penance,
and demanded a hearing.^ This was granted, as was also
the attendance of the notary and witnesses of the two
Imperial procurators. In the plenary instructions which
were shown to the notary of the Council it said that the
Emperor, in the service of religion and in the interests of
the Church, found himself under the necessity of protesting
against certain persons who usurped the title of Apostolic
Legates and against a convention in Bologna styling
itself a Council. The Council met this attack by a
declaration read aloud by the notary Claudio della Casa
and repeated later on. In this counter-protestation the
Council affirmed : Although the congregation sitting under
the presidency of the Cardinal-Legate del Monte was
under no obligation to hear procurators who had been sent
to the Council as to an illegal convention, yet they
would grant a hearing in order that it might not be said
that it was not open to every man to present his case ;
against all consequences of this permission granted to the
procurators the Council would protect itself. By this
declaration the audience of the Emperor's agents " was
reduced to an almost insignificant act of courtesy and
etiquette due to the Imperial Majesty." ^
Vargas in a distinct and audible voice then delivered an
address in which, with avoidance of the prescribed titles
'■ The text of the Bolognese protest of the Emperor in Raynaldus,
1548, n. 6 seg. ; cf. Massarelli, Diarium IV., ed. Merkle, I., 736 ; the
letters addressed to Farnese by the Cardinal-Legate del Monte and
the Archbishop Giov. Michele of Acerenza-Matera of Jan. 17, 1548,
in the Nuntiaturberichte, X., 451 seq., 453 seq. ; see also Pallavicini,
1. 10, c. II.
2 See Beutel, Interim, 37.
VOL. XIL 26
402 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of the conciliar Fathers, he admonished the assembled
bishops to take heed to that which he was about to
announce in exact conformity with his Majesty's orders,
and by their return to Trent to escape the inevitable ruin.
As Vargas had begun with the words, " We are here as
legally appointed plenipotentiaries of our Lord the Roman
Emperor," so del Monte opened his reply by saying : " I
also am here as Legate of the true and undoubted Pope
Paul, the successor of St. Peter and Vicar of our Lord and
Redeemer Jesus Christ. Here also are the Fathers of the
General Council legally translated from Trent. We all
beg the Emperor to change his mind, for on the troublers
of a General Assembly of the Church, whatever position
they may occupy, fall the heaviest penalties. Come what
may, we shall not surrender the dignity of the Church and
of the Council."
Vargas hereupon presented the original Imperial man-
date, dated Augsburg, August the 22nd, 1547, in protest to
the secretary of the Council, Angelo MassarelH, who read
the document aloud, whereat the promotor of the Council,
Ercole Severoli, and Cardinal del Monte repeated their
protest already mentioned. Vargas then recited the
Emperor's long-winded protest. The incidents of an
earlier date were enumerated in a very one-sided manner;
the translation to Bologna was attacked as having taken
place illegally at the instigation of a few prelates without
leave being asked of Pope, Emperor, or princes, and the
return to Trent demanded, the latter on the false ground
that all Estates of the Empire had promised unconditional
submission to the Council summoned to Trent. The
answer made by the Fathers of Bologna to the Pope was
described as ambiguous and treacherous and the right of
their assembly to prescribe laws for Christian people on
matters of faith and of reform disputed: still, most of the
REJOINDER OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE COUNCIL. 403
bishops present in Bologna were dependent upon the
Pope's nod. This document, the tone of which towards
the close increased in harshness, wound up with the
significant declaration : " We declare aloud that our
Emperor is ready to encounter the storm and tempest
which he has feared and which he sees are about to break
through your guilt and negligence and that of the Pope.
The Church he will take zealously under his protection
and do all he can that befits his right and office, his
dignity and duty as Emperor and King, so far as the law
permits and it has been established and observed by the
laws, the doctrine of the Fathers, and the general consent
of men."
Foreseeing that the Imperial procurators would not
appear again to receive a written answer to their protest,
the President of the Council, Cardinal-Legate del Monte,
determined to reply at once. The violent attacks of the
Emperor had exasperated even him, yet his rejoinder,
although severe, was dignified. He solemnly called God
to witness that all the allegations of the procurators
against the honour of himself and of his colleagues and
against the validity and legality of the translation were
untrue, wherefore he refrained from producing the authen-
tic proofs. He as well as his colleagues were true and
legitimate Legates of the Holy See. The Emperor was
the son, and not the lord and master of the Church. He
as well as the Fathers of the Synod would rather suffer
death than allow the temporal power to oppress the
Church and rob her of her freedom.
The agitating proceedings which the Imperial procurators
had brought about in this theatrical manner lasted from a
quarter past two to a quarter past eight in the evening.
The unruffled composure and firmness displayed by
Cardinal del Monte on this occasion received the highest
404 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
tribute of recognition even from his enemies,^ The same
determination, however, was not shown by the majority of
the Fathers. They inferred that the Emperor had been
ill-informed because no mention had been made of the
conditions on which the return to Trent depended.^ The
written reply therefore finally took the form of a very
mild protest. When it was taken for delivery to the
procurators they had already left.^ Morone expressed
his horror at the consequences which a breach between
the Emperor and Pope must entail. Yet he had confidence
that the Emperor was too wise and too high-minded to
conjure up a strife the end of which no man could foresee.*
Cardinal Cervini, who had returned to Bologna on the 23rd
of January 1 548, spoke in favour of a suspension, as Morone
did on the 26th of January. In agreement with him was
del Monte, who considered suspension to be the lesser evil.
At the same time they sent proposals as to the answer to
be made to the protest which Mendoza had lodged at
Rome.5
In vain did well-intentioned Cardinals in Rome try to
prevent a repetition of the scene enacted in Bologna ; in
vain the Pope attempted, to put off Mendoza's audience,
but the latter would not draw back. On the 23rd of
January 1 548, in a consistory before the Pope, Cardinals,
and envoys, he declared ecclesiastical war in terms similar
to those of the protest made at Bologna, subject to some
necessary alterations. Notwithstanding all the accusa-
* See Beutel, Interim, 38.
* See in Appendix No. 35 Morone's letter of Jan. 23, 1548 (Vice-
regal Archives, Innsbruck).
' See Pallavicini, 1, 10, c. 11.
■' See in Appendix No. 35 Morone's letter as above (Viceregal
Archives, Innsbruck),
* See letter from the conciliar Legates to Cardina Farncso in
Nuntiaturbei'ichte, X., 455 seq.
PROPOSALS ABOUT THE COUNCIL. 405
tions here raised against him, the sagacious Pope had
sufficient self-mastery to abstain from an immediate
reply. He wished to give an answer which should be
the outcome of mature consideration, and invited Mendoza
to attend a consistory on the ist of February to receive
his message.^
In the meantime, the proposals of the Legates at Bologna
arrived. They advised, together with the suspension of the
Council, the assumption by the Pope of the function of
judge in the matter of the removal to Trent.^ In private
consultation with Mendoza the proposal was also made that,
instead of the transference of the Council, three Cardinal-
Legates should be sent to Germany to arrange a temporary
settlement of religious affairs. The Emperor's ambassador,
in an audience of the Pope on the 2Sth of January, in
which he made most violent reproaches, rejected this plan
with the remark, " The Council first, the Legates after-
wards." *
* See Raynaldus, 1548, n. 18 seq. ; Nuntiaturberichte, X., 242, n.
I ; here (p. 628 seq.) additions to Mendoza's letter of Feb. 2, only
incompletely given by Dollinger in Beitrage, L, 134 seqq. See also
Vincenzo Parenzi's **letter, dat. Rome, Jan. 23, 1548 (State Archives,
Lucca) ; D. Lasso's report of Jan. 28, 1548, in DRUFFEL, Beitrage, L,
91 seq. ; Pallavicini, 1. 10, c. 12 ; cf. also Bromato, IL, 140 seq.,
and especially Campana, 432. The Imperial protest was at once
circulated in print : Allegatione o vero Pro || testa fatta per 1' illustriss. S.
Don Diego || di Mendoza, Ambasciatore della Cesa || rea Maesta alia
S. di N. S. Pap II a Pauolo III. sopra le cose || appartenente al Concilio
IJ generate di Trento. With the Imperial privilege, "impresso in Milano
per Messer Gotardo da Ponte che sta appresso la Doana ne 1548 adi
3 Marzo," 10 sheets in small 4°.
2 The letter of the conciliar Legates to Cardinal Farnese of Jan. 26,
1548, with the proposals as to the reply to be made to Mendoza's
protest, in the Nuntiaturberichte, X., 455 seq., 459 ; cf. Massarelli,
Diarium IV., ed. Merkle, I., 740.
2 See Mendoza's letter of Feb. 2, 1548, cited supra, note i.
406 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The answer given to Mendoza in consistory on the ist
of February 1548 to the protest of the 23rd of January was
drawn up by Cardinal Pole with the utmost caution, tact,
and wisdom, in order to avoid, as far as possible, the
ultimate evil, a full and open rupture.^ With this object,
the offensive protestation was treated as an act of
Mendoza's in which he had exceeded his master's instruc-
tions. Accordingly, the responsibility for the document
was laid upon the ambassador, but even this in part in a
very mitigated form. The latter, the reply began, could
have no difficulty in forming an idea of the great grief
felt by the Pope on receiving the protestation, as Mendoza
himself apparently was not altogether a stranger to the
same sentiments. The Pope, besides, could not believe
that the Emperor intended to protest against the Pontiff's
own person ; his protest was lodged against the Legates as
the authors of the transference of the Council. If it was
said of the Fathers at Bologna that they were under
special obligations to the Pope, his Holiness could only say
that, apart from the relations in which he stood as Chief
Shepherd towards his flock, he acknowledged no particular
party, nor had he, during the negotiations hitherto carried
on, yet found the necessity of having any such party to
rely upon ; on the contrary, he had urged upon the Legates
as an express duty the maintenance of the freedom of the
Council. As regards the complaint made of the answer
sent in compliance with Madruzzo's proposal, the only
rejoinder possible, until these general objections were more
particularized, was that the strictest endeavour was made
to adhere to the primitive usage of the Church, and also to
the ordinances of the Emperor himself, provided the
* See Raynaldus, 1548, n. 29 seq. ; QuiRlNl, Ep. Poll, IV., 382
seq.\ Nuntiaturberichte, X., 244; Pallavicini, 1. 10, c. 13 j BeuTEL,
39 seq, ; Campana, 432 seq.
REPLY OF THE POPE TO MENDOZA. 407
following premisses were observed, that the dogmas already
established could not be submitted to further examination,
that private persons could not be accepted as judges, and
that freedom of place and persons should be guaranteed.
The answer then went on to make an important con-
cession whereby Paul III. abandoned his previous stand-
point that the Council at Bologna should decide on the
matter of translation. Since in the protestation many
reasons had been adduced to prove the invalidity and
illegality of the transfer of the Council, reasons which
equitably demanded examination, the Pope, out of love of
unity in the Church, consented to arbitrate on this question.
For this purpose four Cardinals from different nations,
namely, du Bellay, Alvarez de Toledo, Crescenzi, and
Pole, would have full powers to make inquiry into the
legality of translation ; if their verdict was adverse, then
the Pope would bring all his authority into play in order to
bring about the return to Trent. In order that in the
interval Germany might not suffer any disadvantage, his
Holiness offered to send Legates or nuncios thither who
should, for the time being, try to meet the most pressing
necessities.
This temperate as well as dignified reply of Paul III.
shows plainly he wished to keep a way of escape open to
Charles V. As an alliance with France and Venice was
not to be reckoned upon as a certainty, it seemed necessary
to temporize, however bitter the Pope's feelings were, especi-
ally at the behaviour of Charles in the affairs of Piacenza.^
1 See Friedensburg in the Nuntiaturberichte, X., xliii ; cf. WOLF,
Interim, 74 ; Campana, 423 seq. " Hora ciascuno sta in dubbio,"
*writes V. Parenzi on Feb. 3, 1548, from Rome, "di quelle sia per
seguire. Poco bene si spera, ma si tiene che 1' arme non s' habbino
da pigliar si presto." Another ^letter from the same of Feb. 5, 1548,
is very pessimistic in tone : "D. Diegho partir^ presto per Siena et
4o8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The endeavours to come to an understanding with
Mendoza were fruitless, and he left Rome on the 15th of
February.^ It was of greater importance that Paul III.,
in accordance with the opinion of the Cardinal-Legates,
resolved, in order to prevent a schism, to order a suspension
of the Council so that all synodal transactions hitherto
carried on in the congregations came to an end.^ At the
same time the preliminaries to a decision on the validity of
the transfer of the Council were set on foot. On the i6th
of February the Fathers at Bologna, and on the 25th those
at Trent, were each directed to send at least three from
their number in order that the Pope might give his
decision after hearing the arguments on both sides.^
The Emperor in a Privy Council held on February the
13th, 1 548, had confirmed Mendoza's protest. To the Pope's
conciliatory and temperate reply of the ist of February
he ordered an answer to be prepared.^ Nevertheless, he
still shrank from the extreme step. For the present he
was satisfied with the success of his policy of threats.^
The point of capital importance was that the Pope did
not reject absolutely the scheme of organizing religious
conditions in Germany on a temporary basis. On this
object the Emperor's whole mind was bent.
ii crede, avanti che parta, fark qualch' altro atto forse piu di mala
sorte che la protesta" (State Archives, Lucca).
* Pallavicini, 1. 10, c. 14 ; Nuntiaturberichte, X., 265, n. 4 ;
DrUFFEL, Beitrage, I., 100. See also V. Parenzi's **report, dat.
Rome, Feb. 18, 1548 (State Archives, Lucca).
■^ See Knopfler in Wetzer und Welte, Kirchenlex., XL, 2d. ed.,
072.
^ See Pallavicini, 1. 10, c. 14 ; Massarelli, Diarium IV., of
Feb. 25, 1548, ed. Merkle, L, 746.
* See Sfondrato's report of Feb. 18, 1548, in the Nuntiatur-
berichte, X., 253.
* See ibid.^ xliii ; Beutel, 40 ; WOLF, 74.
CHAPTER XI.
The Interim. — Last Days of Paul III. — His Death.
Cardinal Madruzzo had reported to the Diet of Augs-
burg on the 14th of January 1548 the unsuccessful results
of his negotiations in Rome. In conjunction with this
the Emperor brought forward his long-cherished plan^ of
establishing, in virtue of his supreme authority in the
Empire, with the co-operation of the Estates, a readjust-
ment of ecclesiastical conditions in Germany which,
pending the full reconciliation hoped for from the Council,
and as a preparation for the same, should prove satis-
factory to Protestants and Catholics alike. ^
The idea of such an agreement finds its earliest expres-
sion incidentally in a letter of Charles V. of the 9th of
^ A German version of Madruzzo's narrative and the Emperor's
report in Sastrow, II., \-jqseq., ig% seq. ; cf. also Nuntiaturberichte,
X., 232, n. I.
2 The view specially upheld by Ranke (Deutsche Gesch., V.,
6th ed., 32) and JanSSEN-PaSTOR (III., i8th ed., 679 seq.\ that
Charles V. originally intended the Interim to be a general law of the
Empire and not an exceptional measure binding on Protestants only,
was first attacked by Maurenbrecher and afterwards by Beutel,
Druffel, and others, but not on valid grounds (see WOLF, 84 seq.,
and also PoSTlNA, 96). While there is written contemporary evidence
in favour of the opposite view, the Carmelite, Westhof, in his unpub-
lished treatise on the Interreligio Imperialis of 1549, made use of
by Janssen, says expressly that the Emperor wished, even if it were
only for a time, to be the religious dictator for the Catholics.
409
4IO HISTORY OF THE POPES.
January 1547, in which he asked his brother Ferdinand I.
to give liim advice concerning the measures to be employed
in Germany. In his reply of the 19th of February the
King of the Romans took up his brother's suggestion,
and recommended in the first place the usual method of
a Council, to be constituted, however, in such a way as to
leave no door open for Protestant complaint; since it was
very doubtful, if the Pope continued to act as he had
hitherto done, that this object would be obtained, although
a great deal of time would be spent on the negotiations,
but in order to avoid further secessions, a temporary
reorganization of religion or Christian reformation, which
afterwards could be confirmed by the Pope and Council,^
must be established, on the basis of the earlier religious
conferences, by theologians of mature experience. When
Charles V. accepted this proposal he certainly was not
thinking of founding a Germanic Church on the pattern
of the Gallican. He only wished, by means of a religious
compromise and the removal of abuses in the Church,
to put an end to the internal dissensions which were
crippling his Imperial authority.^ In a certain sense
Charles was falling back on the earlier attempts at
reunion, but with this difference, that on this occasion
the formula of agreement was not to be drawn up by a
conference, and was to be of a temporary character.^
The Emperor still recognized as clearly as ever that the
religious controversy turned upon two entirely contra-
* The important letters of the two Hapsburgs in Bucholtz, IX.,
403 seq., 407 seq.
2 This is rightly insisted upon by Beutel (p. 11), Egelhaaf
(11., 505), and Paulus in Katholik, 1894, II., 417 seq.
^ The afifinity of the Interim with the earlier attempts at reunion is
an argument that, as then, so now, the new formula of agreement was
looked upon as binding on both parties.
NEW EXPEDIENT OF CHARLES V. 41I
dictory systems which could not be harmonized by a
" more " or " less." Charles hoped that his new expedient
would create a state of things by which the gradual
return of the Protestants to the Catholic Church would
be rendered possible.
Even if the Emperor's idea of restoring, in the flush of
victory, the sorely needed religious peace to the Empire in
such a way as this, sprang from the best intentions,^ yet
the whole undertaking was already from the outset fore-
doomed to failure from the lack of ecclesiastical authority.
Charles had indeed declared in October 1547, when he
appointed four theologians to discuss with his confessor
Soto the management of religious affairs in Germany until
the conciliar decision should have been pronounced, that
the work of this commission was to be laid before the
Pope,2 but this step was not taken. Even the request
made through Madruzzo and Mendoza that the Pope
should co-operate through plenipotentiaries in the Emperor's
scheme of religious reorganization in Germany was not
meant quite seriously.^ The Pope certainly could not
altogether be left out of the question, since through him
only was it possible to get the German bishops to take a
part in carrying out the " Provisorium " ; but Paul III. was
never permitted to exercise the decisive influence which
as Head of the Church it was his prerogative to wield.
The constant slights offered to Cardinal Sfondrato in the
Diet, treatment of which he complains repeatedly in his
* In July 1547 the Venetian envoy was informed that the Emperor
had declared that he felt himself bound by duty to Christ, to whom he
owed his victory, to settle the religious troubles of Germany (Venet.
Depeschen, II., 318).
* See Sfondrato's letter of Oct. 25, 1547, in Nuntiaturberichte, X.,
163.
3 BeUTEL, 30.
412 HISTORY OF THE POPES,
letters,^ above all, his total exclusion from any knowledge
of the negotiations over the establishment of the Interim,
show clearly that even a new plenipotentiary, to whose
mission Paul III. was willing to consent, would have done
no more than occupy a merely formal position.^ The
Cardinal-Legate, Sfondrato, it is true, at once expressed
his astonishment when Charles V. communicated his plan
to the Estates that no representative of the Pope should
have been consulted on the establishment of a new system
of religious organization.^
Charles V. himself was conscious of the risks he was
running in setting up his " Imperial Interim religion." He
therefore tried to acquit himself by throwing the responsi-
bility of its inception on the Diet. The consideration had
also certainly great weight with him that success would only
then be possible when he had with him the active partici-
pation of the Estates in the scheme.* It was therefore
extremely displeasing to the Emperor when the ecclesi-
astical Electors refused to pronounce sentence on dogmatic
questions which belonged to the Papal and conciliar
tribunal. But many Protestants also had great objections
to the scheme from distrust of the Emperor's Spanish
theologians. Charles V. found himself in consequence
obliged at last to form a committee of sixteen persons to
deliberate on the means of securing Christian unity .^ Their
consultations brought a fresh disappointment to the head
of the Empire; careful as he had been to choose the
members so as to represent as nearly as possible all classes
in the Estates, the upshot of the commission was that they
» Cf. Druffel, Beitrage, III., 63 seq.
* See Beutel, 30.
* Sfondrato's letter of Jan. 16, 1548, and Nuntiaturberichte, X., 236.
* Wolf, Interim, 51.
6 Pkutel, 45 ; Wolf, 57 ; cf. Venet. Depeschen, II., 394-396-
THE "INTERIM." 413
were able to agree only on one point : that a removal of
the religious dissensions was necessary!^
The Emperor's attempt to shift the responsibility on
to other men's shoulders having failed, no other course
remained open to him save that of an arbitrary exercise of
power.2 The formula which was to be the instrument for
realizing his schemes was fashioned with such secrecy
that up to this day the most various opinions prevail as to
the origin of the Interim. The first draft was from the pen
of Julius Pflug, the follower of Erasmus, who hoped by yet
further concessions to win over the Protestants. Other
hands taking part in the work were those, on the Catholic
side, of Michael Helding, Suffragan-Bishop of Mayence,
the Carmelite, Eberhard Billick, and the Spanish theo-
logians Soto and Malvenda ; while on the Protestant side
John Agricola, the conceited court preacher of Joachim of
Brandenburg, took part in the composition of the formula
which was to work the miracle of healing the religious
breach which for a generation had been rending the
Empire in twain. Many as the alterations were in the
original draft, the main outlines of the ground-plan
remained plainly visible.^
The Interim, or " Declaration of his Roman Imperial
Majesty on the observance of religion within the Holy
Empire until the decision of the General Council," consists
of six-and-twenty chapters, the dogmatic statements of
which are drawn up almost entirely in the Catholic sense
but always in the mildest and often vaguest terms. Where
* Cf. Pastor, Reunionsbestrebungen, 352 seq. ; Beutel, 45 seq. :
Wolf, 59.
2 Wolf, 61
' Cf. Pastor, cip. cit, 357 seq.', BfiUTEL, 60 seqq., 74 seq.; Histor.
Zeitschr., LXII., 326 seq. For the co-operation of Billick, see
POSTINA, 96,
414 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
it could be done without detriment to dogma the form and
statements approach very near to the Protestant standard,
but fundamentally the definitions are mostly Catholic.
On the seven Sacraments, the worship of Mary and the
saints, monastic vows, fasts, and finally on the Pope and
the episcopate, the Catholic doctrine is advanced. The
doctrine of purgatory was passed over, and the definition
of justification was wanting in the requisite precision ;
this was all the more suspicious as the Tridentine Council
had already formulated the Catholic teaching on this
crucial question. Although Charles had acknowledged
in February 1547 this definition to be "most Catholic and
holy," he now, in his zeal for the removal of the religious
troubles, accepted in the " Interim," without regard for the
authority of the Council, the discrepant formula of the
mediatizing theologians.
Even the doctrine of the Mass, out of consideration
for Protestant opinion, was represented in terms wanting
in definiteness and precision. Still more unfortunate
was the employment of expressions of such ambiguity
on many articles that both parties were able to claim
the statement of doctrine as favourable to their own
particular view. The ceremonial of the Sacraments was
left untouched. In every town and church possessing
its own priests two Masses at least were to be said daily,
and in the villages one was to be said on high festivals.
The altars, vestments, vessels, banners, crosses, pictures,
and images were to remain in the churches. Also the
principal feasts, including Corpus Christi, the days of the
Holy Virgin, of the Apostles and Saints, All Saints, and the
patronal festivals of individual churches were to be more
widely celebrated, Fridays and Saturdays kept as fasts,
and the customary fast-days observed.
In order to facilitate for the Protestants entrance into the
THE "INTERIM." 4T5
old Church,jvhich the Interim was to bring about, two im-
portant concessions were made : the marriage of the clergy
and communion under both kinds, but only provisionally
until the Council made known its decision. Tacit assent
was given to the possession of appropriated Church property.
Introductory to the official acceptance of the Interim,
which was finished in its entirety on the 12th of March
1548,^ the Emperor entered into private negotiations with
each Estate. The Electors Palatine and of Brandenburg
were easily won, the latter having attempted for some
time to take up a middle position between the old doctrine
and the new. Maurice of Saxony was more difficult
to handle, although he was at last invested on the
24th of February with the Electorate taken away from
John Frederick. Personally, Maurice declared that he
was indeed ready to accept a clearly expressed resolution
of the Diet, but refused to bind himself to obligations
without previous consultation with his theologians and his
Estates. He could on this point call attention to the
fact that previous to the Schmalkaldic wars he had, with
the Emperor's knowledge and at his wish, given his subjects
assurances regarding the maintenance of their religion. In
spite of all his persuasions Charles only succeeded in
coming to a feeble compromise which secured to the crafty
Maurice his freedom from obligations. The other Pro-
testant confederates of the Emperor, the Margrave Hans
of Brandenburg-Ciistrin, as well as the representative of
Strasburg, resolutely opposed, in the face of all expostula-
tions, the acceptance of the Interim. On the other hand,
Nuremberg, Ulm, and Augsburg gave in their adhesion.^
* This hitherto unknown date is supplied by a letter from Billick
(POSTINA, 96).
2 Cf. Ranke, v., 6th ed., 32 seq. ; VI., 2nd ed., 264 seq., 276 seq. j
PastoRj Reunionsbestrebungen, 370 scq.^ and particularly WOLF, 66seg^
4l6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The strongest opposition to the Interim came from the
Cathoh'c Estates. Ecclesiastics as well as laymen were
not willing that the Emperor, although only temporarily,
should arrogate to himself the position of religious arbi-
trator for Catholics and attribute to the temporal power
instead of to the infallible Church the determination of
matters of faith.^ The Catholic Estates were so far
perfectly independent in their action that no Roman
instigation could be proved. On the contrary, Bavaria
had fanned and led this opposition far less from motives
of Catholic zeal than from those of political rivalry. None
save the Pope and the Council, declared the ecclesiastical
Electors, had the right to consent to or to dispense and
tolerate changes in respect of clerical marriage and com-
munion under both kinds.^
Still more pointed was the protest of the Catholic
princes and Estates, in the composition of which the
Bavarian chancellor Eck had an important share. The
Emperor was here made to understand in unmistakable
terms that he was overstepping his authority when he
presumed to handle definitions of doctrine which had been
committed already to the Council ; it was to be feared
that general confusion, if not obstruction, to the Council
would result. Let Charles use his influence with the
Protestant Estates to make them repudiate their doctrines,
those even of the Augsburg Confession, according to
which they never lived. The concessions with regard
to marriage and communion under both kinds were
not permissible; both might be tolerated at the utmost
in Protestant Estates until the Council gave its decision,
but neither could be expressly permitted — no, not even
by the Pope ! Finally, there must be restitution of Church
^ See Janssen-Pastor, III., i8th ed., 685 seg.
' Sastrow, II., ^20 seg.
CONCESSION TO THE CATHOLIC PRINCES. 417
property, free exercise of religion for those who had
remained Catholic in a Protestant district, and absolute
prohibition of innovations in districts that were already
Catholic.^ The Emperor refused to accept the protest of
the princes, and used language of unprecedented harshness
towards Eck, the Bavarian chancellor, whom he spoke of
as "Judas," just as at a later date he simply expelled the
Jesuit Bobadilla for having preached against the Interim
in Augsburg.2
A remarkable concession on the part of Charles broke
down the opposition of the Catholic princes. The latter
finally determined, through their Council, to associate
themselves with the milder remonstrance of the ecclesi-
astical Electors after having received the assurance that
the Interim did not apply to Catholics, but had been
arranged by the Emperor with no other intention than to
draw the Protestant Estates once more to the Catholic
religion with a view to their final submission.^
The motive for this important surrender was probably
the fear felt by the Imperialists that the Pope might
form an alliance with the Catholic princes of Germany in
order to make common cause against the Interim.* This
explains the startling fact that Charles, with all his
Catholic orthodoxy, obstinately debarred the spiritual
head of Christendom from taking a part in negotiations
which vitally affected the highest interests of religion.
He evidently thought that when his great effort was
crowned with success the Pope and the Council, for good
or for evil, would be compelled to give their consent.
1 Druffel, Beitrage, III., 98; cf. Pastor, Reunionsbestre-
bungen, 383.
2 Cf. BUCHOLTZ, VI., 240 seq.\ RiEZLER, IV., 399; cf. supra,
p. 109.
« Cf. BuciiOTTz, VI., 235. * Wolf, 75,
VOL. XIL 27
4l8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The Emperor's love of arbitrary procedure in matters
of religion was exemplified afresh by his behaviour in the
question of the Council. At an earlier date he had pressed
the Pope to come to a decision on the subject of the
transference of the Council; now, when Paul III. seemed
prepared to comply, and had summoned witnesses from
Trent, the Emperor forbade the latter to obey the injunc-
tions of their highest ecclesiastical ruler.^ Nothing could
be more characteristic of the Imperialist pretensions than
the experience of Giuliano Ardinghello, who was sent by
Cardinal Farnese, in agreement with the Pope, to Germany
on matters connected with the Council. On reaching
Augsburg on the 13th of March 1548 he found that the
Emperor's representative claimed to lay down for the
Papal plenipotentiaries the limits of their ecclesiastical
faculties.^
It was therefore no matter for surprise when, at the
end of April, on the receipt of the text of the Interim,
for presentation to the Pope, Cardinal Sfondrato was
apprised that this did not mean that the Pontiff's opinion
thereon was invited, but simply that he was put in
cognizance of its contents.^ Sfondrato on this occasion
certainly did not delay in representing to the Emperor
* FriedensburG in the Nuntiaturberichte, X., xliii, n. 2. For the
courteous but flat refusal of the Tridentine Fathers, dat. March 23,
1548, see Pallavicini, 1. 10, c. 15, n. 3. Out of consideration for
the Emperor the Pope temporarily withheld his decision on the
question of the translation.
2 Cf. Nuntiaturberichte, X., xliii-xliv, 277, 287 ; ibid.^ 470 seq. ;
see the instruction for Ardinghello, dated March 5, 1548, according
to which Paul III. was ready to agree to the postponement, as desired
by Charles V., of the judicial inquiry into the validity of the trans-
lation and to the sending of Legates or nuncios into Germany.
3 Cf. Nuntiaturberichte, X., 295 ; PALLAVICINI, 1. 10, c. 17 ; JANSSEN-
Pastor, III., iSthed., 688.
SFONDRATO AND THE "INTERIM." 419
that although the Interim formed no binding rule of faith,
the promulgation of which was not within his Majesty's
competence, but only a provisional permissive enactment,
yet it must be taken into consideration that the draft in
many places was so badly and ambiguously worded as to
give the impression that what was aimed at was uniformity
of words rather than unity of faith. Thus in the Interim
the marriage of the clergy was conceded which, although
forbidden by ecclesiastical and not by Divine law, could
not be sanctioned by the temporal power, all the less
so since the prohibition of marriage to those who have
received priests' orders rests on an unbroken Apostolic
tradition; further, the permission in the Interim to com-
municate the laity with the chalice was contrary to the
decisions of many Councils. However that might be, he,
Sfondrato, did not hold himself justified in pronouncing
a verdict on matters of such grave importance. He would
much rather await the sentence of the Pope and his special
plenipotentiaries.
Charles had not the remotest intention of so doing.
Urged by his political counsellors, and full of impatience
to bring the religious reconciliation into being without
delay, he believed that he would satisfy his conscience
and the Catholic party if he made some alterations in the
objectionable clauses of the Interim ; provided, indeed, that
such alterations would find favour with the Protestants.
From the Pope, Charles only looked with fear for
hindrances to his intentions. His distrust was deepened
by the prevalent belief in Augsburg that Paul III. was in
alliance with France. It was also characteristic of the
temper then reigning in the Emperor's court that Savo-
narola's sermons were largely read.^ Suspicion and
aversion increased on the journey of Prospero Santr
^ Cf. Nuntiaturberichte, X., 277 seq.^ 297 n.
420 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Croce,^ appointed nuncio to King Ferdinand, which was
long protracted. The worst surmises were indulged in as
to the Pope's dependence upon France. The fear of inter-
ference on the part of the French Government seemed not
unfounded, since that body was as determined as ever to
prevent Paul III. from coming to terms with the Emperor.
A breach between the two would at once drive the Pope
into the arms of Henry II. No means came amiss that
could forward this end. The mission of Ardinghello gave
France a pretext for threatening to recall her bishops and
prelates from Bologna, while in Rome Cardinal du Bellay was
hard at work to prevent the despatch of plenipotentiaries
to the Emperor. If unsuccessful in this attempt, he was at
least to manage so that they should not be present at the
Diet, but betake themselves to some place agreed upon
with the Estates of Germany.^ Du Bellay found sup-
porters in Cardinals Cupis and Carafa, who were anti-
Spanish ; the interests of Charles V. were safe in the loyal
keeping of Cardinals Juan Alvarez de Toledo, Francesco
Mendoza, and Cueva.
Paul III. weighed the matter without coming to any im-
mediate resolution. He invited provisional opinions from
the conciliar deputies in Rome and from the Legates in
Bologna in order to be fully armed in case a decision
should become imperative without longer delay.^ At
last Santa Croce received instructions to represent to
Charles V. that, in spite of several consultations, the diffi-
culties of the Interim still appeared too great to admit
of a final decision within the short space of time at the
Pope's disposal. In order, however, to relieve the Emperor
from suspense and uncertainty Santa Croce had been sent
1 Cf. PiEPER, 1 08 seq.
2 See Nuntiaturberichte, X., xliv, 476 seq.^ 485 seq.
3 See ihid.^ 317 ; cf. Pallavicini, 1. 10, c. 16.
CHARLES V. AND THE NUNCIO SANTA CROCK. 42I
to announce that, within ten or twelve days at the latest,
plenipotentiaries would be despatched with the most
comprehensive faculties.^ For this proceeding a leading
motive was also the knowledge that the Emperor intended
the plenipotentiaries to have only a superficial and formal
share in the new organization of religion.^ Charles V.
was all the more surprised at the fresh postponement of a
decision, as he had expected, from a letter of the 27th of
April of Farnese, that Santa Croce would certainly bring
with him satisfactory instructions not only on the matter
of the Council, but concerning the mission of the pleni-
potentiaries.^
As soon as Charles saw clearly that he had been deceived
he determined to show no further consideration for the
Pope, and to go on with his religious policy on his own
initiative entirely. In order to cut off the possibility of
any protest he refused on one pretext and another to give
Santa Croce an audience until the decisive step had been
taken. Not until he had read aloud the Interim to the
Estates in a solemn session of the Diet did he receive the
nuncio together with Sfondrato. When both arrived punctu-
ally at the hour of audience they were obliged to wait for
a short time, as the Emperor was still detained by the Diet.
Santa Croce declared drily that his instructions, which con-
cerned both the mission of the plenipotentiaries and the
restitution of Piacenza, had been rendered nugatory by the
announcement just made of the Interim; but, in spite of
that, he produced them. Charles V. tried to justify his
conduct on the ground that the Diet could no longer be
' See Miscell. d. stor. Ital., V.'', looi seq. ; Nuntiaturberichte, X.,
316 seq.
2 Cf. the expression of Santa Croce in Vivaldini's report in the
Nuntiaturberichte, X., 511.
^ Farnese's letter to Sfondrato, ibid.^ X., 322, 323.
422 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
kept in any suspense. When the nuncio attempted
to broach the subject of Piacenza he was interrupted by
the remark that that was a private matter which was
essentially one of domestic interest to the Farnese family
and must be subordinate to affairs of public importance.
The nuncio then tried to add something in reference to
the Interim ; but the Emperor rejoined haughtily and
seriously that in this matter he had acted only as a
legitimate and Catholic prince.^
Santa Croce had informed the King of the Romans
openly, before his audience with Charles V., that the Pope
did not see what object there could be in sending Legates
if they were not to possess full powers in dealing with the
matter of the Interim. Santa Croce also reminded
Ferdinand that Charles had allowed it to be said that it
would suffice if the Legates' share in the undertaking were
restricted to maintaining the prestige of the Holy See,
while in other respects they were simply to register his
wishes and do nothing to destroy a plan which he had
brought into existence with much trouble and anxiety.
Paul III. was of opinion that if he were to send Legates to
Augsburg only to execute the commands of Charles V,, he
would virtually be abandoning his office, and the Emperoi
would then become the Pope.^
In order to make the Interim acceptable to the Catholic
princes and also perhaps to allay some personal scruples
of conscience, Charles allowed at the eleventh hour some
changes to be made in the formula. The proposal to the
Diet was based on the understanding that the Interim
should be " personally arranged " by Charles. In the
* The as yet undiscovered report of Santa Croce of May i6, 1548, in
Pallavicini, 1. 10, c. ly , n. J ; cf. also Sfondrato's letter of the same
day in the Nuntiaturberichte, X., 328 seq.
* Vivaldini's report of May 16, 1548 ibid., X., 511.
GROWING DISLIKE TO THE " INTERIM." 423
deliberations in the Diet which immediately followed an
opposition already made itself conspicuous, resting in part
on the objection that the formula ought not to apply to
all the Estates but only to the Protestant. Regardless of
this, the Elector of Mayence declared in the name of the
Estates that since they had entrusted to the Emperor
personally the provisional settlement of the religious
dissensions until such time as a decision was delivered by
a General Council, it was right that they should pay
obedience to the Imperial decree. As this declaration was
received without contradiction, the Emperor drew the
conclusion that his ordinances met with general acceptance.
He was soon to learn a very different lesson.
Although the further proceedings were kept as private
as possible, Sfondrato very soon became aware that the
Elector Maurice was by no means enamoured of the Interim,
and that in the towns the dislike of the scheme was still
more intense. From conversations with Charles's con-
fessor, Soto, and others he gathered that the Emperor in-
tended in any case to push his new settlement of religious
affairs in Germany to a finish without the Pope. In an
audience given to Sfondrato on the 21st of May, Charles
made no disguise of his distrust of Paul III., and declared
that he would carry out his undertaking without Papal
assistance ; the Legates must appear with adequate faculties,
otherwise their mission would be useless. In the matter
of Piacenza he was determined to do nothing as long as
his demands were unfulfilled.
With regard to the Interim, Sfondrato was able to report
that the difficulties were steadily increasing.^ Santa Croce
said the same with fuller detail in his despatch of May the
22nd. In his attempts to control opinion in the towns,
^ See Sfondrato's letters of May 19, 22, and 23, 1548, in the
Nuntiaturberichte, X., 333 scq., 337 seq.
424 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Charles reminded them that he had promised to make no
changes in matters of religion without the consent of the
Council. Santa Croce thought that the Interim was only
a threat by which Charles was endeavouring to browbeat
the Pope.^
Undeterred by the strong opposition to the Imperial
decree on religion manifested by the Protestants,
Charles V. in the middle of June indulged in another act
of aggression on the purely ecclesiastical regime by pro-
posing to the Diet as supplementary to the Interim a long-
considered scheme of reform for the Catholic clergy.^
Here also he was acting once more from good intentions :
by sweeping away abuses in her government the nearer
approach of Protestants to the Church would be facilitated.
But excellent as many of the provisions in the new
ordinance of reform were, they were incapable from the
first of being effectually enforced owing to the absence of
any legitimate authority, the life-giving principle of all
legislation, ecclesiastical or other. Ordinances dealing
with the choice and ordination of the clergy, with the
administration of the Sacraments, with Church discipline,
with excommunication and the like, lay outside the
province of the temporal ruler.^ Even Sfondrato, who
hitherto had suffered with an excess of patience the
arbitrary proceedings of the Emperor, found this too much.
The policy of the Emperor, he complained, was dictated
by an unscrupulous selfishness ; whoever dared to oppose
* Nuntiaturberichte, X., 339 seq.
' " Formula reformationis " in HaRTZHEIM, VI., 741 seq. ; cf. PaSTOR,
Reunionsbestrebungen, 392 seq. ; Postina, 97 ; see also Brauburger,
De formula reformationis eccl. ab imp. Carolo V. in comit. Aug.
statibus eccl. oblata, Mogunt., 1782.
3 Cf. Raynai.dus, 154S, n. 57; Pallavicini, 1. II, c. 2; Janssen-
Pastor, III , i8ih ed., 691.
STEPS TAKEN BY CHARLES V. 425
him was suspected and calumniated. The Emperor, Santa
Croce reported at the same time, was puffed up with
success and the knowledge that behind him was an army
of four-and-twenty thousand men.^
This consciousness of armed power explains the attempt
on the part of Charles not merely to reorganize the
Protestant religion but also to reform the Catholic clergy
without seeking the participation of the Pope. Had he
succeeded in imposing his influence on the internal affairs
of the Church so as to carry out both these schemes, he
would inevitably have held a place as the head of the
reunited and pacified Empire such as no Emperor had held
for centuries, a place from which he could have dictated
his commands concerning the questions of religion as well
as the affairs of Italy to Pope and Council alike.
The declaration of the Elector of Mayence that the
Estates would acquiesce in the Interim was much too pre-
mature. The Elector Maurice of Saxony, the Margrave
Hans of Brandenburg-Ciistrin, and the Count Palatine
Wolfgang of Zweibrlicken put in protests almost at once.
The towns of the Empire took up the position that they
must first report home. Charles did all he could to prevent
a combination of these discontented spirits with the rest
of the Protestant opposition. He succeeded, and Maurice
was prevailed upon to make a " roundabout '' declaration and
was then dismissed. Hans of Ciistrin, whose opposition
was stubborn, was promptly ordered by the Emperor to
quit the Diet. From the Count Palatine Wolfgang, Charles
was content to receive the assurance that he would do all
that his conscience allowed. The weaker towns were
cowed by threats, and in the course of June the submission
of the majority to the Imperial ordinance was received. It
was a greater success for Charles V. that not merely the
' See Nuntiaturberichte, X., xlvi, 374 seq., 377 seq.
426 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Electors Palatine and of Brandenburg but also the captive
Landgrave of Hesse took the same course.^ Thereupon
Charles took steps to close the Diet, and with the pro-
nouncement of the Recess on the 30th of June, amid no
dissentient voices, the Interim became the law of the
Empire. After the archbishops, bishops, and prelates
present in Augsburg had declared their agreement on the
23rd of June with the formula of reformation, the latter
was also published.^
To all outward appearance the Emperor had almost
reached his goal. All that now remained to do was to
carry the decrees into execution. For this the state of
affairs in south Germany afforded the most favourable
prospect, where Charles could make a strong impression
by the weight of personality and the fear of his dreaded
Spanish soldiery.
Even if all the South German States tried to save as
much as was possible of their Protestant profession of
religion by means of delays, excuses, and petitions, yet to
all outward appearance they more or less submitted to the
Interim. Where serious opposition was shown the
Emperor took decisive measures of reprisal. The hostile
preachers had now to yield and submit to the same fate
which they had so often brought down on their opponents.
In Augsburg and Ulm the opposition was broken down
by a change of constitution. Even Constance had to
accept the Interim and permit the restoration of Catholic
worship. The city had indeed repelled successfully an
onslaught of the Spaniards, but in view of the threatening
attitude maintained by Charles V. deemed it advisable to
* See Haberlin, I., 308 seq. ; WolF, Interim, 80 seq ; Wolf, I.,
427 ; Pastor, Reunionsbestrebungen, 391 seq. ; Nuntiaturherichte, X.,
353, 390. 391 ^eq., 393.
2 See Haberlin, I., 371 ; Druffel, Beitriige, III., 103.
VARIED ACCEPTANCE OF THE " INTERIM." 427
place itself under the protection of his brother Ferdinand's
suzerainty. Other places, on the contrary, with the power-
ful Nuremberg at their head, observed with success a course
of conduct calculated simply to keep up the semblance of
obedience. Duke Ulrich of Wurtemberg also published
the Interim only to the effect that no hindrances would be
put in the way of its observance. Here the Catholic
Church gained nothing by the ordinance, but on the
contrary suffered much disadvantage.
The Landgrave Philip of Hesse was ready to purchase
his freedom at any price. His standpoint was certainly at
first " to accept everything in order afterwards to observe
nothing." After making closer acquaintance with the
Interim, he formed the opinion, however, that the formula
might be accepted without scruple, since it contained
nothing contrary to Christian teaching. He afterwards
tried to bring his preachers round to this opinion,
but with a very scanty measure of success. In the
Palatinate and Julier-Cleves things turned out well for
the Emperor, and the new ordinance was there most
thoroughly carried out. Even the Margrave Albert of
Brandenburg-Kulmbach showed himself amenable, despite
the opposition among his preachers. On the other hand,
it was in the highest degree disconcerting that the Prince
Elector Joachim II. of Brandenburg, who was often looked
upon as the author of the new enactment, showed no
enthusiasm for its execution, and tried to deceive the
Emperor by a mere show of obedience. The wily Maurice
of Saxony did his best to steer his course between the
Emperor on the one hand and the Catholic Estates on
the other. The Interim of Leipzig published by him
contained, with the exception of some concessions,
more semblance than reality. Generally speaking, this
ambiguously worded document remained a thing of
428 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
ink and parchment ; practically the religious conditions of
the Electorate remained precisely where they were. An
unconditional negative was offered to the Interim by the
captive John Frederick, whose son had not much more
to lose. Magdeburg and the Hanseatic towns followed
suit, their remoteness from the centre of Imperial power
rendering them immune from danger.^
The ill will of the majority of the upper ranks of society
was combined in many quarters with the bitterest opposi-
tion from the mass of the people ; the opinions and
interests of countless numbers had already become deeply
rooted in the Church system. It now became apparent
with what success, in the course of a single generation, the
reforming theologians had worked as preachers and writers
to bring odium on all that was Catholic. Charles V. had
not put an end, as, after his victory, he had the power to
do, to this movement. The permission which he had
granted, in the hour of success,^ was now turned against
him. The Protestant zealots were successful in augment-
ingi by means of a cleverly conducted agitation, the hostile
feeling of the people towards the "papistical" Interim.
Public opinion was worked upon by means of libels,
ballads, caricatures, satirical woodcuts of the coarsest
kind. In glaring colours the new organization was dis-
played to the common people as an anti-Christian
monstrosity: as a three-headed dragon with a serpent's
tail, a scorpion's sting, and claw feet " In Latin the name
of this worm is Interim." "The devil himself," it was
announced, "was author of the Interim," and the Pope, his
viceroy, wished to force it upon Germany.
* See JanSSEn-PaSTOR, III., i8th ed., 696 seq. To the bibliography
there given add: F. Hermann, Das Interim in Hessen, Marburg,
1901.
* Cf. Corp. Ref., VI., 570 seq. ; MenzeL, III., 128 seq.
PAUL III. AND THE "INTERIM." 429
" The Pope would drive the German land
To bend, a slave, at his command.
And for God's Word receive from him
That Devil's creed, the Interim." ^
As soon as Paul III. received news of the Interim he
ordered the new formula of religion to be laid before the
expert theologians in Rome and Bologna. The latter
found fault not merely with various points of detail con-
tained in the Interim, but also laid stress on the principal
sides of the question in the decision of which the Emperor,
a layman, had overstepped the legitimate compass of his
activity and directly infringed on the province of Papal
and conciliar authority. The Legates of the Council
called in the Dominican, Ambrogio Catarino, and the
Augustinian Hermit, Seripando, to examine the draft.
They wrote on the 2nd of May 1548 to Cardinal Farnese
that, in the exposition of the doctrines of original sin and of
justification, the decisions of the Tridentine Council must
not be departed from. With regard to the treatment of
doctrines not yet decided upon by the Council, they
presented a series of strictures on the formulae contained
in the Interim, into which they went in fuller detail in May
in another declaration.^
' Besides the writings adduced by PaSTOR (Reunionsbestrebungen,
394 seq.) and Janssen-Pastor (III , i 8th ed., 699), cf. also Serapeum,
1S62, 289 scqq., 320 seq.
2 Cf. Pallavicini, 1. ID, c. 17; Raynaldus, 1548, n. 51, 54, 56;
Massarelli, Diarium IV., ed. Merkle, I., 736 seq., 773 ; Calenzio,
Documenti, 267, 268, 271. The Roman objections to the Interim are
in the Vatican Library in *Cod. Vat, 3931 : "Interim cum adnota-
tionibus." Here in the preface (f. i) to Paul III. it is laid down that
in matters of dogma the decision rests with Pope and Council only ;
then follow : ff. 2-57, the text of the Interim ; ff. 59-64, the strong
objections of "Franc, de Castelione, general, praedic." (without author's
name ; also in Secret Archives of the Vatican, XL, 45, f. 515 seqq.)', i\.
430 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Mendoza saw in the Papal consultations over the Interim
only the intention of protracting the decision on the affairs
of Germany. Paul III. represented to him in vain that
the Diet had no authority to deal independently with
ecclesiastical matters ; in vain he indicated objectionable
passages in the Interim.^ An assertion of such objections
was cut short by the action of the Emperor, which was as
sudden as it was arbitrary. When the news reached Rome
on the 24th of May it naturally made the worst impression
on the Curia. It seemed unprecedented that the Emperor
should arrogate to himself the right of decision in matters
of faith and attempt to exercise this authority by confirm-
ing erroneous teaching against the mind of the Church
and the decrees of the Council. A consistory had been
summoned for the 25th of May to draw up the faculties of
the Legates about to be sent to Germany, but this was now
abandoned. A more fitting subject of deliberation was
the arbitrary conduct of the Emperor, which had aroused
indignation in the whole College of Cardinals. The French
were jubilant, for they now felt certain that a breach was
inevitable between the Emperor and the Pope and that
the latter would give his unconditional adhesion to their
own King.2
Paul III. at first shared the feelings of the Cardinals;
indeed, he said to the Florentine envoy, " The die is
67-68, **those of the "Epic. Scalens." ; f. 76 seq., further remarks on the
Interim; see also Cod. Vat., 6222, f. 121 seq. Cf. also Novaes, VII.,
51 ; BerninO, IV., 461 ; Merkle, I., 771 ; and for Francesco Romeo
de Castiglione, Hefner's work, Entstehung des Trienter Recht
fertigungsdekretes, Paderborn, 1909, 54.
1 See Mendoza's letter of May 23, 1548, in the Nuntiaturberichte,
X., 679 seq.
« See Nuntiaturberichte, X., 343, 345, 688; Druffel, Beitrage, I.
1 14 seq. ; cf. Pallavicini, 1. 11, c. i.
SHOULD THE COUNCIL BE TRANSFERRED? 43 1
cast." ^ It seems as if the Pope wished at once to give
judgment on the validity of the translation of the Council,
and immediately after the consistory he sent for the four
Cardinals entrusted with this question. Yet it is doubtful
whether he really intended to take such a step;^ with
cautious wisdom, he took no hurried action, but first
invited the opinion of experienced advisers. The latter
were greatly at variance. Del Monte, in the first burst of
anger, had proposed a removal of the Council to Rome,
but came round afterwards to the view of the French
ambassadors at Bologna. The latter, on hearing of the
publication of the Interim, declared immediately that the
Pope should now pronounce in favour of the validity and
then suspend the Council until a more convenient season
should arrive. Cardinal Cervini, on the contrary, preferred
that the Council should resume its work at Bologna, but
that no session should be held until every effort had been
made to try and arrive at an understanding with the
Emperor.^
The Pope had entertained the idea, for a moment, of
removing the Council to a Venetian city and so making
an end to the controversy ; but the Republic would not
consent to this on account of the Turks and the Protestants.*
As no decision on the validity of the translation was
given, the Council remained for more than a year longer
in Bologna without taking any action as regarded the
Interimistic suspension. On the 4th of June Girolamo
Dandino, Bishop of Imola, was sent to France, where he
had represented Paul III. already from 1546 to 1547. The
^ See Nuntiaturberichte, X., 360 (report of June 2, 1548); cf. the
letter of the Portuguese envoy of June 12, 1548,111 Corp. dipl. Port.,
VL, 259.
2 See Nuntiaturberichte, X., xlvi, 345.
• Pallavicini, 1. II, c. I. ^ Campana, 517 seq.
432 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
ostensible pretext for his mission was the marriage of
Orazio Farnese with Diana of Poitiers, the natural daughter
of King Henry II., while the real purpose was the con-
sideration of the conciliar question and the contemplated
alliance.^
On the day before Dandino's departure Mendoza had an
audience of the Pope. His attempt to excuse the Emperor
was waved aside by Paul 1 1 1., who said that it was to be
deplored that Charles should allow himself to be led by
bad advisers ; apart from that, the Interim contained
objectionable provisos, and was an infringement on the
spiritual sphere. Mendoza tried, but in vain, to get a
hearing on the question of the mission of the Legates, and
of the decision on the validity of the translation. Paul III.
also withheld any decision regarding the despatch of
Pietro Bertano to Germany, which had been spoken of
for some time. While on the affairs of Piacenza, the Pope
insisted that the matter was not one only of private
concern, but that it affected public interests, and could
only be satisfactorily settled when good relations with the
Emperor were restored.^
Soon after this audience orders were given for the
recall of Cardinal Sfondrato and the despatch of Pietro
Bertano, Bishop of Fano, in his place as nuncio to
Germany.^ The situation then became still worse owing
to the Emperor's arbitrary behaviour with regard to the
reform of the German clergy. In the first moment of
excitement in Rome, it was believed that Charles only
intended to represent the Pope as a defaulter to duty,
» See Pallavicini, loc. cit. ; Pieper, 132 seq. ; Nuntiaturberichte,
X., 363 n. ; FoNTANA, III., 381 seq.
2 See Farnese's and Maffei's reports in the Nuntiaturberichte, X.,
360 seq.
3 Ibid.^ X., 372.
MISSION OF BERTANO TO CHARLES V. 433
wherefore the temporal head of Christendom was forced to
take the questions of reform and of the Council into his
own hands.^ The aged Pope was furious. The French drew
such vivid pictures of the dangers to which his person
was exposed that he took special measures of security.
The watches were strengthened, and Ottavio Farnese had
to sleep in the ante-chamber.^ It was at this time that
Paul III. told one of the Cardinals that he hoped to sur-
vive the Emperor, but that in any case, before he died, he
would yet do something which would set the whole world
talking.^ Cardinal Farnese spread a report that Bertano
had instructions to address to Charles the first admonition
which precedes the greater censures of the Church.* That,
however, was not by any means the object of his mission ;
as a matter of fact, the first outbreak of temper in the
Curia at the attack of Charles on the privileges of the
Church very soon gave place to a calmer estimate of
circumstances. Seeing how uncertain French support was,
and how determined the Venetians were to remain neutral,
it seemed imperative to make use even of the situation
created by the Emperor, and of the difficulties that situa-
tion involved ; all the more so as Charles V., at the same
time, was inclined to come round, having declared by word
of mouth to the ecclesiastical Estates that he did not wish,
by his reform ordinances, to limit episcopal authority,
and even kept in view the restoration of ecclestiastical
property.^
The choice of Bertano seemed excellent. This prelate,
indeed, a member of the Dominican Order, possessed not
only the entire confidence of the Pope, but that also of the
» Nuntiaturberichte, X., 384. ^ Legaz. di Serristori, 168.
3 Nuntiaturberichte, X., 385, 699.
* See Farnese's letter of June 13, 1548, in DE Leva, V., 5.
* See DE Leva, V., 3 se^. ; Nuntiaturberichte, X., 385 sef.
VOL. XII. ?8
434 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Emperor from the time of his previous mission. With
Cardinal Madruzzo he was on terms of close friendship.
In order to give no occasion for suspicion he did not pay
a visit, on his journey through Bologna, to Cardinal del
Monte, hated by the Imperialist party. He apologized for
this want of courtesy on the score of his rapid journey.^
Bertano reached Trent on the 23rd of June, where
Madruzzo instructed him frankly on the condition of
Germany. On the 30th of June he reached Augsburg,
and with Sfondrato was received in audience on the 2nd
of July by Charles V. In this long interview it was made
clear how much importance Charles attached to the
mission of a Legate with full faculties, as without them his
Interim must remain a dead letter. Santa Croce, as well
as Sfondrato, advised the Pope to make the experiment
by sending the Legates, a step which would also be of
advantage in the matter of Piacenza.^ The negotiations
between the Emperor and Bertano seemed to give satisfac-
tion to both parties. The nuncio, in his letter, said very
confidently that Charles V. would be willing to accommodate
the Pope in private matters if Rome would only show a
spirit of concession in public affairs.^ Bertano's proposal,
that the reform of the Church should be undertaken in
Rome by all or a portion of the Fathers of the Council,
aimed at making a clean sweep of the old controversy over
the validity of Trent or Bologna. Charles could not
decline this proposal, as he had made it himself through
Mendoza in February, but he wished that all this should
be without prejudice to the Synod of Trent. Farnese
shrank from giving a written promise to this effect to
Fernando Montesa, who, as secretary to Mendoza, was at
* See Pallavicini, 1. ii,c. i ; ^ Druffel, Beitrage, I., 122.
' See Nuntiaturberichte, X., 388 seq., 398 seq,
9 See Druffel, I., 128.
NEW DISSENSIONS. 435
that time officially occupied in Rome. If, in spite of these
difficulties, an agreement was reached afterwards, its terms
were partly of a very general description.^
This was the source of new dissensions between Emperor
and Pope. Each of the two parties in Rome described
the contents of the agreement as being something different
from what it was.^ Paul III. sought, by threats of an
alliance with France, to force the Imperialists to give way.
The negotiations on this subject were again more actively
carried on. Not in consequence of these, but in order to
carry out his own designs in northern Italy, King Henry
II. suddenly appeared in Piedmont in the beginning of
August, avowedly to inspect the fortresses there, but really
with another aim in view : Ottavio Farnese was at the head
of a conspiracy against Ferrante Gonzaga, the murderer
of his father, and the French King hoped, in case of its
success, to derive some advantage. Henry sent his
secretary Aubespine to Rome to restrain the Pope from
making concessions to Charles and to gain his consent to
the alliance in the form which the King desired. When
Aubespine arrived in Rome on the 23rd of August the
situation had already undergone a complete alteration.
The conspiracy against Ferrante had been discovered, and
disturbances in France had called Henry back again. The
King still insisted on the immediate surrender of Parma
to his vassal Orazio Farnese as the necessary condition
preliminary to an active league and the recapture of
Piacenza. Paul III. refused to enter into this compact;
Aubespine therefore left Rome on the 26th of August
without having settled anything.*
1 See DE Leva, V., 7,
2 See Druffel, I., 135 ; DE LEVA, V., 8 seq.
3 See Maurenbrecher, 202 seq.\ Druffel, L- 156; de Lev^
v., 12 scq.
436 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Five days later the Imperial diplomacy experienced a
triumph. Paul III. showed an inclination to meet the
Emperor's wish that Legates should be sent to Germany.
In a consistory on the 31st of August three bishops, not
Cardinals, probably out of consideration for Madruzzo,
were appointed. Besides Bertano there were also Luigi
Lippomano, coadjutor of Verona, and Sebastiano Pighini,
who shortly before had been nominated to Ferentino.^ In
the same consistory the Pope approved the Bull prescribing
the Legatine faculties to be used in Germany; the document
was read out without any further discussion or voting, as the
French Cardinals wished.^ Long consultations had taken
place beforehand which presented great difficulties, as the
Pope was anxious to avoid any appearance that his Legates
were instrumental in carrying out Imperial ordinances which
he had himself regarded as encroachments on his authority.
Experienced theologians, Cardinals Cervini and del Monte
as conciliar Legates, a deputation of the Segnatura, finally
the commission of Cardinals appointed for the affairs of
the Council, were asked their opinion. The opinions of
the last named guided the decisions of Paul III. on the
most important points.^
The faculties were drawn up in such a way that they
gave an opportunity to the Legates in employing them to
remind Charles of the incident of Piacenza. Even in
other respects everything was so arranged that on the
* See Acta Consist, in Merkle, I. 792.
2 See Montesa's report of Sept. 10, 1548, in Druffel, I., 155;
Serristori's letter of Aug. 31, 1548 (State Archives, Florence) ; the Bull
in Le Plat, IV., 121 seq. ; the instruction for the Legates in
Laemmer, Mon. Vat, 395 seq., with the incorrect date 1542. Cf. also
Gott. Gel. Anzeigen, 1884, II., 583 seq.
'See Raynaldus, 1548, n. 46 seq.\ DRUFfel, I., 146 seq.;
DE Leva, V., 18 s»q.
USELESSNESS OF THE "INTERIM." 437
development of this question very much depended. The
two Legates prolonged their journey purposely, and did
not join Bertano in Brussels, where the Emperor in
the meantime had come, until the 23rd of December.^
Pighini's experiences on the road were more than depress-
ing. He found an outward show of religion, occasioned
by the Emperor's victory and his ordinances, but the
temper of the people was more than ever in sympathy
with the movement of innovation. Mass was said almost
everywhere, but in empty churches ; nobody asked the
nuncios to exercise their functions, and not once were the
customary observances of courtesy and respect shown to
them. Pighini concluded, from all that he had seen, that
the religious troubles in Germany would find no settlement
by means of the Interim; nothing could be done in that
direction except by measures of extreme severity.^
Charles V. was no stranger to the adverse turn of
affairs in the Empire. In October 1548 he expressed to
his brother Ferdinand his anxiety lest all his efforts for
the pacification of Germany might be in vain.* How com-
pletely the policy of the Diet of Augsburg had failed he
> See DOLLINGER, Beitrage, I., 155; Maurenbrecher, 209;
DE Leva, V., 21 seqq. Mendoza had already, on Sept. i, asked for the
alteration of the faculties (see Serristori's report of Sept. i, 1548, in
State Archives, Florence).
2 See Pallavicini, 1. 1 1, c. 2 ; DE Leva, V., 23 scq. Pighini's
comfortless *reports, dated Mayence, Nov. 5 and 16, 1548 (Carte Cerv.,
22, f. 17 seq.^ in State Archives, Florence), agree with Lippomano's
observations. The latter *wrote on Dec. 6, 1548, from Cologne to
Cardinal Cervini : " Siamo venuti in questa cittk gia X giorni, nella
quale anchora che sia catholicissima, non vi h mai compassa persona
a vederci, n^ del consiglio nh del clero, et il t arcivescovo si trova
absente in Vestvalia. II caso h che costoro tutti non conoscono ne
vogliono conoscere persona se non che dipenda da S. M'^ o che venga
con suo ordine, et gia 1' habbiamo provato per tutta I' Alta Germania."
« See Druffel, L, 171.
438 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
certainly did not yet realize ; on the contrary, to the
astonishment of clear-sighted observers, he clung with
characteristic tenacity for some time longer to the execu-
tion of his religious decrees, even after their total futility
had been established beyond contradiction.^ All these
well-intentioned efforts were doomed to misfortune.
Years before, the strict Catholic party had insisted on
the radical defect that the management of ecclesiastical
affairs by the laity without permission from the highest
authority in the Church was inadmissible.^ It caused pro-
found grief that a monarch of such high reputation and of
such sincere devotion to the Catholic faith should, at the
cost of bodily suffering and sore anxiety of mind, have been
led astray by erroneous judgments on matters of religious
belief and by the unscrupulous counsels of politicians.
The decrees of the Diet on reform were not less in-
effectual than those on the Interim, Here too the penalty
had to be paid for issuing a whole series of reforming
decrees on the duties of bishops, the visitation of dioceses,
the foundation of chairs of theology, without consulting
the authority of Church, Pope, or Council. Moreover, the
Imperial ordinances only stated what reforms were to take
place, but not how they were to be carried out, or how
the difficulties, which certainly were to be expected, were
to be overcome. All recognition is due to those German
bishops who, in their provincial synods, not merely tried
to give effect to the Augsburg decrees, but also to supple-
ment them in such a way that they should be brought
into line with the doctrinal decisions already pronounced
by the Council of Trent. Even if this enthusiasm soon
slackened, yet these Synods did effective work as pioneers
* Cf. Janssen-Pastor, III., i8th ed., 691.
8 Cf. Orlandinus, Hist. Soc. Jesu, I., 1. 4, n. 112; Ranke,
Deutsche Gesch., IV., 6th ed., 255.
RECEPTION OF THE PAPAL LEGATES. 439
of subsequent reformation.^ Stiil the religious affairs of
Germany remained at first in a deplorable condition.
The reception given to Lippomano and Pighini, the
Papal Legates, was far from promising. In the audience
of presentation on the 3rd of January 1549 the Emperor
complained of the Pope's dilatoriness and of the protracted
journey of his representatives.^ In their conversations
with the ministers the greatest difficulties arose, as the
Legates had not brought a general permission for the
marriage of priests, but only a dispensation for particular
cases where, unfortunately, no other course was possible.
With regard to the permission in the Interim that priests
who had entered into wedlock should not only preach, but
also administer the Sacraments, the Emperor himself had
at that time serious scruples. But Ferdinand I. and the
Emperor's council were of opinion that this enactment
must hold good, otherwise the Interim would be made
impracticable owing to the want of priests. The Legates
reported the matter to Rome ; their opinion was that
such a concession was not permissible.^
When the Imperialists, whose claims were always being
pushed forward, advanced with yet a further demand that
full powers should be transferred to the bishops and other
suitable persons, the Legates interposed with clearly
defined counter-demands : the expulsion of the Protestant
preachers and authors, the prohibition to print or sell their
books, the restitution of illegally appropriated Church
* Cf. Haberlin, L, 498 seq. ; WoLF, I., 440 seq. ; Phillips, Die
Diozesansynode, Freiburg, 1849, 76 seq. ; Histor.-polit. BL, XXXV.,
1154 seq.', Tiib. Theol. Quartalschn, 1884, 665 seq.-, Loserth in
.\rchiv fiir osterr. Gesch., LXXXV., 143 seqq.
2 See the nuncio's letter of Jan. 3, 1 549, in DE Leva, V., 24.
3 Laemmer, Men. Vat., 394, 396 ; Druffel, L, 186 seq. \ DE Leva,
v., 24 seq.
440 HISTORY OF tHE POPES.
property, and the reform of the Church in Germany under
the direction of the Pope. Charles V. declared with some
excitement that such measures could not be considered until
the salutary effects of the concessions of the Interim had
been tested ; he would not give permission to the prelates of
Trent to go to Rome to discuss the question of reform until
the faculties had first been put into operation. Paul III.,
who attached great importance to an early assemblage in
Rome of the reforming episcopate, thereupon gave orders
that no difficulties should be raised to the transfer of plenary
powers to persons designated by the Emperor.^
Fresh delays were now caused by the further demand of
the Imperialists for the issue of a Bull declaring that the
dispensations at the bestowal of the Legates should be
valid until such time as a Council pronounced a decision
upon them. Cardinal Farnese, acting on a Papal order,
sent instructions to Bertano on the 26th of April 1549
which removed this difficulty. It was to be left to the
Legates' discretion to fix the time for which the dispensa-
tions to communicate under both kinds, or concessions of
a similar kind, were to be granted, upon the condition
however, that such period of time should not extend
beyond the duration of the Council.^ As soon as a satis-
factory agreement had been reached in May concerning
the transference of the faculties, the necessary Bulls were
printed and sent by the Emperor to the bishops ot
Germany with the injunction that they were to proceed in
compliance with them,^
» Cf. Maurenbrecher, 209 ; DE LEVA, V., 25-27.
* PALLAVICINI, 1. II, C. 2.
3 See Le Plat, IV., 121 seq.\ DRUFFEL, I., 224 seq., 883 seq.\
DE Leva, V.,29. Ranke (V.,6th ed., 78) says : " On i8th August 1549
appeared Cardinal Otto von Truchsess, Bishop of Augsburg, to whom
if to anyone must be attributed the character of an orthodox adherent
CHARLES V. STILL UNCONCILLVTORV. 44I
If the Pope had entertained the hope that Charles V.
would now show himself more conciliatory on questions still
awaiting settlement, he was completely out of his reckoning.
The despatch of the German bishops to Trent and the
restoration of Piacenza were both matters on which the
Emperor was as unwilling as ever to meet the demands of
Paul III.
As a mediator in the affairs of Piacenza, Count Giulio
Orsini had been employed by the Pope. Deceived by
the compliments and general promises of the Imperialist
minister, Orsini looked upon the surrender of Piacenza as
of the Roman Curia. He took his place in his cathedral-church of
Augsburg with all the pomp due to his rank, preceded by his cross,
the silver sceptre, and the Cardinal's hat. He mounted a pulpit speci-
ally erected for him and hung with red velvet in order to announce that
the Interim contained nothing that was hurtful or onerous.'^ From a
letter of Cardinal Otto, dat. Dillingen, Aug. 3, 1549 (Winter, I., 151),
it is clear that his Indults comprised not only the Communion under
both kinds but also priesdy marriage. In Druffel (Beitrage, I., 287)
there is another letter from the Cardinal, dat. Dillingen, Sept. 18, 1549,
according to which he had declared in Augsburg that " the Emperor
had obtained from the Pope an Indult for communion sub utraque
specie and for priestly marriage." Egelhaaf (II., 521) declares
emphatically "that by this step on the Pope's part final recognition
was now given by the Church to the Imperial decree ; the opposition
hitherto displayed by the adherents of the old Faith must now for good
or evil be silenced, and this was of all the greater importance as the
General of the Dominicans, Romaus himself, had associated himself
with this opposition in a written protest. The Emperor at once issued
instructions to the German bishops enjoining them henceforth to
ordain clergy for pastoral duty on the basis of the Interim in Protestant
countries, which had not hitherto been done according to ecclesiastical
order." The proclamation of the Indult concerning marriage of priests
and communion under both kinds was not, however, a recognition of
the Interim as a whole, as no document to that eftect is forthcoming.
With regard to the Papal Indult, Ranke, for the sake of clearness,
ought to have referred also to Druffel, Beitrage, I., 292.
442 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
a certainty. On Christmas Eve 1548 he arrived in Rome,
where his presence was awaited with all the greater
expectation as Bertano's diplomacy was causing great
dissatisfaction.^ He brought no written, only oral, com-
munications from Charles and Granvelle. These went so
far that, as Cattaneo reported to Cardinal Madruzzo, it
would have been a miracle if they were ever carried out.
Long consultations followed,"'^ and Giulio Orsini, to the
great disgust of the French party, was again sent to the
Emperor in January 1549. From this second mission he
returned to Rome on the 27th of March with renewed
hopes of the most sanguine kind ; but Paul III. was now
proof against deception. When Cardinal du Bellay con-
gratulated him on the settlement of the dispute about
Piacenza, he remarked that nothing was yet known for
certain, Orsini had only brought back instructions for
Mendoza empowering the latter to negotiate further.^
There was afterwards some talk of sending Cardinal
Farnese to the Emperor. In the end Orsini was again
appointed in April, in order to push on the execution of
the promises and to furnish documentary proof of the
Papal rights over Piacenza. At the same time the nuncio
Bertano was ordered to use his influence, in the same sense,
with the Emperor.*
* See Buonanni's *reports, dat. Rome, Nov. 25 and Dec. 15, 1548
(State Archives, Florence).
2 See in Appendix No. 37 Cattaneo's letter of Dec. 29, 1548 (Vice-
regal Archives, Innsbruck) ; cf. also Campana, 451 seq.
2 See Druffel, I., 187 seq. ; cf. Campana, 456 seq. ; the *Istruttione
al S. Giulio Orsini, dat. Jan. 11, 1549, in the Bibliotheca Pia, 222,
f. I seq.., in Secret Archives of the Vatican, as well as in the Doria
Pamphili Archives, Rome, Istruz, I., 362 seq.
* See CuGNONi, Prose di A. Caro, 136 seq.\ Druffel, I., 216,
217 seq.., 883. Orsini left on April 26, 1549, according to Scipione
Gabrielli's *report (State Archives, Siena).
NOMINATION OF CARDINALS. 443
On the 8th of April 1549 the long-expected ^ nomina-
tion of new Cardinals took place. Applications had been
made from all quarters. Morone in December 1548 had
advanced the claims of Paul de Varda, Archbishop of
Gran, in the name of Ferdinand I.,^ and at the same time
Cardinal du Bellay had pestered Paul III. with importunate
demands.^ The Pope had given no heed to any of these
solicitations. Only four Italians, who were in his intimacy
and through whom he hoped to traverse the schemes of
Cardinal Gonzaga with regard to the choice of his
successor,* were appointed on the 8th of April 1549. They
were Girolamo Verallo, Gian Angelo de' Medici, Filiberto
Ferreri, and Bernardino Maffei.^
The Emperor's answer to the demand for Piacenza was
anxiously awaited in the Curia. At first there were hopes
which even Mendoza encouraged,^ but the disillusionment
came quickly. The answer which both representatives of
the Pope received simultaneously on the 12th of June was
as follows: From a minute examination of the docu-
ments submitted to Mendoza the conclusion had been
come to that neither the Holy See nor the feudatories
thereof had any rights to Piacenza or Parma, Never-
theless, the Emperor was willing to send his court
* Cj. Buonanni's reports of Sept. 25, Oct. 29, and Nov. 25, 1548
(State Archives, Florence). For the obstacle to the creation at
Christmas 1548, see RiBiER, II., 179 seq. ; Druffel, I., 183 seq., 185.
2 See Buonanni's *report, dat. Rome, Dec. 14, 1548 (State Archives,
Florence); cf. Druffel, I., 184.
3 See Buonanni's **report, dat. Rome, Dec. 17, 1548 (State Archives,
Florence).
* See Druffel, I., 223 seq.
6 See ClACONius, III., 735 seq. ; Cardella, IV., 292 seqq. For
Cardinal Medici's previous life, see SuSTA, Pius IV., Prag, 1900, Zseqq.
^ See the *report of Serristori, June 11, 1549 (State Archives,
Florence).
444 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
official, Martin Alfonso da Rio, with a proposal of agree-
ment. This envoy, who also presented a written statement
of the claims of the Empire on both cities, once more set
before the Pope the necessity of his relinquishing his
pretensions. He also announced that Charles, " not as a
compensation but as a free mark of favour," would bestow
on his son-in-law Ottavio Farnese a domain in the kingdom
of Naples of the value of 40,000 ducats per annum in
return for his surrender of Parma.^
Instead of restoring Piacenza Charles was now demanding
the acquisition of Parma as well ! The nuncio Bertano,
who hitherto had been as hopeful as Orsini^ and whose
reports had been written in a corresponding tone, was
quite dumbfounded by the turn which the Emperor
had given to the incident of Piacenza. He now tried
to raise difficulties for the Emperor in the matter of the
dispensation.^
Rome was given over to astonishment, confusion,* and
alarm. The agitation was all the greater since Cardinal
del Monte early in the autumn had announced that he
had come on traces of a conspiracy in Bologna to hand
over that city to the Emperor.^ The irritability of Paul HI.
* The " Risposta data da S. M. al vesc. di Fano" is presented badly
and with incorrect date in Lett. d. princ, III. (iS77), i^5^ ^^1- W-
Pallavicini, 1. II, c. 3 ; Maurenbrecher, 211 seq).
2 See the Avisi of May 25, 1549 (not 1548), in MOLINI, II., 427.
3 See Maurenbrecher, 209 ; Ribier, II., 216 ; Druffel, I., 272.
* Bertano's letter to Cardinal Farnese, dat. Brussels, June 23, 1549,
announcing that all his exertions had been in vain, was brought by
G. Orsini on July 5 (see Nunz. di Francia, I., A, f. 419''). The
Emperor's reply of June 12 was handed to Paul HI. on July 18 {ibid.,
f. 409, Secret Archives of the Vatican) ; cf. Corp. dipl. Port., VI.,
320 seq.
6 Cf. Pallavicini, 1. ii, c. 3 ; Druffel, I., 208 ; de Leva, V., 35.
See also Legaz. di Serristori, 202.
THE pope's moderation. 445
was stimulated by incitements on the part of France,^ and
the provoking behaviour of Mendoza, who, on presenting
the tributes from the kingdom of Naples to the Pope, made
a public display of his contempt.^ Although the spoken
language of the Pontiff at this time was not kept under
much restraint, yet his written reply, sent on June the 25th,
to the Emperor's declaration on the subject of Piacenza
was full of moderation. He would gladly have abstained
from replying, if he could have done so without injury to
the Holy See and himself; being forced to take the
opposite course, he would not revert to the shameful
proceedings in Piacenza or to the Emperor's promises, but
confine himself to the instructions given to Martin Alfonso
da Rio. According to the representations of Bertano and
Orsini the Emperor wished, for the pacifying of his own
conscience, to be made acquainted with the legal claims
of the Holy See ; the Pope therefore had been willing to
enter into negotiations, but only on the condition of previous
restitution ; finally, however, in order not to appear sus-
picious or harsh, he had given way and laid before Mendoza
the original documents. Mendoza had not been able to
make any objections to them. The Emperor, on the
contrary, now asserts that the Holy See has no legitimate
title to possession, and ofiers Ottavio a compensation of
40,000 ducats, on condition that he, the Emperor, is
also made master of Parma. Whether such conditions are
acceptable, or whether they are hurtful to the Holy See
and even Christendom itself, may be left to the judgment
of God and of mankind. He only prays that the Emperor
will consult the will of God and his own conscience afresh,
in order that he may perceive that Piacenza belongs to
1 See Druffel, I., 270, and also Histor. Zeitschrift, XXXII., 419.
• 2 cf. Buonanni's *report of June 29, 1549 (State Archives, Florence),
App.38,andthatofM. Dandoloof June 29, 1549 (State Archives. V^nic).
446 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the Holy See and that his Majesty, for many reasons, has
no right to stay its re-delivery; the same reasons hold good
in respect of Parma.^
The relations between the Pope and the Emperor having
become disturbed once more, it was only natural that France
should make every attempt to secure the upper hand in
Rome. The policy of that kingdom was directed to the
formation in the Pope's mind of a favourable opinion of
the Catholic sentiments of Henry II. and the prevention
of any concessions to the Emperor on questions of
religion. On the 13th of July 1549 Cardinal Ippolito
d'Este, brother of the Duke of Ferrara, appeared in Rome
on a mission from the French King and was received with
the highest marks of respect. He was to replace du
Bellay, whose performance of his duties had not given
satisfaction in Paris. Once more the project of a Franco-
Papal alliance was ardently discussed.^
Olivier, the chancellor of Henry II., soon discerned, how-
ever, that the policy of Paul III. did not go beyond the ac-
quisition of some amount of importance ^ in the eyes of the
Emperor through the negotiations with France. Mendoza
1 The "Risposta data a M. Alonso de ordine de N. S." is in Lett,
d. princ, III. (1577), 186. DRUFFEL (I., 266) gives it again, although
he must have inferred that it had been printed from Pallavicini
(1. 1 1, c. 3), whom he himself cites as evidence for the date. The date
is also certified by the copy in Cod. Urb., 15 12, f. 93-97, and Cod.
Barb., LVI II., 30, of Vatican Library. For Bertano's further ineffectual
negotiations over Piacenza, see his ^reports of Oct. 3, 22, 24, and
Nov. 3, 1549 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
2 SeeRiBlER, II., 222 seq., 230 seq., 234 seq., 243 seq. ; DE Leva, V.,
26 seqq. On July 19, 1549, Scipione Gabrielli ^reported : "II Papa h
stato 304 giorni in castello, cosa contra la sua usanza in questi
tempi, et ogni giorno fanno consigho cosi in castello come in casa
del rev. Farnese" (State Archives, Siena).
2 RiBlER, II., 22,(} seq.
THE emperor's IMPOSSIBLE CONDITIONS. 447
also was not deceived. He was firmly convinced that the
Pope did not trust the French, and would not break with
Charles V.^ At first, certainly, it seemed as if a rupture
over the Council was imminent between the Emperor and
the Pope. Paul III. wished to remove the existing
antagonism by summoning the universal episcopate to
Rome to discuss the reform of the Church. As the
Emperor could not openly oppose a proposal originally put
forward by himself, he now tried to nullify it by suggesting
impossible conditions. He demanded, firstly, that the
system of reform to be proceeded with at Rome must not
collide with the ordinances of the Interim and the recom-
mendations for the improvement of the clergy made to
the German princes at the Diet of Augsburg ; secondly,
that a Papal declaration should be made that the Tridentine
prelates came to Rome simply as ordinary bishops and
not as fathers of a General Council ; this latter demand
contained in it the tacit acknowledgment that the transla-
tion of the Council had been invalid. The Pope hoped to find
a way out in the fact that he had not invited the Tridentine
bishops to Rome expressly for the consideration of Church
reform, and further that not all but only some had been
summoned for that purpose. Such invitations were sent on
the 1 8th of July to Cardinal Pacheco, Bishop of Jaen, Pietro
Tagliavia, Archbishop of Palermo, Francesco Navarro,
Bishop of Badajoz, and Giambernardo Diaz, Bishop of
Calahorra, In order that it might be more clearly under-
stood that the prelates were bidden only as individuals,
summonses were sent also to four of the bishops at
Bologna. 2
1 See DrUFFEL, I., 271 ^^^'.j 274; ^y^. Histor. Zeitschrift, XXXII., 419.
2 *Letter of Cardinal Farnese to Bertano, dat. 1549, July 27 (Inf.
polit., XIX., 2II''-2l2^ Royal Library, Berlin); Pallavicini, 1. u,
C. 4 ; MAURENBRECHER, 133* ; DE LEVA, V., 50 seq.
448 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The briefs, which were sent to each bishop by a special
messenger, declared that the urgent needs of the Church
called for special consultations and measures which could
not be adequately provided for by the Pope and the Sacred
College alone. His Holiness had therefore determined to
take the opinion of a portion of the episcopate and com-
manded them, in virtue of their pledges of holy obedience,
to present themselves before him within forty days.
The bishops at Bologna at once declared their readiness
to answer the call of their supreme head. Not so those of
Trent. The reply in which they tendered their excuses
for remaining where they were was dictated by Charles V.,
who thought that by inviting four bishops from Trent
Paul HI. intended to put a stop to the assembly in that
city.^ As the Pope expressed himself satisfied with their
apologies, the Emperor threatened Bertano that he would
address an appeal to a council and bring on a schism.^
In order to steer clear of this extremity Paul HI. yielded
so far to the Emperor's objections to the Council of
Bologna as to communicate to Cardinal del Monte on the
1 3th of September his orders to dismiss the bishops there
assembled, which were carried out on the 17th. On the 26th
of September briefs were sent to the bishops who had left
Bologna in which the Pope exhorted them to keep in readi-
ness to resume the work of reform at the first call from him.^
The disobedience of the Tridentine prelates had not
been taken calmly by Paul III.* On the 1 8th of September
1 See Pallavicini, 1. 11, c. 4 ; Campana, 519.
2 Cf. Charles V.'s letter to Mendoza of Aug. 18, 1549, in Druffel,
I., 278.
3 See Pallavicini, 1. it, c. 4; Massarelli, Diarium IV., ed.
Merkle, I., 864.
* See the interesting *report of Serristori of Sept. 2, 1549 (State
Archives, Florence),
CONDITIONS FOR A FRENCH ALLIANCE. 449
they received a " Monitorium " rejecting their excuses. The
Bishops of Badajoz and Calahorra, on the receipt of this
brief, declared that they would obey the Pope. This was
excessively disagreeable to the Imperialists. Granvelle
ordered Mendoza to influence his Holiness "to pacify the
consciences of the two prelates " ; if this attempt was
unsuccessful, he must raise a protest. Paul III. warded off
this danger by declaring by word of mouth that the bishops
who did not appear would incur no censures.^
To all the cares and excitements of these last months
others undreamed of by the Pope were added about this
time.
While the negotiations for an alliance with France were
under consideration, a vital condition had been laid down,
that Parma must be abandoned by Ottavio Farnese, son-
in-law of the Emperor, in order that this city, so important
on account of its situation, might be given to Orazio
Farnese, the betrothed husband of Diana of Poitiers,
natural daughter of Henry II.^ In March 1548 it was
thought in Rome that Ottavio, just made Gonfaloniere
of the Church, would hand over Parma to his brother.^
But herein popular surmise was entirely mistaken. Subse-
quently the most varied schemes were considered as to
what was to be done should such an occurrence take
place, especially as to the manner of compensating Ottavio.*
Paul III. at last decided on a plan which put the Emperor
in the dilemma of also refusing to the Holy See what
* See besides Druffel, I., 289, 293, and Campana, 520, the
*report of Uberto Strozzi of Oct. 26, 1549 (Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua).
2 The marriage treaty was already completed (see Ribier, II.,
129 seq.).
3 See Nuntiaturberichte, X., 275, n. I.
* Cf. Legaz. di Serristori, 202 ^eq,
VOL. XII. 29
450 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
he had stubbornly refused to his own son-in-law : Parma
and Piacenza were to be given back to the Church,
and Ottavio compensated by Camerino and a sum of
money. The Imperialists, Margaret, Ottavio, and Cardinal
Farnese sought in vain to dissuade the Pope. The orders
were issued to Camillo Orsini to take possession of Parma
in the name of the Holy See.^
Ottavio, whose temper was as fiery as his father's, was
not, however, inclined to make place for his brother.
Parma seemed to him too precious a possession — precious,
moreover, on this account, that he believed himself to be
held in great affection by the citizens.^ Ever since the
beginning of 1549 he had stood in intimate relationship
with the viceroy, Ferrante Gonzaga, as he wished by all
the means in his power to retain possession of his princi-
pality. Goaded on by Mendoza, Ottavio determined at
last upon an act of desperation. On the 20th of October
1549 he left Rome secretly and hastened to Parma. There
he attempted to obtain admission, first as lord of the place,
and, when that plea failed, as vicegerent in the name of
the Holy See. This Camillo Orsini refused before receiv-
ing direct authorization from the Pope.^
Paul HI. was beside himself on hearing of Ottavio's
departure. His anger was intensified by the general
belief that at bottom he was in sympathy with Ottavio's
proceeding, who had always been his special favourite.*
* See Uandolo, Relazione in Alb^ri, 2nd Series, III., 341 ; Palla-
viciNi, 1. 1 1, c. 6 ; DE Leva, V., 56.
2 See Legaz. di Serristori, 202.
* See Pallavicini, L 21, c. 6 ; Maurenbrecher, 214 ; de Leva,
v., 56.
* See Brosch in the Mitteil. des osterr. Instituts, XXI IL, 151.
Ottavio had already been described in a *letter of G. M. della Porta of
Dec. 14, 1537 (State Archives, Florence), as "idolo" of Paul III.
CONDUCT OF OTTAVIO FARNESE. 45 1
Such a sympathy, however, was imaginary. On the
contrary, the Pope wrote to Camillo Orsini forbidding hirn
to countenance Ottavio's conduct. To the latter he sent
by special messenger sometimes verbal, sometimes written,
commands to return to Rome there and then. The Duke,
far from obeying, had no scruple in appealing to Ferrante
Gonzaga, the mortal enemy of his house, for aid. Gonzaga
declared his willingness to furnish him with support upon
condition that Ottavio would satisfy himself with a
compensation for Parma or at least hold the duchy as a
fief from the Emperor. Ottavio thereupon wrote to
Cardinal Farnese that he would consent to Ferrante's
conditions if the Pope did not immediately surrender to
him the city.^
On the 5th of November, two days after he had kept the
anniversary of his coronation,^ Paul III. received authentic
tidings of the disobedience and ungrateful conduct of his
pampered grandson. On the following day he went, regard-
less of the intense cold, to the villa on the Quirinal which
once had belonged to Cardinal Oliviero Carafa, where
Cardinal Farnese read to him the letter from Ottavio. The
Pope's indignation knew no bounds,and waxed greater when
he perceived that the Cardinal was on the side of the rebel.
He was attacked by a violent fever accompanied by a
chill ;^ together with the agitation of the preceding days,
this illness broke down the old man of eighty-two, who up
1 Pallavicini, I. II, c. 6; Ribier, II., 247; Druffel, I., 294;
Lett, di B. Cavalcanti, xv seqq.; Miscell. d. stor. Ital., XVII., 126
seq. ; GUALANO, 89 ; DE LEVA, V., 56 seq. ; Carte Strozz., I., i, 431.
2 Ribier, II., 251 seq.
3 Cf. M. Dandolo's despatch in DE Leva, V., 59; the report of
d' Urf6 in Ribier, II., 252 seq. ; that of Lasso in Druffel, I., 294 j
that of Scipione Gabrielli of Nov. 7, 1549 (State Archives, Siena),
and that of U. Strozzi (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua) of Nov. 7 in
Appendix No. 39 ; see also Merkle, I., 873 ; II., 3, 491.
452 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
to that time had enjoyed an enviable vitality. Cardinal
Farnese on the 7th of November ordered the castle of
St. Angelo to be occupied by Astorre Baglioni and the gates
of Rome to be closed.^ On the 9th the Pope's condition
was hopeless. His mind was unclouded, and he once more
summoned the Cardinals round his bed. It was expected
that he would appoint two Cardinals reserved in petto,
but he did not. Paul III. only commended the affairs of
the Church, and the interests of his beloved family,^ in a
few words to the Cardinals. If his inordinate family
affection is taken into consideration, there is nothing in-
credible in the report that, at his last hour, on the 8th of
November, during a brief rally, he dictated a brief ordering
Camillo Orsini to deliver Parma to Ottavio as soon as the
tidings of his death arrived.^ This order to a certainty was
given by Cardinal Farnese to Camillo Orsini on November
the 8th, 1549.4
On the 9th of November Paul III. made his confession
* *" Che non entra ne esce un uccello," writes B. Ruggieri on Nov. 7,
1549 (State Archives, Modena). See also Scipione Gabrielli's *report
of Nov. 7, 1549 (State Archives, Siena).
2 See d' Urf6's report and that of Cardinal Ippolito d' Este ot
Nov. 9, 1549, in Druffel, I., 294 seq. ("le card, de Ghity" is not, as
Druffel supposes, Gaddi, but Chieti = Carafa); cf. also the *letter of
B. Ruggieri of Nov. 9, 1549 (State Archives, Modena), and *that of
F. Franchino of Nov. 9, 1549 (State Archives, Parma), who inter alia
relates : " S. B. ancora sta in se e parla con sentimento e particolar-
mente ha dette a Madama et al s. Don Alessandro parole benigne et
amorevoli, che havrebbe fatto scoppiar a pianger li sassi."
3 Cf. Pallavicini, 1. II, c. 6, n. 3 ; Carte Strozzi, I., i, 432; BroSCH,
I., 188; Rachfahl, 20; Merkle, II., 16.
* See the letter in Appendix No. 40 (Altieri Library, Rome). A.
Elio, Bishop of Pola, brought the letter on Nov. 1 1 to C. Orsini, who
did not acknowledge it, since it came from Cardinal Farnese (see
Gualano, 90); he joined Ottavio on Nov. 14, 1 549 (see Arch. Trent.,
II., 61).
DEATH OF PAUL III. 453
and received the viaticum devoutly; towards evening there
was a decided change for the worse,^ and in the early
morning of the loth he expired.^
No one doubted that the ungrateful conduct of Ottavio
was the immediate cause of death.^ The Venetian ambas-
sador, dwelling on this circumstance, remarked: "Pope
Paul was good-hearted, obliging, intelligent, thoughtful.
No man was ever more worthy to be called magnani-
mous."* Nepotism, his besetting fault, he acknowledged
himself, and in his last hours he repeated to himself the
words of the Psalm, " My sin is ever before me." "If they
had not had the mastery over me, then should I have been
without great offence."^
The Pope's body was brought without delay to the
Vatican,^ and placed in a temporary tomb in St. Peter's,
behind the organ. Out of regard for the merits of the
deceased Pontiff, the College of Cardinals, on the 13th of
November, voted out of the treasure in St. Angelo a sum
of 10,000 ducats, to be deposited with a bank, in order
to erect a worthy monument in St. Peter's under the
* See Scipione Gabrielli's *report of Nov. 9, 1549 (State Archives,
Siena).
2 See Massarelli, Diarium IV. (ed. Merkle, I., 873): "hora 14" ;
Lud. Bondini de Branchis Firmani, Diarium {ibid., II., 491): "hora
13^." Ruggieri says, in his *Ietter of Nov. 10, Paul III. died " fra le 13
e 14 hore" (State Archives, Siena) ; Masius : "two hours before day"
(Lacomblet, Archiv, VI., 146) ; Cardinal Farnese in the *Ietter to
C. Orsini of Nov. 10: "sul far del giorno" (Altieri Library, Rome).
For the place of Paul III.'s death, see also the evidence in Dengel,
Der Palazzo di Venezia, 108, n. 4.
^ See B. Ruggieri's report of Nov. 16, 1549 (State Archives,
Modena).
* Alberi, 2nd Series, III., 343.
s See Raynaldus, 1549, n. 49; Ciaconius, III., 553.
® See B. Ruggieri's *report of Nov. 10, 1549 (State Archives
Modena) ; cf. Merkle, 1 1, 4, 491.
454 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
supervision of the Farnesi.^ Cardinal Farnese committed
the task to the Milanese sculptor Guglielmo della Porta.
Although begun in 1550, the monument was not finished
until 1576, The artist originally had intended that the
principal decoration should consist of figures of the four
seasons, but, on the advice of Annibale Caro, for these
were substituted statues of Justice, Wisdom, Prosperity,
and Peace. The monument was erected near the altar
of St. Longinus; thence it was removed in 1628 by
Urban YIII. and placed in the left niche of the principal
tribune.^
Above a white marble sarcophagus rises the bronze
eflfigy of the Pope, seated on a throne. He is represented
as a venerable old man bent beneath the burden of years.
He is clothed in mantle and pallium. Absorbed in
meditation, the intellectual head, with its deep-set eyes,
hollow cheeks, and ample beard, is bowed with calm
dignity. With his right hand, as if slowly raised, he
gives the Papal blessing. The sides of the sarcophagus
are adorned with two masks and two amoretti in bronze.
On the black tablet of inscription run the words in classic
conciseness: "Paulo HI. Farnesio Pont. Opt. Max." The
Farnese lilies and other adornments have been introduced,
but not a single religious symbol is visible. The base is
of dark, coloured marble; above it, on volutes, lie the
allegorical marble figures of Wisdom and Justice. The
former, a matron, with serious even virile features, holds in
the right hand a mirror, in the left a book. While this
form recalls a Sibyl by Michael Angelo, the traits of
Justice resemble rather the sensuous beauty of some
1 See Massarelli, Diarium V., ed. Merkle, II,, 12.
2 See A. Caro, Lett, fam., II., Padova, 1763, 3 ; Vasari, VII., 225,
546; Mel. d'Archeol., IX., 57 seq. Cf. Zanetti, Monete d' Italia,
179 ; Lanciani, Scavi, II., 249 ; Thode, v., 235 segq.
THE MONUMENT TO PAUL III. 455
figure by Titian; originally this statue was nude, but in
1595 was covered with bronze drapery by order of
Cardinal Edoardo Farnese, who wished to avoid the offence
which might be caused by the exhibition of an unclothed
figure in a Christian temple.^ The two corresponding
images of Peace and Prosperity, for which no room could
be found in the niche, are now preserved in the Farnese
palace.
This monument, like the character of the Pope whom it
commemorates, has had to run the gauntlet of opposing
criticism, as the representative of two epochs. If not
certainly one of the most beautiful of the Papal monuments
in St. Peter's,- this work of Guglielmo della Porta,^ despite
the baroque taste in its architectural details and a certain
affectation in the allegorical figures, is yet a remarkable
composition, distinguished by largeness and beauty of
design. It is the first instance in Rome of the type
created by Michael Angelo in the monuments of the
Medici. The great bronze statue of Paul III. is full of
dignity and majesty.
* See Mel. d'Archeol., IX., 68. Here (p. 64 seq^ there is also a
refutation of the legend that the statue represents Giulia Farnese (see
also Clausse, Farnese, 1 10 ; Maurice Pal6ologue, Rome, Paris,
1902, 195 seq.). Similar female figures, scantily draped, are still to be
seen on the monument of Bona Sforza, erected in 1593 in S. Nicola
at Bari.
* Thus GreGOROVIUS (Grabdenkmaler des Papste, Leipzig, 1857,
148). Winckelmann's severe criticism represents the opposite extreme
{cf. Cancellieri, Mercato, 42). For moderns, see Beissel in
Stimmen aus Maria Laach, XLVL, 495, and especially RiEGL,
Barockkunst, 146 seq.
3 The artist's name appears no less than three times on the monu
ment (see Forcella, VL, 70).
CHAPTER XII.
The Completion of the Ecclesiastical Revolution in
England and Scandinavia. — The Protestant Propaganda
IN France.
Although the diplomatic relations between Henry VHI.
and Clement VH. had been broken off in August 1533 and
in the beginning of the following year the English schism
had taken place under Parliamentary sanction/ the King
nevertheless maintained an unofficial agent in Rome.
The latter, immediately after the election of Paul HI.,
tried to arouse hopes in the Curia that the King might not
be indisposed to come to terms with the new Pontiff.
The Imperialists saw in this only a manoeuvre to gain
time by deceiving the Pope for the consolidation of the
organized English schism.^
The immediate sequence of events showed that the
Imperialists were right. The Parliament, which was
opened on the 3rd of November 1534, enacted that the
King and his successors should be recognir.ed as the sole
supreme head of the English Church and enjoy all the
spiritual power and authority involved in that title, even in
matters of dogma. This statute, which handed over the
whole life of the Church to the secular authority, was
supplemented by another declaring that not only all
' Cf, our remarks, Vol. X. of this work, 284 seq.
* See Letters and Papers: Henry VIIL, ed. Gairdner, VIL, n.
1298, 1397, 1403 ; cf. 1257.
456
STATE OF RELIGION IN ENGLAND. 457
who conspired against the King's person or called him
heretical and schismatical, but also all who disallowed
him any one of the titles belonging to him, were liable
to the penalty of high treason.^ Since to his previous
titles was now also added that of " Supreme Head on earth
of the Church of England immediately under God," the
" English Pope " was henceforth to hand over every loyal
Catholic to the public executioner.
The new Act of Supremacy dropped the clause which
had been introduced in 1531 in order to tranquillize
Catholic scruples, " that the King was head of the English
Church so far as the law of Christ permitted." ^ It was
clear that England was to be torn asunder from the
centre of Christian unity. The English clergy and laity
were so steeped in confusion of ideas, pusillanimity, human
respect, and servility that many did not recognize, or
refused to admit that they recognized, this fact. They
clung to the ambiguity of the figurative expression
Supreme Head, and by means of fanciful explanations shut
their eyes to the fact that the ecclesiastical supremacy
claimed by Henry VHI. was something entirely new and
incompatible with a sincere profession of Catholic faith.
Under the terrors of the new statutes the majority of the
English clergy acknowledged the King's supremacy and
the Vicar-General appointed by him, a layman without
the slightest link with the priesthood, the arbitrary and
irreligious Thomas Cromwell.^
* Statutes of the Realm, IIL, London, 1817, 26th of Henry VIIL,
c. I, 13 ; LiNGARD, VL, 239 seq. ; SpiLLMANN, I., 96 seq.
2 Cf. Vol. X. of this work, 279; Bellesheim in Katholik, 1890, IL,
75 seq ; Wetzer und Welte, Kirchenlex., XII., 2nd ed., 12 19.
3 Cf. Bridgett, Fisher, 340 seq.., 346 seq.; Lett, and Pap., VI TI.,
i; Tr^SAL, 120 seq.; Cromwell's character according to Moller
Kawerau, 205. For the controversy concerning the ofiicia separati
of the English Church, see Lit Rundschau, 1908, 108 seq.
4S8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Widespread as was the dissatisfaction at the innova-
tions,^ yet only a few had the spirit to withstand them
openly from the sense of duty. On these few fell the
whole weight of the penal laws, the execution of which
inaugurated in England a reign of terror bloodier than
any which had yet been known within the pale of
Christendom. Everyone suspected of denying the royal
supremacy could be forced to accept an oath the refusal
of which meant for the unhappy victim of tyranny the
gibbet or the block.^
The first to lay down their lives, on the 4th of May 1535,
were the Priors of the three Carthusian houses in London, a
Brigittine monk, and a secular priest. They were hanged,
cut down while yet alive, and then disembowelled and
quartered. They all died with an intrepidity of soul
worthy of the martyrs of the first persecutions.^ The
same Christian heroism was evinced by two other victims
of the King's supremacy. They were John Fisher, Bishop
of Rochester, and his friend, Thomas More, who, since
April the 17th, 1534, had been held prisoners in the Tower.
Paul III. attempted to save the Bishop's life by naming him
a Cardinal,* but thereby only hastened his end. On the
22nd of June 1535 the grey-headed old man, then in his
sixty-seventh year, was brought out dressed only in sorry
rags to the scaffold on Tower Hill and there beheaded,
his naked body being afterwards exposed to the popu-
> Cf. Lett, and Pap., VIII., ii ; Tr6sal, 122.
2 A non-Catholic student (HoOK, Lives of the Archbishops of
Canterbury, III., London, 1869, 69) speaks of the rule of Henry VIII.
as "a despotism under legal forms."
3 Cf. [Chancaeus, M.] Historia aliquot nostri saeculi martyrum,
Moguntiae, 1550, and Gandavi, 1608; Spili.mann, I., 105 seqq.;
TresaL, 127 seq.
* Cf. Vol. XI. of this worV, p. 141.
EXECUTION OF MORE AND FISHER. 459
lace.^ On the 6th of July he was followed to the same
place by Thomas More, once Chancellor of England,
and renowned throughout Europe for his learning. Both
Fisher and More declared before execution that they
died in the Catholic faith and as loyal subjects of the
King. The heads of both of these heroes were set up
on London Bridge.^
Europe rang with grief and indignation on hearing of
these judicial murders. Nowhere was the excitement
greater than in Rome; Paul III., with characteristic
caution, despite the pressure on the part of the Imperialists,
had acted hitherto with restraint towards Henry VIII.,
especially as the French diplomatists had dazzled him with
the prospect of a near reaction in that monarch's views
and promised to do all that lay in their power in that
direction. So strong was his confidence in the influence of
Francis I. that he cherished hopes of Fisher's deliverance
through French intervention until it was too late.^ When
the tidings of his execution came instead on the very
morrow, as it were, of his elevation to the purple, the
perhaps excessive forbearance of the Pope gave way at
last. It was on the 26th of July, when a letter from the
French nuncio announced in Rome the death of "the
^ See Bridgett, 302 seq.^ 381 seq., 409 seq. ; Spillafann, I.,
124 seq.; cf. V. Ortroy in the Anal. Bolland., X. (1891) ; XII.
(1893). For the martyrdom on June 19, 1535, of the Carthusian
Newdigate and twelve of his associates, see Camm, S. Newdigate,
London, 1901.
2 See RUDHART, Th. Moras, Niirnberg, 1829, 398 seqq, ; Spill-
MANN, I., 144 seq. ; cf. Bridgett, Th. More, 2nd ed., London, 1892 ;
Bremond, Th. More, 2nd ed., Paris, 1906.
2 Besides Lett, and Pap., VIII., n. 713, 746, 786, 812, 837, cf. *Min.
brev. Arm., 40, t. 51, n. 454 : Admirato Franciae, dat. May 21, 1535 ;
n. 455 : Card, de Giuri ; n. 456 : Episc. Favent. ; n. 457 : Regi christ.
dat. May 21, 1535 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
46o HISTORY OF THE POPES.
martyrs of the supremacy."^ The Pope's anger knew no
bounds. He at once conveyed the tidings to the Cardinals,^
and invoked by briefs on the same day the help of the
Christian princes. In these letters he was able with justice
to point out that for three long years the Holy See had,
with the gentleness of the Good Shepherd, borne with
the behaviour of Henry Vni., patiently hoping from day
to day that the King would change for the better. As
this latest act of wickedness had shown, all such hopes
were futile, and the Pope now recognized the necessity of
" using the branding iron " and declaring as worthy of
deposition the King who for more than two years already
had been living under excommunication, as a heretic
schismatic, notorious adulterer, open murderer, sacrilegious
despoiler, destroyer and transgressor against the majesty
of God.3
The Pope was strengthened in this intention still
further by the announcement, at the end of July, of the
execution of Thomas More.^ A month later a solemn
Bull was issued in which Henry was urgently implored,
after the enumeration of his misdeeds, to repent within
three months, but in the case of contumacy the Pope as
• So called by DiXON (History of the Church of England, I., Lond.,
1884, 25) ; cf. also Kerker, I. Fisher, Tiibingen, i860.
^ *Hieri il Papa pece legger alcune lettere del nuntio suodi Francia
concerning the "tragedia" of Fisher's death (*letter of Cardinal
E. Gonzaga to Agnello, dat. Rom., July 27, 1535, Cod. Barb. Lat, 5788,
f. 198"^, Vatican Library). G. M. della Porta had already by mistake
announced the execution of Fisher in *letters from Rome to Urbino on
May 29 and 31, 1535 (State Archives, Florence).
' See Raynaldus, 1535, n. 10-13; <^f- Nuntiaturberichte, I., 463
seq., 466 seq.\ Lett, and Pap., VIIL, 24, 1144; *letter of Cardinal
E. Gonzaga, dat. July 31, 1535 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua), and of
F. Peregrino of July 28 and 31, 1535 {ibid.).
• See Lett. d. princ, L, 134 seq. ; Nuntiaturberichte, I., 466.
THE BULL AGAINST HENRY VlH. 46 1
supreme judge of the faithful would apply to him the
severest penalties to which, in accordance with the then
existing law, those remaining obdurately under the ban
of the Church were exposed. He would accordingly be
declared deposed, his country laid under interdict, his
subjects absolved from their oath of obedience and called
upon to make war against the rebel ; foreign nations would
be forbidden intercourse with the supporters of the schism
and be vested with the right to make themselves masters
of their persons and their property.^
The mere threat of these penalties made such an impres-
sion in the Low Countries that English trade suffered
heavy loss.^ It is therefore probable that if Charles V.
and Francis I. had made a show of putting the Bull into
execution, Henry VIII. would have been compelled, by an
insurrection of his subjects,^ to draw back from the schism
he had initiated. But it soon became evident that the
Pope's appeal for help would die away upon the air.
Francis I. expressed the utmost indignation at Henry's
deeds of violence, but declared that the first steps must
come from Charles, as the person most closely interested ;
the latter, on the contrary, could not see his way to inter-
fere unless certain of support from King Francis.*
Paul III. would have willingly proceeded ° without delay,
* Bull., VL, 195 j^^. (in Raynaldus, 1535, n. 18, wrongly dated);
cf. Hergenrother, Kirche und Staat, 673 seq. \ Zeitschr. fiir kath.
Theol, 1895, 609 seq.
2 Nuntiaturberichte, L, 519 J^^., 524.
^ See Lett, and Pap., IX., xv.
* Cf. Lett, and Pap., IX., xiv. For the anger of Francis I., see the
*letter of F. Peregrine of July 28, 1535 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
^ See the *brief to the "Comes Kildariae in Hibernia" of Aug. 31,
1535, Min. brev. Arm., 40, t. 52, n. 10 (Secret Archives of the Vatican) ;
cf. the *report of Sanchez of Aug. 2C, 1535 (Court and State Archives.
Vienna).
462 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
but the attitude both of the French and the Imperialists
forced him to hold back the Bull from day to day. Thus
precious time was lost, which Henry made use of to
consolidate the schism with all the energy, resolution, and
ruthlessness of his character.
In addition to this the Sacred College was divided over
the form of procedure and the composition of the document.
When in a consistory held on the 26th of November 1535
the Bull was at last put to the vote, so many objections to
it were made that yet another revision was ordered.^
Paul III. hoped to arrive at a final decision on the loth of
December. He sent in minutes of his own, but neither of
the two drafts, which he presented, met with the approval
of the Cardinals. Although the Pope displayed much self-
confidence and declared that he wished to surpass the
great deeds of Julius II., no one but Schonberg shared his
opinion that the publication of the Bull must be proceeded
with at once. Unwillingly the Pope dismissed the con-
sistory without a decision having been come to.^ It was
now thought that the Bull would appear without the
Cardinals' consent; but Paul III. shrank from such an
unusual step.^
In the beginning of 1536 the document was once more
submitted privately to the Cardinals. According to the
report of Pedro Ortiz, the Imperialist agent in Rome, it
was afterwards produced in consistory on the nth ot
January. On the 23rd Ortiz was able to announce that
"^ Cf. T. Peregrine's *report, dat. Rome, Nov. 27, 1535 (Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua).
2 Cf. Cardinal du Bellay's somewhat one-sided report of Dec. 22,
1535, in the Lett, and Pap., IX., n. 1007, and also ibid., n. 944, 983, 999.
See also E. Gonzaga's *letter to his mother, dat. Rome, Dec. 10, 1535
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
' See Lett, and Pap., IX., n. 999, 1024.
FATEFUL DELUSION OF PAUL IIL 4S3
the Bull had now received the leaden seals and only
awaited printing and fixture in public places.^ Then at
the last moment all was altered by the announcement of
the death on the 7th of January of the innocent and de-
fenceless Queen Catherine. Charles V. had no longer any
interest in the fate of his un fortunate aunt, and the outbreak
of war with France did the rest. Charles and Francis were
soon suitors for the support of the powerful King of
England. Under such circumstances Paul III. had no
other course to follow than to withdraw the Bull.^
Queen Catherine's death was soon followed by that of
her rival Anne Boleyn. Accused of the worst unchastity,
she was executed on the 19th of May 1536 by order of
the uxorious King, who, eleven days later, married Jane
Seymour.*
The fall of Anne Boleyn seemed like a divine judgment.
It rekindled in Rome the never extinguished hope* that
the King, designated by Leo X. as " Defender of the Faith,"
would, on the removal of the origo mali, return and be
reconciled to the Church. Paul III. had also himself
yielded to this fateful delusion, and declared himself ready
to smooth the way for the King's return.^
While the fulfilment of his desire seemed as easy as
possible to the Pope, he failed to see that in place of
Henry's fleeting passion another motive had stepped in,
and this a financial one, which raised a permanent obstacle
* See Gayangos, V., 2, n. 5, 6, 11.
2 See Lett, and Pap., X., xv.
3 See LiNGARD, VL, 263 seqq. ; Brosch, VL, 295 seqq.
* Soon after Catherine's death Paul IIL renewed his hopes (see
F. Peregrino's report of Feb. 12, 1536, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
6 See Raynaldus, 1536, n. 26 ; Corp. dip!. Port, IIL, 307 seq., and
the letter of Casale, whose details are quite untrustworthy, in Lett, and
Pap., X., n. 877.
464 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
to the King's return to the Church.^ Since February 1535
the dissolution of the English monasteries had been going
on with almost unexampled unscrupulousness and barbarity,
a measure which reduced the most powerful adherents of
the Pope to beggary and brought into the Crown an
annual revenue of 32,000 pounds and a sum in hard cash
of 100,000 pounds, amounts representing, at the present
value of money, 175,000 and 600,000 pounds respectively .^
The King had all the less intention of refraining from this
robbery as the Parliament and the higher clergy dared
not show any resistance, and the continuance of the war
between the Emperor and France left Henry in safety
from any attack from without. But at the beginning of
October 1536 he was surprised by an uprising in the
county of Lincoln. This had scarcely been put down
when the much more dangerous revolt known as the
"Pilgrimage of Grace" ensued. From the Scottish border
to the Humber and the Lune the people rose in anger
against the brutal closure of the monasteries as well as
against evil social conditions. They demanded the dis-
missal of the King's bad counsellors and the restoration to
the Church of her rights. The " Pilgrims," whose numbers
amounted to 40,000, used all their forces of influence to
restore the banished religious to their monasteries.^
In Rome, where the hopes of Henry's return were now
seen to be groundless/ the news of the Catholic rising in
1 Brosch, v., 304 ; Gasquet, II., 2nd ed., 4.
8 Spillmann, I., 172. For particulars, see Gasquet, Henry VIII.
and the English Monasteries, 2nd ed., London, 1888; in German,
Mainz, 1890-1891, and the new edition in one volume, 1906. See also
Baumer in the Zeitschr. fiir kath. Theol., XIII., 461 seqq. ; VVlLSON,
Zur Vorgesch. der Auflosung der Kloster in England, Halle, 1900.
3 LiNGARD, VI., 378 seq. ; Brosch, VI., 315 seq.
• See Lett, snd Pap., XL, n. 230
CONTEMPLATED MISSION OF POLE. 465
Northern England was hailed with great joy. It seemed
a happy coincidence that at that very moment, the begin-
ning of November 1536, the news was circulated that
James V. of Scotland, whom Paul III. had withheld from
any alliance with Henry VIII., intended to marry a
daughter of Francis I. The Pope recommended this
match most warmly, while at the same time warning
Francis against any support of Henry VI 11.^ After the
conclusion of the wedding, on the 19th of January 1537,
he sent the Scottish king the consecrated hat and sword ^
as encouragement to him to help the English Catholics.
Already, on November the 17th, 1536, a letter had been
sent to the English people to strengthen them in their
attachment to the ancient faith and in their resistance to
the tyranny of Henry VI 11.^
A short time afterwards Paul III. contemplated a mission
which might have been very dangerous to the English
King.* Reginald Pole was to go as legate to France and
the Netherlands in order to enter into communication there-
from with the defenders of Catholicism in England, and
thus force Henry to give up the schism. Charles V. agreed
to the scheme, and so also did the French ambassador.
Thus on the 15th of February Pole was appointed legate
to Francis I. and to the Regent of the Netherlands " for
the settlement of the English concerns." As a companion
* Cf.^ besides the letter in Raynaldus, 1536, n. 29, also *Min. brev.
Arm., 41, t. 4, n. 244 : *Mag. Franciae, dat. Nov. 7 ; n. 245 : *Regi
Scotiae, dat. Nov. 9, 1536 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
2 See Raynaldus, 1537, n. 40; Bellesheim, Schottland, I., 330.
3 Min. brev., loc. cit., n. 259 : *Eccles'''^ et saecularibus Anglie,
dat. 15 Cal. Dec. 1536 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
* The French nuncio called Pole's attention to this in a *letter of
Nov. 26-29, 1536 (Nunz. di Francia, 2, Secret Archives of the Vatican).
Pole's mission was then fixed, according to a *letter of F. Peregrine,
dat. Rome, Dec. 22, 1536 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
VOL. XIL 30
466 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
and adviser he was accompanied by an old politician, Gian
Matteo Giberti.*
Paul III. set great hopes on Pole's mission.^ His
appointment seemed, in fact, a move in the right direction.
The Cardinal had old relations with Henry VHI,, who,
on receiving his outspoken work on the " Unity of the
Church," had invited him to return to England, where he
hoped to come to an understanding with him. Although
Pole rightly thought this too dangerous a request to
comply with, yet no one seemed more fitted than he to
influence the King in the direction of peace. On the
other hand, Pole as a scion of the house of York might
well cause Henry some alarm and be a stimulus to the
spirits of the English Catholics. It was believed in Rome
that two-thirds of the people of England were against
Henry VI 11,^ As the French nuncio announced that
James V. of Scotland was ready to cross the English
border, the most favourable prospect seemed to open of
forcing Henry to recant.* The latter therefore viewed
Pole's mission with the most anxious apprehension, and
determined to use all means, even murder if necessary,^
to put the Cardinal out of the way.
* C< Acta Consist., in Brady, II., 281, and the numerous briefs of
Feb. 15, 1537, in *Min. brev. Arm., 41, t. 5, n. 146-168, partly in
Raynaldus, 1537, n. 38 seqq.; see also QuiRlNl, Ep. Poll, II., 34
scqq. ; LiNGARD, VI., 285 seq. ; Pieper, 113 seq. For the departure,
see Vol. XI. of this work, p. 165, n. i.
2 See G. M. della Porta's report, dat. Rome, Dec. 22, 1536 (State
Archives, Florence, Urb.).
3 See G. M. della Porta's *report, dat. Rome, Jan. 5 and 18, 1537
(State Archives, Florence).
* Cf. Lett, and Pap., XII, i., xxvii.
' Cardinal Carpi *vvrote on April 21, 1537, from Amiens: "Sono
certificato da Brian, nuovo ambasciatore Anglico et che per esser
mignoq di quel re, non vieoe mai <jui che per cosa importante molto,
FAILURE OF POLE'S MISSION. 467
There were various causes of the failure of Pole's mission.
In the first place, it came too late, for he did not receive the
Legatine Bull until the 31st of March.^ This delay, and still
more the indecision and blind assurance of the " Pilgrims,"
gave Henry VIII. the time to subdue the northern districts.
The whole movement was a demonstration rather than an
actual phase of war, and this Rome did not understand. ^
It was precisely their moderation, the trust that their
leaders displayed towards the English Government, which
led to the victory of the latter. On the certainty of a
general amnesty the insurrectionists laid down their arms,
whereupon the King broke his promise and executed cruel
vengeance. Another reason for the failure of Pole's mission
was the shameful conduct of Francis I., who gave the
Legate notice to quit his territories as soon as possible
because the King of England desired his surrender as a
traitor. Pole had to withdraw to Cambrai, an Imperial city;
but even then, in the neighbourhood of Calais, he was not
safe, as the English King had set a price of 50,000 crowns
upon his head and had demanded his extradition from
the Regent of the Netherlands. The town council of
Cambrai, alarmed on the score of the trade with England,
era venuto per far 1' ultimo conato d' haver nelle mani il signer legato
et condurlo in Inghilterra per metterlo nel cathalogo de martyri,
et non li essendo reuscito, ne stk desperatissimo et malcontento al
possibile di costoro et brava, che se lo trovasse in mezza Francia,
lo amazzera di sua mano con simili altre parolaccie per le quali
anchor si vede chiaramente 1' aninio di quel re et quanto bisogna, che
S.S. rev™* si guardi la vita per tutti i versi havendo a far con pazzi et
cattivi et che temono piu senza alcun dubbio di lei, per quanto ritraggo
che d' altra cosa di Roma." Nunz. di Francia, 2, f. 76, Secret Archives
of the Vatican.
* Lett, and Pap., XIL, i, n. 779. What the hopes cherished in
Rome were is shown in the Nuntiaturberichte, IL, 126.
2 PixON (I., 457) calls special attention to this.
468 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
had the Cardinal conveyed to Liege. There he remained,
with Giberti, in spite of all dangers, until the month of
August, in the hope that he might still be able to do
something for his unhappy country. The illusions by
which he was still possessed had long since ceased to
deceive his colleague Contarini and another observer,
whose insight was clearer than his own, Pope Paul III.^
Although the Pope was now determined to bring the full
force of ecclesiastical punishment to bear upon Henry, he
yet did nothing precipitately. It was not until, at Nice,
he had arranged an armistice between Francis and Charles
and had pledged these princes to break off all relations with
Henry VHI. after the publication of the Bull, that he
revived that document, which had lain dormant for
three years, and set about its publication with certain
supplementary details. But even then the Pope took no
measures until he had laid the matter before a commission
of four Cardinals and had obtained their consent.^
In the Bull dated the 17th of December 1538^ the
Pope referred to the proofs of his previous long-suffering,
which had now been brought to an end by the King's
latest acts of iniquity, foremost among which were the
cruel executions of prelates and priests and the robbery
and desecration of some of the most sacred places in
England. It was especially pointed out that Henry, in
his infatuated rage, was now wreaking ruin even on the
resting-places of the dead, hallowed by the veneration of
1 Cf. DiTTRiCH, Contarini, 441 seq.\ Lett, and Pap., XII., I,
xxxvii ;<[/■. XII., 2, xxx seq.
2 Cf. RayNALDUS, 1538, n. 45. ; PallaviciNI, 1. 4) c. 7 ; Nuntiatur-
berichte, III., 221 seq., 304 ; Lett, and Pap., XIII., 2, n. 684-686. See
also in Vol. XI. of this work, Appendix No. 25, the *letter of Bianchetto
to Aleander of Oct. 28, 1538 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
3 Bull., VI., 203-205 ; cf. Lett, and Pap.. XIII., 2, xli.
SELF-SACRIFICE OF POLE. 469
centuries. As special instances the Pope cited how the
convent of St. Augustine, the founder of English Christianity,
in Canterbury had been turned by the King into a receptacle
for wild beasts and how, not satisfied with that, he had
allowed the shrine, blazing with gold and jewels, of Thomas
a Becket, Archbishop of the see, to be plundered and
utterly destroyed, and even the bones of the saint, venerated
for ages by countless pilgrims, to be burned and the ashes
scattered to the four winds of heaven.^
Notwithstanding the assurances given by Charles V. and
Francis I. regarding the Bull, no one in Rome placed reli-
ance on either prince. ^ All the more recognition is due to
the self-sacrifice of Cardinal Pole, who even now undertook
the difficult task of exhorting them both to be true to their
word, heedless of the risks not only to his own life but
also to that of his associate, which a mission of this kind
involved. At the end of December 1538 he left Rome
secretly, as his person was threatened by a plot of English
assassins. He hastened to the Emperor at Toledo, but
Charles was unwilling to take any definite steps against
Henry, and in France, where he stayed for some time with
his friend Sadoleto, Pole was quite as unsuccessful. The
publication of the Bull was proved to be impossible. Owing
to the policy of Charles and Francis, Scotland, where
Cardinal Beaton was to have promulgated the Bull, had
to remain inactive.^
* The destruction was so complete that, at the present day, the
position of the shrine is only recognizable by the marks on the pave-
ment made by the knees of innumerable pilgrims.
2 See N. Sernini's *letter of Jan. 8, 1 538 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
3 For Pole's second mission, cf. Quirini, II., cclxix, 142 seq.\
LiNGARD, VI., 318 seq. ; PiEPER, w-j seq. ; Kerker, Pole, 55 seq.-,
Nuntiaturberichte, IV., 36 seq. ; Lett, and Pap., XIV., i, v seq. ;
ZiMMERMANN, Pole, 1 64 seqq. For the controversy as to the publica-
tion of the Bull, see Lingard, VI., 318 n. ; Dixon, II., 57 ; Spillmann,
470 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Thus Henry's good luck tided him once more over a
very serious danger. If the Emperor and the King had
determined to put an embargo on trade, then Henry, as
Paul HI. calculated correctly, under the pressure of this
coalition, which would have been greatly strengthened by
a Scottish invasion and the attitude of the disaffected
Catholics in England, would have been driven to have
made his peace with the Church.^
Pole's grief at the failure of his mission was intensified
by the news of the execution of his relations and the
imprisonment of his mother, who, without the evidence of
one single witness having been heard against her, was put
to death in the Tower on the 27th of May 1541, in the
eightieth year of her age, for no other reason than that she
was a sincere Catholic and the mother of the Cardinal.^
Thanks to the huge sums which in ten years were
gathered in from the confiscated monastic property— nearly
sixteen million pounds ^ at present-day value — Henry VI 1 1,
was able to make the military preparations which were
necessary to meet that coalition of Catholic princes of which
he stood in constant dread. As time went on, however, it
became evident that Rome could hardly expect any more
assistance of that sort. The Pope had to satisfy himself
with a policy of observation ; nevertheless, he did not
abandon all hope that some fortunate turn of affairs might
bring about a reaction on the part of Henry. Such an oppor-
tunity seemed to present itself in the downfall of Cromwell.
On the 28th of July 1540 the Vicar-General, to whom
every weapon had come handy in the contest with Rome,
I., 143. Cf. also Nuntiaturberichte, III., 337, 399, 604; IV,, 95 ; Lett,
and Pap., XIV., 2, iii.
» Cf. Lett, and Pap., XIV., I, xiii seq.
• See Spillmann, I., 237 seq.
8 See Gasquet, II., 534; Spillmann, I., 210.
THE SITUATION IN SCOTLAND. 47 1
met the same fate which he had meted out so often to
others : death without legal trial. The Legate Cervini
was now instructed at once to negotiate with the Emperor
concerning Henry's conversion and the restoration of
England to Catholicism. Such a change then seemed
possible for this reason, that it was reported that Henry
had explained the Six Articles of June 1539 in a Catholic
sense.^ Obstacles to the King's reconciliation, however,
were not merely his rapacity, love of absolute power, and
constant matrimonial entanglements, but also the fact that
the higher nobility were interested, as against the Holy See,
in participating in the plunder of the monasteries. All pro-
spect of receiving help from the Emperor against England
vanished when, on the nth of February 1543, Charles
concluded an alliance against France with Henry VHI.^
This turn of affairs was bound up with the situation
in Scotland. King James V. had resisted all the entice-
ments of Henry VHI, to follow him on the way ot
schism, and, in conjunction with Cardinal David Beaton,
Archbishop of St. Andrews, had followed a policy which
was summed up in the phrases: maintenance of the
ancient Church, subjection of the insubordinate nobles, and
alliance with France. The opposition thus caused was
rendered still more acute when the Irish, exasperated at
Henry's attempts to separate their country from Rome,^
offered the Irish crown to James V. In August 1542
the long-impending war broke out ; it ended in disastrous
defeat for the Scots, whose nobles played the part of
traitors. This catastrophe broke down the King's strength,
who soon afterwards died, on the 13th of December 1542,
at the age of thirty-one.
^ Cf. Nuntiaturberichte, V., 305, 311, 320, 345.
2 Cf. supra, p. 172.
3 Cf. Bellesheim, Irland, II., 39 sec.
^^2 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Bad times were now in store for Scotland. The nobles,
divided into a French and English party, snatched at the
supreme power and the Protestant party turned to
account the religious troubles of the day. The latter
favoured the Earl of Arran, chosen Regent of the king-
dom, while Cardinal Beaton was put in prison by his
opponents. Under these circumstances Henry VIII. con-
sidered the opportunity favourable for annexing^ Scotland
to the House of Tudor by a marriage between his son
Edward and Mary daughter of James V.
Paul III. had already, on the 9th of January 1543,
addressed a brief to James V. by which he granted him a
tax on the incomes of the Scottish Church for the further-
ance of the war against Henry, the "Son of Perdition."^
He now received the news of James's death, Beaton's
imprisonment, and Henry's dangerous schemes, and there-
fore decided to send to France and Scotland without delay
Marco Grimani, Patriarch of Aquileia.^ Grimani was
to obtain Beaton's release, to confirm the Scots in their
Catholic loyalty, to help in collecting the tenths levied
for the war, and to make provision for further help
against Henry VIII. He was first of all to consult
Francis I. on these plans and to make his appearance in
Scotland dependent on the King's judgment, but when
there to place himself in communication with Beaton as
the first thing and to allay the strife of parties.*
* C/. Bellesheim, Schottland, I., 337 seg., 343 seg.
2 Raynaldus, 1543, n. 54; Bellesheim, I., 341.
3 Cf., besides Raynaldus, 1543, n. 55, also *Min. brev. Arm., 41,
t. 26, n. 192 : Card. S. Andreae ; n. 193 : Regi. Christ. ; n. 194 : Clero
Scotiae ; n. 195: Archiepisc. Glasgov. ; n. 196: Grimani's pass, all
dated March 25, 1543 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
* See in Appendix No. 21 the ^instruction for Grimani of April i,
1 543 (Secret Archives of the Vatican) ; see t'di'd., Arm., 32, t. 34, f. 141^
ACTIVITY OF CARDINAL BEATON. 473
When Grimani entered Scotland in October 1543 he
found Cardinal Beaton at liberty and busily engaged in
organizing the national and Church party. The Legate,
who remained in Scotland till March 1544, was able to
present to the Pope the most favourable report of the
state of things there prevailing.^
Paul III., who had been represented as the devil on a
medal scurrilously struck by the English King,^ supported
the Scots in April of the following year in the war against
England by sending them 20,000 scudi.^ Cardinal Beaton,
who, since the 30th of January 1544 had enjoyed the
rank of a Legate, displayed as the champion of a policy
of national independence and of loyalty to the ancient
faith an activity to which the Pope gave his warm support.*
Great then was the latter's sorrow when, on the 29th of
May 1546, this eminent man, who had checkmated so
adroitly all the schemes of Henry VIII., fell victim to a
murderous plot to which the English King was privy .^
Naturally the opposing party, which with the help of
England was preparing the downfall of Catholicism, lifted
seq. ; *Oratio facta p. rev. patr. Grimanum, legat. ad Scotos. Cf.
*Costituzioni et ordini del rev. patriarcha d' Aquileja nella legat. del
regno di Scotia (Communal Library, Ferrara, Cod. 264, N.B., 3 T.,
f. 290 seq^.
1 See Bellesheim, L, 345.
- Aurelio Manni Ugolini in a *letter dat. Rome, June 7, 1544,
says that the Pope saw the medal displaying a devil and an inscription
in keeping with the figure (State Archives, Siena).
3 Arch. Stor. Ital, 3rd Series, XXVL, 374.
* Cf. *Min. brev. Arm., 41, t. 32, n. 222 : Card. Scotiae (April 17,
1545); t. 33. n- 253: Item (May i, 1545) J t. 34, n. 592: Archiepisc.
Glasgov. (Oct. 12, 1545), Secret Archives of the Vatican ; Bellesheim,
Schottland, I., 345 seq. ; Herkless, Card. Beaton, Edinburgh, 1891,
specially pp. 217, 227.
^ See Bellesheim, I., 351 ; Brosch, VI., 337.
474 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
up its head. Victory seemed to smile upon them when,
on the loth of September 1547, the English inflicted a
heavy defeat on the Scots. Still, they had not yet
carried their whole policy to a successful issue. The
Princess Mary was bethrothed to the Dauphin, and in
August 1548 conveyed to France. From that country
such important succour came to Scotland that the English
plans of conquest had to be abandoned.^
Henry VIII., whose last days had been spent under the
influence of fear and terror, was by this time no longer
among the living. His death, on the 28th of January
1547, once more rekindled the hope in Rome that
England might be won back to the Church. Paul III.
determined to act at once and address an exhortation to
the English Parliament with the request that by reconcilia-
tion with the Church thej' would remove any occasion for
attack on England from a foreign enemy ^ On the 25th
of February 1547 he appointed Cardinal Sfondrato
Legate to the Emperor and Capodiferro to Francis I., in
order to interest these princes in the recovery of England
to Catholic unity. The nomination of a third Legate —
men's thoughts turned to Pole — was held in reserve.^
The Pope left it to the French ambassador in London
to feel the way as to the reception of such an envoy in
England. The answer of Somerset, Protector during the
minority of Edward VI., was unconditionally negative.*
Charles V. declined to interfere in any way in English
' See Bellesheim, I., 363 seq. The letter in which Paul III.
exhorted the Scots and Irish to keep the faith is in Raynaldus, 1547,
n. 125 seq. *A memorial addressed to Paul III., in 1547, on Scottish
affairs is in the State Archives, Naples, C. Farnese, 6.
2 The brief, dat. 1547, March 3, is in Raynaldus, 1547, n. 123.
3 See PiEPER, 130 ; Nuntiaturberichte, IX., 492, 494, 499 seq.
* Cf. Odet de Selve, Corresp. polit., 140 ; Brosch, VI., 3^9.
STANDPOINT OF HENRY VIII. 475
affairs,^ which were now going from bad to worse.
Henry VIII. in his attack on the Church had aimed solely
at the Pope ; ancient doctrines and ceremonies, on the
other hand, he wished to preserve, and protected them
from the assaults of the reformers by the penalty of death.
Nevertheless, the Catholic faith in England was doomed
since the bond of Catholic unity had been severed. The
Reformation articles of 1536 showed therefore quite con-
sistently an approximation to the Protestant view. At a
later date, certainly influenced by the Catholic rising in the
north, Henry reverted to his old standpoint of guarding
dogma from any material alteration. In 1539 the Six
Articles were published. They enjoined, on pain of death,
the doctrine of transubstantiation, Masses for the dead,
auricular confession, and clerical celibacy. While loyal
Catholics were still as liable as before to be hanged and
quartered as guilty of high treason, not merely Ana-
baptists but Lutherans as well were now numbered among
the offenders whom the scaffold could claim. The further
inroads, however, of Protestant opinions were not to be
prevented by measures such as these. It was shown to
be impossible, as Marillac had urged in 1540, to fill a whole
people with hatred of the Pope without at the same time
giving them permission to adopt some of the Lutheran
teaching.^
This see-saw of opinions, which could not possibly go
* Cf. supra, p. 363 seq.
2 See Brosch, VI., 343 ; cj. Ranke, Engl. Gesch., I., 224, and
Histor. Zeitschr., III., 131. For the details of the changes in the
policy of Henry VIII., see DixON, Hist., I., II.; Tr^sal, 192 segq.
Personally, according to Pollard (Henry VIII., London, 1905, 388),
Henry was thoroughly irreligious, the embodiment of Macchiavelli's
"Prince" (see also Zimmermann in the Rom. Quartalschr., XIII.,
271 seq.).
476 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
on for ever, was brought to an end under Edward VI. ;
the logical consequences were drawn from the new system
which his deceased father had set up. The Protector
Somerset and Cranmer had all the less difficulty in so
doing as the supreme head of the Anglican Church was
now a boy who had just entered his tenth year and was an
irresponsible tool in the hands of the Regent and the
Primate. A visitation of all dioceses and the removal of
all images was at once ordered. To some of the bishops
who had even approved of the breach with Rome, this was
going too far. Their opposition, however, was overcome
by force. Cranmer, the soul of all innovation, wrought
successfully at widening the breach between Rome and
England by introducing communion under both kinds,
repealing the Six Articles, and constructing a new liturgy.
The liturgy of Rome, bound up for more than a thousand
years with the national life, secular as well as spiritual,
ceased. It was replaced by Cranmer's " Book of Common
Prayer," an invention of undeniable skill but untested by
any Synod and carried through Parliament by intrigue
and force. ^ In spite of the threat of severe penalties,
which in the case of repeated disobedience amounted to
lifelong imprisonment, serious opposition was shown.^
In the summer of 1549 a series of popular risings occurred
marked, however, by a social rather than a religious
character. They were repressed with bloodshed ; never-
theless, it was the opinion of the Venetian ambassador
(1551) that the Catholics would again reassert them-
• Besides Lingard (VII., 20 seq.\ Brosch (VI., 390 seq.), and
Tr^ SAL (230 seq.\ cf. specially the work of GaSquet - BiSHOP,
Edward VI. and the Book of Common Prayer, London, 1890 {c/.
Bellesheim in Katholik, 1891, I., i seq.).
* See PoC(~)CK, Troubles connected with the Prayer Book of 1549,
London, 1884.
SPREAD OF HERESY IN SWEDEN. 477
selves if they were to have at their head a competent
leader.^
As in England so in the kingdoms of Northern Europe
it was the exercise of monarchical power which carried Pro-
testantism to victory and wrenched powerful nations from
the Church to which they owed their culture and civilization.
In Sweden the crisis had been reached under Clement
VII. ^y 2. coup d'etat King Gustavus Wasa at the Diet
of Vesteras in 1527 tore Sweden from the old religion.^
This absolute monarch was also dissatisfied with the
new clergy, whom he intended to make use of simply as
subservient instruments of his will. The originators of
the new movement, Olaf Petersson and Lorenz Andersson,
fell into disgrace with Gustavus on account of their
opposition to his intended changes in the constitution of
the Church, were condemned to death, and only escaped
the extreme penalty by paying a large ransom. The
Catholic populace saw in this a judgment of God.^ For
long there was a widespread aversion to the new doctrines
and order, and the excitement rose when the King robbed
the treasure which their forefathers had amassed for the
uses of the Church and introduced a new liturgy. In 1542
the discontent came to a head in the insurrection of
Smaland. It soon spread through West and East
Gothland as far as Siidermania. The peasants declared
they would have Christianity re-established, do away with
the Mass in Swedish, and bring back again the old order
of things. The attention of the rest of Europe, imperfectly
^ State Pap. Venet, V., 345. That the opposition in England ivas
overborne for want of a good leader is insisted on by H. Tiranno in
a *letter of Aug. 3, 1549, written from Rome to the Duchess of
Urbino (State Archives, Florence, Urb., 266).
* See Vol. X. of this work, 294 seq.
3 See M.'VRTIN, G. Vasa, 475 seq.
478 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
informed as to the condition of those northern regions,
was now aroused.^ The Swedes expelled from their
country the Count Palatine Frederick, son-in-law of the
old King Christian ; even Charles V. himself entered into
negotiations with the insurgent peasantry. Gustavus
Wasa succeeded, however, in the following year in quelling
the revolt, whereupon fresh spoliation of the Church at
once began.2 But even then the Catholic remnant was so
numerous that the King, at the Diet of Vesteras in 1544,
complained of the sympathy shown by the Estates for the
old dogma and worship and ordered new changes to be
made in the " papistical " residuum.^
* Although the spread of heresy in Scandinavia was known in Rome
(Ehses, IV., 35) in the autumn of 1536, yet on the loth September of
that year briefs of invitation to the council were sent to the Kings
of Denmark and Sweden {ibid., 41). The appellation "Charissime"
shows how ill informed the Roman court was in details. In December
Faber announced the apostasy of the north to Rome {ibid., 53). In
1537 more was made known by Vorst {ibid., 116; cf. p. 144); but a
correct copy of the decrees of G. Wasa, of 1527, was not received by
the Pope until the summer of 1538 through the conciliar Legates
(see ibid., 170, 614). The reports also conveyed by Morone in the
beginning of 1537 are characteristic (Nuntiaturberichte, II., 108).
2 See Geijer, II., 91 seq. ; Martin, 469 seq. A memorial on the
claims of the Count Palatine Frederick to the northern kingdoms, with
reference to a restoration of Catholicism, was presented by his orders
to Morone in 1537 (Nuntiaturberichte, II., 165 seq). Weeze, in oppo-
sition to Cervini, still believed in June 1540 that Frederick, with a
subsidy of 100,000 guldens, would undertake a campaign against
Denmark by which that country, as well as Norway and Sweden,
would be won back to the Church {ibid., V., 503). The exiled Arch-
bishops of Upsala, Johannes and Olaus Magnus, were often supported
by Paul III. (see Tegner, Handskrifna Suecana i italienska arkiv :
supplement to Svensk Hist. Tidskr., XII., i, 43 seq.). For both Arch-
bishops, cf. Martin in Univ. Cath. de Lyon, 1908.
2 See Tegel, Koning Gustaffs Historic, II., Stockholm, 162,^, joi j
TklARTIN, 482 seq.
LUTHERANISM IN DENMARK. 479
In Denmark a situation ruinous to the Catholic cause
was introduced when, on the death of King Frederick I.,
the throne was ascended, on the loth of April 1533, not
by his youthful son John, whom the bishops desired, but
by Christian III., a prince of Lutheran belief. Scarcely
had the question of this succession been settled, after much
bloodshed, than the final blow was struck. In August
1536 all the bishops of Denmark were arrested. At the
end of October a Diet met at Copenhagen attended only
by the nobles, burghers, and peasants ; no clergy were
present. After a gravamen had been read in which the
bishops were represented as the chief instigators of the
previous dissensions in the kingdom, the assembly pro-
ceeded to pass the resolutions of the King ; the imprisoned
bishops were deposed ; in their place superintendents were
appointed as teachers of the new " Evangelium "; the
episcopal property passed to the Crown as a source of
strength to the latter and for the better defence of the
country.* A foreigner, John Bugenhagen, who had been
called in July 1537 from Wittenberg to Copenhagen,
worked with Danish preachers at the construction of a
new Church system which abolished low Masses and celi-
bacy but cleverly retained so much of the outward cere-
monial that the common people at first hardly perceived
that things were not still going on without alteration.
On the 2nd of September 1537 the new ordinance was
made known on the sole authority of the King and under
appeal to the sword which God had committed to his
charge, and of which he would make use against the
disobedient and rebellious.^ On the same day the superin-
tendents were consecrated in order that the people to
» See ScHAFER, IV., 333 seq., 336 seq.
' See Engelstoft, Kirke-Ordinantsens Historie, II., 375 seq.\
ScHAFER, IV., 357 seq. ; Hjstor. Polit. Bl,, CXXV., 384 seq.
48o HISTORY OF THE POPES.
whom the ancient system was still dear should look upon
them as genuine bishops. The imprisoned bishops were
set at liberty only on giving a promise to do nothing in
opposition to the new ordinance, in exchange for which
apostate compliance they were each rewarded with their
personal property and a convent.^ This inglorious end
of the Catholic episcopate can be understood when it is
borne in mind that all seven bishops as well as the
Bishop-coadjutor of Ribe were of noble birth and that
four of them had been simoniacally intruded into the
episcopal office by the King without consecration or Papal
confirmation.^
The people accepted the Lutheran Church constitu-
tion with a repugnance which in particular places lasted
for more than a century but yet was ineffectual in
preventing the gradual extirpation of the Catholic faith.
The most tenacious resistance was shown by the inmates
of the religious houses, especially by the Mendicants, of
whom many were banished and some even hanged. The
evil results of the new Church system among the people
had to be acknowledged by one of the new superintendents
himself, Peter Palladius. The Diet of Copenhagen of
1546 declared all Catholics disqualified for office of any
kind, and even deprived of the rights of inheritance.
Catholic priests were forbidden, on pain of death, to enter
the kingdom.^ Draconian legislation was also carried out
in Norway, which in 1536 had been declared a province of
Denmark. Yet here, in spite of measures of repression, a
century elapsed before the Catholic religion became extinct.
» See RoRDAM, Mon. hist, dan.7 I., i, 219 seq.
* See Histor. Polit. Bl., CVI., 677.
^ C/.P. Palladius in Histor. Polit. Bl., LXXXI., 91 se^., 275 seg.,
280 seg ; SCHMITT, P. Helia, Freiburg, 1893, 160 ; HOLBERG, Danische
und norwegische Staatshistorie, Kopenhagen, 1731, 14S seg.
NORWAY AND ICELAND. 48 1
The unworthy Archbishop of Drontheim, who leaned to
the Lutheran doctrine, having espoused the party of
Christian II., was forced to fly in 1537 ; of the two Bishops
of Norway the one resigned his ofifice voluntarily, the
other was removed into captivity. Although robbed in
this way of their chief pastors, the people, proudly in-
dependent from days of yore, offered a stubborn and
protracted resistance in combination with some of the
clergy. At last they had to succumb to force. Royal
commissioners took possession of the dioceses and
plundered and laid bare the churches. Even the stately
cathedral of Drontheim was desecrated and turned into
a stable for horses. In the noble octagon choir of this
edifice was the burial-place of St. Olaf the king (f 1030),
the founder of the national independence and political
unity of Norway. For centuries pilgrims fr©m all parts
of Scandinavia had fared to this sacred spot until
Drontheim became the Rome of Northern Europe. Now
even this royal tomb was not spared. The shrine of the
saint, a precious work of art, enriched the coffers of the
avaricious King of Denmark with upwards of 6500 ounces
of silver.^
Distant Iceland showed an even sterner opposition than
Norway. The Catholic population had there a strong
bulwark in Jon Aresson, Bishop of Holar, staunchly true
to the Church. To all attempts to introduce the Danish
ecclesiastical system he presented a determined resistance.
By his side stood Ogmund Paalsson, Bishop of Skalholt,
who in his eightieth year was carried away captive to
Denmark. His successor, Gisfur Einarsson, was an
adherent of the new system. After his death (1548) the
Catholics, led by Jon Aresson, made every effort to throw
* Cf. SCHAFER, IV., 430 ; Baumgartner, Durch Skandinavien,
Freiburg i Br., 1890, \z% seq.
VOL. XIL 31
482 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
off by force the fetters of the new rehgion. Paul III.
exhorted them to courageous resistance and sent Aresson
a magnificent cope which is preserved to this day in the
cathedral of Reykjavik. In the struggle now about to
begin Aresson was at first the victor, but in 1550 he fell
into the hands of a petty chief on the west coast of the
island who was of the party of Christian III. He delivered
his captive to the Danes, who beheaded him in the sixty-
eighth year of his age. Iceland now gradually became a
Protestant country, and the treasures of the bishoprics
and monasteries were diverted to the Danish exchequer.^
Together with the sorrow and anxiety felt by Paul III.
as he saw the Catholic religion crumbling away in
Scandinavia came the apprehension of dangers hanging
over a country whose boast it had been for ages to be
considered " the eldest daughter of the Church."
The Farnese Pope had only reigned a few months when
news reached Rome that the Lutheran heresy was making
dangerous inroads in France, and calling for active
measures of opposition from Francis I.^ To this course he
had been challenged by the adherents of Luther them-
selves, as they had distributed pamphlets on the Mass
offensive to Catholics even within the precincts of the
palace.^ It was in keeping with the ostentatious manner
* Cf. MuLLER in the Zeitschr. fiir histor. Theol., 1850, 384 scq.\
SCHAFER, IV., 435 seq. The costly cope of Paul III. is still used once
a year at the ordination of Protestant preachers (see Koln. Volks-
zeitung, 1896, No. 211). The brief of Paul III. to the Bishop of
Holar of March 8, 1548, " the farewell at the same time of the Papacy
to the hitherto Catholic Iceland," in Baumgartner, Island, 3rd
ed., Freiburg, 1902, 316.
2 See F. Peregrino's **report, dat. Rome, Dec. 29. 1534 (Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua).
* Cf. .SOLDAN, I., 143 ; Kampschulte, I., 250 ; DE Meaux, 23 seq. ;
M.^RCKS, 279
FRANCIS I. AND THE HERETICS. 483
in which Francis I. then prosecuted the heretical teachers
in his kingdom that his ambassador, in a consistory held
on the 29th of January 1535, solemnly declared that the
King wished all the world to know that he was a sincere
Catholic.^ It ought not to have escaped Paul III. that
some strong political motive underlay the religious zeal ot
a monarch who, during the pontificate of Clement VII.,
had played a very ambiguous part in questions of religion.
What had then been a matter of surmise was becoming
every day more apparent ; the King wished to employ the
persecution of the Lutherans as a lever wherewith to move
the Pope for purely political objects.^
Francis tried to quiet his Protestant friends in Germany
with the assurance that he was punishing only people of
bad character and instigators of disorder; at the same time
he begged them to consider means of arriving at a peace-
able settlement of religious affairs.^ Since the spriiig of
^ This fact, hitherto unknown and without mention in the *Acta
Consist, of the Consistorial Archives of the Vatican, I found in a
*report by F. Peregrino of Jan. 30, 1535 : " Hieri in consistorio fii
admesso 1' ambasciatore Francese, qual in nome del p'° re christ"""
fece la sopradicta offerta con dire che a tutto 1' mondo S. M*^ vol
dimostrar che ^ buono, fidele, devoto et christ"" et non infidele, non
heretico ne luterano " (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). How the partisans
of Francis 1. made political capital out of the rise of Protestantism in
France, and tried to throw the whole blame on the Emperor is shown
from F. Peregrine's **report of Jan. 14, 1535 {ibid.). For the Catholic
demonstrations of Francis I., see also Hannart's *report to Charles V.,
dat. Paris, Jan. 31, 1535 (National Archives, Paris, Simancas, K. 1484,
n. 20). By a *letter, dat. Terni, Sept. 5, 1535, Paul III. nominated
Spiritus Roterus O. Pr. as Inquisitor in Toulouse (Min. brev. Arm., 41,
t. 52, n. 207). The Inquisitor Matthaus Ori was on July 15, 1539, con-
firmed anew as Inquisitor-General for France (see Fontana, II., 472).
2 Cf. Lett, and Pap., VIII., n. 33. For the King's former attitude,
see Vol. X. of this work, 303 seq.
' See Freher, Script, ed. Struvius, III., 354 seg.
484 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
1535 the King had actually taken in hand negotiations
directed towards the reconciliation of the Protestants with
the Church, and Melanchthon on this account had been
invited to visit France.^ The whole proceeding, however,
was nothing more than a political manoeuvre. The efforts
after concord, which harmonized so ill with the persecuting
laws just enacted, were only part of the double game in
which Francis was engaged : the strengthening of his poli-
tical connection with the Protestant princes of Germany
and the withdrawal of the Pope from his political neutrality.
The latter seems at that time to have had a momentary
belief that by means of irenic negotiations the religious con-
flict might be quelled and Melanchthon won back to the
Church." It was soon to appear how visionary all this was.
The ecclesiastical policy of the French King was of such a
kind that already in April 1535 the gravest fears had been
awakened in the Pope and Cardinals that the enthusiastic
zeal displayed by Francis would cool down to the opposite
extreme.^ As a matter of fact, an edict of July 1535 in-
augurated the persecution of the Protestants.*
^ Cf. Zeitschr. fur histor. Theol., XX., 25 seqq.-, BOURRILLY,
Guillaume du Bellay, Paris, 1904, \y:>seqq.
2 See Cardauns, Karl V., 157 seq.
8 Sanchez *reported on April 6, 1535, to Ferdinand I.: The announce-
ment from Lyon on February the i6th that the French King demanded
a third of the income of the small benefices, and a half of that of the
greater, had caused great indignation in the Pope and the Cardinals,
despite the reassuring declaration of the monarch : " immo ingens
suspitio invasit paulatim Galium posthac processurum in apertum
Lutherismum et jam ipsum consensisse clam cum Anglo" (Court and
State Archives, Vienna).
♦ See DE Meaux, 25. The letter from Paul III. to Francis,
mentioned in the " Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris ' (p. p. Lalanne,
458), telling the King that he might show favour to the heretics,
has not yet been discovered, and would seem to be of doubtful
authenticity.
EDICTS AGAINST HERESY IN FRANCE. 485
After the war with Charles V. had broken out in 1536
Francis I. was again busy with overtures to the Protestant
princes of Germany, but now they stood aloof from him.
In France itself, in the meantime, the legislation of 1535
was, having a terrorizing effect. The Protestants kept
silence or fled the country ; many conformed outwardly to
Catholicism and were attacked by the thorough-going of
the sect as " Facing both ways," or " Nicodemites." Even
the highly cultivated Margaret of Navarre wore her Catholic
mask so well that no less a personage than Paul III. con-
gratulated her on the 9th of January 1537 on her religious
zeal and exhorted her to urge her brother to emulate her
in this respect.^
The Catholics always found consistent support from the
Sorbonne. This was all the more important since the
attitude of Francis towards the religious questions of
his kingdom was entirely conditioned by political considera-
tions. It was only to draw the Pope closer to him that
he published the Edict of Fontainebleau on the ist of June
1540, the effect of which was to renew the persecution of
the Protestants.
Political aims were again the leading motive when,
a few weeks after the declaration of war against the
Emperor, Francis I. insisted on the Parliaments taking
1 The brief of Jan. 9, 1537, in Fontana, Renata, III., 372 seq. For
Margaret's correspondence with the Pope, see P. DE Nolhac, Lettres
dela Reine de Navarre au Pape Paul III., Paris, 1887 {Nosse-Publica-
tion), and Bibl. de I'Ecole des Chartes, LXVIII., 320 seq. They
furnish no conclusions as to the Queen's catholicity, nor can any be
drawn from her participation in Catholic worship and sacraments.
Her religious ideas are still involved in obscurity, even after the
inquiries of LEFRANC(Marg. de Navarre et le platonisme, Paris, 1899 ;
cf. also Deutsche Lit.-Zeitung, 1899, 787 seq.) and Courteault
(Marg. de Navarre : Revue du Beam, 1904) ; they were certainly very
far from orthodox ; in secret she was a patroness of the new doctrines.
486 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
immediate measures against all who showed themselves
disobedient to the Church. This, indeed, did not prevent
the King from offering, two months later, to enter into
alliance with the Schmalkaldic princes.^ The next year
(1542) shows the King again as the persecutor of French
heretics and at the same time the friend of the Protestant
chiefs of Germany. Even when the peace of Crespy forced
Francis, certainly for a short time only, to make common
cause openly with Charles V. against the German Lutherans,
he was still keeping up in secret his old alliance with the
Emperor's opponents.^ In glaring contrast to the latter
policy was the sanguinary persecution in 1545 of the
Waldensians of Provence, who, by their provocative be-
haviour, had done much to draw down their punishment.
Even Sadoleto, otherwise the advocate of clemency,
thought their chastisement just.^
The severity dealt out to the French Protestants, every-
where indeed, but with especial rigour by the Parliament
of Rouen, failed to check the spread of error, for the source
of the apostasy from Rome, ecclesiastical corruption, had
not been removed — nay, had only been strengthened by
the King by means of the concordat.* The Venetian
ambassador Marino Cavalli remarks in his report of 1546
that all the burnings of heretics throughout France had
done nothing to check Protestantism : whole towns such
as Caen, Poitiers, La Rochelle and many in Provence were
silently united in living after the Protestant fashion.^
1 See SoLDAN, I., 173 seq., 179 seq.
2 Ibid., iSg seq.
3 C/. Desjardins, III., 157, 159; Manente, 282; DE Meaux,
29 seq. ; ARNAUD, Hist, des Protestants de Provence, I., Paris, 1884 ;
RONCHINI, Lett, del Card. Sadoleto, Modena, 1872, 122 seq.
* These matters will be discussed later on in their proper context.
» Alb^RI, I St Series, I., 227 ; c/. also Marcks, 280 seq., and
St. Mauris' report in DRUFFEL, Karl V., III., 259.
JOHN CALVIN. 487
This development made wide advances under the suc-
cessor of Francis, Henry II. (1547-1559), although the
persecution of the Protestants continued.^ An entirely
new and stronger stamp of character was impressed on
French Protestantism by an erudite scholar of Picardy,
John Calvin, who had fled to Basel at the end of 1534 and
had dedicated to Francis I., two years later, his Handbook
of Christian Doctrine. This work, which was at the same
time a defence of his oppressed co-religionists in France,
contained the programme of his life — a life devoted to
unrelenting warfare with the Catholic Church and the
Papacy.2 Since the autumn of 1541 Calvin had laboured
with iron consistency and grim strength of purpose to put
this programme into execution in the city of Geneva.
From this centre the influence of this extraordinary man
radiated not merely over men of Latin or German race
but over the Sclavonic populations. France, the Nether-
lands, Hungary and Poland became the soil from which
the Calvinistic propaganda reaped fertile harvests.
* See SOLDAN, I., 221 seqq. ; WEISS, La Chambre Ardente, Paris,
1889 ; Marcks, 306 seq.
2 See Kampschulte, L, 255. Calvin's doctrine and its conquests
in European thought will be considered in a future volume.
CHAPTER XIII.
The Protcstant Propaganda in Poland and Italy. —
Foundation of the Roman Inquisition. — The Pope's
Support of Christian Missions outside Europe, and his
Activity in other Spheres of Work.
In the kingdom of Poland Lutheran teaching had ex-
panded in ever- widening circles, although King Sigis-
mund I. and many Polish bishops as well had, since 1520,
been taking energetic measures to check the advance. The
proximity of the apostate Grand Master of the Teutonic
Order, Albert of Brandenburg, and the active intercourse
with Germany had exercised a strong influence in the direc-
tion of Protestantism. In order to grapple with the evil at
its roots the King in 1534 forbade his subjects to study
at the University of Wittenberg.^ Paul III. repeatedly
commended Sigismund's firmness of action ; he seems
indeed to have flattered himself that the suppression ot
heresy in Poland was an accomplished fact.^ But this was
far from being the case. The prohibition to visit Witten-
berg was disregarded by the Polish nobles, while the
ordinances of 1535 and the edict of 1541, which threatened
1 Cf. Hist. Jahrb., XV., 377 seq.\ Frikse, II., i, 36, 53 seq.\
KrasINSKI, 45 seq. ; ElCHHORN, I., 58 seq.
2 See Raynaldus, 1535, n. 29; 1536, n. 41 ; 1537, n. 45. For
Sigismund's oath of obedience on July 4, 1537, see Korzeniowski,
92; ibid., 93, on the financial support of the King by Paul III. In
1538 the Pope tried to gain Poland for the Turkish League (see
Nuntiaturberichte, II., 283, 279 seq.).
486
PROTESTANTISM IN POLAND. 489
with loss of nobility anyone who harboured a heretical
priest, remained dead letters.^ There were, moreover,
encroachments oi the temporal power upon the Church
which called forth repeated admonitions from the Pope
both to the King and to the bishops.^
A principal cause of the failure of all the efforts to expel
heresy from Poland was to be found in the condition of
the clergy. In that kingdom just as in Germany the
higher ecclesiastical posts had become the appanage of
the nobility without the moral obligations attaching to
their possession being taken into consideration. Another
factor was the influence of the ambitious Queen Bona, who
for years had insisted on inspecting the letters despatched
from the Royal chancery to Rome in the fear lest the
vice-chancellor Maciejowski might obtain from the King
nominations to bishoprics of which she did not approve.^
No wonder that nominees thus appointed showed them-
selves feeble supporters of the Church and exhibited a
laxity towards the fanatics of Protestantism which filled
serious Catholics with deep anxiety.* Such was the
situation when Sigismund died on the 8th of April 1548
and was succeeded by his son, Sigismund Augustus.
Already in November 1536 a Roman envoy sent to in-
fluence the heir-apparent in feelings of persistent loyalty to
Catholicism had reported that the prince was showing an
inclination towards Lutheranism.^ In order to steady him
* See Theiner, Mon. Pol., II., 257 ; Krasinski, 53.
* Raynaldus, 1542, n. 48 se^. ; 1543, n. 56.
3 Cf. EiCHHORN, I., 75 segf. ; Dembinski, 9 ; Wetzer und
Welte, Kirchenlex., III., 2nd ed., 762; Archiv fiir Ref.-Gesch.,
III., 107.
* See Hosius's cry of despair in his letter to Dantiscus of Feb. 6, 1548,
in Hipler, I., 251. C/. also the complaint of Bishop Dzierzgowski of
1545 in EhrenberG, Urkunden der Provinz Posen (1892).
^ Ehses, IV., 50; c/. Zeitschr. fiir Kirchengesch., XVIII., 254
490 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Paul III. sent him in 1539 the consecrated hat and sword ^
through Girolamo Rorario. Regardless of this mark of
distinction, Sigismund Augustus, who since 1544 had, as
Prince of Lithuania, attained a very independent position,
manifested a growing sympathy with the new teaching.
In 1547 he appointed as court preachers two men who
were at that time publicly expounding the Lutherar
doctrine of justification. It is not surprising, therefore
that on his accession to the throne the Protestant party
looked forward with certainty to his complete separation
from Rome.2 They were, however, deceived ; the new
King solemnly promised obedience to the Pope, and the
Protestant preachers disappeared.^ This change of
position was not due to the exhortations of the nuncio
Martinengo but to the political situation which compelled
Sigismund Augustus to turn to the bishops for support*
The character of the King, however, was so irresolute and
unstable that the fate of the Church in Poland would
have become almost hopeless had not at this very juncture
a man been sent in the person of Stanislaus Hosius, just
appointed Bishop of Ermeland, who, defying all the storms
of hostility, played the part of saviour with a force which
seemed almost more than human.^
Nothing shows more forcibly the strength of the move-
* See KORZENIOWSKI, 96; Raynaldus, 1539, n. 29; Nuntiatur-
berichte, IV., 526 ; Pieper, 134 seq. Cf. infra, p. 597, n. 2.
2 See Archiv fiir Ref.-Gesch., IV., 329 seq.
3 See ibid., 334 seq. ; for the oath of obedience, see ClAMPI, II., 28
seq. ; KORZENIOWSKI, 103.
* Cf. Archiv fiir Ref.-Gesch., IV., 336 seq. For the mission of
Martinengo, see Raynaldus, 1548, n. 81 seq. The *Instruttione for
Martinengo, dat. Rome, July 15, 1548, in Cod. Ottob., 2716, f. 82 seq.^
Urb., 865, f. 320 seq., of the Vatican Library, and MS. Berzosa, n. 2062,
in Archives of Simancas.
' ElCHHORN, I., 57.
PROTESTANT PROPAGANDA IN ITALY. 49I
ment of secession, which shook the Cathoh'c Church to the
foundations, than the fact that the impact was felt in Italy
itself. The Protestant propaganda certainly encountered
here, late and early, its greatest obstacles ; ^ but so woeful
in many ways was the condition of the Church that in
numerous quarters only too favourable a reception was given
to the missionaries of error. This was specially the case
in northern Italy, where intercourse with Germany and
Switzerland was incessant. Not merely in Venice, where
the staple trade in books was carried on with Germany,
but in various towns in the territory of the Republic,
Protestantism found a conspicuous foothold in the days
of Paul III. as well as in those of his predecessor. While
the Venetian Government, from mercantile considerations,
allowed a considerable amount of latitude to prevail in the
capital, they were much stricter in other towns.
Thus in 1535 in Vicenza a German named Sigismund
was handed over, with the Doge's consent, to the Bishop's
vicar for punishment on a charge of Lutheran heresy.
Paul III. without delay expressed his acknowledgment
of this proceeding in a special letter.^ The Pope in like
manner was active in taking measures against certain
heretical teachers, many of whom came from religious
orders, who had made their appearance at that time
not merely in Piedmont and Lombardy but also in
Ferrara and Siena.^ In Ferrara the Duchess Rende, a
* See our arguments, Vol. XL of this work, 511 seq.
' See FONTANA, Documenti, 145 seq. ; Benrath, Venedig, 30.
3 RaynaLDUS, 1536, n. 45; Fontana, 146, 149, 151 seq., 155.
Here also belongs the letter, overlooked by Fontana, to " Hieron. de
Taurino O. Pr., inquisit. in princ. Pedemontano " (Facultas inquirendi
contra fratres sui ord. [despite their privileges] et absolvendi poenitentes
haeres. abjuraturos), dat. Jan. 19, 1535, Min. brev. Arm., 41, t. 50, n. 264
(Secret Archives of the Vatican).
492 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
woman of high culture and daughter of Louis XII. of
France, gave for a while some support and protection to
Protestant refugees such as Clement Marot and Calvin,
but concealed her real opinions so cleverly that even
Paul III. was deceived.^
If Paul III. showed himself severe towards the con-
tumacious, he was lenient towards those whose recantation
of error was sincere.^ He often showed greater clemency
than the Inquisitors, as in the pardon of a Benedictine who
sought reconciliation in 1538.^ But neither clemency nor
severity availed much ; the religious ferment went on.
In the towns of northern Italy especially the difficult
questions of grace and free will were expounded from the
pulpit and elsewhere in a manner which only left the
* Fontana'S attempt (Renata di Francia, I., II., Rome, 1888-1893)
to establish Renee's orthodoxy (II., 450) must give way under
criticism (Giorn. d. Lett. Ital., XXV., 425 seq.\ Civ. Catt., 1900, I.,
721 seq. ; cf. Herzog's Realencyklopadie, XIV., 3rd ed., 658 seq. ; see
also RODOCANACHi, Renee de France, Paris, 1896 ; Arch. d. Soc.
Rom., VIII., loi seq.; XV., 510 seq^. How greatly deceived
Paul. Ill had been doing his stay in Ferrara on the subject of this
princess's orthodoxy is shown by his brief of July 5, 1543, safeguarding
her from the Inquisition (see Fontana, II., 184, 490; Rodocanachi,
164 seq.).
* Cf. Raynaldus, 1535, n. 28; 1538, n. 43 ; Fontana, Documenti,
361 seq. ; Hefele-Hergenrother, IX., 900. The Franciscan, Bart.
Fonzio, who came to Rome with a safe-conduct in 1536 (Fontana,
Docum., 146), succeeded in justifying himself so completely that he
even obtained an ecclesiastical post; yet Fonzio did not alter his
opinions (see Herzog, Realencyklopadie, IX., 3rd ed., 529 ; cf. Tacchi
VenTURI, I., 505 seqq.).
3 *Alphonso de Vives, O.S.B., dat. in domo s. crucis extra mur. Nic,
Maii 29, 1538. After he had been deprived of his preaching faculties
by the Inquisition, and sentenced to two years' imprisonment with
recantation, the Pope absolved him on his recantation and cancelled
the sentence. Min. brev. Arm., 41, t. 10, n. 393 (Secret Archives of
the Vatican).
PROTESTANT METHODS IN ITALY. 493
hearers in a whirl of doubt and uncertainty.^ This
happened oftener as the Council had not as yet made any
pronouncement of doctrine. Generally speaking, however,
only particular tenets of Protestantism were adopted in
Italy, and for the most part without thought of the logical
conclusions which were deducible from them.^
As the governments of Italy had no intention of giving
countenance to a religious revolution and the great bulk of
the population held fast to the faith of their fathers, the
dissentients from the teaching of the Church were obliged
to take refuge in subterfuges and disguises.^ The sur-
reptitious character of the Protestant propaganda made
it a difficult object of attack, while the faith ran all the
greater danger of contamination. The Order of the
Augustinian Hermits, from which Luther had emerged,
contained many dangerous elements. The manner in
which members of that body handled in the pulpit the
topics of justification, free will, and predestination gave
widespread offence.* Paul III. addressed on the 6th of
April 1539 an exhortation to the General Chapter to extir-
pate " the Lutheran malady " which was bringing the Order
into disrepute." In June 1539 the Pope was also obliged
to proceed against a member of the young Order of
Capuchins for preaching heresy in Lucca. At the same
1 See DiTTRlCH, Contarini, 482.
2 Cf. CUCCOLI, 72 seq.
3 Cf. TaCCHI Venturi, I., 334 seq., 336 seq.., 340 seq. ; CUCCOLI, 80.
* Cf. Aleander's **letter to G. Bianchetti, dat. Vicenza, July 22, 1538
(Secret Archives of the Vatican).
5 *Min. brev. Arm. 41, t. 13, n. 343 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
Cf. the *Registr. fr. erem. s. Aug., XVIII., 246 seq., in General
Archives of the Augustinian Order, Rome ; ibid., XVIII., 176 seq., the
**sentence upon Nicolas Veronens., of June 22, 1540. In May 1543 the
General Chapter passed **ordinances against Lutherans in the Order
(see ibid., XX., 64 seq.).
494 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
time Cardinal Grimani was given full powers against
heretics who had been discovered in Aquileia, Ceneda,
and Concordia. In July 1540 the Bishop of Venosa was
instructed to take steps against a Minorite for attacking
the indulgence bestowed on contributors to the building
fund of St. Peter's.!
The principal danger seemed as before to emanate from
Venetian territory, especially from Vicenza, where the
Pope, in November 1540, forbade all disputations on
predestination and free will ; but disquieting reports came
also from Milan, and even from Bologna and Florence.^
The danger was further magnified by rumour; the
German Protestants made frequent boasts of their suc-
cesses in Italy, and Wauchope reported on the 19th of
November 1540 from Worms to the Pope that the German
reformers bragged of having 30,000 adherents in Italy.^
This was a gross exaggeration : only in a few places did
their errors penetrate wide circles of the people ; in general
the votaries of innovation were persons of education and
humanistic culture, and members of the religious orders
who had broken their vows. It was not until the begin-
ning of the fortieth year of the century that, in Lucca and
Modena, and, to a certain extent, in Siena,* any consider-
able number of the population were infected.
It is always a most serious danger for the Church when
erroneous opinions, under the guise of strivings after a
» See FONTANA, Docum., 370, 374, 377.
2 Ibid., 378, 380, 382 ; MORAN, Spicil., I., 21. Cf. WiNKELMANN,
II., 2, 627 ; BattiSTELLA, S. Offizio in Bologna, 1 1 seq., 24. For Bishop
Vida's proceedings in Alba, see Arch. Stor. Lomb., I. (1894), 26.
' MORAN, Spicil., I., 20.
* Cf. V. PiCCOLOMlNi, Docum. Vatic, sull' eresia in Siena durante
il sec. XVI., Siena, 1908, 7 seq. Further communications on this
subject are to be published by P. Piccolomini from the State Archives
of Siena.
JUAN VALDES. 495
higher level of piety, are secretly disseminated without the
knowledge of the ecclesiastical authorities. This was
pre-eminently the case in Naples. The central figure
in the movement was a stranger, who drew round him a
large circle of friends who became the recipients of
teaching the dangers of which did not cross their minds.
This was the Castilian, Juan Valdes, a twin brother of the
humanist Alfonso Valdes, who in September 1526 had
composed the Imperial state documents directed against
Clement VII. in language generally associated with the
disciples of Luther.^ Juan had also in his dialogue,
Mercury and Charon, which appeared simultaneously with
his brother's anti-Papal diatribe Lactantius, taken part in
polemics which were essentially political. Nevertheless,
when Clement VII. and Charles V. were at peace again
Juan was made a Papal chamberlain. At the end of 1532
or the beginning of 1 533 he betook himself to Naples where,
with the exception of a visit to Rome, he remained up to
his death in 1541, in outward communion with the Church.^
In Naples Juan Valdes who, like his brother, was an en-
thusiastic admirer of Erasmus, devoted himself to aesthetic
and theological studies as well as to social intercourse
with his friends. A spiritual address, a Spanish translation
of the Psalter and portions of the New Testament, and
lastly some edifying meditations were the fruits of his
pen. In these writings echoes of Lutheran teaching were
already recognizable. They became more distinct in a
* See our remarks, Vol. IX. of this work, 354.
* Cf. BOEHMER, Bibl. Wiffen., I., Argentorati, 1874; Men^ndez
Pelayo, Heterod. esp. 2, Madrid, 1880; Arch. Stor. Napolit, XXVIII.,
151 ; Schlatter, Die Briider Valdes, Basel, 1901 ; further literature in
Herzog, Realencyklopadie, XX., 3rd ed., 380 seq., and in Studi Storici,
IX., 506; see also Tacchi Venturi, I., 322 seqq., whose opinion of
Valdes is more unfavourable than my own.
496 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
treatise, On the Benefit of Christ, first circulated in
manuscript and afterwards put through the press in 1542
and 1543, which had been composed by one of his pupils,
Benedetto da Mantua, an Augustinian of the convent of
S. Severino, and revised for purposes of style by Marc-
antonio Flaminio.^
Like so many others, Valdes does not seem to have
realized that the doctrine here unfolded came very
close to the Lutheran thesis of justifi'cation by faith.
A lay theologian, wanting in clearness of thought, he
inclined to a vague emotional religion compounded of
intellectuality and a false mysticism. ^ He, like the
majority of his adherents, who were known ^ in Naples as
the " Spirituali," had no deliberate intention of abandoning
the Church. Their number was very considerable.* The
* Trattato utilissimo del beneficio di Gesu Cristo crocifisso verso i
Cristiani, Venezia, 1542 and 1543, new edition by Babington, London,
1855 ; this was for long erroneously attributed to A. Paleario, who
wrote a similar work {cf. DE Leva, IIL, 369 n.). As to its true author
there can be, according to the Compendium Inquisit. (Arch. d. Soc.
Rom., IIL, 272), the less doubt since in the trial of Carnesecchi (ed.
Manzoni, 1870 : Miscell. d. Stor. Ital., X., 539) the same statement is
found {cf. Benrath in the Riv. Crist., IV., 3 seq. Cf. ibid., 90 seq.,
UE Leva ; see also Reusch, I., 383 seq. ; Herzog, Realencykl, IX.,^
524, 542). For the content, see Cantu, L, 380 seq. ; Hefner in the
work (p. 182 seq^, quoted supra, p. 429, n. 2, and CUCCOLI, <^seq. ; see
here (pp. 80 seq., 95 scq^ for the religious position of M. A. Flaminio.
See, moreover. Vol. XI. of this work, p. 485, note i.
2 See Plulf in Wetzer und Welte, Kirchenlex., XI I. ,2 537, and,
independently of him, CUCCOLI, 84 seqq.
3 See Amabile, II s. Offizio di Inquisizione in Napoli, I., 162, 168,
187.
* The 3000 of the Compend. Inquisit. are naturally a great exaggera-
tion. It is a gross error of Ranke (Papste, I.,^ 93) to understand
thereby 3000 "school-pupils" {cf AMABILE, I., 164; TaCCHI
VT7.NTUR1, I., 343).
VALDES AND HIS CIRCLE. 497
emotional religion of Valdes, which had for its back-
ground the smiling shores of the Bay of Naples, attracted,
by the very nature of things, many sentimental women,
some of whom were persons of genuine piety. His circle
included some of the noblest and most distinguished
women in Naples. Vittoria Colonna was one of them,
so also the Duchess of Amalfi, Isabella Manriquez, the
sister of the Spanish Grand Inquisitor, and, most notice-
able of all, Giulia Gonzaga, reputed to be the most
beautiful woman in Italy.^ While the latter as well
as Isabella Manriquez fell under the spell of the new
doctrine, Vittoria Colonna soon retraced her steps to the
right way.
How dangerous the opinions of Valdes were — their
erroneous character having first been perceived by the
Theatines^ — is shown by the circumstance that his two most
gifted disciples, Pietro Martire Vermigli and Bernardino
Ochino, were precisely those whose careers ended in
total rupture with the Church. Ochino's disastrous fall
has been already described. ^ It remains to be said that
this event formed the critical turning-point in the move-
ment of Catholic reform in Italy at which the minds of
men decided finally for one side or the other.
Pietro Martire Vermigli,* born in Florence in 1500,
entered, while he was yet but sixteen, against the will of
his parents, the Augustinian convent at Fiesole. He was
1 Cf. Amabile, I., 151 seq.; the monograph of Amante (Bologna,
1896) and of Benrath (Halle, 1900). For Giulia's portrait, see Zeitschr.
fiir bildende Kunst., N.F., XVIII., 29 seq.
2 Cf. the evidence of Castaldo in G. A. Galante, De' vani sforz.
fatti da' Protestanti per introdurre in Napoli la riforma nel sec. xvi,
Napoli, 1872, 12 seq.
^ See Vol. XI. of this work, pp. 488 seqq.
* Cf. SCHMrox, P. M. Vermigli, Elberfeld, 1858 ; CanTU, Eretici,
II., 6gseqq. ; Wetzer und Wki.tk, Kirchenlex.., XII.,^ -jSgseq
VOL. xn. 32
49<^ HISTORY OF THE POPES.
sent to the University of Padua as a promising youth,
and from 1525 onwards he was employed as a Lenten
preacher. As such Vermigli worked earnestly and with
profit to his hearers. He addressed large congregations
in Brescia, Mantua, Bergamo, Pisa, Venice, and also Rome.
Afterwards Abbot at Spoleto, he finally became Prior of the
convent of S. Pietro "ad aram" in Naples. Vermigli was
here fated to enter the circle of Valdes, become the friend
of Ochino, and make acquaintance with the writings of the
Germans. This resulted in the adoption of dangerous
opinions which were soon introduced into his sermons.
At first this was done only tentatively, in conformity with
his cautious character ; but the vigilant Theatines were
on the watch, and induced the viceroy to prohibit him
from preaching. Vermigli, however, succeeded, through
Cardinal Contarini, who had been won over to his side by
Marcantonio Flaminio, in destroying all suspicion and
having the prohibition removed.^
In 1 541 Vermigli was visitor of his Order in Italy. As
such he came to Lucca, where he was chosen Prior of
S. Frediano in the middle of the same year.^ In a sur-
prisingly short space of time he had gained the affection
of all the community; the Lucchesi came in swarms to
hear him preach, and the great basilica of S. Frediano
could hardly hold them. Then a band of enthusiastic
disciples soon rallied round the Prior, whose learning
equalled his eloquence. The closer Vermigli came to
know Lucca the clearer it became to him that here was
a favourable soil on which to sow his new seed. The
mercantile traffic with Germany had brought Luther-
anism within the ken of many of the citizens, and there
were not a few of the clergy, especially in the religious
* CJ. Laemmer, Mon. Vat., 301.
' See BONGI, Invent, d. arch. d. Lucca, I., Lucca, -872, 352.
PIETRO MARTIRE VERMIGLI. 499
Orders, who had become infected with Protestant opinions.
The Archbishop, moreover, was absent, and the authorities,
when not more or less secretly inclined to favour the new
doctrines, were lax and inattentive; already, indeed, the
strict laws with regard to Lent and the observance of
saints' days had been abolished, and the participation of
the magistrates in public worship suspended.^ All this
encouraged Vermigli, in his sermons and in other ways, to
push his erroneous opinions more and more to the front,
to imbue his novices with the same spirit, and even in
S. Frediano to exhort the communicants to look upon the
Blessed Sacrament as merely a memorial of the Passion of
Christ. In spite of all Vermigli's caution it was impossible
to conceal such conduct from his superiors and the Curia.
By April 1542 he was already in fear of official measures
against him ; these he tried to circumvent by obtaining
from the Senate a letter of commendation to his superior.
What the effect of his Lenten sermons had been it was
hardly possible to say, but it was hoped that so excellent
a man would be permitted to deliver them for yet a long
time to come.^
In the meantime Cardinal Guidiccioni in Rome had
been informed by the Vicar-General of the true state of
things. The Cardinal thereupon wrote on June the 28th,
1542, to the authorities of his native city reproving
them for their negligence and exhorting them to take,
proceedings.^
The Lucchesi did all they could to appease the Pope
and the Cardinal. They sent a special embassy with the
* See loc. cit., 352 seq.
2 Cf. Sforza, Nikolaus V. (German trans, by HORAK, Innsbruck,
1887), 143, 276 seq ; Benincasa, Guidiccioni, 101 seq. ; SCHWEITZER.
GiUdiccioni, 195 ; Giorn. d. lett. Ital., XIV., 50 seq.
8 Cf. BoNGi, loc. cit., 353 J Schweitzer, 196.
500 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
assurance of their constant fidelity to the ancient faith
and to the Holy See,^ while to one of Vermigli's chief
followers, Celio Secondo Curione, they counselled flight, an
intimation which was followed.^ In July 1542 measures
were taken with regard to forbidden books, and the
Church festivals, which had been abolished, were restored.
VermigH was invited to appear before the Chapter of the
Order in Genoa, but, never a man of particular courage, he
resolved to fly at once, and on the 12th of August he went
to Florence, where he met Ochino, whom he prevailed upon
to leave Italy without delay .^ Vermigli found an appoint-
ment as professor of Hebrew in Strasburg, while Ochino
turned to Geneva, where the cautious Calvin had a long
and searching colloquy with the refugee before he gave
him permission to preach to the colony of Italians in
the city.
Ochino immediately threw himself into literary work on
behalf of a Protestant propaganda in Italy, against which
the combative Dominican, Ambrogio Catarino, took up
arms conspicuously.* Ochino left Geneva by 1543, having
there married his maidservant,^ and then began his years of
restless wandering which brought him in 1547 to England.
There he wrote his Latin Tragcedia, soon afterwards trans-
lated into English, in which he sought to prove that the
* BONGI, loc. cit.
' 2 For Curione, see Herzog, Realencykl., IV.,^ 353 seg. ; TaCCHI
Venturi, I., 308; here also is evidence that Curione's, " Pasquillus
ecstaticus," had already appeared in 1 543.
^ See BONGl,/oc. ci'i., and Vol. XI. of this work, p. 492.
* Cf. Lauchert in the Zeitschr. fiir kath. Theol, XXXI., 40 seg.
Luther's Italian opponents are to be made shortly the subject of a
special study by Lauchert in the " Erlautcrungen und Erganzungen"
of Janssen's History of the German People which he is preparing for
publication.
s Cf. Corp. Ref, XLVIII., n. 4146; Benrath, Ochino, 159 j^^.
LUTHERAN OPINIONS IN MODENA. 50I
Pope was anti-Christ and introduced the devil as one of
the dramatis personce}
The flight of two of the most gifted Protestants, Vermigli
and Ochino, in search of personal safety, was a loss to the
cause in Italy which was felt all the more sensibly as at
the same time the Holy See was taking strong measures
of defence.^ For this there were weighty reasons, as
Modena as well as Lucca threatened to fall away. It was
a circumstance of fateful importance that at this time the
Bishop of Modena, Morone, was kept away on the duties of
his nunciature.^ His representative does not seem to have
been equal to the task imposed upon him by the seething
difficulties of the time.
The spread of Lutheran opinions was no new thing in
Modena. When in the Advent of 1537 an Augustinian
monk publicly advertised the sale of a heretical work, his
conduct only gave rise to a protest. The new opinions
gained ground increasingly. Men and women, relates a
chronicler, held arguments everywhere on questions of faith
and appealed to teachers of the Church whom they had
never read and quoted wrongly. Preventive measures were
not wanting. The work in question, the Sommario della
Sacra Scrittura^ was confuted by Ambrogio Catarino and
consigned to the flames. A Franciscan conventual, who
had attacked the Holy See under a pseudonym, was arrested
^ Cf. Benrath, 117 seq.
2 Cf. Benrath, Ochino, 137.
2 For the religious troubles in Modena, cf. CANTtr, II., 148 seq.\
DiTTRlCH, Contarini, Zo^seqq. ; Cavazzuti, Castelvetro, 43 seq. For
the Academician, Franciscus Portus, see the Programm von J. Sturm,
Wiirzburg, 1 902- 1 903.
* The writing is only a translation of a Dutch work (see Jahrb. fiir
protest. Theolog., VII., 127 seq. ; VIII., 681 seq. ; IX., 328 seq.
TOORENENBERGEN, Het oudste nederlandsch verboden boek, Leiden
1882).
502 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
and taken to Ferrara, but all this produced little result,
and when Morone at last, in the spring of 1542, returned
to his diocese, he heard with amazement of the state of
things there prevailing. The focus of religious rebellion
was a society of learned men, formed sometime about
1536 and known as the " Accademia."^ Morone had un-
doubtedly the best will in the world to check the new
teaching in his diocese; but his position was a very delicate
one, since, like Contarini, he had no very definite stand-
point on the question of justification. It was certainly
with the best intention that he allowed the work on the
Benefit of Christ to be published in his diocese and
circulated,^ little knowing that it contained the starting-
point of the very errors which he was now called upon to
assail. Morone also hoped to restore order by lenient
measures. In agreement with Contarini he resolved to
place before the suspects a confession of faith drawn
up by Contarini in the simplest form. If it should be
thus established that the accused — most of whom were
members of the " Accademia" — adhered to the faith of the
Church, then, so Morone thought, he could confidently
receive them. If the contrary were the case, it was his
intention to try and bring them back from their error by
gentle measures.^
In the meantime attention had also been drawn in Rome
to the affairs of Modena.* Although the gentle Cardinal
1 Cf. TiRABOSCHI, Bibl. Mod., I., 8 seq. ; Sandonini, L. Castelvetro,
Bologna, 1882, 155 seq. ; Cavazzuti, 48 seq.
2 Cf. DOLLINGER, Reformation, III., 312. In the prevailing un-
certainty it would have been very useful if A. Catarino, in his Com-
pendio d' errori et inganni Luteiani (Romae, 1544), had disclosed the
tendency of the work " Del beneficio."
3 DiTTRlCH, Contarini, 806.
* See Tacchi Venturi, I., 509 seq.., 551,
ACTION OF MORONE AND CONTARINI. 503
Sadoleto did all he could to protect his fellow-countrymen,
Paul III. on the 23rd of June 1542 directed that a brief
should be sent to Morone in which he commanded him,
taking into consideration the secret and gradual advance of
error in Modena, to search out the suspected and bring the
guilty to punishment.^ Morone did not consider it oppor-
tune to make use of this document to the letter ; it was
more congenial to his kind-hearted and tolerant disposition
to try to influence the "Academicians" through private
negotiations and representations and thus persuade them
to renounce their innovations.
Contarini's inexhaustible patience was also shown in his
treatment of the heterodox in Bologna, with whom he dealt
gently and in a spirit of friendly advice. Morone, who had
the support of Sadoleto, succeeded at last in getting forty-
one noted citizens and men of learning to sign the declara-
tion composed by Contarini ; but this only allayed for a
while the religious troubles in Modena.^
The danger which threatened in 1542 of important
cities like Lucca and Modena gradually lapsing from the
Church, determined Paul III. to take a decisive step by
appointing, on the 4th of July 1542, six Cardinals to act
as Inquisitors-General.^ He did this on the advice of the
1 FONTANA, Docum., 388 seq.
2 See DiTTRiCH, Contarini, 810 seq., 817 seq. Cf. Sandonini,
loc. cit., 172 seq. ; Cavazzuti, 51 seqq.
3 Cf. the report of Caracciolo in Bernino, IV., 485 seq., and supra,
p. 45. On June 28, 1542, Cardinal Guidiccioni wrote to Lucca:
" qui h nova per diverse vie quanto siano multiplicati quelli pestiferi
errori di questa condannata setta lutherana in la nostra citta " (Arch.
Stor. Ital, X. [1847], Docum., 163). Already on July 8, N. Sernini
could write that in the last consistory (mercordi) " S. S'^ disse havero
inteso che in Lucca, in Modena et in Parma essersi scoperte sette di
Luterani (credo che vi mettese ancora Napoli) et che bisognava
rimediarvi. II card, di Ravenna [Accolti] mi ha dctto che questa cura
504 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
more rigid party, above all, of Cardinal Carafa and of the
Dominican, Juan Alvarez de Toledo.Cardinal of Burgos.and,
moreover, of Ignatius of Loyola. After having on the 14th
of January cancelled all indults which withdrew clergy and
laity from the authority of the Inquisition,^ Paul III., on
July the 2 1st, issued a Bull by which the whole office of the
Inquisition was reconstituted and a central authority for
all countries erected in Rome whose energies were to be
directed first of all to the suppression of heresy in Lucca.^
In the preamble of this document^ Paul III. insisted on
the desire which he had cherished from the beginning of
his pontificate, to preserve the purity of the Christian faith
by preventing the approach of error, to bring back to the
acknowledgment of the truths of the Church those led
s' h data a sei cardinali." The chief danger lay in Lucca (see SOLMi,
Fuga, 63, 64). On July 10, 1542, Serristori *wrote : "S. S" . . . ha
fatto 4 [sic !] inquisitori sopra questa heresia scopertasi nuovamente
in Lucca, i quali sono questi rev™ cioe 11 Guidiccione, S. Marcello
[Laurerio] S. Croce [Cervini] et un altro per levare via tale infectione
si quella citta, essendo cosa di mahssima digestione" (State Archives,
Florence). Then followed the appointment of Inquisitors on July 4,
1542, as given in the text.
1 FONTANA, Docum., 383 se^. ; cf. RiPOLL, IV., 607 seq.
2 Cf. Pole to Contarini, dat. Viterbo, July 18, 1542 (QuiRlNl, III., 59
seq. ; cf. BROMAto, II., 60). See also in Appendix No. 16 L. Tolomei's
very characteristic letter of Aug. 11, 1542 (State Archives, Siena).
3 Constitution " Licet ab initio" (*Regest. Vat., 1695, f. 429 seq. ; on
margin, " Bio. el. Fulgin." ; at the end, "A. Barba"), printed in Bull.,
VI., 344 seq.., but not quite correctly (lines 15-16 read "doctorum" for
"dictorum "; line 17, " et, si " for " etsi"). The Jesuit J. B. Faure's very
rare " Commentarium in bullam Pauli III. Licet ab initio, dat. a. 1542,
qua Rom. Inquisit. constituit et ejus regimen non regularibus sed
clero saeculari commisit" (1750), was put at last in 1757 on the Index
{cf. SOMMERVOGEL, III., nova ed., 559). The reduction of the
authority of the "secretario intimo" by the "secretario del S. Offitio"
is emphasized in the " Informatione' in Laem^IEI Mor. Vat, 46-? :eq.
THE ROMAN INQUISITION. 505
astray by the deceit of the devil, and so to deal with the
obstinate and perverse that their punishment might serve
as an example and deterrent to others. Hitherto he had
put off any definite measures in these directions as he had
hoped that, through the Divine compassion and the
efficiency of learned preachers, those in heresy would be
brought to see their errors, recant, and return to the Holy
Catholic Church ; and if they should still hesitate, would,
at least, in awe of the authority of the approaching
Council, embrace the true faith and return to the path of
justice. The Council, however, owing to various reasons,
chief among them the war between Christian princes
having been unable to make a beginning and the inroads
of error in the meanwhile being daily on the increase so
that the unity of the Church was more and more impaired
by religious discord, he found himself compelled to take
measures prohibitive of yet greater evils. Considering
that he was beset by claims of the gravest importance and
could not therefore give his undivided attention to the
matter, the Pope had resolved upon a commission of six
Cardinals of approved faith, learning, and virtue.
At the head of the number thus appointed to be
"general and most general Inquisitors" were Carafa and
Juan Alvarez de Toledo ; with them were afterwards
associated Cardinals Pier Paolo Parisio, Bartolommeo
Guidiccioni, Dionisio Laurerio, and Tommaso Badia.^
^ As it was not stated in the constitution that the individual Cardinals
should have successors, the temporary character of the institution was
thereby implied (see Henner, Beitrage zur Organisation und
Kompetenz der papstlichen Ketzergerichte, Leipzig, 1890, 368).
Parisio died in 1545, Laurerio in 1542, Badia in 1547. SiLOS (I., 230)
names M. Cervini, Sfondrato, and Pio of Carpi as successors {cf.
Merkle, I., 816). In a letter of Cardinal Farnese of June 1546 it
is stated that the four Inquisitors, Carafa, Juan de Toledo, Cervini, and
506 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The sphere ol action assigned to this commission
included all Cisalpine and Transalpine Christendom,
the whole of Italy, and the Roman Curia itself. The
Inquisitors were expressly authorized to delegate in any
place their full powers to clerics versed in theology and
canon law or to other ecclesiastical dignitaries, and to
decide in their own court on any appeals from the ruling
of the latter tribunals.
The commission was further empowered to examine,
try, and pronounce sentence upon all who had lapsed
from the Catholic Faith or were suspected of heresy, with
like jurisdiction over the open or secret adherents, patrons,
advocates, and advisers. Against all such, in any station
in life, the Inquisitors were ordered to proceed, even
without the consent of the bishops, and that too in cases
where the latter had the right to act.
In the Bull the punishments to be meted out were
specified : imprisonment, execution, and confiscation of
goods in the case of those condemned to death. In order
to carry out these injunctions the commission had the
power to appoint the necessary temporal and ecclesiastical
authorities, to regulate everything connected with the
degradation and surrender to the secular arm of the
guilty, even of those possessing the higher orders, and to
inflict censures on the contumacious, whereby all appeal
to a court of higher instance would be excluded.
Extensive as the powers of the commission of Cardinals
were, when directed against obstinate heretics, they yet
lacked any jurisdiction over those who sincerely repented
of their errors. The Pope reserved to himself expressly
the right to confer pardon in such cases.
Sfondrato, met together once every week (see Campana in the Studi
storici, XVII., 275). It is remarkable that Guidiccioni is not mentioned
here.
THE ROMAN INQUISITION. 507
The essential feature of the new organization thus created
by the Bull was its centralization in Rome, whence all
appointments by the new authorities now came, and in the
plenary powers of taking measures immediately and
promptly in all countries and against all persons of what-
ever rank, independently of the existing ecclesiastical
courts.^ Cardinal Carafa, the chief originator of the new
institution, proceeded to put it into working order with
fiery enthusiasm. It was reported that, without waiting
for a financial grant from the Camera Apostolica, he
fitted up a house at his own expense as a place where the
Inquisition might hold its sessions.^
Any description or estimate of the work of the re-
organized Inquisition as it proceeded under Paul III. is
impossible to an historian, as no records are at his dis-
posal. The archives of the Holy Office in Rome must
certainly have documentary evidence to some extent, but
inspection is absolutely refused.^ If the present congre-
gation of the Holy Office still persists in maintaining a
system of absolute secrecy, which has almost universally
been abandoned elsewhere, with regard to historical docu-
ments now more than three centuries old, it inflicts an
injury not merely on the work of the historian but still
more upon itself, since it thus perpetuates belief in all
1 Cf. Bromato, II., 59 seq.
2 See Caracciolo in Bernino, IV., 488.
3 At the end of 190 1 I made my first request to be allowed access
to the archives of the Roman Inquisition, which was followed by two
other applications. The only piece of information I could obtain from
the archivist, Fr. G. M. van Rossum, after fourteen months'
endeavours, was that the records of the proceedings against heresy
under Paul III. had been lost, although the "Decreta" of the Inquisi-
tion had been preserved. An inspection of the latter, in spite of
solicitations from influential quarters, was absolutely refused me by
the Congregation.
5o8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
and in the worst of all the innumerable charges levelled
at the Inquisition.
The want of authentic sources of information is not com-
pensated for by the information of individuals. We know,
for example, that Carnesecchi, in 1546, was cited before
the Inquisition and acquitted ^ for want of evidence, while
other relapsed or obstinate heretics, such as the Spaniard
Jayme Enziiias, were handed over for execution to the
secular arm.^ Of importance is the severe edict issued on
the 1 2th of July 1543 by the Inquisitors-General against
the diffusion of heretical books in Rome, Ferrara, and
Bologna.^
Without access to the archives of the Holy Ofifice it is
impossible to substantiate how far this edict attained its
purpose, nor, deprived of the same means of information,
can it be known for certain to what extent Cardinal
Seripando's judgment was well founded when he said : " At
first this Institution was a temperate and lenient tribunal
corresponding to the personal character of Paul III., but at
a later period, when the Cardinals presiding had increased
in number and the jurisdiction of the courts in strength,
but above all when the superhuman rigour of Carafa held
sway, the Inquisition acquired such a reputation that from
no other judgment-seat on earth were more horrible and
fearful sentences to be expected, sentences the justice of
which cannot be called in question, if they are seasoned
1 See Arch. d. Soc. Rom, III., 286; <7C Agostini, P. Carnesecchi,
Firenze, 1899. For Ochino's case, see Vol. XI. of this work, p. 491.
2 See Orano, Liberi pensatori, Roma, 1904, XIV. ; Herzog, Real-
encykl., XVIII.,3 582 ; CAMPANAin the Studi Storici, XVIII., 282.
3 See Bromato, II.,8o ; ReusCH, Index, I., 170 seq. ; HiLGERS, 483-
486 ; cf. Campana, XVII., 275. For the diffusion in Rome of Lutheran
books, see Baluze, Miscell. (ed. Lucca), III., 505 ; cf. Cantu, Eretici,
II., 361.
THE INQUISITION IN ITALY. 509
with that charity which Jesus Christ, appointed by God the
Father to be judge of all men, both taught and practised."^
From the scattered notices that survive we cannot give
even a comparatively faithful sketch of the Inquisition in
its working under Paul III. In the same way it is im-
possible to gauge accurately the attitude of the minor
Italian States towards the Roman Inquisition. All that is
known is that the majority either obeyed or by individual
legislation succeeded in warding off excessive interference
on the part of the Roman institution.^ By an arrange-
ment with the Spanish viceroy, Pedro de Toledo, the
Inquisition was reorganized in Naples and was made
to depend on that of Rome. The Neapolitans were
under the impression that the hated Spanish Inquisition
was to be thrust upon them, and therefore showed a violent
' DoLLlNGER, Berichte und Tagebiicher zur Geschichte des Konzils
von Trent, I., Ndrdlingen, 1876, 7 ; Merkle, II., 405. It is evident
that, in spite of the Inquisition, many in Rome held secretly to Lutheran
doctrine ; see F. Archinto's letter of Dec. 25, 1545 ; see Tacchi Ven-
lURl, I., 328 seq., 519 seq. ; ibid., 345 n. 3. L. Lippomano's complaint
of Nov. 16, 1547, that proceedings against the numerous Lutherans in
the Roman States were slack, thereby confirming the previous state-
ments of Seripando. Cf. ibid., P»335) for Giuliano da Colle, and p. 521
seq., the letter of Cardinal D. de' Durante of Jan. 11, 1546, on the great
number of secret heretics in Italy.
^ The Sienese envoy L. Tolomei recommended independent action in
his *letter of Aug. 11, 1542 (State Archives, Siena); see App. 16, also
App. 15, letter of Serristori. Although in Lucca on May 12, 1545, a
special " Offizio sulla religione " was appointed, heresy continued to
spread secretly and not without blame to the government (see BoNGi,
Invent, del Arch, di Lucca, I.. 354 seq. ; Giorn. d. lett. Ital., XIV., 59
seq.\ which at a later period, especially in 1 562, took severe measures
(see Cantu, II., 468 seq.\ PUCCINELLI, La Republicca di Lucca e la
repress, dell' eresia nel sec. xvi, Fossano, 1900). With regard to Ferrara,
see FONTANA, II., 250; for Tuscany, Cantu, IL, 418; Reumont, I.,
\2^seq. ; for Lucca, see also Tacchi Venturi, I., 528 scqq.
5IO HISTORY OF THE POPES.
opposition ; they gained nothing, however, thereby, for
Cardinal Carafa, the founder of the Roman institution, was
appointed their Archbishop in 1549.^ In Milan a tribunal
was appointed on the Roman model, and from it measures
were directed against the Protestants in Locarno.^
The Venetian government was the most difficult to deal
with, although Paul III. pointed out that a revolution
against the Faith meant a revolution against the State.^
It was not until the whole Venetian territory had become
affected by the enterprises of the Protestant party, among
whom the Anabaptists had made themselves, from time
to time, conspicuous, that the Signoria, upon whom the
defeat of the Schmalkaldic League had also made a deep
impression, took steps, but not indeed so as to derogate
from their functions as a government, to support the
Inquisition. A decree of the Doge of the 22nd of April
1547 insisted on the three " Savii sull' eresia" co-operating
with the proceedings of the Inquisition. The Council of
Ten in the autumn of 1548 ordered the Rectors of Padua,
Treviso, Udine, Feltre, Cividale, Capo d'lstria, Adria,
Chioggia, Vicenza, Bergamo, and Brescia to take part in the
detection and punishment of heresy.* On the 8th of June
1549 Paul III. was able to express his satisfaction that the
* See Amabile, I., 196 seq. ; Benrath, Isabella Gonzaga, 80 seq.
Cf. also Arch. Stor. Napolit, II., 205 seqq. ; DE Leva, IV., 341 seq. ;
Balan, 383 seq.\ G. DEL GlUDiCE, I lumulti del 1547 in Napoli,
Napoli, 1893.
2 Benrath, Ochino, 205 seq.
3 Thus, e.g.., in the brief of May I, 1545, in Fontana, Docum.,
398 seq.
* Cf. Benrath in Herzog's Realencyki., IX. ,^ 164, 531 ; Studien und
Kritiken, LVIII., 14 seq. ; Battistella, II S. Offizio in Friuli, Udine,
1895, 48. CoMBA gives a list of all the charges of heresy before the
Venetian Inquisition since 1541 in the Rev. Crist., III., 28 seq.\ see
also Campana, XVII., 1 52 seq.., 199 seq., 216 seq.
APOSTASY OF VERGEKIO. 5II
government had given assistance to the Papal commissary
in Istria towards the suppression of heresy.^ A few days
later, on the 3rd of July, the Pope announced in consistory
the deposition of Pietro Paolo Vergerio, Bishop of Capo
d' Istria, who had already in May fled from Italy, as the
outcome of his trial in Venice for apostasy to Lutheranism.
Formerly nuncio in Germany, and there the antagonist
of Luther, this ambitious and restless man, with no com-
petent training in theology, had been led by the reading
of Lutheran writings to an open rupture with the Church.
The keen wit and glowing hate of an apostate were now
devoted to the warfare against the Papacy .^
Paul III. continued to be harassed by preachers who,
under a semblance of Catholic doctrine, conveyed teaching
which was in reality that of Protestants. In 1541 he had
already tried to lay an embargo on this mischief by confin-
ing the Lenten preaching, in Bologna and Modena, to one
church.3 On the 30th of March 1543 he sent letters to the
1 *Valde gaudemus Deoque et nobis per nobilitates vestras com-
placitum esse videmus quod brachium et favorem vestrum nostro
commissario ad extirpandas in vestra provincia I striae aereses [sic !]
sicut vobis erat dignum tribuistis. Since many still remained obdurate,
he exhorted them to bring the matter to an end " sine uUius quidem
personae respectu" (Paulus III. duci et senatori Venetiar., dat Romae
ap. S. Marc. 1 549 Junii 8. Original in State Archives, Venice, Bolle).
"^ Cf. Laemmer, Mantissa, 205 seq.\ Canti;, II., 116 seq.;
ASCHBACH, Kirchenlex., IV., 11 19 seq.\ CoMBA, I noslri Protestanti,
II. ; Ferrai in Arch. Stor. Ital., 1885, and in the Studi storici,
Padova, 1892; Arch. Stor. p. Trieste, II., IV.; Benrath, Venedig,
119 seq. ; Giorn. d. lett. Ital., XXIV., 290 seq., 453 ; Campana, XVII.,
171 seqq., 257 seq. ; Tacchi Venturi, I., 525 seq. ; Hubert, Vergerios
publizistische Tatigkeit, Gottingen, 1893; Vergerio is described as
"ambitious and untruthful" in the Jahrb. fiir Gesch. des Protest in
Osterreich, XV., 117; cf. also de Leva, III., 409; Ferrai, Studi,
90 seq.
' See Lancellotti, VII., 20.
512 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Augustinian Hermits, the Franciscan Conventuals, the
Canons Regular of the Lateran, and the Dominicans of
the Lombardic and Roman provinces to take measures in
their chapters-general to extirpate Lutheran errors, the
spread of which in Italy was daily on the increase.^ In
the following year the Benedictines of Monte Cassino
were specially exhorted to be very vigilant, lest any taint
of error should creep into their sermons or confessionals ;
the former permission to read Lutheran writings was
withdrawn from the whole Congregation.^
All these measures of precaution could not spare the
Pope the experience that all over the States of the Church,
in Rome as well as elsewhere, the Lutheran heresy was
showing signs of existence,^ When the danger was so
great it is not surprising that in many places steps were
taken from precipitate zeal. That these were little to the
liking of Paul III. is evident from an injunction of the
26th of March 1547 to Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga, as
Protector of the Canons of the Lateran, to the effect that
he must check any excess of zeal in the detection of errors
whereby dissension between members of the community
might arise.*
* See FONTANA, Docum., 390 seq. ; cf. also ibid.^ 397 seq., 401, 403
seq.^ 404 seq., 409 seq.
2 Ibid., 394 seq.., 396 seq.
3 See ibid., 400, 403; Tacchi Venturi, I, 320, 343, 345, 411 ;
Battistella, loc. cit., 4, 26, 96 seq., 119, 132. For Lutherans in
Faenza, see Tacchi Venturi, I., 523 seq., and the *facultas absolvendi
issued by the President of the Council, M. Cervini, dat. Bologna,
May II, 1548, Concilio di Trento, 40, f. 50 (Secret Archives of the
Vatican).
* *Brief of March 26, 1547 (Min. brev. Arm., 41, t. 38, n. 175, Secret
Archives of the Vatican). For Cardinal Gonzaga's proceedings
against heretics in Mantuan territory, see Davari in Arch. Stor.
Lomb., XI., 556 seq. ; LuziO, V. Colonna, 43 seq.
FOREIGN MISSIONS. 513
Probably with the Pope's consent, the Venetian nuncio
Giovanni della Casa published in 1549 an Index of
forbidden books.^ The Italian Protestants revenged
themselves on Paul III. by "an open letter" filled with
the most violent personal abuse and ending with a
summons to the princes to destroy the "unworthy one."
This libel, which in parts was not free from obscenity, was
ascribed, but without grounds, by contemporaries to
Vergerio or Ochino.^
It is a magnificent feature of the Papal history that
the occupants of the Holy See, amid the engrossing claims
of the ecclesiastical troubles in Europe, never relaxed
their efforts to extend the borders of Christendom in other
quarters of the globe.^ Paul III., like his predecessor,
honourably fulfilled his duty in this respect, and the
missions in Africa, America, and Asia felt his pastoral care.
The Mendicant Orders, who had made mission work a
special province of activity, found in the lands thrown
open by the new discoveries a widened sphere in which to
devote themselves with indefatigable zeal and self-sacrifice,
and in this they were firmly supported by Paul III. To
1 Cf. Reusch, Index, I,, 204 seq. ; HiLGERS, 6. See Campana,
XVII., 272 seq.
2 Cf.., besides Cantu, II., 61, especially Benrath, in the Riv.
Crist., II., 258 seq.., where it is shown that this obscene pasquinade
was related to the filthy " Epistola de morte Pauli III. P. M. deque
iis quae ei post mortem ejus acciderunt, a. 1 549, mense Decemb. in
lucem edita." The charges of unbelief and the worst forms of
immorality here brought against the Pope are demonstrably false
(see Ersch-Gruber, XIV., 43).
2 Into the details of the history of missions, for which rich materials
are stored in the " Bullaria" and the historians of the different orders,
it is impossible here to enter owing to the limits assigned to this work.
Unfortunately the history of missions has been to a great extent
neglected, and there is urgent need for a Catholic historian to arise who
will carry out this task with the assistance of the most authentic sources.
VOL. XII. 3J
514 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
their labours were added, under this Pontiff, those of the
Jesuits, a source of inestimable strength.
Paul III. helped on missionary work in three ways. He
supported the missionaries themselves, he extended the
hierarchy, and he threw into the scales all the weight of
his influence with the rulers of the countries to which
Christianity was to be brought. What a wide sphere of
communication was therein opened up is shown by the
fact that he applied personally to the Kings of the Congo
and of iEthiopia.^
In Western Central Africa the kingdom of Congo,
on the river of that name, had accepted Christianity even
to the reigning house. With the then ruler, King Alfonso,
the Pope had at once put himself in communication,^ The
conversion of those born within the diocese of San Thome,
founded on the 3rd of November 1534,^ was the special
object of the Dominicans, Franciscans, and Augustinians.
In 1548 they were joined by the Jesuits, who at once
displayed a far-reaching activity. It was a special source
of pleasure to the negroes that the fathers never asked
^ A Papal *letter to David rex Aethiopiae, dat. Oct. 4, 1540, in Min.
brev. Arm., 41, t. 19, n. 872 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). Paul III.
recommends to him two missionaries sent by him to India. In 1546
King John III. of Portugal reported concerning one Juan Bermudez,
who falsely gave himself out to be the Catholic Patriarch of ^Ethiopia,
and begged that a member of the Society of Jesus might assume the
Patriarchate (see Mon. Ignat., Ser. I., II., 428 seq.), which, however,
was not then possible ; c/. st/pra, p. 113.
2 *Alfonso regi de Congo, dat. March 17, 1535 ; recommendation of
the Bishopric of St. Thome (Min. brev. Arm., 41, t. 50, n. no, Secret
Archives of the Vatican). A second letter, with an exhortation to
persevere in the introduction of Christianity, dat. May 5, 1535, in
Raynaldus, 1535, n. 59 ; 9^ Vicomte de Paiva Manso, Hist, ao
Congo, Lisboa, 1877, 64 ; Bull, patronat. Portug., I., 164.
3 See Corp. dipl. Port., III., 140 seg.; Bull, patronat. Portug., I..
153 -f^i"-
MISSIONS IN AMERICA. SI5
for a farthing in return for their toil. The fairest prospects
seemed to lie before them; the relations between the
King and Paul III. were also friendly. Unfortunately,
a reaction set in destructive of their work when the
missionaries began to denounce open vices.^
The principal burden of the vast work of christianizing
America was borne under Paul III. as in previous days
by the sons of St. Dominic and St. Francis, aided also by
Augustinians and those of other Orders. No danger held
back these devoted men ; a Franciscan, Juan de Padilla,
head of the Kansas mission, met his death in 1542 at the
hands of savages ; he was the first martyr of the faith in
North America.2
The successes obtained by the old orders in Central and
South America were so great that Paul III. undertook to
extend the hierarchy and thereby make possible an
organization to meet the needs of the new converts. The
consistorial minutes register the creation of many new
bishoprics. According to these authentic documents the
following sees were founded : — Guatemala on December the
i8th, 1534; Antequera, June the 21st, 1535, and Michoa-
can, August the i8th, 1536, both in Mexico; Cuzco in
Peru, January the 8th, 1537; Ciudad Real (Chiapa de los
Espanoles) in Guatemala on March the 19th, 1539 ; Ciudad
de los Reyes in Peru on May the 13th, 1541; Quito,
January the 8th, 1546; Papayan in New Granada, at the
foot of the Andes, on August the 22nd, 1546; Rio de la
Plata on July the ist, 1547.^ The Metropolitan of the
» Cf. Baesten in the Precis hist. Bruxelles, 1892, XL!., 544 seq.;
XLII., 61 seq., 107 seq.
2 See Bandelier, I. de Padilla : American Cath. Quarterly Review,
July 1890.
3 See Acta Consist, in Raynaldus, 1535, n. 59; 1536, n. 48;
1539, n. 36; 1546, n. 154, 157; IS47, n. 135 ; Rom. Qiiartalschr.
5l6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
American bishoprics had hitherto been the Archbishop of
Seville. With his consent and that of the Emperor this con-'
nection was dissolved on the nth of February 1546 and
a new arrangement made suitable to the altered circum-
stances. The sees of Mexico and Lima were raised to the
rank of archbishoprics and metropolitan churches as well
as that of San Domingo.^ The first Bishop and Arch-
bishop of Mexico, Juan de Zum^rraga, a Franciscan, could
boast of belonging to an Order which had converted a
million heathens.^ On the death of Cardinal Gabriel
Merino on the 8th of October 1546 Ferdinand Nimo,
Archbishop of Granada in Spain,^ received the title of
Patriarch of the West Indies.
In the same year the Jesuits were invited by an old
friend of their founder, who lived in Mexico, to come to
America. Their numbers did not at that time admit of
such a mission,* and it was not until 1549 that the first
Jesuits landed on American soil, where so great a career
awaited them. Six fathers accompanied the Portuguese
fleet bound for Brazil ; in the neighbourhood of Villa
Vieja arose a new city which afterwards was called
San Salvador or Bahia. While soldiers and settlers were
occupied on building work, the missionaries erected a
church, learned the native language, opened schools for
the Indian?, and expended untold labour in tryi-ng to turn
VI., 229 seq. ; Records of the Anieric. Catholic Historical Society of
Philadelphia, X. (1899), 2 seqq. According to Gams, Lima (1539),
Paraguay (1547), and Gudalaxara (1548) still belonged to the Metro-
politan jurisdiction of Seville.
* QC Raynaldus, 1546, n. 156; Panvinus in Platina, Vitae Pontif.,
Coloniae Agripp., 1626, 382; GAMS, 148, I53, 156; Records, loc.
cit, 14.
* Cf. ICAZBALCETA, Juan de Zumarrdga, Mexico, 1881.
3 Acta Consist, in the Records, loc. cit., 13 seq.
* See Araoz to Ignatius, dat. April 24, 1 547, Epist. mixtae, I., 360
MISSIONS IN THE EAST INDIES. $17
the savage inhabitants from a life of wandering and from
cannibaHsm. By Whitsunday 1549 the first hundred
converts were ready to receive baptism, and from 600 to
700 others were under instruction.^
In the East Indies also Christianity had been intro-
duced by the Portuguese colonists. Here the Gospel
was preached by the Dominicans and Franciscans ; the
seaport town of Goa, on the western coast of Lower
India, was the centre of Christian teaching as of the
Portuguese possessions. Paul III. carried into effect what
Clement VII. had already planned, and on the 3rd of
November 1534 he raised Goa into a bishopric which should
embrace the vast area from the Cape of Good Hope to the
borders of China. On this occasion the Pope confirmed to
the Portuguese crown the rights of patronage conferred by
his predecessors over this gigantic diocese also, which on
the 8th of July 1539 was placed under the jurisdiction of
the newly created Archbishopric of Funchal. In return
for the rights of patron the King of Portugal undertook
to maintain the cathedral of Goa and the ecclesiastical
institutions of the diocese, to erect and furnish churches
and chapels as necessity arose, and finally to provide in
every place a cure of souls.^
Ecclesiastical conditions in Goa as well as the extension
' Nobrega to Simon Rodriguez, dat. S. Salvador, 1549, and to Dr.
Navarro, dat. t'h'd., Aug. 10, 1549 (Materias e Actregas para a Historia
e Geographia do Brasil, publicados por ordem do Ministerio da
Hazienda, II., Rio de Janeiro, 1886, 48, 65, 66 ; POLANCUS, Chronicon,
I., n. 493-497 ; OrlandinuS, 1, 9, n. 85-101 ; SlMAO DE Vascon-
CELLOS, S.J. [t 1671], Cronica da Companhia de Jesu do Estado do
Brasil, I., 2nd ed., Lisboa, 1865, 31-37)-
2 Corp. dipl. Port, III., 151 se^g. ; MULLBAUER, Gesch. der kathol.
Missionen in Ostindien, Munich, 1851, 51 seg^. ; see also Contzen, Gca
im Wandel der Jahrhunderte, Berlin, 1902. The Bull of July S, 1539.
in Bull patronat. Portug., I., 170 seg.
5l8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of Christianity throughout the Portuguese possessions
suffered to an extraordinary degree from the deep moral
corruption into which the greater number of Portuguese
officials had sunk. These nominal Christians had as
much need as the heathen of a thorough conversion, but
only a man of exceptional gifts could bring the needed
aid. In the spring of 1540 he came in the person of
Francis Xavier, sent by Paul III., and with him began
a new epoch in the Christian civilization of the East.
In the short space of six years he succeeded, by means
of an apostolate fired with divine inspiration, in so
reorganizing the mission field in India and wherever
Portuguese rule extended, that it became the starting-
point for a yet wider activity embracing the whole of
eastern Asia.^
Paul III. conferred not merely great services on
missionary work but also on civilization by openly pro-
tecting the freedom of the American Indians. The
Dominicans, with the enthusiastic Bartolom6 de las
Casas at their head (nominated on the 19th of December
1543 Bishop of Chiapa),^ for long waged war with
intrepidity and self-devotion against the harsh and cruel
tyranny by which the Spanish conquerors bent the
American aborigines to their yoke.' The Bishop of
Tlascala brought their complaints to the ears of Paul III.,
who resolved to make a decisive attack on the system.
Two justly celebrated Papal edicts come under considera-
tion. The first, of May the 29th, 1537, was addressed to
1 Dahlmann'S opinion (Indische Fahrten, I., Freiburg, 1908, 399).
Cf. supra, p. 115,
' Acta Consist, in the Records, loc. cit., 9.
» See Baumstark, B. de las Casas, Freiburg, 1879 ; Habler, I.,
382 seq. ; Walz, B. de las Casas, Bonn, 1905 ; MacNutt, B. de las
Casas, London, 1909.
THE POPE AND SLAVERY. 519
the Archbishop of Toledo, Cardinal Juan de Tavera. The
Pope here acknowledges that Charles V., by a general law,
had forbidden slavery among West or East Indians; he
had therefore taken their freedom and their property under
his protection even if they were outside the Church. " They
must never be extirpated by slavery, but on the contrary
by instruction and example be prepared for life eternal."
Paul III. finally gave full powers to the Cardinal to protect
the Indians to the utmost ; everyone was to be forbidden
specifically to inflict any kind of slavery on an Indian or
to rob him of his goods ; the transgressor was to be
subject to excommunication irremovable save by the
Pope only, except in danger of death and after previous
restitution made. The Cardinal, in conclusion, had absolute
power given him to take any other measures against the
recalcitrant which might seem to him necessary and
expedient in accordance with the claims of wisdom, justice,
and religion.^
The second document, of the 2nd of June of the same
year, was a Bull addressed to Christendom at large,
forbidding absolutely the slavery of all Indians, even of
those in regions as yet undiscovered. Here the Pope laid
the axe to the root of the tree by combating the asserted
incapacity of the Indian to receive Christianity which
served as the pretext for their subjection. In noble words
he based his condemnation of slavery on the mission of
the Church to carry the Christian faith to all the world.
From the sentence of the Gospel, "Go and teach all
nations," he deduced the right and the duty to make
Christian truth accessible to Indians as well as others.
Let them be free even if unconverted, and let no one dare
* See Margraf, 82 seq., 85 seq., 218 seq. The minute of the letter
(Arm., 41, t. 6, n. 125, Secret Archives of the Vatican) shows some
variants and gives as date May 28.
520 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
bring them into slavery.^ If this decision put an end to
uncertainty of opinion by the declaration of a fixed rule of
action, a long time had yet to elapse before any substantial
success was secured. Even in Rome the Pope was unable
at once to carry out effectually his efforts against slavery,
and the position of captive unbelievers in Italy still con-
tinued to be one of bondage.^
There remain to be mentioned some other instances of
the Pope's activity in the service of the Church. His
interest in the Armenians,^ his communications with the
Maronites, whom he sought in every way to strengthen in
the Christian faith,* and his conciliatory intervention in
* See Wadding, XVI., 417 seq. ; Margraf, 86 seq, 219 seq^. To
this period also belongs the *brief of June 29, 1547, addressed to
Charles V., on the subject of the continuance of slavery, which was still
justified on the grounds of the heathenism of the natives. The brief
prescribes : " quod omnes personae eccl"' seculares et regulares possint
sine conscientiae scrupolo officialibus Imperatoris denuntiare injurias
illatas Indis, etiamsi ex eo mors subsequatur, non autem revelatus in con-
fessionibus, dummodo non procedatur per viam accusationis." The brief
argues that: "Attendentes Indos ipsos licet extra ecclesiae gremium
existant, tamen fidei et salutis eternae capaces esse et propterea non
severitate et laboribus pendendos, sed praedicationibus et blandis
operibus ad vitam aeternam invitandos et alliciendos." Min. brev.
Arm., 41, t. 39, n. 554 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
2 See I. GlORGi, Paolo III. ^ la schiavitu in Roma nel sec. xvi,
Roma, 1879; Bartolotti, La schiavitu in Roma, Roma, 1887, 4
seq. ; RodocanaCHI, Institut, 257 ; cf. especially Brandi, II Papato
e la schiavitu, Roma, 1903, 21 seq., where the "Bando sopra al tener
di li schiavi et schiave in Roma" of Jan. 12, 1549, is placed in a new
light by recent archivial information.
3 See Raynaldus, 1546, n. 157 ; cf. *Acta Consist, of Aug. 21, 1549,
Consistorial Archives of the Vatican.
* As by the *brief : Petro patr. Maronit, in Syria, dat. Perugia,
Sept. 13, 1535 (Min. brev. Arm., 41, t. 52, n. 229, Secret Archives of
the Vatican). For the state of affairs in 1542 and the mission of an
ApostoUc visitor, see, besides the briefs given in the Tiib. Theol.
PROCESSES OF CANONIZATION. 52 1
the dispute between Latins and Greeks in Venetian
territory.^ No canonization took place under Paul III.,
although several processes were commenced* and the
public cultus of the Sicilian hermit Guglielmo sanc-
tioned.^ The Pope, who had so often to come forward
in defence of the liberty of the Church,* refused steadfastly
to comply with the demands of Henry II. of France for
an extension of the concordat to Brittany and Provence.^
Quartalschr., 1845, 49 seq., also : (i) *the letter of Pietro patriarcha de
Maroniti of Feb. 7, 1542, in which he begs the Pope to send a visitor
(Lett. d. princ, XIII., 157); (2) *Io. Abdelmem, governor of Monte
Libanon, recx)miTKaided on Feb. 14, 1542, the bearer : "frate Felice de
Ventia, proc. di guardiano di Monte Libanon," and besought the Papal
blessing {ibid., 160); (3) the Instruction for the visitor of Nov. 20,
1542 (see Appendix No. 20), Secret Archives of the Vatican.
^ See Le Bret, Magaz., II., 894 seq. ; Histor. Zeitschr., VIII., 28.
A *brief to the Venetian nuncio of June 22, 1549, in favour of the
Greeks in Venice, in Min. brev. Arm., 41, t. 45, n. 360 (Secret Archives
of the Vatican).
2 1539: Consistory "de Canonizat. b. Hiacynthi" (see KOR-
ZENIOWSKI, 96) ; *brief to Card. Tolet. et Salamant. et episc. Balneoreg.
in civit. Salam. commorantib., dat. 1542 (to inquire into the life and
miracles of Joh. de Sahagim, ord. eremit. S. Aug.). Min, brev. Arm.,
41, t. 25, n. 718 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
3 NOVAES, VII., 60; ibid., 58 seq., for the "approbatio" of the
" Ufficio proprio della sposalizio della Verg. Maria."
* Many examples in the *Min. brev. of Secret Archives of the
Vatican. For Venice, see Campan.a^, 533 seq. Paul III. extended
the Bull "In Coena Domini" (Bull, VI., 218 seq.) to meet a great
number of cases in 1536 (see Hausmann, Papstliche Reservatfalle,
Regensburg, 1868, 96; HiLGERS, Biichverbote in Papstbriefen, Frei-
burg, 1907, 18).
^ See Druffel, Beitrage, I., 107, 112, 192. Charles V., on the
contrary, carried through a similar concession (see Phillips- Vering,
Kirchenrecht, VIII., I, 201). For the dissolution of the enforced
marriage of Jeanne d'Albret, see Richard m the Annal. d. St Louis,
VIII., 197 seq.
522 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The necessary preparations for the General Jubilee occupied
the attention of Paul 1 11.,^ but when the time of celebration
came the Pope had already passed away.
* See *Acta Consist, of Oct. 25, 1 549 (Consistorial Archives of the
Vatican), and A. Strozzi's *report of Oct. 26, 1 549 (Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua); ClACONlus, III., 538, 550; Thurston, The Holy Year of
Jubilee, London, 1900, 52.
CHAPTER XIV.
Paul III. as the Patron of Learning and Art.
I.
Alessandro Farnese, whose career fell in an epoch of
intense activity in literature and art, had shown himself,
during the long course of his Cardinalate, a warm friend to
humanists, men of learning, and artists. The greatest poet
of the Cinquecento, Ariosto, extolled in celebrated verses
the circle of literary celebrities who gathered round the
Cardinal.^
The fine humanistic education of Alessandro, who had for
a teacher, among others, Pomponio Leto, who spoke even
Greek with fluency, whose orations were interwoven with
classical quotations,^ and who was widely vej-sed in other
departments of learning,^ enabled this prince ''o( the Church
to appreciate with thorough understanding the manifold
1 Ecco Alessandro, il mio signer Farnese :
O dotta compagnia, che seco mena !
Fedro, Capella, Porzio, il Bolognese
Filippo, il Volterrano, il Maddalena,
Blosio, Pierio, il Vida Cremonense,
D' alta facondia inessiccabil vena,
E Lascari, e Musuro e Navagero,
E Andrea Marone e 1' Monaco Severo.
(Orlando, 46, 13.)
2 See Amasaeus, 48 seg.
8 Especially in Mathematics (see Panvinius, Vita Pauli III,).
523
524 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
outcome of the Renaissance.^ Had he become Pope on
the death of Julius II. he would have promoted literature
and learning in a very different way from Leo X., who
only too often betrayed the spirit of the mere dilettante.
When at last it came to be Farnese's lot to ascend the
Papal throne a fundamental change had taken place in
all conditions of Church and State.
The Renaissance had passed its zenith. In Rome the
fatal year 1527 had wrought irreparable damage to learn-
ing and all had to be created anew. There had been yet
another change : the ecclesiastical atmosphere was going
through an elemental transformation. The sack of the city
had left so deep an impression that a complete resuscitation
of the former days of aesthetic enjoyment was impossible
even in thought.^ The great and still continued apostasy
from Rome, the full momentum of which had never been
realized by Leo X. or Clement VII., was pushing more and
more imperiously tasks of ecclesiastical policy into the fore-
ground, so that purely literary movements were not only
obliged to recede but were themselves perforce turning
into different channels. Little as men might think of
denying the great achievements of the Renaissance, they
were yet becoming conscious, face to face with the serious
aspect of the times, of the necessity of breaking away from
tendencies which were alien to the Church and from a
patronage of culture which ministered only to a purely
atheistic taste. The transition — from the century of Leo X.
always dallying with the refinements of literature and art
* For the library formed by Paul III. when he was a Cardinal, see
ROCCA, Bibl. Vatic, Romae, 1591, 398; it belonged afterwards to
Cardinal A. Farnese (see Cod. Vat., 6946, f. 169'' of Vatican Library).
According to Amasaeus (p. 27), A. Farnese was in the habit of making
marginal notes on his books (cf. Ciaconius, III., 553).
2 See Vol. X. of this work, 443-447.
PAUL III.'S PATRONAGE OF LETTERS. 52$
to an age agitated by political and theological questions — •
could only proceed by gradual steps under the reign of a
Pope whose mind had been matured and whose reputation
formed within the humanistic camp.^
The whole pontificate of Paul III. was marked by a
duality of character which is also discernible in his posi-
tion as a patron of letters, art, and learning. A searching
light is thrown upon the contrasts by which human life
was traversed by the fact that high ecclesiastical positions
were held at the same time by men representing such
divergent tendencies as Giovanni della Casa and Filippo
Archinto : the first frivolous and immoral in his life and
in many of his writings; 2 the other serious, respected,
and author of a treatise on the Sacraments dedicated to
Paul III.3
The scope of Paul III.'s patronage was restricted not
merely by the circumstance that, during the whole of his
reign, ecclesiastical and political affairs had paramount
claims on his attention, but by the not less hampering dis-
advantages of financial difficulties, the pinch of which were
as severely felt at the close as at the beginning of his
* See Reumont, IIL, 2nd ed., 687 seq.
2 Giov. della Casa, in the service of Paul IIL since 1537, was
made Archbishop of Benevento in April 1544 and nuncio at Venice
in August; see Tiraboschi, VII., 3, 18 seq. ; Garampi, 266, and
specially Campana in Studi Storici, XVI., i seq., 248 seqq.., 349 seq. ;
XVII., 145 seqq.; cf. also the literature cited by Flamini (p. 566)
and Janssen- Pastor, V., i6th ed., 368. Casa was not ordained
priest until July 21, 1547 (see Rezzi, Lett, di Giov. d. Casa, Imola,
1824, if)-
8 Defideet sacramentis, Romae, 1545 {cf. Mazzuchelli, L, 2, 956).
Archinto was made Bishop of Borgo S. Sepulcro in 1539, which he
exchanged for Saluzzo in 1546. He was vicar-general of Paul III. (see
Vol. XL of this work, p. 208), and later vice-chamberlain (see
Lanciani, II., 98).
526 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
pontificate.^ Besides this the Pope was also a strict
economist; 2 consequently, the assistance given to men
of learning and humanists, however good Paul III.'s
original intentions may have been,^ continued to be much
more limited * than the expectations in such circles ^ had
been.
, One of Paul 1 1 1.'s first undertakings, of a characteristically
practical kind, was the restoration of the Roman University
reduced to complete ruin by the sack. The buildings were
first of all reconstructed, revenues provided, and steps
taken to obtain the services of good professors.^ Only a
few weeks after his elevation the Pope invited the celebrated
doctor of medicine, Girolamo Accoramboni, to come to
Rome to give university lectures; since, so the Pontiff
stated, " his duty no less than his love for his native city
urged him to bear in view the restoration of this institu-
tion."^ Agostino Nifo, the distinguished philosopher who
had already lectured in Rome under Leo X., was another
who was invited.^ This summons was unsuccessful, as at
a later date was that of Guglielmo Sirleto to be a pro-
fessor of Greek. Nevertheless, Paul III. had already suc-
* Cf. Vol. XI. of this work, pp. 156 seq.^ 327, 344 seq.^ and Campana,
loc. cit., XVI., 266 seq. The Council cost Paul III. yearly 50,000-
60,000 ducats (see Nuntiaturberichte, IX., 347, n. i).
2 Q^ our remarks, Vol. XI. of this work, p. 300 seq.
3 Cf. the brief to P. Bembo of Nov. 6, 1534. *Min. brev. Arm., 49,
t. 49, n. 24 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
* This is contrary to the panegyric of Lodovico Senso (QUIRINI,
EpisL Poli., II., 66), to whom Tiraboschi (VII., i, 19) and Renazzi
(II,, 1 1 5) give a somewhat too hasty assent.
6 Cf. Bembo's letter in the Opere, IV., 232.
6 See Renazzi, II., 95; Marini, Archiatri, I., 383 seq.; II.
286 seq.
: " Brief of Nov. 2, 1534, in Marini, II., 279 seq.
» Cf ibid., I., 289; II., 284 seq. Cf Marini, Lettera al ch. Mens.
Muti Papnzurri gik Casali, Roma, 1797, 120 seq.
THE ROMAN UNIVERSITY. 527
ceeded in the autumn of 1536 in making the Sapienza an
active centre of instruction. Cardinal Alessandro Farnese
was Protector of the University and the protonotary
Camillo Peruschi rector. The grammar schools which
the Roman Senate had instituted in each quarter of the
city were also dependent on the University.^
The amount of success which attended the Pope's
efforts to reanimate the Roman University is made clear
from the lecture lists of the professors for the years
1535, 1539, 1542, and 1548 which have been preserved.^
They give 18, 24, 20, and 29 professors for the four years
respectively. The theologians and philosophers, who were
only seven in 1539, were double that number in 1548.
There is little difference in the number of teachers in other
faculties, but on the other hand the names vary remark-
ably.^ There was an extraordinary discrepancy in the
annual salaries, which fluctuated between 30 and 850
gold gulden. The best off were, generally speaking, the
teachers of medicine and rhetoric ; the smallest stipends
were those of the professors of theology and philosophy.
This is explained by the majority being taken from the
religious orders. Dominicans, Carmelites, Augustinian
Hermits, and Servites were all doing professorial duty,
and from November 1537 to May 1539 the celebrated
Jesuits, Diego Laynez and Peter Faber, delivered lectures
in theology at the Sapienza in Rome.*
Among the professors of medicine the most celebrated
* See Renazzi, II., 96 seq., 113 seq. For Peruschi, see NOLHAC,
Bibl. de F. Orsini, 173. For the numerous professors in the year 1536,
see FiCHARD, Italia, 55.
' Published by Renazzi (II., 245-248); the oldest, by Tacchi
VentURI, in Arch. Rom., XXIV., 264 seq.
3 See Tacchi Venturi, loc. cit., 261, 263.
* Cf. ibid., 262.
528 HISTORY OF THE PQPES.
was the Neapolitan surgeon, Alfonso Ferri, who had been
appointed as early as 1535 and who also delivered a course
of lectures on anatomy at the request of Paul III. Paolo
Belmesseri, a lecturer in medicine, made ventures into Latin
poetry and dedicated one of his works to the Pope. Among
medical practitioners mention is also made in 1539 of a
Jew named Giacobbe ; this was probably Paul III.'s Spanish
physician, Diego Mantino, celebrated for his skill in his
profession.^
The teachers of rhetoric included, among others, the
humanists Battista Pio and Leonardo da Barletta ; the
former, who enjoyed a high reputation, lived to the age of
eighty-four.2 j^j j^jg place Paul III. obtained the services
of Romolo Amaseo, a not less renowned scholar; his
contemporaries called him the second Cicero, and his
salary reached the remarkably unusual figure of 141 3 gold
gulden. Together with his professorship Amaseo also
held the post of tutor to the young Cardinals Alessandro
Farnese and Guido Ascanio Sforza in the department
of belles lettres? He became permanently attached to
the household of Alessandro Farnese and accompanied
him even on his Legatine mission of 1546 to Germany
during the Schmalkaldic war.* Paul III. also appointed
1 See Renazzi, II., 107 seq. ; Rieger-Vogelstein, II., 95 seq.
For P. Belmesseri, see Marini, I., 376 se^. ; Flamini, Studi, 334 j^^. ;
Giorn. d. lett. Ital, XL, 378 seq. ; CoSTA, P. Belmesseri, Torino, 1887.
2 His epitaph in Forcklla, II., 394.
^ Cf. the *brief to the Governor of Bologna, where Amaseo was
teaching, Feb. 14, 1535. Min. brev. Arm., 40, t. 50, n. 453 (Secret
Archives of the Vatican).
* Cf. Amasaeus, 20, 70 ; Mazzuchelli, I., I, 583 seq. ; Renazzi,
II., 112, 248. The statements here made have been overlooked by
Ronchini, who in the Atti Mod., VI., 275 seq.^ gives documents
from the Archives of Parma bearing on Amaseo's summons to Rome.
For Amaseo, see also Nolhac, Orsini, 134.
CULTURE OF THE FARNESE FAMILY. 529
as colleagues with Amaseo in attendance on Cardinal
Alessandro two other men of learning : the philosopher
Antonio Bernardi and the Roman, Bernardino Maffei.^
The value Paul III. attached to learning is shown by
the care which he bestowed on the education of others of
his family. One of the results of this was that even the
dissolute Pier Luigi, whose instruction had been conducted
by the poet Baldassare Molossi,- busied himself with the
patronage of letters.^ The education of Ranuccio was
entrusted by the Pope in 1540 to the humanist Francesco
Florido Sabino, who was summoned to Rome for the
purpose ; this great scholar and truth-loving man was later
placed in the same relation to Orazio Farnese.* Ranuccio
was accompanied to the University of Padua by Lodovico
Beccadelli, who was later made secretary to the conciliar
Legates, and after Ranuccio's elevation to the Cardinalate
represented the latter in the Legation of the March.^
Alessandro, as well as Ranuccio Farnese, corresponded
brilliantly to the hopes entertained by the Pope of their
interest in things of the intellect. They were both so
assiduous in supporting the claims of literary men that
the praise lavished upon them in this respect by their
contemporaries seems fully justified.*' Ranuccio Farnese's
patronage of the arts belonged to a later date, that of
Alessandro in part to the pontificate of Paul III. The
apartments in the Cancelleria, which Alessandro occupied
1 See Atti Mod., V., 311 seq.
2 Cf. Affo, Vita di B. Molossi, Parma, 1779, 12 seq.
8 Besides Poggiali, Storia di Piacenza, IX., 184, and Affo (passim),
cf. the interesting document given by Ronchini in the Atti Mod.,
IV., 186.
* Cf. Atti Mod., v., 385 seq.; Giorn. d. Lett. Ital., VIII., 337 seq.
6 See Mazzuchelli, II., 2, 577.
^ Cf. Petri Victorii Epist., 1. 2, f. 42 ; TiRABOSCHi, VII., I, 20 seq.;
see also Clausse, Les Farneses, 177 seq.
VOL, XII. 34
530 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
at that time as Vice-Chancellor, were the daily resort of
men of letters. Here Vasari was urged to begin without
delay his work on celebrated painters.^ The most varied
pursuits of learning met with sympathy from the young
Farnesi and were supported by their liberality. They
opened their hands to the wanton poet Francesco Maria
Molza^ as well as to the devout Marcantonio Flaminio.^
When it is remembered that the latter received property
in land as well as a magnificent villa from the Cardinal,
his verses extolling his patron to the skies are not unin-
teUigible.* Not merely Italian but foreign scholars as
well dedicated their works to these generous patrons ;
thus the Augustinian Johann Hoffmeister his commentary
on the Epistles to the Corinthians.^ Giovio, Bembo,
1 Cf. Kallab, 145 seq.
2 See Serassi, Poesie di Molza, Milano, 1808, 82 seq.', cf. Budik,
II., 57 seq.^ 91 seq.
3 See Costa in Giorn. d. Lett. Ital., X., 384 seq.\ CuccoLi,
Flaminio, 119 seq.^ 169. See also Quirini, Imago, 6 seq.\ Budik, II.,
113. Flaminio's " In librum psalmorum brevis explanatio ad A. Fames,
card." appeared from the Aldine press in Venice in 1545.
* Cf. ClACONIUS, III., 558 J^i^., 565. Other members of the Farnese
family were also celebrated by contemporary poets ; in particular
Vittoria Farnese, who married in 1547 the Duke of Urbino. Cf
Tarducci, L' Atanagi da Cagli, Cagli, 1904, 51. Cod. Urb., 742,
contains the *Epithalamium (dedicated to Cardinal A. Farnese) Guidob.
Roberii et Victoriae Farnesiae Urb. ducum, of Janus Vital. Panormit.
civ. Rom. In Cod. Vat., 9063, f. 7b of the Vatican Library, there is a
poem " in Victoriae Farnesiae partum."
^ See Paulus, Hoffmeister, 186 seq. Another foreign dedication of
1546 is mentioned in the Zeitschr. des westpreuss. Geschichtl. Vereins,
XLIL, 85 ; cf also Balbi, Opera, I., 229. Investigators of maps of
America may have their attention called to the rare impression dedi-
cated to Card. A. Farnese : Compendium in sphaeram per Pierium
Valerianum Bellunensem. Impressit Romae Ant. Bladus Platina
Asulanus cum privilegio ne quis alius imprimat sub anathematis poena
et pecuniaria mulcta ut in brevi apost. continetur 1537. Mense Apr.
ANNIBALE CARO. 53 I
Fracastoro, Claudio Tolomei, Pier Vettori, Carlo Gual-
teruzzi^ were on confidential terms with Alessandro,
and two of his secretaries, Bernardino Mafifei and
Marcello Cervini, attained to the purple. Later on
Annibale Caro also entered Alessandro's service after
having been secretary to Pier Luigi from 1543 to 1547.
With Alessandro he then remained up to his death on the
2 1st of November 1566. The innumerable letters which
he wrote in Farnese's service were with justice lavishly
rewarded. These documents, which also form a source of
historical information, show that their writer was a master
of the Tuscan idiom ; they are always appropriate to their
subject, always composed in a finished style, filled with true
Italian grace, and, with all their charm, simple and clear.^
Paul III. was even more versatile than Alessandro in his
patronage of letters of various sorts. The Pope, who in
his leisure hours delighted in Greek and Latin poetry,^ was
* Cf. Marmitta, Rime, Parma, 1564, 120. Cf. RONCHINI, Jacopo
Marmitta, in Atti Mod., I., 15 seq., with extracts from the Archives of
Parma. More will be found about A. Farnese's literary circle in the
following volumes : Reumont, III., 2, 549; Nolhac, Orsini, 13 j.?^.;
Lett di B. Cappello, Bologna, 1870, vii seq. Some of Gualteruzzi's
letters have been printed (Pesaro, 1884).
2 See Seghezzi, Vita del com. A. Caro in the first part of the Lett,
di A. Caro, Padova, 1765 ; Cantalamessa Carboni, Ricerche sulla
vita di A. Caro, Ascoli, 1858 ; Flamini, 478 seq. For special informa-
tion on Caro's Epistolario, see N. Angeletti in the Scuola Romana,
IV. (1886), n. 5. For Caro as Pier Luigi's secretary, see Picco in
Bollett. stor. Piacent,, II., and N. Antologia, 1907, Ottobre. See also
Bernetti, a. Caro, Porto Civitanova, 1907 ; Cian and Sterzi in the
Zeitschr. ; Le Marche, VIL, 2 ; Sasso, A. Caro e Giov. Guidiccioni,
Fabriano, 1908 ; Sterzi, in the Atti e memorie della r. deputaz. di
storia patria per le prov. delle Marche, N.S., V., 1-2.
2 See Gyraldus, de Poet, nostiorum temp., ed. Wotke, Berlin,
1894, 73 ; Renazzi, II., 93. According to Ciaconius (III., 553),
Paul III. also had some verses attributed to him.
532 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
certainly not in a position to support all the horde of
scholars, literati, poets, and poetasters who were wander-
ing about without bread to eat after the irruption of so
many catastrophes on Italy, but he had nevertheless
opened havens of refuge to many of these unfortunates.^
During his reign the poets were, on the whole, more in the
background than during the epoch of Leo X.^ Men
of a practical turn of thought were the most popular.
Theologians and canonists were in favour, for in view of
the harassed state of the Church the support of such
writers made a stronger appeal than the support of poets;
many of the latter therefore tried to attract the Pope's
favour by applying the Muse to theological subjects.'
What a complete change the age had undergone is shown in
the relations of Paul III. with Marco Girolamo Vida, at one
time the delight of Leo X. Vida had at one time belonged
to Farnese's literary group, but now the two corresponded
on the suppression of the religious innovations which had
been attracting notice also in Vida's bishopric of Alba.*
The poets who are associated with the reign of Paul III.
may be named. They were : Angelo Colocci, the successor
in 1537 of Favorino as Bishop of Nocera;^ Fabio Vigili,
an official of the chancery and Bishop of Spoleto, his birth-
place,* since 1540; Eurialo Morani of Ascoli ; the Peru-
* Thus Reumont, III., 2, 696.
2 Hence Molza's complaint (Sadoleti, Opera, II., 137).
3 See a specimen in ClACONius, III., 556.
* See RONCHINI in the Atti Mod., IV., 75 seq. ; Novati in Arch.
Stor. Lomb., XXV., 236, 270 seqq.
^ See Ughelli, I., 1072 ; cf. the Monograph referred to by us, Vol.
VIII. of this work, 186 n.
« Cf. Marini, Archiatri, II., 287 seq.; Garampi, 259. F. Flavins
congratulates F. Vigili on his appointment as "epistolar. magister" to
the Pope, in a letter dat. Foligno, Nov. 27, 1 537. The MS. is in posses-
sion of Faloci-Pulignani at Spoleto.
POETS OF THE PONTIFICATE. 533
gian, Francesco Coppetta ;* Rodolfo Aracintio ; ^ Vincenzo
Astemio of Venafro;* Astorre Baglioni, who was also a
Roman Senator and a valiant warrior; * Novidio Fracco ;^
Marcantonio Flaminio;® Angelo Perotti of Camerino ; ^
Giangiorgio Trissino, the author of the heroic epic " Italia
liberata";' lastly, Girolamo Borgia.^ The latter in ex-
uberant language thanked the Pope for the many marks
of his favour, praised his liberality, magnanimity, and
architectural energy ; nor were the young Farnesi, especi-
ally Cardinal Ales/jandro, forgotten in this poet's enthusi-
astic verse.^® Borgia, since 1544 Bishop of Massalubrese,
* For both these, see Giorn, d. Lett. Ital., XXXIX., 6 seq., and Suppl,
III., 93 seq.
2 Mazzuchelli (I., 2, 926) only gives : " Epithalamii virginei libri
3, Roma 1 541," dedicated to Margareta Farnese. In Cod. Vat., 3608,
I found: *Aracynthi Elegia ad Paulum III. and his relatives; here
f. 21'' among other pieces is also a poem " In obitum ill. d. Juliae Pha.,''
the sister of Paul III. Cod. Vat., 3701, of the Vatican Library (dedi-
cation copy with illuminations) contains "Carmina anonymi in laudem
Pauli III.
3 *Vincentii Franciscucci Abstemii {cf. Mazzuchelli, II., 3, 1182)
Da laudibus astrologiae ad Paulum III., dat. postridie Id. Oct. 1541.
Cod. Vat., 3687, Vatican Library.
* See Mazzuchelli, II., i, 44 seq.
^ Author of an imitation of Ovid's Fasti, dedicated to Paul III. (sec
Arch. d. Soc. Rom., IX., 466 seq.).
0 See CUCCOLI, 112 seq.^ 118.
7 His *ode to Paul III. in Cod. Vat., 9063, f. 7^-8^ (Vatican Library).
* Cf. MORSOLIN, Trissino, 242 seq.^ 277 seq. ; see also Trissino's
letter to Paul III. of Dec. 6, 1543 (and our remarks, Vol. VIII. of this
work, 218 seq), published by Croce in the Scritti di storia (JSfozze
Fedele de Fabritiis, Napoli, 1908, 76 seq?).
» Cf. Mazzuchelli, II., 3, 1750.
'° See Hieronymi Borjii Epigrammata in *Cod. Barb, lat, 1903. A
great number of the poems have been printed from this MS. in the
rare collection "Carmina lyrica et heroica quae extant D. Hieronymus
Borgia ex fratre pronepos ad gentilis sui memoriam restaurandam
534 ' HISTORY OF THE POPES.
also made essays in history and dedicated to Paul III. his
work on the wars of Italy, which showed more patriotism
than critical insight.^ The crown of poet laureate was
bestowed by Paul III. on the gifted Polish poet Clement
Janitius.2
Characteristics of the literary life of Rome at this time
were the academies^ and the unflagging popularity of
satire. Few families of that day suffered so much from
Pasquino's biting tongue as the Farnesi, for Paul III. and
his house certainly gave his mockery rich opportunities.*
Immediately after his election Paul III. was attacked
ex adversariis collegit et foras prodire iussit, Venetiis 1666" {cf.
Mazzuchelli, II., 3, 1750). The poem " De incendio ad Avernum
lacum prid. Kal. Octob. facto A° 1538 ad Paulum III. P. carmen
heroicum, Neapoli, s.a.^^ is to be found in the Casanatense Library in
Rome (see Bibl. Casanat. Catal., I., Romae, 1761, 763).
1 H. Borgia, *Hist. de bellis ital., qwoted by MazzuchelH from a
private library, is also among the MSS. in the Library of S. Mark,
Venice. Borgia gives incredible anecdotes of Alexander VI. {cf,
Brosch, Kirchenstaat, I., 16). The work is quoted as " Istoria de
'suoi tempi lib. 20" in the Nuovo Dizionario istorico, Napoli, 1791.
There is a confused dedication in the Italian translation in the Carte
Fames., i^ (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
2 See (!;wiKLiNSKl, Klemens Janicki, Krakow, 1893.
3 Cf Renazzi, II., 128 seq. ; Flamini, 100. For the Vitruvian
Academy, see Kraus-Sauer, 2, 695 seq,
* Cf. Abed-el-Kadr-Salza in Giorn. d. Lett. Ital., XLIII., 198 seq.
Besides the Cod. Ottob., 2817, there were also in *Ottob., 281 1 : Libro
delle pasquille novi et vecchi ital. in verso incominciato 1544, and
2812 : Libn di pasquilli volg. ital. in prosa, 1544 (Vatican Library), at
the disposal of students. For satires against Paul III., see Cantu, II.,
216 seq.; SCHADE, I., 44 seq.., II., 117 seq.; Ranke, Zur Kritik
neuerer Geschicht-schreiber, 28* ; Giorn d. Lett. Ital., XXXIII., 44 ;
Capasso, Viagg.o di P. Luigi, 20 ; Cavazzuti, Castelveltro, 54 n.
Rabelais also speaks most contemptuously of Paul III. (see Baum-
Gartner, v., 254 seq.'. Rev. d'hist. dipl., XII., 217 scq.\ XIV., 222
seq., 244 seqq:). -
riETRO ARETINO. 535
by Pietro Aretino in a very envenomed poem entitled
" Pasquino in colera " — "Pasquino in a rage," ^ This did
not prevent the talented but covetous satirist, whose pen,
like an engine of war, was turned against every famous
reputation in Italy, from sending flattering letters to Paul
III., whom he had so grossly outraged, on the occasion ot
his journey to Nice, or even from despatching to that
congress a confidential messenger who was honourably
received by the Pope, the Emperor, and Francis I.^ As he
was afterwards insufficiently honoured by the powers at
Rome, he affected a profound contempt for the whole Curia.^
In 1540 he composed again a sonnet against Paul III. but
did not publish it,* and in 1543 he wrote anonymously a
violent libel on the high society of Rome.^ Later he offered
to dedicate his tragedy Orazia to Pier Luigi Farnese for 150
scudi. When he got the money he made a similar proposal
to the Pope in a letter of fulsome adulation, and afterwards
abused him in the coarsest language in a letter to Cosimo
de' Medici. How Aretino, in spite of these proceedings,
flattered himself that he would be made a Cardinal, is in-
conceivable. In January 1547 he wrote again to the Pope,
but did not receive from him the anticipated reward.®
Niccol6 Franco was Aretino's rival in scurrilous and
indecent verse-making. First the friend and then the
furious enemy of Aretino, Franco had to leave Venice in
1539' On his wanderings he came to Rome, where he
1 See Luzio in Giorn. d. lett. Ital., XIX., 102.
- See Lett, di Aretino, I. (1609), 67 seq., 266 seq. ; LuziO, Pronostico,
133-
3 See Lett, di Aretino (ed. 1539), f. 39 ; cf. Burckhardt, L, loth
ed., 178.
* Giorn. d. Lett. Ital, XXIX., 255 n.
^ /did., XXYL, 176 seq.
« See Atti Mod., III., 86 set^q.
536 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
disguised himself as a religious and thus managed to gain
the confidence of Cardinal Morone. When it was estab-
lished that Franco, in a collection of satirical sonnets, had
indulged to an incredible degree in obscenity and profanity,
the Pope gave orders for his expulsion from Rome.^
As Paul III. was interested ^ in history it is remarkable
that he should have disregarded Paolo Giovio, who played
a great part in the Roman literary world.^ In his Histories
Giovio had expressed a hope, which was the outcome of
a faulty judgment on present affairs, that the accession of
the Farnese Pope would mean a return to the golden age
of Leo X. All the greater was his disappointment when
he saw this hope disappear. Nevertheless, Giovio remained
in Rome for some years as the centre of an intellectual circle,
but finally, in 1548, when the vacant bishopric of Como was
not offered to him, he left Rome in disgust*
To the humanists also belonged the celebrated Veronese
physician and astronomer Girolamo Fracastoro. He dedi-
cated to the Pope a work on medicine and one on
astronomy, and was appointed, as a mark of gratitude,
* Cf. SlMlANI, N. Franco, Torino, 1894, 34 seq.^ 106 seq. For the
letters of Franco in the *Cod. Vat., 5642, see Sicardi in Giorn d. Lett.
Ital, XXVI., 223 seq.
* Cf. Carte Strozz., I., 323.
' The "Dispensa" for the sake of the composition of the " Istorie"
of Oct. 21, 1537, is in Fontana, II., 469 seq.
* Cf. CiAN in Giorn. d. Lett. Ital., XVII., 337. In the Index of the
Brevia Pauh III. of 1539 a *letter to the Archbishop of Capua of the
following tenor is found : Since the prior and community of the Bene-
dictine Abbey of La Cava impede P. Jovius, episc. Nucer., in the
jurisdiction of his city and diocese and continue to do so notwith-
standing letters from their Protector, Cardinal Campeggio, orders were
given that the opposition to Jovius should cease (Secret Archives of
the Vatican). Giovio tried afterwards to avenge himself on Paul III.
("see ClAN m Arch. Stor. Lomb., XVII. [1890], 829 seq).
GAURICO, BANDINELLI, AND ALFANI. 537
physician to the Council of Trent.^ As such he played
an important part in March 1547 in the removal of the
Synod to Bologna, thereby incurring severe censure in
many quarters,^ while Paul III. and Cardinal Farnese
remained, as before, his constant patrons.^
The astrologer Pomponio Gaurico* has been already
mentioned. With him the learned philosopher Ubaldini
Bandinelli and the mathematician Alfano Alfani shared
the Pope's favour ; the former became Bishop of Monte-
fiascone and Corneto in 1 548, the latter for seven-and-thirty
years was at the head of the treasury in his native town,
Perugia,^ In the autumn of 1537 Paul III. summoned
Gasparo Insoni to Rome for the reform of the calendar.*
The most eminent representative of ancient classical
learning in Rome under Paul III. was Latino Giovenale
Manetti, who had already, under Leo X., given proofs of
his diplomatic ability.^ Paul III. also entrusted him with
several missions. Thus in December 1534 he was sent to
1 Cf. Marini, I., 389 seq. ; II., 290 seq. ; BUDIK, II., 190 seq. ;
Jahrb. des dsterr. Kaiserhauses, V., 58 seq. Cf. Rossi, G. Fracastoro,
Pisa, 1893; E. Barbarani, G. Fracastoro, Verona, 1897.
2 See the letter of an anonymous medical enemy in Nuntiatur-
berichte, IX., 657 seq.
3 Cf. RONCHINI in the Atti Mod., V., \c)/\,seq. The physician Ferd.
Balamius dedicated to Paul III. the work of Galenus, deossibus, Paris,
1535 (see Marini, I., 315; Roth, Vesalius, 55, n. i). Paul's private
physician, Silvio Zefifiri, dedicated a very rare work to his master :
Sylvii I Zephyri | Ro. Philo | sophi et medici | Pontificii | de pu |
tredine sive de | protrahenda | vita libel | lus | Ad Paulum III. Pont.
I Max. Principem | optimum. | Impressum Romae in Campo Florae in
aedibus Antonii | Bladi Asulani mense Novembri | 1536. 43 leaves
in 4°.
* See Vol. XI. of this work, p. 39 n.
* See Mazzuchelli, I., i, 466; II., 216; cf. Moroni, LIl., ijg.
^ See FONTANA, I., 505.
' See our statements, Vol. VIII. of this work, 242.
538 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Venice;^ between 1535 and 1540 he went no less than
five times as nuncio to the court of France,* and in 1538
he had also to visit Scotland."
Manetti, who was Papal private secretary, had already
been appointed in 1534 to the lucrative post of a treasurer
in Piacenza ; on the 8th of November of the same year
he was appointed commissary of Roman Antiquities, and
somewhat later the Papal Mint was also entrusted to him.*
In 1536 he had the honour to conduct the Emperor to see
the monuments of ancient Rome. With Sadoleto and
Bembo he was on intimate terms. History owes a great
debt to Manetti, for it was he who induced Bembo to
publish the briefs which he had composed as secretary
to Leo X., a work dedicated to Paul III. as an exhortation
that the Roman Chancery should maintain the tradition
of a good Latin style.^ The confidence in which Manetti
was held by the Pope is clearly set forth in passages in
the autobiography of Benvenuto Cellini.^
Diplomatic commissions were also entrusted to Barto-
lommeo Cavalcanti^ and the highly cultivated Giovanni
Guidiccioni of Lucca, made Bishop of Fossombrone in
1534. The latter in the beginning of 1535 had the difficult
task of representing Paul III. at the Emperor's court in
Spain. Arriving in that country in March, he accompanied
Charles V. on the expedition to Tunis, returned with him to
Italy, and remained with him as nuncio up to August 1537.
1 See Marini, Archiatri, I., 384, 385.
' See PiEPER, no seq., 116 seq., 122 seq.^ 160 seq, 215 ; Nuntiatur-
berichte, I., 359 ; III., 338, 378 seq ; IV., 54.
3 See Bellesheim, Schottland, I., 339, 490.
* See Marini, I., 385 ; Reumont, III., 2nd ed., 353.
Cf. our statements. Vol. VIII. of this work, Appendix No. 22.
For the post of commissary of antiquities, see infra^ 563 seq.
0 Cellini Vita, ed. Bacci, 143.
^ Cf. Atti Mod., IV., 142 si:q.^ 158 seq.
GUIDICCIONI AND PALLADIUS. 539
Guidiccioni now became President of the Romagna, with
Annibale Caro as his secretary ; he was afterwards
commissary of the Papal troops in the campaign against
the Colonna, and finally governor of the March of Ancona.
His fidelity to duty in all the positions to which he was
called was celebrated by his contemporaries ; he was, it
was believed, destined for the Cardinalate if he had not
been snatched away by an early death in 1541. The letters
of Guidiccioni, whose poetical work also is still highly
prized at the present day, are not merely important sources
of information for the historian, but possess excellence of
style ; they lose nothing in comparison with those of
Guicciardini.^
A not less attractive figure was that of Blosius Palladius,
whose name, according to the usage of the Roman
Academy, was thus latinized from Biagio Pallai. He had
already distinguished himself as a poet and composer of
classical briefs under Leo X. and Clement VH.^ The
important and lucrative office of secretary of Latin briefs
was entrusted permanently during the reign of Paul HI.
to this master of classical phraseology. The Pope, who
set the highest value on the learning and integrity of
Palladius, rewarded his faithful services in 1540 by con-
ferring upon him the bishopric of Foligno, which he
resigned in 1547 in favour of Isidoro Clario. Palladius
did not long survive his patron. The visitor to the Church
' Cf. MiNUTOLl, Opere di G. Guidiccioni, I., II., Firenze, 1867;
Benincasa, G. Guidiccioni, Roma, 1895 ; Flamini, 420 seq. ; Giorn.
d. lett. Ital., XXVI., 250; LI., 407 seq. ; Chiorboli, G. Guidiccioni,
Jesi, 1908 ; Sassi, A. Caro e G. Guidiccioni, Fabriano, 1908. Dionisio
Atanagi,the editor of the noted and valuable collection of letters, was the
lifelong secretary to Guidiccioni (see Tarducci, L'Atanagi da Cagli, 4).
2. Cf. Vol. VIII. of this work, 190, 212 n., 227, and Vol. X., 335 ;
Garampi, App. 255; Merkle, II., 185; Giorn. d. Lett. Ital.,
XLV., 67.
540 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of S. Maria in Aquiro in Rome will see there, close to
the first pillar on the left hand of the nave, the simple
tomb of this renowned Latinist ; a marble bust exhibits
the noble and serious features of this remarkable man, to
whom this memorial was raised by the hospital and orphan-
age adjoining the church upon which he had bestowed
all his substance.^
Great is the number of canonists and theologians who
stood in relations with Paul III. and received support from
him. First to claim mention are the professors of the
Roman University, especially the Dominicans Fra Cipriano,
Alberto Duisnio, and Teofilo di Tropea, the Carmelites
Fra Egidio and Antonio Marinari, the Augustinian Hermit
Ambrogio Quistelli, the Minorite Bonaventura Pio, Jacopo
Giacomelli, who sprang from a Roman family famous for
learning, and, last and most remarkable of all, Diego
Laynez, who succeeded St, Ignatius in the generalship of
the Society of Jesus.^
Andreas Camutius dedicated to Paul III. a work
against Luther and other Protestant assailants of the
Church.^ The Minorite, Petrus Galatinus, also dedicated
two theological works to the Pope,* as did Joannes
Baptista Albinianus Tretius his edition of the three
* See the inscription in FORCELLA, II., 439.
2 See Renazzi, II., 98 seqq. For the theologian Niccol6 Alessi, see
Mazzuchelli, I., I, 463. For Egidio Foscarari, who was Master of
the Sacred Palace in 1546, cf. Tiraboschi, VII., i, 271 seq.
' *A Camutius ad S. D. N. Paulum 1 1 1, in ecclesiae oath, defensionem
contra haeresiarchas nostrae tempestatis. Dat Lucani prid. Cal.
Julias 1544 (Cod. Vat., 3725, Vatican Library). Camutius had come to
know the Pope before his election, as he says in his preface, and
certainly in Parma.
* *Petri Galatinii min., poenit. apost., De vera theologia, Pars. I.
CCod. Vat., 5570, Vatican Library). The same, *De ecclesia cath.
libri 3 ad Paulum III. (Cod. Vat., 5575).
CELEBRATED CARDINALS. 54I
writings of his father against the Lutheran heresy.*
Among canonists, Paolo Borghasio^ and Giovanni
Girolamo Albani ^ deserve mention, but the pre-eminence
belongs to Tommaso Campeggio, a younger brother of
Cardinal Lorenzo, who was frequently employed in the
chancery, the German nuntiature, and politico - ecclesi-
astical negotiations. Sadoleto esteemed Tommaso so
highly that he considered him worthy of the Cardinalate.*
He would indeed have been suited for the Sacred College,
as its ranks at that time contained a whole series of
famous scholars, whose elevation gave a brilliant testimony
to the Pope's love of learning.
Of the celebrated Cardinals created by Paul III., so
much has been said in accounts of this pontificate that it
is sufficient to reproduce their names : Gasparo Contarini,
John Fisher, Cristoforo Jacobazzi, Jacopo Sadoleto, Rodolfo
Pio of Carpi, Hieronymus Aleander, Reginald Pole, Pietro
Bembo, Federigo Fregoso, Marcello Cervini, Bartolommeo
Guidiccioni, Gregorio Cortese, Giovanni Morone, Tommaso
Badia, Jacopo Savelli, Niccol6 Ardinghello, Federigo Cesi,
and Bernardino Maffei. Even if many of the above owed
their promotion to reasons, in the first instance, of an
ecclesiastical character, the claims of literature were by
no means held in secondary consideration. Of this
Bembo is the most illustrious example. His elevation to
* Petri Albiniani Tretii, Tractatus aureus de Pontif. potestate, de
thesauro ecclesiae et de confessione contra Lutheranos errores, Venetiis,
1545 (f. 3-5 the dedication of Joh. Bapt. to Paul IIL).
2 Mazzuchelli, n., 3, 1718.
3 G. G. Albani dedicated three works to Paul : (i) De cardinalatu,
Romae, 1541; (2) De potestate papae et concilii, Venetiis, 1544, and
often (see Mazzuchelli, L, i, 273); (3) *De primatu ecclesiae Romanae,
bought in MS. in the autumn of 1894 (Manzoni Library, Rome).
* See Renazzi, II., 122, and Nuntiaturberichte, II., III. seq.-^ cf.
Vol. XI. of this work, p. 1 10.
542 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the Cardioalate was an act of homage to the spirit of
humanism, and the same in a certain sense may be said of .
Sadoleto. It was besides very characteristic of Paul III.
that he should have associated this distinguished man with
the studies and tasks which the situation of the Church
demanded. Sadoleto had congratulated him on his
election to the Papacy,^ and on the 3rd of January 1535
he received a brief from Paul III. thanking him, assuring
him of his intention to withstand the onslaught of Protes-
tantism, and expressing a hope that Sadoleto would give
him the assistance of his learning,^
In the same way Erasmus was urgently exhorted to
devote the rich gifts he had received from God to the
defence of the Catholic faith ; such services would be of
special value at the moment when the Council was about
to begin its labours.^ Paul III. set great store by the
participation of Erasmus in the theological controversy,
as he was of opinion that the success of the Catholic
disputants would to a great extent depend upon their
possession of a classical style.*
The protection of the Catholic faith was the primary
motive which led Paul III. to favour the University of
Ingolstadt^ and the institute founded in Dillingen by
* Sadoleti, Opera, I., 197-200.
2 Min. brev. Arm., 41, t. 50, n. 14 (Secret Archives of Vatican).
3 See the brief of May 31, 1535, in Erasmi, Opera, ed. CleriCUS,
IV., Lugd. Batav., 1703, 1501-1502, and again in Fontana, I.,
492 seq., this brief is in answer to Erasmus's letter of Jan. 23, 1535,
in Cardauns, Paul III., 202 seq.; for the friendly relations between
Erasmus and Paul III., cf. Raumer, Histor. Taschenbuch, VI., 11,
149 ; Fontana, i, 494.
4 See TiRABOSCHi, VII., 1. 18.
^ See Prantl, Geschichte der Universitat Ingolstadt, I., 183. For
an act of grace of Paul III. for the University of Heidelberg, see Hautz,
Die Universitat Heidelberg, I., 452.
THEOLOGIANS. 543
Cardinal Truchsess.* On the other hand, the pursuit of
learning was the principal object with which the University
of Macerata was founded in 1540.^
In July 1536 a considerable number of theologians were
called to Rome by Paul III. in view of the approaching
Council. Among them were Fregoso, Cortese, Carafa,
Giberti, Pole, Sadoleto, and Bartolommeo Guidiccioni ;
with the exception of the latter all accepted the invitation.^
In the spring of the following year the Pope asked the
University of Salamanca to afford him the assistance in the
matter of the Council of two of its most famous members :
Pedro Ortiz and Francisco a Vittoria.* The former re-
mained in Rome till 1540 and then took part in the
religious conferences at Worms and Ratisbon. Francisco
a Vittoria, a Dominican, was deserving of the high praise
which Paul III. bestowed upon him in the brief above
mentioned when he spoke of him as the most famous
theologian of the University of Salamanca ; he was cer-
tainly the founder of the newer scholasticism. Unfortun-
ately the health of this teacher, worn out by indefatigable
exertions in the University since 1526, did not permit him,
now in his fifty-seventh year, to undertake the arduous
journey to Italy. In 1544 he had to resign his professor-
ship, and on the 12th of August 1546 he died. Although
not present personally at Trent he exercised a great
influence there, as the period of his activity as a teacher
* Cf. Specht, Gesch. der Universitat Dillingen, Freiburg, 1902, 6.
2 Cf. Bull., VI,, 283; TiRABOSCHi, VII., I, 100; Denifle, Die
Universitaten, I., 223. The ordinances of Paul III. concerning the
University of Pisa in Fedeli, Doc. Pontif. riguard. I'univ. di Pisa,
Pisa, 1908, 123 seq. As Fedeli (p. 75) justly remarks, they were only
flogging a dead horse, " uccidere un morto."
8 The letter relating to this in Ehses, IV., 26 seq,
* This brief also, ibid.^ IV., cxxxviii seq.
544 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
corresponded with the flourishing time of that theology
which gave the Spanish divines so great an influence in
the Council.^
It was the Council ag^in which brought Sadoleto^ and
other Cardinals to Rome in 1545, and in March 1546 the
learned jurist Andrea Alciati, afterwards appointed proto-
notary.^ About the s'ame time Girolamo Seripando, the
General of the Augustinian Hermits, was permitted to
appoint, during his detention at Trent, a substitute to pre-
side at the chapter of the congregation of the Order.*
The Dominican, P. Domenico Soto, who had taken a pro-
minent part in formulating the dogmatic decrees of the
Council, was permitted by a special grace of the Holy See
to reckon the time spent by him in Trent as involving
no suspension of his professorial duties at Salamanca.^
The learned Isidoro Clario, who had sat on the Council
as an Abbot and given brilliant evidence of his gifts, was
made Bishop of Foligno on January the 14th, 1547.^ In
connection with the Council, Paul HI. in April 1547
* Cf. specially Ehrle in Katholik, 1884, II., 505 seq. ; see
also SCHEEBEN in Wetzer und Welte, Kirchenlex., IV., 2nd ed.,
1837 seq.
2 Cf. Sadoleti, Opera, II., 150, 231.
3 *Min. brev. Arm., 41, t. 35, n. 202 (dat. 1546, March 20), in Secret
Archives of the Vatican. For Alciati, see Mazzuchelli, I., i, 354
seq.., and the monograph of E. v. Moller (1907) ; here (p. 80 seq.) for
the successful efforts of Paul III., in 1539 and 1540, to keep Alciati at
the University of Bologna, and (p. 85 seq.) for the reported offer of
the Cardinalate.
* Min. brev., loc. cit., n. 215 (dat. 1546, March 26).
6 Brief of Oct. 7, 1546 (Min. brev. Arm., 41, t. 37, n. 614, Secret
Archives of the Vatican). For Soto, see Echard, II., 171 seq.
" See Merkle, I., 613 ; cf. ibid., 207 ; Mazzucheli.i, VII., r, 27c
seq. LaucheRT in the Studien aus dem Benediktiner-Orden, XXIX.,
611 seq.
THE VATICAN LIBRARY. 545
commissioned Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga, as Protector of the
Congregation of the Lateran, to take steps for reanimating
the spirit of study in that body.^
Modern investigation has established the claim of
Paul III. to rank as one of the benefactors of the Vatican
library. Practical in all his undertakings, he here took
special care for the compilation of new catalogues and the
preservation of damaged manuscripts.^ The office of
librarian lay at first in the experienced hands of Aleander.
On his becoming Cardinal, a very suitable successor was
found in Agostino Steuco, who had been custodian of the
famous library of Cardinal Grimani.^ This versatile
scholar, who had also written against Luther, had already
been appointed Bishop of Kisamo in Candia. Steuco dedi-
cated to his patron, together with a great philosophical
work,* a treatise also on the navigation of the Tiber,^
but as a librarian he did not come up to expectation.* It
was fortunate that in 1548 he was replaced by the learned
Cardinal Marcello Cervini, under whom the library made
* Brief of April 6, 1547. Min. brev. Arm., 41, t. 38, n. 407 (Secret
Archives of the Vatican).
2 See MUNTZ, Bibl. du Vatican, 80 seq. Fabricius (Roma, 216)
divides the Papal libraries into three classes: "una clausa, cui
adjuncta proxime est altera, item clausa, tertia certis diebus et horis
patens et Graecis Latinisque scriptoribus referta."
3 On Oct. 27, 1538 (see Assemanni, Bibl. Vat, Cat Cod., I., i, Rom.,
1756, LXII.).
« De philosophia perenni (*Cod. Vat., 6377); Steuchi, Opera
Omnia a P. A. Morando recognita, III., Venetiis, 1591, i seq. For
Steuco, see specially Mazzuchelli, VII., i, 314 seq. ; <r/"CAVALlERl,
Bibl. d. uomini ill. d. congreg. Later., 22 seq.^ 36 ; Willmann, Gesch.
des Idealismus, III., 170.
* De restituenda navigatione Tiberis a Trusiamno agri Perusini
castello usque Romam, Roma, 1547; cf. Nissen, Ital. Landeskunde,
I., 320.
« Cf. Merkle, I., 210, n. I.
VOL. XII. 35
546 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
great strides.^ To his initiative and the co-operation of
Sadoleto the Vatican library was indebted for new cata-
logues of the Greek ^ and Latin MSS. ; the latter numbered
3096 codices,^ An important feature of this work of
cataloguing was the assignment of consecutive numeration*
The Pope took pains to increase the collection by recover-
ing documents lost during the sack and ordering others to
be transferred from Avignon to Rome.^ There are
unprinted "acta" of this reign showing that Paul III.,
^ See POLLIDORUS, Vita Marcelli, II., 45 seqq. ; Nolhac, Orsini,
248 ; cf. MUNTZ, loc. ciL, 87 ; Batiffol, 18 seq. ; Merkle, I., 381 ;
POREZ in the Rev. d. Bibl, V., 139 seq., 220. In the *dedication of
che Cod. Vat., 3967, F. Ruano says to Cardinal Cervini : "Qui plus quam
quingentis voluminibus Latinis, Graecis, at Hebraeis Bibliothecam
auxisti et exornasti et augere et exornare perseveras " (Vatican Library).
2 (A) Catalogo alfabetico [Vat. gr., 1482 A ; 1482 B ; Reg. grace,
171 ; Paris, gr., 3062] and inventario [Vat. gr., 1484 ; Vat. Cat., 7764 ;
Mutin. gr., 232; ed. Haase in Serapeum, XII. (1851), 130 seqq.
(Greek) ; ed. Montfaucon, Bibl. Bibliothecarum, I., 5-14, Lat. from
Cod. Colb., 5153] "dei MSS. greci Vaticani del tempo dello Steuco,
compilato in greco da Michele Rhosaites [Rosseto, t before Oct. 24,
1544] per ordine di Paolo III." (B) " Index [Inventario] Bibliothecae
publicae Graecae Vaticanae confectus a Metello, Calendis Septembris
MDXLV" [incomplete, Vat. Cat., 7132, ined.]. (C) "Inventario dei
Godici greci compilato in latino da Nic. Maiorano e Gugl. Sirleto per
ordine del Card. Cervini " [begun in April 1548, Vat. lat., 713 1, f. 33-190].
Invent, vecchio, n. 10 [begun Nov. 13, 1548; here begins the
consecutive numeration (1-5 12)]. Inventario compendioso [Vat. lat,
3957, Marc. XIV., 921, ined.].
3 *Cod. Vat.j 3967-3969, of the Vatican Library; cf. Ehrle in Histor.
Jahrb., XL, 726 ; Batiffol, La Vaticane, 20 seq. ; see also Giorn. d.
lett. Ital, IX., 455, n. 3.
* The " Inventario dei MSS. latini," with consecutive numeration,
arranged by Ferd. Ruano and dedicated to Cardinal Cervini in Cod.
Vat. lat., 3957 (of the time of Paul III. ; Vols. II. and III. of the time
of Julius III.).
* Cf. MOntz, loc, cit., 80, 87. •
THE VATICAN LIBRARY. 547
like his predecessors Leo X. and Clement VI 1., made
search abroad for rare Latin and Greek manuscripts ; for
instance, among the Maronites of Lebanon in 1542^ and in
southern Italy in 1548.^ By the nomination of a Cardinal
as librarian, the position of custodian of the Vatican
library had been greatly raised in importance;^ under
Paul III. this post was held by Fausto Sabeo and Niccolo
da Maggiorano ; they were now reinforced by scriptors
who attended to the restoration and illumination of manu-
scripts.* If among them two Greeks also appear,^ this is
explained by Paul III.'s keen interest in the language
of Homer. Among his familiars was Nicolas Sophianos,
who, like others of his countrymen, dedicated works to
the Pope.' The celebrated Giano Lascaris had been re-
called in 1534 to Rome, but unfortunately died in the
following year.'^ In agreement with Paul III., Marcello
Cervini conceived in 1539 the magnificent scheme of
making the most valuable Greek manuscripts accessible
to the world of learning by means of the printing-press.
The famous Antonius Bladus was chosen as printer, and
went to Venice where, through the services of Aldus
1 See in Appendix No. 20 the instruction for the guardian of the
convent of Sion in Jerusalem (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
2 Appendix No. 36.
' The title now runs, Bibl. Apost. Vat. Protector (see ASSEMANNI,
I., I, Ixiii).
* Cf. ASSEMANNI, I., i, xxii ; MiJNTZ, loc. cit., 92 seq. For F. Sabeo,
see FiCHARD, Italia, 48, where there is also a good description,
hitherto overlooked by all students, including Miintz himself, of the
state of the library in 1 536.
° Matthaeus de Varo and loh. Honorius (MiJNTZ, loc. cit., 99, loi; cj.
Legrand, Bibl. Hellenique, I., cxiv seq. ; NolhaC, Orsini, 162 seq.).
c Legrand, I., clxxi, clxxvi, cxci, cxciv, ccxvi, 220, 249, 258, 265 ;
II., 55; see also NOLHAC, 160 seq. ; Cod. MSS. Palat. graeci Bibl.
Vat, i8r.
f See MiJLLER in Zentralblatt fiir Bibliothekswesen, I., 337.
548 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Manutius, he acquired the type in which from 1542 onwards
the commentaries of Eustathios on Homer began to appear
in Rome.^ In the years 1 548-1 549 an ^thiopic transla-
tion of the New Testament was also printed in Rome. 2
Generous in all things, the Pope also lent repeatedly to
scholars precious works from his own private library or
employed his influence to obtain for them from foreign
collections the use of rare manuscripts.' In this connec-
tion mention ought also to be made of the very many
privileges of printing by which Paul III. advanced the
labours of literati and scholars of every description.*
The number of works not only in Italian but also in
German ^ and French ^ dedicated, in print or manuscript, to
the Farnese Pope is exceptionally large. Many have been
already cited ; to go through the list of all would overpass
the limits of this history .'' Suffice it to observe that the
1 Cf. DOREZ in Mel. d'archeol., XII., 289 seq. ; see Legrand, I.,
265, and CiAN in Giorn. d. lett. Ital, IX., 455, n. 3. For A. Bladus, see
Bernoni, a. Blado, Ascoli, 1883; the same, Dei Torresani, Blado
et Ragazzoni, Milano, 1890; FumaGalli-Belli, Cat. d. ediz. Romane
di A. Blado, Roma, 1891.
2 See GUIDI, in Arch. d. Soc. Rom., IX., 273 seq. ; for the "Tasfa
Sion" here mentioned, see POLLIDORUS, Vita Marcelli, II., 71 seq.
3 Cf. QUIRINI, Imago, 3 seq.
* The evidence in the *Min. brev. of the Secret Archives of the
Vatican is so copious that it must be reserved for publication in another
place.
* Thus by Faber (see Vol. XI. of this work, p. 94, n. i), Nausea
(see Messner'S Monograph, 76, ']^), Eck (Raynaldus, 1536, n. 39),
Cochlaus (see Zeitschr. fiir Kirchengesch., XVIII., 265), and others.
* Here belongs the *Martini Brionaei Parisiens. Descriptio totius
terrae sanctae. Cod. Vat., 5536 (Vatican Library).
^ Cf. in general ClACONiUS, III., 544, 553, 556. Of the unpublished
works are still to be mentioned : *Cod. Vat., 3676 ; Libellus de
reformat, civit. Perusinae symbolice descriptus ; 3718 : A. Lippomanni
Apologia primatus Petri et successorum (Vatican Library).
NICOLAS COPERNICUS. 549
theological works preponderate over those of a purely
literary character. The golden age of the Renaissance
was over, and the theological works dedicated to Paul III.
are almost all part of the great armoury used against the
Protestant reformers.^ Even where this is not the case the
authors, for the most part, are indirectly interested in the
events of the time, principally in the Council, the centre on
which so many hopes turned. ^
Among the dedications of works of another sort that of
Nicolas Copernicus, in his treatise On the Revolution of the
Heavens, cannot be passed over. The fame of the remark-
able investigations of the founder of the new astronomy had
reached Rome early. In 1533 Albrecht Widmanstetter
had already expounded to Clement VII. in the gardens
of the Vatican the new system of the universe.^ If not
at that time, Paul III. was certainly later on informed on
the subject by Cardinal Schonberg, who in 1536 asked
Copernicus for a copy of his life's work. The latter was
advised by Tiedemann Giese, Bishop of Culm, to dedicate
his epoch-making treatise to Paul III. In his dedication
he observes that even in the remote corner of the earth in
which he lived the Pope stood high in men's estimation,
and that his authority and judgment would easily put to
silence the tongue of calumny. " If I am not altogether
deceived," Copernicus wrote further, "it appears to me that
this work of mine may even be of use to the general well-
^ Cf. supra, p. 540 seq. More writings referring to this subject
will be dealt with by Lauchert in his " Luthers Italienische
Gegner."
2 See specially the writing of the General of the Servites, Augustinus
de Aretio : ^Conversio Pauli, in Cod. Vat., 3638 (original dedication
copy).
3 Cf. VON Braunmuhl, Kopcrnikus und sein Weltsystem (1896).
For Johann Albrecht Widmanstetter and his relations to Paul III.,
see the monograph of M. Muller (Bamberg, 1908), pp. 26, 29.
550 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
being of the Church, the supreme government of which is
in thy hands,"
While many Protestant theologians, with Luther, who
called Copernicus a fool, and even the highly cultivated
Melanchthon, at their head, strenuously opposed the new
system as at variance with the Bible, the epoch-making
treatise of the Dean of Frauenburg was able to make its
appearance in print in 1543 with the dedication to Paul III.
at its commencement.^
II.
The importance of Paul III. as a patron of literature was
on a different plane from that w^hich he occupied as a
patron of art. Here he has been spoken of as the last
great Pope of the Renaissance.^ This, perhaps, is an ex-
aggeration. He cannot be compared with the great patrons
of art and literature of the golden age, although in energy
and breadth of view he recalls, in many respects, Julius 11.^
However this may be, in spite of the great difficulties of
the situation, he put forth all his energies to preserve for
the Holy See the intellectual primacy of former days in
the domain of art. It is only when we call to mind that,
at the time of his accession, the palmy days had passed
* See Prowe, N. Koppernikus, I., 2, Berlin, 1883, 495 seq. ; HiPLER,
N. Koppernikus und M. Luther, Braunsberg, 1868 ; Muller, N.
Koppernikus, Freiburg, 1898; Janssen-Pastor, III., i8th ed., 330
seq. ; COSTANZI, La chiesa e le dottrine Copernicane, 2nd ed., Siena,
1898, 103 seq.^ 109 seq. ; WiLLMANN, Gesch. d. Idealismus, IIL, 59
seq. ; GiGALSKi, N. Koppernikus, Allenstein, 1907. KraUS (Dante,
754) calls attention to the acceptance by Paul IIL of Vellutello's edition
of the Divine Comedy (1544).
2 Salza in Giorn. d. lett. Ital., XLIIL, 200.
s That he surpassed Julius II., as H. Borgia in his **epigrani, De
Pauli P. M. aedificiis (Cod. Barb, lat., 1903, £. 38 of the Vatican
Library) implies, is an exaggeration.
PAUL III. AS A PATRON OF ART. 55 1
away, and cast into the scales the profound after-effects of
the sack, that we can reach a right point of view from
which to appreciate the richness of the after-summer ushered
in for Italian art through the influence of this energetic and
cultivated man. The character of transition with which
his whole pontificate was stamped is here also plainly
visible. He stands on the borderland of greatness and
decline. Even in the best art of his reign the downward
steps can be traced ; simplicity and originality were
vanishing with the rays of the golden age. Neverthe-
less, the determined and indefatigable Pope, who knew
how to reassemble in Rome the artists of the Medicean era
and to give in the most varied ways an impulse to their,
hands, shed on art itself a lustre which radiated far and
wide. For Raphael, the unique, Paul III. could indeed
find no substitute, but on the greatest of ail the surviving
masters, Michael Angelo, he bestowed a higher apprecia-
tion and finer opportunities for the exercise of his genius
than either of the two preceding Popes had done.^
The Pope found it no easy matter to capture the Titans.
Shortly after the death of Clemen.t VII. Michael Angelo
had returned to Rame, and wished now, as his biographer
Condivi relates, to devote himself to the completion of the
monument to Julius II. To undertake other engagements,
to entangle himself in a fresh position of dependency, lay
so far from his thoughts — he was now on the verge of old
age — that, when the news reached him that the new Pope
wished to give him an appointment in his household, he
was terror-struck. He held himself therefore aloof from
the court. But Paul III. found out the way to reach him,
to allay his scruples, and to enlist him in his service. " For
thirty years," he is reported to have said, " I have longed
1 This opinion of Reumont (III., 2, 716, 728), given in 1870, has
been fully confirmed by later research.
552 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
to employ you, and now that I am Pope shall I deny
myself the fulfilment of my wish?" When Michael
Angelo appealed to his obligations in the matter of the
Julian monument, the Pope rejoined : " Where is the deed
of agreement? I will tear it up."^ These v/ords fit in
well with the visit which Paul III., with a brilliant retinue
of Cardinals and prelates, paid the artist in his modest
house at Macel de' Corvi,^ near the column of Trajan.
In the studio the Pope inspected works for the tomb of the
Rovere Pope and the sketch for the Last Judgment which
Clement VII. had already ordered for the Sixtine Chapel.^
Michael Angelo was unable to withstand the strong
will of Paul III. and his unwonted marks of distinction.
He yielded, and entered Farnese's service. The latter,
with his statesmanlike perception, knew well that great
work is best done by those who are equipped with full
authority and responsibility.* He therefore created for
the master a position second to none in dignity, influence,
and advantages. By a brief of the ist of September 1535
he took Michael Angelo into his household, appointed
him chief architect, sculptor, and painter of the Vatican
Palace, and assigned to him for the execution of the Last
Judgment a lifelong salary of 1200 ducats.^ No other
* See Condivi, ed. Frey, 150; Steinmann, Sixtina, II., 480.
* Cf. Steinmann, II., 469 seq. ; Lanciani, Renaissance, 185 seq,
3 See our statements. Vol. X. of this work, 363.
* JUSTi, Michelangelo, 322.
'' The brief first published by Cancellieri (Descriz. delle capelle
pontif., Roma, 1790, 82 seq!) is best given by Pogatscher in Stein-
mann, II., 742 seq., from the draft in Secret Archives of the Vatican ;
there also is the second brief of Sept. i, 1535, on the bestowal of the
Passus Padi on Piacenza. This source of income was repeatedly a
matter of dispute, and after Pier Luigi's murder was entirely absorbed
by the Imperial chancery. Paul compensated Michael Angelo with
the revenues of a chancery in Rimini (see Frey, Briefe, 343, 349).
MICHAEL ANGELO. 553
engagement was henceforward to hinder his services to
the Head of the Church, who in his brief described him as
not only equalling but surpassing in the range of his ability
and understanding the ancient masters of his crafts. A
motu propria of the 17th of November 1536 declared
Michael Angelo to be immune from all prosecution, loss, or
damage on the part of the heirs of Julius II., since he had
been compelled to work, as before for Clement VII. so
now for Paul III., and to finish the Last Judgment.^
Together with these important works he was soon en-
trusted with other tasks. Paul III. deserves all recognition
in that he also restrained in this respect his pronounced
family feeling. The construction of the Farnese palace
certainly went on, but became a secondary consideration
in the presence of great undertakings of service to the
city and the Church.^ The new commissions with which
Michael Angelo was entrusted gave him a brilliant pre-
eminence over not only the painters but the architects of
his day.
Among the numerous masters of construction employed
by Paul \\\? there were two only who could compete with
Michael Angelo : Antonio da Sangallo and Baldassare
Peruzzi. The latter, who already had acted as architect
' This document also was first given by CanCELLIERI (Joe. cit.,
85 seq.), and recently in an improved form by Pogatscher {loc. cit.,
748 seq.).
2 JuSTi, Michelangelo, 322, remarks : " This is another instance to
show that art often fares better under an able politician than under a
self-opinionated dilettante" {cf. Mackowsky, 231).
^ Antonio Abbaco, Vignola, Serlio, Baronino da Casale, Galeazzo
Alessi and many others mentioned in the accounts of Paul III. The
Pope's account-books have been repeatedly made use of for artistic
references {ef. Pogatscher in Steinmann, II., 763 seq.), but they still
yield much new information. Many extracts made by Mi.intz have
been kindly placed at my disposal by Baron v. Geymiiller.
554 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
on the reconstruction of St. Peter's^ under Leo X. and
Clement VII., was confirmed in that honourable post as
early as the ist of December 1 534 and his yearly stipend of ^
1 50 gold gulden doubled. The chief oversight of the works
on the Basilica of St. Peter's remained in the hands of
Antonio da Sangallo, who had been entrusted with this
commission by Leo X. on the death of Raphael. To
Clement VII. Sangallo was also indebted for his appoint-
ment as chief architect of Ancona and of Loreto.
Paul III., who as Cardinal had^ often already employed
and conferred marks of distinction on Sangallo, confirmed
him on the 28th of May 1536 in these appointments and
named him at the same time to be architect of all build-
ings in the Papal States, with an annual salary to a total
of 720 ducats.* From these hitherto unknown stipendial
arrangements it is clear that Michael Angelo took from
the beginning the first place among the artists employed
by Paul III. Friction certainly was not always absent.
Peruzzi died in the beginning of January 1537, but Sangallo
lived on and worked indefatigably up to the autumn of
1546. He was repeatedly in collision with Michael Angelo,
and this was specially the case over the vast plans for the
fortification of Rome, which the Pope had projected for
the security of the city.
It had long been believed that the motive of the Pope's
defensive enterprise was a dread of the recurrence of the
appalling disaster which had befallen his predecessor :
' See our statements, Vol. VIII. of this work, 367, and Vol. X., 352,
508.
2 See the text of the hitherto unknown brief in Appendix No. I
(Secret Archives of the Vatican).
3 Cf. Atti Mod., II., 471 scq.
* See the text of the ^'Document, also unknown, in Appendix No. 2
(Secret Archives of the Vatican).
THE FORTIFICATIONS OF ROME. 555
the capital of the Church should in future be protected
against such assaults as those delivered by Colonna and
Bourbon.^ Paul III., who had lived through those terrible
experiences, was certainly not uninfluenced by such con-
siderations, but his chief reason was another. Since the
year 1537 the peril of a Turkish invasion had become
ever more menacing. All Italy trembled,^ and Rome
seemed insufficiently secured against a sudden descent of
Turkish pirates. Fichard, the jurist of Frankfort, visited
Rome in the autumn of 1537 and remarked that the towers
of the old walls of Aurelian had in many places fallen in alto-
gether or were threatening to come down.^ Here repairs
were to be made, and that in the most thorough manner.
The earlier Popes of the Renaissance had, as their
armorial shields and inscriptions show to this day, been
satisfied with the partial restoration of some of the most
badly damaged portions of the vast circuit of the walls.
With such repairs Paul III. was not satisfied. A huge
system of new fortifications, based on all the resources at
the disposal of the modern art of military engineering, was
to secure once and for all the entire city on both sides of
the Tiber. Long and minute deliberations, in which the
Pope and Pier Luigi Farnese took part in person, were
held with the most competent architects, engineers, and
generals of experience. The result was the acceptance of
the plans which Antonio da Sangallo, the heir of a great
name and a long tradition, had produced. If this project
were fully carried out, Rome was bound to become the
best fortified city in the world. Sangallo, to whom under
* Thus Reumont (III., 2, 718), and more recently Mackowsky
(p. 313). The Dominican Guglielmotti (Fortificazioni, 320 Ji?^.) in
1880 was the first to take the right view of all these matters.
* See our statements, Vol. XI. of this work, p. 261 seq.
3 See Fichard, Italia, 16.
55^ HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Clement VII. the erection of defences had been entrusted
in Florence, Ancona, and many other parts of the Papal
States, was appointed director of works.^ Paul III. had
had previous experience of his excellency as a military
architect before his own election to the Papacy and after-
wards in 1534 when the works at Ancona were being
strengthened.
How seriously Sangallo undertook his task can be seen
from the drawings and plans preserved in the Uffizi in
Florence. The most recent investigation has, in a manner
deserving of gratitude, made these precious sheets acces-
sible to all by means of copies.^
According to Sangallo's thoughtfully considered plan
a strong continuous wall with no less than eighteen
powerful bastions was to encompass the whole city.
Further, on the meadows north of St. Angelo and on the
opposite end near the Lateran two citadels of great size
were to be placed. The walls of Aurelian were, it was
intended, to be retained on the whole. Only in two places
was a narrowing of the area of the city, otherwise far too
much spread out, projected ; on the Aventine the course of
the Servian walls was to be followed, and also the district
of Testaccio excluded. From the Pincian, which Sangallo
intended to supply with two bastions, one on the site of
the later Villa Medici and another towards the Piazza del
Popolo, a new exterior wall was to be drawn from the
* Cf. the brief of Jan. i, 1538, first published by MuNTZ in the Rev.
Arch(^ol., VIII., 329, and afterwards by Clausse (II., 340 seq^ and
ROCCHI (p. 230 seq^. See also in Appendix No. 5 the brief of
Jan. 14, 1538 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
* Besides Hiilsen's excellent articles in the Bull. d. 1st. Arch. Germ.,
IX. (1894), 328 seq., cf. the great publication of RocCHi : Le piante
iconografiche, 175 seq., and the accompanying Atlas, 29-49 ; see also
Ravioli, Notizie sui lavori di architett. milit. dei nove Sangallo, 13
seq. \ MUNTZ in the Rev. Archeol, V^III., 321 seq.
THE FORTIFICATIONS OF ROME. 557
present Via della Croce to the mausoleum of Augustus,
inclosing the latter in the line of defence. At St. Angelo
Sangallo wished to give fresh supports to the outworks of
Alexander VI.
Romolo Amaseo, in his funeral oration, said that the
old Pope could not have hoped to see so vast an under-
taking completed during his pontificate, but he had entered
upon it with a stout heart and left a good example to his
successors.^ From the accounts in the Roman archives,
unfortunately in incomplete preservation, it can be inferred
what a great number of architects and engineers were
employed to carry out this mighty plan. Among them
were Antonio's brother Giovan Battista, nicknamed " II
Gobbo," and Giovanni Mangone, the builder of the palace
of Cardinal Armellini in Perugia. The ofifice of com-
missary-general of the fortifications was given to Prospero
Mochi, who supplied Pier Luigi Farnese during his frequent
absences from Rome with continuous information by letter
as to the progress of the works. The celebrated military
architect Francesco de' Marchi was also employed in
marking out the sites.^
The works, in the course of which numerous and
important fragments of antiquity were brought to light,^
• amasaeus, ^^.
2 See RocCHi, 225 seqq.y 250 scqq., Fr. DE Marchi, Architett.
Milit., ed. L. Marini. Roma, 1810; Venturi, Vita e opera di Fr.
Marchi, Milano, 1816; BORGATTI in the Riv. di artiglieria, XVI.,
391 ; GUGLIELMOTTI, Fortificazioni, 323 ; the will of P. Mochi in
GORI, Archivio, VI., iii seqq. *G. M. della Porta mentions the
summoning of a " Fra da Modena" in connection with the fortifications
on Sept. 21, 1537 (State Archives, Florence). Mochi's house still
stands {cf. Adinolfi, Canale, 20) in the Via Coronari, No. 148 ; on
the windows is the inscription : P. de Mochis Abbr. Ap. ; over the
entrance : Tua puta que tute facis.
3 See LaKCIANI, Scavi, II., 98 seq.
558 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
had, according to the evidence of the accounts, been begun
in the autumn of 1537. Commencements were made
simultaneously at S. Saba and at the Porta Ardeatina.^
On the south-western slope of the Aventine is still to be
seen, on the bastion of Paul III., looking down on the Via
della Marmorata which leads to the Porto S. Paolo, a white
marble shield, unfortunately very much damaged, bearing
the arms of the Farnese Pope, the work of a Florentine
sculptor named Lorenzo. This bastion is well known
to every visitor to Rome by the name of La Colonnella :
the whole, crowned by a summer-house of later construc-
tion, had formerly a more picturesque character, when the
new building of S. Anselmo had not yet arisen in the
background.^
Contemporaneously with the works on the Aventine the
process of safeguarding the line of wall between the Porta
S. Paolo and the Porta S. Sebastiano was taken in hand.
The walls of Aurelian were here in ruins along an extent
of 400 metres. Four colossal bastions were to render this
spot impregnable in the future. The complete construction
of one only occupied the interval between 1537 and 1542;
it arose about midway between the above-named gates,
near the ancient Porta Ardeatina; this bastion, called
" Antoniana," from the Baths of Marcus Aurelius Antoninus
Caracalla lying to the rear, is still standing. It stands out
in very clear relief against the old walls on which it abuts.
The lofty masonry is divided by a course of stonework
1 See ROCCHI, 248. The *Ephem. in Cod. Vat.. 6978, give the date
1537: "Per totum hunc Augusti mensem fuerunt Romae sex mille
pedites Itah et incoepta est fortificatio urbis" (Vatican Library).
2 The bastion La Colonnella belongs to the Benedictines of S.
Anselmo, who ordered the casemates to be filled up in 1905. The
payment for " Mastro Lorenzo di Ludovico scultore fiorentino " in GoRi,
Archivio, VL, 223.
THE FORTIFICATIONS OF ROME. 559
into two portions, the lesser one above and the larger one
below. In the wide embrasures, from which the guns
could discharge their fire from the front and laterally,
thick bushes now grow. High up on the southernmost
projection the armorial lilies of the Farnesi, crowned by
the tiara and keys, are introduced. On the left side of this
richly decorated remnant of 16th-century sculpture, the
gleaming white marble of which shines far across the
Campagna, a place has been found for the arms, on a
smaller scale, of the Roman Senate and people.^
The buildings aforesaid cost not less than 44,000 ducats,
raised partly by an impost on grain. ^ It can easily be
calculated that if the works were to proceed at this rate
neither the reign of the aged Pope nor the money at his
disposal would suffice to complete the fortification of the
vast mural circuit of the city on the left bank of the Tiber.
A practical head such as that of Paul III. could not fail to
perceive that the gigantic scheme of Sangallo far exceeded
the capacities of the State exchequer. He therefore
decided to fall back upon the idea of Nicolas V.^ and to
confine the fortifications to the Leonine city ; there, in
case of necessity, the inhabitants of the left bank also could
find a refuge.*
The works on the Aventine and at the Porta Ardeatina
were therefore suspended.^ Although unfinished they form
^ On the right side was the small shield, surrounded by lilies, of the
Cardinal-Camerlengo Guido Ascanio Sforza. The Papal coat of arms
is more beautifully executed and better preserved than on the Aventine.
There is a very unsatisfactory picture of the bastion in Clausse, II.,
337 ; a better in the periodical The Emporium, XXIII. (1906), 295.
2 ROCCHI, 249. For the tax, see also Dittrich, Contarini, 348
2 Cf. our statements, Vol. II. of this work, pp. 173, 175.
* Cf. Jovms, Hist, 1. 43.
5 The works at the Porta Ardeatina, where the bastion Antoniana
was to be completely finished, were begun in 1542 ; the works on the
560 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
a remarkable specimen of Italian military architecture of
the i6th century, which, unfortunately, is now being left
to fall in part into a disgraceful state of decay .^
The fortification of the Leonine city, decided upon in
November 1542,2 was begun on April the i8th, 1543, and
carried on without interruption up to the Pope's death.^
The two citadels which were to have risen on the " Prati "
in the neighbourhood of the present Palace of Justice
were not begun immediately, as on this side the fortress
of St. Angelo appeared to give sufficient protection.
Sangallo therefore concentrated his energies between 1543
and 1545 principally on the weak side of the Borgo where,
between the Vatican and the Janiculum, the Monte di
S. Spirito rises. Three bastions (del Fiume, di Santo
Spirito, and degli Incoronati) were here erected, since at
this point the danger of a Turkish attack had again to
be taken into consideration. The Pope wished the works
to proceed with the utmost possible expedition.* It was
Colonnella bastion had already been suspended in September 1539 ; in
January of the same year work at S. Saba had been discontinued
(see RocCHi, 248).
^ The complaints of RocCHi (p. 356 seq.), and of Lanciani after him
(Scavi, II., 100), in this respect have only too much justification, but no
result was obtained. The precious inheritance of ages was cast away
in order to squander money on monuments of unknown size in modern
Rome.
2 This hitherto unknown date is established by N. Sernini's report of
Nov. 16, 1542, in SoLMi, Ochino, 55. Cf. also L. Tolomei's *report,
dat. Rom., Dec. 10, 1542, in which it says : "S. B"° ha ordinate che il
S. Aless. Vitelli venga per dare il disegno a la fortificatione del palazzo
et del Borgo" (State Archives, Siena).
' Cf. RocCHi, 259 seqq., 277 seq. The sum paid for the works on the
right bank is here reckoned at 35,000 scudi. Adriani (I., 257) mentions
the taxes raised for the purpose.
♦ See the *A. Serristori's *reports of May 21 and 31 and June 3,
1 544, and that of Babbi of June 14, 1544. In the *letter of Ma 21 it
THE FORTIFICATIONS OF ROME. 561
therefore all the more vexatious for him that, during
the consultations about the fortifications held under the
presidency of Alessandro Vitelli, Michael Angelo in
February 1545 had violent altercations, first with Giovanni
Francesco MontemelHno, and at the end of the same
year with Sangallo. Michael Angelo thought that he
was justified in asserting himself all the more positively
since his measures for protecting the bastions on the hill
of San Miniato during the siege of Florence in 1529 had
conferred upon him great reputation. As Sangallo was
not less obstinate in maintaining his position, the Pope was
at last compelled to impose silence on both the disputants.^
This squabble protracted the works, and in all probability
was the cause of the monumental Porta di S. Spirito, an
arch of triumph rather than the gate of a fortress, remaining
in an unfinished state.^ The bastions, however, near S.
Spirito, which now bear Sangallo's name, reflect high
honour on their architect both from their size and their
admirable position.^ Sangallo continued up to his death
says : " La fortificatione di Borgo si sollecita a furia facendosi li
bastioni di terra, dove sono a lavorare 2000 homini " ; in *that of
June 3 : "La fortificatione del Borgo si sollecita piu che mai et
S. S'^ dice che vuole sia finita per tutto quello mese, ma non e
possibile ; basta che si tira innanzi gagliardamente " (State Archives,
Florence).
' Cf. VaSARI, VIL, 216 seq.; GOTTI, L, 295 seq. ; IL, 126 seq.;
Thode, L, 442, 445 ; Geymuller, Michelangelo als Architekt, 52-
55. Ravioli (p. 27) places the quarrel between Michael Angelo and
Sangallo in the year 1542, Guglielmotti (Fortificazioni, 352) and
ROCCHI (p. 279) in the last months of 1545.
2 See Vasari, VIL, 217 ; MlJNTZ, Antiquitds de Rome, 144. The
drawing of Sangallo's projected Porta di S. Spirito in Clausse, II.,
353 j ibid.^ 346, a good representation of the bastion of S. Spirito.
3 RocCHi (p. 50) calls it a wonderful specimen of the Cinquecento
art of fortification.
VOL XII. 36
562 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
[the 29th of September 1546] at the head of the works.^
He was followed by Jacopo Meleghino, who, as long as
Paul III. lived, enjoyed the title and salary of a chief
architect of fortifications, although he was not equal to
his situation. The Pope was aware of this ; he therefore
recommended his favoured servant to follow in all ques-
tions of importance the opinion of Michael Angelo, who,
although by right subordinate to Meleghino, now became
practically the leading architect, and under his direction the
Belvedere bastion was completed between 1547 and 1548.^
This construction, still in good repair, would be more im-
posing if the Vatican and St. Peter's did not absorb the
attention of the spectator. Here, as on the other bastions,
a gigantic coat of arms proclaims the glory of Farnese.
After the completion of the Belvedere, which protects
what is perhaps the most precious possession of the Popes,
their collection of antiquities, Michael Angelo retired and the
leadership fell once more to the constructor of the fortifica-
tions of Sermcneta, Jacopo Fusti Castriotto of Urbino. Up
to the death of Paul HI. his labours for the security of the
Leonine city ^ were unremitting. There was indeed need
^ On Sept. 12, 1546, Sangallo had already received a month's pay-
ment of 25 scudi on his salary as architect of the fortifications (RocCHi,
265).
2 Thus RocCHi (p. 279 seq.\ following the accounts. The inscription
on the Belvedere bastion, with the date 1542 (see Forcella, XIII.,
31, n. 16), certainly disagrees with this. Here is no printer's error.
The inscription, as I saw myself, has plainly : A. VIII. Since, however,
there is a payment for the coat of arms of June 5, 1547, Guglielmotti
(Fortificazioni, 365) expects that VIII. instead of XIII. = 1547 was
carved by mistake on the stone. RoNCHlNI treats the question of
J. Meleghino fully in the Atti Mod., IV., 125 seq. See also GUGLIEL-
MOTTI, 356 seq. ; Bertolotti, Art, Bolog., 20 seq. j L.'VNCIANI,
Renaissance, 164 seq.; Fontana, II., 493 seq*
' Cf. Guglielmotti, 369 seq. ; Rocchi, 40 seq., 282 ; Provasi,
Tacopo Fusti Castriotto, Jrbino, 1901.
THE ANTIQUITIES OF ROME. 563
for despatch, for since the murder of Pier Luigi and the
occupation of Piacenza by the Imperialists the political
situation had assumed a menacing aspect.^ Nothing
therefore could have been worse than a renewal of dissen-
sions. Castriotto wished to carry the bastions along the
ridge of the hill, but this aroused the opposition of the
Perugian, Francesco Montemellino, who proposed to con-
struct the works at its foot. At the consultation held
under the presidency of Ottavio Farnese, Castriotto at last
carried the day and now began to throw a huge line of
defences round the Vatican hill. The site of the bastions
was already mapped out, and the line of walls marked by
fascines and earth-works, when the Pope died. The plan
of fortification for the Janiculum now also came to a
standstill.2
The protection of his native city was not the only pre-
occupation of the Pope. He was deeply concerned for
its beauty, comfort, and healthiness. One of the first acts
of his reign was the appointment of a commissary to take
charge of the antiquities of Rome ; the first to exercise
this function was Latino Giovenale Manetti, whose ordin-
ances were supported by ecclesiastical p.nalties. In the
brief of nomination of the 28th of November 1534 it says:
" Not without deep sorrow are we aware that not merely
Goths, Vandals, and other barbarians, not merely Greeks
and the ravages of time, but our own indifference and guilt,
our greed and cunning have torn down, destroyed, and
squandered the venerable adornments of the city of the
Quirites. We are burdened with the thought that briers,
ivy, and other plants have taken root in the ancient
1 See supra, pp. 433, 444.
2 See ROCCHI, 51, 60, 200 seq., 282 seq.; Guglielmotti, Fortifi-
cazioni, 371 seq. ; RONCHINI, II Montemellino da Perugia e le fortifi-
cazioni di Roma ; Giorn. d. erudiz. artist., I.. Perugia. 1872.
564 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
buildings and split asunder the masonry, that small
dwellings and shops cluster round the monuments and
mar their beauty, and, last and worst of all, that statues,
pictures, brazen and marble tables, objects of porphyry,
Numidian and other marbles have been carried out of the
city and dispersed among strangers," Manetti is then
extolled for his love of Rome and enthusiasm in exploring
for ancient remains. To him is entrusted the care of the
monuments of the city and its environs, so that all statues,
inscriptions, and marbles shall be, as far as possible, pre-
served, stripped of briers and ivy, and kept clear of contact
with new buildings, nothing broken to pieces or burned to
make lime or removed from the city.^
Manetti unfortunately was often absent from Rome on
political missions.^ This, and still more the circumstance
hat the deeper appreciation of the remains of antiquity
was a thing of slow development, were the causes why the
ruins of the city continued just as before to be convenient
quarries from which to extract marble and travertine, not-
withstanding the ordinance of Paul III, As the science of
antiquity was then in its infancy, more harm was done than
anyone dreamed of. The laying down of the triumphal
way for Charles V. had already damaged many monu-
ments in the Forum, where in 1539, and especially in
1540, at the very moment when Manetti was absent on
two missions to France, the search for materials for the
rebuilding of St, Peter's was carried on with barbarism.
Nor in the following years was the monstrous practice
discontinued here or in other places,^ Paul III. was an
1 Marini, Archiatri, II., 280.
^ Cf. our statements supra, p. 537 seq.
3 See HuLSEN in Bullett. d. 1st. Germ., III., 208 seq.; Lanciani,
II., 184 seqq. The latter (Ancient Rome, 276) describes the period
from 1540 to 1549 as ruinous to the Roman Forum.
THE ANTIQUITIES OF ROME. 565
accomplice in these acts of destruction, since on the 22nd of
July 1 540 he gave permission to the deputies of the Fabbrica
of St. Peter's to dig everywhere inside and outside the city
for blocks of marble and travertine as well as for pillars.^
Here again is an example of the contradictory elements
at work in this transitional period of the Papacy. The
brief of 1534 announced a new epoch, that of 1540 denoted
a relapse into the groove of a bad old custom — a custom
which henceforward would grow stronger in proportion
to the growth in building activity. Even if many inscrip-
tions and architectural pieces have been preserved as the
ornaments of palace courts and gardens, yet the great
majority of the finds were wantonly made use of as
building material or flung into the limekiln. It was an
exception to the rule when, in 1546, the Consular and
Triumphal Fasti found near the Regia in the Forum
escaped this fate; it was Cardinal Farnese who rescued
this important discovery from destruction. The Fasti
were discovered by Bartolommeo Marliano and a worthy
and secure resting-place was found for them in the Palace
of the Conservatori.2
Besides being commissary of antiquities Manetti, together
with Angelo del Bufalo de' Cancellieri, and afterwards with
Girolamo Maffei, held the post of overseer of streets. Under
them was the famous architect Bartolommeo Baronino,
who in 1554 fell a victim to a murderous assault.^ The
• Text of the brief in Rev. Archeol., 1884, III., 308 seq.
2 See HiJLSEN, Forum Romanum, Romae, 1904, 34 seq.% Corp.
Inscript., I.,^ i seq. ; Gyraldus, De Poetis, ed. Wotke, Berolini, 1894,
58 seq.\ Atti Mod., VI., 207 seq.\ Lanciani, II., 197; cf. also
Druffel, Mon. Trid., I., 454.
3 BertOLOTTI, Bartol. Baronino, Casale, 1876, 10 seq.; see also
Art. Subalp., 29 J^^. Baronino died on Sept. 6, 1554, as his epitaph,
still preserved in the Chapel of S. Joseph in the Pantheon, informs us
(see FoRCELLA, I., 296; cf. Lanciani, Renaissance, 172).
566 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
first task imposed on these officials was the formation of
the triumphal way commanded by the Pope on the
occasion of the visit of Charles V. The route lay from
the Porta S. Sebastiano through the Via S. Gregorio over
the Forum, and thence by the Salita di Marforio to the
Piazza di San Marco and the Via Papale. In the course
of this swiftly executed work many dwelling-houses were
pulled down, several churches, and a mass of antique ruins.
The debris was used to fill up the depression in the ground
between the Arches of Titus and Severus.^
The works of the year 1536 were the prelude to many
others of the same kind. Rome, that under the rule of
Paul III. gradually underwent renewal, was, with regard to
the condition of the streets, far behind the rest of the great
cities of Italy. How little they became a great capital
was shown by this very visit of the Emperor just men-
tioned. Paul III., by his numerous street regulations
and remedial measures, introduced a new epoch in which
Rome divested herself more and more of her mediaeval
traits and asenmed an appearance more in keeping with
the artistic creations of the Renaissance, her own dignity
as chief city of the world, and the requirements of her
multifarious traffic.
Paul III. left no stone unturned to better the condition
of the Roman streets, in which respect he was a forerunner
of Sixtus V. Demolitions thus became necessary to such
an extent that at last house-rents rose considerably.^ As
early as 1538 he had begun to improve and beautify the
Via Lata and the Corso : first of all the length of way
between the Piazza di S. Marco and the so-called Arco di
* See Vol. XI. of this work, p. 242.
* C/". A. Serristori's*reportof July 16, 1548 (State Archives, Florence).
A description of the church demolished after the Emperor's visit in
Appendix No. 4 (Vatican Library).
NEW STREETS. 567
rortogallo, which at that time still spanned tne street near
to the Palazzo Fiano ; afterwards he proceeded with the
last portion, on which there were as yet few buildings as
far as the Piazza del Popolo. As these schemes involved
a large expenditure of money, he raised a special tax upon
the owners of such houses as rose in value in conse-
quence of the improvements.^ The accounts also show
the amounts given in compensation for the necessary
expropriations, which were carried out on a strictly
regulated system.
The street already constructed under the Medicean Popes
from the Piazza del Popolo to the piazza lying below the
Trinita de' Monti, the later Via del Babuino, was improved
and renamed after the reigning Pontiff, Via Paolina. In
1 541 the Piazza Navona was connected with the Piazza
Apollinare. In the following year two new arteries of
traffic, starting from the bridge of St. Angelo, were opened :
the Via di Panico and the Via Paola. In the Borgo the
Via Alessandrina was widened and paved. In the city on
the left bank of the Tiber the open spaces in front of the
Farnese palace and of the palaces of S. Marco and SS.
Apostoli were laid out, an alteration of the highest im-
portance for the healthiness of this narrow and winding
quarter ; the draining of the swampy ground about the
Vatican served the same sanitary purpose.^ Numerous
other streets date back to the days of Paul III.: the Via
di S. Maria in Monticelli, di Torre Argentina, de' Baulari,
dei Cestari, della Palombella, della Trinita (now Via
Fontanella di Borghese and Condotti), and del Foro
Trajano ; the clearance of the ground round the column
of Trajan and the erection of the colossal figures of Castor
* See Lanciani, La Via del Corso : Bull. Comun., XXX. (1902),
229 seq. ; cf. Lanciani, Scavi, IL, 236, and Renaissance, 112 seq.
2 Cf. Amasaeus, 75 seq
568 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
and Pollux on the Quirinal are also due to the solicitude
of this Pontiff.^
The inscription on the noble marble statue placed in his
honour in 1543 in the great hall of the Senatorial Palace
justly celebrates his zealous endeavours to beautify, by the
improvement and construction of streets and piazzas, the
thoroughfares of Rome, hitherto disfigured by narrow alleys
and projecting buildings.^
The reconstruction of the Capitol, as well as the regular-
» Lanciani, Scavi, II., 228-236; Bullett. d. 1st. Arch., XIII., 262;
see also Bonanni, I., 216; Adinolfi, Canale di Ponte, 52, and
Roma, II., 73 ; Armellini, Chiese, 415 ; SOLMI, Ochino, 55 ; Bullett.
Comun., XXIX. (1901), 11 seq.^ 300 seq. ; N. Arch. Veneto, XIII.
(1907), 24. Here also belongs the *payment of Oct. 17, 1547, "magn.
d. lo. Petro Cafarello, stratarum alme urbis magistro, due. auri de
camera de paulis 10 pro ducato centum et quinqueginta per ipsum d.
Jo. Petrum solvendos Petro Mulioni apud b. Mariam de populo
commoranti pro pretio et in satisfactionem cujusdam ipsius Petri
domus in loco dicto il borgetto del pedocchio pro via noviter in loco
dicto sotto la Trinita fienda dirutae seu de proximo diruendae" (Mand.,
1 545-1 546, f. 56, State Archives, Rome). The inscription of 1543, now
vanished, in Via Paolina which spoke of the demolition of thirty-
nine houses, is in CiacONIUS, III., 554, and Forcella, XIII., 87.
For the restoration of the Ponte S. Maria (Ponte Rotto), see Fanfani,
Spigolat. Michel, 126 seq. ; LANCIANI, Renaissance, 160 seq. ; Thode,
v., 211 seq. For the restoration on the Ponte Molle and the Ponte
Sisto, see *Mand. extraord., 1546-1548, f. 173, and 1548-1549, f. 45,
48 (State Archives, Rome), and Rev. Archeol., IX. (1887), 60. In
March 1541 the fountains of the Piazza of S. Peter's were restored
(*Mand., 1 540-1 541, State Archives, Rome).
2 Forcella, I., 33. The statue (reproduced in Steinmann, II.,
481) has been removed owing to modern arrangements. In 187611
was set up in the left aisle as a pillar between the second and third
chapels of S. Maria in Ara Coeli. Lanciani (Renaissance, 145)
suspects that L. G. Manetti composed the inscription in imitation of
one from the antique celebratnig similar services rendered by
Vespasian.
ilECONSTRUCTION OF THE CAPITOL. 569
ization of the streets, was connected with the visit of
Charles V. The approach to this eminently historic site
was at that time of such a description that the Emperor
on his entry was obliged to make a circuit of the hill.
From the Forum only one street, from the Arch of
Septimius Severus, led up to the Capitol. To the city
access was only to be attained by a footpath. That
Paul III. should have fixed precisely on the Capitol as
the spot to undergo a splendid architectural transforma-
tion^ marks him out as a true-born Roman and also
indicates the excellent relations which existed between
him and his fellow-citizens. By shedding new lustre on
the spot associated with so many recollections of the city's
freedom he nipped in the bud, with a dexterous hand, all
republican aspirations.
The sketches of a contemporary painter clearly depict
the irregular, although picturesque, appearance of the
Capitol at the time of Paul III.'s accession. In the back-
ground, on the ruins of the ancient Tabularium, rose the
fortress-like Palace of the Senators, from the midst of which
the crenellated central tower, rising high above the corner
turrets, soared aloft. On the right side of the fagade,
ornamented with the many-coloured coats of arms of the
Senators, was the entrance, over which rose a pillared
loggia built by Nicolas V. On the steps leading up to
it stood a fragment of an ancient marble group, a lion
mangling a horse, since 1903 placed in the garden court
of the Palace of the Conservatori. Before this image
' For what follows, cf. Vasari, VII., 222 seq. ; Miciiaelis in the
Zeitschr. fiir bild. Kunst., 1891, 184 j^^. ; Rodocanachi, Le Capitole,
59 seq. The statement of Gkimm (Michelangelo, II., 5th ed., 387
j(?$r.), that the restoration of the Capitol began with the erection of the
flight of steps and that this took place at the time of the entry of
Charles V., is entirely wrong.
570 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of retributive vengeance sentences of death were pro-
nounced, to be immediately carried out on the south-western
ridge of the hill, then entirely unbuilt upon.^ This spot,
called Monte Caprino from the number of goats which here
clambered about, still exhibited remains in Pentelican
marble of the famous temple of Jupiter. Many of these
blocks were employed on the building of the palace begun
in 1545 by Gian Pietro Cafarelli and now the seat of the
German embassy. Others, in large quantities, found their
way to the new St. Peter's.
On the left side of the piazza, where the Capitoline
Museum now stands, just as on the side towards the city,
there was a lack of all architectural finish. The view from
this point comprised the picturesque southern side of the
Franciscan Church of Santa Maria in Aracosli, a small
obelisk, and a palm tree the seeds of which had been
brought from Palestine by the faithful guardians of the
Holy Sepulchre, On the right side lay the Palace of the
Conservator!, before the lower pillared arcade of which two
colossal marble figures of the river gods Nile and Tigris
had been placed. In the arcade itself were also to be seen
remains of ancient days: a gigantic bronze head of
Domitian and a terrestrial sphere. Above the central arch
of the fa9ade, supported on brackets, the famous symbol of
Rome, the brazen she-wolf, was displayed, a gift from
Sixtus IV., who had also in other ways enriched the Palace
of the Conservatori with precious relics of the past.^
1 From the "Tariffa del Boja,"publishedby GORl(Archivio, III., 297),
it is evident that the death-sentence was then carried out at other
places as well, e.g. on the Piazza of St. Peter's itself j the gibbet stood
since 1548 on the space between the bridge of St. Angelo and the
prison-house of Torre di Nona.
2 Cf. MiCHAELlS, loc. cit., 184 seq. ; HULSEN, Bilderaus der Gesch.
des Kapitols, Rome, 1889, 7 seqq., 29; ThODE, V., 191 seq.
THE STATUE OF MARCUS AURELIUS. 57 I
In all its special features the Capitol as it then existed
was not a match for the chief places of other cities, such as
Florence and Siena. In the first place, it received a more
artistic centre point, one without an equal in the world.
In January 1538 the equestrian bronze statue of the
Emperor Marcus Aurelius, once entirely gilded over and
associated with many a legend, was transferred from the
Lateran and set directly in the middle of the piazza in the
most effective manner on a block of marble the height of
which is admirably proportioned. An inscription on the
left side of the base recounts the story of its removal, under-
taken by the command of Paul III., notwithstanding the
oppos-ition of the Lateran Chapter, in order, as is stated, to
perpetuate the memory of the Emperor and to restore the
adornment of the city of their fathers.^ The face of the
pedestal bears the beautiful coat of arms of the Farnesf,
the back that of the city of Rome, which bore a portion
of the cost.
The removal of this famous statue was a starting-point
for the complete transformation of the foreground of the
Capitol. The plans of Michael Angelo corresponded in
the highest degree to the dignity and reputation of the
* FORCELLA, I., 33 ; Arch. d. Soc. Rom., IV., 239. For the statue
of M. Aurelius, see Adinolfi, Roma, II., 250 seq. \ Rodocanachi,
Capitole, 70 seq. ; Thode, V., 191 ; Jahrb. der preuss. Kunstsamml.,
XXVII., Beiheft 9. The removal of the statue could not have taken
place, as has been generally supposed, as late as March 24, 1538, since
Blasius de Martinellis ^relates already on Jan. 25, 1538: "Post
prandium papa venit in Urbem per portam S. Sebastiani et per diversa
loca pertransivit una cum cardinalibus videndo novas suas fabricas
circa moenia urbis et locum Capitoli noviter explanatum cum aequo
[sic !] aeneo Constantini ex Laterano translate in plateam Capitolii ;
inde per campum Florae et plateam de Farnesio versus Pontem in
palatio s. Petri ad aedein suam " (Secret Archives of the Vatican,
XII., 56, f. 570).
572 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
spot.^ A wide, easy flight of steps {cordonata) leading up
from the Piazza Aracoeli, and flanked at the top by the
great statues of the Dioscuri with their chargers, was to
form a new approach and bring the Capitol, which hitherto
had been reckoned inferior to the heathen P'orumj^into
direct communication with the Christian city. One as-
cending this staircase would see before him, according to
the plan of the great architect, the splendidly restored
Palace of the Senators, and on either side, in a correspond-
ing style of architecture, stately buildings with pillared
colonnades, and above them the chief palace crowned with
statues. The diagonal position of these lateral palaces
was conditioned by the position of the older Palace of the
Conservator!. These magnificent buildings led the eye up
to the towering mass of the Palace of the Senators which,
with its colossal pilasters reaching up through the height
of two stories, formed an imposing termination to the
composition. This construction, the fagade of which con-
cealed the conglomerate style of the older buildings, re-
tained no trace of its earlier fortress-like character save in
the battlemented belfry-tower. A wide double staircase
merged at the height of the first story into an uncovered
balcony adorned with statues, upon which the entrance to
the great Senate Hall opened. The monumental character
of this noble staircase was enhanced by the fountain ex-
tending in front of it. Below the balcony Michael Angelo
had intended to place a colossal statue of Jupiter in a niche.
At his feet the fountain was to gush forth into a broad
basin, and on each side places were to be found for the
great statues of the river gods, which hitherto had stood
before the Palace of the Conservatory
1 VaSARI, VII., 222 seq. ; RodocaNACHI, 65 seq. ; GeymulleR,
Michelangelo als Architekt, 37 seq. \ RiEGL, Barockkunst, 74 seq. ;
Thode, v., 193 seq.
THE NEW CAPITOL. 573
If this great scheme had been completely carried out
Rome would have possessed a public place of incomparable
beauty and harmony of style. But the misfortune which
seemed to haunt so many of the enterprises of Michael
Angelo awaited him here also. Financial difficulties, com-
bined with the narrowness of view of the city fathers,
stood in the way of the accomplishment of this great
project, the features of which are now only known to us
through a copper-plate by Etienne du Perac.^ After the
erection of the statue of Marcus Aurelius, Michael Angelo
only survived to see the completion of the stately double
staircase in front of the Palace of the Senators. All the
rest of the plan was carried out later, on the basis certainly
of his drawings but with many important alterations in
detail. For the defects then introduced he was in no way
responsible ; nevertheless, the new Capitol in its entirety,
when, after a long period of time, it assumed its present
form, displayed the spirit and the genius of its original
creator. Despite all the alterations which Giacomo del
Duca and Girolamo Rainaldi allowed themselves to indulge
in, the whole produces an impression of monumental
grandeur which stamps itself ineffaceably on the memory
of the beholder.
Paul III. introduced into the Vatican extensive and
costly restorations and embellishments,^ especially in
Bramante's corridor, leading to the Belvedere, begun under
Julius II. and now improved and finished. This formed
the aged Pope's customary walk when, with the assistance
1 Cf. MiCHAELIS, xZ-] seq.^ 190 ; RODOCANACHI, 78 seq. ; Makowsky,
3 1 7 seq.
2 See the accounts mentioned by DOREZ (Bullett. de I'Acad. d. in-
script., 1905, I., 233), and N. Sernini's report of 1538 in N. Arch. Veneto,
XIII. (1907), 23 seq. Cf. Vasari, V., 465; Atti Mod., II., 476;
MiJNTZ, Bibl. du Vaticane, 109, in seq. ; '^^Edif. publ., 1541 seq ^ 1544
seq. (State Archives, Rome.)
574 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of two companions, he took his morning exercise.* Two
most important additions to the Vatican, where, as already
mentioned, Jacopo Meleghino had acted since 1537 as
commissary-general,^ are inseparably associated with the
memory of Paul III.: these are the Cappella Paolina and
the Sala Regia, which were enthusiastically praised by
contemporaries.^
The Sala Regia, intended for the reception of ambassa-
dors of kings and princes, forms a vast antechamber to
the Sixtine Chapel. The apartment was constructed on
the plans of Sangallo, and this involved the destruction of
ancient chambers and unfortunately of the Chapel of
the Blessed Sacrament, painted by Fra Angelico for
Nicolas V. For the walls and floorings, the ancient
ruins of the city, especially those on the Ccelian Hill,
supplied a lavish quantity of material. The Sala Regia,
certainly the finest chamber in the Papal Palace, begun in
1540, was not finished until 1573. To a later date also
belong the historical wall frescoes, one of which, the
"Conquest of Tunis," by Zucchero, refers to the pontificate
of Paul III., under whom, also, between 1542 and 1543,
Perino del Vaga, Danicle da Volterra, and Jacopo Sansovino
1 Cf. FiCHARD, Italia, 50, 71 ; Lanciani, Scavi, III., 215 seq.
' I. Melegiiino was from 1537 (not 1538, as Ronchini states in the
Atti Mod., IV., 127) "fabricae sacri palatii apost. commissarius gener-
alis" (see *Tes. seg., 1 537-1 538, f. 109). Meleghino in the following
year received very substantial sums " pro expensis fabricae s. palatii" :
thus on Sept. 4, 1538, 3000 ducats, 1 539-1544 on an average 6000
ducats yearly (*Mand., 1539-1544, State Archives, Rome). See also
Ronchini, loc. cit. Some inscriptions and coats of arms of Paul III.,
which recall these works, are still preserved (see Forcella, VI., 68 ;
Barbier, Musees, 285). Giovanni Mangone, who was engaged at the
same time on the Vatican and Belvedere, was not, as has been ?:tated,
a Florentine but a Lombard (see Bertolotti, Art. Lomb., I., 58).
* See Amas.aeus, 75.
WORK AT THE VATICAN AND ST. ANGELO. 575
executed the exuberant stucco-work of the vast barrel-
vaulting of the ceiling, with its noble coffers, winged genii,
and gilded escutcheons of the Farnesi in the midst, pro-
ducing an effect of extreme magnificence. Here, as in other
buildings of this Pope, Greek inscriptions are to be found.
The painted glass windows of Pastorino da Siena admitted
only a subdued light to play upon these decorations in
white and gold.^ The expenses from 1 542 to 1 549 amounted
to not less than 8672 ducats^
A great scheme of decoration was also undertaken in the
Castle of St. Angelo.^ Paul III. gave orders in the first
place for enlargement and adornment of the first story of
the extremely cramped* Appartimento Papale immedi-
ately above the ancient rotunda; his name and escutcheon
are repeatedly to be met with in the rooms of this portion
of the fortress.^
1 See Vasari, V., 624 ; Platner, II., 238 seq. ; Barbier, Musses,
86 seq. ; Armellini, Chiese, 785 ; Letarouilly-Simil, II., planche
25; Burckhardt, Cicerone, 184; Burckhardt-Holtzinger, Gesch.
der Renaissance, 211, 356; Clausse, Sangallo, II., 362 seq.\
Lanciani, Scavi, II., 132 seq. The latter has drawn upon the
*account books of Paul III. in the Roman State Archives. Some
items from them are given in Bertolotti, Speserie, 182, 188, 189. A
full examination of these sources would require a special monograph
to itself. By these ^accounts {cf. Feb. 14, 1543, and March 10), Jacopo
Sansovino's (Jacopus Venetus scultore) share in the work is fully
certified. One Guglielmo scultore (probably Delia Porta) executed
the marble doors in 1546. Daniele da Volterra began to paint in
1548 (Bkrtolotti, 189,901); he received 20 ducats monthly (*Edif.
publ. 1542-1547, f. 158'', State Archives, Rome). For Pastorino, see
infra, p. 608.
2 See Edif. publ. 1 542-1 549, f. 29-30 (State Archives, Rome).
3 See RODOCANACHI, Le chateau de Saint-Ange, Paris, 1909.
■* FiCHARD (Italia, 51) insists on this.
5 Cf. BORG.'VTTI, 187 seq. The inscription of 1546 produced by
FORCELLA (XIII., 145, n. 245) is in the Cortilo dell' Angelo on the vv.,!J
576 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
As a counterpart to the Loggia of Julius II. looking
towards the city, a second, the Loggia of Paul III., was
now built, with decorations in stucco by Girolamo
Sermoneta, Pier Antonio Casale, and Rafifaello Montelupo.^
Sangallo afterwards added yet another story to the Appar-
timento Papale containing a series of roomy chambers,
the splendid decoration of which fills every visitor with
astonishment. The principal apartment, entered from the
Loggia of Julius II, through a tasteful doorway, was
named, after its builder, the Sala Paolina or Salone del
Consiglio. A whole host of artists, many of them pupils
of Raphael, were engaged in decorating these and other
rooms in the most magnificent manner. In the accounts
the names appear, together with those of Perino del Vaga
and Giovanni da Udine, those of Luzio Luzzi, Marco da
Siena, and Girolamo Sermoneta. The part assigned to
each is difficult of ascertainment. A remarkable feature
of the decoration in the Sala Paolina is the rich white and
gold stucco-work of the ceiling. It is divided into six
rectangles displaying brightly coloured pictures from
biblical history, and also adorned with a great variety of
groups of amoretti, satyrs, naiads, and garlands of fruit, with
Latin and Greek inscriptions ; in the centre is displayed in
gleaming gold the coat of arms of the Pope. The walls
are divided into painted panels, and a cornice with carya-
tides and bronze-coloured paintings of a mythological and
opposite to the Chapel. A small projecting building, forming the
entrance to the fort itself, is also, according to the inscription, of the
period of Paul III., whose lilies decorate the frieze (Forcella, XIII.,
144, n. 253).
^ Vasari, v., 628 seq. ; Bertolotti, Speserie, 207, and Art.
Subalp., ']']. The inscription says that this Loggia was finished in
1543 (Forcella, XIII., 144, n. 122). In the charming Loggia of
Julius II. the Rovere arms were replaced by those of the Farnese 1
THE CASTLE OF ST. ANGELO. 577
satyric character supports a row of Ionic pillars; in the
smaller spaces between the latter are seen the allegorical
figures of justice, fortitude, strength, and wisdom ; in the
larger, monochrome subjects, surrounded by garlands of
fruit, from the history of Alexander the Great. These
pictures, under which the forms of genii repose in the
bloom of youthful manhood, are the work of Marco da
Siena. On the north wall Perino del Vaga has portrayed
a full-sized figure of the Archangel St, Michael; on the
south wall the Emperor Hadrian, the founder of the castle,
while above the doors are allegorical representations of the
cardinal virtues.^
From the Sala Paolina a passage with walls decorated
with grotesques in Raphael's charming manner led to a
chamber called — on what grounds is not known — the
" Bibliotheca." The roof, with the arms of Paul III. in the
centre, and the frieze are magnificent specimens of stucco-
work, executed by Girolamo Sermoneta from drawings by
Perino del Vaga. The paintings representing sea-gods
were attributed to Giulio Romano. If not so gorgeous as
the ceiling of the Sala Paolina, it is richer and more
delicate ; especially beautiful are the reliefs in stucco on
a gold ground on the frieze.
Finally, there is much ornamentation in two rooms
connected with the Sala Paolina, and called after the
paintings contained in them. The Chamber of Perseus,
which was the dwelling-chamber of Paul III., displays on
* Cf. Bertolotti, Speserie, 205 seq. ; Borgatti in the periodical
Cosmos Catholicus, 1902, 607, which also contains numerous illustra-
tions. The inscription on the frieze, not given, as far as I know, by
Forcella or any other, runs thus : " Quae olim intra hanc arcem
collapsa II impedita foedata erant ea nunc a Paula tertio pontifice
maximo ad solidam || subtilemve venustatem exstructa disposita oinata
conspiciuntur."
VOL. xn. 37
578 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
its frieze, in four frescoes remarkable for their colour-tone,
the history of the demi-god. Below are garlands of fruit
with symbolical groups of women, with the unicorn, an
allusion to the emblems of the Farnesi and of Cardinal
Tiberio Crispi. In the centre of the timber roof, decorated
with lilies, appears the figure of the Archangel St. Michael.^
Even in the objectionable Chamber of Cupid and Psyche,
called the Bed-Chamber, the artistically carved and gilded
ceiling, with its designs recalling the Pope and the same
Cardinal Crispi, draws the eyes of the beholder to it. The
painted frieze vies in beauty with the ceiling ; on this Perino
del Vaga has painted the tale of Cupid and Psyche as told
by Apuleius. Some of these pictures are very free,^ and
* A part of the frieze, the centrepiece of the roof, and some
paintings in the Camera di Perseo are in the Cosmos Cath., 1902, 608-
609, 614, 616, 618. Here (p. 613) are also the centrepiece of the
Library roof and (p. 617) a portion of stucco relief from the frieze.
2 See Steinmann in the Zeitschr. fiir bild. Kunst, 1912, 86 seq.,
who suspects that P. del Vaga's work contains the sketches destined
by Raphael for the Farnesina. There is a good picture of the ceiling
of the Psyche Saloon in the Cosmos Cath., 1912, 612. To the time of
Paul III. also belong the oak presses in the round cupola-shaped
room in the centre of the Papal suite of rooms in the Torre Borgia,
used by that Pontiff as a " guardaroba " and treasure-chamber (see
Studi e Doc, XIV., 63 seq. ). On the presses is the inscription : " Sedente
Paulo III., P.M. pontif. suiao XII." {Cf. also Bertolotti, Art. Lomb.,
I., 339.) On the pinnacle of the castle, under the angel, the arms of
Paul III. are visible above those of Alexander VI. Some bits of the
majolica pavement with the Farnese lilies are in the collection
arranged by Borgatti, the admirable restorer of the Castle of St. Angelo.
The marble statue of the Archangel Michael now set up in the Cortile
deir Angelo, taken by Borgatti for a work by Guglielmo della Porta,
might, notwithstanding, well be identified with the Angel of Raffaello of
Montelupo. (See our statements. Vol. X. of this work, p. 353.) The
sword-hilt of the angel with the Farnese lilies, which Borgatti takes as
an indication of the date, might belong to the restoration made
necessary when the statue was struck by lightning. (See in Appendi.x
THE FARNESE PALACE. 579
supplement in an astonishing way the unfinished composi-
tion of Raphael on the ceiling of the summer-house of
the Farnesina ; they breathe the very spirit of the pagan
Renaissance, and are wholly unfitted for the apartments of
a Pope. It is to be wished that Paul III. had not allowed
the very mundane Cardinal Crispi, who since 1542 had
been installed as castellan of St. Angelo,^ so entirely free
a hand.
The decoration of these two stately chambers, which
rivalled the most beautiful in the Vatican itself,^ was
enhanced by the tapestries with which the walls were to
be hung.^
The completion of the family palace of the Farnesi,
which arose between the Campo de' Fiori and the Via
Giulia, was permanently entrusted to Antonio da Sangallo.
The mighty structure advanced without interruption, since
after Paul III.'s elevation the necessary means flowed freely
in. Pasquino's jest when he hung out a bush with the in-
scription, "Alms are requested for the building" {Elemosina
per la fabbricd), struck Rome dumb. According to Vasari
the plans underwent extension, and the appointments were
also on a more splendid scale. This was specially the case
with the noble ceiling, of which Sangallo himself made the
sketch.* Nothing was spared to make the building the
No. 23 in Vol. XI. for another instance of the kind, the *report of
G. Peregrino of Dec. 14, 1537. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
1 Cf. Benigni, Miscell. d. Stor. Eccl., V. (1907), 257 seq.
2 See J. F. Ferrettus in Contelorius, XL, 48, f. 244 (Secret
Archives of the Vatican).
2 Buonanni in his **letter of Nov. 12, 1548, mentions the arrival of
magnificent tapestries from Florence, which were set up in the " Sala
avanti il Concistorio" (State Archives, Florence).
* Cf. Vasari, V., 469 seq.^ 487; Clausse, Sangallo, II., 67 seq.-,
LetarOUILLY, Edif., 259 seqq. ; Geymuller, Les du Cerceau, Pans,
1887, 13, 26 seqq.; Lanciani, Scavi, II., 1^,1 seg[.; BourdoN, Un
5 So HISTORY OF THE POPES.
most magnificent among the many magninccnt palaces
of Rome.i The story long believed, that the Colosseum
provided the quarry for the works, is a fable ; later
research has shown that the blocks of travertine were
brought from Tivoli. Marble was procured from the
ruins of Ostia, and in Rome, principally from the Baths of
Caracalla and from the huge ruins in the Colonna gardens,
supposed to be those of Aurelian's Temple of the Sun.^
The characteristic of grandeur which is peculiar to all
genuine Roman work attaches to the Farnese palace in
an overwhelming degree. The populace called it, from
its shape, the "dice cube." In spite of the too close
proximity of the narrow windows, the fagade is one of
the most imposing creations of the new architecture. The
lily of the Farnesi has here the same decorative role
assigned to it as that given to the rose in the ornaments of
the Cancelleria. The magnitude of the fagade is repro-
duced in the inner chambers, the massive spacious stairs,
the vast halls and corridors. It is this ample and un-
equalled spaciousness, combined with the strength and
harmony of the exterior, which makes the building the
plafond du palais Farnese (Extr. d. Mel. d'archeol., XXVII.), Rome,
igoy ; Thode, V., 195. A comprehensive monograph on the Farnese
Palace, two chapters of which have appeared in the Rev. d. Deux
Mondes, 1895 and 1900, is being prepared by F. de Navenne, once
councillor of the French embassy to the Holy See. {Cf. also
Navenne, P. L. Farnese, 267 seq.)
' Cf. AmaSAEUS, 19, 78. According to the account books of the
Apostolic Chamber, the sums expended on the building in the years
1 546-1 549 alone amounted to 73,178 scudi (Fea, Dissert, s. rovine di
Roma, 399 ; MORONi, XXIIL, 202). By 1542 Paul III. had already
come to have a quarrel with Pier Luigi, who was unwilling to contribute
400 scudi monthly to the building. (See in Appendix No 38 in Vol. XI.
N, Serristori's *report of Aug. 30, 1542. State Archives, Florence.)
2 See Lanciani, Scavi, II., 119, 153 seq.^ and Renaissance, 123 seq.
THE FARNESE PALACE. 58 1
type of a Roman palace,^ and the worthy depository
of the treasures of antiquity collected by this Roman
house.
By the beginning of 1546 the exterior facade had been
pushed as far as the cornice. How much depended on
the correct formation of this feature for the general effect
of the whole edifice did not escape the attention of
Paul III. He invited a competition in which Perino
del Vaga, Sebastiano del Piombo, and Vasari took part,
but the Pope's choice fell on the designs of Michael
Angelo.
With what caution the latter proceeded to work is
shown by the circumstance that he had a wooden model
of the cornice, more than three metres high, affixed to a
corner of the palace. The effect produced gave the Pope
the highest satisfaction. Vasari is of opinion that neither
ancient nor modern architecture can show anything more
beautiful and rich. The work has justly received the
highest praise, and has been called " the cornice of all
cornices." ^
On the death of Sangallo on the 29th of September
1546 Michael Angelo became sole director of the building
works. In addition to the cornice, to him is certainly
due the Loggia over the chief doorway, the escutcheon
of the Pope there introduced, and the uppermost story,
1 Cf. Taine, Italic, I. (1889), 255 seq. ; Gaz. des Beaux Arts, XXXI.
(1904), 127 seq.\ see Burckhardt-Holtzinger, 201, 207, 217;
NOHL, Tagebuch, Stuttgart, 1877, 150; Ebe, I., 134; Schmarsow,
Beitrage zur Asthetik, II., Leipzig, 1897, Zoseq.; RiEGL, Barock-
kunst, 73 ; Gnoli, Roma, Roma, 1909, 166 seq.
2 See Vasari, V., 470 seq.; VII., 223; Springer, 470; Wey,
Rome, 362 ; Burckhardt-Holtzinger,84, 103; Geymuller, Michel«
angelo als Architekt, 42 ; Thode, I., 445 ; V., 195 seqq. ; WiLLiCPl,
82 seq., and also Makowskv, 327, 389 ; Jahrbuch dcr preuis.
Kunstsammlungen, XXX., I seqq. ; RiEGL, liarorkkunst, 7^.
582 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
with its course of pilasters, of the truly regal courtyard.
The two lower stories were the work of Sangallo.
Michael Angelo, whose interference with the projected
scheme of Sangallo was not always happy, had yet
another bold plan in view. Through Sangallo's beautiful
entrance-hall, with its richly coffered vaulted ceiling and
its twelve antique Doric granite pillars, and through
the nobly arcaded court, a view was to be obtained in
a hall in the background of the striking Dirce group,
the so-called Farnese bull, forming the adornment of
a fountain ; beyond this a bridge over the Tiber was
here to connect the Farnese "Vigna" with the main
building of the palace.^ Unfortunately, this junction of
the two banks of the river was not carried out. Only the
;^reat antique group was successfully placed in the court
of which it remained the ornament until its removal in
1786 to Naples.
The Farnese palace, the Vatican, and St. Angelo were
not sufficient for a Pope who loved frequently to change
his Roman residence. During the hot months it had been
his custom since 1535 to seek regularly the palace of
S. Marco on account of the healthier air. From this time
forward this palace again came into use as a Papal
summer residence.'^ Although the Church of S. Maria in
Aracoeli was not at a very great distance, in order to
hear Mass there more easily he had, in April 1535, a
wooden bridge constructed from the so-called Palazetto
* See Vasari, VII., 223 j^^. ; cf. Wey, loc. cit.; Burckhardt-
HOLTZINGER, 56, 203,204, 339; GEYMULLER, 37, 41 ; MaKOWSKY,
327 seq. ; ThODE, V., 200 seq. For the Vigna which Cardinal
Farnese bought at the Porta Settimiana, see Lanciani, Scavi, II.,
177; ibid, on a villa at S. Onofrio, bought in 1547 by Orazio
Farnese.
2 See Dengel, Der Palazzo di Venezia, 95 seq.
THE PALACE OF S. MARCO. 583
to the church above mentioned, which afterwards was
replaced by one of stone and formed a counterpart to the
corridor which unites the Palazzo Vecchio with the
Palazzo Pitti.^ His frequent visits to the Franciscan
convent adjoining S. Maria in Aracceli ripened in
Paul III. the intention of building a palace on that airy
height, from which one of the widest and fairest views of
Rome lay open. As a site he chose the garden of the
Franciscans facing the Corso.^ A brief of February 1546
ordained that this palace, erected at great expense and
adorned with paintings and stucco-work, should pass
neither to the Minorites of Aracceli nor to the holder of
the cardinal's title of S. Marco, but be a permanent
possession of the Popes.' Those of an older generation
can remember the picturesque grounds and the stern
tower of Paul III., with its wide survey. To the grief of
all friends of art, it fell a victim in 1886 to the great
memorial to Victor Emmanuel, which now conceals the
Holy of Holies of the Capitol.*
^ Together with the documents published by Lanciani (II., 55 seq.\
cf. the ^report of F. Peregrino, dat. Rome, Mar. 3, 1535, where it says :
" et gih. si da principio a far 1' corridor che andara dal detto palazzo di
S. Marcho al CapitoHo" (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). The hitherto
unknown account of a wooden bridge I found in the following post-
script to a *report of Sanchez to Ferdinand I., dated Rome, Apr. 22,
1535: "Papa deliberavit servande suae prospere valetudinis causa
habitare a die S. Marci palatium sancti Marci nuncupatum per totam
aestatem fecitque fieri pontem ligneum a dicto palatio ad monasterium
usque Aracceli, quo ipse ad officium divinum ad dictum coenobium
secrete ire possit" (Court and State Archives, Vienna).
2 See Casimiro, S. Maria in Aracceli, 468 ; cf. also J. F. Ferrettus
in CONTELORIUS, XL, 48, f. 243 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
3 See Casimiro, 468 seq. For the decoration see Bertolotti,
Speserie, 178.
* Picture in Schoner, Rome, 268; Cosmos Cath., 1899, ^IQ)
Dengel, Der Palazzo di Venezia, 16, 17, 19 ; see also Vetter, L' Ara
584 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
In certain respects also the beginnings of the Papal
palace on the Quirinal are linked with the name of
Paul 1 11.^ In the last years of his life he found pleasure in
visiting this salubrious hill, the approach to which was
made still better ^ in June 1549.
Among the most famous ^ restorations of Roman churches
undertaken '^ during the reign of Paul III., and approved
Coeli, Rome, 1886, 66 seq.^ where there is also a picture {cf. also Calvi,
in the N. Antologia, 1908, No. 886). The tower was much injured by
lightning in 1548 and had to be rebuilt in parts (see Lanciani, II.,
57). This same misfortune formed a theme for the court poets (see
Carm. ill. poet. Ital., VI., Flor., 1709, 343). There is an *epigram of
H. Borgia on the " Domus Capitolina" of Paul III., in Cod. Barb, lat.,
1903, f. I a'' of the Vatican Library.
1 Cf. Bertolotti, Speserie, 200. The scheme of buying up
Cardinal Carafa's villa on the Quirinal is mentioned in a *letter from
Serristori of Feb. 27, 1545 (State Archives, Florence).
2 *June 13, 1549: "Jacobo Meleghino sc. 100 in instaurationem
Celsi montis Caballi ad commodum S. B"'^ aptam exponenda." Mand.
1 548-1 549, f. 127 (State Archives, Rome).
3 Cf. AmaSAEUS, 74 scq.
* Thus on the Baptistery and the Lateran Basilica {cf ClACONlUS,
III., 557 ; Rasponus, Basil. Lat., 132 j^^. ; ROHAULT, Latran, planche
35 ; Atti Mod., IV., 128), on the campanile of S. Maria Maggiore
(*Mand., 1 543-1 545, f. 140. State Archives, Rome), at S. Pietro in
Carcere (Armellini, 2nd ed., 539), at S. Maria plantarum (Domine
quo vadis; see Ciaconius, III., 556), at the Pantheon (Forcella, I.,
295; ViscONTi, Congreg. d. Virtuosi al Pantheon, Roma, 1869, 16), at
S. Marcello (*Mand., 1537-1541, f- 160''), S. Anastasia (*Mand., 1539,
f. 92) and at the campanile of S. Maria de Gradulis ( = S. Aniano?)
(*Mand. 1540-1 541, f. 205^-206. State Archives, Rome). In 1545 the
roof of the Sixtine Chapel was restored ; *Mand., Jan. 3, 1545 : "A
m'° Quirico et m'° Francesco compagni muratori sc. 50 a bon conto
di reffare il tetto della capella di papa Sisto in palazzo che si abruscio la
notte di S. Silvestro" (*Edif. publ., 1544-1549, f. VI.; ibid.,i. VII.,
further payments for the same object. State Archives, Rome). For
the church of the confraternity of Papal servants, S. Marta near
S. Peter's, see Armlllinm, 761.
CHURCH KS RESTORED. 585
by his contemporaries, was especially that of S. Maria
in Sassia, which then was named after the adjoining
Hospital of S. Spirito in Sassia. From plans of Sangallo
an entirely new church was erected, a creation of the later
Renaissance full of simplicity and dignity.^ The works
also which Cardinal Federigo Cesi had undertaken since
1 544 on the Church of Our Lady, not far from the Palazzo
Mattei, led to a reconstruction of the former edifice, near
which St. Ignatius had set up a home for poor and
unprotected girls. The church received the name of
S. Caterina de' Funari ^ from the ropemakers who worked
in that neighbourhood in the ruins of the Flaminian
Circus. The rebuilding of the national church of the
French, S. Luigi, was still far from complete.^ No new
feature was added by these churches to the aspect of
the city.
The buildings erected under Paul III. in the States of the
Church, on all of which, almost without exception, Sangallo
was actively employed, consisted principally of defensive
constructions, the necessity of which, from the point of
view of a Turkish invasion, could not escape the Pope's
strong practical sense.* For the most part the works
were in the nature of restorations or the furtherance of
projects already begun. In this respect very compre-
hensive operations were carried out in the two chief sea-
1 Vasari, IV., 604, n. 3; Arch. Stor. d. ArtCj VII. (1893),
124; Armellini, 773; ClaUSSE, Sangallo, II., 356 seq.; Reper-
torium fiir Kunstwissensch., 1884, 443 seq.; Ebe, I., 24; VVlLLlCfl,
139 seq.
2 Armellini, 567 ; Forcella, IV., 331-334; Lanciani, Scavl, II.,
64 seq. For the facade, not fu>i5hed until later, and the archetype of
the later baroque facades of Rome, see WiLLlCII, J34 seq,
3 Fabricius, 240.
* Amasaeus, 66.
S86 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
ports, Ancona^ and Civita Vecchia,^ extending over several
years. Together with these, restorations were set on foot
on the castles and fortifications of Tivoli,^ Civita Castel-
lana,* Montefiascone, Ostia,^ Assisi,^ Anagni,^ Tolentino,^
* Cf. besides the ^accounts in the Roman State Archives, the *brief
to Baldovinetto, episc. Anconit., dat. Nov. 25, 1534, who had been
appointed by Clement VII. on March 16, 1534, "supremus curator
operis et fabricae fortilitii nostrae civit. Anconit. per eum (Clement VII.)
a fundamentis incohate." This was confirmed by Paul III., with the
injunction that the inhabitants of the town and county should assist
him (Min. brev. Arm., 40, t. 49, n. 44). The works consumed great
sums (see Nuntiaturberichte, IV., 158); by a * brief of Oct. 29, 1539,
to " Petrus Ventura Zephirus, commiss. general super munit. Anconae,"
Paul III. insisted on their completion (Arm. 41, t. 15, n. 1105). As
Sangallo in 1541 was given the task of building the citadel of Perugia,
his place was taken in Ancona by Gianbattista Pelori (see Atti Mod.,
IV., 250); Gianuigi (in the Rassneg. bibliogr. d. arte Ital. [1907])
had already been deputed for this work in December i539(*Mand.,
1539 to 1 541, f. 45, 57^ State Archives, Rome). From a *brief
to the " praesidens Romandiolae ep. Casali" of March 13, 1542, it
is evident that Cardinal Carpi had at the Pope's instance raised
15,000 scudi to be expended on fortifying Ancona against Turkish
attack. At the same time orders were issued to levy a like subsidy
on the Jews of the province for the protection of sea towns of the
Romagna (Arm. 41, t. 25, n. 673. Secret Archives of the Vatican).
ClACONius, III., 555.
2 Cf. GUGLIELMOTTI, Fortificazione, 225 seq.., where there are also
fuller details on the share taken by Michelangelo. The rich material
in the ^account books of the Roman State Archives has only been
partly utilised by Guglielmotti.
3 See *Mand., 1548 to 1549 and 1549 to 1550 (State Archives,
Rome).
« Ibid., 1535 to 1537; 1539 to 1542; 1540 to 1543.
* Cf. Guglielmotti, 56, 87 ; see also *Mand., 1535 to 1537 ; 1540
to 1 543 ; 1 548 to I 549 ; 1 549 to 1 550 (State Archives, Rome).
*^ Cf. A. Brisi, Delia rocca di Assisi, 1898.
^ ^Mand., 1545 to 1546 (State Archives, Rome).
8 Ibid.., 1548 to 1549.
THE FORTRESS OF PERUGIA 587
Camerino,^ Fano,^ Ascoli,^ Loreto,* Rimini/ Ravenna,^
Parma/ and Piacenza.^
An entirely new work was the fortress of Perugia,
erected after the insurrection. This was begun as early as
September 1540,^ but the progress was so slow that the
impatient Pope appointed a new commissary-general on
January the 14th, 1542.^^ It was not until 1543 that the
Rocca Paolina, as the mighty stronghold was called, was
finished in its essential features.^^ The situation of Perugia
at the point of junction of two ranges of hills offered great
difficulties in the construction of a fortress ; but they were
* *Mand., extraord., 1546 to 1548 (State Archives, Rome).
2 See Atti Mod., IV., 253 seq.
^ *Mand., 1535 to 1537 (State Archives, Rome).
* See TURSELLiNis, Hist. Lauret., 3; cf. also Belluzzi, 130, 180;
Stimmen aus Maria Laach, XL., 168, on the works on the Santa Casa.
s *Mand., 1535 to 1537 (State Archives, Rome).
6 Ibid.
^ See Atti Mod., III., 474 scq. ; cf. *Mand., 1548 to 1549; I549 to
1550.
8 See Atti Mod., II., 481 ; cf. Tes. seg., 1543 to 1545.
^ Pier Luigi visited Perugia at that time on account of the building
(see Antella's *report, dat. Rome, Sept. 24, 1540. State Archives,
Florence).
" See the *brief nominating Barthol. Massolus to be commissary-
general "arcis Perusie," whereby the work was completed. (Arm., 41,
t. 23, n. 53. Secret Archives of the Vatican) ; cf. also Vol. XI. of this
work, p. 334 seq.
" For what follows see article, with many illustrations, by G. BaCILE
Di Castiglione, in L' Arte, VI. (1903), 347 seqq. ; see also Atti Mod.,
II., 447 seq. ; Clausse, Sangallo, II., 375 seq. ; the periodical Augusta
Perusia, I. (1906). The inscription without the phrase often introduced
"ad coercendam Perusinorum audaciam" in Ciaconius, III., 555.
The only coat-of-arms in preservation is on the Porta Marzia, with the
inscription P. P. III. For the work of embellishment undertaken
under Cardinal Crispi, who was Legate of Perugia from 1 545, cf. ROCCHI,
Piante, 290, and the Miscell. of Benigni, cited supra, p. 579, n. 1.
S88 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
overcome by the genius of Sangallo, who produced a
remarkable specimen of engineering. The whole consisted
of two parts. Above was the so-called citadel, commanding
a large portion of the city ; somewhat lower down came a
second fort, named Tanaglia, connected with the former by
a long and steep approach. The citadel, which must have
taken up almost the whole suburb of S. Giuliana, occupied
the ground on which the prefecture now stands, with a
portion of the Piazza Vittorio Emmanuele, part of the
hotel Brufani, of the bank of Italy and of the Palazzo
Calderini. Above the entrance was a statue of Paul III.
in terra-cotta, with his name and coat-of-arms. In planning
the fortifications, Sangallo had spared not merely the
ancient Porta Marzia, but also the palace of the Baglioni ;
these were still visible in i860, but in the same year were,
together with the fortress and its system of works, razed to
the ground. The statue of Paul III. also was barbarously
destroyed, and, with the exception of one, all the fine coats-
of-arms and interesting inscriptions.
Orvieto, a town greatly loved by the Pope and to him a
second home, was in many ways embellished.^ He gave
orders for the restoration and rebuilding ^ of the Papal
Palace begun by Boniface VIII. and named Palazzo
Soliano. The famous fountain of Clement VII., the well
of S. Patrizio, was completed by Simone Mosca.^ In com-
* Cf. FUMi, La Prima entrata del P. Paolo III. in Orvieto, Orvieto,
1892, 6 ; see also Manente, 259, 277.
2 See FUMi (loc. ciL, 6) ; here also for the works in the Cathedral.
For the support of the "fabbrica del palazzone," cf. Lorenzo Monal-
deschi's *letter to the " Conservatori della pace" at Orvieto, dat. Rome,
Jan. 3, 1543 (Communal Archives, Orvieto).
2 Round the well runs a frieze with the Farnese lilies and the
inscription twice repeated : Quod natura || monimento || inviderat || indu
II stria adiecit {cf. Vasari, VI., 303 ; Piccolomini-Adami, Orvieto,
234; Atti Mod., II., 473 seq.).
WORK AT VITERBO AND FRASCATI. 589
memoration of this work, which was to supplement the
scanty water-supply of the town, Clement VII. had com-
missioned Benvenuto Cellini to strike a medal showing
Moses with his uplifted staff, and the thirsty multitude
lying at his feet. Paul III. caused the design of this
medal ^ to be appropriated for another bearing his own
image.
At Viterbo, which he first visited in 1536 and often
afterwards, his generosity was amply displayed. On his
first visit he at once took over the cost of finishing the
fine roof with which Sangallo was decorating the much-
frequented pilgrims' shrine of the Benedictine abbey of
the Madonna della Quercia. He also ordered a new
road to be made to this sanctuary, for which he had
a great veneration, and supplied it with a fountain.^
He also restored the palace of the Governors and the
CttStle.^
To the little town of Frascati in the Alban Hills he
devoted much attention. This delightful spot, famed for
its pure air and enchanting views, had become part of the
States of the Church in May 1537,* and during his frequent
' A specimen is in the Cabinet of Coins in Munich.
2 See Cronache di Viterbo, ed. CiAMPl, 436 ; ClauSSE, Sangallo,
II., 143 seq. ; PiNZl, Mem. e doc. s. S. Maria d. Quercia, Rome, 1880,
125, 138; Mortier-Ferretti, S. Maria d. Quercia, Firenze, 1904,
40 scq.^ 89 seq.^ 131 seq.
3 Cf. CiACONius, 557; see Noaves, VII., 57; for the castle see
*Mand., 1 535-1 537; 1 540-1543 (State Archives, Rome).
* Lucrezia della Rovere had sold Frascati to Pier Luigi Farnese on
Aug. 30, 1536 (see Seghetti, Frascati [1906], 154). Shortly after-
wards disturbances broke out in Frascati, whereupon Jo. Gasp. Argulus
was ordered there as commissary (see the *brief to him of Oct. 30, 1536,
in Arm., 41, t. 4, n. 51 of the Secret Archives of the Vatican). On
May 7, 1537, Pier Luigi Farnese gave Frascati to the Apostolic
Chamber, receiving Castro in exchange (see Seghetti, loc. cii.).
590 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
visits to the Villa Rufina — afterwards widely celebrated as
the Villa Falconieri — had captivated the Pope's fancy .^ In
1538 he revived the ancient bishopric of Tusculum ^ and
transferred its seat to Frascati, thus raised to the rank of a
city. A wall of defence was flung round the spot and the
interior so beautified that the town might have been said
to have been rebuilt. Situated amid vineyards and
olive trees, it became henceforth a chosen holiday place
for Roman society.^ A medal perpetuated the restoration
of the spot so near the ancient Tusculum, and the residence
of the Pope within its walls.*
Buildings and other works of general utility were
forwarded in many other cities of the Papal States by
the support of Paul III.: in Otricoli,^ Spoleto,^ Foligno/
^ For the Villa Falconieri, since 1907 the property of the German
Emperor, see Lanciani, Scavi, III., 45 ; Cancellieri, Sopra il
tarantismo, Roma, 1817, 157; Seghetti, 308.
2 Seghetti, 154.
3 There is a list of the houses pulled down in order to give regularity
to Frascati, with the sums paid in compensation, in the Arch. d. Soc.
Rom., XVI., 517 ; cf. Lanciani, Scavi, III., 44; see also Atti Mod.,
IV., 128, and specially Seghetti, 154 seq.
* Venuti, Numism., XXIX., 83 ; Barbier, III., 419.
5 See the *brief to Otricoli, dat. Feb. 4, 1547, giving permission to
rebuild the walls and to drain a marsh on the proceeds of increased
taxation (Min. brev. Arm., 41, t. 38, n, 63, Secret Archives of the
Vatican) ; ibid., in the index of briefs, a document is given under the
date of December 1548, by which the Vice-Legate of Perugia is
enjoined to inform himself concerning the works of the architect Petr.
Franc, dementis and of the commissary Franc. Castagna in the
draining of the marshes of Foligno, Trevi, and Montefalcone, and to
see to their payments.
^ See the *brief to Spoleto, dat. March 4, 1543, on the restoration of
the aqueduct (Min. brev. Arm., 41, t. 26, n. 159, Secret Archives of
the Vatican).
^ See the *brief to Foligno, dat. Perugia, Sept. 19, 1535: gift of
coo scudi for the repiir of the pa!;i.:c (Arm., 40, t. 52, n. 377, Secret
THE CAVA PAOLINA. 59 1
Spello,' Perugia,^ Loreto,^ Cesena,* Macerata-' and Ascoli.^
At the Villa Magliana, where the Pope often stayed,
restorations were begun from the year 1535.'' The Pope's
latter years were signalized by a work of exceptional
utility, which he also had commemorated by a medal;
this was a canai, the " Cava Paolina," for regulating the
overflow of the Velino and putting a stop to inundations in
the valleys of Rieti and Terni.^ Unfortunately, Sangallo,
Archives of the Vatican). See also the inscription from S. Feliciano in
CiACONius, III., 555, and Faloci-Pulignani, XVII., Centenario di
S. Feliciano, 242.
* See the inscription on the Palazzo Comunale.
^ See the *brief to Joh. Sbotta of March 16, 1537, concerning the
restoration of the Legate's palace (Min. brev. Arm., 41, t. 5, n. 98,
Secret Archives of the Vatican).
^ ClACONIUS, III., 556 J(f^.
* See the *brief to Cesena dat. Sept. 18, 1536: present of 1000
ducats for three years for the enlargement and adornment of the
town (Min. brev. Arm., 41, t. 3, n. 144, Secret Archives of the
Vatican).
° Reparatio pal. Macerat., *Mand., June 9, 1539 (State Archives,
Rome).
" Reparatio pal. Asculi., *Mand., 1545-1546.
' See *Mand., 1535-1537.
« See Gave, II., 344 ; Vasari, V., 469 ; Atti Mod., II., 482 seg. ; the
letter of Sangallo published in L' Umbria, 1900 ; Clausse, II., 401 se^.
The ^commission to " Petrus Angelinas episc. Nep. et Ant. de S. Gallo
arch, nost.,'' dat. Rome, March 2, 1545, "de exsiccanda palude Reatina"
in Cod. Vat., 3933, f. 21, of the Vatican Library. Here also belongs the
*brief to Bernardino Callini, Bishop of Segni, of June 11, 1545 ; to him
was given the post of commissioner "ad, dirigendos cursus aquarum
etiam per possessionesparticularium"(Min. brev. Arm., 41, t. 35, n. 355).
To the governor of Rieti was issued the command, dat. Terni, Sept. 7,
1546: since Reati, "in effosione lacus Velini" and "pro exiccandis
paludibus agri Reatini," had undergone great expense and derived
great benefit from the draining, all persons advantaged, including the
clergy, were to be compelled to contribute aid in money (Arm., 41, t. 37,
592 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
while laying out the works, contracted a deadly fever,
which cut him off in the midst of his labours at Terni on
the 29th of September 1546,^ In other parts of the Papal
States also Paul III. directed his attention to the drainage
of the marshes.2
The Pope also co-operated with and supported his
family in extensive building operations, especially in the
domain where the possessions of the house originally lay.
Pier Luigi Farnese restored and enlarged the castle at
Nepi^ built by Alexander VI., had a castle built by
Peruzzi at Caprarola,* and at a distance of six kilometres
from Castel Farnese founded in the valley of Olpeta
n. 606, Secret Archives of the Vatican). For a plan produced by
Fr. Oliva to prevent the inundation of the Tiber, see GORI, Archivio,
VI., 178.
1 The certificate produced by Clausse (II., 409) which places the
death on Sunday, Aug. 3, 1546, cannot be correct, for this reason, that
in that year the 3rd was not a Sunday. The 3rd October, which is often
given, and to which Thode (I., 445) still adheres, is also incorrect. The
right date is given in the *Ephem., very accurate in matters of chron-
ology : " 1546, 29 Septemb., obiit Antonius Sangallus inter architectos
sui temporis facile princeps" (Cod. Vat., 6978, f. 154, of the Vatican
Library). For Sangallo's family see Nuovi Documenti, ed. Berto-
I.'OTTi, Roma, 1892.
2 See the *briefs to Trevi, dat. May 2, 1535 (Min. brev. Arm., 40,
t. 51, n. 233), to Cardinal Cupis, dat. July 12, 1535 {ibid.^ t. 52, n. 251),
to Cardinal Grimani, Legate of Perugia, dat. Sept. 24, 1536 {ibid.,
Arm., 41, t. 3, n. 197, Secret Archives of the Vatican).
3 Cf. Vasari, v., 465 ; the description of Gregorovius (Lucretia
Borgia, 140-141) ; Atti Mod., II., 476 seq. An inscription on the castle
says: "P. Aloisius Farnesius Dux I. Castri at Nepete monimentum
hoc ad tutelam civitatis exstruxit 1540." Expenditure on these works
in the *Mand., 1545-1546 ; 1 546-1548; 1548-1551. The church of S.
Tolomeo {cf. Willich, 46) Paul III. helped by an Indulgence (see
Bulla indulgent., dat. 1542 vii. Id. Ian. A° 9°. An impression by
Bladus is in the Bibliotheca Vittorio Emanuele).
* Cf. WlI.l.ICH, 93 seq.
CONSTRUCTIONS OF VIGNOLA. 59;
the new town of Castro, with defences by Sangallo. This
architect also at Pier Luigi's orders drew up plans for the
ducal palace erected in Castro, for the church and convent
of the Franciscans, for the mint and the arcades of the
principal square. Thus, as Annibalo Caro remai-ked, out
of a den of gipsies rose a new Carthage. The comparison
was destined to be fulfilled to the letter : for a hundred
years later Castro, having risen in rebellion against
Innocent X., was utterly destroyed.^
A series of constructions in the Duchy of Castro were
about 1546 entrusted to Vignola, afterwards so famous.
At the beginning of Paul III.'s reign Vignola had been em-
ployed at the Vatican,^ when he also carried out pictorial
decorations,^ From 1541 to 1543 he resided in France;
after that he was a candidate for the difficult task of
executing the facade of S. Petronio in Bologna, a work
followed with deep interest by Paul III.* In spite of
Cardinal Farnese's^ warm recommendations Vignola's
sketches were rejected ; he then found in the Farnese
family more enlightened patrons of the architect's art.^
* CJ. Lett, famigl. di Caro., ed. COMIN, I., 184 ; Vasari, V., 463 ;
ClAUSSE, Sangallo, II., 306 seq. ; Navenne, 275.
2 See WiLLiCH, 16 seq.
3 *Nov. 22, 1538 ; Payment to Vignola for painting "scabelli in
thalamo S. Stis" (Mand., 1 537-1 541, f. 142^ ; cf. ibid., f. 155^ Dec. 24) ;
ibid., 1539-1542, f. 6 and 85 : " Petro de Senis et Jacopo de Vignola
pictoribus" for "pict. fact, in sex appendiciis tubarum ad usum milit.
equit. levjs armat. S. Stis" (State Archives, Rome).
* See WiLLlCH, 20 seq., 23 seq. For Paul III. interest cf. Belluzzi,
120 seq., 1 78. *The brief of confirmation of Vignola on the commission
of architects for S. Petronio is dated March 7, 154 1 ; Arm., 41, t. 20,
n. 200 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
^ See in Appendix No. 30 Cardinal Farnese's *letter of Aug. 23, 1545
(Secret Archives of the Vatican).
* See WiLLiCH, 30 seq., 40 seq,
VOL. XII. 38
594 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
III.
The highly prized tranquillity and prosperity which
Rome enjoyed under the rule of Paul 1 11.,^ the keen
interest of the Pope, his family, and the rich cardinals in
all branches of art, could not fail to exercise a stimulating
influence of the most useful kind.^ Very often, however,
the quality of artistic creativeness is not commensurate
with its quantity. This is specially the case with sculpture,
which held an even more subordinate place than it had
done under Clement VII. With the exception of the
Lombard, Guglielmo della Porta, who was repeatedly
employed, especially as a restorer of antiques, by Paul 1 11.,^
almost all the others engaged in the Papal service were
Tuscan sculptors. Among them are found Lorenzetto,
Bandinelli, Ammanati, Raffaello da Montelupo, Perino da
Vinci, Giovanni Antonio Dosio, Nanni di Baccio Bigio,
Simone Mosca, Montorsoli, and Zacchia.*
Michael Angelo was the authoritative name in sculpture
* Cf. the inscription, now vanished: "Paulo III. P.M. auree
securitatis authori Prosper Mochus muniendae urbis curator posuit
1546": FORCELLA, XIII., 173; see also Amasaeus, 56 seq.^bz seq.,
and the *poem by Martius Alterius in Cod. Vat., 3691, Vatican
Library.
2 For the advancement of art by the Farnese family and the
cardinals see MuNTZ, Hist., III., 236 seq., 260 seq.
2 See VaSARI, VII., 225; Mel. d'archeol., IX., 54 seq. Payments
to G. della Porta in Bertolotti, Speserie, 188, 190, 207, 211, and
Art. Lomb, I., 132 ; Lanciani, Scavi, III., 265.
* See MuNTZ, loc.cit.. III., 235 ; Reumont, III., 2nd ed., 723 seq.
The marble statue of Paul III. in the palazzo pubblico at Bologna is by
Zacchia. The promising Belgian sculptor Paul Albus died prema-
turely in 1538; his tombstone in S. Croce in Gerusalemme, which
Forcella (VIII., 192 seq.\ in 1876, could not get a sight of, is now
re-erected in that church on the left entrance. For Pietro Stella, who
died in 1543, see Bertolotti, Artisti Veneti, i>4.
RENOWN OF MICHAEL ANGELO. 595
even among his personal enemies. This great master,
upheld by the Papal favour, was a constant source of
wonderment to his contemporaries on account of his works
and of the individuality of his character. On the loth of
December 1537 he received the rights of Roman citizen-
ship, the highest honour which the Eternal City could
bestow.^ His fellow-artists, who were entirely under the
spell of his original and sovereign style, looked up to him
as a patriarch and paid homage to every judgment that
he expressed. There is clear evidence of this in the
description of the antique statues of Rome written in 1550
by Ulysses Aldrovandi. Notwithstanding the brevity of
his narration, he never omits to note the praise lavished
by Michael Angelo on those pieces by which the latter
had been specially attracted, as, for example, the Torso of
Hercules or the Amazon in the collection of Cardinal Cesi.^
Even the monument of Julius II., so great and powerful in
its first design, so poor in its final achievement, could not
impair his firmly grounded reputation. The statue of
Moses by itself compensated for all other deficiencies, and
raised the mausoleum of the Rovere to a solitary pre-emi-
nence over the long series of Papal tombs.' It might seem
almost an act of historic justice that the statue of Moses
should have been reserved for the burial-place of Julius H.,
while Leo X., who was so extravagantly belauded in his
lifetime, should have, like his cousin Clement VH., to rest
satisfied with a monument displaying the marks of a
sculpture already on the wane. On the other hand, the
representations of Paul HI. belong to the best works of
* See GregorOVIUS, Kleine Schriften, I., 249 set/. For Michael
Angelo's exemption from the jurisdiction of the guild of the Scarpellini
and Marmorarii see PogatscheR in Steinmann, II., 753 seg.
2 See Sprenger, 459.
• HxRNACK, Rom , II. : Neuere Kunst, m>4.
596 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
this period : his fine marble statue in the Capitol and his
magnificent bust now preserved in the Naples Museum.^
If the domain of sculpture left much to be desired, there
was rich compensation in the full blossoming of minor
arts and handicrafts. Medallists, jewellers, gold and
silversmiths, as well as artistic cabinet makers, produced
works of high perfection ; the period was also one in which
the manufacture of textile fabrics and of pottery flourished.
The account books of Paul III. abound in payments made
for a long succession of works of art of the above kind.^
Special mention is made of a new and magnificent tiara.^
The Pope would have ordered yet m.ore if his coffers had
not so often been drained by Turkish war expenses and
other imperative claims.* The wealth of Papal property in
work of this kind is clearly set forth in the inventories
drawn up during the reign of Paul 1 11.^
1 Cf. Vol. XI. of this work, p. 31.
2 Extracts concerning goldsmiths and jewellers are given in GORI,
Archivio, I., 82 seq.^ 85 seq., go, 95 seq., 99 seq., no scq. ; Bertolotti,
Speserie, 171 seq., 177, 179, 182-187, 191-196, 198, 199, 201-204,
Artisti Veneti, 30 Ji?^., Art. Bologn., 98 seq., and Artisti Subalp., 117.
For the goldsmith Pellegrino di Leuti see Atti Mod., VI., 341 seq.;
FONTANA, II., 463. Magnificent work is to be seen on the window
shutters in the Sala di Costantino in the Vatican. They are adorned
with the aims and emblems of Paul III. For tapestries of this Pope,
see Chronique des Arts, 1876, 262; MiJNTZ, Tapiss., 35, 38, and
Tapiss. de Raphael, 2 ; Jahrbuch der preuss. Kunstsammlungen,
XXIII., 106 seq. ; cf. also supra, p. 579, n. 3.
3 Amasaeus, 74 ; cf. MuNTZ, La Tiare, 78 seq., 89 seq.
* This reason was adduced by the Pope in a *brief to the Duke
William of Bavaria of July 18, 1540, in which he declares that he is
unable to buy a valuable cross (Min. brev. Arm., 41, t. 18, n. 615,
Secret Archives of the Vatican).
^ Cf. Inventarium sachrarii S. D. N. of Nov. 15, 1547 (Invent, I.
[3] in Stale Archives, Rome), published by Bertolotti : Inventaire de
le chapelle Papale sous Paul III. en 1547, annot. per X. BariUER DE
DISPERSION OF OBJECTS OF ART. 597
Unfortunately, only a very few relics of this period are
now preserved in Rome. At the time of the French
Revolution many objects of the highest interest and value
were seized as plunder.^ Tiiis was the heavy price which
had to be paid for the absence in Rome of a dynasty such
as existed in Florence, the hereditary owners of costly
works of art. To-day the swords of honour belonging to
the days of Paul III. must be sought for in Cracow and
Madrid.2 The Cluny Museum in Paris contains a precious
collection of faience.^ Among the treasures of the Naples
museum is the Cassettina Farnese in silver-gilt made for
MONTAUtT, Tours, 1878, and again in OEuvres, I., 273 seq. — both
unfortunately are insufScient. Professor Pogatscher having compared
the publication with the original MS., states : The inventory is not
printed in full ; the selection, both as regards what is given and what
is withheld, has been made in an arbitrary manner. Extracts printed
word for word are not distinguished from those which are merely
summarized ; two parts of the Inventory (from f. 8, 8'' and 15, 15'') are
printed twice over in a summary, out of sheer carelessness — the first
in Nos. 220-232 and 241-261, the second in Nos. 345-352 and 353-366;
this, too, is done in sucha way that many pieces of the Inventory appear
twice in print (f.^. 220 = 241,221 =242, 232 = 261, 352 = 366,and so forth);
that the duplicate copies are not identical throughout is owing to the
way in which the excerpts were made ; in each case only one selection
was hit upon, and the choice did not fall on the exactly identical
piece.
* Thus the silver statues of the Apostles made for St. Peter's in
1545 (see Arch. d. Arte, VI. [1S93], 239 seq. ; cj. Bertolotti, Speserie,
196-197, 199-200, 202-203).
2 The consecrated sword sent by Paul III. in 1539 to the Polish
King Sigismund Augustus was preserved in the cathedral treasury
at Cracow i^cf. Monum. du moyen-age et de la Renaissance dans
I'ancienne Pologne, p. p. A. Przezdziecki et E. Rostawiecki,
W Serie, Varsovie et Paris, 1855 seq.). The sword of honour of
Charles V. is in the armoury at Madrid (see Gaz. d. Beaux Arts,
1895, II., 483).
' Cluny, n. 2902-2903 ; water-jug with the Farnese arms.
598 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Cardinal Alessandro by Giovanni Bernard! da Castel
Bolognese. This casket is surmounted by an admirable
statue of Hercules ; at the four corners are Minerva, Mars,
Venus and Bacchus ; while the panels of rock-crystal
divided by caryatides are cut into representations of
ancient myths and stories.^ The magnificent candlesticks
and crucifix for long attributed to Cellini, and presented by
Cardinal Farnese to the treasury of S. Peter's, were made
in 1582 by Antonino Gentile da Faenza.^
More fortunately, the coins and medals of Paul III., who
endeavoured to regulate the coinage of his states with
great exactitude,^ have been almost completely preserved.
Among them are some fine pieces ; all reproduce admirably
the characteristic features of the Pope. The representa-
tions on the obverse, and the surrounding inscriptions,
present to the beholder the entire history of his papacy.*
The Papal mint then employed artificers of the first rank.
Benvenuto Cellini made for Paul III. a gold piece with the
Farnese arms on one side, and a stately, richly draped figure
of St. Paul on the other. Other names worthy of mention
here are Giacomo Balducci, Lodovico de Capitaneis,
* See MiJNTZ, Hist, III., 239, 712; Plon, Cellini, 296 seqq.;
Thode, v., 247 seq.
2 See Plon, 280 seq. ; Thode, V., 252 seq.
5 See Garampi, Monet. Pontif., 37 seq.^ 96 seq., 156, 159 seq. ; ibid.,
2$4 seq., "dichiarazione sul valore del ducato di camera, 1535," and
pp. 249^1?^., 256-289, tbe"capitoli" of theZeccaat Rome and other mints
in the Papal States. The number of coins minted under Paul III,
amounted, according to Cinagli, to 156, there is a very complete series
of these in the Vatican collection. C/. Vallentin, Les 6cus d'or
avignonois dvi Pape Paul III.: Annuaire de la Soc. Frang. de numismat.,
XIV. (1890) ; Vitalini, Scudo d' oro ined. di Paolo Ill.per Camerino
(1539): Riv. Numismat., XVIII. (1905), The pieces worth 10
bajocchi were called " Paoli " after the Pope.
* C/. the reproductions in ClACONiUS, III., 555.
CELLINI, AND LEONE LEONt. §99
Alessandro Cesati, called " il Grechetto," Giovanni Giacomo
Bonzagni, Pietro Paolo Galeotto, and Leone Leoni.^ The
last named was a man quite of the stamp of Benvenuto
Cellini, who began well under Paul III., but later on had
serious trouble through his coming into conflict with Pier
Luigi Farnese. Cellini's imprisonment in St. Angelo in
October 1538, on a charge of having embezzled Papal jewels
to the value of 80,000 ducats in the reign of Clement VII.,
his bold attempt at flight at the last moment and its mis-
carriage, his terrible detention in the lowest dungeon of
the fortress, and his final deliverance in November 1539,
through the intercession of Cardinal Ippolito d' Este and
Francis I., are all so well known from his autobiography as
to call for no further description here.^
Like Cellini, his enemy Leone Leoni, who is said,
against his will, to have saved the former's life, was also
forced to leave Rome. On account of a murderous assault
on the Papal jeweller, Pellegrino di Leuti, he was con-
demned to lose his right hand, but was saved from this
punishment through the influence of powerful patrons.
He was sent to the galleys instead, from which at the end
of a year he was released on the entreaty of Andrea
^ See MiJNTZ, L'Atelier mon^taire de Rome, Paris, 1884, 37 seq. ;
GORI, Archivio, I., 95 seq.^ no seq., 113 seq.\ cf. Atti Mod., IL,
254 seq. ; III., 9 seq. ; IV., i seqq. ; VI., i seq., 202 seq. ; Bertolotti,
Artisti Lomb., I., 282 seq., 301 seq., 305 seq., 316 seq.\ Artisti Mod.,
df^seq.; Armand, I., 149, 165 seq., 171 seq., 223 seq.; IL, 166 seq.^
296. For Cellini's scudo d' oro, see also Plon, 199 ; Castellani,
Lo Scudo d' Oro di Paolo III., conio di B. Cellini, London, 1903;
VlTALiNl in the Riv. Ital. di numismat., 1907.
2 Cellini Vita, ed. BacCI, 142 seq., 197 seqq. ; Plon, Cellini, 28
seqq. ; Bertolotti in Arch. Stor. Lomb., IL (1875), ^^21 seq., and
Artisti Lomb., I., 253 seq. ; GORi, Archivio, L, loi seq., 109; Benigni,
Miscell., v., 166 seq. For the date of liberation, see Casanova in the
Miscell. fiorent. d' erudiz. e di storia, 1 1., 22 seq.
600 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Doria. Leoni thereupon entered the service of the mint
of Milan.i
Alessandro Cesati, who was also famous as a carver
of gems, was introduced into the family and service of
Cardinal Alessandro Farnese by Annibale Caro, and
obtained through the former the post of a " maestro delle
stampe" in the Roman mint. He was also employed by
Pier Luigi and Ottavio Farnese on the coinage of Castro
and Camerino. Cesati designed a medal with a portrait
of Paul III. and a representation of Alexander the Great
in the Temple at Jerusalem, of which no less a judge than
Michael Angelo remarked that "the art must be near its
downfall, since it could reach no greater perfection than
this." 2 Cesati's fellow-countrymen, Lorenzo Marmitta
and the famous Valerio Belli, were rivals in the art of
working intaglios on crystal.^ Belli received, in 1545'
1 200 scudi for a cross together with two candlesticks
and paxes.* The clock-maker Cherubino had acquired so
great a reputation in his business that even Cellini was
forced to acknowledge it.
In the studios of the painters there was great activity,
for in this domain Paul III.'s patronage was exercised in
the most various directions. His first step was to gather
together again the school of Raphael scattered after the
sack. He gave special commissions to Perino del Vaga,
as well as to his pupils the Romans, Luzio and Girolamo
Sermoneta. Giovanni da Udine also returned to Rome.
* See Vasari, VII., 535 seq. ; Bertolotti, Artisti Lomb., I., 298
seq. ; Muntz, L' Atelier mon^t., 41 seq. ; Plon, L. Leoni, Paris,
1887 ; Jahrbuch der Kunstsamml. des osterr. Kaiserhauses, V.,
68 seq. ; XIII., 55 seq.
2 See BONANNi, 199 ; Atti Mod., II., 254 seq.
^ For V. Belli see our statements, Vol. VIII. of this work, 356, and
Vol. X., 358 ; for Marmitta see Period, di numismat., VI., 6.
* Bertolotti, Speserie, 197,
PERINO DEL VAGA. ^ 6oi
Perino del Vaga enjoyed special favour with the Farnese
family, and from 1544 onwards the Pope gave him a
monthly allowance of 25 scudi.^ Vaga took an important
part in the decoration of the Sala Regia as well as in that
of the Castle of St. Angelo.^ He also executed the pictures
on the entablature under the frescoes of the Stanza della
Segnatura,^ and in 1 546-1 547 decorated with paintings a
Loggia in the Vatican.* Like other eminent painters, he
did not disdain work of a less pretentious kind, such as the
painting of banners;^ he drew designs for carpets, church
vestments, and all sorts of minor departments of art.® The
ceaseless labours of his hand were cut short by death in
1547, while he was still in the prime of manhood. Vaga
was laid to rest in the Pantheon near to his master Raphael.'^
Near this church, in 1542, a corporate guild of artists
had been founded after the manner of the Association of
St. Lukc.^ The founder of this " Congregazione Ponteficia
dei Virtuosi al Pantheon " was Desiderio d' Adjutorio, an
* See Zahn in Arch. Stor. Ital., 3rd series, VI., 189 : cf. *Tes. seg.,
1544, f. 21, etc. ; cf. ibid.., 1547, f. 155 (State Archives, Rome).
^ Cf. supra., p. 576 seq.
3 Cf Vasari, v., 623 ; Chattard, II., 222 ; Platner, II., 242 seq.
* Payment for stucco-work and painting in the " loggia di mezzo del
palazzo" to Perino del Vaga, 1546-1547, in the *Edif. publ., 1542-1548
(State Archives, Rome).
° *i54i. May 21 : "due. 300 mag. Perino del Vaga et sociis pictori-
bus pro complemento ; scut. 650 pro pictura facta in banderiis seu
vexillis arcis s. Angeli et aliis " (Tes. seg., 1541, f. 83). *I546, Apr. 12 :
" Magistro Pierino del Vaga pictori due. auri nonaginta sex de paulis X.
pro ducato pro pretio picturae sexaginta quattuor drappellorum ad usum
cappellae majoris Suae S^'s per ipsum pict." (Mand., 1546, f. 45, etc.) ;
cf. also Bertolotti, Artisti Veneti, 18, and Artisti Bolog., 2)li 39-
6 See MiJNTZ, Hist, III., 544.
^ FORCELLA, I., 269, and the writing of Visconti (p. 67), as cited infra.
p. 602, n. I.
« Cf MiSSlRlNT, Men-, dell Acad, di S. Luc;\, Roma, 1823, 13 seq.
602 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
official in the Papal Chancery and canon of the aforcKiid
church, of which the second chapel on the left was dedicated
to St. Joseph and appropriated to the uses of the new
corporation. Their aim was defined as the increase of
God's glory and the elevation of the Holy Church. Their
patron was St. Joseph ; their motto was " Florent in
Domino." In the pillared hall of the Pantheon their
works were exhibited yearly on St. Joseph's Day.^ The
worthy canon made it his avowed object to win over
his artist friends, whose course of life was often far from
serious, to better things, and to induce them to introduce
into their work a Christian rather than a pagan spirit.
Besides Perino del Vaga, among the first members were
Antonio and Giovan Battista da Sangallo, Jacopo Mele-
ghino, the great architect and sculptor Giovanni Mangone,
the engineer Clementi Dentocambi, and the wood-carver
Antonio della Banda. After the founder's death he was
probably followed in the presidency by Antonio da San-
gallo, while the secretary was Mario Antonio Labacco.^
Sebastiano del Piombo painted at the beginning of the
reign a portrait of Paul III., which has, however, dis-
appeared ; the only other known work of this period by
Sebastiano, who up to his death on the 2ist of June 1547
was one of the Piombatori of the Papal leaden bulls, is
the noble portrait of Cardinal Pole.' In 1540 Francesco
Primaticcio came to Rome to make copies of antique
sculpture for Francis I. and to purchase works of art*
* Cf. ViSCONTl'S treatise based on the Acta of the Archives of the
Congregazione : Sulla istituzione della insigne artistica congregaaione
ponteficia del virtuosi al Pantheon, Roma, 1869.
2 C/: ViSCONTi, loc. cit., II, 16, 31.
* D' ACHIARDI, Sebast. del Piombo, Roma, 1908,286,288,292,357.
* He engaged his fellow-countryman Vignola to help him (see
WiLLICH, 20).
TITIAN, AND DANIELE DA VOLTERRA 603
An event in the artistic world of Rome was the appear-
ance of Titian in April 1543, when he painted a portrait of
the Pope. In the autumn of 1545 he paid a second visit;
when Paul III. appointed him a residence in the Belvedere
the jealousy of the other painters was at once aroused.
Neither then, however, nor two years later was there any
employment of the greatest colourist of his time.^ Con-
sequently, to painters of the second and third rank,
mostly Tuscans, the chief tasks were allotted. The most
important among them was Daniele da Volterra. A
pupil of Sodoma and Peruzzi, he worked with them on
the decoration of the Sala Regia ; in 1547 he succeeded
Vaga, with a monthly salary of 20 scudi.^ Volterra at
this time had already completely passed under the
influence of Michael Angelo, as is clearly shown in the
Descent from the Cross painted by him for the chapel
in the Trinita de' Monti founded by Elena Orsini. This
picture, now unfortunately much damaged, was justly
celebrated in its day; it is a composition remarkable for
dramatic movement and certainty of drawing.'
Like Daniele da Volterra, Giulio Vasari of Arezzo was
also under the enchantment of Michael Angelo. Paolc
Giovio and Bindo Altoviti had in January 1543 called
Cardinal Alessandro Farnese's attention to this painter,
who owes his reputation less to his compositions as an
» Vasari, VII., 446 ; Atti Mod., II., 131 seq. ; Bertolotti, Spcserie,
186, 187, and Artisti Veneti, 18 ; CrOWE, Titian, II., 471 seq. ; Clausse,
Farnese, 23 seq.^ 72 seq.., 196 seq. ; GRONAU, Titian, 129 seq.., 140.
Titian's letter to Charles V., dat. Rome, Dec. 8, 1545 in Fillon, Inven-
taire des autographes, Paris, 1877 seq.., 2097. Titian's nomination as a
Roman citizen took place on Mar. 20, 1546 (see Gregorovius, Kleinc
Schriften, I., 302).
2 Bertolotti, Speserie, 204.
» Cf. Reumont, III., 2nd ed., 725 ; Allgem. Zeitung, 1858, No. 217
604 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
artist than to his Lives of the Painters, a work which
appeared a year after the death of Paul III.^
A representation of Justice executed in oils for the
Cardinal by this painter pleased his patron so much that
he also commissioned him to decorate with frescoes the
great court-room of the Palace of the Cancelleria. This
work was intended to be carried out as a surprise for the
Cardinal on his return from his German mission, which was
to be celebrated as a great triumph, Vasari worked at
full speed : only a hundred days had been spent in bringing
the task to completion on the 23rd of November 1546.
"You can see that by looking at them," was Michael
Angelo's opinion of the frescoes. Giovio himself, who
was Vasari's personal friend, had to admit that the
portraiture which had been freely introduced left much to
be desired.^ Nevertheless, tlicse paintings illustrative of
the age of Paul III. are not by any means without interest,
and are at the same time the forerunners of those in the
castle of Caprarola.^
On the left side wall is represented the Apostolic Court
of Chancery as it was under Paul III., the founder, as the
inscription states, of the Golden Age.* The Pope, clad in
pluviale and camauro, sits on a throne and presents to a
figure kneeling at his feet bulls and rescripts. By his side
are the presidents of the Chancery and Dataria, Cardinals
1 See supra, p. 530 ; Atti Mod., II., 121 seq.
2 See Atti Mod., II., 125 seq.; cf. Kallab, "jb seq., \\lseq. The
court-room was called from the frescoes the " Sala del centi giorni."
^ The frescoes were reproduced in the periodical Catholicum Riv.
Illustr., Roma, 1899, Vol. I., Part 3, p. 11 seqq. The explanations are
not always apposite, and the inscriptions are not fully given. Since the
latter are also wanting in Forcella, and as far as I know are only to be
found in a few private copies, I give them in the following notes.
* Aureum saeculum condit || qui || recto aequabilique ordine || cuncta
dispensa*.
FRESCOES AT THE CANCELLERIA. 605
Alessandro Farnese and Guidiccioni. In the lorci;round
are figures in the act of making petitions or offering gifts —
among the latter strange animals even are introduced, such
as a giraffe, an elephant, and two camels ; in the immediate
front of the picture an allegorical figure of the Tiber lies
stretched, who is crowned by Romulus and Remus. On
each side of the fresco two allegorical figures are painted.
The inscriptions declare them to be Justice and Eloquence.^
On the corresponding left wall, whore the entrance door
is placed, Paul's reconciliation of Charles V. and Francis I.
at Nice is celebrated. The Pope appears on the Sedia
Gestatoria and blesses the monarchs, who are surrounded
by their retinues, as they make their pact of peace. The
two allegorical figures are repeated on both sides of this
fresco, and represent Love and Concord.^
Of the two great frescoes on the principal wall one
commemorates the nominations to the Cardinalate in which
Paul III. rewarded true merit. The scene is a church, with
pillars copied from those in St. Peter's, and reputed to have
once been in the Temple of Jerusalem. Portraits of the
great men who are receiving the purple fill the composition
— Contarini, Sadoleto, Bembo, Pole. Many other likenesses
are introduced, among others that of Giovio, who composed
^ Under Justice : Maiestati ac ditioni || vim tuetur || et fidem conciliat.
Under Eloquence : Segnes animos || excitat iratos || mulcet. Above
on this wall are the arms of Paul III. and busts of Ca;sar and
Alexander with the inscriptions : Expedito vigore animi || cuncta
pervicit, and : Supra Garamantas et Indos || protulit imperium.
^ Under the principal picture one reads : In pace || optimae artes
excoluntur || ingenia ad frugem coalescunt || publicae privataeque opes |j
augentur ; under Charity : Christianae pietatis || perfectum specimen |i
ostendit ; under Concord : Res parvas auget j| et insuperabiles reddit.
Above on this wall are the arms of Charles V. and the busts of Titus
and Augustus, with the inscriptions : Templum pacis condidit, and :
Jauum clausit.
6o6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the inscription, and of Michael Angelo, as the greatest
painter in the Pope's employment. In the foreground is
the figure of disappointed Envy, who is devouring snakes.
The whole is crowned by the arms of the Farnese upheld
by Fame and Virtue.^ At the sides of this fresco the figure
of Goodness is introduced.^
The other fresco of the principal wall is certainly the
most interesting of the whole group. Paul III. here
appears as the patron of art. Vasari has given expression
to this idea by representing the Pope in the act of issuing
commands with a gesture of great earnestness to the
kneeling females, who are the allegorical figures of Painting,
Sculpture, and Architecture. Paul III. is strangely clad
as the high priest of the Old Testament Scriptures.
Vasari chose this unusual garb in order to celebrate the
Pope's great work of the reconstruction of St. Peter's. The
plan of this Temple of the New Covenant, destined to cast
the sanctuary of Jerusalem into the shade, is spread before
the Pope. Sangallo's sketch is plainly recognizable. In
the background the new buildings of the Basilica are
prominent, thronged with busy workers, while beasts of
burden drag forward the building materials. This repre-
sentation is very interesting, as it shows how far Sangallo
had advanced with the building of the new St. Peter's up
to the time of his death. It shows the area of the south
cross, afterwards removed by Michael Angelo, the pro-
visional choir of Bramante, the barrel roof of the south
cross only just finished and still covered with scaffolding,
* Under this fresco : In summa fortuna || nihil praestantius || quam
beneficii recte collati || memoriam || ad posteros extendisse. A repro-
duction of the portrait of Michael Angelo in Steinmann, II., 485,
who intends to bring out a special publication of the frescoes.
^ Under this is the inscription : Viridi crescentique virtuti || ianuam
f^ndit.
DECORATIONS AT THE CANCELLERIA. 607
and on the left an octagonal cupola. In the foreground
is placed an aged man supporting himself with his left
hand on the Holy Scriptures, while with one foot he
tramples on two volumes which evidently contain false
teaching. This allegorical figure of Papal Rome as the
shepherd of true doctrine holds in one hand the keys, in
the other the triple tiara, while a genius crowns the head
with laurel. At the sides of this fresco^ two symbolical
figures again appear : Superstition and Religion with the
keys and the threefold crown.^ Under the last figure runs
an inscription relating how Vasari executed his great
task in the space of a hundred days.^
In accordance with the stricter spirit of the times, the
female figures in these frescoes are clad in drapery. The
decorations also in the apartments of the Cancelleria
reserved by Cardinal Farnese for his own use show no
heathen emblems, hitherto the choice of princes of the
Church, but are taken from subjects in sacred history.
Much has been altered or destroyed at a later period, but
the roof and frieze of the study still remain undisturbed
This apartment was called the "camera della Genesi," from
the pictures of the Creation with which it was adorned.
^ The inscription under this is : Magnificentiae studium || cum
praeclara pietate coniunctum || mortales coelo infert. Above, the busts
of Trajan, Numa, and Agrippa. with the inscriptions : Mentis honoribus
II Quirites exornavit || ferocem victoriis populum || inducta religione ||
fehciter || rexit, and: Ter cons. Pantheon extriixit.
* The inscription under Opulence runs : Optimo cuique || exercendae
virtutis II instrumentum; under Religion: Diis homines proximos ;|
facit.
3 Alexandre Farnesio card, vicecancell. || iubente || quam expediti
operis picturam non abs re nata || praeceps occasio postularet Ij Georgius
Aretinus centesimo die ita munus absolvit || ut properantem obsequendi
necessitas iure excuset || nisi mira celeritas augeat dignitatem ||
^IDXLVI.
6o8 HISTORY OF THE POPES
Here Perino del Vaga has displayed a Raphaelesque grace
in pictures of a " genre " character. The ceilings of the
study and the chapel are both nnasterpieces.^ The chapel
decoration came from the pencil of Francesco de' Rossi
named Salviati.^ According to an entry in the accounts,
he also painted the chamber before the " guardaroba " in
the Vatican, and a representation of King Pepin.^
Among the many other artists* then at work in Rome
special mention should be made of the illuminators
Vincenzo Raimondi and Giulio Clovio,^ as well as of the
painter on glass, Pastorino, who was also distinguished as
engraver of coins and medals ; unfortunately, the windows
with which this talented Sienese adorned the Sala Regia
have not been preserved .^
The names enumerated above do not, however, exhaust
the artistic chronicle of the Papal Court. The masterpiece
of painting which owed its existence to Paul III. remains
to be considered, the Last Judgment of Michael Angelo.
Clement VII., the second Pope of the house of Medici,
can claim the merit of having first suggested this subject
1 See BURCKHARDT-HOLTZINGER, Gesch. der Renaissance, SS^seg.
2 These paintings are also reproduced in the periodical Catholicum,
Vol. I., 5th Part, p. lo segg. ; cf. Vasari, VII., 31.
3 See Arch. Stor. Ital., 3rd Series, VI., 188.
* Cj. the fragments in Bertolotti, Speserie, 176, 178, 179, 180,
188, 191, 195, 203, 204, Art. Belgi, 42, and Art. Lomb., I., 102 se^.
* C/. GoRi, Archivio, IV., 110; MisSirini, Accad. di S. Luca, 55;
MiJNTZ, Biblioth., 97, 104 se^., 108. For Clovio see our statements,
Vol. X. of this work, 351, n. 3 ; Seibt, Studien zur Kunst und Kultur-
gesch., III. (1891), 7. For the Psalter supplied to Paul III. in 1542
(Fonds lat. 8880, Biblioth^que Nationale, Paris) see Muntz, Hist, III-,
719. A breviary containing more than a hundred fine illuminations,
once belonging to Card. A. Farnese, is in the National Library,
Naples.
6 C/. Atti Mod., v., 39 seg'^. ; Muntz, Atelier monet, <7 se^ ;
Jahrbuch des dsterr. Kaiserhauses. XII., 87 seg.
THE FRESCO OF THE LAST JUDGMENT. 609
to the great painter.^ But the glory of its achievement
belongs to the reign of Paul III., at whose instigation this
work of incomparable majesty and dramatic power was
executed, forming the keystone to the monumental fabric
of the art of the Italian Renaissance.
Very few accounts, unfortunately, exist of the genesis of
this gigantic fresco, which displays the consummation of
the Divine Creation upon earth. It is certain that the
work in the Chapel could not have begun earlier than the
period between April the lOth and May the iSth, 1536,
since not only had the huge scaffolding to be erected, but
the altar wall also to be prepared.^ All the frescoes here
existing, the Assumption, the Nativity, and the Finding of
Moses, as well as two lunettes painted by the master under
the Jonas, had to make room for the new creation with its
titanic proportions. According to Vasari, the wall was
also covered with a thin layer of burnt brick projecting
slightly at the top, so that dust and soil might be prevented
from injuring the surface of the picture.'
In the Papal brief of the ist of September 1535 the
cartoons are spoken of as begun. The proposal of
Sebastiano del Piombo that the picture should be executed
in oil was rejected by Michael Angelo, as were all other
offers of help ; he was determined to work in fresco and to
work single-handed. With the exception of the faithful
Francesco Amatori, named Urbino, who mixed his colours,
he had no one by his side.*
The devotion with which the old man flung himself into
* Cf. our statements, Vol. X. of this work, 363.
2 See Steinmann, II., 489, and Dorez in the treatise cited infra,
p. 610, n. 3.
3 See Vasari, VII., 209 ; Steinmann, II., 489.
F. Amatori received from the Pope monthly 4 scudi (see PoGAT-
SCHER in Steinmann, II., 769).
VOL. XIL 39
6lO HISTORY OF THE POPES.
his work is shown from the number of drawings and
sketches still in existence ; the original cartoon, on the
other hand, has disappeared.^
Paul III. watched the progress of the work with im-
patience. In January 1537 he was already urging on its
completion,^ and on the 4th of February 1537 he appeared
at its inspection in the Sixtine Chapel.' In other parts of
Italy as well the greatest interest had been aroused. Pietro
Aretino, the trifler, had the audacity to try and impose
a sort of programme on the painter in a letter of the 15th
of September 1537, filled with exuberant praise. The
reply was polite but cold. Michael Angelo declined to
allow his work to be influenced by fantastic conceptions of
the Last Judgment ; besides, his painting was by this time
almost finished.* This was unquestionably an exaggera-
tion ; four full years had yet to pass before the fresco could
be uncovered,^
Ecclesiastical functions in the Chapel were not impeded
for any great length of time by the work of Michael
Angelo. As far as can be established, there was only one
' See Springer, 121 ; Steinmann, II., 605 seq. ; Thode, V., 5 seqq.
2 G. M. della Porta reported on Jan. 21, 1537, to the Duke of
Urbino : " Michelangelo m' ha promesso di far ad ogni modo il
cavallo che V.S. gli dimanda fra 15 giorni non ostante la perpetua
solecitudine che gli fa il papa di quella sua pictura di capella " (State
Archives, Florence). Cf. GRONAU in Jahrb. der preuss. Kunstsamml.,
XXVII., Supplement 8.
' See DOREZ in the Comptes rendus de I'Acad. des inscript. et
-jelles lettres, 1905, Mars-Avnl, 234-235.
* MiLANESi, Lettere, 472 ; Aretino's letter in BOTTARI, III., 86.
» On Nov. 26, 1537, G. M. della Porta reported to the Duke of
Urbino : " Pigliai tempo e modo di parlar con Michelangelo, del quale
difificilmente si po haver copia stando continuamento occupato alia
pictua della capella di Sisto" (State Archives, Florence). Cf.
Gronau, loc. cit.^ Supplement 9, and THODE, V., 4.
THE FRESCO OF THE LAST JUDGMENT. 6ll
actual interruption, in November 1538; during the interval
Paul III, made use of the Hall of the Popes as a domestic
chapeV as Sixtus IV. had done formerly.
In December 1540 the upper portion of the colossal
picture was at last finished, and admitted of the removal
of the scaffolding.' Then undoubtedly the work was
inspected by the Pope. On this occasion also the incident
related in Vasari's well-known anecdote must surely have
taken place. The Papal master of the ceremonies, Blasius
de Martinellis, objected to the number of nude figures in
the composition, and the painter took his revenge by
portraying Blasius under the form of Minos. When the
personage thus caricatured complained to the Pope, the
latter replied that he could give no redress as his authority
did not extend over hell. As Condivi says nothing of
this episode, and the head of Minos is not a portrait at
all, the authenticity of the story is not to be depended
upon.^
The completion of the lower portion occupied Michael
Angelo for a whole year. With what fiery energy he flung
his whole strength into the work, heedless of the heat of
the Roman summer, is shown indirectly by his letter of
* Cf. PoGATSCHER's investigations, loc. cit., 775.
' The payment was made on Dec. 15, 1540 (see Pogatscher in
Steinmann, II., 769).
3 Against Kallab {loc. cit., 7), Steinmann (II., 511) has tried to
substantiate the assumption on the authority of another independent
source (L. Domenichi, Facetie, Firenze, 1562, 242). He overlooks,
however, the circumstance on which Kallab lays so much stress, that
Minos if not a portraiture at all. In favour of Kallab there is also
the circumstance that Domenichi attributes the altercation to the
curiosity of Blasius de Martinellis, who wished to see the picture at
too early a stage. Any unwarranted intrusion into the Chapel is out
of the question, as the Chief Master of the Ceremonies had the right,
if anyone had, to go in and out of the Sixtiae at all times.
6l2 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the 25th of August 1541.^ Not until the autumn, when the
scaffolding would be taken down, could he draw a breath
of relief.* The solemn uncovering of the fresco took place
on the eve of All Saints, October the 31st, 1541. Paul III.,
who had returned from Bologna only the day before, cele-
brated Mass on this occasion.^
Just as nine-and-twenty years before, when the ceiling
was exposed to view, all Rome had streamed into the
Chapel, so now a vast concourse came together to gaze on
the marvel on the walls. If the impression made on the
former occasion was powerful, that impression was now
surpassed. The work deceived and exceeded all expecta-
tions. They were deceived in so far as this new repre-
sentation of the Doom was essentially different from all
that had been painted before ; they were exceeded, for
even the most vivid phantasy could not have conjured up
anything bolder or more powerful.* The feeling was
general that this majestic effort represented in more than
one aspect an epoch in the development of art. Hence-
forward the fresco became an object of study. It was
drawn, it was copied, it became the centre of an active
interest which Michael Angelo observed with peculiar
feelings ; he is said to have exclaimed, " What a crop of
fools this work of mine will produce ! "^
In spite of the strangeness of the style, the general
attitude of the public towards the fresco was one of
unqualified admiration. The Florentine, Niccolo Martelli,
» MiLANESi, Lettere, 167.
' The payments on Nov. 19, 1541, for taking down the scaffolding
are in Pogatscher, loc. cit., 770.
' See the evidence of Gualterius in Ehses, IV., 210, n. 2, and
Pogatscher in Repertorium ftir Kunstwissensch., XXIX., 398.
* See Keppler, 253.
' See Stkinmann, II., 519.
THE FRESCO OF THE LAST JUDGMENT. 613
wrote, full of enthustasm, to the painter on the 4th of
December 1541: "What can I say? Has not God
through you given to us a perfect picture of the dreadful
ji:dgment of mankind in that fresco which you have just
unveiled ? He who has only seen it once is amazed, and
he who has heard it spoken of rests not until he has seen
it. And when at last the longed-for vision meets his eye,
he finds that the renown of it is indeed great and undying,
but the work itself still greater and divine." ^ " He who
has not seen it," says another Florentine, " cannot imagine
it."^ The poets who, according to the custom of the time,
wrote encomiums on the works of the famous artist could
hardly find language adequate to express their appreciation
of this latest achievement of his old age. " O sacred
Rome ! " cried Gandolfo Porrino in a sonnet, " never did
Caesar or Emperor renowned of old ever make thee glad
with such a triumph as this."*
Hostile criticism, however, was not wanting. It has
hitherto been supposed that this was started by Aretino in
* See II primo libro delle lettere di N. Martelli (1546), 8; cf. also
Steinmann, II., 513.
2 Animo Fiorentino, ed. Frey, 127.
3 See Steinmann, II., 513; cf. Frey, Dichtungen, 272. The
following is the epigram, still unpubhshed, of H. Borgia ad Michaelam
Angelum Flo. : —
Cum Deus extremam trepidis mortalibus horam
Vellet et horrificum pandere judicium
Ac terrere homines, ne digna perennibus olim
Suppliciis peccent, regna sed alta petant :
Angele magne, tuum divino numine pectus
Imbuit artifices edocuitque manus,
Ut tu, qualis erit lux ilia tremenda, figuris
Exprimeres veris consuleresque pclo.
(Cod. Barb, lat., 1903, f. 20, Vatican Library.) A poem by Steuco on
the Last Judgment is mentioned by Tiraboschi (VII., i, 318).
6l4 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the year 1545, but an unpublished letter from Nino Sernini
to Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga of the 19th of November 1541
shows that immediately after the uncovering of the fresco
a strong opposition was aroused. This came from the
Cardinals of the strict party of reform, who declared that
entirely naked figures were unfitted for the decoration of
the house of God. Sernini considered this censure un-
justified, as among the many hundred figures represented
only ten could be pointed out the nudity of which was
objectionable. He also mentions other strictures : that
Christ was beardless, had too youthful an appearance, and
lacked majesty. The fault-finders were, however, in the
minority. Cardinal Cornaro was spoken of as specially
friendly to the fresco, and as having said that if Michael
Angelo would only paint for him one single figure out of
the many, he would give him any price he chose to ask.
Cornaro at once commissioned a painter to make for him
a faithful copy of the work,^and Cardinal Gonzaga also took
immediate steps to procure a replica. Sernini drew his
master's attention to a young painter from Mantua, who
stood in need of help, Marcello Venusti ; among the
many copyists of the fresco he is the best.^ Venusti was
also afterwards ordered by Cardinal Farnese, who had a
keen artistic sense, to make a copy for him.* This work,
^ See the text of this important ^letter in Appendix No. 9 (Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua). This as well as that of December 4 has hitherto
escaped all notice, having been introduced wrongly into the Roman
correspondence of Paul V. A very laconic refusal of the fresco
belonging to the year 1544 in Arch. Stor. Ital, 5th Series, XII.,
280, 281.
* See in Appendix No. 10 N. Sernini's *letter of Dec. 4, 1541 (Gon-
zaga Archives, Mantua).
• See Bertolotti, Speserie, 211 ; cf. Lanciani, Scavi, II., 160;
Vasari, Vll., 575 ; NOLHAC in the Studi e doc, V., 251. For the
copy of the " Mortol Sins," by Vasari, see Kallab, Vasaristudien, 72.
THE FRESCO OF THE LAST JUDGMENT. 615
now in Naples, is the original from which most of the
reduced reproductions of the Last Judgment have been
taken. By means of copper plates the fresco soon became
popularized.^ These plates and Venusti's copy have a
special interest, inasmuch as they render faithfully the
original composition of the fresco prior to the touching up
and destruction which, at a later period, it underwent.
No one certainly ventured to take liberties with the
work during the lifetime of Paul III. How little the Pope
shared the objections thus brought forward is shown by
the circumstance that in October 1543 he appointed a
special superintendent for the preservation of the paintings
in the Sixtine, the Sala Regia, and the Cappella Paolina,
This post was bestowed upon Francesco Amatori, a com-
petent person, at a monthly salary of six ducats. It would
be his duty, so ran the deed of appointment, to protect all
the fine frescoes, put up at a great cost by the Apostolic
See, from dust and every kind of damage and from the
fumes of smoke from the candles which had to be burned
during divine service in both chapels.^ The opposition,
however, was not silenced ; it must have gathered consider-
able strength, since in November 1545 Aretino, whose ear
was quick to catch the dominant note in public opinion,
ventured to give expression to its voice in the harshest and
most injurious way. There was certainly no one in Italy
who was more unfitted to be the custodian of morality
than this man, whose scandalous life corresponded to his
shameless writings. In April 1544 Aretino had already
assured Michael Angelo, in a letter asking for drawings,
that the sight of a copy of the Last Judgment had affected
him to tears.^ When the painter refused to comply with
^ See Steinmann, II., 517 seq. ; Thode, V., 17 seqq.
2 See PoGATSCHER in Steinmann, II., 757 seq.
• See BoTTARi, Lettere, III., 114; Gukl, I., 149.
6l6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
further requests of the importunate writer the latter, whose
vanity had been sorely wounded by the incident of 1537,
began to think of revenge. This he took by means of a
disgraceful invective in which, while feigning moral indigna-
tion at the outrage on decency inflicted by the fresco, he
accused the master of impiety and irreligion,^ Michael
Angelo met the attack with the silent contempt which in
such cases is the best weapon.
Paul III. had not the slightest intention of complying
with Aretino's demand that he should take measures
similar to those employed by Gregory the Great against
heathen statues. But in other quarters, on the contrary,
Aretino's invectives- fell on willing ears. In the "open
letter" composed by an Italian Protestant, Paul III. was
reproached for having placed in a chapel a picture which
would have found a worthier destination in a wayside drink-
ing-house.^ The same reproach recurs in a satirical Italian
sonnet which corresponds to this letter in the grossness of
its contents.* The enemies of the Pope knew what they
were about when they sought to attack him on this point :
public opinion was beginning to be much more strict with
regard to the use of nude human forms in painting and
sculpture.
In the spring of 1549 an opposition arose in Florence
directed against Bandinelli's statues of Adam and Eve,
works certainly entirely unfitted for a church, in which
Michael Angelo was sharply attacked as the originator of
objectionable subjects for art. References were made to
» See Gave, II., 332 se^. ; Guhl, I., 150.
2 See the letter of year 1547 in BOTTARI, III., 152 ; c/. Gaspary,
ll., 478, 686.
3 See Cantu, II., 61 ; c/. supra, p. 513.
♦ **Sonetto : " Guiditio di Michel Angelo Fiorentino" among the
Pasquilli in Cod. Ottob., 281 1, f. T},.^ of th^- Vatican Library.
CENSURES ON THE FRESCO. 617
painters and sculptors who had Lutheran sympathies, to
works of art which undermined faith and piety.^
In the oration on Art composed under Aretino's influence
by Lodovico Dolce in honour of Titian in 1557, the Last
Judgment in the Sixtine Chapel was severely censured on
account of the indelicate treatment of the female form, the
complete disregard of drapery, and the uniformity of tone
therein exhibited.^
According to the statement of Vasari,^ hitherto accepted
by all students, the austere Paul IV. was the first who gave
orders that the offensive nudities in the Last Judgment
should be painted over. Evidence for this, however, has not
yet been adduced. As a matter of fact, a very considerable
space of time elapsed before the stage of painting-over was
reached. It was not until the reign of Pius IV. that the
demands of the strict reform party were put into execution.
On the 6th of September 1561, Scipione Saurolo
transmitted to Charles Borromeo, Archbishop of Milan, a
memorial intended for the Pope, inveighing against the Last
Judgment. The fresco, so ran this document, must be an
object of holy hatred, since it offends the Divine Majesty,
for the nudities in it so predominate that even many
admirers deplore this feature. Where on earth, asks
Saurolo, in colour or in stone, has anyone seen such repre-
sentations of the Lord God? Who ever looked upon a
painting of that last dread judgment in which the bark of
Acheron was depicted ?*
* See Canti!t, II., 280; Gave, II., 500; Tacchi Venturi, I., 87 ;
Riv. bibliogr., XVII., 89.
2 Cf. Platner, II., I, 276 ; Gaspary, II., 468,
3 Vasari, VII., 65, 240.
* Although mentioned in CANXtr (II., 280), this letter has been passed
over by all writers on the Last Judgment. Researches for the original in
the Arcbiepiscopal Archives in Ivlilaa have unfortunately led to no result.
6l8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
There is no doubt that representations of this kind in-
fluenced the strong regulations which the Council of Trent,
in the twenty-fifth and final session of the 3rd of December
1563, passed concerning pictures unfitted for exhibition in
churches. The work of Michael Angelo was now spared
only a little time longer from the brush of the improver.
The master, who died on the i8th of February 1564, was
probably not aware of the decision of the Congregation
of the Council on January the 21st, that the objectionable
naked figures in the pictures of the Sixtine Chapel should
be painted over, and in other churches unseemly or evi-
dently false representations destroyed.^ As it was desirable
that this decision should be executed as sparingly as
possible, the work was entrusted to a pupil of Michael
Angelo, Daniele da Volterra, of whom it w?.s expected that
he would limit himself to alterations that were absolutely
necessary. Daniele, who earned for himself from this com-
mission the nickname of the " breeches painter," died in
1566, and Girolamo da Fano carried on the work of
emendation.^
As it was the good fortune of Michael Angelo to pass
away before hands were laid upon his work, so also was he
spared the knowledge of the, in part, totally unfounded
attack on the Last Judgment delivered by Giovanni
Andrea Gilio in his Tzvo Dialogues, published at
* The important *decision of the Congregatio Concihi Trid. of Jan.
21, 1546, hitherto unknown, was to this effect: " Picturae in capella
Apostohca coperiantur, in aliis autem ecclesiis deleantur, si quae ob-
scenum aut evidenter falsum ostendant, juxta decretuni secundum in
Sess. 9 sub Pio " (Cone. 9, f. 80, Secret Archives of the Vatican).
2 Vasari, VII., 240, n. I ; Steinmann, II., 515 seq. Here mention
is made of the danger which the Last Judgment incurred under
Gregory XIII. ; not, however, the same danger that arose under
Clement VIII. (see MiSSlRINl, Mem. d. Accad. d. S. Luca, Roma,
1823, 69).
CENSURES ON THE FRESCO. 619
Camerino in 1564. "For the sake of his art," says Gilio,
" Michael Angelo disregarded reverence and even historical
truth itself, and despised the awe w^hich attaches by right
to this stupendous mystery."^
If Gilio went too far in his strictures, the Venetian
Inquisition at a later date went to the opposite extreme in
their defence of Michael Angelo. When in 1573 Paolo
Veronese was cited before this tribunal on account of his
picture of the banquet in the house of Levi, he appealed to
that serious master Michael Angelo. The Inquisition
retorted on him, " Do you not know that in a painting of
the Last Judgment, where all must be unclothed, no clothes
need be introduced ? What is there, then, in these figures
that has not been inspired by the Holy Ghost P"^
In Rome other opinions prevailed. Under Sixtus V.
further effacements were made of objectionable portions of
the Last Judgment.* The last work of this sort was under-
taken under Clement XIII.*
These repeated repaintings were carried out for the most
part on the upper part of the fresco. The two lunettes,
with hovering figures of angels bearing the instruments
^ See Steinmann, II., 555 seq. \ cf. Platner, II., i, 227, 286, and
KraUS-Sauer, II., 548 n., who very rightly finds fault with t^ilio for
his entirely misplaced quibbling. See also Thode, V., 68.
2 P. Veronese's trial was first translated into French by Baschet in
the Gaz. des beaux Arts, 1867, and into German in Zahn, Jahrbuch
fur Kiinstwissensch., I., 82 seq. ; there is an Italian version by Caliari
(P. Veronese, Rome, 1888). The passage in question is given here,
p. 104; Kraus-Sauer (II., 548 seq.) attaches altogether too much
importance to it (see Keppler, 274 seq.). The whole matter was also
not so obscure as Sauer supposes, since Guhl had dealt with it in his
well-known Kiinstlerbriefen (II., 363 seq!)., and J. GrauS (Der Kirchen-
schmuck, XXIV., 90, Graz) had called attention to it in 1893.
^ Cesare Nebbia was paid in 1586 "per aver coperto certe cose
vergognose " (see Bertolotti, Artisti Mod., 32).
* See Steinmann, II., 541.
620 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of the Passion, underwent stringent handling. By the
alteration of the colouring of the background this portion
seems now entirely separated from the central group, with
which it was in close combination. In the figures sur-
rounding Adam individual parts of the body have been
broadened in an arbitrary manner. Still worse is the
disappearance of the bank of cloud which, also on the left-
hand side of the spectator, separated the upper from the
lower section of the picture, whereby the figures of the
saints there introduced have lost their foothold. In the
lower part candle-smoke and incense have done much
damage. Single heads which are still visible in the plates
are now no longer recognizable in the fresco.
In consequence of all these disfigurements and altera-
tions a judgment on the pictorial qualities of the fresco is
no longer possible. The distribution of light and shade,
which, calculated by the antemeridian light, brought all
the masses of figures into a clearly organi2ed membership,
can now only be guessed at. Notwithstanding all these
drawbacks the fresco overpowers the spectator, chains him
by its enchantment, so that, like one spellbound, he be-
comes absorbed in the stupendous creation. The first
impression made by this picture, sixty feet in height by
thirty broad, on which Michael Angelo with unprecedented
audacity has riveted his conceptions, is one of sheer
bewilderment. It is only gradually that the eye at last
finds its focus and sees clearly.^
* Cf. Bole's descriptions (Meisterwerke der Malerei, Brixen, 1893,
95 seq.); Steinmann (II., 534 seqq^ and Keppler (248 seq).
Thode (V., 49 seqq^ tries very cleverly to determine the individual
figures, and thereby dififers in many respects from Chapon (Le
dernier jugement de Michel Ange, Paris, 1892). I cannot, however,
admit all his explanations, as he is too anxious to identify the figures
with di finite personages.
THE COMPOSITION OF THE FRESCO 621
The central point of the whole composition is Christ, the
Judge of all men, who appears in a golden blaze of glory.
He had Himself declared that when He came again He
would come in His Divine Majesty (Matt. xvi. 27 ; xxiv. 30 ;
XXV. 31). His form is youthful and of herculean build. He
is scantily draped, beardless, and with flowing hair. With
His left hand He points reproachfully to the wound in His
side. His right hand is uplifted high to reject and punish.
He is the Rex treviendce majestatis — the Juste judex
ultionis as He is called by the Franciscan Thomas of
Celano in his Dies Ires. He is the Almighty in the act of
springing from His throne of clouds to pronounce the
sentence of eternal justice : " Depart from me, ye cursed,
into everlasting fire " (Matt. xxv. 41). The day of wrath, of
the avenging judgment, already foretold in the prophecies
of the Old Testament (Isa. Ixvi. 15 seq.', Joel ii. 29 seq.,
iii. 2), and described in all its terrors in the Dies IrcB of the
Church's Office for the Dead, has come at last. Like a
lightning flash the appearing of the Judge thrills through
the hundreds of forms portrayed in immeasurable and un-
speakable fear. It is this emotion which dominates the
whole composition. Every face is filled with anguish,
dread, and horror. Even Mary, the ever-blessed Virgin and
Mother of God, trembles. She turns away her head from
the rejected souls to seek the glance of her Divine Son
whose awful verdict fills with emotion the patriarchs,
prophets, apostles, martyrs, and saints standing by His
side. Two colossal figures here appear as the representa-
tives of the Old and New Covenant ; on the spectator's left
hand^ is Adam, on whose shoulders hangs the fell of some
animal ; on the right is Peter displaying the keys of the
Church, entrusted to him as the faithful steward of the
* In the following description the spectator's right or left hand is
always meant.
622 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Lord. Around Adam are grouped the saints of the Old
Testament: Abel, Moses, John the Baptist; with Peter
are Paul and John. At the feet of Christ on the clouds
St. Lawrence is seated, carrying his trophy of victory, the
gridiron, and with him St. Bartholomew holding the
implement of his martyrdom, the knife, in his right hand
and in the left his skin as it had been flayed.
Above, into the further perspective, other forms of saints
are soaring and complete the circle of figures which
surround Christ like a garland. On both sides of this
incomparable centrepiece appeared hosts of the blessed
massed together, and all alike in deep emotion. On the
left, women chiefly are represented in all stages of life,
from childhood to hoary age. The foremost group is
particularly striking. To a woman of massive form,
absorbed in the contemplation of Christ, a young maiden
clings for help. In like manner on the right a young man
of herculean build advances with a cross, probably the
good thief Dismas, as the representative of penitent
sinners.^ Further upon this side, corresponding to St.
Lawrence and St. Bartholomew, are witnesses unto blood,
sufferers exceedingly for the name of Christ, all with the
symbols of their victory whereby they were made worthy
of the Kingdom of Heaven. There are the Apostle Simon
with his saw, St. Catherine with her wheel, St. Blaise
with his hackle, St. Sebastian with his darts. These
are the souls of those who, in the language of the
Apocalypse, were slain for the word of God and His
testimony, to which they held fast, and who cry with a
loud voice, " How long, O Lord (holy and true), dost
* TnODE (V., 59 seq.^ 6i) sees in the cross-bearer St. Francis of
Assisi, and in the woman with the young girl, St. Mary Magdalen as
patroness of penitent women. The latter explanation seems more
appropriate than the former.
THE COMPOSITION OF THE FRESCO. 623
Thou not judge and revenge our blood on them that dwell
on the earth ? " ( Apoc. vi. 10).
In order to soften the shattering impression made by
this group of martyrs the painter has introduced into the
background touching pictures of the reunion of those who,
closely linked together in this life, are now, after the lapse
of ages, brought face to face in recognition ; but here again
also forms reappear quaking as they gaze upon their Judge
in that hour, when the "just themselves shall tremble."
Others in deep abasement accept their salvation as an
unmerited grace, or express their thankfulness with up-
lifted arms; others again, filled with hope, stretch out their
hands to Christ in supplication. While in pictures of the
Judgment, as hitherto known to Christendom, the saints
and martyrs were represented as calm spectators of the
scene, all here to the further ranks appear under the
influence of the most powerful emotion ; with spellbound
gaze all are drawn to the central figure of the Judge as He
passes the sentence of eternal condemnation.
High above, in the two terminal half circles of the wall,
bands of angels are borne along as if impelled by tempes-
tuous winds. They are depicted as youths with powerful
frames, unclothed and without wings. They carry the
implements of the Passion : the crown of thorns, the
scourge, the hyssop and the sponge, the ladder, the pillar
of scourging and the cross, " the sign of the Son of man."
On the right hand is the heavy column of stone, on the
left the wood of the cross ; each one a dumb yet eloquent
indictment of those who, while on earth, neglected the
fruits of Christ's Passion and on whom now the sentence of
final damnation is passed.
The upper half of the picture, which represents the
Judge in heaven re-echoing the sentence of condemna-
tion, and the lower half where earth and hell appear.
624 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
are bound together by a group of angels who are aj^ain
represented as muscular youths. They are the angels
of the Apocalypse, blowing their trumpets, eight in
number, terrible in aspect, summoning with their blasts
the dead from all the corners of the earth, in the words of
the Dies Irce: —
Per sepulchra regionum
Coget omnes ante thronum.
With these awakeners of the dead three other figures are
joined, with the books from which, according to the Apo-
calypse of St. John (xx. 12), the departed are to be judged
by their works. Accordingly on one side is the great and
weighty Book of Death, requiring two to uphold it, while
on the other is the Book of Life, with the good works
inscribed within it, held by one. The latter turns to the
left. Here the just soar up to heaven aided by friends or
are actually drawn on high by means of the chaplet of the
rosary. This representation of the power of prayer to
Mary, the help of Christians, points directly to Michael
Angelo's Catholic feeling, which has been so strangely and
so groundlessly impugned in connection with this very
portrayal of the Last Judgment.^
Underneath the resurrection of the blessed who, in the
words of Holy Scripture, " shall be taken up together with
them " — the living — " in the clouds to meet Christ, into
the air" (i Thess. iv. 16), is seen the earth moving in the
endless infinity of space, in which the painter has laid the
whole great drama. In faithful consistency with the
vision of Ezechiel (xxxvii. i-ii) and with reminiscences of
• Thus V. Valentin in his book, Uber Kiinst, Kiinstler, und
Kunstwerke (Frankfort, 1889). See, on the other hand, Janitschek
in Lit. Zentralblatt, 1890, 192, and Kallab in the article referred to
infra, p. 627, n. I.
THE COMPOSITION OF THE FRESCO. 625
Dante the resurrection of the flesh is accomph'shed on this
little spot of earth. On the field full of bones there is
murmuring and movement, bone draws near to bone and
flesh and sinews cover them, the skin closes over them,
and at last the Spirit also breathes through the great army
which lives again.
The picture is one of shuddersome fidelity. The dead
arise at the sound of the trumpets, lift the stones from
their graves, shake off the dust from their bones and the
sleep from their eyes, revive and slowly raise themselves
to hear the irrevocable sentence. Single figures such as
the skeleton, still hampered with the winding-sheet and
staring into space from eyeless sockets, make an indelible
impression.
But on the other side things yet more terrible arc
displayed. Not without a meaning is the range of clouds
there represented as a fortress wall, not without a meaning
do the martyrs there exhibit the instruments of their
deaths with gestures of menace : for among the accursed
whom the eternal Judge must shut out from heaven
because they would not serve Him on earth are some who,
like giants of the ancient mythology, would scale the
regions of the blessed by force. A fearful battle is here
engaged of which the issue cannot be doubtful. The
eternal Judge has uttered His decree and its execution
will be immediate. The angels separate the wicked from
the good (Matt. xiii. 49) and hell can claim as prizes of
victory those who have lived as servants of Satan and as
such have died. One figure is filled with the consciousness
of this and never has painter limned so horrible an image
of despair. One of the damned close to the angelic
trumpeters is snatched away by two grinning devils, a
serpent is twined round him and bites him in the thigh.
He does not defend himself. Gnawed to the core by the
VOL. XII. 40
626 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
feeling of his rejection, he stares blankly before him, half
covering his face with one hand. Lasciate qgni speranza !
The rest who have perished through their mortal sins,
struggle as they will, are cast off by angels or dragged
down by devils and the leaden weight of guilt, just as on
the opposite side the just move irresistibly heavenward.
This contrast enhances the effect in the highest degree.
In the host of the damned Michael Angelo's whole genius
finds expression. These Titans in all the exuberance of
flesh and blood, which shall offer a rich prey to their
tormentors, suffer, as in Dante's Inferno, punishments
congruous with their vices.
Underneath the headlong descent of the damned,
Charon's boat unloads its burden on the strand of hell.
The vessel is heavily freighted ; but the passengers, wailing
and cursing, are loath to disembark, so that the grue-
some ferryman has to beat the reluctant with his oar and
to tilt the wherry over with his foot in order to empty it
of its cargo. Thus no other egress is left to the lost but
the furnace of fire where are wailing and gnashing of teeth
(Matt. viii. 12; xxii. 13). The inhabitants of hell, greedy
of booty, their fires burning brightly, with grimaces of
Satanic glee draw their victims to land with rakes. There
in demoniac calm stands erect a naked man, his body
embraced in the twofold coil of a serpent : this is the
Minos of Dante's hell, who apportions to each soul the
place appointed — and also a personage on the ecclesiastical
stage well known to his contemporaries,^
The obvious borrowings from Dante's immortal poem, in
which Michael Angelo, in the lower right-hand quarter of
his fresco, has stereotyped in a magnificent way some of
the features of his own day, very soon excited attention,
• Cf. d'Ancona, Sacre Rappresent,, III,, 501, 520; Kallab, p. 142,
S,s cited infra, p, 627, n, I.
INFLUENCE OF DANTE ON THE FRESCO ^2"]
But modern investigation has shown that in many other
portions as well he has drawn upon the kindred genius of
the great poet for his representations. Besides, a more
general influence of Dante's creation on the imagination
of the painter is worthy of remark: the descent of the
lost into Hell corresponds in a certain degree to the
Inferno, while the groups of the blessed rising on high
to life eternal corresponds to the Purgatorio} As further
elements of inspiration, along with earlier pictures of the
same subject, a foremost place of consideration must be
given to Holy Scripture and the Dies Ircs.^
In accordance with the serious tendency of Michael
Angelo's genius is the one-sided, but, in view of the
conditions of the time, perfectly intelligible conception of
the Last Judgment as a wholly punitive manifestation.
1 Cf. especially W. Kallab'S treatise : Die Deutung von Michel
Angelos Jiingstem Gericht, in the Eeitriigen fur Kunstgesch., dedicated
to F. Wickhoff, Vienna, 1903, 138-153. I cannot mention this
authoritative work of a scholar snatched too early from the pursuit of
knowledge without expressing my thanks for the guidance afforded to
me personally, on many of the points here under discussion, during
his presentee in Rome in 1901 {cf. also Steinmann, II., 559 seq. ;
Kraus-S.\uer, II., 542 seq.; BORINSKI in Der Zeitschr. fiir Asthetik
und allgemeine Kunstwissenschaft, II., 2 [1907], and Die Ratsel
Michelangelos, Miinchen, 1908). Groner (Die christl. Kunst, 1907,
139) does not seem to know the treatise by Kallab, yet he asserts that
the echoes of Dante are " apparently only isolated prettinesses *[sic !]
in the great whole," and that the prophet Joel has inspired the whole
composition.
2 Kraus-Sauer (II., 543, 543) is right in insisting on the influence
of the Dies IrcB ; but together with this more consideration should be
given to the influence of Holy Scripture, of which, according to Condivi,
r.Iichael Angelo was an earnest student, than is here the case. This
was written before I had seen the work of Thode, who (V., 24 seqq^
brings out most forcibly the Biblical sources of inspiration, while
at the same time restricting those attributable to Dante. See ibid.,
21 seq., remarks on the earlier precursors of Michael Angelo.
628 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
While the author of this conception, the expression of
which was intended to terrify a corrupt age into conversion
and repentance, was leading up with all his powers to the
contemplation of Christ and the saints, he brought a work
into existence which, by the strangeness and novelty of
its style, appeared quite erroneously to many to be the
product of caprice and fancy. The final close of human
history and the beatification of the just were not, as in
the paintings of Fra Angelico, the themes that attracted
Michael Angelo, but solely the reprobation of the lost. The
words of terror, " Depart from me, ye cursed," dominate
the whole picture. Everything is so powerfully and
violently concentrated on this one motive of the Last
Judgment that even the blessed quail with fear and the
martyrs cry out for vengeance, not for their own sakes, but
in order that the justice of God may be glorified. That
this justice is equally manifested at the Last Day in the
rewards of the just is consequently almost disregarded.
The fresco, therefore, has been called by something of a
misnomer. It would better be entitled, "The Condemna-
tion of the Lost." <,
If it is taken into consideration that Michael Angelo,
following the bent of his powerful and gloomy tempera-
ment, wished to depict this one side of his subject only,
then one of the chief objections to his representation is
already removed. Another, that he broke away from
tradition, cannot also be admitted without modification.
The references to Holy Scripture, to the Dies Ires, and to
Dante show how little Michael Angelo intended to desert
Catholic teaching, even if in its interpretation he went
entirely on a way of his own. A modern investigator has
come to the conclusion that in this gigantic picture no
feature is to be found which is not in harmony with the
canons of literary or artistic traditions, leaving out of the
CRITICISM OF THE FRESCO. 629
question, naturally, the new expression of form.^ This is
correct; but the indiscriminate application of these ex-
pressions of form not only to the angels and saints, but to
Christ the Lord, cannot altogether be brought into harmony
with tradition. Theological tradition certainly might be
appealed to in support of the nakedness of the saints, of
those risen from the dead, and even for the scanty drapery
of the Judge,- but the objectionable element is to be found
much more in the portrayal of the figures — above all, in
that of Christ, who is made to look half like a Hercules
and half like an Apollo, and displays no stamp of super-
human majesty.^ And in another respect also Michael
Angelo has indulged in a remarkable deviation from
conventional usage: in placing the picture on the altar
wall, to which it does not properly belong, and where it
is little in harmony with the Holy Sacrifice. A much
better position would have been on the inner entrance
wall, where it would have been seen by the faithful as they
went out at the close of divine service, and have given
* Cf. Kraus-Sauer, II., 541 seq.
* Ibid., II., 544 seq.
3 Steinmann, who cites two early Italian painters for the almost
entire nudity of the Judge, admits, however, that here the master broke
entirely with ecclesiastical tradition in representing the Saviour of the
world in the bloom of youth and untouched by sorrow. Woltmann
(II., 588) describes the Christ of Michael Angelo as painted " in derision
of all tradition" {cf. also Keppler, 265; MackOWSKY, 237). The
statement of P. Veronese (see supra., p. 619) that the Virgin JMary was
also originally represented as an undraped figure was certainly rejected
by Springer (p. 427), but is now again reasserted (Haendcke in the
Kunstchronik, XIV. [1903], 61 ; Berteaux, 105 ; RiEGL, Barockkunst,
42 ; Mackowsky, 383). lilary, as a matter of fact, is represented in an
attitude which without clothing would be meaningless ; full of terror
at the Judgment, she draws her vesture around her and gazes as
through a veil at the forms of the saints soaring upwards. Only when
clothed has the figure any meaning.
630 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
them food for reflection.^ Had it been placed there, in
accordance with a hitherto very general custom, many of
the objections which even at the present still find expression
would have been silenced.
Finally, as regards the nude figures, to which so much
exception has been taken from the strongly religious
point of view, it would seem that Michael Angelo intended
by his thoroughgoing display of nakedness to symbolize
the freedom from all earthly conditions of the soul,^ which
had to stand bare and without disguise before the judg-
ment-seat of God. These herculean figures, with their
knotted muscles and intense seriousness of countenance,
are, besides, so conceived that they could not in any
instance become to the beholder a source of sensual
temptation. How far the painter with his undraped
athletic figures has overstepped the limits which ought to
be observed within the domain of the beautiful and of
religious arts is a question on which probably there will
always be a mixture of feelings and a diversity of opinions.^
^ Cf. GrauS in Kirchenschmuck, XXIV., 89. I cannot assent to
the contrary opinion of Kraus-Sauer (II., 547). The doctrinal
tendency of the whole pictorial scheme of the Sixtine, which is here
very appropriately insisted on, is directly in favour of the entrance wall.
It is impossible, indeed, to say definitely how far Michael Angelo had a
free choice in the matter one way or the other.
2 Mackowskv, 241.
' Saner, whose appreciation of the Last Judgment (Kraus, II., 545
seq^ is as warm as it is thorough, touches the opposite extreme from
the hostile critics of the l8th century (see Thode, V., 70 seq.) and
the Romantics {cf. Montalembert and Leveque's opinion, given by
SORTAIS, in the Etudes, LXXXV. [1900], 320 seq.^ and the immoderate
invective of Kreuser in the Organ fiir christliche Kunst, 1871, 79)
and declares Keppler's opinion to be too severe. The latter therefore
has, in the new edition of his admirable treatise, mitigated his censures
in certain points ; nevertheless he produces an array of serious
objections {op, cit.^ p. 263 seq.). Cf. besides MackGWSKY, 242 seq. F.
THE CAPPELLA PAOLINA. 63 I
The Last Judgment was hardly finished when, in the
middle of November 1541, Paul III. commissioned Michael
Angelo to undertake a second great task.^ This time he
was not called upon to enlarge the dwelling of the Farnesi
but to decorate the palace of the Popes.^ Close to the
Sixtine Chapel, separated from it only by the Sala Regia,
Paul III. had built a new chapel from plans by Sangallo,^^
the vaulted ceiling of which had been ornamented in
stucco by Raphael's pupil Perino del Vaga.* The
RiEFFEL (Katholik, 1909, I., 387) insists, in a review of Sauer's work,
with reference to the judgment there past upon the fresco : " It will
always be difficult to turn away from this picture with unmixed feelings.
It is impossible to fill up the gap between the profoundly Christian and
ethical substance of the picture and the alien types in which it has
been expressed and to reconcile the idea of Christ and the saints with
its incorporation in the frames of antique gods and Titans. ... To us
who cannot see with Michelangelo's eyes or feel with the emotions of
his soul, the picture disturbs us much more than it shocks, and there-
fore Keppler's verdict hardly seems too strong."
1 Cf. Gaye, II., 289, 290, and in Appendix No. 9 *Sernini's letter
of Dec. 19, 1 541 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
2 M.\CKOWSKY, 244.
3 See Vasari, V., 466; Clausse (Sangallo, II., 366) dates the
building "vers. 1540." The exact date is given by the *Diary of
Blasius de Martinellis, who reported on Jan. 25, 1540 : " Papa reversus
Romam ex provincia patrimonii fecit celebrare missam in capella sua
noviter erecta in palatio, quam dedicavit in invocatione b. Pauli."
Paul III. attended this Mass in person. On March 10, 1540, Blasius
de Martinellis speaks of the "capella Pauli in palatio" (Secret
Archives of the Vatican, XII., 55).
* *I542, Agosto 27: "Scuta 100 auri in auro . . . mag. Perino
pictori palatmo circa incrustationes cementarias di stucco vulgo
nuncupatus in capella palatii apostolici laboranti" (Mand., 1540-
1 543, State Archives, Rome). While Michael Angelo was painting the
walls of the Cappella Paolina work was still continuing on the decoration
of the sanctuary. *I542, Settemb. 24: " M™ Girolamo falegniame
detto il Bolognia de dare . . . scudi 10 hauti da m. Jacomo Meleghino
62,2 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
walls of this chapel, dedicated to St. Paul and known
as the Cappella Paolina, were to be adorned with frescoes
by Michael Angelo. The latter undertook the task un-
willingly; the painting of fresco, he complained, was a
toilsome undertaking for an old man of sixty-seven ; more-
over, his obligations connected with the monument of
Julius II. pressed heavily upon him. Duke Guidobaldo
had indeed given him a respite for such a period only as
the work on the Last Judgment lasted in the full expecta-
tion that, when the latter was finished, he would devote
himself without delay to the completion of the mausoleum
on which his labours had been interrupted so often. After
Paul III. had removed this difficulty also^ Michael Angelo
bent himself to this new burden for the sake of a Pope to
whom, as he himself declared, he could refuse nothing.^
The Pope certainly had a share in the choice of subjects
per mano di Benvenuto Olivieri et questi a bon conto di tellari di noce
chel fa per li dua finestroni di vetro della capella nova di palazzo"
(Edif. publ., 1542, 1543 ; cf. Bertolotti, Speserie, 184). *I544, Nov.
15 : "A m. Nicolo Francese vetraro scudi 7 per sue fatiche et spesa
di stagno et fillo di rame posti a rifare li 4 pezzi di vetriate ritornate
alii finestroni della capella nova di palazzo, dove hora depinge m
Michelangelo" (Edif. publ., 1544 al 1549). On Oct. 4, 1544, there are
entries for Pietro Sancta and Jacomo scultori of "sc. 50" for the
"ombrella di marmor posta ne la volta de li stucchi verso la capella
Paulina" (Bertolotti, loc. ctt., 189). About 1545 a bronze tabernacle
was begun for the chapel {ibid., 188-190); 1546 the arms over the
doors of the chapel were paid for {ibid., 189). The marble doors ("janua
marbi mixti") were not finished until 1549 (*Mand., 1 549-1 530, State
Archives, Rome). Scipione Gabrielli *reported on Nov. 29, 1549, that
there had been an assembly of Cardinals " in una cappella nuova fatta
de la f. m. di P. Pauolo chiamata la cappella di Pauolo nofi ancora
fitiita^^ (State Archives of Siena).
1 Cf. Frey, Briefe, 345 seq. ; Gave, II., 297 seg. ; Guhl, I., 135 seg. ■
JUSTi, 323 seg. ; Thode, I., 436 seg.
* T.ett, di Michelangelo, ed. Milanesi, 490; Guhl, I., 142.
THE CAPPELLA PAOLINA. 633
for the frescoes in the Cappella Paolina. The glorification
of the two princes of the Apostles who had sanctified Rome
with their blood was in full accord with the associations of
a house of worship destined to be the private chapel of the
Papal Palace. It is remarkable that the companion
picture to the crucifixion of St. Peter should be not the
beheading of St. Paul but his conversion. That a scene
from St. Paul's life should be chosen arose certainly from
the fact that he was the patronal saint of the Farnese Pope.
That the conversion rather than the martyrdom was chosen
can be explained from the Pope's annual custom of keeping
that feast, the 25th of January, with great solemnity in
S. Paolo fuori le mura.^ It is more probable, however,
that the painter, on artistic grounds, avoided a duplicate
representation of martyrdom with its necessary similarity
of grouping and treatment.
Paul III. took the greatest interest in the frescoes. As
early as the 12th of July 1545 he made an inspection of
the work.2 On the 13th of October 1549 the veteran of
eighty-two mounted the ladder to the platform in order to
examine minutely the details of the paintings.^ Unfortun-
ately, a fire, the effects of time and later restorations have
done great injury to both these rich compositions. The
lighting is also so unfavourable that without the assistance
of copper plates it is impossible to become acquainted with
^ In the years 1535, 1536, and 1537 Paul III. always visited S. Paolo
fuori le mura on Jan. 25 (see Blasius de Martinellis, *Diarium, Secret
Archives of the Vatican, XII., 56). The same relates that the'Pope
wished to do this in 1539, "pro voto seu devotione sua," but was pre-
vented by bad weather. In 1540 the feast was celebrated in the
Cappella Paolina (see supra, p. 631, n. 3).
2 See Firmanus, Diaria caer., published by PogatsCHKR. in Repert.
fiir Kunstwissensch., XXIX., 399.
3 See Serristori's letter of Oct. 13, [549, given by GuonaU, z'iJ/V.,
XXX, 194.
634 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the details. This last work from Michael Angelo's brush,
begun at the end of 1542 and finished in 1549 or 1550,^ fore-
tells by its unrestrained movement and flight of imagination
the approach of the baroque. Dramatic force, delight In
athletic bodily forms in every posture of violent exertion,
here bear witness, as in other works, to the characteristic
of the master, who alone could treat as child's play the
delineation of the most difficult positions and boldest fore-
shortenings.^
While Michael Angelo was still engaged on the frescoes of
the Cappella Paolina, the monument of Julius II. was
brought at last to an indifferent termination. It was
erected, not in the new St. Peter's as intended, but on the
wall of the right transept of S. Pietro ad Vincula, the former
Pope's cardinalitial church and none too large an edifice.
This took place in May 1545. Instead of the forty statues
planned by Michael Angelo it displays only three from his
hand. Among them indeed is the Moses, certainly one ol
the most consummate specimens of the sculptor's handicraft.
So overpowering is the effect of this marvellous creation
that a peculiar feature of the monument is easily over-
looked : it was originally intended to use the modernized
heathen symbols of victory, and to introduce two figures ot
captives. This design was abandoned, as Michael Angelo,
on whom the strictures pronounced on the nude figures of
the Last Judgment had not been wholly thrown away, no
longer considered it suitable for a church. In the place of
* See the extracts from the accounts given by Kallab in the Kunst-
geschichtlichen Anzeigen, I. (1904), 11 n., where, however, it is over-
looked that these entries were already published by Fanfani in 1876
(Spigolatura Michelangiolesca, 123 seq.) and Bertolotti (Speserie,
184, 195, 198, 200). Cf. also Thode, v., 77 seq.
^ See Springer, 432 seq.; Burckhardt, Cicerone, II., 4th ed.,
646 ; Wey, Rome, 646 ; Harnack, Rom., II. : Neuere Kunst, 48 seq. ;
Kraus Sauer, II., 552 seq. ; MackoWSKV, 245 seq.
THE MAUSOLEUM OF JULIUS IL 635
the captives were substituted religious statues : Leah and
Rachel as types of the active and contemplative life. Both
these tranquil, gentle forms, as well as the statues executed
by the assistant sculptors, are tempered by Christian feeling.
The Madonna with the Infant Jesus, surmounting the
sarcophagus with the recumbent figure of the Pope,
embodies deep religious sentiment. In a word, the mauso-
leum, designed and begun in a totally different spirit, has
been remoulded in a Christian and ecclesiastical spirit.^
It reveals the powerful Catholic reaction which, under the
influence of Vittoria Colonna and the revival of ecclesi-
astical feeling, had begun to tell increasingly on Michael
Angelo. This reaction reached its climax in the under-
taking of his last great work, the final stage of his un-
equalled career as an artist, the rebuilding of St. Peter's.
During the last days of Clement VII. this work was
completely at a standstill. Grass and undergrowth was
rank on the lofty arches of Bramante.^ Paul III., shocked
at such a state of things,^ immediately after his election
took into consideration the resumption of the works, over
which Antonio da Sangallo and Baldassare Peruzzi were
appointed.*
In order to raise the necessary funds Paul III. had
* The above follows JuSTl (Michelangelo, 339-346). For the statue
of Moses see above. Vol. VL of this work, 537 seq.
2 See the contemporary reproduction in Geymuller, Urspriingliche
Entwiirfe, Tafel 49, No. 2.
3 See in Appendix No. 3 the *brief to Francis L, dat. Sept. 7, 1536
(Secret Archives of the Vatican) ; cf. infra, p. 637, n. i.
* See supra, p. 553 seq. *Baldassar da Siena, architetto della fabrica
di S. Pietro riceve da Bindo Altoviti depositario della medesima a 18
Marzo d. 30 e 25 e 100 e 89 e finalmente 194 per spldo e questa
ultima partita si pago a Giov. Silverio e fratelli figli di detto Baldassar
atteso che egli mori a 6 Gennaio 1536 et haveva a ragione di 25 d. il
mese. Cod. H-IL, 22, f. 2, of the Chigi Library, Rome.
6^6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
recourse to the same methods as his predecessor. In a
Bull of the i6th of September 1535, graces and indulgences
were offered to all supporters of the work.^ A special
confraternity of St. Peter was founded, of which the Pope
and Cardinals were members. The most eminent princes
were requested to give admission to and to propagate the
new association in their countries. Francis I.^ was ap-
pealed to on the 7th of September 1536, and the Emperor
on the 20th of November of the same year.^ The money
for the Fabbrica or building fund was deposited with the
banking-house of Bindo Altoviti.*
The commissioners of the fabric of St. Peter's, whose
privileges were confirmed by Paul III. by a special Bull
and protected under threat of penalties,^ were encouraged
in their labours by the Pope to the utmost of his ability,^
1 **Min. brev. Arm., 40, t, 50, n. 179 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
2 See in Appendix No. 3 the *brief of Sept, 7, 1536.
3 See the *briefs to Charles V. and to Covos, both of Nov. 20, 1536.
Min. brev. Arm., 41, t. 4, n. 89 and 107 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
* Cod. H-II., 22, f. 3, of the Chigi Library, Rome ; cf. ibid.,i. 7 :
*De expensis ante 1529 nulla ratio reperitur, ab ipso vero a. 1529, a quo
d. Altoviti munus depositariorum assumpserunt usque ad a. I54<^
expendit. fuerunt d. 17,620.
* Cf. Compendio di teorica e di pratica d. rev. Fabbrica di S. Pietro,
Roma, 1793, 4, 14, 32, 44, 48, 50.
* Cf. *the letter intended for Sicily of Feb. 18, 1537, with special
application to the clergy (Arm., 41, t. 5, n. 108). Ibid., t. 17, n. 350, the
*brief to the King of Poland, dated April 28, 1540, the preamble of
which runs thus : " Cum inchoatum alias per fe. re. Julium secundum
predecessorem nostrum eximiam fabricam basilice principis apostolorum
de Urbe sie urgentibus temporum necessitatibus reliqui predecessores
nostri post eum aliquantis per intermisserint unde ipsum templum, quod
ceteris splendori et exemplo esse debuerat, hactenus ncque prioris
templi a magno Constantino extructi splendorem habuit neque ad
reformationem destinatam ob temporum difficultates reduci potuit,"
etc. (Secret Archives of the Vatican). See also G. M. della Porta's
♦report, dat. Aug. 10, 1539 (State Archives, Florence, Urb.).
THE REBUILDING OF ST. PETER'S. 6l7
but the conditions of the time were in the highest degree
unfavourable for the reception of exhortations to support
this great work.^ Together with the renewal of the war
between the Emperor and King Francis the menacing
attitude of the Turk was prejudicial. In August 1537 the
Pope found himself compelled, in presence of this perma-
nent source of danger, to give up all sums of money, coming
from Spain to the building fund in return for indulgences
and graces, to the Emperor, who had need of them for the
protection of Christendom against the infidel.^ As the
expenses for the fortification of Rome and for the Turkish
war had exhausted the resources of the Apostolic Chamber,
an attempt was made to cover the deficit by the distribution
of fresh indulgences.^ To the application of a portion of
the Spanish cruzada money to the fabric of St. Peter's,
Charles V. in 1539 raised difficulties.* In 1544 he claimed
a portion of the sums raised in Spain, and the Pope referred
the question to the deputies of the Fabbrica.^ The King
* In a *brief to Francis I., dat. Jan. 16, 1537, Paul III. remarks that
he had already written to the King that the great work of building the
BasiHca had been interrupted "non absque universali scandalo et
predecessorum nostrorum imputatione et rei christ. dedecore " ; he felt
compelled to finish the work, and begged the King to show favour to
the measures he had adopted (Min. brev. Arm., 41, t. 5, n. 107; cf.
ibid., n. 48, the *brief to the Cancell. Franciae of the same day.
Secret Archives of the Vatican).
2 See the *brief to the Card. Seguntinus [Garzia Loaysa] of
Aug. 25, 1537 (copy in the State Archives, Florence, MS. Torrig.) ;
cf. the *briefs to the same of Nov. 29, 1538 (Arm., 41, t. 11,
n. 1056), and Feb. 4, 1541 {ibid.., t. 20, n. 104, Secret Archives
of the Vatican).
3 Cf. the *brief to Francis I., dat. Oct. 23, 1 537 (Arm., 41, t. 8, n. 130,
Secret Archives of the Vatican).
♦ Cf. F'^'A, Notizie, 36.
^ Cf. Cardinal Farnese's *letter to Poggio of Feb. 25, 1544 (Chigi
Library, Rome, L-III., 65, f. 296).
638 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of Portugal at the same time made similar demands.^
Nevertheless, the receipts were considerable, especially
the proceeds of indulgences, for which commissioners were
despatched to the most different countries,^ even to the
Netherlands, penetrated as they were with Lutheran
teaching. After the reform of the Penitentiaria, a general
limitation of these indulgences was carried out, as they had
given rise to many abuses.^
In accordance with the Pope's wishes, a greater building
activity began in 1539, at which time also the staff of
commissioners was renewed.* From 1540 to the end of
1546 no less than 162,624 ducats were paid out on the
construction.^ In February 1544, during the works in the
chapel of S. Petronilla, the sarcophagus containing the
remains of the first wife of the Emperor Honorius, Maria the
daughter of Stilicho, was discovered. Most of the precious
things buried with the body of the youthful Empress
were unfortunately scattered, and some of the jewels
were used in the ornamentation of a new tiara.^ In the
* *0n July 20, 1544, the Portuguese nuncio was enjoined to proclaim
in Portugal the full powers of the Fabbrica S. Petri, and to hand over
a portion of the proceeds of the same to the King in support of his
naval expedition against the infidels (Arm., 41, t. 30, n. 480, 481, Secret
Archives of the Vatican).
2 Nuntiaturberichte, V., 125, 148.
3 Cf. Druffel-Brandi, 456, and also the " Bulla Innovat. aliar. sup.
quaest. prohib. et indugent. suspens. nisi de consensu deputat. fabr. S.
Petri et certis tantum temporibus, dat. 1546 IV. non. April" ; copy of
the same date in the Casanatense Library, Rome.
* See the report of De Plotis of July 14, 1539, in Solmi,
Ochino, 55.
^ Fea, Notizie, 32, 33,
8 Cf. Marlianus, Romae Topographia, Romae, 1550, 154 seq.;
Cancellieri, De secret, bas. S. Petri, 995 seq.., 1032 seq. ; DE Rossi
in Bullett. d. Archeol. Crist, 1863, 53 seq. ; Barbier DE Montault,
CEuvres, II., 348 seq. ; MuNTZ, La tiare, 89.
THE REBUILDING OF ST, PETER'S. 639
spring of 1544 the rebuilding was making rapid progress.^
At that time great quantities of pinewood were brought
from the woods of Camaldoli.^ For the easier carriage of
building materials, especially of travertine, Paul III. in
1538 bestowed on the fabric of St. Peter's the riparian
rights of the river Anio, from the Ponte Lucano to its
junction with the Tiber, in order that the navigation might
be restored to the condition it was in under Julius II., and
made use of accordingly.'
Sangallo, who. as chief architect, had superintended the
works alone since 1537,* drew out an entirely new plan,
from which his pupil Antonio Labacco began ^ to construct
a large wooden model in 1539. It cost more than 5000
ducats, and is at present preserved in the octagon room
over the Clementine chapel known as the Octagon of
S. Gregorio.®
Although Sangallo's plan presents many beauties in
* See Cardinal Farnese's letter of Feb. 25, 1544, cited supra, p. 637,
n. S.
2 See N. Serristori's *report, dat. Feb. 12, 1544, in State Archives,
Florence.
3 **]y[oju proprio, dat. [1538] X Cal. Sept. A° So. Secret Archives
of the Vatican. See in Appendix No. 6.
* He received 25 ducats monthly ; see : *Libro d' entrata et uscita
1 543-1 549, f. 88, in the Archives of the Fabbrica of St. Peter's ; cf. *Cod.
H-II., 22, f. 44, of the Chigi Library, Rome : "Alia rev. fabrica a di
27 Sett. 1546 due. 25 m'* pagati per mandate a m. Ant. da S. Gallo per
sua provisione di Settembre. Alia detta adi 18 Ottobre 1546 due. 203.
60 m'* agli credi di m. Ant. S. Gallo per resto di rubbia 759 di calce."
^ This date is obtained from the *accounts in the Archives of the
Fabbrica of St. Peter's, from which Geymiiller intends to give fuller
extracts.
c See Vasari, V., 468 ; Bonanni, Tav., 14-16, pp. 56-58 ; Jovano-
viTS, 89 seq., 94; Clausse, Sangallo, II., 128 seq.; Letarouilly-
SlMiL, Vatican, I., 17 seqq.; Zeitschr, fiir bild. Kunst, IX., 314; X.,
251 ; XIII., 126, 128.
640 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
detail, such as the double tier in the drum of the cupola,
yet as a v/hole it lies open to many objections. The some-
what pedantic repetition of certain features bestows on it a
monotonous character. The great cupola, the vault of
which rises on two tiers of arcades, gives an impression of
heaviness. The huge vestibule, with which the church
would have attained nearly the length of the present
Basilica, was intended on the one hand to preserve the
shape of the Greek cross and on the other to bring under
cover the entire space occupied by old St. Peter's. The
form of this vestibule would, however, have impaired many
parts of the Vatican Palace. Michael Angelo was of
opinion that the Cappella Paolina and other portions of
the Vatican would have been destroyed and that even the
Sixtine would not have escaped ; this latter inference
certainly was not altogether conclusive.^ He was quite
correct, however, in detecting a not less serious defect in
Sangallo's transformation of Bramante's entrance to the
choir. The latter, he points out, in his unsparing criticism
of Sangallo's model, would not only deprive Bramante's
design of all light, but would bring with it yet other in-
conveniences. In the recesses above and beneath the choir
bad characters could hide themselves and coin false money,
so that at night, after the church was closed, at least five-
and-twenty men would be required to search whether any-
one were concealed within, a quest which it would be no
easy matter to carry out.^
^ Baron von Geymiiller had the kindness to examine into this question
thoroughly, at my request. He calculated the distance between the
St. Peter's of Sangallo and the Sixtine Chapel at any given spot would
be from lo to 12 metres.
* Lett, di Michelangelo, ed. Milanesi, 535 ; GuHL, Kiinstlerbriefe.
I., 160 seq. The undated letter belongs not, as Thode (I., 87) supposes,
to the year 1555, but certainly to the last months of 1546 (see MaC-
KOWSKY, 390),
SANGALLO AND MICHAEL ANGKLO. 64 1
A fatal misconception of Sangallo's was the elevation,
for reasons not explained, of the level of the church to a
height of more than three metres, whereby the niches and
semicircular chapels placed by Bramante in the pillars of
the cupola and in the upper part of the building obtained
a width disproportionate to their height. Besides these
expensive and lengthy operations he ordered the forearm
of the cross and the equally long left transept to be raised
higher and both vaulted over.^ In August 1538 a partition
wall had already been erected to cut off the still remaining
portion of the original nave.^ The condition of the build-
ing in the autumn of 1546 is shown in the fresco in the
Cancelleria.^
After Sangallo's decease about this time negotiations
were at once begun with Giulio Romano with a view to his
succession to the superintendency. They came, however,
to nothing owing to Romano's death on the 1st of
November 1546.* Naturally attention was now fixed on
Michael Angelo. As he was now seventy-two years of age
and had had a severe^ illness in the summer of 1544 and
again at the end of 1 545, he did not meet the fresh task with
joy. To the enfeebling effects of old age there was added
the certainty that he would be hindered at every step by
jealous and envious workpeople and by pedantic and self-
opinionated commissioners — and then, lastly, the difficulties
of the undertaking itself! Before his vision passed the
* Cf. Geymuller, Urspriingl. Entwiirfe, 338 ; Burckhardt,
Cicerone, II., 5th ed., 219. It would be of importance to establish the
date of the raising of the pavement ; all the sources at present known
to us are at variance on this point.
2 Cf. Geymuller, loc. cit.^ 327 ; N. Arch. Veneto, XIII. (1907), 23.
* Cf. supra, p. 6o5, and Jovanovitz, 95.
5 " Mihi relatum fuit de obitu Julii Romani pictoris exceilentissimi,"
says the *Ephem. in the Cod. Vat., 6978,5. 154, of the Vatican Library,
6 Cf. Thode, Michelangelo, I., 440, 443 ; Frev, 348.
VOL. XU. 41
642 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
architects who for forty years before him had attempted
the enterprise: Bramante, Giuliano da Sangallo, Fra
Giocondo, Raphael, Peruzzi, Antonio da Sangallo. The
successors of Bramante, with their partially contradictory
plans, had introduced a confusion into the conception of
the building which can hardly be exaggerated. To find
the right way through seemed a task of extraordinary
difficulty.
Paul III. was convinced that the practical genius of
Michael Angelo alone could advance the work rapidly and
profitably. To the entreaties of his patron Michael Angelo
yielded at last, but he made his own conditions. They
were in the highest degree characteristic of the man and
of his Catholic feeling: he refused all salary. On purely
religious grounds, for the love of God and veneration for the
Prince of the Apostles, he undertook the vast undertaking
for the good of his soul, just as he had also promised to
plan a church for St. Ignatius of Loyola in the same ideal
sense. But, foreseeing the difficulties that lay before him,
he sought from the Pope, in the interest of the great work
full powers and freedom to work and create as his own
genius directed him. Paul III. generously conceded all he
desired, and gave him authority to alter at his pleasure the
model, shape, and construction, and to dismiss or replace
the workmen and supervisors of the building. Relying on
his absolute disinterestedness, he absolved the master from
all rendering of and responsibility for accounts. The latter
thereupon, at the beginning of 1547, set himself to work on
the rebuilding of St. Peter's.^
The unrestricted powers bestowed upon Michael Angelo
by Paul III. caused his fellow-craftsmen, envious of the
^ See Vasari, VII., 218 seq.\ Justi, 347; Mackowsky, 279, and
specially PogatsCHER in Repert. fiir Kunstvvissensch., XXIX. (1906),
403.
ATTACKS ON MICHAEL ANGELO. 643
distinctions heaped upon him from year to year by the
chief ruler of the Church, to blaze up in an outburst of
jealousy. The irritable nature of the man and his inexor-
able uprightness made the tension sharper. The greatest
resentment was felt by the numerous partisans of Sangallo,
who were named by Vasari the " Setta Sangallesca " or
"Sangallesque faction." They gave open vent to their
bitterness one day when Michael Angelo appeared at the
building works. To the scornful remark that they were
glad that he had consented to assume the directorship,
since Sangallo's plan would be a rich meadow for him to
find pasture in, he curtly replied, " You say well." His
meaning, however, was not perceived. Michael Angelo told
another that what he intended to convey was, Sangallo's
adherents were quite right in describing his plan as a
meadow, for they expressed their opinions like oxen.^
Michael Angelo's contempt for these attacks is shown in
his treatment of Nanni di Baccio Bigio. The latter had
spread reports which were downright calumnies: Michael
Angelo knew nothing of architecture and wasted money ;
his model was a crazy and puerile affair ; he only worked
at night in order to prevent his plans from being seen ; he
himself, Nanni, however, would construct a fresh model,
and, besides, enjoyed the full confidence of the Pope. In
order to make his assertions more credible, he also gave
currency to the report that the wooden model for the
Farnese palace was so heavy that when it was set up on
approval the palace had to be propped up. As this tittle-
tattle came to the ears even of the deputies of the
Fabbrica and was listened to, Michael Angelo communi-
cated to one of them the letter of Giovanni Francesco
Ughi of May the 14th, 1547, by which he was made
acquainted with the above intrigues, and added that
1 Vasari, VII., 218.
644 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
nothing else could be expected from such a set of common
rascals.^ To all appearance this silenced his calumniators
for a time, and Michael Angelo, with the Pope's unre-
served confidence, was able to devote himself in peace to
his great work. Yet it was unfortunate for himself and
useful to his numerous enemies that his appointment as
direcl.or of the building works, and the full powers thereto
belonging, had proceeded only orally from the Pope. In
order to put an end to all uncertainty and all hostile
behaviour, the Pope on the nth of October 1549 issued a
motii propria to the following effect : All that Michael
Angelo, at the Pope's command, had done hitherto on the
building of St. Peter's, in accordance with his own model,
was approved ; this model was for all time to be strictly
adhered to, and Michael Angelo to continue, during life, to
be the architect of the Basilica of the Prince of the
Apostles.2
How entirely Paul III. was justified in giving the master
plenary powers was shown by the immense impetus given
to the work of construction on St. Peter's, from the begin-
ning of 1547 onwards. It was soon possible to predict that
the new Basilica would surpass all other churches and rank
as one of the wonders of the world.^ The yearly ex-
penditure amounted to upwards of- 30,000 ducats.* That
1 GoTTi, I., 309.
2 First correctly published, and with date, by Pogatscher in
Repert. fur Kunstwissensch., XXIX. (1906), 400 seq.
2 " In hujus vero ipsius, in qua hodierno die funebris haec pompa
ducitur, basilicae exaedificationem tanta cura incubuit, ut ea jam f>rope
ad fastigium perducta substructionum magnificentia, cum sacris
omnibus hujus aetatis aedibus antecellat, una cum septem illis, quae
dim miraculo toti orbi terrarum fuerunt, operibus comparari posse
videatur"(AMASAEUS, 75).
* From Jan. i, 1547, to May 8, 1551, 121,554 ducats were paid out
(see Fea, Notizie, 35).
PAUL III. SUPPORTS MICHAEL ANGELO. 645
it was Paul III. alone to whom this reaction was due can
be proved from the lethargy which fell upon the works
after his death. Justly did Michael Angelo deplore the loss
of his best personal supporter when he uttered the testi-
mony in his honour : " He never showed me anything but
kindness, and I had the right to hope that he would show
yet more in days to come." ^
Paul III. had given him a free hand in artistic as well as
administrative affairs. The rejection of Sangallo's plan
and the substitution of the new model had been fully
approved. Of the freedom guaranteed to him Michael
Angelo made the fullest use. At the beginning he called
himself modestly only the accomplisher of Bramante's
plans ; this referred principally to the retention of the
Greek cross formation and the essential points of the
interior design as a whole ; ^ as regards all the rest, how-
ever, Michael Angelo went his own way. Although in his
severe criticism of Sangallo he had maintained that to
depart from the arrangement of Bramante was to deviate
from truth,^ he himself did not avoid the same error, and
stamped on many portions of the new building the impress
of his own restless genius, ever in search of new effects,
whereby the marvellous harmony which distinguished
Bramante's plan could not but be impaired.
* See Lett, di Michelangelo, ed. Milanesi, 260.
2 For what follows, cf. Geymuller, the first authority on such
matters, in the fifth edition (1884) of Burckhardt's Cicerone (II.,
219 seq.\ and also his well-known work, "Michelangelo als Archi-
tekt" (p. 38 seq.). The relation of Michael Angelo's plan to that
of Bramante is illustrated by the coloured sketch of the historical
development of St. Peter's in Geymuller, Urspriingl. Entwiirfe,
Tafel 45. For Michael Angelo's innovations on Bramante's plan
of St. Peter's, see also Riegl, Barockkunst, 84 seq.^ and Mackowsky,
331 seq.
3 Lett, di Michelangelo, ed. MiLANESi, 535.
646 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
A model, finished within fourteen days, at a cost of only
fifty scudi, gave Paul III. an idea of the new plan. While
Michael Angelo retained the central dome, the great
quadrate surrounding it, the arms of the cross, equal in
length and terminated by apses, as given in the matchless
design of Bramante, he resolved to give up his galleries,
his lateral porches, and the great corner towers which still
appeared in Sangallo's plan, although with important
alterations. It is probable that this narrowing of the
space around the dome, to the advantage of the dominating
centre, was also conditioned by financial circumstances,
for it was by such a material simplification only that the
completion of the building could have been looked for
within a calculable distance of time.
A fresco in the Vatican Library * shows the porch
adorned with ten huge columns. In front of it, in the
middle, is a gable supported by four equally massive pillars,
the whole of this being in complete subordination to the
central dome, the colossal size of which is thrown into high
relief by four smaller domes rising from the angles of the
arms of the cross. Outside, at those places in the great
quadrate where, according to Bramante and Sangallo, the
galleries were to begin, Michael Angelo made use of slanting
truncated walls to connect the apses with the quadrate.
As the effect of this, in combination with the attic and its
cumbersome arrangement of massive pilasters, is far from
beautiful, so in the interior the apsidal architecture is
throughout infelicitous in conception. The baroque
windows and the semi-cupolas, which fit in somewhat
inharmoniously with the vaulting, have been severely
objected to by an eminent architectural critic, but can, at
the same time, be explained from the difficulties of Michael
Angelo's mission as an impetuous seeker after new forms
* See Letarouilly-Simil, I., 23 seq.
THE DOME OF ST. PETER'S. 647
and processes of art, with all the dangers attendant upon
one who ventures on those thorny heights,^
As the creator of the dome of St. Peter's Michael
Angelo produced an incomparable work. Without and
within the composition of the whole has been marvellously
conceived. Classical beauty is everywhere apparent in its
noblest and purest form, with monumental proportions,
logical articulation, and certainty of execution. Even the
keenest critics admit that seldom or never has the principle
of ascending continuity of construction, borrowed from the
Gothic style, been expressed on antique lines more beauti-
fully than here, with equal success in the interior from the
base of the drum to the aperture of the lantern, and on
the exterior from the cupola to the foot of the cross.^
In consequence of the abandonment of Bramante's
towers Michael Angelo found himself obliged to carry the
exterior line of the dome somewhat higher than his great
predecessor had intended in his plan. Bramante had
laid the chief weight of the dome on the magnificent circle
of statued pillars to be carried round the drum, Michael
Angelo transferred the incidence of the weight to the
heightened line of the dome itself This accentuation of
the vaulting deepens the impression of majestic repose.
From without the dome certainly presents the most
* Geymuller (Michelangelo als Architekt, 38 seq.) remarks: "If
we think of the monumental dignity and enchanting arrangement of
light, in wonderful harmony with the effect of the central dome
which Bramante had designed for the termination of his great edifice,
the eye is deeply offended by the lack of co-ordination in Michael
Angelo's scheme and the ultra-profanity of the windows . . . forms
of composition which, despite Michael Angelo's assertions, cannot
be brought into unison with the ' ragione' of the Church, or the struc-
tural law of the building." See also Burckhardt-Holtzinger
128, and Berteaux, Rome, 112.
^ Geymuller, loc. cit.^ 39,
64S HlSrORY OF THE POPES.
beautiful and most elevated contour which has ever yet
been reached in the domain of architecture.^
Even if the details of this crown, which is suspended in
beauty and majesty over the grave of St. Peter, were not
settled until later, on the construction of an accurate
model, yet the ground design of the whole was firmly
grasped by the spiritual eye of Michael Angelo while
Paul III. was yet alive.
To that sagacious Pontiff, who dealt so tactfully with
the sensitive artist and knew how to enlist his genius for
the highest services, an important share must be allotted
in the construction of the imperial dome of St. Peter's.
With this great work of Michael Angelo, Rome the
eternal received her finest adornment, and a peerless
symbol of that supreme spiritual authority transmitted by
Christ to the Apostle Peter and his successors.
* Geymiiller in Burckhardt, Cicerone, II., 5th ed., 220. The view,
supported by Letarouilly, Gamier, Simil, and others, that the present
external line of the dome is due, not to Michael Angelo, but to Giacomo
della Porta, is incorrect (see Geymuller, Urspriingl Entwiirfe, 244).
For the relation to the Gothic style, cf. JUSTi, Michelangelo, 347 ;
RiEGL, Barockkunst, 86, 87.
APPENDIX
OF
UNPUBLISHED DOCUMENTS
AND
EXTRACTS FROM ARCHIVES.
APPENDIX.
I. Pope Paul III. to Baldassare Peruzzi.i
1534, December i, Rom.
Dilecto filio magistro Baltassari Perutio Senensi. Dilecte fili
salutem etc. Cum, sicut accepimus, alias fel. rec. Leo X primo
at deinde sanctae memoriae Clemens VII Romani pontifices pre-
decessores nostri te architectum fabricae basilicae s" Petri de Urbe
cum salario annuo CL ducatorum auri de camera tibi de pecuniis
dictae fabricae singulis mensibus pro rata persolvendo ad vitam
tuam deputaverint, prout in eorum Uteris plenius continetur, Nos
non minoris virtutem et ingenium tuum aestimantes, quam dicti
praedecessores aestimaverint, operaque tua in dictae basilicae
fabrica uti intendentes teque majori praemio dignum esse cen-
sentes, te fabricae predictae architectum cum salario annuo non
CL sed CCC ducatorum similium ad vitam tuam confirmamus
per praesentes mandantes dilectis filiis praefectis dictae fabricae
nunc et pro tempore existentibus, ut de pecuniis dictae fabricae
dictum salarium trecentorum ducatorum singulis mensibus pro
rata videlicet ducatos XXV auri similes in fine cujuslibet mensis
a data praesentium incohando tibi, quoad vixeris, persolvant seu
per illarum depositarium persolvi faciant et mandent. Nos enim,
quidquid illi tibi pro dicto salario persolverint, ut praefertur,
ratum habebimus et in eorum computis admitti faciemus ac ex
nunc admittimus contrariis non obstantibus quibuscumque.
Datum Romae etc. prima decembris 1534 anno primo.
Blos[ius]. Papa mandavit ut expediretur
A. thesaurarius.
[Concept. Min. brev. Arm. 40, t. 49, n. 45. Secret Archives
of the Vatican.]
^ See supra, p. 554.
651
652 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
2. Pope Paul III. to Antonio da Sangallo.*
1536, Mai 28, Rom.
Dilecto filio Antonio de Sancto Gallo, laico Florentino, archi-
tecto nostro. Dilecte fili salutem etc. Cum sicut accepimus
alias fel. rec. Leo X te architectum principalem fabricae basilicae
principis apostolorum de Urbe ad vitam tuam cum salario men-
struo viginti quinque scutorum auri et pie me. Clemens VII
Romani pontifices predecessores nostri te similiter principalem
architectum fabricae arcis nostrae civitatis Anconae cum simili
salario ac fabricae beatae Mariae de Loreto cum salario itidem
menstruo decem scutorum similium deputaverint, prout in eorum
Uteris plenius continetur : Nos virtutem et ingenium tuum non
minoris facientes quam ipsi predecessores fecerint, illisque tarn
in predictis quam in quibusvis aliis fabricis per nos in toto statu
nostro ecclesiastico designandis uti intendentes, te architectum
principalem fabricae dictae basilicae cum dicto salario menstruo
viginti quinque scutorum tibi per eiusdem fabricae prefectos et ex
dictae fabricae pecuniis persolvendo ad vitam tuam, ut prefertur,
fabricae autem arcis Anconae et beatae Marie de Loreto et
quarumvis aliarum fabricarum status nostri ecclesiastici cum
salario menstruo triginta quinque scutorum similium, ex quibus
viginti quinque quidem thesaurarius dictae civitatis Anconae,
reliquos vero decem gubernator ecclesiae eiusdem beate Mariae
de Loreto singulis mensibus tibi solvere teneantur, ad nostrum
beneplacitum confirmamus et de novo deputamus per presentes
mandantes prefectis, thesaurario et gubernatori predictis, ut dictum
salarium tibi iuxta presentium litterarum nostrarum tenorem per-
solvant contrariis non obstantibus quibuscumque.
Datum Romae 28 maii 1536 anno 2°. A. thesaur*.
Bios.
[Concept. Min. brev. Arm. 41, t. 2, n. 12. Secret Archives
of the Vatican.]
' See supra, p. 554.
APPENDIX. 653
3. Pope Paul III. to Francis I., King of France.^
1536, September 7, Rom.
Regi christianissimo. Carissime etc, Nuper cum nobis in-
dignum videretur, quod fabrica sacrosanctae basilicae divi Petri dc
Urbe tam miro et sumptuoso opere a predecessoribus nostris
incepta ita neglecta remaneret nee nos ad quos id potissimum
pertinebat ob temporum conditiones ac tenues ecclesiae facultates
ad illius perfectionem sufificeremus, licet alioqui huic rei quantum
poterimus nunquam defuturi simus, ut omnes christifideles in hoc
adiutores haberemus eosque ad contribuendum dictae fabricae
alliceremus, eorundem predecessorum vestigia sectantes, omnes
gratias et indulgentias eidem fabricae per eosdem predecessores
et nos concessas confirmavimus, et nonnulias alias etiam de novo
concessimus ac unam confraternitatem omnium christifidelium
sub invocatione eiusdem divi Petri ereximus, in qua nos ipsos ac
S. R. E. cardinales et omnes principes christianos presertimque
M'""" Tuam descripsimus et annotavimus, prout in aliis nostris sub
plumbo desuper confectis Uteris plenius continetur. Verum cum
non dubitemus id etiam Maiestati Tuae pro sua erga Deum
pietate et animi religione valde placiturum esse et non ignari, quid
hactenus in eadem basilica Tuae M''^ nomine construi inceptum
fuerit, illam hortamur et enixe in Deo domino requirimus, ut
hanc confraterttitatem libenti ammo ingrediens tua promptitudine
ceteros principes alliciens, dep7itatis dictae fabricae omnes oportunos
favores praebere velis, ac officialibus regni et dominiorum tuorum
mandari facias, ut literas nostras predictas in eisdem regno et
dominiis tuis libere publicari permittant et in quibus opus fuerit
dictis ad ipsarum literarum executionem deputatis assistant, quod
Deo omnipotenti acceptum, tuae in Deum pietati conveniens et
nobis gratissimum erit, sicut etiam nuntius apud te noster Tuae
M" ex parte nostra latius explicabit.
Datum Romae apud S. M'*'"™' etc. die 7 septembris 1536 anno 2°.
Feci verbum cum S""" D. N. Hie. card"' Ghinuccius.
Bios.
[Concept. Min. brev. Arm., 41, t. 3, n. 126. Secret Archives
of the Vatican.]
* See supra, pp. 635 seq. These woids in italics are probably meant to
be obliterated.
654 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
4. List of Churches demolished in Rome for thb
Emperor's Visit.^
Memoria delle chiese ruvinate in Roma doppo la venuta dell'
imperatore Carlo V.
In prima s. Lorenzo delli spetiali in campo,^ acci6 si vedesse le
colonne dov' e scritto Divino Antonino et Dive Faustine.
Al pallazzo de m. Aurialo doi chiese una : chiamata santa
Margarita verso il coliseo ' et 1' altra santa Maria verso torre de
Conti* per acrescimento et comodo di detto palazzo.
San Biagio^ sotto s. Pietro ad vincula, qual' e stata profanata et
al presente ci habita una cortigiana chiamata Angela da Galese.
Doi chiese : una chiamata santo Nicola alia colonna Traiana,^
et r altra s. Andrea alia colonna de Antonino/ acci6 si veda dette
colonne.
Una chiesa sotto monte Cavallo acanto alU ferapani' quale
cascava da se stessa.
Una chiesa per fare la piazza avanti il palazzo della bona
memoria del r*"" cardinale de Rimini.^
Un spedaletto de la Rotonda dietro a detto palazzo per alargare
et a drizzare la strada.
Una chiesa per far la strada alia venuta dell' imperatore ^° da s.
Marco alle case delli Madaleni.
Un altra chiesa ^^ appresso la sopradetta, per far la strada dalli
Madaleni in campidoglio.
Sono in tutto numero XL
[Cod. Vat. 8468, f. 208 of the Vatican Library.]
'■ See sttj>ra, p. 566, and Lanciani, Scavi, H., 63.
2 /.e. forum (see Armellini, 2nd ed., 157, and Lanciani, II., 59),
2 See Armellini, 138.
* Probably S. Maria Magnanapoli (see Armellini, I76)-
^ S. Biagio ai Monti (see Armellini, 147).
^ Armellini, 2nd ed., 167, and Lanciani, II., 63.
' Armellini (p. 312) states that this church was destroyed by Sixtus V,
* This is written so indistinctly that the statement appears doubtful,
* Oliviero Carafa.
'9 See Vol. XI., p. 242.
" Probably S. Salvatore in Julia (see Armellini, 2nd ed., 451).
APPENDIX. 655
5. Pope Paul III. to Antonio da Sangallo.'^
1538, Januar. 14, Rom.
Dileeto filio Antonio de Sangallo laico Florent, architecto nostro.
Alias cum te operae fabricae arcis nostre civitatis Anconae ac
capellae et domus nostrae Lauret. prefecissemus, tibi provisionem
menstruam 35 due. auri super pecuniis dictarum fabricarum
assignaverimus, cum autem postea te fabricae murorum almae
Urbis nostrae prefecerimus, supradictam provisionem cassantes
provisionem 25 due. quolibet mense super pecuniis eiusdem
fabricae murorum alme Urbis ad nostrum beneplacitum tibi
assignamus, mandantes dictarum pecuniarum depositario et aliis,
ad quos spectat, ut durante beneplacito nostro huiusmodi dictam
provisionem 25 due. auri singulis mensibus ineipiendo a calendis
proximo preteriti tibi persolvant, contrariis non obstantibus
quibuscunque.
Dat. Rome 14 ianuarii 1538 a" 4°. Bios.
[Concept. Min. brcv. Arm. 41, t. 9, n. 54. Secret Archives
of the Vatican.]
6. Pope Paul III. grants to the "Fabbrica" of St. Peter's
THE River Anio.^
1538, August 23, Rom.
Motu proprio etc. Paulus Papa III. Inter alias multiplices
curas, quibus a tempore assumptionis nostrae ad summum aposto-
latus apicem citra illi potissimum continue intenti fuimus, ut dante
Domino fabricam basiUcae principis apostolorum de Urbe a fel.
rec. lulio papa II predecessore nostro incoatam et quam idem
lulius nee non Leo X, Adrianus VI et Clemens VII etiam
Romani pontifices predecessores nostri morte preventi et variis
obstantibus impedimentis perficere non potuerunt, omni conatu et
totis viribus nostris aggredimur. Cum itaque nuperrime venera-
bilibus fratribus Paulo Jovio Nucerino, Francisco Pallavicino
Aleriensi et Philippe Archinto Burgi S" Sepulchri episcopis ac
dileeto etiam filio Raphaeli de Casalibus eiusdem fabricae prefectis
^ See sufra, p. 556. * See supra, p. 639.
656 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
et deputatis opus fabricae huiusmodi aggrediendum commiserimus
ipsique opus fabricae huiusmodi aggredi inceperint et ut illud cum
minoribus impensis persequi et usque ad finem perducere possint,
existimavimus non modo ipsi fabricae, sed etiam ceteris edificare
volentibus valde utile et commodum esse, si flumen Anienis, alias
il Teverone, hodie innavigabile affectum, per quod tempore lulii
predecessoris prefati, quia navigabile effectum fuerat, multa ad
usum dictae fabricae necessaria ad Urbem conduci solebant, cum
aliis juribus et camerae apostolicae ad usum fabricandi pertinentibus
eidem fabricae concedamus. Quare tarn dictae fabricae quam
publicae utilitati et commoditati providere volentes motu simili et
ex certa scientia ac de apostolicae potestatis plenitudine eidem
fabricae illiusque prefectis et deputatis predictis et pro tempore
existentibus ad commodum et utilitatem dictae fabricae predictum
flumen Anienis incoando a ponte Lucano prope et extra civitatem
nostram Tyburis usque ad illius fauces et illius introitum in
Tyberim cum omnibus et singulis ejusdem fluminis Anienis et in
dicto flumine ac illius ripis et limitibus utriusque lateris existentibus
lagnaminibus et arboribus nee non omnes et singulas excavationes
sive minerias Tivertinorum et lapidum cuiusque generis, ac puteo-
lanae nobis et camerae apostolicae pertinentis et quomodolibet
spectantis, harum serie gratiose libereque absolute et irrevocabiliter
in perpetuum damus, donamus et concedimus [et] assignamus
dantes et concedentes eidem fabricae et pro ea prefectis et
deputatis plenam et omnimodam facultatem potestatem ct
auctoritatem flumen ipsum a dicto ponte et usque ad Tiberim pro
eo navigabile efificiendo sumptibus dictae fabricae purgandum et
mundandum ac arbores cujuscumque generis ac lignamina inciden-
dum excavandum purgari et incidi facien[dum] nee non quibus-
cunque locis publicis et mineriis predictis nobis ante banc
donationem et camerae apostolicae spectantibus ad eorum libitum
ad utilitatem dictae fabricae utendi ac in eis lapides et alia
necessaria et ad dictam fabricam apta fodiendum et excavandum
ac per dictum flumen Anienis conducendum et navigandum ac
omnia et singula predicta ad commodum et utilitatem dictae
fabricae convertendum et insuper, quia ad flumen ipsum navigan-
dum necessarius est transitus per possessiones et predia eidem
flumini convicina et adhaerentia, quae etiam plena lignis existunt
et jmmdatione et extirpatione indigent, et [si non] mundantur
APPENDIX. 65;
expense ad mundandum flumen predictum frustratorie assent.
Quaie desuper opportune providere volentes motu scientia et
potestate similibus omnibus et singulis hominibus et personis tam
ecclesiasticis quam secularibus quocumque nomine nuncupatis
possessionum et prediorum predictorum dominis et arrendatoribus
ac possessoribus per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus infra
terminum 8 dierum a die publicationis presentium inchoandum et
compareant coram predictis deputatis et coram eis se obligent
desuperque fidejussionem prestent de mundando eorum posses-
siones et predia predicta predicto flumini Anienis convicina et
adhaerentia per 4 cannas extra ripas utriusque lateris a dicto
ponte Lucano usque ad Tyberim infra terminum eorum arbitric
perficiendum et sub certa poena pro eis imponenda et fabricae
applicanda, quo termino elapso nisi comparuerint seque, ut
prefertur, minime obligaverint et fideiussionem prestiterint, liceat
eisdem deputatis possessiones et predia predicta per dictas 4 cannas
mundari facere ^ et omnia ligna incidenda seu excavanda dictae
fabricae applicarc, prout nos ex nunc in dictum eventum applicamus,
si vero comparuerint seque obligaverint et fideiussionem pre-
stiterint, ut prefertur, in termino vero eis prefixo dederint, tunc
contra eos ad executionem dictae poenae nee non ad mundationem
possessionum et prediorum predictorum pro dicta fabrica deputati
ipsi procedant et ad liberum transitum reducant, quorum quidem
prediorum et possessionum usum tamen ad efifectum per dictas 4
cannas eiusdem fabricae et illius deputatis agentibus et ministris
concedimus mandantes omnibus et singulis hominibus et personis
ac arrendatoribus et possessoribus quatenus sub dictis poenis
observent architectosque conductores et ministros ac agentes dictae
fabricae premissa executioni mandare ac per eorum possessiones
et predicta predia libere pertransire cum animalibus et vehiculis
vel sine permittant. Dilecto vero filio Guido Ascanio Sfortiae
sanctorum Viti et Modesti diacono cardinali nostro et S. R. E.
camerario ac thesaurario presidentibus et clericis camerae
apostolicae quatenus eisdem deputatis in premissis, et quolibet
premissorum faveant et assistant, contradictores quoslibet auctori-
tate nostra sub censuris et aliis eorum arbitrio imponendis poenis
compescendo invocato, si opus fuerit, auxilio brachii saecularis et
nihilominus deputatis predictis omnimodam iurisdictionem circa
' Fecere ?
VOL. XII. 42
658 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
premissa prout in reliquis negotiis dictae fabricae habeant haruni
serie concedimus non obstantibus constitutionibus et ordinationi-
bus apostolicis privilegiis quoque et indultis ac Uteris apostolicis
quibuscunque. Volumus autem, quod presentis sola signatura
sufficiat et ubique fidem faciat in iudicio et extra, regula contraria
non obstante et, ut premissa omnia melius omnibusque innotescant,
iubemus presentes per urbem solitis locis preconis voce solemniter
publicari et publicatio huiusmodi omnes et singulos prefatos arctet
ac si presentes eis quarum copiis et sigillo dictae fabricae sigillatis
fidem adhiberi volumus et personaliter presentatae fuissent.^
Fiat motu proprio. Alexander].
Et quod presentis concessionis sola signatura sufficiat etc. Fiat.
A[lexander].
Datum Romae apud s'"" Marcum X cal. septembris anno V.
[Concept. Arm. 11, t. 91, f. I85-I85^ Secret Archives
of the Vatican.]
7. Giovanni dell' Antella to Cosimo I., Duke of Florence.^
1540, December 18, Rom.
... Mi dice mons. Jovio che ci sono lettere di Venetia per le
quali se intende che S. M. Ces. fa ogni opera di collegarsi con
quella S"^ et che promette oltre alle altre cose di fare un duca di
Milano che non sia di sangue regio et che per questo S. S'^ e
intrata in speranza confidando in Madama ^ et nei sua denari che
S. M. si habbi a resolvere et creare il s°' Ottavio, quandi i Venetiani
descendessino a questa nuova lega, la quale non si crede possi
seguire maxime in questi tempi per esser troppo avanti con il
Turco con i capitolationi et pare a S. S'^ che in Italia ne fuor
(V Italia che non sia di sangue regio che stringi piu a S. M. che il
predicto S"' Octavio . . .
[Orig. State Archives, Florence, Med. 3263.]
^ Thus in the copy, in which probably some transposition has taken place.
According to the sense, the relative sentence belongs to the end, so that the
reatiing ought to be : ac si presentes eis et personaliter presentatae fuissent,
quarum copiis et[iam] . . . fidem adhiberi volumus.
^ See supra, p. 128.
• Margaret of Austria,
I
APPENDIX. 659
8. Cardinal Aleander to Cardinal Alessandro Farnese.'
1 54 1, September 12, Rom.
... Mi crepa il core di quello ch' e scritto qua della perdita
di Buda et ruina dello exercito christiano tanto piu havendosi per
li Christiani havuto tempo di potervi remediare et se ben piu
volte con ognuno che non manca di judicio io habbia previsto et
predetto tal exito di questa cosa, donde 1' homo se ne pu6 pigliar
qualche poca di consolatione di tanto male, nondimeno non posso
quietarmi dubitando et quasi prevedendo esse prae foribus li
medesimi successi al resto della christianita quali furono della
Grecia causati dalle discordie delli principi christiani. O tempora
o fides o Deus ...
[Orig. State Archives, Parma.]
9. Nino Sernini to Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga.^
1541, November 19, Rom.
. . . Io non trovo nissuno a cui basti 1' animo di ritirare cosl
in furia quello che nuovamente ha dipinto Michelagnolo per essere
opera grande et difificile, essendovi piu di cinque cento figure et
di sorte che a ritrarne solamente una credo metta pensiero agli
dipintori, anchor che l' opera sia di quella bellezza che po pensare
V. 111. S., non manca in ogni modo chi la danna ; gli r"' Chietini
sono gli primi che dicono non star bene gli inudi in simil luogo
che mostrano le cose loro, benche ancora a questo ha havuto
grand™" consideratione, che a pena a dieci di tanto numero si
vede dishonesta. Altri dicono che ha fatto Christo senza barba
et troppo giovane et che non ha in se quella maesta che gli si
conviene, et cosi in somma non manca chi dica, ma il r"" Cornaro
che e stato lungamente a vederla ha detto bene, dicendo che se
Michelagnolo gli vuol dare in un quadro solamente dipinta una di
quelle figure gli la vuol pagare quello ch' esso gli dimandera, et
ha ragione per essere al creder mio cose che non si possono vedere
altrove. II detto r"" del continuo vi tiene un suo dipintore a
ricavare, et ancora che non vi perda punto di tempo non finiri il
tutto in manco di quattro mesi, ma con tutto questo vedr6 d'
1 See supra, p. 125. ^ See supra, pp. 614, 631,
660 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
havere almeno uno schizzo acci6 che V. S. 111. possa vedere il
compartimento che ha fatto, che questo non credo la habbia in
tutto a sodisfare, et che messer Julio si sarebbe fatto piu honore,
et sara opera, quando la vedra, assai diversa di quelle che essa si
pensa, perche si conosce che tutto il suo sforzo ha messo in fare
figure bizzare et in atti diversi, et se pure non potrb cosi tosto
mandarle il disegno mi sforzaro di descriverle almeno il comparti-
mento et ne pigliara quello poco piacere che potra. Si dice che
N. S. vol che dipinga 1' altra capelletta che ha fatta fare S- B"* . . .
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
lo. Nino Sernini to Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga.^
1 541, December 4, Rom.
. . . Non ho mancato di cercare per ogni via di havere il disegno
de r opera che in capella ha fatta Michelagnolo, ma come ho
scritto a V. S. 111. per essere cosa grande et difficile a cavare vi va
tempo assai. Sono molti che di continuo la ritranno, fra gli quali
ch' e riputato il migliore, uno Mantovano, et si chiama Marcello,
che messer Julio lo debbia conoscere, e riputato diligente et che
per giovane facia molto bene. lo ho parlato cum lui per venire a
qualche accordo, accioche la ricavasse tutta, promettendogli che
vista che 1' havra V. S. 111. gli la fara rendere, et aci6 che possa
attendere a ricavarla volevo aiutarlo che si potesse intertenere,
perche il poveretto da se non ha modo da vivere. Ha vogha di
servirla, ma dubito poi di non havere gli disegni, gli quali come
saranno forniti estimara assai. Ha lavorato un mese del continuo
senza perdere tempo, et apena ha fornita la barca di Caronte,^
nella quale sono infinite figure. Hor consideri V, S. 111. che
tempo vi andera a fare il resto, poiche si po dire che la barca
sia un dito di tutto un corpo, di modo che io dubito che sara
impossibile a trovare verso che quella reste come io vorrei servita
per le ragioni sopradette . . .
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
' See supra, p. 614. Venusti's two drawings still appear in 1627 in the
inventory of the ducal palace of Mantua, Delle Arti di Mantova, II. (1859),
161, 166.
- Cf. the report of N. Sernini, August 5, 1542, in SoLMI, Ochino, 56 scq.
Solmi thinks, wrongly, that Sernini is here speaking of Fermo Guisoni.
APPENDIX. 66l
II. Giovanni Ricci to Cardinal Alessandro Faknkse.^
1 541, December 29, Siena.
Giunsi qui in Siena hiarsera a dui hore di nocte et in la mede-
sima hora fui ad visitar msgr di Granvela et havendoli dato parte
di tutto quelle che S. St^ me commisse, me rispose comenzando
da le cose di Francia et me disse ch' era stato presago et che in
Roma haveva preditto a S. B"* chel p'° mons. Ardinghello
ritornaria con la speditione ch' adesso ritorna subgiungendo che
giurava a Dio che non passaria 4 mesi da hoggi che proprio il re
christianissimo pregaria S. S'^ che rattaccasse la pratica, che hora
mostra non si curar, ringratiando sempre S. S'^ de boni offitii fatti
quantunche non habbiano causato effetto nessun bono. Ha negate
che li partiti che msgr Ardinghello ha esposto al re sieno stati per
prima ragionati da altri, salvo qualchuno senza saputa di S. M'^ non
havesse voluto tentar et concludendo che se mai si videra pace,
non sara si non per la mano di S. B"'' el che di questo ne po star
sicurissimo.
[Orig. Ricci Archives, Rome, X., 150.]
12. Nino Sernini to Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga.^
1542, Januar. 4, Rom.
. . . Del luogo dove s' havesse a celebrare il concilio se ragion6
di Ferrara et Mantua in la quale al tempo caldo fu detto non
esservi buon aere, ne manco sicurezza di havere nissuna delle due
citta dalli loro signori, di modo che universalmente si inclinava a
Trento, et da alcuni r™ fu molto lodato quel luogo, ma il cardinale
Trivulzii che mi ha comunicato il resto, fa giudicio che si debbia
elegere Piacenza, quando pur se havesse da fare, che n' ha per6
poca speranza et e d' opinione che non si possa refiutare da
imperiali ne da Francesi, essendo de N. S. che persevera pure sul
neutrale et facciasi in qualsivoglia luogo d' Italia, tien per certo
che Lutherani non habbino a comparire. Per5 detto luogo sarebbe
a proposito, ma tien quasi impossibile chel si faccia, considerate
in che termine stan le cose del mondo, noQ vi essendo niolta
sigurezza che Francia non rompa guerra, et il Turco non assalta
* Sec supra, p. 147. " Set supra, i>. 133.
662 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
la christianita per mare et per terra, et cosi Spagnoli non passere-
bono sicuri per Francia et Franze»i non si fideriano delle forze
dello imperatore, et il mare a quel tempo per 1' armata del Turco
et de corsari non sara sicuro, ma quando pure si trovasse modo
di farlo, che e difficile, se fara alio spirito santo. Iddio vi metta
la sua mano che ve n' e bisogno . . .
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
13. Pope Paul III. to Francis I., King of France.^
1542, Mart. 27, Rom.
Charisime etc. Referet M" tuae nonnulla nostro nomine dil.
fil. loh. de Montepolitiano, noster camerarius secretus, presentium
exhibitor, super quibus optamus eam fidem per M'*" Tuam ei
haberi, quam nobis ipsis haberet, si cum ea presentes loqueremur.
The following postscript is certainly in the Pope's own hand :
La M'* V. Christ* per la sua singular prudentia adverta bene in
questa occasione di concludere una tanto sancta et necessaria pace,
non posser fare majore servitio a Dio et cosa piu degna di se et
de li sui gloriosissimi tituli, ne posser asseguire piu segnalata
victoria che sara di vincer se istessa, et in quel tempo dove piu
poteria demonstrar el suo vigore, lo quale deve reservar ad pro-
seguir le actioni gloriose de li sui progenitori : defension et
exaltation de la sancta fede Christiana et sua perpetua gloria.
[Orig. Ricci Archives, Rome, VII., n. 12.]
14. Nino Sernini to Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga.-
1542, April 22, Rom.
. . . Et con r ultime lettere di 5 di questo e venuta nuova che
Alemanni si contentono di Trento, benche piti gli saria piaciuta
Colonia et un' altro luogo ; con questo aviso mercordi in
concistoro N. S. ne parl6 lung'^ concludendo che si facesse la
boUa lassando in bianco per mo[do] il luogo et tempo, ma si
conosceva che per le sue parole sarebbe Trento, et cosi sara vicino
a Mantova et il tempo al piii lungo verso setembre ; d' altra cosa
non si parl6 . . .
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
"ce "supra, p. 147. ^ See supva, p, 144.
APPENDIX. 663
15. AVERRARDO SkRRISTORI TO COSIMO I., DuKE OF
Florence.^
I54'2, August II, Rom.
. . . p. S. II rev. Pucci m' ha fatto intender come di poi
concistoro Sua S'^ lo chiam5 . . . et li disse come haveva fatto
pigliar in Lucca per conto di eresia due frati de quali uno se n' e
fuggito in Pisa. The duke might give help towards their arrest.
[Orig. State Archives, Florence.]
16. Lattanzio Tolomei to Siena.^
1542, August II, Rom.
Due stemperamenti del mondo vanno al presente attorno che
danno timore, 1' uno e quello dele querre, 1' altro e quello dele
heresie, massime perche si intende non solo havere infetta la
Germania ma essersi sparso ancora in Italia et nominatamente in
Lucca. Qual disordine intendendosi ha dato occasione di fare
una deputatione di cardinali a questo effetto qual si pensa che
habbi ad essere come una inquisitione generale et particularmente
con li signori Lucchesi al presente si tratta di tor via li disordini
che a poco a poco per negligentia di chi vi doveva provedere
sono cresciuti in quella citta, quale et per lettere et per homo a
posta et per bocca del cardinale loro Guidiccione si mostra pronta
a fare ogni remedio ; et questo scrivo parte come nuova de le
cose che occorrano qua et parte per fare intendere a Vostre
Illustrissime Signorie che in tra li altri avvisi di heresie, che ci
sono, son stati nominati ancora certi luoghi del territorio vostro,
come Sarteano et Montalcino acciocche parendo a quelle vi
ponghino le urecchie ; benche la cura sopra le heresie paia et sia
cosa spirituale, perche essendo in li principii de la reformatione
de lo stato vostro fatta mentione ancora di questo non sarebbe
forse fuori di proposito intendendosi esser cosi di avvertirne li ordi-
narii et eshortarli a tenerne buona cura et offerirli ogni opportuno
favore. Questo io dir6 di mio giuditio che a me la religion pare
il fondamento de la vita humana et che mai si faccia alteratione
in quella che non vi si accompagni alteratione et variatione del
^ See su/>ra, p. 509. - See supra, pp. 504, 509. '
6(54 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
stato secolare ; et per questo sarebbe forse da tenerne cura non
solo per conscientia, ma per prudentia acci6 non si turbasse la
quiete ancora ne le cose temporali. Buona fama credo ne
acquisterebbero Vostre Illustrissime Signorie et appresso a Nostro
Signore qua gratia non piccola.
In tra li altri ordini di frati in questa contagione disordinati
sono stati nominati li Scappuccini di fra Bernardino et per questo
intendo che sua paternita e stata chiamata qua da Sua Beatitudine
per trovare a questa cosa remedio essendo vera. Quando sara
qua mi ricordar5 di nuovo instare per haverlo questa quadra-
gesima, si come 1' arcivescovo et Vostre Illustrissime Signorie piii
volte mi hanno coramesso, a le quali di continuo con reverentia
mi raccomando.
Di Vostre Illustrissime Signorie.
obsequentissimo ser Lattantio TolomeL
[Orig. State Archives, Siena.]
17. Cardinal Alessandro Farnese to Giovanni Poggio.^
1542, August 19, Rom.
II r°° Sadoleto legato al re di Francia parti di Roma non hieri
r altro per il suo viaggio, el quale fara con tutta la celerita possibile
alia eta et grado suo, perche cosi ha in commissione di fare.
Porta seco brevi et instruttioni piene di tutta quella efficatia et
caldezza che si possi immaginare maggiore per fermar 1' armi et
procurare la pace o almeno la osservantia della tregua. Ancorache
alia necessita che si trova hormai ridotta la povera christianita la
pare sola senz' alcun altro mezo si quella che ci possa assicurare
dall' ultima roina, nondimeno quando questo non si possa, ha in
commissione di fare ogni instantia nella osservantia della tregua
et neir una cosa et nell' altra spendere senza alcuna reservatione
tutta r autorita di Nostro Signore et di questa Santa Sede.
Al rev™° Contarini destlnato per Sua Maesta Cesarea si e
mandato hoggi il Montepulciano in poste ad portare le instruttioni
et altre cose necessarie per la partita, la quale si e soUecitata et si
soUecita in modo che senza dilatione sua sig* r"* si mettera ella
Cf. Ehses, Cone. Trid., IV., 283, and supra, p. 149.
APPENDIX. 665
anchora in viaggio. Et per6 V. S. tanto piu ha da procurare
quanto le scrissi con el corriere accioche questa diligentia di
N. S" possa fare frutto.
[Orig. Chigi Library, Rome, L-III., 65, f. 260.]
18. Nino Sernini to Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga.*
1542, August 26, Rom.
. . . Per quanto io ho possuto ritrare, N. S. haveva deliberate
in cambio del cardinale Contarino mandare in Spagna il Morone,
ma il Viseo s' e tanto afatigato et pregato et supplicate ch' e stato
eletto esso, et per questo effetto questa mattina s' fe fatta con-
gregatione nella quale N. S. 1' ha proposto, dicendo chel negotio
ha bisogno di celerita et ch' esso s' e offerto andare in su le poste,
et che questa andata gli potria giovare per assettare le cose sue
col mezzo et autorita dell' imperatore, et saria ancora la via di
quietare il re di Portugallo et pacificarlo con la sedc apostolica.
Queste sono le ragioni dette da S. B"* . . .
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
19. Nino Sernini to Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga.^
1542, October 14, Rom.
, . . Mercordi al solito fu concistoro, nel quale N. S. parl6
lungamente delli travagli del mondo et disse in quanti periculi si
trovano tutta christianita, di poi ricord6 avicinarse il tempo del
concilio, et per5 era necessario risolvere se si dovevono mandare
legati a Trento, volendo inferire per le sue parole essere fuori di
proposito considerate che standogli principi christiani in sularme si
vede chiaramente non essere il tempo da celebrarlo, et per questa
ragione quelli ch anno mal animo potriano dire essere fatta questa
diligentia senza proposito. Li cardinali risposono che essendo la
cosa di molta importantia pigliavono tempo a pensarvi matura-
mente sopra et si risolvera nel primo concistoro. Litendo che
molti cardinali inclinano che vi si mandeno, accioche Luterani
^ See supra, p. 1 50, ^ See siipa, p. 1 54,
666 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
non habbino cagione de dire che rtsii da N. S., la cui S'* pare
che sia d' altra openione et non inclina a mandarvegli, et se pure
vi gli mandera se ragiona del mastro di sacro palazzo et del
Morone . . .
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
20, Instruction for Dionysius, Guardian of the Convent
OF SiON IN Jerusalem, as Visitor of the Maronites
OF Lebanon.^
1542, November 20 [Rom].
Instrutione mandata al guardiano de Monte Sion in Hierusalem
quale e deputato a visitare li Maroniti del Monte Libano alii 20
de novembre 1542. Et la portd frate Felice da Venetia.
Pigliate dal rev""* patriarca et sue conseglio le infrascritte
informationi.
In prima circa la scrittura vecchia et nova se hanno piti o
memo libri di quelli che hanno li Greci et li Latini, cioe della
scrittura vecchia cinque libri di Moise, uno di Josue, uno delli
Judici, uno di Ruth, due di Samuel, due delli Re, due de li
Paralipomenon.
Et de la nova lo evangielio di S. Mattheo. Di poi si hanno
constitutioni delli apostoli, cioe di Pietro e di Paulo o di alcuno
altro apostolo et se hanno li sette canoni de gli apostoli.
Item se hanno li acti del concilio Niceno primo congregate
sotto Costantino magno et Silvestro papa di Roma et se hanno
piii che vinti canoni del detto concilio.
Item se hanno li acti de li altri concilii general! et provintiali et
li canoni loro et le interpretationi come hanno li Greci et li
Latini et insomma di quanti concilii hanno li acti et di quanti
li canoni soli.
Item quante historic ecclesiastiche hanno et di quali autori et
come grandi et se sono state tradotte di altre lingue o composte
in lingua Maronitica.
Item se credono, che la lingua Maronitica litterale che usano
in libri sacri et la Caldea anticha sia la medesima et se credono
'See supra, pp. 521, 547; Wadding, XVHI., 359; Ttib. Theol.
"^uaitalschiilt, 1845, No. 50.
APPENDIX. 667
che in Jerusalem al tempo di Christo si parlasse vulgarmente in
lingua Caldea, cioe lingua Hebrea mista et che Christo parlasse
in la lingua, nella quale e scritto lo evangielio, che lore hanno di
Mattheo, et se credono che questo evangielio di Mattheo che
lore hanno sia quel medesimo che scrisse Matheo, non solo
quanto alii sensi ma quanto alle parole anchora.
Item potendo havere delli libri loro della scrittura pigliateli piu
emendati che si po et mandateceli. Et se hanno chi sappi
scrivere la lingua Caldea, in character! Hebraic! pigliate 1! detti
libr! anchora scritt! in character! Hebrei, cioe pigliate tutta la
scrittura loro prima scritta in li lor character! Chaldeici overo
Maronitici et d! poi havendo commodita di tal scritture, come e
detto pigliate la medesima scrittura loro in lingua Caldeica, overo
Maronitica scritto in charater! Hebre! et nominatamente lo
evangielio di Mattheo, et e facile che s! trovi qualche uno di loro
che sappi cosi scrivere et li Hebrei nostri d! qua scrivano tutte le
cose loro Caldee in character! Hebreici et possendo menar con
vo! uno di loro che sappi bene interpretar in lingua Greca o
vulgare o litterata o nostra vulgare o Arabica menatelo purche
sia sufecientemente litterato. Item pigliate lo indice di tutta la
bibliotecha loro et di tutt! ! libri che loro ve informarano che si
potessono havere dalle bande di la et questo indice sia in lingua
Greca o vulgare nostra o Latina, et pigliate informatione se in
Antiochia et altre citta vicin! sono libr! Grechi.
Item pigliate una informatione di tutte le cose della fede loro el
anchora dimandate delle cose della fede come passano in li paes!
loro vicin! et lontani anchora verso la Arabia et India et vt-rso la
Armenia et come vi sono Christian! ct se vi sono chiese et vescovi,
et se tengono la fede secondo !1 rito o nostro o Greco o pure sono
heretic!.
Item oltra a libri pigliate ancora medaglie di qualonque sorte et
con qualonque inscrittione le trovate d' oro, d' argento et di rame.
Item pigliate tutte le iscriptioni che trovarete in 1! marm!
antichi o siano in caractheri Greci o Latin! o Hebrnici o Caldaici,
et quelo che non sapete scrivere posendo pingetelo.
[Copy. Secret Archives of the Vatican, Bibl. Pia 170, f 76-77.]
668 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
2 1. Instruction for M. Grimani, Patriarch of Aquileja,
AS Nuncio in Scotland.^
1543, April I [Rom].
Inprima andar con ogni diligenza alia corte di Francia e
presentare al re christianissimo il breve sue credentiale in lui e in
virtCi della sua credentia exponerli la causa, perche N'" S'^ 1' invii
in Scotia, cioe per procurare la liberatione del rev"*" cardinale di
s. Andrea, 2 quando a quell' hora non fusse liberate, e per ajutare a
mantenere e difendere quel regno nella fede catholica e liberta sua
antica ecc, si come prudentemente Sua M'^ Christianissima 1' ha
ricordato e instate a Sua Beat"" per le quali due cose, come Sua
S'^ ha concesso hora le sei decime ecc. secondo che il re in vita
sua 1' havea supplicate, cosi non e per mancare d' ogni altro ajuto
necessario, fino che hara forza alcuna della sede apostolica
rappresentando qui la stima che Sua Beat"" tiene di quel regno,
r afifettione che porta alia regina et a tutti li principi et persone
private d' esso.
Item discorrere con Sua M'^ Christianissima qual modo gli
paresse megliore, per assicurare et acquietare gl' animi di quel
nobili et evitar tumulti e seditioni, et quando Sua M'^ giudicasse
esser espediente di dar quanto pii^ presto un re a quel regno, come
qui e stato ricordato a Sua Beat"^, si potria pigliare il bon parere
di essa Sua M'^ per far poi ogni opera di metterlo in essecutione,
stimandosi che per la prudenza sua et per la pratica c' ha di quel
regno, e per 1' amore, quale li porta, non possa parerli se non cosa
da esser utile e ben fatta.
Item consigliarsi con la M'^ Sua del tempo et modo del passar in
Scotia securamente senza mettersi a periculi d' Inglesi, e quando
a Sua M'^ non piacesse questa passata sicura o necessaria non
dovete passa piu oltra ; ma fermandovi in Francia, et avvisando di
tutto Sua S'^ aspettar risposta ; come per contrario quando Sua M'*
vi conforti a passare e mostri modo sicuro, dovete senza altro aviso
di qua seguire il vostro viaggio fino in Scotia, avertendo d' andar
salvo e per rispetto della persona vostra e de vostri e per rispetto
della sede apostolica. Ma in qualche modo vi resolviate passare
o non passare, dovete dar le lettere, che portarete per la corte di
* See tupra, p. 472. For Grimani see Ughelli, V., 133.
' Beaton,
APPENDIX. 669
Francia e visitar la reina, madama Margarita, madama de Etanipes,
e gl' altri signori e dame della corte, come per la vostra prudenza
saprete fare, non lassando indrieto li rev"' cardinal! di Tornon
e Ferrara ^ et il cardinale di Loreno e mons. di Ghisa.
Giungendo in Scotia dovete andar dritto a visitar la reina e
quelli che si trovaranno al governo del regno e benedicendoli in
nome die Sua S'^ dar a ciascuno il suo breve con esponere la causa
della vostra andata, come e detto di sopra. Et a caso che il
rev""" cardinale di S. Andrea sia liberato, come si desidera e spera,
visitarlo, darli il suo breve e communicarli tutta la commissione
vostra non facendo cosa alcuna senza il consiglio e parer suo,
essendo practico, molto esperto et-de buona mente, col quale quel
che risolverete a benefitio del regno. Sua S'^ hara per resoluto, e
quando non fusse ancor liberato, che Dio il cessi, dovete con la
reina e con gl' altri grandi attendere con ogni vostra forza alia sua
liberatione, non potendo essere a Sua Beat"' piii a cuore, ch' e.
Item dirgli la faculta qual portate di far riscuotere dal clero del
regno sei decime, second©, ch' in parte il re clare mem. haveva in
vita supplicato a Sua S'^ e persuadendo il clero a pagarle volentieri.
Ordinarete col parer della reina e delli sig" deputati al governo
del regno, che si deputino uno o piu thesorieri di esse decime,
persone di buon credito e da bene, nelle mani de quali il denaro
habbia a pervenire, e poi spenders! come parera meglio alia reina
et a quelli c' haveranno cura del regno. La stanza vostra sara o in
corte o dove a voi et alii sopradetti deputati et al cardinale, quando
sia libero, parera meglio e piu espediente.
Le cerimonie devono essere con gravita et affabilita insieme
senza alcuna ostentatione.
Le faculta deveno esser usate a servigio di Nro Sre Iddio et in
edificatione e commodo di quel regno, et in questo harete molia
cura alle mani de vostri ministri ad imitatione del rev"" card'*"
Polo e d' altri, che gl' anni passati hanno havuto legation! in quelle
parti ecc. Le lettere si deveno indrizzare al nuntio di Francia, al
quale si da ordine, che le dia presto e bon ricapito.
Nascendo occasione di poter fare qualche officio bono con
Inghilterra si rimette in la prudenza vostra, avvertendovi pero
di non entrare in cosa, che possa esser di danno o di vergogna
alia republica Christiana et alia sede apostolica.
* Ippolito d' Este.
670 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
La stanza vostra in quel regno sara piu longa o piu breve,
secondo le occorrentie, e quando il tempo serva ad avvisare Sua
S'^ del parer vostro et aspettar risposta, dovete farlo, e quando per
qualunche caso non servisse, si rimette questa risolutione alia
prudenza vostra, si come anco in 1' altre cose sopraditte quando vi
paresse ragionevolmente di doverne variare alcuna lo potrete fare,
massime col consiglio del cardinale sigf Andrea ove sia liberate
ecc. e quando lo stato delle cose fusse tale, che la M'^ Christi-
anissiaia e quelli, che governano il regno di Scotia havessero
charo d' esser ajutati a molestar Inghilterra. Si trovano in quest©
paese alcuni personaggi di quel regno quali per servigio d' Iddio,
beneficio di quell' isole e commodita di Scozzesi esponano le
persone loro ad ogni pericolo, e forse non senza gran frutto, il
che secondo 1' occasione e la dispositione, che trovarete, possete
significar al re christianissimo prima e poi in Scotia o non signifi-
carc, come a voi parera.
[Copy. Arm. II. , t. 49, f. 68-69*'. Secret Archives of the
Vatican, also in the Doria-Pamphili Archives, Rome, Istruz.
I-, 357 ^<??.]
22. Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga to Ferrante Gonzaga.^
1544, Mart. 18, Mantua.
. . . Sendo tomato Farnese dalla sua legation ha portato il
parentato di Vittoria col duca d' Orliens nella manica, perche il re
gli ha dato ampla faculta di dir al papa, che lo publichi mo a suo
piacer. Pur non si fidando interam"" delle parole di S. S., vorebbe
prima, ch' ella si dichiarasse francese, a che tant' e inclinata, che
gia r haveria fatto tenendo 1' imperator per inimico, et ove le vien
ben in publico et in private, in concistoro et fuori di dargli qualche
cinghiata, non gliene sparagna alcuna, ma il duca di Castro, che
adesso e tutto spirituale, ogni di dice 1' officio grande et si fa pre-
dicar et legger 1' epistole di San Pauolo con mostrar una mutation
grandiss^ della vita sua, al quale N. S. presta gran fede et dice, ch'
e ben mo secundum cor suum et che li suoi consili sono molto
buoni et assai piCi gli crede, ch' a tutti gli altri Farnesi insieme,
ha detto a S. S., che non pu^ ne deve dichiararsi francese, perche
> See «//>•#, pp 183, 189, 191.
APPENDIX. 671
bisogneria poi, che pigliasse 1' arme contra 1' imperator, che
sarebbe cagione dcUa rovina di tutta la casa, ch' anno pur nelle
mani del sangue di S. M'^ ch' e Madama et che li stati loro sono
sotto la protettione d' essa M'S et finalm'^ si verrebbe a ingarbugliar
tutta Italia, di maniera che per tali consili il papa discorrendone
con Castro si risolve di pregar il re, che sia contento comandargli
ogn'altra cosa eccetto che questa dichiaration, perche non solamente
allui, ma a tutto il mondo fara conoscer con 1' opere, che in ogni
modo e Francese et con denari et con genti sotto color di man-
dargli contra Inghilterra, non manchera d' aiutarlo et favorirlo
sempre, la dove questa dichiaration potrebbe tornargli in danno
grande et senza alcuno profitto di S. S., cosi sono rimasti insieme
in questa conclusione. II papa onninamente voleva far cardinali
a queste ceneri cioe tre o quattro de suoi, ma il buon duca, ch' e
stato quattro di a posta in palazzo per queste consulte dette di-
sopra, r ha confortato a non farli, dicendo, che se ancho non ne
faceva a petition de principi, saria stata cosa con dispiacer de
tutti massim'^ del re et dell' imperator, seben esso imperator nor
de domanda et che mostri non se ne curar, neancho delli gia fatti.
Pure Burgos ha fatto intender a S. S., che S. M'^ si truova pochis-
simi cardinali, per esserne mancati assai, et che tanti ve ne sono
di Francesi, et ogni di piCi se ne fa, ch' ella di doi cardinali non
solamente resterebbe contenta, se non ne havesse almeno 405.
Perh6 tale creatione s' e diferita con disegno d' essequirla il di del
letare che seguira, et sara la domenica avanti quella di passione,
et ha scritto al re, che se non gli fosse dispiacer, non vorrebbe far
cardinali ad instantia de principi, per non ne far all' imperator, pur
ancho s' accommodara al voler d' esso re. Et cosi secondo la
risposta ch' avera si governera, et ne fa ogni modo o pochi o assai.
Farnese ha riferito a S. S., ch' el imperator non gli lascio fmir
r ambasciata, che interrompendolo gli disse : Mons"", voi havete
Monreale per noi, vostro padre il ducato di Novara, il duca
Ottavio ha la nostra diletta figliuola con 20" sc. d' entrata, et per
far placer a S. S., habbiamo tolerata la rovina di doi cariss' amici
nostri, il duca d' Urbino et il s. Ascanio Colonna, che con un sol
nostro cenno haveriano fatto del mal' assai, et poi siamo trattati
cosi, che un vicario di Christo, che ancho ha ricevuti tanti bene-
fici da noi, si voglia adherir al re di Francia o piutosto al Turco
nimici espressi della fede, onde si doleva amaram" di S. S. et gli
672 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
disse, che dovesse per suo bene farla avertita, che guardasse ben
bene ci6 che faceva, che non le intraven esse di quel che face a
Clemente, bravando un poco a tale che lo rimandd confuso. Ora,
mons. mio rev"", qiianti mesi at forse anni sono che io dico a
V. S. R'"^ ch' el papa e Francese, lo vedera pur mo et lo tocchera
con mano, se poi gli avisi miei non sono accetti et che non
facciano frutto, patientia, almeno mi consola questo ch' ella cono-
scera la verita, perche nel primo concistoro si leggera la pragmatica.
[Concept, Cod. Barb. lat. 5792, f. 18-19'' of the Vatican Library.]
23. Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga to Monsignore de Rossi.^
1545, Mart. 7, Mantua.
Voi v' ingannate di gran lunga, se pensate, che tra cesar e '1
papa sia buona intelligenza, perche vi dico io certiss", che v' e poca
satisfattion in ciascuno d' essi del compagno. Cesar ha mostrato
grandiss° dispiacer, ch' el papa non habbia fatto cardinale il
Pazecco, lo stringe a restituir lo stato al s. Ascanio senza parentato,
tira avanti il concilio et gli ricerca a depositar nellamagna 600™ sc.
per 1' impresa contra il Turco. II papa si duole, che cesar sia
implacabile, da parole generali della restitution dello stato al s.
Ascanio, che non sono accettate, et dice voler mandar Farnese a
S. M'^ per metter tempo in mezzo. I ministri di lei si sono aveduti
del tutto et hanno detto a S. S., che piu non vogliono scriver parole,
ma che venendo a fatti scriveranno, a tale che le cose sono molto
alterate.
[Concept. Cod. Barb. lat. 5792, f. 144'' of the Vatican Library.]
24. Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga to the Duke of J'errara.^
1545, Mart. 28, Mantua.
Quanto mo all' andata di Farnese alia corte Ces", V. Ecc. sa,
che quando Trento ^ fu a Roma, egli propose, ch' esso Farnese
v' andasse, ma con uno deposito in mano di 400'" sc. da spender,
' See supra, p. 203. * See stipra, p. 217.
'' Cardinal Madruzzo.
APPENDIX. 673
bisognando cosl nella guerra contra infideli come in aiuto de
Catholici contra Lutherani, il papa allhora biass6 la cosa ne si
risolse altramente ma havendo dapoi scoperto ogni di pih. V animo
deir imperator, ha terminato finalm" mandar Farnese, et di nuovo
consultata la cosa con Trento per mezzo del card. s. Croce e stato
persuaso a farlo, ma col deposito. S. B. ha replicato che dubita,
che a Farnese non sia fatto qualche scorno andandovi, Trento ha
risposto, che si mandi il Mignanello, et quanto al deposito, intendo
ch' ella vorebbe riducerlo a 100™ sc. et non pid, a tale che non
sotisfarL II Mignanello disse ancho, che prima della partita sua
di Roma 1' andata di Farnese era molto calda, ma che nel suo
partir gli pareva poi che fosse tutta raffredita, di maniera che non
sapeva che se ne dir, pur io credo, ch' egli andra, et ch' el papa
fara ogni cosa per adolcir 1' imperator et gli ungera le mani di
buona somma di scudi.
[Concept. Cod. Barb. lat. 5792, f. 153 of the Vatican Library.]
25. Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga to the Duke of Ferrara.^
1545, April 26, Mantua.
Conversation with Cardinal Farnese about what would happen
should the Pope die during his absence from Rome : et dicendogli
io che ve n' era ben anchora per un pezzo, mi rispose non esser
cosi, perch' ella non cavalcava si pu6 dir quasi piii ne tanto
passegiava quanto soleva far, et che in somma pareva adesso che
molto fosse invecchiata et cascata . . .
[Concept. Cod. Barb. lat. 5792, f. 166 of the Vatican Library.]
26. Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga to the Duke of Ferrara.^
1545, Juni 4, Mantua.
Farnese called upon me to-day : Pur mi ha detto, che non ha
havuto troppa difficulta a render ben capace 1' imperator del buon
animo di N. S., et che piutosto gli e stato di bisogno ributtar la
cortesia di S. M'^ che niente inducerla adusarla, come quella che
' See sttpra, p. 218. 2 gee supra, p. 223.
VOL. XII. 43
6/4 HISTORY OF THE POPES. -
ben conosce, che per suo servigio le mette conto d' intendersi ben
con S. S. Intorno al concilio m' ha detto, che la cosa e rimessa al
papa, et che solam" 1' imperator ricorda, che terminando la triegua
tra Lutheran! et CathoUci ogni volta ch' esso concilio s' apra per
quello ch' ordin5 S. M., che stessimo in pace fin a tanto che si
facesse o nationale o generale, senza alcun dubbio Lutherani fa-
ranno una schiavina a Catholici per esser piu in numero, meglio
ad ordine et piu uniti, et che pure se ne rimetteva al papa.
Farnese dice mo, che S. S. fara qualche cosa, che a mio giudicio
sara ben poco, come a dir tre o quattro sessioni et qui finirla,
non mi parendo verisimile, che di nuovo sia per far altra proro-
gatione, poiche la sua fortunazza gli ha dato cosi bel modo d' uscir
d' un tanto labyrinto. Esso Farnese m' c paruto tutto humile el
piacevole . . .
[Concept.^ Cod. Barb. lat. 5792, f. i7o''-i7i of the Vatican Library.]
27. Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga to the Duke of Ferrara.^
1545, Juni 30, Mantua.
The Pope sets about great military preparations. Dunque si
concludera, che vadano nellamagna, dove il papa sommamente
disidera metter le mani, si per far- quello che deve contra gli
heretici, come per gratificar all' imperator in cosa che non gli
apporti piCi inimicitia di quella che si truovi fin' adesso; perch' a
pensar, ch' essa gente sia per andar in Ungheria, bora che si tratta
della triegua in Constantinopli, mi par una vanita grande.
[Concept. Cod. Barb. lat. 5792, f. 182 of the Vatican Library.]
28. Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga to the Duke of Ferrara.^
1545, August 18, Mantua.
. . . Quelle ragionazze masticate in due hore ch' el papa allega
per colorir il dubbio della rovina et della recuperation della Chiesa
sono si goffe che quasi e vergogna a parlarne ; pur io voglio che
veggiamo cib che vagliono et primamente dove dice, che pi.r esser
' Scv- supra, p. 226. " Ste supra, p. 23 1.
APPENDIX. 675
quelle due terre discostc dal resto dello stato della Chiesa ccc, se
ci6 valesse, non bisognorebbe dar ancho una via ad Avignone, ch'
e molto pill discosta et in mezzo si pu6 dir di Francia ; poi se per
la spesa si debbono alienar, a questo modo saria meglio alienar
ancho Bologna, la quale divenendo hora frontiera dello stato della
Chiesa, converra che sia fortificata, com' e stata Piacenza et che
sempre vi si faccia una buona spesa per guardarla. Appresso se
quelle due terre sono state anticam'® donate alia Chiesa et a
Christo, come si donano i patrimonii delle chiese, ch' a da far il
papa d' alicnarle, sono forse le sue, non e egli pure amministratore
d' esse come io di questi beni del mio vescovato, e forse il papa
signor delle terre della Chiesa? Ora guardiamo un poco la bella
ricompensa, che per quelle vuol dar di Camerino et di Nepe, uno
che non e suo, ma d' altrui di ragion, et 1' altro, che fu dato all'
unico Aretino per mille o poco piii scudi d' entrata et che pure
non e suo, poiche sara quel cosi cieco, che voglia comparar due
bicocche alle due migliori citta di Lombardia cosi d' entrata come
di paese, vassalli et d' ogn' altra cosa, che si debba in un simile
caso considerar. Quanto al multiplicar de vassalli, in questo ha
ben grandissima ragion, poiche s' acquistano per esser molto utili
alia Chiesa, quando ancho sono di valor nell' arme, ma se questo
militasse, perche non si da Faenza alii Manfredi, Arimine alii
Malatesti et tutte le altre cittati a quelli che n' erano signori, per
haver piii bella corte et per multiplicar in piu vassalli ? Io scempio
mi sto a beccar il cervello facendo invettive, et il buon vecchiarello
si sguazza il mondo felicissimo.
[Concept. Cod. Barb. lat. 5793, f. 6 of the Vatican Library.]
29. Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga to the Duke of Ferrara.^
1545, August 23, Mantua.
Certo, chel vecchiarello ha molta ragion di non solamente
disegnar di far la nipote principessa di Spagna, ma anchor il
futuro duca di Piacenza re di Spagna, di Francia et di tutto,
poich' ogni cosa gli riesce cosi bene. A noi altri, che senza
tanta buona sorte habbiamo i stati per li nostri antichi con tante
fatiche e stenti guadagnati et che con altre tante agnoscie si
* See supra, p. 233.
6/6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
conservano, pare una strana cosa il veder far un duca di due
simili citta in una notte come nasce un fungo ; ma poiche cosi
Dio vuole at che non ci habbiamo a far pid che tanto, man' a
ridersi della ladra fortuna et porre in lettere maiuscule quelle
parole si grandi et insolenti : c' E ancho nostra nipote,
acci6 che siano a tutti essempio di prospera fortuna, la quale
neancho sia perh5 si ferma, che non possa far dar volta a quella
sua instabile ruota com' e d' usanza. lo considerando questi
gran fatti del vecchiarello, mi vado risolvendo, che per V. Ecc.
sia meglio, che quell' animale d' Ottavio habbia le due citta, che
se continovassero in poter della Chiesa, si per esser lui manco
atto a farle danno nelle cose di Modena et di Reggio, si ancho
perche quando la Chiesa vora far delle imprese piutosto comin-
ciera da Piacenza et da Parma che dalle citta di V. Ecc,
havendole com' ella le tiene per sententia dell' iraperator et per
accordo col papa.
[Concept. Cod. Barb. lat. 5793, f. 6^-7 of the Vatican Library.]
30. Cardinal Farnese to Cardinal Morone.^
1545, August 23, Rom.
II Vignola architetto comparse inanti a N. S, et mostr5 a S.
S'^ li disegni dell' opera da farsi in la chiesia di san Petronio, et
con tutto che habbia aspettato lungamente li altri concorrenti,
non sono per6 mai comparsi, essendo gia tanto tempo stati
chiamati come V. S. R""' si pub ricordare, la onde ritornando
egli costa mi e parso accompagnarlo con questa mia a V. S. R""*
et raccommandarglielo, accioche si come egli prontamente e
comparso qui con animo che li suoi disegni si ponessero a
comparatione delli altri, cosi V. S. R"* pigU la sua protettione,
et in questo edificio di san Petronio egli vi habbia quel loco che
r opere sue meritano, et che non comporti, che sia oppresso dalli
favori delli altri ecc. Certificando V. S. R""* che di tutto quello
niuto et favore che li prestara, io ne ricever6 molto piacere . . ,
[Orig. Nuntiat. di Bologna, CLXXVII., f. 29. Secret
Archives of the Vatican.]
See supra, p. 593.
APPENDIX. ^77
31. Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga to Camillo Capilupi.*
1546, Juli 23, Mantua.
... In questi nipoti del papa si vede estremo disiderio di
servir al imperator, e credo che S. M'* con qualche buona cieia
che faccia loro gli governeri insieme col papa come vora, ma
dair altro canto sono pieni di tanta speranza et si gonfii del
soccorso che conducono in questo bisogno di S. M., che penso
che Siena et Cremona pareriano loro niente.
[Concept. Cod. Barb. lat. 5793, f. 134 of the Vatican Library. 1
32. Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga to Ferrante Gonzaga.^
1546, October 13, Mantua.
. . . Sopra il papa si puo far poco fundamento per 1' eta sua
et piti per la volunta, la quale per me credo, che non potesse
esser peggior contra 1' imperator di quel che sia, et il soccorso
datogli in quella benedetta impresa con lasciarlo poi morir di
fame e di necessita non e stato per altro che per riducerlo a
termine, che fosse sforzato far ricorsa a S. S., che si truova
gagharda di denari, che pu6 levarlo di necessita cavandogli dalle
mani una Siena o qualche altra cosa a modo suo.
[Concept. Cod. Barb. lat. 5793, f. 171 of the Vatican Library.]
33. Girolamo Tiranno to Urbino.3
1546, December ii, Rom.
. . . Hoggi il papa parlandone in concistoro et proponendo di
fame qualche segno di ringratiamento verso Dio come sarebbe
stato d' una messa del Spirito Santo vi fuorono diverse sententie
delli r"" sopra questa proposta. Et per la parte degl' imperiali
fu allegato esservi lettere di XXX in Giovanni di Vega che
verificavano la fuga et dispersione, benche il papa habbia havuto
a dire che egli afferma d' haverle ; ma per6 non le mostra. La
' See supra, p. 303. ^ See smpra, p. 321.
* See supra, p. 325.
6/8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
conclusione e stata che s' habbia d' aspettarne nuovo aviso et
cosl qua insomma chi la crede a un modo et chi all' altro. E
quelli che credono per vera la dissolutione, alcuni 1' attribuiscono
alia stagione, la quale sola in questi tempi sia bastante a diffendere
quella provincia dall' arme di cesare, altri che sia per accordo che
possa esser nato tra Sua Maesta et la Germania. Gran cosa per6
pare a tutti che in una tanta fuga non vi siano avisi di quel che
sia avvenuto cosi delli cariaggi come dell' artellaria grossa.
Questa oppinione dell' accordo viene ancora confirmata d' alcune
parole che raccontano esser state usate da mons' Granvela verso
il nuncio di S. S'^ il quale essendo da Sua M*^ stato rimesso allui
sopra la querela che faceva della sententia data dal senato di
Milano in favore del s' Hier° da Cortemaggiore del non essere
suddito di Piacenza, et detto nuncio exaggerandola col mettere
inanzi li meriti di Sua S'^ verso cesare et specialmente di questa
spesa della guerra, pare che detto mons'^ Granvela forte turbato
et in collera havesse a rispondere : che spesa ? che Parma et
Piacenza ? II papa havrebbe fatto il meglio a dare del suo che
quel d' altri et d' una in altra parola prorompesse in questa, che
potria essere che gl' eserciti di Germania si trovassero un giorno
in mezo Roma, et le parole di contesa multiplicassero in tanto
che detto Granvela quasi spingesse il nuncio fuora della sua
stanza, benche tutto questo Spagnuoli habbino escusato sul male
di Granvela, che in quel punto lo teneva tutto fastidioso et non lo
lasciava dare orecchi volentieri ne a queste ne ad altre querele.
Ma non so gia come s' escusino i protesti che tuttavia hanno fatto
in campo contra S. S'^ dell' inosservanza della capitulatione per
mancanza delle paghe . . .
[Orig. State Archives, Florence, Urb. 266, f. 588.]
34. Pope Paul III. to King Ferdinand I.^
1547, Mai 20, Rom.
Regi Romanorum. Charissime etc. Guadium nostrum quod
ex serenissimi fratris tui tuaque recenti victoria publice privatimque
accepimus, cumularunt litterae Serenitatis Tuae rem ipsam nobis
plenius et particularius perscribentes, de quo eidem Serenitati
* See supra, p. 361.
APPENDIX. 679
Tuae gratias aginius. Licet enim id antea cognovissemus atque
undecunque agnitum habituri fuissemus gratissimum, tamen ali-
quanto gratius nobis est factum ipsa Serenitate Tua scribente.
Itaque eidem serenissimo fratri tuo at tibi ac nobis ipsis ex animo
gratulantes Deo optimo maximo publice ac solemnibus supplica-
tionibus gratias egimus agique fecimus, M'°*" ejus humiliter
dcprecantes, ut suos ac vestros hostes fidei catholicae et sacro
imperio rebelles ad sanitatem atque obedientiam plene reducere
vobis concedat, ad tranquillitatem istius inclytae nationis
Germanicae bonumque commune totius christianitatis et asser-
tionem fidei sancte suae.
Datum Romae etc. 20. maii 1547 anno 13. Bios.
[A tergo :] Regi Romanorum ad suas [litteras] super victoria contra
ducem Saxoniae.
[Concept. Arm. 41, t. 39, n. 475. Secret Archives of the Vatican.]
35. Cardinal Morone to Cardinal Madruzzo.^
1548, Januar. 23, Bologna,
He would have liked to have been in Rome in order to have
helped him : di matter acqua et spagner quanto pu6 il foco. lo non
son anco fuor di speranza in tutto che forsi col mezzo d' una
suspensione di questo benedetto concilio di consenso di 1' uno et
r altro di questi doi principi : a reconciliation might result.
[Autograph P. S. :] II rev"" s. Croce torn6 heri sera da Roma
et trov6 la protesta gia fatta dal sig. fiscale in noma di S. M'^ lo
non so che partito si pigliarino, ma a questi sig" pralati pare che
saria stato conveniente che S. M'^ havesse risposto alia conditioni
ch' erano ricarcate per deliberare del ritorno del concilio in Trento
di che non essendovi parola stimano che S. M'^ non sia informata
bene de tutti li andamenti et lo dicono ; nondimeno a me non
quadra; esso fiscale non e tomato alia congregatione per la
risposta gia offarta dal rev'"° di Monte et dal resto della con-
gregatione per venardi passato. lo par tutti li rispetti come V. S.
R'"'' et 111, pu6 pansar sto di mala voglia et prego Dio vi ponghi
la mano et mi par cosa troppo horribile a pensar li disordini che
veneriano in christianita, quando si facesse rottura tra questi doi
' See :upra, p. 404.
68o HISTORY OF THE POPES.
principi, nel che confido che la bonta di S. M. et gran prudentia
havera molta consideratione perche si potria cominciar tal danza
che non si finiria ne alii giorni nostri ne ad una altra eta de posteri,
come si e veduto alias nelli altri schisma et il cominciar pare facile,
il finire non e in potesta delli homini.
[Orig. Vice-regal Archives, Innsbruck.]
36. Pope Paul III. to Antonino Sirleto.^
1548, April 14, Rom.
Dilecto filio Antonino Sirleto canonico ecclesiae Jeracensis.^'
Dilecte fill salutem. Intelleximus esse nonnuUa diversorum
ordinum monasteria in diocesibus Reginensi, Jeracensi, Oppidensi
ac Miletensi consistentia, in quibus bibliothecae sunt multis libris
ac voluminibus tam Latinorum quam Graecorum auctorum refertae
ac plenae ; ^ cupientes autem ob bonas rationes dictorum librorum
et voluminum notulam seu indicem habere, de tua diligentia
confisi tibi, qui, sicut accepimus, etiam venerabilis fratris episcopi
Jeracensis in spiritualibus vicarius generalis existis, per praesentes
committimus, ut ad dicta monasteria te personaliter conferas
dictorumque monasteriorum abbates et superiores ex parte nostra
requiras, ut te cum uno aut altero socio dictas bibliothecas ingredi
ad hunc effectum libere permittant, et librorum ac voluminum,
que in illis reperies, notulam seu indicem conficias et ad nos
transmittas, quid in qualibet bibliotheca sit, particulariter anno-
tando, ac contradictores per censuras ecclesiasticas eadem auc-
toritate nostra compescendo, invocato etiam ad id si opus fuerit
auxilio brachii saecularis. Non obstantibus constitutionibus et
ordinationibus apostolicis ac dictorum monasteriorum et ordinum
etiam iuramento confirmatione apostolica vel quavis firmitate alia
roboratis statutis et consuetudinibus, privilegiis quoque indultis
ac litteris apostolicis eisdem monasteriis et ordinibus conccssis,
* See sup7-a, p. 547.
* Gerace.
' Here is a marginal remark ; et eorum praesertim, quae ad sacri oecumenici
concilii celebrationem pertinent (pertinent over the erased : multum prodesse) :
see below : et quoniam inter ipsa volumina aliqua esse possent, quae facerent
ad sacri oecumenici concilii celebrationem ; all struck through.
APPENDIX. 68l
confirmatis et innovatis ceterisque contrariis quibuscunque. Vo-
lumus preterea quod si que sint in ipsis ecclesiis Reginensi,
Jeracensi, Oppidensi et Miletensi bibliothecae, idem de libris in
illis existentibus requisitis locoruni ordinariis facias.
Dat. Romae XIIII. aprilis 154S a° 14. Bios.
[Concept. Arm. 41, t. 41, n. 210. Secret Archives of the Vatican.]
37. A. Cattaneo to Cardinal Madruzzo.^
1548, December 29, Rome.
. . . Ai XXIV che fu la vigilia di Natale arriv6 il s. Giulio
Orsino a Roma il quale senza havere cosa alcuna in scritto ha
portato tanto buone parole e larghe promesse havute da S. M.
come da mons. Granvela che c quasi meraviglia a se si adempissero
in parte. Credo ch' el papa ne restaria sodisfatissimo. . . . Hora
questi signori sono sopra il fare risolutione delle cose o piu tosto
parole portate dal s. Giulio et hoggi ancora al tardi si e fatta una
radunanza dei conseglieri innanzi al papa et secondo questa
risolutione si risolveranno le instruttioni et indrizzi che si hanno
di dare al duca Ottavio, il quale fra doi o tre di si ha di partire.
[Orig. Vice-regal Archives, Innsbruck.]
38. Benedetto Buonanni to Cosimo I., Duke of Tuscany.^
1549, Juni 29, Rom.
Col poco tempo che me ne fu dato scrissi due hore sono alia
S. V. per via d' un corriere che fu espedito a Geneva, com' era
passata la ceremonia del censo di Napoli, nella quale non lasser6
ancora di dire alia S. V. con la presente, come non solamente e
stato biasimato il sig"" Don Diego d' havere fatta comprare una
chinea che 13 anni sono fu data da S. Santita alia sig^ Francesca
S'* Fiore bo. me. quando fu maritata nel s" Hier""" Orsino, di piccol
prezzo, stata altra volta presentata et con guarnimenti men ricchi
del solito, ma d' essersene riso con molti, sotto colore di gratia et
di piacevolezza. II che quanto sia conforme alia mente di Sua
S'\ che preme infinitamente in vedere che si tenghino nel grado
^ See supra, p. 442. ^ See supra^ p. 445^
682 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
che si deve le cose di questa sede, per se stessa se lo imaginera
la S. V. Rest6 S. S'^ in molta colera, quando uscendo della porta
di San Pietro non trov6 li il s"' Don Diego secondi il solito. Ma
se le crebbe maggiore, quando giunta alle stanze sue per mettersi
a tavola le fu fatto intendere ch' egli non haveva voluto consegnare
il censo al car^' Camarlingo, il che dicono che s' era fatto a tempo
d' altri pontefici, et si poteva fare adesso senza alcun pregiuditio
di S. M'^ ma ch' era resoluto di voler darlo a S. S'^ medesima.
D' onde ne successe [che con poca dignita del carico suo stette
fuor di tutte le sale in un luogo strettissimo]^ aspettando che
S. S'^ havesse magnate, la quale benche lo sapesse, non per questo
si vedde che accelerasse piCi del solito il fine del suo magnare.
Fu chiamato poi dentro da m. Eurialo cam" di S. S'* [et nel
muoversi Don Diego si messe a dirli, per quanto ho inteso che
poi che S. S'^ haveva desinato poteva ancor dormire un poco per
non uscire del' ordin suo ch' egli aspeterebbe].^ II che fu dato a
tristo senso, et ch' egli lo dicesse ironicamente come non harebbe
a credersi . . .
Nella secreteria di S. S'^ si non divise le provincie per conto dei
negotii : a mons. Dandino tocca quella della corte cesarea, havendoli
dato per substitute m. Annibale Caro, et al Cavalcante e tocca
quella di Francia con un substitute che si domanda m. Seb.
Gualterio gia secret, del card. Trivultii. A mons. di Pola tocca
quasi vedere il tutti . . .
[Orig. State Archives, Florence, Med. 3268, f. 219.]
39. Uberto Strozzi to the Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga.'
1549, November 7, Rom.
... Heri a 18 hore essendo il r™° Farnese a Monte cavallo, ove
S. S'^ sta adesso, per raggionarli delle cose del duca Ottavio, dal
quale era venuta la staffetta la notte inanti, et havendoli mostrata
la sua lattera, nella quale pareva che risolvesse non volere tornare
a Roma ne altrove, dove ella comandasse, se non se li dava
Parma overo la ricompensa et quasi protestava se non se pigliava
risolutione di cercare per altra via di accommodare le cose sue,
^ Tn cipher. ^ In cipher.
* See supra, p. 451.
APPENDIX. ' 683
con molti altri particolari, S. S'\ o per la colera o per il freddo
preso la mattina per condursi li, como molti vogliono, hebbe tanta
alteratione che subito se li volt6 il stomacho et con vomito li pigli6
un accidente con ingrossarsegli la lingua, tanto grande che fece
paura a tutti i soi, maxime che subito li pigli6 la febre, la quale
per quanto intendo non 1' ha ancora lassato, anzi questa notte il
cattarro li ha dato fastidio, con lutto che dicano che pur habbi
dorinito et riposato . . .
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
40. Cardinal Alessandro Farnese to Camillo Orsini.^
1549, November 8, [Rom].
Ritrovandosi la S'* di N™ S" molto grave e cognoscendo il
pericolo della vita sua, nel quale si ritrova, si e risoluto di spedire
un breve diretto a V. S. I. poiche non pu6 scrivere di sua mano
et invece di cib ha commesso a me che per parte sua le scriva,
come fo colla presente in conformita di esso breve, che debba
consegnare all' ill° et ecc° sig. duca Ottavio la citta di Parma con
la cittadella subito che intenda che S. S'^ sia mancata (il che Dio
per sua misericordia prolunghi a molti anni) non ostante qualsi-
voglia altra commissione che sopra ci6 havesse data a V. S. I.,
come piCi a pieno potra intendere dal r, vescovo di Pola, secretario
di S. S'^ al quale potra dar fede come alia persona propria di S. B"°
[Copy. Altieri Library, Rome, VII., E-IV., f. 104.J
' See supra, p. 452.
INDEX OF NAMES IN VOL. XII.
Abbaco, Antonio (architect),
553 n- 3-
Abdelmem (governor of Mount
Lebanon), 521 n.
Accolti, Benedetto, Cardinal
(of Ravenna), 183 n. i, 284,
385 "•> 503. n- 3-
Accoramboni, Girolamo (doctor
of medicine), 526.
Achilles (S.J.), 59 n. 4.
Adjutorio, Desiderio d' (canon),
601.
Adrian VI., Pope, 18, 19, 102,
655-
Adriani, Adriano (S.J.), gin. i,
1 10.
„ G. B. (historian), 174
n. 4.
Agnello, Giovanni, 460 n. 2.
Agostino Piemontese, Fra (Aug-
ustinian), 28.
Agricola, Johann (Protestant
theologian, court preacher
to the Elector of Branden-
burg), 413.
Aguilar, Marquis of (Imperial
ambassador in Rome), 148,
158 seq.y 185.
Alaba, Didascus de (Bishop of
Astorja), 250, 253.
Alba, Duke of, 365.
Albani, Giovanni Girolamo
(canonist), 541.
Albert of Brandenburg, Cardinal
(Elector of May-
ence, Arcli bishop
of Magdeburg, and
Albert of Brandenburg — co7itd.
Administrator of
Halle), 104, 128,
135 n. I, 139, 141,
165, 167, 179, 181
n- 7. 275-
„ ,, (Grand-Master of the
Teutonic Order),
488.
„ „ the Margrave, 292.
„ „ Margrave of Branden-
b urg-C ulmbach,
293, 302, 357 seq.,
427.
Albret, Jeanne d', 521 n. 5.
Albuquerque, Juan de (Fran-
ciscan, Bishop of Goa), 1 14.
Albus, Paul (sculptor), 594 n. 2.
Alciati, Andrea (jurist), 544.
Aldovrandi, Ulysses, 595.
Aldus Manutius (typographer),
547 seq.
Aleander, Hieronymus, Car-
dinal (Archbishop of
Brindisi), 125, 131, 468 n.
2, 541, 545. 659.
Alepo, Salvatore (Archbishop
of Sassari), 261, 269.
Alessi, Galeazzo (architect), 553
n. 3.
„ Niccolb (theologian),
540 n. 2.
Alexander VI., Pope, i, 98 n. 2,
557, 578 n- 2, 592.
Alfani, Alfano (mathematician),
537-
Alfonso (King of Congo), 514.
6S4
INDEX OF NAMES.
685
Alterius, Martius(poet),594n.i.
Altoviti, Bindo (Papal deposit-
ary), 603, 635 n. 4, 636.
Alvarez (SJ.), 94.
„ de Toledo, Juan,
Cardin^al (Dominican,
Archbishop of Bur-
gos), 45, 186, 231,
355. 407, 420.
Amaseo, Romolo (humanist),
528 seq., 557.
Amatori, Francesco (assistant
to Michael Angelo), 609,
615.
Amboise, Georges d'. Cardinal,
243 n. I.
Amerbach, V. (humanist), 279
n. I.
Ammanati (sculptor), 594.
Anastasius (Emperor), 197.
Andelot, Johann von (Imperial
high steward), 227 j-(?^.,2 3o,
234-
Andersson, Lorenz (Swedish re-
former), 477.
Andreassi, Giorgio (Bishop of
Chiusi), 129 n.
Angelico da Fiesole, B. (Dom-
inican, painter), 574, 628.
Angelinus, P. (Bishop of Nepi),
591 n. 8.
Angero (a Japanese convert),
120.
Anguissola, Giovanni, Count,
372.
Annebaut, Jacques d', Cardinal,
202 n. I.
Antella, Giovanni dell' (Floren-
tine envoy), 47 n. 2, 128
n- 2, 367, 587 n. 9, 658.
Aquaviva, Claudius (S.J.), 14
n. 2.
Aracintio, Rodolfo (poet), 532.
Aragon, Johannes of (S.J.), 99.
„ Sebastiano de (Bishop
of Patti, Inquisitor
for Sicily), 90.
Araoz, Antonio (S.J.), 39 n. i,
43 n. 5, 51 n. 2, 53 n. i,
83, 91 seq.
Archinto, Filippo (Papal vicar-
general. Bishop of Borgo
S. Sepolcro), 45, 51 n. 3,
53 n- I. 81, 509 n. i, 525,
.^55-
Ardinghello, Giuliano, Cardinal,
361,366,418,420.
„ Niccol6 (secre-
tary), Cardinal,
53, 128 n. I, 133,
147, 187, 202 n.
T, 232 n., 541,
661.
Aresson, Jon (Bishop of Holar,
Iceland), 481 seq.
Aretino, Pietro, 535, 613, 615
seqq., 675.
Argulus, Joannes Gasparus
(commissary), 589 n. 4.
Ariosto, 523.
Aristotle, 72.
Armagnac, Georges d'. Cardinal
(Bishop of Rodez), 202 n.
I, 208, 231.
Armellini, Francesco, Cardinal,
557-
Arran, Earl of (Regent of
Scotland), 472.
Astemio, Vincenzo (poet), 533.
Atanagi, Dionisio, 539 n. i.
Aubespine (secretary to King
Henry II. of France), 435.
Augustine, St. (of England), 469.
Augustini, Raffaello (of Fiviz-
zano), 89.
Augustinus de Aretio (General
of the Servites), 749 n. 2.
Augustus, Duke of Saxony, 275.
AureHan, 556, 558, 580.
Avalos, Alfonso d', see Vasto,
Marquis del.
„ Gasparo d' (of Com-
postela), Cardinal,
202.
686
INDEX OF NAMES.
Babbi, Francesco, 191 n. i, 285,
560 n. 4.
Baccio Bigio, Nanni di (sculp-
tor), 594, 643.
Badia, Tommaso (Master of
the Sacred Palace, Car-
dinal), 33, 397, 505, 541.
Baglioni, Astorre (Roman sen-
ator), 452, 533.
,, Rodolfo, 385.
Balamius, Ferdinand (physi-
cian), 537 n. 3.
Baldovinetto (Bishop of An-
cona), 586 n, i.
Balducci, (iiacomo (goldsmith),
5.98.
Balduini, Balduino (physician),
351, 353-
Banda, Antonio della (wood-
carver), 602.
Bandinelli (sculptor), 594, 616.
„ Ubaldini (Bishop of
Montefiasconeand
Corneto), 537.
Bandini, Francesco (Archbishop
of Siena), Cardinal, 34, 304.
Barbaran, Valentino, Fra, 49,
50 n. I.
Barletta, Leonardo da (human-
ist), see Leonardo.
Baronino da Casale, Barto-
lommeo (architect), 553 n.
3> 565-
Bartoli, Daniello (S.J.), 3 n.
Basil, St., 67.
Beaton, David, Cardinal (Arch-
bishop of St. Andrews),
469, 471-473, 668.
Beccadelli, Lodovico, 235 n.,
529-
Bellagais (secretary), 220.
Bellay,Jean du (Bishop of Paris,
Cardinal), 333, 386, 407,
420, 442 seq., 446, 462
n. 2.
Belli, Valerio (goldsmith), 127
n. I, 600.
Belmesseri, Paolo (lecturer in
medicine), 528.
Bembo, Pietro, Cardinal, 530,
538, 541, 605.
Benedetto da Mantua (Augus-
tinian), 496.
Benedict, St., 68 n. i.
Bermudez, Juan (cleric), 113,
514 n. I.
Bernal, Joannes [Diego de
Lugo], Bishopof Calahorra,
449.
Bernard, St., 16.
Bernardi, Antonio (philosopher)
529-
„ Giovanni, da Castel
Bolognese (gold-
smith), 598.
Berse, Caspar (SJ.), 117 n. 3,
119, 121 n. I.
Bertano, Gurone (envoy), 324,
330-
„ Pietro (Bishop of
Fano), 234 n. 4,
308, 311, 398 n- I,
432 seqq., 436 seq.,
440, 442, 444 seq.,
448.
Bianchetto, Giovanni (official of
the Secretary of Briefs),
468 n. 2, 493 n. 4.
Bibra, Conrad von (Bishop of
Wiirzburg), 168.
Billick, Eberhard (Carmelite),
279 seq., 413.
Bladus, Antonius Asulanus
(printer), 530 n. 5, 547.
Blosius, Ludovicus(O.S.B.), 18.
Bobadilla, Nicolas (S.J.), 22,
84, 104, 108 seq., 134,
417.
Boleyn, Anne, 463.
Bona (Queen of Poland), 489.
Bonaventure, St., 16.
Boncompagni, Ugo (afterwards
Pope Gregory XIIL), 248.
Boniface VIIL, Pope, 58S.
INDEX OF NAMES.
68:
Bonuccio, Agostino (General
of the Seivites), 243,
261.
Bonzagni, Giovanni Giacomo
(goldsmith), 599.
Borghasio, Paolo (canonist),
541.
Borghesi, Antonio, 238 n. i.
Borgia, Francis, St. (afterwards
General of the Jesu-
its), 2 n., 17, 38,
96 seqq.
„ Girolamo (Bishop of
Massalubrense), 533,
550 "• 3. 584 n-, 613
n. 3.
„ Juan III., Duke of
Gandia (father of St.
Francis Borgia), 96.
Borromeo, Charles, St., 18, 617.
Bourbon, Charles de (The Con-
stable),
385, 555-
„ „ Cardinal,
368 n.
Bradine, Lucreawa, 52, 53 n. i.
Bramante (architect), 573, 606,
635. 640 stqq.,(i^^ seqq.
Braun, Conrad (jurist), 167.
Brenz, Johann (Protestant theo-
logian), 279.
Brian (English envoy), 466
n. 5.
Brionaus, Martin, 548 n. 6.
Broet, Pascal (S.J.), 22, 34, 84,
100.
Bucer, Martin, 105 seq.^ 205 seq..,
279 •^^?-> 342.
Bugenhagen, Johann (Protestant
theologian), 479.
Buonanni, Benedetto(Florentine
envoy), 442 n., 443 n., 445
n- 2, 579 n- 3. 681.
Buoncambi (agent of Pier Luigi
Farnese), 283.
Burlamachi (chronicler), 385 n.
Busaus, 104 n. 2.
Caccia, del (Florentine envoy
in Rome), 285.
Cafarelli, Gian Pietro (architect),
568 n. I, 570.
Cajetan, Thomas de Vio, Car-
dinal, 342.
Callini, Bernardino (Bishop of
Segni), 591 n. 8.
Calvin, John [anonym: Eusebius
Pamphili], 216 n. 2, 342,
487, 492, 500-
Camerino, Paolo da (S.J.), 121
n. I.
Campeggio, Giovanni Battista
(Bishop of Ma-
jorca), 219 n. 4.
„ Lorenzo, Cardinal,
536 n. 4, 541.
„ Tommaso (Bishop
of Feltre), 154,
166, 171 n. I,
178, 212, 219 n.
5, 242 seq., 245,
252, 541.
Camutius, Andreas (theologian),
540.
Cancellieri, Angelo del Bufalo
de' (overseer of Roman
streets), 565.
Canisius, Peter, St. (S.J.), 17,
56, 78 n. 5, 80, 82, 90 seq.,
104, 105 n. I, 109-1 12.
Cano, Melchior (Dominican),
94 seq^.
Capilupi, Camillo, 306, 677.
Capitaneis, Lodovico de (gold-
smith), 598.
Capodiferro, Girolamo, Car-
dinal, 46 n. 2, 133 n. 3,
145 n. 3, 170 n., 202 n. i,
335, 474-
Capua, Pietro Antonio da (Arch-
bishop of Otranto), 167,
179 seq.
Caracalla, 558, 580.
Caracciolo, Marino, Cardinal,
5°3 n S-
688
INDEX OF NAMES.
Carafa, Gian Pletro, Cardinal
(Bishop of Chieti,
Archbishop of Naples,
and later Pope
Paul IV.), 24, 45, 55,
144 n. 3, 19s, 209,
231, 233, 420, 452
n. 2, <~,o^seq.,c^oT seq.,
510. 543. 584 n- I,
„ Oliviero, Cardinal, 451,
654 n. 9.
„ Vincenzo, Cardinal, 27,
29-
Carnesecchi, Pietro (humanist),
508.
Caro, Annibale (secretary), 454,
53'. 539. 593, 600, 682.
Carpi, see Pio.
Casa, Claudio della (notary),
401.
,, Giovanni della (nuncio),
513,525-
Casale, Francesco, 463 n, 5.
J, Pier Antonio, 576.
Casas, Bartolome de las (Bishop
of Chiapa), 518.
Caselli (Dominican, Bishop of
Bertinoro), 178, 219 n. 4,
265.
Castagna, Francesco (Papal
commissary), 590 n. 5.
Castelalto, Francesco de (orator),
212.
Castiglione, Francesco Romeo
de (General of the Domini-
cans), 429 n. 2.
Castilla, Alfonso de, 449.
Castriotto, Jacopo Fusti (archi-
tect), 562 seq.
Castro, Scipio da, 371 n. 2.
Catarino, Ambrogio (Domini-
can, Bishop of Minori),
84, III, 243, 254, 429,
500 seq.
Catherine of Aragon (wife of
Henry VIII.), 463.
Cattaneo, Aurelio (secretary to
Cardinal Madruzzo), 290,
309, 311, 442, 681.
Cauco, Giacomo (Archbishop
of Corfu), 167, 304, 307,
350- .
Cavalcanti, Bartolommeo, 538,
682.
Cavalli, Marino (Venetian am-
bassador), 486.
Cellini, Benvenuto, 538, 589,
598 seq., 600.
Cervini, Marcello, Cardinal,
(Bishop of Nicastro, after-
wards Pope Marcellus II.),
44 n. 4, 79, 81, 84, lOT n.
I, 126, 162, 171 n. I, 174,
209 seqq., 240, 242, 247,
257 n. i,305.ff^., 309, 310
"• 3, 311, 316 n. 4, 317,
341 seq., 346, 348, 354,
374, 396, 404, 431, 436,
437 n. 2, 471, 478 n. 2,
504 n., 505 n., 531, 541,
545, 547-
Cesati, Alessandro [II Gre-
chetto], 232, 599, 600.
Cesi, Federigo, Cardinal, 202
,n. I, 541, 585, 595-
Chaireddin Barbarossa, 183,
386.
Chantonnay, Thomas de
(younger son of the chan-
cellor, Granvelle), 159,
171.
Charles V. (The Emperor), 28,
46, 96, 102, 106, 108 seq.,
124-133, 140, 146-152,
155, 158, 160, 168, 170-
178, 180, 182-202, 206
seqq., 213 seq., 217, 219,
222-230, 233-237, 249
seq., 255-258, 261, 266,
271-284, 286 seqq., 289-
298, 300-303, 305-319,
321-339, 347 seq., 351,
356-365* 367-374, 37S--
INDEX OF NAMES.
689
Charles V. — cotititiued.
382, 384-408, 409-428,
430. 432-437. 439-442,
444-449, 461, 463, 465,
469 seqq., 474, 478, 485
s«q; 495. 519, 535. 538,
564, 566, 569, 597 n. 2,
605, 636 seq.
Charles, Duke of Savoy, 103,
128.
Cherubino (clock-maker), 600.
Christian II. (King of Den-
mark), 478, 481.
„ HI., (King of Den-
mark), 479, 482.
Christopher of Brunswick (Arch-
bishop of Bremen), 181
n. 7.
Cibo, Caterina (Duchess of
Camerino), 398 n.
„ Giulio, 386.
,, Innocenzo, Cardinal, 183
n. I.
Cipriano (Dominican, canonist),
540-
Cisneros, Garcia de (Abbot of
Montserrat), 16.
Clario, Isidoro (Bishop of Fol-
igno), 80, 89, 539, 544.
Clement VII., Pope, 46, 173,
188, 333, 383 seq.,
456, 477, 483, 495.
517, 524, 539, 547,
549, 551, 554, 556,
586 n. I, 588 seq.,
594 seq., 599, 608,
635. 651 -f"?^-, 655.
„ VIII., Pope, 618 n. 2.
XIII., Pope, 619.
dementis, Pietro Francesco
(architect), 590 n. 5.
Clovio, Giulio (miniaturist),
608.
Cochlaus, Joannes, 18, 103,279.
Codacio, Pietro (S.J.), 38 seq.,
42.
Codure, Jean (S.J.), 22, 36, 58.
VOL. XII,
Coelho, Caspar (Vicar in Melia-
pur), 117.
Colle, Giuliano da, 509 n. i.
Colocci, Angelo (Bishop of
Nocera), 532.
Colonna, Family of the, 283,
383, 539, 555-
„ Ascanio, 175, 188,
194 n. 2, 284, 385,
670.
„ Vittoria (Duchess of
Amalfi), 25, 497,
. ^35-
Condivi (biographer of Michael
Angelo), 551, 61 1, 627 n. 2,
Contarini, Gasparo, Cardinal,
27, 30, 32 seq.,
36, 106, 126,131,
135, M4 n- 3,
149. 155, 342,
468, 498, 502
seq., 541, 605,
664 seq.
„ Giulio (Bishop of
Beliuno), 85.
„ Pietro, 23, 30 n. i.
Conversini, Benedetto (Bishop
of Bertinoro), 30.
Copernicus, Nicolas, 549 seq.
Copetta, Francesco (poet), 533.
Cornaro [Corner], Andrea, Car-
dinal (Archbishop
of Spalato), 202 n.
I. 346, 659.
,, Francesco, Cardinal
(Bishop of Brescia),
614.
Cortese, Gregorio, Cardinal (re-
former of the Cassinese
Benedictines), 209, 541,
543-
Covos, Francesco, 636 n. 3.
Cranmer, Thomas, 476.
Crescenzi, Marcello, Cardinal
(Bishop of Marsico), 41,
50, 209, 361, 366, 368,
397, 407-
44
690
INDEX OF NAMES.
Criminali, Antonio (S.J.), 118.
Crispi, Tiberio, Cardinal, 202
n. I, 578 seq., 587 n. 11.
Cromwell, Thomas, 457, 470.
Crusius (S.J.), 103 n. i.
Cruyllas, Francesca, 52 seqq.
Cueva, Bartolom^ de la, Cardi-
nal, 45, 202, 420.
Cupis, Domenico de, Cardinal
(Bishop of Camerino), 209,
231, 420, 592 n. 2.
Curione, Celio Secondo (Italian
heretic), 500.
Cyprian (S.J.), 118 n 6.
Cyril of Alexandria, 1 10.
Dandino, Girolamo (secretary
to Paul III., Bishop of
Caserta and Imola), 124
n. I, 127, 128 n. I, 133
n. 3, 170 n., 187 n. i, 208,
224, 235-238, 256 n. 7,
257 n. I, 274, 296 n. I,
333. 43i> 682.
Dandolo, Matteo (Venetian
envoy), 445 n. 2, 451 n. 3.
Danes, Pierre (French envoy to
Trent), 270.
Dante, 626 seq.
Dantiscus, Joannes, 489 n. 4.
David (King of Ethiopia), 514.
Dentocambi, Clementi (en-
gineer), 602.
Diana of Poitiers (natural
daughter of Henry II. of
France), 367 n. 2, 432,
449.
Diaz, Giambernardo (Bishop of
Calahorra), 447.
Diethelm (Abbot of St. Gall),
163.
Dionysius (Guardian of the
Convent of Sion at Jeru-
salem), 666.
Doctis, Gasparo de (auditor),
23-
Dolce, Lodovico, 6 1 7.
Domenech, Jer6nimo (S.J.),
41 n. 3, 42 n. 2, 89, 100
n. I.
Domenichi, L., 611 n. 3.
Dominic, St., 5.
Doria, Andrea (Admiral), 332,
371, 600.
Dosio, Giovanni Antonio (sculp-
tor), 594.
Duca, Giacomo del (architect),
. 5.73-
Duisnio, Alberto (Dominican,
canonist), 540.
Du Mortier (French ambas-
sador), 334 n. 5, 383.
Dunbar, Gavin (Archbishop of
Glasgow), 100.
Du Prat, Guillaume (Bishop of
Clermont), 82, 249.
Duranti, Durante de', Cardinal
(Bishop of Alghero), 202
n. I, 509 n. I.
Dzierzgowski (Polish Bishop),
489 n. 4.
EcK, Johann, in.
,, Leonhard von (Bavarian
chancellor), 293, 416
seq.
Edward VI. (King of England),
472, 474, 476.
Egidio, Fra (Carmelite, pro-
fessor in the Roman Uni-
versity). 540.
Egmont, Maximilian (Count of
Biiren), 297, 334.
Einarsson Gisfur (Bishop of
Skalholt), 481.
Eleanora (Duchess of Florence),
81, 87.
Elio, Antonio (secretary to
Cardinal Farnese, Bishop
of Pola), 318, 452 n. 4.
Engelbertson, Olaf (Archbishop
of Drontheim), 481.
Enriquez, Enrique (S.J.), 118 n.
6, 121 n.
INDEX OF NAMES.
691
Enzinas, Jayme (Spanish here-
tic), 508
Erasmus, Desiderius, 413, 495,
542.
Ercole II. (Duke of Ferrara),
26, 30, 86, 126,
194. 233, 354 n.
2, 440, 672-675.
„ the wife of, see
Renee.
Ernest of Bavaria, Duke (Bishop
of Passau, Archbisliop of
Salzburg), 107, 157, 181.
d' Este, IppoUto, Cardinal, 193,
194, 446, 452 n. 2, 599,
669.
Estrada (S.J.), 95.
Eustathios (commentator on
Homer, 548.
Faber [Le Fevre], Peter (S.J.),
21, 26, 31, 34, 42, 52
n. I, 79> 91. 96, 98
n. 3, 99, 102-106,
109, 116, 134, 527.
,, Johann (Bishop of
Vienna), 478 n. i,
548 n. 5.
Farnese, Family of the, 187 n.,
i9i> 283, 334, 422,
534-
,, Alessandro, Cardinal
(afterwards Paul
III.). 523.
,, Alessandro, Cardinal
(son of Pier Luigi
the younger), 40, 48,
49 n. I, 52, 89,
108, 126, 131, 137
n- I. 139, 149 n.,
153, 155, 157, 162,
166 seq.^ 172 seg.,
185, 187-192, 193,
196, 198, 209 n. 2,
212 n. 4, 217-226,
228, 230, 234 n. 4,
236, 238, 243 n. I,
Famese, Alessandro — continued.
246, 252 seq., 257 n.,
262 seq., 266, 273,
286 seq., 291 seq.,
297 n. 3, 302, 304
seqq., 308, 310-319,
324, 329, 337 seqq.,
347, 35i> 354, 356,
361 seqq., 366, 368
seq., 373, 380 seq.,
395, 399 ^- I, 401
n. I, 418, 421,429,
433 seq., 440, 442,
450 seqq., 454, 505
n. I, 527 seqq^Sd,'^,
533, 537, 565, 582
n- I, 593, 598,600,
603, 605, 607, 614,
659, 661, 664, 670,
673, 676, 682 seq.
,, Alessandro (son of
Ottavio), 231 n. 4.
„ Costanza (daughter of
Alessandro, after-
wards Cardinal, and
Pope Paul III.,
married to Bosio
Sforza, Count of
Santa Flora), 202
n. I.
,, Edoardo, Cardinal,
455-
„ Giulia (daughter of
Pier Luigi the
elder), 455.
„ Margaret (natural
daughter of Charles
v., wife of Ottavio
Farnese), see Mar-
garet of Austria.
„ Orazio (son of Pier
Luigi the younger),
232, 367 n. 2, 432,
435, 449, 529.
„ Ottavio (son of Pier
Luigi the youfiger),
42, 52, 126, i?S
692
INDEX OF NAMES.
Farnese, Ottavio — contimied.
seq., 176, 182, 1S8,
192, 229 seq., 232
seq., 292, 296, 321,
372 seq., 377 seq.,
382, 433, 435, 444,
449-453. 563. 600,
658, 670 seq., 676,
681, 682 seq.
,, Pier Luigi the younger
(son of Alessandro,
afterwards Cardinal,
and Pope Paul III.),
172, 176 seq., 191
seq., 229 seq., 232
seq., 283, 290, 320-
323, 362, 369-373,
376, 381, 383 seq.,
394, 529, 531, 535,
555. 557, 563, 580
n. I, 587 n. 9. 589
n. 4, 592 seq., 599
seq.
„ Ranuccio, Cardinal
(Archbishop of
Naples, son of Pier
Luigi the yoimger),
243 n. I, 529.
„ Vittoria (daughter of
Pier Luigi the
younger), 175, 191
seq., 283, 367 n. 2,
530 n. 4, 670.
Faure, J. B., (S.J.), 504 n. 3.
Favorino, Varino (Bishop of
Nocera), 532.
Felice, Fra (of Mount Lebanon),
521 n., 666.
Ferdinand I. (brother to Charles
v.), King of
Hungary and Bo-
hemia, 55, 107,
128,137-143,146,
158, 162-166, 171
seq., 178, 184, 199
seq., 212 seq., 214,
320 seq., 227, 242,
Ferdinand 1. — continued.
255.270-274,286
288, 294, 357 seq.,
361, 387 n. 2, 410,
420,422,437,439,
443. 678.
„ IL (the Catholic),
King of Aragon,
4, 335-
Ferreri, Bonifazio (Cardinal of
Ivrea, nuncio), 244
seq.
„ Filiberto, Cardinal,
443-
Ferretti, J. F., 579 n. 2, 583
n. 2.
Ferri, Alfonso (surgeon), 528.
Ferron, Bartolome (S.J.), 43 n.
I. 53 n. I, 54 n. i, 56 n. i,
83 n. 2, 108 n. 2.
Fichard (jurist), 555.
Fiesco, 332, 369, 371, 386.
Figueroa (officer of the Imperial
household), 236, 378, 382.
Filareto, Appolonio (secretary to
Pier Luigi Farnese), 229.
Filheul, Antoine (Archbishop
of Aix), 242, 244, 251.
Filonardi, Ennio, Cardinal, 34.
Fine, Cornelius de, 127 n. 2.
Fisher, John, B. (Bishop of
Rochester and Cardinal),
458 seq., 541.
Flaminio, Marcantonio (human-
ist), 247, 496, 498, 530,
533-
Flavius, F., 532 n. 6.
Flersheim, Philipp von (Bishop
of Spires), i«3, 138.
Fonseca, Juan (Bishop of Cas-
tellamare), 248.
Fontana (architect), 3 n. i.
Fonzio, Bartolommeo (O.S.F.),
492 n. 2.
Foscarari, Egidio (Master of
the Sacred Palace), 540
n. 2.
INDEX OF NAMES.
693
Foscheri. Pietro (Podesta of
Trent), 354 n. 2.
Fracastoro, Girolamo (physi-
cian), 351, 353, 531, 536.
Fracco, Novidio (poet), 533,
535 ^<^q-
Franchino, F., 452 n. 2.
Francis I, (King of France),
28, 102, 124, 127 seq., 133,
137 n. I, 139 n. 4, 145,
147-152, 155, 168, 172,
175. 177, i«2, 183-186,
191, 193 seqq., 198 seqq.,
207 seq., 209 n. 2, 220,
244, 249, 255, 270 stq.,
301, 315' 320, 323 s«q-^
335. 360, 459, 461, 465,
467 seqq., 472, 474, 482-
487, 535> 599> 602, 605,
636 seq., 653, 662.
Francis, Duke ot Orleans (after-
wards Francis II., King of
France), 191, 670.
Francis of Assisi, St., 5, 67, 622 n.
„ of Sales, St., 1 8.
„ Xavier, St, (S.J.), 22
seqq., 36 n. 2, 42 nn.,
44 n. 4, 98, 114-
122, 518.
Franco, Niccol5 (satirist), 535.
Frangipani, Antonino, 27.
Frederick II., the Emperor,
197.
„ I. (King of Den-
mark), 479.
„ (Count Palatine of
the Rhine), 275,
326, 478.
„ (Duke of Saxony),
200 n, 4.
Fregoso (French diplomatist),
127.
„ Federigo, Cardinal,
(Bishop of Gubbio,
Archbishop of Sa-
lerno), 541, 543.
Frundsberg, Melchior, 385.
Gabrielli, Scipione, 446 n- 2,
452 n. 1, 632 n.
Gactano di Tiene, S., 55.
Galatinus, Petrus (Minorite),
540.
Galeotto, Pietro Paolo (gold-
smith), 599.
Gambara, Uberto, Cardinal
(Bishop of Tor-
tona), 126, 230.
,, Veronica, 174 n. 3.
Gamrat, Petrus (Archbishop of
Gnesen), 146, 181 n. 7,
Garzoni, Quirino (Roman
gentleman), 27.
Gaurico, Luca Pomponio (astro-
loger), 537-
Gentile de Faenza, Antonino
(goldsmith), 598.
George of Austria (Bishop of
Liege), 103, no.
Ghinucci, Girolamo, Cardinal,
Giacobbe [Diego Mantino]
(Jewish physician), 528.
Giacomelli, Jacopo (professor
at the Roman University),
540-
Giacomello Giacomo (Bishop
of Belcastro), 167, 178,
219 n. 4.
Giberti, Gian Matteo (Bishop
of Verona), 152, 466, 468,
543-.
Giese, Tiedemann (Bishop of
Culm), 549.
Gilio, Giovanni Andrea, ti^i seq.
Giocondo, Fra (architect), 642.
Giovanni da Calvi (Franciscan),
40 n. I.
„ da Udine (painter),
576, 600.
Giovio [Jovius], Paolo, 176 n.
3, 177, 194, 282,530, 536,
603 seq., 605, 655, 658.
Girolamo da Fano (painter)
618.
694
INDEX OF NAMES.
Gomes, Anton (S.J.), 121 n. i.
Gonzaga, Elisabetha (Duchess of
Urbino), 176 n. 3,
325 n. I, 366 n. 3,
398 n. I, 477 n. I.
„ Ercole, Cardinal, 132
n. I, 141 n. I, 143 n.
3, 147 n. 2, 183 n.
I, 189 n. I, 191 seq.,
193, 203 n. I, 210
n. 3, 213, 218, 231
n- 3. 233, 306, 312
n. I, 321, 443, 460
n- 2, 512, 545, 614,
659-662, 665, 670,
672-675, 677, 682.
,, Ercole, Cardinal, the
mother of, 462 n. 2.
„ Ferrante (brother of
Federigo, viceroy of
Naples, Governor of
Milan), 183 n. i,
192 n. 3, 320 seq.y
334, 369 seqq., 373,
. 376 seqq., 380, 382,
385, 435» 450 -f^?-.
. 670, 677.
„ Giulia, 497.
Gonzalvez, Luis, de Camara
(S.J.) I n, 8 n. 5,
9, 60, 99.
„ Sebastian (S.J.),
114 n. 4.
Gouvea, Diego de, 98.
Granada, Louis of, see Louis.
Gvanvelle, Antoine Perrenot de
(Bishop of Arras ;
son of the follow-
ing), 158, 160,171.
., Nicolas Perrenot de
(statesman), 147,
151, 158-162, 163
n. 5, 164, 166, 171
j^^., 188, 195, 199,
209, 214, 217, 220,
223, 226 seq., 277,
286,301,303, 309
Granvelle, Nicolas — continued.
n- I, 313 n-4, 316
n. 2, Z2Z seq., 331,
376 ^e^^., 380,382,
391 n.i, 442, 449,
661, 678.
Grassi, Achille de'. Cardinal,
248, 309.
Gregory the Great, St., Pope, 6 1 6.
„ XIIL, Pope, 59 n. 4,
63 n. 2, 618 n. 2.
Grimaldi, Girolamo, Cardinal,
183 n. I.
Grimani, Marco (Patriarch of
Aquileia), 472 seq.
„ Marino, Cardinal,
171* 195, 198, 209,
494, 545, 668.
Gropper, Johann (theologian),
no n. 4, 280 seq., 342.
Griinenstein, Wolfgang von
(Abbot of Kempten), 103.
Gualterio, Sebastian, 682.
Gualteruzzi, Carlo, 127 n. i,
173 n. 2, 531.
Guglielmo (Sicilianhermit), 521.
Guicciardini, Girolamo, 177 n. i,
739-
Guiche, Claude de la (Bishop
_ of Agde), 244.
Guidiccioni, Alessandro (nun-
cio), 220 n. 2,
237 n. 2.
„ Buitolommeo (Vi-
car - general of
Parma, after-
wards Cardinal),
33 ^^1-^ 36, 125
n. 6, 126, 154,
209, 312 n. I,
397, 499, 503
n- 3, 505, 541,
,543, 605.
„ Giovanni (Bishop
of Fossom-
brone, nuncio),
538 seq.
INDEX OF NAMES.
695
Guidoni, Guido (Archdeacon of
Modena, confessor to Er-
cole II. of Ferrara), 86.
Guinigi, V. (of Lucca), 126
n. 3.
Guise, Charles (of Lorraine),
Cardinal, 367 n. 2, 383
seq., 386, 669.
Guisoni, Fermo, 660 n. 2.
Gustavus Wasa (King of Swe-
den), 477 seq.
ITannart, J. (envoy), 483 n. i.
Hans (Margrave of Branden-
burg-Ciistrin), 293, 302,
326, 334 n. 5, 415, 425.
Hassan Aga, Pasha, 129.
Heeze, Dietrich von, 18, 102.
Helding, Michael (Coadjutor of
Mayence, Bishop of Merse-
burg and Sidon), 104, 255,
413-
Henry IV. (the Emperor), 197.
„ VIII. (King of Eng-
land), 100 seq., 152,
172, 184 seq., 186,
192, 210, 335, 456-
475-
,, II. (King of France),
360, 383 seq., 386,
420, 432, 435, 446,
449. 487, 521. See
Henry, Duke of Or-
leans.
„ Duke of Brunswick, 204,
238, 292.
„ Duke of Orleans (second
son of Francis I., after-
wards King Henry II.
of France), 128, 185,
200, 320.
„ of Portugal, Cardinal, 126,
243 n. I.
Hernandez, Diego, 49 n. i.
Heusenstamm, Sebastian von
(Elector of Mayence), 275,
423, 425-
Hoffmeister, Johann (Provincial
of the Augustinians), 279,
530-
Honorius (Roman Emperor),
638.
„ Joannes (a Greek,
scriptor at the
Vatican Library),
547 n. 5.
Hosius, Stanislaus (Bishop of
Ermeland), 489 n. 3, 490.
Hutten, Moritz von (Bishop ol
Eichstatt), 106, 164, 168,
179, 278.
Hyacinth of Poland, St., 521
n. 2.
Idiaquez (Imperial secretary),
188, 236.
Ignatius of Antioch, St., 3 n. 3.
„ of Loyola, St., 1-45,
47-57. 5S-62, 65-
71. 73-88, 90 seqq.,
94, 96-99, loi, 108
n. 2, 113, 120, 122,
504, 585, 642.
Inigo of Ona, St. (Benedictine
abbot), 3 n. 3.
Innocent III., Pope, 44.
„ _ X., Pope, 593.
Insoni, Gasparo (astronomer),
537-
Iter, Lucius (Bishop of Coire),
163.
Jacobazzi, Cristoforo, Cardinal
(Bishop of Cassano), 541.
Jacomo (sculptor) 632 n.
James V. (King of Scotland),
100, 465 seq., 471
seq.
„ the wife of, 465.
Janitius, Clement (poet), 534.
Japan, the Emperor of, 121.
Joachim L (Elector of Branden-
burg), 144, 389, 413, 415,
426 seq.
696
INDEX OF NAMES.
Jolin III. (King of Portugal),
20, 45-49> 92, 98
seg., 1 12 seq., 117,
155. 163, 195,
238, 244, 514 n.
1, 517, 638.
„ the son of, 99.
„ of Denmark (son of King
Frederick I.), 479.
„ Frederick (Elector of Sax-
ony), 204, 214, 256,
279, 292, 298, 357-
360, 375. 389. 4f5.
428.
„ of Avila, St., 18, 94 n. i,
96.
Julius II., Pope, 462, 524, 550
seq., 553, 573> 576,
595, 632, 634, 639,
655-
„ III., Pope, 34 n. 5, 59.
Justinian II. (Emperor), 197.
Kalckbrenner, Gerhard (Car-
thusian), 18.
Kempten, the Prince Abbot
of, 103.
Kessel, Leonhard, 85 n. i, 91
n. I.
Labacco, Mario Antonio (archi-
tect), 602, 639.
La Baume, Pierre de (Arch-
bishop of Besan9on), t8t.
Lamberg, Ambrosius von (Dean
of Salzburg), 157, 158.
Lancilotti (S.J.), 118 n. 3, 119
n. I.
Landini, Silvestro (S.J.), 80 n.
6, 88.
Lascaris, Giano (humanist),
547-
Lasso, D., 405 n. i, 451 n. 3.
Laurentius, Thomas (Inquisi-
tor), 21.
Laureo, Marco (Dominican),
267.
Laurerio, Dionisio (General of
the Servites), Cardinal,
152, 5°4 n-, 505-
Laynez, Diego (S.J.), 2 n. 6,
8 seq., 22, 25 seq.^ 30 n. i,
31, 34, 50, 79-84, 86 n. I,
87, 89, 266, 343, 527,
540-
Le Jay, Claude (S.J.), 22, 25
•f^?-, 55, 56 n. I, 78 seqq.,
82, 86, 104, 106 seqq., ill,
134.
Leo the Great, St., Pope, no.
„ X., Pope, 384, 463, 524,
526, 532, 536 seq., 538
seq-, 547, 554, 595, 651
seq., 655.
„ III., the Emperor, 197.
„ XIII., Pope, 59 n. 4.
Leonardo da Barletta (human-
ist), 528.
Leoni, Leone (goldsmith), 599
seq.
Leto, Pomponio (humanist),
523-
Leuti, Pellegrino di (goldsmith),
596 n. 2, 599.
Lhoost, Jakob (S.J.), 89.
Lignieres, Jacques de (French
envoy to Trent), 270,
Lippomano, Andrea, 83, 548
n. 7.
„ J. (nuncio), 46
n. 2.
„ Luigi (Bishop of
Verona), 84,
436, 437 n- 2,
439, 509 n- I-
Loaysa, Garcia de, Cardinal,
637 n. 2.
Loffredo (Bishop of Capaccio),
251 n. 4, 254, 351.
Lombard, Peter, 71, 348.
Lombay, the Marquis Francisco
de (son of Juan III., Duke
of Gandia), see Borgia,
Francis.
INDEX OF NAMES.
697
Lorenzetto (sculptor), 594.
Lorenzo, Lodovico di (sculptor),
558.
Lorraine, Jean de, Cardinal,
155 n. I, 669.
Louis (Duke of Bavaria), 181
n. 7.
„ (Elector Palatine), 293,
389. 415. 426.
,, Xn. (King of France),
492.
„ of Granada, 18, 95.
Loyola, Family of the, 2, 6, 30
n. 2.
Loysier, Jean (Abbot of
Citeaux), 212.
Ludolf of Saxony (Carthusian),
5, 6, 16.
Luther, Martin, 106, 215 seqq.^
217, 256, 279 seq., 342,
482, 494 seq., 511, 540,
545, 550-
Luzzi, Luzio (painter), 576.
Machiavelli, Niccol6, 475
n. 2.
Maciejowski (Vice-chancellor of
Poland), 489.
Madruzzo, Aliprando, 225.
„ Cristoforo (Bishop of
Trent), Cardinal,
78, 153 seq., 158,
167, 202, 211, 217
seq., 235 n., 242,
247, 249 seqq.,
252 seq., 256 seq.,
258, 261 n., 265,
267 n. 3, 287 seq.,
290 seq., 300, 308
-y^i', 311, 3^8, 337,
339. 346, 365. 393
seqq., 397 seqq.,
406,409,411,434,
436, 442, 673,
679, 681.
„ Niccol6 (brother to
Cristoforo), 220.
Maffei, Bernardino (secretary to
Paul in.), Cardinal,
262, 291 n. I, 305,
310 n. 3, 316 seq.,
327 n. 3, 355 n. 3,
365, 443, 529, 531,
541.
„ Girolamo (overseer of
the Roman streets),
565.
Maffeius, Joannes Petrus (S.J),
3 n-
Maggiorano, Niccold da (custo-
dian of the Vatican Library),
546 n. 2, 547.
Magnus, Olaus (Archbishop of
Upsala), 242, 478 n. 2.
Major, George (Protestant theo-
logian), 280.
Malatesta, L., 675.
Maltitz, Johann (Bishop of
Meissen), 103.
Malvenda (Dominican), 279
seq., 413.
Manarei, P. (S.J.), 57 n. 5.
Manetti, Latino Giovenale
(humanist), 537 seq., 563
seqq., 568 n. 2.
Manfredi, Family of the, 675.
Mangone, Giovanni (architect),
557, 574 n. 2, 602.
Manriquez, Alonso (Archbishop
of Seville), Car-
dinal, 516.
„ Isabella (Duchess of
Amalfi), 497.
Mantino, Diego, see Giacobbe.
Manuel (King of Portugal),
45-
Marchi, Francesco de', 557.
Marco da Siena (artist), 576
seq,
Marcus Aurelius (the Emperor),
571, 573-
Margaret of Navarre (sister
to Francis I. of France),
■ 485. 669.
698
INDEX OF NAMES.
Margaret of Austria (natural
daughter of Charles V,,
married, ist, to Alessandro
de' Medici, 2nd, to Ottavio
Farnese of Parma), 42 seq.,
45, 52, 126, 176, 191 seq.,
.i93> 233, 450, 658.
Maria (Governor of the Nether-
lands, sister to Charles
v.), 206, 292, 465.
„ (eldest daughter of
Charles V.), 200.
„ (wife of the Emperor
Honorius, daughter of
Stilicho), 638.
Marillac, 475.
Marinari, Antonio (Carmelite),
540-
Mario, Paolo, 366 n. 3.
Marliano, Bartolommeo, 565.
Marmitta,Jacopo(poet), 53in. r.
„ Lorenzo (worker on
crystal), 600.
Marot, Clement, 492.
Marquina (secretary to Charles
v.), 230, 236, 257 n. I,
274, 276, 283, 315 n. 4.
Martelli, Braccio (Bishop of
Fiesole), 243, 254,
265.
„ Niccol6, 612.
Martinellis, Blasius de (Papal
master of ceremonies), 571
n., 611, 631 n. 3.
Martinengo (nuncio to Poland),
490.
Martirano, Coriolano (Bishop
of S. Marco), 248, 350.
Mary Stuart (daughter of James
V. of Scotland, afterwards
Queen), 100, 472, 474.
Massarelli, Angelo (a secretary
of the Council of Trent),
78 n. 4, 82, 199 n. I, 202
n. I, 211, 219 n. 4, 247 5(f^.,
249 n. I, 256, 353 n. 2,
402.
Massolus, Bart. (Papal commis-
sary at Perugia), 587 n. 10.
Maurice of Saxony (Duke), 292
seq-^ 297, 302, 326, 334 n.
5. 358> 387.415.423, 425.
427.
Maximilian (Archduke of Aus-
tria), 389 n. I.
„ (Count of Biiren),
see Egmont.
Medde, F. de (Somasch.), 54
n. 7.
Medici, Cosimo de' (Duke of
Florence), 87, 126,
148, 159. 176, 192,
282-285, 370, 385,
535. 658, 663, 681.
„ Gian Angelo de' (Arch-
bishop of Ragusa,
afterwards Pope Pius
IV.), 443-
Melanchthon, Philip, 106, 205,
256, 279 seq., 359, 484,
55°-
Meleghino, Jacopo (architect),
562, 574, 602, 631 n. 4.
Melem, Ogier von (deputy from
Frankfort to the Diet of
Worms), 393 n. i.
Mendoza, Diego Hurtado de
(Imperial envoy),
158, 162, 212, 2 19,
242,251,258,270,
309 n. 1,310,318,
322, 336 n. 1,337
seqq., 360-364,
3675^^., 373, 380,
381 n. 2., 382,
384, 395, 398,
^Oi,seqq ,408,411,
430,432,434,437
n. I, 442 seq., 444
seq., 449 seq.
„ Francisco de, Cardi-
nal, 93, 95, 202
355, 420.
„ Juan de, 319, 347
INDEX OF NAMES.
699
Mendoza, Rodrigo de (Bishop
of Salamanca), 95.
Mercurian, Everard (S.J)., 23
n. I.
Merino, Gabriel, Cardinal, 516.
Metellus (an official of the
Vatican Library), 546 n. 2.
Metzenhausen, Johannes von
(Elector of Treves), 141,
168 n. 2, 181 n. 7, 256 n. x.
Michael Angelo, 454 seq., 551-
554, 561 seq., 571 seqq.,
581 seq., 586 n. 2, 594 ^f^.,
600, 603 seq.^ 606, 608-
612, 615 seq., 618 seqq.,
626-635, 640-648, 659 i'^^.
Michele, Giovanni (Archbishop
of Acerenza-Matera), 401
n I.
Mignanelli, Fabio (Bishop of
Lucera, nuncio), 199 n. 2,
214, 217, 224, 229 n. I,
381 n. I, 382, 673.
Mocenigo, Aloysius, 276 n. i,
296 n. 2, 393 n. I.
Mochi, Prospero, (architect),
557, 594 n. i.
Molossi, Baldassare (poet), 529.
Molza, Francesco Maria (poet),
530-
Mombaers, Jan (a brother of
" The Common Life "), 16.
Monaldeschi, Lorenzo, 588 n. 2.
Monte, Gian Maria Ciocchi del,
Cardinal (President of the
Council of Trent, after-
wards Pope Julius IIL),
79, III, 154, 209 seqq.,
240 seqq., 245 seqq., 248 n.
6, 307 seq., 311, 341, 344,
348-353. 396, 398. 401
seqq., 431, 434, 43^, 444,
448.
Montelupo, Raffaello da (sculp-
tor), 576, 579 n. 2, 594.
Montemellino, Giovanni Fran-
cesco (architect), 561, 563.
Montemerlo (secretary to Car-
dinal Farnese), 310.
Montesa, Fernando (secretary
to Cardinal Mendoza), 434.
Montfort (Imperial orator), 137.
Montmorency, the Constable,
de, 360.
Montorsoli (sculptor), 594.
Morani, Eurialo, of AscoU
(poet), 532.
More, Thomas (chancellor 0/
England), 458 seqq.
Morone, Giovanni (Bishop of
Modena), Cardinal, 85, 86
n. I, 104, 106, 108, 131-
138, 140 seqq., 149, 152,
154, 158, 161 n. I, 170 n.,
171, 178-181, 185 n. 4,
195, 198 seq., 209, 219.
238, 361, 366, 397, 404,
443, 478 n- I, 500-503.
536, 541, 665, 676, 679.
Mosca, Simone (sculptor), 588,
594.
Mulio, Petrus, 568 n. i.
Muhoz, Michael (Bishop of
Cuenga), 95.
Mussi, Cornelio (Bishop of
Bertinoro and Bitonto),
166, 212, 213 n. 3, 219 n.
4, 241-
Nachianti, Giacomo (Bishop
of Chioggia), 243, 259.
Nadal, Jer6nimo (S.J.), 8 n. 5,
51,59,90.
Najera, the Duke of, 4.
Nausea, F. (Bishop of Vienna),
108, 165, 174, 548 n. 5.
Navarro, Dr., 517 n. i.
^ f>ancesco (Bishop of
Badajoz), 82, 253
seq., 447, 449-
Naves (Imperial vice-chancel-
lor), 137 seq.
Nebbia, Cesare (painter), 619
n. 3.
7O0
INDEX OF NAMES.
Necoda (a Chinese pirate),
1 20.
Newdigate, Seb. (English Car-
thusian martyr), 459 n. i.
Nicolas, V. Pope, 559, 569,
574-
„ Veronensis (Augus-
tinian hermit), 493
n. 5.
Nifo, Agostino (philosopher),
526.
Nino, Ferdinand (Archbishop
of Granada, Patriarch of
the West Indies), 516.
Nobili, Benedetto de' (Bishop
of Accia), 219 n. 4, 311,
340.
Nobrega, (SJ.), 517 n. i.
Nunez, Barreto (S.J.), 99, 113.
OcHiNO, Bernardino (General
of the Capuchins, after-
wards apostate), 84, 497
seq., ^00 seq., 5x3.
Odasio, David (Papal chamber-
lain), 198, 199 n. I.
Olaf II., St. (King of Norway),
481.
Oleastro, Hieronymus ab (Dom-
inican), 244.
Oliva, Fr. (architect), 592 n.
Oliveri, Benvenuto, 632 n.
Olivier ( French chancellor), 446.
Ori, Matthasus (Dominican in-
quisitor), 21, 30, 483 n. I.
Orlandini, Nicolas (S.J.) 3 n.,
60 n. 4.
Orsini, Camillo, 450 seqq., 683.
„ Elena, 603.
„ Giulio, 441 seq., 444 seq.,
681.
Ortiz, Pedro (Imperial pleni-
potentiary in Rome), 24,
26 seq., 103, 462, 543.
Osorio, Leonoia (wife of the
Spanish envoy, Juan de
Vega), 42, 43 n. 2.
Otto, Henry (Palsgrave of
Pfalz-Neuburg), 205.
Oviedo, Andres (S.J.), 53 n. i,
59 n. 4-
Paalsson, Ogmund (Bishop of
Ska! holt), 481.
Pacheco, Pedro (Bishop of
Jaen), Cardmal, 202, 240
n., 243, 250 seq., 253, 261
n., 266 seq., 269, 304, 307
^^^•,318, 339 J^^., 344, 346,
350, 352 seq., 447.
Padilla, Juan de (Franciscan
missionary in Kansas), 515.
Pagni, Lorenzo (secretary), 159.
Paleario, A., 496 n. i.
Palladius, Blosius [Biagio Pallai],
Bishop of Foligno, 80, 539.
Palladius, Peter, 480.
Pallavicini, Sforza, Marquis, 143
n-4, 174,378^^^?.
„ Uberto, 174 n. 4.
Pamphili, Eusebius, see Calvin.
Parenzi, Vincenzo, 312 n. i,
405 n. I, 407 n. I.
Parisio, Pier Paolo, Cardinal,
144 n- 3. 154, 160, 170,
174, 186, 209, 505.
Pascual, Ines, 20.
Pastorino da Siena, 575, 608.
Pate, Richard (Bishop of Wor-
cester), 166.
Paul III., Pope, 17, 24, 28 .y^^.,
31, 33 seq., 37-41,
45-48, 50. 53 n- I.
55, 60, 83 jf^^., 90,
92, 95.97 -f^^M 100,
103 seq.. Ill seq.,
122,125-129,131-
151, \^\seqq., 159,
163 .ff^^., 169-175,
177-198, 200 seq.,
207-210, 216-220,
223-238,241,246-
253,255-f^??-.26i-
264, 270, 273-276,
INDEX OF NAMES.
701
Paul III. — continued.
282-286, 288-292,
296,299,300-307,
347, 35°-369, 373
•f^'^M 3 75-390, 394-
398, 404-408, 410
j^^^., 41 7-420, 422
^c^.,429-436,439-
455.456, 458-466,
468 seqq.^i,i2 seqq.,
482-485,488,490-
494, 503 •^^^•, 507-
515, 517,522, 525
seq., 528 seq., 531-
559,562-569,571,
573-577,579,581-
585,588-600,602-
606, 608-612, 615
seq.,6T,i seqq.,6T,i,-
639, 642, 644 ^f^^.,
648.
„ seealsoYdiXnesQ, A.]fs,-
sandro.
„ IV., Pope, 85, 617.
„ v., Pope, 614 n. I.
Pelargus, Ambrosius (Domini-
can), 256 n. I.
Pelori, Gianbattista (architect),
586 n. I.
Peiia, Juan de (Dominican), 95.
Perac, Etienne du (engraver),
573-
Peregrine, Fabrizio (Mantuan
envoy), 461 n. 4, 462 n. i,
463 n- 4, 465 n- 4, 483 n.
t, 579 n-, 583 n- i-
Perez, Francisco (S.J.), 117 n.
3, 118 n. 6, 121 n,
Perino da Vinci (sculptor), 594.
Perotti, Angelo (poet), 533.
Peruschi, Camillo (rector of the
Roman University), 527.
Peruzzi, Baldassare (architect),
553 j^^'., 603, 635, 642,651.
Peteisson,01af (Protestanttheo-
logian), 477.
Petro de Senis (sculptor), 593
n. 3.
Pflug, Julius (Bishop of Naum-
burg), 104, 278, 281, 325
n- 5. 342,413-
Philip (Landgrave of Hesse),
185, 204, 206, 279.
281, 292, 295, 298,
357, 360, 375. 426
seq.
,, (Prince of Spain), after-
wards Philip II.), 83,
92,97, 174 n. 4,195.
Piccolomini, Alessandro (Bishop
of Piacenza), 267.
Pietro (Patriarch of the Maron-
ites), 521 n.
Pighini, Sebastiano (auditor of
theRota),245,436.f^^.,439.
Pighius, A., 342.
Pinius, Joannes (S.J.), 3 n.
Pio, Battista (humanist), 528.
,, Bonaventura (Minorite),
540-
„ Rodolfo, of Carpi (Bishop
of Faenza and Girgenti),
Cardinal, 42, 56 n. i, 89,
126, 169, 175, 231, 466
n- 5. 505 n- I. 541. 586
n. I.
Piombo, Sebastiano del (painter),
581, 602, 609.
Pisani, Francesco, Cardinal, 231.
Pius IV., Pope, 98 n. 2, 617.
„ v., Pope, 63 n. 2.
Plantagenet, Lady Margaret
(mother of Cardinal Pole),
470.
Plotis, de, 638 n. 4.
Poggio, Giovanni Francesco
(nuncio), 92, 137 n. i, 147
n. 6, 155, 162, 163 n. I,
188, 209, 213, 238, 664.
Polanco, Juan de (S.J.), 2 n, 4,
17 n- I. 31. 39 "• I. 43 "•
5, 51, 52 n. 2, 58 seq., 86,
87, 92 n. 2, 96 n. 2,
"^02
INDEX OF NAMES.
Pole, Reginald, Cardinal, 154,
170, 209 seq., 22 D n. 2,
242, 248, 306, 307 n. I,
397, 40^ seq., 465 seqq,,
469 seq., 541, 543, 602,
605, 682.
Porrino, Gandolfo (poet), 613.
Porta, Giacomo della (architect),
648 n. I.
„ Giovanni Maria della
(envoy from Urbino),
450 n. 4, 460 n. 2,
466 n. 2, 557 n. 2,
610 n. 2, 636 n. 6.
„ Guglielmo della (sculp-
tor), 454 j^^., 575 n. I,
594- .
Portus, Franciscus (academi-
cian), 501 n. 3.
Primaticcio, Francesco (artist),
602.
Priuli, Luigi, 247.
Pucci, Antonio, Cardinal, 663.
QuADRO, Antonio (S.J.), 59.
Quetta, Antonio (orator of King
Ferdinand at Trent), 212.
Quinones, Francesco, Cardinal,
40 n. I.
Quistelli, Ambrogio (Augus-
tinian hermit), 540.
Rabelais, 534 n. 4.
Raimondi, Vincenzo (minia-
turist), 608.
Rainaldi, Girolamo (architect),
573-
Raphael, 554, 576 seq., 579, 600
seq., 631, 642.
Raymund of Pennafort, St.,
68 n. 3.
Rejadella, Teresa, sister, 28 n. 4.
Rem, Andreas (Provost of
Kotz), 78 n. 3.
Renee [Renata], Duchess of
Ferrara (daughter of Louis
XII. of France), 86, 491 ^(f^.
Riario, Francesco Sforza (Arch-
bishop of Lucca), 499.
Ribadeneira, Pedro de (S.J.), 2
n., 8 n. 3, 9 n. 4, 51, 52 n.
1, 57, 105 p- I-
Ricci, Giovanni, da Monfcepul-
ciano (Archbishop of
Siponto, nuncio), 147
seq., 148 n. 2, 187, 195,
661.
„ Orlando, 153 n. 2,
Ridolfi, Niccol5 (Bishop of
Vicenza, Archbishop (A
Florence), Cardinal, 87,
491-
Riedmatten, Adrian von (Bishop
of Sitten), 163.
Rincon (French diplomat), 127.
Rio, Martin Alfonso da (court
official of the Emperor)
/^i,^seq.
Rion, Antonio (Jesuit lay-
brother), 57.
Rodi, Filippo, 374 n. 4.
Rodriguez, Simon (S.J.), 22, 23
n. I, 25, 28, 36 n. 2, 41 n.
3, 42 n. 2, 43 n. I, 47 seq.^
49 n- I, 53 n- 2, 83 n. 2,
98 seq., 108 n. 2, 113 n. i,
118 n. 5, 120 n. 2.
Rohan, Frangois de (French am-
bassador in Rome), 383.
Rojas, Franz von (S. J.), 93 n. 2.
Romano, Giulio (painter and
architect), 577, 641.
Romeo, Francesco (General of
the Dominicans), 94, 441
n.
Rorario, Girolamo (Papal cham-
berlain and envoy), 490.
Roser, Isabel, 20, 27 n. 3, 28 n.
2, 30 n. I, 52 seqq.
Rosseto [Rhosaites], Michele
(an official of the Vatican
library), 546 n. 2.
Rossi [Salviati], Francesco de'
(painter), 608.
INDEX OF NAMES.
703
Rossi, Monsignore de, 672.
Roterus, Spiritus (O.P., Inqui-
sitor), 483 n. I.
Rovere, Francesco Maria della
(Duke of Urbino),
188, 284, 367 n. 2,
398 n. I, 530 n. 4,
610 n. 2.
„ Giulio della (brother to
the Duke of Ur-
bino), Cardinal, 367
n. 2.
„ Guidobaldo della, 632.
„ Lucreziadella, 589 n. 4.
Ruano, Ferdinand, 546 n. i.
Ruggieri, Bonifazio (Ferrarese
envoy), 133 n. 2, (92 n. 5,
333 n- 2, 355 n. 5, 380 n.
3, 452 n. I.
Sabeo, Fausto (custodian of the
Vatican library), 547.
Sabino, Francesco Florido (hu-
manist), 529.
Sadoleto, Jacopo (Bishop of
Carpentras), Cardinal, 145,
149' 155. '73. 231, 355,
396, 469, 486, 503, 538,
541 seqq., 544, 546, 605,
664.
Sagad, Claudius Athanasius
(Negus of Abyssinia), 112.
Sahagim, Joannes de (O.S.A.),
521 n. 2.
St. Gall, the abbot of, 163.
St. Urban, the abbot of, 163.
Salis, Francesco de (Bishop of
Bagnorea), 521 n. 2.
Salmeron, Alfunso (S.J.), 22,
79-85, 100 seq., Ill, 266,
343-
Salviati, Cardinal, 145 n i.
Salviati, see Rossi, Francesco de'.
Samminiato, 126 n. i.
Sanchez, Gabriel (Roman agent
of Ferdinand I.), 461 n. 5,
484 n. 3, 583 n. I.
Sancta, Pietro (sculptor), 632 n.
Sandoval (annalist), 174 n. 4.
Sanfelice, Gian Tommaso (Bish-
op of La Cava), 152, 153 n.,
154, 157. 158 n. 3, 166,
199, 211 seq.^ 214, 219 n.
4, 245. 34T.
Sangallo, Antonio da (architect),
553 seq., 555 seqq.,
559, 561, 562 n. I,
574, 579, 581 seq.,
585, 586 n. I, 588
•^^?-, 59I' 592 n. I,
593, 602, 606, 631,
635, 639 seq., 641
seqq., 645 seq., 652,
655.
„ Giovan Battista [II Gob-
bo], 557, 602.
Giuliano (architect), 642.
Sansedoni, A. (envoy from
Siena), 325 n. i.
Sansovino, Jacopo (painter),
574, 575 n- i-
Santa Croce, Prospero (nuncio),
419-425, 434-
Santacruz, Martin (S.J.), 99 n.
3, 116.
Santafiora, Cardinal, see Sforza,
Guido Ascanio.
Saraceni, Giov. Michele (Arch-
bishop of Matera), 304,
307, 353, 401 n- I-
Sarpi, Paolo, 174 n. 4, 241 n.,
354 n. I.
Satsuma, the Prince of [in
Japan], 121.
Sauli, Alessandro (Archbishop
of Genoa), 55.
Saurolo, Scipione, 617.
Savelli, Flaminio, 199.
„ Giovanni Battista (lead-
er of mercenaries),
296.
„ Jacopo, Cardinal, 541.
Savonarola, Girolamo, 16, 28^,
419.
704
INDEX OF NAMES.
Sbotta, Joannes, 591 n. 2.
Schankwitz (leader of Schmal-
kaldic forces), 294.
Schartlin von Burtenbach, Sebas-
tian (leader of Schmalkal-
dic forces), 294 seq., 298,
303-
Schnepf, Erhard (Protestant
theologian), 279.
Schonberg, Nicolas von (Arch-
bishop of Capua, Cardinal,
462, 536 n. 4, 549.
Schorich, Peter (SJ.), 85 n. i.
Scoto [Scotti], Giovanni Ber-
nardino (Theatin), 55 n. i.
Senso, Lodovico(poet), 526 n. 4.
Seri[)ando, Girolamo (General
of the Augustinian Her-
mits), 80, 239 n. 3, 243,
250. 265, 341 seqq., 429,
509 n. I, 544.
Serlio (architect), 553 n. 3.
Sermoneta, Girolamo (painter
and architect),
576 seq.^ 600.
„ Luzi© (painter),
600.
Sernini, Nino, 125 n. 3, 132 n.
I, 144 n. 3, 145 n. I, 147
n. 2, 149 n. 2, 150 n. i,
154 n., 156 n. 2, 503 n. 3,
614, 659-662, 665.
Seroni, Ferdinando (Bishop of
Venosa), 494.
Serristori, Averrardo(Florentine
envoy), 126 n. i, 147 n. 5,
150 n. 2, 187 n., 193 n. i,
367, 436 n. 2, 437 n. 1,443
n. 6, 448 n. 4, 560 n. 4,
566 n. 2, 580 n. I, 633 n.
3, 639 n. 2, 663.
Severoli, Ercole (promotor at
the Council of Trent), 78
n. 4, 240 n., 259 n. i, 269,
353 n- 2, 402.
Seymour, Jane (wife of Henry
Vni. of England), 463.
Sfondrato, Francesco (Bishop of
Sarno, Archbishop of
Amalfi), Cardinal, 185, 189,
202 n. I, 207, 209, 232 n
3. 335. 362-366, 376-379
391, 394-397, 399 "• i
411 seq., 418, 421, 423
•f^^-, 432,434, 474,505 n- I-
Sforza, Bona, 455 n, i,
„ Guido Ascanio, of Santa
Fiora (Bishop of
Parma), Cardinal, 88,
126, 2i3n. 3,219 jf^.,
305 n. 3, 310 seqq.,
315, 316 n. 2, 338,
361,366, 528, 559n. I,
657.
Sigisraund (German heretic)
491.
„ I. (King of Poland),
488 seq.
,, Augustus (King of
Poland), 146, 163,
181 n. 7,301,489
seq., 597 n. 2, 636
n. 6.
Siliceo, Juan Martinez (Arch-
bishop of Toledo, Primate
of Spain), 93, 521 n. 2.
Silva, Miguel da (Bishop of
Viseu), Cardinal, 47
seq., 148 n. 3, 150, 155.
„ Pedro da (S.J.) 121 n. i.
Silverio, Giovanni (architect),
635 n. 4.
Silvestro (S.J.), 88.
Simonetti, Lodovico (Bishop of
Pesaro), 219 n. 4.
Siney, the Lord of (French
envoy), 168 n. 4.
Sinzenhofer, Pancratius (Bishop
of Ratisbon), 106, 157.
Sirleto, Antonino, 680.
„ Guglielmo (humanist),
526, 546 n. 2.
Sixtus IV., Pope, 38, 267, 570,
611.
INDEX OF NAMES.
705
Sixtus v., Pope, 566, 619, 654
n. 7.
Sleidan, Johann (historian), 216
seq.
Sodoma (painter), 603.
Somerset, the Protector, 474,
476.
Sophianos, Nicolas (scriptor at
the Vatican Ubrary), 547.
Soto, Pedro Domenico (Domini-
can, confessor to Charles
v.), 195. 199. 243, 277,
286, 365, 411, 413, 423,
544-
Spinola, Family of the, 386.
Stadion, Christoph von (Bishop
of Augsburg), 134, 137,
165.
Stella, Pietro (sculptor), 594
n. 4.
„ Tommaso, (Bishop of
Salpe), 346.
Steuco, Agostino (official at
the Vatican library), 545,
613 n. 3.
Stilicho, 638.
Store, Johannes Magnus (Arch-
bishop of Upsala), 478
n. 2.
Strozza, L., 237 n. 2.
Strozzi, Uberto, 449 n. i, 682.
Suarez, Francesco (S. J.), 67 n. 3.
Suleiman I. (the Sultan), 124,
129, 386.
Tagliava, Pietro (Archbishop
of Palermo), 242, 254,
447-
Talavera, Paulus de (Bishop of
Tlascala), 5 18.
Tapper, Ruard (chancellor of
Louvain University), 102.
Tasfa Sion, 548 n. 2.
Tauler, Joannes (Dominican),
110.
Taurino, Hieronymus de (Do-
minican), 491 n. 3.
VOL. XTT.
Tavera, Diego (Grand Inquisitor
of Spain), 92.
„ Juan de (Archbishop of
Toledo), Cardinal,
92. 519-
Teixeira, Manoel (S.J.), 121 n.
Teodolo, Hieronymus (Bishop
of Cadix), 219 n. 4.
Teutleben, Valentin von (Bish-
op of Hildesheim), 165,
167 seq., 171 n. I, 179,
210 n. 2.
Thomas Aquinas, St., 71, 77,
348.
„ of Celano (Francis-
can), 62 1.
,, a Kempis, 16.
,, de Vio, Cardinal, see
Cajetan.
Tiene, Gaetano de, S., see
Gaetano.
Tiraboschi, 526 n. 4.
Tiranno, Girolamo (envoy), 226
n. 4, 325 n. i,477n- 1,677-
Titian, 455, 603, 617.
Toledo, Francisco de (Imperial
orator at Trent), 258,
265, 339-
,, Juan de, Cardinal (of
Burgos), 504 seq.
„ Pedro de (Viceroy of
Naples), 212, 213,
222, 509,
Tolomei, Claudio, 531.
„ Lattanzio (Sienese en-
voy), 148 n. 3, 150
n. I, 509 n. 2, 500
n. 2, 663.
Tommasoni, Alessandro, 372.
Torres, Miguel, 50 n. i, 52 n. 2
54 n. I, 94 n. I, 95.
Tournon, F. de. Cardinal, 669.
Tretius, Joannes Baptista Al-
binianus (theolo-
gian), 540.
„ Petrus Albinianus, 541
n. I.
45
7o6
INDEX OF NAMES.
Trissino, Giangiorgio (poet),
533-
Trivulzio, Agostino, Cardinal,
126, 141 n. I, 231, 661,
682.
Tropea, Teofilo di (Dominican,
theologian at the Roman
University), 540.
Truchsess, Otto von (Bishop of
Augsburg), Car-
dinal, 78, 80, 82,
104,107,110,134,
145^^^., 163 j^^^.,
199,203,214,217,
220 seq., 256, 257
n. 2, 286 seq., 288
n. 3> 3 14,389 n- ^
440 n. 3, 543.
„ Otto von, the brother
of, 220.
Turiano, Baldassare (magistrate
of Castiglione), 88.
Ughi, Giovanni Francesco, 643.
Ugolini, AurelioManni, 473n. 2.
Ulrich (Duke of Wurtemburg),
221, 326, 427.
Urban VIII., Pope, 454.
d'Urfe, Claude (French envoy
in Trent), 270, 452 n. 2.
Vaga, Perino del (painter), 574,
576 seqq., 581, 600-603,
608, 631.
Valdes, Alfonso, 495.
Juan, 495-49S.
Valerianus, Pierius (geographer),
. 530 n. 5.
Valignani, Alexander (S. J., visi-
tor in India and japan),
121 n.
Varano, Giovanni Maria I Duke
of Camerino and
Nepi), 98, 126, 398
n. I.
„ Matteo, 187 n.
Varda, Paul de (Archbishop of
Gran), 443.
Vargas, Francesco, 400, 402.
Varo, Matthaeus de (a Greek,
scriptor in the Vatican
Library), 547 n. 5.
Vasari, G. (painter and his-
torian), 530, 579, 581, 603
seq., 606 seq., 611, 617.
Vasto, Alfonso d'Avalos, Mar-
quis del (governor of
Milan), 141 n. i, 143 n.
3, 147 n. 2, 173, 176, 182
n. 2.
Vaz, Juan (companion to St.
Francis Xavier), 116.
Vega, Juan de (Spanish envoy,
Viceroy of Sicily), 42, 89,
174 n. 4, 178, 185, 189,
191 seq., 193, 194 n. 2,
201, 234, 236, 282, 285,
290 seq., 314, 356, 360,
677.
Velasco, Dr., 400.
Velasquez, Juan, 4.
VelluteJlo, 550.
Vendromini, Andreas (Arch-
bishop of Corfu), 178.
Venusti, Marcello (painter),
614 seq.
Verallo, Girolamo (nuncio), 23,
32, 108, 137 n. 2, 142,
145 seq., 162 seqq., 166,
190, 214, 220, 229 n. I,
236, 238, 257 n. I, 269
n. I, 274, 286, 288, 290,
296, 30 1 » 308 seqq., 313 n.
4, 316 n. 2, 319, 322 seq.,
.•?25. 327, 329-333, 335
^^^•, 354, 357-360, 443-
Vergara, Alonzo Ramirez de, 93.
Vergerio, Pietro Paolo (Bishop
of Capo d' Istria, nuncio,
afterwards apostate), 511,
513-
Verme, del, Count, 320, 322
seq.
INDEX OF NAMES.
707
Vermigli, Pietro Martire, 497-
501.
Veronese, Paolo (painter), 619.
Vettori, Pier, 531.
Vida, Marco Girolamo (Bishop
of Alba), 494 n. 2, 532.
Vigili, Fabio (Bishop of Spol-
eto), 532.
Vignola, Jacopo de (architect),
553 n- 3. 593. 602 n. 4,
676.
Villanova, Thomas of (Augus-
tinian, Archbishop of Va-
lencia), 95.
Villanueva, Francesco de (S.J.),
93 "• 3. 96 n. 2.
Vinck, Anton (S.J.), 45 n. 2,
103 n. I.
Viola (S.J.), 59 n. 4, 102
n. I.
Vischaven, Cornelius (S.J.), 102.
Vitelli, Alessandro (condot-
tiere), 169, 560 n.
2, 561.
„ Paolo (condottiere),
143 n. 4.
Vittoria, Francisco a (theo-
logian), 543.
Vivaldini, 421 n. 2.
Vives, Alphonso de (Benedic-
tine), 492 n. 3.
Volterra, Daniele da (painter),
574, 575 n. i, 603, 618.
Vorst, Peter van der (Bishop of
Acqui), 478 n. i.
Waldeck, Franz von (Bishop
of Miinster, Minden, and
Osnabriick), 205.
Wauchope, Robert (Archbishop-
elect of Armagh), 103, 106,
131. 134. 156, 242, 494.
VVaneman, Balthasar (suffragan-
bishop of Hildesheim), 167,
171 n. I.
Weeze, 478 n. 2.
Westhof (Carmelite), 409 n. 2.
Widmanstetter, johann Al-
brecht, 549.
Wied, Hermann von (Elector
of Cologne), 104, 108,
no, 205 seq.^ 228 seq., 275,
325-
William IV. (Duke of Bavaria),
III, 134, 137,
164, 181 n. 7,
227, 286, 288,
293> 596 n. 4.
„ (Duke of Julier
and Cleves),
206 seq.^ 272.
Wolfgang of Zvveibriicken
(Count Palatine), 425.
XiMENES, Cardinal, 16.
Zacchia (sculptor), 594.
Zannettini, Dionigi (Bishop of
Chironia), 167, 178, 341.
Zapolya, Johann, 124.
,, IsaJ^ella, 124.
Zeffiri Silvio (physician), 573
n. 3.
Zephirus, Petrus Ventura (archi-
tect), 586 n. I.
Zerbini, Giulia, 88.
Zerbolt, Gerard, of Zutphen (a
brother of the Common
Life), 16.
Zorilla, Alfonso (theologian),
242.
Zucchero, Federigo (painter),
574-
Zumarraga, Juan de (Arch-
bishop of Mexico), 516.
Date Due
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