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Presented to the
LIBRARY of the
UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO
hy
The Estate of the late
PROFESSOR A. S. P. WOODHOUSE
Head of the
Defartment of English
University College
1944-1964
HANDBOUND
AT THE
UNIVERSITY OF
TORONTO PRESS
r^
THE ''
HISTORY OF THE PURITANS;
OR, ^ /"oiD
PROTESTANT NONCONFORMISTS ;
FROM THE
REFORMATION IN 1517.
TO
THE REVOLUTION IN 1688:
COMPRISING AN
ACCOUNT OF THEIR PRINCIPLES ;
THEIR ATTEMPTS FOR A FARTHER REFORMATION IN THE CHURCH;
THEIR SUFFERINGS;
AND THE
LIVES AND CHARACTERS OF THEIR MOST CONSIDERABLE DIVINES.
By DANIEL NEAL, M. A
A NEW EDITION, IN FIVE VOLUMES:
REPRINTED FROM THE
TEXT OF DR. TOULMIN'S EDITION,
WITH HIS
LIFE OF THE AUTHOR AND ACCOUNT OF HIS WRITINGS.
REVISED, CORRECTED, AND ENLARGED.
VOL. V.
^ LONDON:
PRINTED FOR WILLIAM BAYNES AND SON,
PATERNOSTER ROW.
1822.
ADVERTISEMENT
PRESENT EDITION.
In revising Dr. Toulinin*s edition of this work for republication, it
was found to abound with typographical errors, to a degree almost
unprecedented in the present day, owing probably, to the great
distance at which he resided from the place where it was printed.
These have consequently been corrected ; but both Mr. Neal's
text, and the notes of his former edition, remain as in the last edi-
tion. Considerable alterations, however, have been made in the
disposal of his supplemental matter. Valuable as the doctor's
additions to Mr. NeaPs History certainly are, every one must have
been struck with the extreme awkwardness and injudicious method
of arranging his materials ; particularly as it regarded the size of
his volumes ; some of which comprised seven or eight hundred
pages, while the fifth contained only half that number. In order
to render the volumes, in this new edition, as near as possible, of
an equal size, the history of the Baptists and Quakers, which Dr.
Toulmin had dealt out by piecemeal, and interspersed throughout
the volumes, is now collected into an unbroken narrative, and given
as a Supplement to vol. V. This, it is presumed, will be gene-
rally regarded as a material improvement in various respects,
and cannot fail to confer upon the present edition a decided su-
periority to all that have preceded it. Some important additions
have also been introduced into this part of the work, by which, it
is hoped, the value of the publication is still farther augmented :
and, upon the whole, the work cannot fail in its present state to
recommend itself to every friend of civil and religious liberty as
the most valuable history of the kind that is extant in our Ian.
guage.
n
CONTENTS
THE FIFTH VOLUME,
HISTORY OF THE PURITANS.
Page
Chap. I. From Ihe death of king Charles II. to king James
II.'s declaration for liberty of conscience • • • 1
Chap. II. From king James II.'s declaration for liberty of
conscience, to the act of toleration in the reign of king
WiUiam and queen Mary, 1688 • - . .48
SUPPLEMENT.
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS AND QUAKERS.
Chap. I. Some account of the Baptists, from the days of
Wickliffe, to the reign of James I. A. D. 1370—1600 . 93
Chap. II. History of the Baptists during the reigns of James
I. and Charles I. A. D. 1602—1650 . • . .114
Chap. III. History of the Baptists during the Protectorate • 145
Chap. IV. History of the Baptists, from the Restoration
of king Charles II. to the fall of lord Clarendon A. D.
1660—1670 165
Chap. V. From the declaration of indulgence, to the Revo-
lution ......... 187
HISTORY OF THE QUAKERS.
Chap. I. From the protectorship of Cromwell to the declara.
tion of indulgence, 1674 ..... 203
Chap. II. From the declaration of indulgence to the Revolu-
lution, A. D. 1674—1688 248
2 HISTORY OF
that the pulpits throughout England resounded with thanks-
givings ; and a numerous set of addresses flattered his ma-
jesty, in the strongest expressions, with assurances of un-
shaken loyalty and obedience, without limitation or reserve.
Among others was the humble address of the university of
Oxford ; in which, after expressing their sorrow for the
death of the late king, they add,* that they can never swerve
from the principles of their institution, and their religion
by law established, which indispensably binds them to bear
faith and true obedience to their sovereign, without any
limitation or restriction, and that no consideration whatso-
ever should shake their loyalty and allegiance. And the
university of Cambridge add, that loyalty [or unlimited
obedience] is a duty flowing from the very principle of their
religion, by which they have been enabled to breed up as
true and steady subjects as the world can shew, as well in
doctrine as practice, from which they can never depart.
The Quakers' address was more simple and honest ;t " We
are come (say theyj) to testify our sorrow for the death of
our good friend Charles, and our joy for thy being made our
governor. We are told thou art not of the persuasion of
the church of England no more thnn we, therefore we
hope thou wilt grant us the same liberty which thou al-
lowest thyself; which doing, we wish thee all manner of
happiness."^
The king began his reign with a frank and open profession
of his religion; for the first Sunday after his accession, he
went publicly to mass, and obliged father Huddleston, who
attended his brother in his last hours, to declare to the world
that he died a Roman Catholic. His majesty acted the part
• Gazette, no. 2010. t Sewel, p. 594. t Echard, p. 1061.
^ Mr. Neal refers, as one anlliority for givinj^ tluH addresM of ()ie QoakrrH, to
Sewel ; hut it i> not to be fonnd there. A roodern hibtorian, who censures it for thft
" uDcouthness and blunt familiarity of expression," calls it, " a fictitious address ;" the
members of this society, he ob«erves, " were not in the custom of pnj'w^ complimen-
tary addresses to any man:" if the soflerings of their friends impelled them to apply
to their superiors fur relief, " their addresses, though expressed in their plain mnn-
ner, were comprised in respectful terms; void of (laltery, but not indecent; uncere-
monious, but not uncivil."' There is no account of their i)ting in the number of the
congratulatory addresses on the acceshion of James. Their first Mppiication to him
was to recommend their sufl'ering friends to his clemency. At the death of Charles,
notwithstanding that petition upon petition had been presented tn him for relief, ono
thousand five hundred of this society were in prison on various prosecutions. " So
that a pcnple paving a strict regard to truth could hardly term him their good frientk"
'J'lie above address was firnt published by Echard, from whom it should screm Mr.
Neal took it, trusting probably to the exactness of his reference ; if he did quote
Sewel for it. Hume and other* have fince published it. Cough's History of th«
Quakers, vol. .'. p. 160, 161.— Ed.
THE PURITANS. ^
of an absolute sovereign from the very first; and though he
had declared he would invade no man's property, yet he
issued out a proclamation for collecting the duties of tonnage
and poundage, &c. which were given to the late king only
for life ; and in his letter to the Scots parliament, which met
March 28, he says, " I am resolved to maintain my power in
its greatest lustre, that I may be better able to defend your
religion against fanatics."
Before the king had been two months on his throne, he
discovered severe resentments against the enemies of his re-
ligion, and of his succession to the crown.* Dr. Gates was
brought out of prison, and tried for perjury in the affair of
the Popish plot, for which he was sentenced to stand in the
pillory several times, to be whipped from Aldgate to New-
gate, and from thence to Tyburn ; which was exercised with
a severity unknown to the English nation.f And Danger-
field, who had invented the Meal-tub plot, for which he de-
clared he had received money from the duke of York, was
• Burnet, vol. 3. p. 29, Edin. edition.
t Gates was whipped a second time, while his back was most miserablj swelled
"with his first whipping, and looked as if it had been flayed. He was a man of un-
daunted resolution, and endured what would have killed a great manj others. He
^as, in his religious profession, a mere Proteus, but appears to have been uniformly
capable of villany. His first education was at Merchant-Taylors' school ; from
whence be removed to Cambridge. When he left that university he gained orders
in the church of England, and after having officiated for a time as curate to his father,
he held a vicarage first in Kent and then in Sussex. But previously to this, he was,
in his youth, a member of a Baptist church in Virginia-street, Ratclifte-Highway. In
1677 he reconciled himself to the church of Rome, and is reported to have entered
into the society of Jesuits. After having left the whole body of dissenters for thirty
years, he applied to be again admitted into the communion of the Baptists, having
first returned to the church of England, and continued in it about sixteen years. The
Baptists, through a prudent jealousy of him, spent almost three years in trial of his
sincerity, before they received him again : so that he complained it " was keeping
him on the rack ; is was worse than death in his circumstances to be so long delayed."
He was restored to their communion in 1698 or 1699, but in less than a year was
again excluded as a disorderly person and a hypocrite. He then became a con-
formist again. '^ He was a man of some cunning (says Granger), more eftrontery,
and the most consummate falsehood." At one time he was a frequent auditor of Mr.
Alsop at Westminster, after the Revolution : and moved for leave to come to the
Lord's table, but was refused on account of his character. Crosby has detailed a long
story of a villanous transaction, to ruin a gentleman, to which he was instigated by
the spirit of revenge. Dr. Calamy says, " that he was but a very sorry foul-mouthed
wretch, I myself can attest from what I once heard from him, when I was in his com-
pany." The parliament, after the Revolution, left him under a brand, and incapacitated
him for being a witness in future. But a pension of 400/. a year was given him by
king William. " The era of Oates's plot (remarks Mr. Granger), was the grand era
of whig and tory." Whatever infamy rests upon his name, he was, observes Dr. Ca-
lamy, the instrument of Providence of good to this nation by awakening it out of sleep,
and giving a turn to the national affairs after a lethargy of some years. Calamy's
Historical Account of his own Life, vol. 1. p. 98, 99. Granger's History of England,
vol. 4. p. 201. 349; and Crosby's History of Ihe Baptists, vol. 3. p. 166—182.
— Ed.
4 HISTORY OF
indicted for a libel^ and was fined 500/. He was also sentenced
to be pilloried, and whipped from Newgate to Tyburn, and
in his return home was murdered in the coach by one Frances
a barrister at law, who was afterward hanged for it. The
whigs, who went to court to pay their duty to the king, were
received but coldly ; some were reproached, and others
denied access, especially those who had distinguished them-
selves for the bill of exclusion.* In the election of a new
parliament, all methods of corruption and violence were
used to get such members returned as might be supple to
the king's arbitrary designs.f When the houses met, May
22, the king repeated what he had declared in council, that
he would preserve the government in church and state as by
law established. Which, Rapin says, he never intended ;
for he insinuated in his speech, that he would not depend
on the precarious aids of parliament, nor meet them often,
if they did not use him well.J But the parliament unani-
mously settled all the revenues of his late majesty upon
the king for life, which amounted to more than two millions
a year;^ and presented an address May 27, to desire him
to issue forth his royal proclamation, to cause the penal
laws to be put in execution against dissenters from the
church of England.
This brought down the storm, and revived the persecu-
tion, which had slackened a little upon the late king's death.
His majesty was now encouraged to pursue his brother's
measures. The tories, who adhered firmly to the preroga-
tive, were gratified with full licence to distress the dissent-
ers, who were to be sacrificed over again to a bigoted clergy,
and an incensed king, zealous for their destruction, says bi-
shop Kennet, in order to unite and increase the strength of
Popery, which he favoured without reserve. Upon this, all
meeting-houses of Protestant dissenters were shut up, the
* Barnet, vol. 3. p. 12, 13. Edin. edition.
+ Dr. Grej qnotes here Echard and Carte, to prove that the new parliament con-
Bisted of as manj worthy and great, rich, and wise raen, as ever sat iu the boase.
—Ed.
t Gazette, no. 2036.
§ " The commons, charmed with these promises, and bigoted as raueh to their
principles of government as the king was to his religion, in about two hours Toled
bim such an immenne revenue for life, as enabled him to maintain a fleet and arraj
without the aid uf parliament, and consequently to subdue those who should dare to
oppose bis will. In this manner, aad without any farther ceremony, did this hous«
of commons deliver up the liberties of the nation to a Popish arbitrary prince." War-
ner's Ecclesiastical History, vol. 2. p. 631.— Ed.
THE PURITANS. 5
old trade of informing revived and flourished ; the spiritual
courts were crowded with business : private conventicles
were disturbed in all parts of the city and country. If they
surprised the minister, he was pulled out of his pulpit by
constables or soldiers, and, together with his people, carried
before a confiding justice of peace, who obliged them to pay
their fines, or dragged them to prison. If the minister
escaped, they ransacked the house from top to bottom ; tore
down hangings, broke open chambers and closets ; entered
the rooms of those who were sick ; and offered all kinds of
rudeness and incivilities to the family, though they met with
no manner of opposition or resistance. Shopkeepers were
separated from their trades and business ; and sometimes
wives from their husbands and children ; several families
were obliged to remove to distant places, to avoid the dire-
ful effects of an excommunication from the commons; and
great sums of money were levied as forfeitures, which had
been earned by honest labour. Dissenting ministers could
neither travel the road, nor appear in public but in disguise ;
nay, they were afraid to be seen in the houses of their
friends, pursuivants from the spiritual courts being always
abroad upon the watch.
One of the first who came into trouble was the reverend
Mr. Baxter, who was committed to the KingVbench prison
February 28, for some exceptionable passages in his para-
phrase on the New Testament, reflecting on the order of
diocesan bishops, and the lawfulness of resistance in some
possible cases. The passages were in his paraphrase on
Matt. v. 19. Mark ix. 39. xi. 31. and xii. 38—40. Luke
X. 2. John xi. 57. and Acts xv. 2. They were col-
lected by sir Roger 1' Estrange ; and a certain eminent
clergyman, reported to be Dr. Sh ck, put into the hands
of his enemies, some accusations from Rom. xiii. that might
touch his life, but no use was made of them. Mr. Baxter
being ill, moved by his counsel for time ; but Jefferies said,
he would not give him a minute's time to save his life.
" Yonder stands Gates in the pillory (says he), and if Mr.
Baxter stood on the other side, I would say, two of the
greatest rogues in England stood there." He was brought
to his trial May 30, but the chief-justice would not admit
his counsel to plead for their client. When Mr. Baxter
offered to speak for himself, Jefferies called him a snivel-
6 HISTORY OF
]ing, canting Presbyterian, and said, " Richard, Richard,
don't thou think we will hear thee poison the court. Ri-
chard, thou art an old fellow, and an old knave ; thou hast
written books enough to load a cart, every one as full of
sedition, I might say of treason, as an e^g is full of meat;
hadst thou been whipped out of thy writing trade forty
years ago, it had been happy. Thou pretendest to be a
preacher of the gospel of peace ; as thou hast one foot in
the grave, 'tis time for thee to begin to think what account
thou intendest to give ; but leave thee to thyself, and I see
thou wilt go on as thou hast begun ; but by the grace of
God, I will look after thee. I know thou hast a mighty
party, and I see a great many of the brotherhood in corners,
waiting to see what will become of their mighty don, and
a doctor of the par<y [doctor Bates] at your elbow, but by
the grace of Almighty God, I will crush you all." The
chief-justice having directed the jury, they found him guilty,
without going from the bar, and fined him five hundred
marks, to lay in prison till he paid it, and be bound to his
good behaviour for seven years. Mr. Baxter continued in
prison* about two years, and when the court changed its
measures, his fine was remitted, and he was released.
• Dr. Grejf has giren as, with apparent approbation, what he calls a charaoteris-
tical epitaph, drawn up for Mr. Baxter bj the Rer. Thomas Long', prebendary of
Exeter. It shews what different colours a character can receive, according to the dis-
positions of those who draw the picture ; and how obnoxious Mr. Baxter was to
some, whose calumnies and censure the rcaderperhaps will think was true praise. It
rnns thus : " Hie jacet Ricliardus Baxter, theologus armatus, loiolitareformatus, he-
resiarcha aerianns, schismaticornm anlesignanus ; cujus pruritus dispnlandif^ peperit
scriptandi cacoethes nutrivit, praedicandi zelus inlcmperatus maturavit ecclesis sca-
biem. Qui dissentit ab iis, quibuscum consentit maximo : turn sibi, cum aliis non-
eooformis praeteritis, praesentibus et futuris: regum et episcoporura juratus hosti.s:
ipsumq ; rebellium soleroue foedus. Qui natus erat per septuaginti annos, et octoginta
libros, ad pertarbandas regni respublicas, et ad bis perdendam ecclesiam Anglicanam ;
magnis tamen excidit aasts. Deo gratias.'' Grey's Examination, vol. 2. p. 231, note.
—Ed.
% " These words (sajs the aalhor of the article, Baxter, in the Biographia Britao-
nica) are au allusion to sir Henry Wolton's monumental inscription in Ktt)n-chapcl,
' Hie jacet hnjus sententia: primus author, disputandi prnriius ecclesiarum scabies :'
i. e. ' Here lies the first author of this opinion, The itch of disputing is the leprosy
of the churches.'" This writer has given the above epitaph in English, tlius : " Here
lies Richard Baxter, a militant divine, a reformed Jesuit, a brazen heresiarch, and the
cbief of schismatics, whose itch of disputing begat, whose humour of writing nou-
rished, and whose intemperate zeal in preaching brought to its utmost height, the le*
prosj of the church : who dissentec' from those with whom he most agreed : from him-
self, as well as all other nonconformi (s, past, present, and to come ; the sworn enemy
of kings and bishops, and in himself the very bond of rebels: who was born, through
seventy years and eighty books, to disturb the peace of the kingdom, and twice to at-
tempt the rain of the church of England : in the endeavour of which mighty mischiefs
he fell short. For Pihith Ihaaks be to God." Biographia Brilannica, vol. ?. p. 18,
seitond edition. — Ed.
THE PURITANS. 7
The rebellion of the duke of Monmouth furnished the
court with a plausible handle to carry the prosecution of
the whig's and dissenters to a farther extremity. There was
a considerable number of English fugitives in Holland at
this time, some on political accounts, and others on the
score of religion. The king, being apprehensive of danger
from thence, obliged the prince of Orange to dismiss the
duke of Monmouth from his court, and to break all those
officers who had waited upon him, and who were in his
service ; this precipitated the counsels of the malecontents,
and made them resolve upon a rash and ill-concerted inva-
sion, which proved their ruin. The earl of Argyle, imagin-
ing all the Scots Presbyterians would revolt, sailed to the
north of Scotland with a very small force, and was defeated
with the effusion of very little blood, before the declaration^^
which he brought with him could have any effect. After
him the duke of Monmouth, with the like precipitate rash-
ness, landed June II, with an inconsiderable force at Lyme
in Dorsetshire ; and though he was joined by great numbers
in the west country, he was defeated by the king's forces,
made prisoner, and executed on Tower-hill ; as was the
earl of Argyle at Edinburgh.
Though the body of the dissenters were not concerned in
either of these invasions, they suffered considerably on this
occasion. Great numbers of their chief merchants and
tradesmen in the city, being taken up by warrants, and
secured in jails, and in the public halls; as were many
country whig gentlemen, in York- castle, Hull, and the
prisons in all parts of England, which had this good effect,
that it kept them out of harm's way, while many of their
friends were ruined by joining the duke; some from a
persuasion that the late king was married to his mother ;
and others in hopes of a deliverance from Popery and arbi-
trary power.
The king elated with success, resolved to let both whigs
* A fall view of tlie assertions and purport of the dake of Monmouth's manifesto
is given in my History of the Town of Taunton, p. 133 — 135. Il was secretly printed
in a private house hired for that purpose at Lambeth by W. C. a man of good sense
and spirit, and a stationer in Paternoster-row 5 who imported the paper. His assistant
at the press was apprehended and suffered : he himself escaped into Holland, and
absconded into Germany, till he came over with the prince of Orange, who, when he
was settled on the throne, appointed him his stationer. William Disney, esq. was
tried by a special commission upon an indictment of high-treason, for printing and
publishing this declaration, and was convicted, and sentenced to be drawn, hanged
and quartered. Dr. Grey's Examination, vol. 3. p. 403, 404. — Ed.
fi HISTORY OF
and dissenters feel the weight of the arm of a conqueror :
his army lived upon free-quarters in the west, and treated
all who were supposed to be disaffected with great rudeness
and violence.* Some days after Monmouth's defeat, colo-
nel Kirk ordered several of the prisoners to be hung up at
Taunton, without any trial or form of law, while he and his
company were dancing, revelling, and drinking healths, at a
neighbouring window,with a variety of music, from whence
they beheld, with a more than brutish triumph, the dreadful
spectacle. The jails being full of prisoners, the king ap-
pointed lord-chief-justice Jefferies to go the western cir-
cuit, whose cruel behaviour surpassed all that had been
ever heard of in a civilized nation : he was always drunk,
either with wine or vengeance. When the juries found
persons not guilty, he threatened and confined them, till
they brought in a verdict to his mind, as in the case of the
old lady Lisle, who was beheaded, for admitting Mr. Hicks,
a Nonconformist minister, into her house, though the jury
brought her in three times not guilty; and she solemnly
declared, that she knew not that he had been in the duke's
army. He persuaded many of the prisoners to plead guilty,
in hopes of favour, and then taking advantage of their con-
fession, ordered their immediate execution, without giving
them a minute's time to say their prayers. Mr. Tutchin,
who wrote the Observator, was sentenced to be imprisoned
seven years, and to be whipped once every year through all
the towns in Dorsetshire; upon which he petitioned the
king that he might be hanged.f Bishop Burnet says, that in
several places in the west, there were executed near six hun-
dred persons, and that the quarters of two or three hundred
were fixed upon gibbets, and hung upon trees all over the
country for fifty or sixty miles about, to the terror and even
annoyance of travellers. The manner in which he treated
the prisoners, was barbarous and inhuman ; and his be-
haviour towards some of the nobility and gentry who were
well aflected, but appeared to the character of some of the
criminals, would have amazed one, says bishop Burnet, if
done by a bashaw in Turkey. The king had advice of his
proceedings every day, and spoke of them in a style neither
becoming the majesty nor mercy of a great prince.J And
.>• Hornet, vol. 3. p. 43, Edin. edition.
t Dtnurl'f Mrinoirii, \k 374, 37A, second edit. i Ibid. p. 44, second edit.
THE PUIUTANS. 1)
Jefferies, besides satiating himself with blood, got great
suras of money, by selling pardons to such as were able to
purchase them, from 10/. to fourteen thousand guineas
apiece.*
After the executions in the west, the king, being in the
height of his power, resolved to be revenged of his old
enemies the whigs, by making examples of their chief
leaders: alderman Cornish, who had signalized himself in
prosecuting the Popish plot, and was frequently in company
with the late lord Russel, was taken off the Exchange Oc-
tober 13, and within little more than a week tried, con-
demned, and executed, in Cheapside, for high-treason,
without any tolerable evidence, and his quarters set upon
Guildhall. On the same day Mrs. Gaunt, a dissenter, who
spent a great part of her life in acts of charity, visiting the
jails, and looking after the poor of what persuasion soever,
having entertained Burton, one of Monmouth's men, in hor
house, he, by an unheard-of baseness, while she was looking
out for an opportunity to send him out of the kingdom, went
out and accused her for harbouring him, and by that means
saved his own life by taking away hers : she was burnt alive
at Tyburn, and died with great resolution and devotion. f
Mr. Bateman a surgeon, Mr. Rouse, Mr. Fernerley, colonel
Ayloft'e, Mr. Nelthorpe, and others, suffered in like manner.
Lord Stamford was admitted to bail, and lord Delamere
was tried by his peers, and acquitted. Many who had cor-
responded with the duke of Monmouth absconded, and had
proclamations against them, as John Trenchard, esq. Mr.
Speke, and others. But all who suffered in this cause ex-
pressed such a zeal for the Protestant religion, which they
apprehended in danger, as made great impressions on the
spectators. Some say the king was hurried on by Jefferies ;
but if his own inclinations had not run strong the same way,
and if his priests had not thought it their interest to take
oft' so many active Protestants who opposed their measures,
they would not have let that butcher loose, says Burnet, to
commit so many barbarous acts of cruelty, as struck a uni-
versal horror over the body of the nation. It was a bloody
summer, and a dangerous time for honest men to live in.
* The reader is referred to Uie History of the Town of Taunton for an ample ac-
count of the progress and defeat of the duice of Monmouth, and a minute detail of tha
subsequent severities of Kirk and Jefferies, p. 1.15 — 170. — Ed,
t Burnet^ p. 4;>.
VOL. V. C
10 HISTORY OF
When the king met his parliament November 9, he con-
gratulated them on the success of his arms ; but told them,
that in order to prevent any new disturbances, he was de-
termined to keep the present army together ; and *' let no
man (says his majesty) take exceptions that some officers
are not qualified, for they are most of them known to me
for the loyalty of their principles and practices ; and there-
fore, to deal plainly with you, after having had the benefit
of their services in a time of need and danger, I will neither
expose them to disgrace, nor myself to the want of them."* —
Thus we were to have a standing army under Popish offi-
cers, in defiance of the penal laws and test. The commons
would have given them an act of indemnity for what was
past, but the king would not accept it; and because the
house was not disposed to his dispensing power, he pro-
rogued them Nov. 20, when they had sat only eleven days ;
and after many successive prorogations, in the space of two
years, dissolved them.t
The prosecution of the dissenters, which was carried on
with all imaginable severity this and the last year, forced
some of their ministers into the church ; but it had a differ-
ent and more surprising influence upon others, who had
the courage in these difficult times, to renounce the church
as a persecuting establishment, and to take their lot among
the Nonconformists ;i as the reverend Mr. John Spademan
M. A. of Swayton in Lincolnshire; Mr. John Rastrick, vi-
car of Kirton near Boston ; Mr. Burroughs of Frampton ;
Mr. Scoffin of Brotherton; Mr. Quip of Moreton; and a
few others ; who could be influenced by no other principle
but conscience in a cause which had nothing in this world
to recommend it but truth, attended with bonds and impri-
sonment, and the loss of all things.
Great were the oppressions of those who frequented the
separate meetings in several counties ; the informers broke
in upon sir John Hartoppe, Mr. Fleetwood, and others, at
Stoke-Newington, to levy distresses for conventicles, to the
value of 6 or 7,000/. : the like at Enfield, Hackney, and all
the neighbouring villages near London. § The justices and
confiding clergy were equally diligent in their several pa-
• GazeUe, no. 2085. t Burnet, p. 70, 71.
^ Calamjr'ji Abridgment, p. 460, &cc.
$ Calamy, p. 372, 373; or Pulroer's Nonconforinists' Memorial, toI. 2. p. 163
--168.
THE PURITANS. 11
rishes. Injunctions were sent out from several of tlie bi-
shops, under the seal of their offices, requiring all church-
wardens to present such as did not repair to church, nor
receive the sacrament at Easter ; which were read publicly
in the churches of Hertfordshire, Essex, &c. And the juries
at the assizes gave it as their opinion, that the dissenters
should be effectually prosecuted ; but the scandalous villa-
nies and perjuries of the informers made wise men abhor
the trade; however, so terrible were the times, that many
families and ministers removed with their effects to New-
England, and other plantations in America; among whom
we may reckon the reverend and worthy Mr. Samuel Lee,
the ejected minister of Bisbopgate, who in his return to his
flock, after the Revolution, was made prisoner by the French,
and carried to St. Maloes, where he perished in a dungeon,
under the hands of those whose tender mercies are cruel.*
Many ministers were fined and imprisoned, and great num-
bers of their most substantial hearers cited into the com-
mons, their names being fixed upon the doors of their pa-
rish-churches ; and if they did not appear, an excommuni-
cation and a capias followed, unless they found means, by
presents of wine, by gold in the fingers of a pair of gloves,
or some effectual bribe, to get themselves excused ; for
which, among others, the name of Dr. Pinfoldf is famous
to this day.
The dissenters continued to take the most prudent mea-
sures to cover their private meetings from their adversaries.
They assembled in small numbers -they frequently shift-
ed their places of worship, and met together late in the
evenings, or early in the mornings — there were friends with-
out doors, always on the watch to give notice of approach-
ing danger — when the dwellings of dissenters joined, they
made windows or holes in the walls, that the preacher's
voice might be heard in two or three houses they had
sometimes private passages from one house to another, and
trap doors for the escape of the minister, who went always
in disguise, except when he was discharging his office — in
country-towns and villages, they were admitted through
* Palmer's Noucon. Mem. vol. 1. p. 95, 96.
t Dr. Pinfold was a gentleman of the long robe, and was the king's advocate in the
prosecution of bishop Conipton. But thougii he stood at the chancellor's elbow and
took notes, while the bishop's counsel were pleadin»', he said nothing bj way of reply.
Bishop Compton's Life. p. 37. — Rn.
c 2
12 HISTORY OF
backyards and gardens into the house, to avoid the observa-
tion of neighbours and passengers — for the same reason they
never sung psalms — and the minister was placed in such an
inward part of the house, that his voice might not be heard
in the streets — the doors were always locked, and a sentinel
placed near them to give the alarm, that the preacher might
escape by some private passage, with as many of the con-
gregation as could avoid the informers. But notwithstand-
ing all their precautions, spies and false brethren crept in
among them in disguise, their assemblies were frequently
interrupted, and great sums of money raised by fines or
compositions, to the discouragement of trade and industry,
and enriching the officers of the spiritual courts.
Thus were the Nonconformists ground between the Pa-
pists on the one hand, and the high-church clergy on the
other ; while the former made their advantage of the latter,
concluding, that when the dissenters were destroyed, or
thoroughly exasperated, and the clergy divided among them-
selves, they should be a match for the hierarchy, and capable
of establishing that religion they had been so long aiming
to introduce. With this view, swarms of Jesuits and regu-
lar priests were sent for from abroad ; Jesuits' schools, and
other seminaries, were opened in London and the country ;
mass-houses were erected in the most considerable towns ;
four Roman-Qatholic bishops were consecrated in the royal
chapel, and exercised their functions under the character of
vicars apostolical ; their regular clergy appeared at White-
hall and St. James's in their habits, and were unwearied in
their attempts to seduce the common people. The way to
preferment was to be a Catholic, or to declare for the pre-
rogative; all state-affairs being managed by such men. An
open correspondence was held with Rome, and many pam-
phlets were dispersed, to make proselytes to the Romish
faith, or at least to effect a coalition. Multitudes of the
king's subjects frequented the Popish chapels ; some changed
their profession ; and all men were forbid to speak disre-
spectfully of the king's religion.
At length the eyes of many of the clergy began to be
opened, and they judged it necessary to preach against the
Popish doctrines, that they might recover the people who
were deserting in numbers, and rescue the Protestant reli-
gion from the danger into which their own follies had brought
THE PURITANS. 13
it. The king beings acquainted with this, by the ativice of
his priests sent circular letters to the bishops, with an or-
der, prohibiting the inferior clergy from preaching on the
controverted points of religion ; which many complained of,
though it was no more than king James and Charles 1. had
done before. However, when their mouths were stopped
in the pulpit, some of the most learned and zealous agreed
to fight the Catholics with their own weapons, and to pub-
lish small pamphlets for the benefit of the vulgar, in defence
of the Protestant doctrines. When a Popish pamphlet was
in the press, they made interest with the workmen, and got
the sheets as they were wrought off, so that an answer was
ready as soon as the pamphlet was published. There was
hardly a week in which some sermon or small treatise
against Popery was not printed and dispersed among the
common people ; which, in the compass of a year or two,
produced a valuable set of controversial writings against the
errors of that church.* The chief writers were. Dr. Til-
lotson, Stillingfleet, Tenison, Patrick, Wake, Whitby,
Sharp, Atterbury, Williams, Aldrich, Burnet, Fowler, &c.t
men of great name and renown, who gained immortal ho-
nour, and were afterward advanced to the highest dignities
in the church. Never was a bad cause more weakly managed
by the Papists, nor a more complete victory obtained by the
Protestants.
But the church-party, not content with their triumph,
have of late censured the Nonconformists, for appearing
only as spectators, and not joining them in the combat. i
But how could the clergy expect this from a set of men
whom they had been persecuting for above twenty years,
and who had the yoke of oppression still lying on their
necks ? Had not the Nonconformists been beforehand with
them in their morning exercises against Popery ? And did
not Dr. Owen, Mr. Pool, Baxter, Clarkson, and others,
write against the errors of the church of Rome, throughout
the whole reign of king Charles II. ? Had not the Noncon-
formists stood in the gap, and exposed themselves sufficient-
* A vast collection of these pieces was published about fifty years ago, in three
volumes folio, under the direction of Dr. Gibson bishop of London. But this con-
tained only a part of the tracts written by the Protestants : and even the catalogues
of them drawn up by Dr. Wake, Dr. Gee, and Mr. Francis Peck, were defective ia
the titles of them. Birch's Life of Archbishop Tillotson, p. 127. — Ed.
, t Burnet, vol. 3. p. 79, 80. Edin. edit.
J Calamy, p. 373 j and Psirce's Vindicatiou, p. 266.
14 HISTORY OF
ly to the resentments of the Papists, for refusing to come
into their measures for a universal toleration, in which they
might have been included? Besides, the poor ministers
were hardly crept out of corners, their papers had been
rifled, and their books sold or secreted, to avoid seizure ;
they had little time to study, and therefore might not be so
well prepared for the argument, as those who had lived in
ease and security. Farther, the church-party was most
nearly concerned, the Nonconformists having nothing to
lose, whereas all the emoluments of the church were at
stake; and after all, some of the dissenters did >vrite; and,
if we may believe Dr. Calamy, Mr. Baxter, and others,
their tracts being thought too warm, were refused to be li-
censed.* Upon the whole, bishop Burnet wisely observes,t
that as the dissenters would not engage on the side of Po-
pery and the prerogative, nor appear for taking oflf the tests
in the present circumstances; so, on the ather hand, they
were unwilling to provoke the king, who had lately given
them hopes of liberty, lest he should make up matters upon
any terms with the church-party, at their expense; nor would
they provoke the church-party, or by any ill behaviour drive
them into a reconciliation with the court ; therefore they
resolved to let the points of controversy alone, and leave
• A licence was refused to a discourse against the whole system of Popery, drawn
up by the learned Mr. Jonathan Hanmer, who was ejected from Bishops-Taw ton ia
Devon. A discourse against transubstantiation, written by Mr. Henry Pendlebiirj,
ejected from Holcomb chapel in Lancashire, and afterward published by archbishop
Tillotson, met with the like refusal. Au offer that Mr. Baxter would produce a piece
against Popery every month, if a licence might be bad, was rejected with scorn. And
Mr. Jane, the bishop of London's chaplain, denied bis sanction to a piece he actually
drew up on the church's visibility. But in opposition to what Mr. Neal says above
concerning this point, Dr. Grey, it is but justice to obserre, gives as letters from Dr.
Ishara, Dr. Alston, Dr. Batteley, and Mr. Needham, licensers of the press, declariog
that they never refused to license a book, because written by a dissenter ; and that
they did not recollect that any tract, of which a dissenter was the author, was brca^ht
to them for their sanction. As to l\Jr. Baxter, in particular Dr. Isham avers, that
he never obstructed his writing against Popery, but licensed one of his books : " and
if he bad prepared any thing against tire eommon enemy (says Dr. Isham), without
striking abliquely at our church, I would certainly have forwarded them from the
press." It is to be added, that one piece from the pen of Mr. Hanmer had the impri-
matur of Dr. Jane. There aathorities appear to contradict each other : bat it 'ts, pro-
bably, not only a candid, but just method of reconciling them, and preserving oar
opinion of the veracity of both parlies, that the tracts to which a licence was refused,
were not oflered to the gentlemen whose letters Dr. Grey quotes ; but to Dr. Jane,
or other licensers, with whose declarations we are not furnished. Beunet's Memorial,
p. 599, 400, second edition. Baxter's History of his own Life, part 3. p. 183, folio.
Palmer's Nonconformists' Memorial, vol. 1. p. o4tJ. Dr. (Jrey, vol. 'J. p. 42'1- — 432.
The matter was, 1 understand, discussed by Mr. Tong*, in his defence of Mr. Henry's
Notion of Schism. — En.
t r. li'l, 12e.
THE PUUITANS. 15
them to the management of the clergy, who had a legal
bottom to support them.
The clergy's writing thus warmly against Popery broke
all measures between the king and the church of England,
and made each party court that body of men for their auxili-
aries, whom they had been persecuting and destroying for
so many years. His majesty now resolved to introduce a
universal toleration in despite of the church, and at their
expense.* The cruelty of the church of England was his
common subject of discourse; he reproached them for their
violent persecutions of the dissenters, and said he had in-
tended to set on foot a toleration sooner, but that he was
restrained by some of them who had treated with him, and
had undertaken to shew favour to the Papists, provided
they might be still suffered to vex the dissenters ; and he
named the very men, though they thought tit afterward to
deny it: how far the fact is probable must be left with the
reader.
It being thought impracticable to obtain a legal toleration
in the present circumstances of the nation, his majesty de-
termined to attempt it by the dispensing power; for this
purpose sir Edward Hales, a Popish gentleman of Kent,
was brought to trial for breaking through the test-act, when
sir Edward Herbert, lord-chief-justice, gave judgment in
his favour, and declared the powers of the crown to be ab-
solute.f The other judges were closeted, and such dis-
placed as were of a different sentiment; and the king being-
resolved to have twelve judges of Iiis own opinion,J four had
their quietus, and as many new ones were advanced, from
whom the king exacted a promise to support the preroga-
tive in all its branches. There was a new call of Serjeants,
who gave rings with this motto, Deus, rex, lex, God, the
king, and the law; the king being placed before the law.
The privy-council was new modelled, and several declared
Papists admitted into it; two confiding clergymen were
promoted to bishopricks. Parker to Oxford, and Cart-
• Barnet, p. 140. t Ibid. p. 73, 74.
J Lord-chief-juslice .Jones, one of the displaced judges, apon his dismissioti, ob-
served to the king, " that he was by no means sorry that he was laid aside, old and
worn out as he was in his service ; but concerned that his majesty should expect such
a construction of the law from him as he could not honestly give; and that none but
indigent, ignorant, or ambitious men would give their judgment as he expected." To
this the king replied, ♦' It was necessary his jadges should be all o.f one mind." Me-
moirs of Sir John Reresby, p. 236. — Kri.
>. ^
16 IlISTOUY OF
Wright to Chester. Many pamphlets were written and dis-
persed in favour of liberty of conscience; and sir Roger
L'Estrange, with other mercenary writers, were employed
to maintain, that a power in the king to dispense with the
laws, is law.* But the opinion of private writers not being
thought sufficient, it was resolved to have the determination
of the judges, who all, except one, gave it as their opinion ;
J. That the laws of England were the king's laws. 2.
That it is an inseparable branch of the prerogative of the
kings of England, as of all other sovereign princes, to dis-
pense with all penal laws in particular cases, and on par-
ticular occasions. 3. That of these reasons and necessity
the king is sole judge. 4. That this is not a trust now in-
vested in, and granted to, the present king, but the ancient
remains of the sovereign power of the kings of England,
which was never yet taken from them, nor can be. Thus
the laws of England were given up at once into the hands
of the king, by a solemn determination of the judges.
This point being secured, his majesty began to caress the
Nonconformists. " All on a sudden (says bishop Burnett)
the churchmen were disgraced, and the dissenters in high
favour. Lord-chief-justice Herbert went the western cir-
cuit after JefFeries, who was now made lord-chancellor, and
all was grace and favour to them : their former sufferings
were much reflected upon and pitied ; every thing was of-
fered that might alleviate them ; their ministers were en-
couraged to set up their conventicles, which had been dis-
continued, or held very secretly, for four or five years : in-
timations were given every where, that the king would not
have them or their meetings disturbed."]: A dispensation
or licence-office was set up, where all who applied might
have an indulgence, paying only 50^. for themselves and
their families. Many who had been prosecuted for con-
venticles, took out those licences, which not only stopped all
processes that were commenced, but gave them liberty to
go publicly to meetings for the future. " Upon this (says
the same reverend prelate) some of the dissenters grew in-
• Welwood's Memoirs, p. 194. t Poi;o 78.
% Kiog James, previously lo liis adopting lliese conciliiiting measures with ihe dis-
senters, such was his art and duplicity, bad tried all the melhnds he could think of
to hring tlic church into his designs : and Iwice offered, il was said, to make a sacri-
fice of all the dissenters in the kingdom to tiieni, if thi-y would but huve complied
with iiim : but failing in this attempt, he faced about to thoNooconrnrniisls. Caiam^'a
Jlistorj of his own Life, vol. 1. p. 170, MS. — Ed.
THE PURITANS. 17
Solent, but wiser men among them perceived the design of
the Papists was now, to set on the dissenters against the
church ; and thererore, though they returned to their con-
venticles, yet they had a just jealousy of the ill designs that
lay hid, under all this sudden and unexpected show of grace
and kindness, and they took care not to provoke the church-
party." But where then were the understandings of the
high-church clergy, during the whole reign of king Charles
II. while they were pursuing the Nonconformists and their
families to destruction, for a long course of years ? Did they
not perceive the design of the Papists ? Or were they not
willing rather to court them, at the expense of the whole
body of dissenting Protestants ? Bishop Laud's scheme of
uniting with the Papists, and meeting them half way, was
never out of their sight ; however, when the reader calls
to mind the oppression and cruelties that the conscientious
Nonconformists underwent from the high-church party for
twenty-five years, he will be ready to conclude they de-
served no regard, if the Protestant religion itself had not
been at stake.
Thus the all-wise providence of God put a period to the
prosecution of the Protestant dissenters from the penal laws;
though the laws themselves were not legally repealed, or
suspended, till after the revolution of king William and
queen Mary. It may not therefore be improper to give the
reader a summary view of their usage in this and the last
reign, and of the damages they sustained in their persons,
families, and fortunes.
The Quakers, in their petition to king James* the last
year, inform his majesty, that of late above one thousand
five hundred of their friends were in prison, both men and
women ; and that now there remain one thousand three
hundred and eighty-three, of which two hundred are women ;
many under sentence of premunire; and more than three
hundred near it. for refusing: the oath of allegiance because
they could not swear.f — Above three hundred and fifty have
died in prison since the year 1660, near one hundred of which
since the year 1680.— In London, the jail of Newgate has
• It was addressed not to king James only, bat to both houses of parliament. Thej
made also an application to the king alone; recommending to his princely clemency
the case of their suHering friends. Sewel, p. 592. This was not so copious a stale
of their case as the petition to which Mr. iSeal refers, and is called by Gongh their
first address. Vol. 3. p. 162 ; and the Index under the word Address. — Ed.
t Sewel, p. 588. 593.
18 HISTORY OF
been crowded vrithin these two years, sometimes with near
twenty in a room, whereby several have been suffocated,
and others, who have been taken out sick, have died of ma^
lignant fevers within a few days ; — -great violences, out-
rageous distresses, and woful havock and spoil, have been
made on people's goods and estates, by a company of idle,
extravagant, and merciless, informers, by prosecutions on
the conventicle-act, and others, as may be seen in the mar-
gin.* Also on qui tarn writs, knd on other processes, for 20/.
a month ; and two thirds of their estates seized for the king:
— some had not a bed left to rest upon ; others had no cattle
to till the ground, nor corn for seed or bread, nor tools to
work with: the said informers and bailiffs in some places
breaking into houses, and making great waste and spoil,
under pretence of serving the king and the church. — Our
religious assemblies have been charged at common law with
being riotous routs, and cjjsturbances of the peace, whereby
great numbers have been confined in prisons, without re-
gard to age or sex ; and many in holes and dungeons: — the
seizures for 20/. a month have amounted to several thousand
pounds ; sometimes they have seized for eleven months at
once, and made sale of all goods and chattels both within
doors and without, for payment : — several who have em-
ployed some hundreds of poor families in manufacture, are
by those writs and seizures disabled, as well as by long im-
prisonment; one in particular, who employed two hundred
people in the woollen manufacture. — Many informers, and
especially impudent women, whose husbands are in prison,
swear for their share of the profit of the seizures — the fines
upon one justice's warrant have amounted to many hundred
pounds; frequently 10/. a warrant, and five warrants toge-
ther for 50/. to one man j and for nonpayment, all his goods
carried away in about ten cart-loads. They spare neither
• The acts or penal laws on which they snlTered were these :
Some few snfFered on t'7 Hewy VIII. cap. 20.
Others on 1 Eliz. cap. a, for twelve-pence a Sunday.
5 Eli/, cap 23, de excommu. capiendo.
i9 Eliz. eap. t, for 20/. a moiitli.
29 Elix. cap. 6, for more speedy and due execotidn ofiast statute.
35 Eli-/, cap. 1, for flb/uring tlie realfrt on pain of deatli.
3 King James I. cap. 4, for better discoverin;; and suppre.ssing Popish recusants.
iSth and 14th of king Charles II. against Qitakerti, Sac. transnorlalion.
17 Charles II. cap. 2, against Nonconfurmista.
23 King Charles li. cap. 1, against seditious conventicles.
N. B. 'Ilie Quakers were not much afiected with the corporatiuii aud test acts, be-
cause they would not take an oath ;
Nor with the Oxford five-mile act, which cut the others !<• piece.".
THE PURITANS. 19
widows, nor fatherless^ nor poor families ; nor leave them
so much as a bed to lie upon: — thus the informers are both
witnesses and parties, to the ruin of great numbers of sober
families ; and justices of peace have been threatened with
the forfeiture of 100/, if they do not issue out warrants upon
their informations. — With this petition, they presented to
the king and parliament a list of their friends in prison in
the several counties, amounting to one thousiand four hun-
dred and sixty.
But it is impossible to make an exact computation of the
number of sufferers, or estimate of the damages his majesty's
dissenting subjects of the several denomination sustained,
by the prosecutions of this and the last reign ; how many
families were impoverished, and reduced to beggary ; how
many lives were lost in prisons and noisome jails ; how many
ministers were divorced from their people, and forced to
live as they could, five miles from a corporation : how many
industrious and laborious tradesmen were cut off from their
trades ; and their substance and household goods plundered
by soldiers, or divided among idle and infamous informers.
The vexatious suits of the commons, and the expenses of
those courts, were immense.
The writer of the preface of Mr. Delaune's Plea for the
Nonconformists, says,* that Delaune was one of near eight
thousand Protestant dissenters, who had perished in prison
in the reign of king Charles II. and that merely for dissent-
ing from the church in some points which they were able to
give good reason for; and yet for no other cause, says he,
were they stifled, I had almost said, murdered in jails. — As
for the severe penalties inflicted on them, for seditious and
riotous assemblies, designed only for the worship of God, he
adds, that they suffered in their trades and estates, within
the compass of three years, at least 2,000,000/.; and doubts,
whether in all the times since the Reformation, including the
reign of queen Mary, there can be produced any thing like
such a number of Christians who have suffered death; and
such numbers who have lost their substance for religion.
Another writer adds,t that Mr. Jeremy White had care-
fully collected a list of the dissenting sufferers, and of their
sufferings ; and had the names of sixty thousand persons
who had suffered on a religious account, between the resto-
* Preface to Delauue's Plea, p. 5. t History of the Stuarts, p. 715.
20 HISTORY OF
ration of king Charles II. and the revolution of king Wil-
liam ; five thousand of whom died in prison. That Mr.
White told lord Dorset, that king James had offered him a
thousand guineas for the manuscript, but that he refused all
invitations and rewards, and concealed the black record,
that it might not appear to the disreputation of the church
of England, for which some of the clergy sent him their
thanks, and offered him an acknowledgment, which he gene-
rously refused. Tlie reader will form his own judgment of
the truth of these facts. It is certain, that besides those
who suffered in their own country, great numbers retired
to the plantations of New-England, Pennsylvania, and other
parts of America. Many transported themselves and their
eflfects into Holland,* and filled the English churches of
Amsterdam, the Hague, Utrecht, Leyden, Rotterdam, and
other parts. If we admit the dissenting families of the
several denominations in England, to be one hundred and
fifty thousand, and that each family suffered no more than
the loss of 3 or 4/, per annum, from the act of uniformity,
the whole will amount to twelve or fourteen millions ; a
prodigious sum for those times ! But these are only con-
jectures ; the damage to the trade and property of the na-
tion was undoubtedly immense ; and the wounds that were
made in the estates of private families were deep and large ;
many of whom, to my certain knowledge, wear the scars of
them to this day.
When the Protestant dissenters rose up into public view
as a distinct body, their long sufferings had not very much
diminished their numbers; which, though not to be com-
pared with those of the establishment, or the tories and
Roman Catholics, were yet so considerable, as to be capable
of turning the scale on either side, according as they should
throw in their weight, which might possibly be owing,
amongst others, to the following reasons :
J. To their firmness and constancy in a long course of
• Among these were, Mr. Howe, Mr. Shower, Mr, Nat. Tavlor, Mr. Papillon, sir
Jolin Thompson (afterward lord Haversham), sir John Guise, and sir Patience Ward.
The states of Holland treated the Kuglish refugees with particular respect. Bat as
it has been pertinentlj obserred, it was a reproach to this nation, that, in particular,
so excellent a person as Mr. Howe, wh<tse unafTecled piety, polite and profound learn-
ing, and most Kweel, ingenuous, and genteel temper, entitled him to the esteem of the
greatest and best men in the land of all persuasions; that such a one at that time
could not have a safe aid quiet haltilation in his nalire coantrr. Tong's Life of
Shower, p. h\. — En.
THE PURITANS. 21
sufFering, which convinced the world, that they were not
actuated by humour, but conscience.
2. To their doctrine and manner of preaching, which
was plain and practical, accompanied with a warm and
awakening address to the conscience. Their doctrines were
those of the first reformers, which were grown out of fashion
in the church ; and their way of worship was simple and
plain ; without the ornament of rites and ceremonies.
3. To the severity of their morals, at a time when the
nation was sunk into all kinds of vice and luxury, from
which they preserved themselves in a great measure un-
tainted. Their conversation was sober and virtuous. They
observed the Lord's day with religious strictness, and had
a universal reputation for justice and integrity in their
dealings.
4. To the careful and strict education of their children,
whom they impressed with an early sense of scriptural re-
.ligion, and educated in their own way, as they had opportu-
nity, under private schoolmasters of their own principles.
5. To a concern for a succession of able and learned mi-
nisters; for which purpose they encouraged private acade-
mies in several parts of the kingdom ; and it is remarkable
that many gentlemen and substantial citizens devoted their
children to the ministry, at a time when they had nothing
in view but worldly discouragements.
6. To the persecuting zeal of the high-church party, at-
tended with an uncommon licentiousness of manners. If
their zeal against the Nonconformists had produced a greater
sanctity of life, and severity of morals, amongst themselves,
it had been less offensive ; but to see men destitute of com-
mon virtue signing warrants of distress upon their neigh-
bours, only for worshipping God peaceably at a separate
meeting, when they themselves hardly worshipped God at
all ; made some apprehend there was nothing at all in re-
ligion, and others resolve to take their lot with a more sober
people.
Finally, To the spirit and principles of toryism, which
began to appear ruinous to the nation. The old English
constitution was in a manner lost, while the church and pre-
rogative had been trampling on the dissenters, who had
stood firm to it for twenty years, in the midst of reproaches
and sufferings. This was the consequence of tory measures ;
22 HISTORY OF
and Popery being now coming in at the gap they had made,
the most resolved Protestants saw their error, entertained
a favourable opinion of the dissenters, and many of them
joined their congregations.
To return to the history. The dissenters being now
easy, it was resolved to return the artillery of the preroga-
tive against the church, and make them feel a little of the
smart they had given others ; the king and his priests were
thoroughly enraged with their opposition to the court, and
therefore appointed commissioners throughout England to
inquire, what money had been raised ; or what goods had
been seized by distress on dissenters, on prosecutions for
recusancy, and not brought to account in the exchequer.
In the Gazette of March 5, 1687, it is advertised, that the
commissioners appointed to examine into the losses of the
dissenters and recusants, within the several counties of
Gloucester, Worcester, and Monmouth, were to hold their
sessions for the said counties at the places therein mention-
ed. Others were appointed for the counties of Middlesex,
Essex, &c. to inquire what money or goods had been taken
or received for any matters relating to religion since Sep-
tember 29, 1677, in any of the counties for which they were
named. They were to return the names of all persons who
had seized goods, or received money. The parties them-
selves, if alive, were obliged to appear, and give an account;
and if dead, their representatives were to appear before the
commissioners for them. This struck terror into the whole
tribe of informers, the confiding justices, and others, who
expected now to be ruined ; but, says Dr. Calamy, the Pro-
testant dissenters generously refused to appear against their
enemies, upon assurances given by leading persons, both
clergy and laity, that no such methods should be used for
the future. Had this inquiry proceeded, and the dissenters
universally come into it, a black and fraudulent scene uould
have been opened, which now will be con£ealed. Bishop
Burnet says, '' The king ordered them to inquire into all
vexatious suits into which the dissenters had been brought
in the spiritual courts, and into all the compositions they
had been forced to make to redeem themselves from farther
trouble, which, as was said, would have brought to light a
scandalous discovery of all the ill practices of those courts ;
for the use that many who belong to those courts had made
THE PURITANS. 23
of the laws with relation to dissenters, was, to draw pre-
sents from such as could make them, threatening- them with
a process in case they failed to do that, and upon doing it,
leaving them at full liberty to neglect the laws as much as
they pleased. The commission subsisted till the Revolution,
and it was hoped (says his lordship) that this would have
animated the dissenters to turn upon the clergy with some
of that fierceness with which they themselves had been
lately treated."* But they took no advantage of the dispo-
sition of the court, nor of the opportunity that was put into
their hands of making reprisals on their adversaries ;
which shews the truly generous and Christian spirit of those
confessors for religion ; and deserved a more grateful ac-
knowledgment.
To humble the clergy yet farther, his majesty, by the ad-
vice of JefFeries, erected a new ecclesiastical commission,
though the act which took away the high-commission in
1641 had provided, that no court of that nature should be
erected for the future ; but the king, though a Papist, as-
sumed the supremacy, and directed a commission to the
archbishop of Canterbury, Jefferies the chancellor, the
bishops of Durham and Rochester ; to the earl of Sunder-
land-president of the council ; Herbert and Wright, lord-
chief-justices, and Jenner recorder of London, or any three
of them, provided the chancellor was one, '* to exercise all
manner of jurisdiction and pre-eminence, touching any spi-
ritual or ecclesiastical jurisdictions, to visit, reform, redress,
and amend, all abuses, offences, contempts, and enormities,
which by the spiritual or ecclesiastical laws might be cor-
rected. They were also to inquire into all misdemeanours
and contempts which might be punished by the censures of
the church, and to call before them all ecclesiastical persons
of what degree and dignity soever, and punish the offenders
by excommunications, suspensions, deprivations, or other
ecclesiastical censures, &c."t This was a terrible rod held
out to the clergy, and if the commissioners had had time to
proceed in their inquiries, according to the mandates sent
to the chancellors and archdeacons of the several diocesses,
they would have felt more of the effects of that arbitrary
power which their indiscreet conduct had brought on the
nation ; but Providence was kinder to them than they had
* Barnet, vol. 3. p. 140, 141, Edinb. edit. t Burnet, p. 8?.
24 HISTORY OF
been to their brethren.* The commission was granted the
beginning'of April, but was not opened till the beginning of
August : the archbishop of Canterbury was afraid to act in
it ;t Durham was so lifted up, says Burnet, that he said his
name would now be recorded in history ; and Sprat bishop
of Rochester, in hopes of farther preferment, swam with
the stream. t Some Roman Catholics were in the commis-
sion, and consequently the enemies of the Protestant reli-
gion were to be its judges.
But his majesty, not being willing to rely altogether on
the Oxford decree, nor on the fashionable doctrines of pas-
sive obedience and nonresistance, which had been preached
up for above twenty years as the unalterable doctrines of
the church of England, in order to support his extraordi-
nary proceedings, resolved to augment his standing forces
to fifteen thousand men. He was apprehensive of a snake
in the grass, or a secret reserve, that might break out when
the church itself came to be pinched ; he therefore ordered
his army to encamp on Hounslow-heath, under the com-
mand of the earl of Feversham, to awe the city, and be at
hand upon any emergency ; the officers and many of the
soldiers were Irish Papists, and they had a public chapel
in which mass was said every day, so that it was believed
the king might introduce what religion he pleased. § It
was dangerous to speak or write against his majesty's pro-
ceedings ; for when the reverend Mr. Johnson, a clergyman,
• Welwood, p. 198.
+ It is said, that he took exception at the lawfulness of the cmnmission itself. But
tfcen on its being opened, he did not appear and declare against it, as judging it to be
against law: contenting himself with not going to it: and it uas not at first appre-
hended that he made a matter of conscience of it. He was of a timorous nature, and
caations of doing anj thing that mi^ht eventnallj be prejudicial to his great object,
which was to enrich his nephew. Burnet, vol. 3. p. 82, 83. Grej's Examination,
vol.3, p. 405.— En.
X Though the bishop of Rochester might, from views to preferment, be induced
to act in a commission to which he was, without his knowledge, named ; v^t be is
stated to have acted with integrity in this matter, through his ignurarire of the laws,
having no objection to the legality of it ; with the purpose of doing as much good,
and preventing as much evil, as the times would permit. In the execution of it be
pleaded, that he had studied to moderate and restrain the violence of others, never
giving his consent to any irregular and arbitrary' sentence, but declaring again^^t every
extrav.igaiit decree. His opinions, he said, were always so contrary to the huroour.<{
of the court, that he ofleii thought himself to be really in as much hazard from the
commission itself, by bis noncomplianoe, as any of his brethren could be that were
out of it. And at last, rather thau concur in the prosecution of such as refused to read
the king's declaration, he solemnly took his leave and withdrr'v from the court.
Grey'a examination, vol. 3. p. 405, 406. — En.
§ Gaxette, Nu. 3192.
THE PURITANS. 25
ventured to publish a writing, directed to the Protestant
officers of the army, to dissuade them from being tools of
the court to subvert the constitution and Protestant reli-
gion ; diligent search was made for him, and being appre-
hended, he was sentenced to stand three times in the pillory,
to be degraded of his orders, to be whipped from Newgate
to Tyburn, and to be fined five hundred marks ; all which
was executed with great severity.*
Affairs in Scotland were in equal forwardness with those
of England; the parliament which met at Edinburgh in
May 1685, while the persecution continued, declared their
abhorrence of all principles derogatary to the king's abso-
lute power, and offered their lives and fortunes to defend it
against all opposers. They passed an act, making it death
to resort to any conventicles in houses or fields; and de-
clared it high-treason to give or take the national covenant,
or to write in defence of it. They also obliged the sub-
jects of Scotland to take an oath, when required, to main-
tain the king's absolute power, on pain of banishment. Po-
pery made very considerable advances in that kingdom, and
several persons of character changed their religion with the
times.f But the populace were in the other extreme; the
earl of Perth having set up a private chapel for mass, the
mob broke into it with such fury that they defaced and de-
stroyed the whole furniture, for which one of them was ap-
prehended and hanged. When the English court changed
measures, the Scots parliament agreed to a suspension of
the penal laws during the king's life ; but his majesty in-
sisting jipon an entire repeal, which they declined, he dis-
* Mr. Johnson, previously to his sufferings, was dejfraded in tlie chapter-house of
St. Paul's on the 22d of November, 1686. He bore the whipping on the 1st of De-
cember following with great fortitude. The Revolution restored him to his liberty;
the degradation was annulled ; the judgment given against him was declared illegaj
and cruel ; and a pension of 300^ a year for his own and son's life was granted to him,
with 1000/. in money, and a place of lOOl. a year for his son. His temper, which
was haughty, rough, and turbulent, rendered his solicitations forabishoprick, and two
addresses of the lords recommending him to preferment, unsuccessful. He had been
chaplain to lord Russel ; and was a man of considerable learning and abilities, of great
firmness and fortitude of mind. In 1683 — 4 he had incurred a heavy sentence in
the Kiug's-bench, being fined five hundred marks, and committed to the prison till it was
paid, and sureties for his good behaviour for a year were found. This penalty was in-
curred by the publication of a book entitled Julian the Apostate, in 1682, intended
to expose the doctrines of passive obedience and nonresistance ; and to shew Ih
great difference between the case of the primitive Christians, who had the laws against
them, and ours who have the laws on our side. Birch's Life of Archbishop Tillolson,
p. £16, &c.— Ed.
t Bbrnet, vol. 3. p. 86. 90.
VOL. V. b
26 HISTORY OF
solved them. The episcopal clergy were obsequious to the
court, and in many places so sunk into sloth and ignorance,
that the lower people were quite indifferent in matters of re-
ligion ; but the Presbyterians, though now freed from the
severities they had smarted under so many years, expressed
upon all qccasions an unconquerable aversion to Popery,
and by degrees roused the whole nation out of their le-
thargy.
. In Ireland things had still a more favourable aspect for
4he court : the king had a greater dependance on the Irish
Catholics* than upon any other of his subjects. Colonel
Talbot, earl of Tyrconnel, was made lord-lieutenant of that
country, a vile and profligate oflicer, who scrupled no kind
of barbarity and wickedness to serve his cause ; he broke
several Protestant officers in the array, and by degrees
turned them all out to make room for Papists. All offices
both civil and military were put into the hands of the vilest
miscreants ; there was not a Protestant sheriff left in that
kingdom ; the charters were taken away, and new-modelled
in favour of Papists. The corporations were dissolved, and
all things managed with an arbitrary hand, so that many,
imagining the massacring knife to be at their throats, left
the kingdom ; some transporting themselves into England,
and others into more remote and distant countries. Thus
far the prerogative prevailed without any repulse.
Matters being now ripe for attacking the church of Eng-
land in form, it was resolved to begin with making an ex-
ample of some of their leading divines : Dr. Sharp, rector
of St. Giles's, having disobeyed the king's order^^ of not
preaching on the controverted points, and spoken disre-
spectfully of the king's religion in one of his sermons, the
bishop of London was ordered to suspend him ; but the
bishop, with all respect and duty to his majesty, sent word,
that he could not proceed in such a summary way, but that
when the cause was heard in the commons, he would pro-
nounce such sentence as the canons should warrant ; and in
the mean time would desire the doctor to forbear preach-
• So hostile lo the cause of liberty were the Irish Catholics, that not content with
oppressing it iu their own kingdom, thej encouraged the emigration of their own
body with a view to check its spread hevond the Atlantic. For they suggested to king
James to grant, in lieu of lands, money to such of their countrymen as were willing
to transport themselves into New-England to advance the Catholic faith there, and
check the growing Independents of that country. Life of Dr. Increase Mather, p. 43.
—Ed.
THE PURITANS, 27
ing.* The court resenting the bishop's denial, cited himf
before the ecclesiastical commission August 4, where he
was treated by JefFeries in a manner unbecoming his cha-
racter. The bishop excepted to the authority of the court,
as contrary to law, and added, that he had complied in the
doctor's case as far as the ecclesiastical laws would permit.
However, notwithstanding all that his lordship could say
in his defence, he was suspended ah officio,X and the bishops
of Durham, Rochester, and Peterborough, were appointed
commissioners to exercise jurisdiction during his suspen-
sion. But Dr. Sharpe, after having expressed his sorrow
in a petition for falling under the king's displeasure, was
dismissed with a gentle reprimand, and suffered to return
to the exercise of his function.
The king's next attempt was upon the universities; he
began with Cambridge, and commanded Dr. Peachel the
vice-chancellor to admit one Alban Francis, a benedictine
monk, to the degree of JVI. A. without administering to him
any oath or oaths whatsoever ; all which his majesty decla-
red he would dispense with.§ The vice-chancellor having
read the letter to the congregation of regents, it was agreed
to petition the king to revoke his mandate; but instead of
complying with their petition, the king sent for the vice-
* Burnet, p. 83—85.
t Dr. Cotnpton, the bishop of London, had, by a conduct worthj' of his birth and
station in the church, acquired the love and esteem of all the Protestant churches at
home and abroad : and for that reason, was the mark of the envy and hatred of the
Romish party at court. He made a distinguishing figure in the following reigns. He
was the youngest son of Spencer earl of Northampton, who was killed in the civil
wars. After having studied three years at the university, and made the usual lour
of Europe, he became a cornet in the royal regiment of guards; which gave occasion
to the following bon-mot : king James, discoursing with him on some tender point,
was so little pleased with his answers, that he told him, " He talked more like a co-
lonel than a bishop." To which he replied, " That his majesty did him honour in
taking notice of his having formerly drawn his sword in defence of the constitution ;
and that he should do the same again, if he lived to see it necessary." Accordingly
he appeared in arms again a little before the Revolution, and at the head of a fine
troop of gentlemen and their attendants carried off the princess Anne, and marched
into Nottingham. Welwood's Memoirs, p. 175; and Granger's History of England,
vol. 4. p. 283, 284 Ed.
X Though bishop Compton was thus deprived of his episcopal power, he still re-
tained his other capacities, particularly as a governor of Sutton's Hospital, and pre-
served the intrepidity of his spirit. For when an attempt was made by the recom-
mendation of the king, to introduce a Papist as a pensioner, contrary to the statutes
of that institution, the bishop, in conjunction with some other trustees, so firmly op-
posed the encroachment upon the rights of the foundation, that the court and commis-
sioners saw fit in the end to desist from their design. Life of Bishop Compton,
p. 45 ; where from p. 22 — 39, and Biographia Britannica, vol. 4, article Compton,
p. 55, 56, second edition, may be seen a full account of his prosecution. — Ed.
§ Burnet, p. 114, 116.
1) 2
28 HISTORY OP
chancellor before the ecclesiastical commission, by whom
he was suspended ab officio et beneficiOf for disobedience
and contempt of the king's commands; and Dr. Balderston,
master of Emanuel-college,, was chosen vice-chancellor in
his room.
Soon after the king sent a inandamus to the vice-presi-
dent of Magdalen-college, Oxford, and to the fellows, to
choose Mr. Farmer, a man of ill reputation, their president,
in the room of Dr. Clarke, deceased ; but in defiance of the
king's mandate they chose Dr. Hough ; for which they were
cited before the ecclesiastical commissioners, but having
proved Farmer to be a man of bad character, the king re-
linquished him, and ordered them by another mandate to
choose Dr. Parker bishop of Oxford. The fellows, having
agreed to abide by their first choice, refused to elect the
bishop, as contrary to their statutes. Upon which the com-
missioners were sent to visit them, who, after sundry inqui-
ries and examinations, deprived Dr. Hough, and installed
the bishop of Oxford by proxy ; and the fellows refusing to
sign a submission to their new president, twenty-five of
them were deprived, and made incapable of any benefice.*
Parker died soon after, and one of the Popish bishops was
by mandamus chosen president in his place ; which inflamed
the church party so far, that they sent pressing messages to
the prince of Orange, desiring him to espouse the cause of
the church, and break with the king, if he would not re-
dress their grievances. Thus the very first beginnings of
resistance to king James came from that very university
which but four years before had pronounced this doctrine
damnable by a solemn decree ; and from those very men
who were afterward king William's most bitter eneraies.t
The more desperate the war grew between the king and
the church, the more necessary did both parties find it to
shew kindness to the dissenters ; for this purpose his ma-
jesty sent agents among them, offering them the royal fa-
vour, and all manner of encouragement, if they would con-
* It will be thoaghtbatjastice to the memory of bishop Sprat, to state what he him-
self declared was his conduct on this and the two preceding occasions. It was this :
he resolutely persisted in his dissent from every vote that passed against Magda-
leD-college ; he opposed to the atmost the violent persecution upon the oniversity of
Cambridge : and he gave his positive vote for the bishop's acquittal both times, when
his KOBpension came in question. Dr. Grey's Examination, p. 406, 407. — Bd.
t Burnet, p. 701.
THE PURITANS. 29
cur with him in abrogating- the penal laws and test ; he
invited some of their ministers to court, and pretended to
consult them in the present crisis * The clergy, at the
same time, prayed and entreated the dissenters to appear
on their side, and stand by the establishment, making large
promises of favour and brotherly affection, if ever they
came into power.
The king, notwithstanding the stubbornness of the clergy,
called a council, in which he declared his resolution to issue
out a declaration for a general liberty of conscience to all
persons of what persuasion soever,t *' which he was moved
to do, by having observed, that though a uniformity of
worship had been endeavoured to be established within this
kingdom in the successive reigns of four of his predecessors,
assisted by their respective parliaments, yet it had proved
altogether ineffectual. That the restraint upon the con-
sciences of dissenters had been very prejudicial to the
nation, as was sadly experienced by the horrid rebellion in
the time of his majesty's father. That the many penal laws
made against dissenters had rather increased than lessened
the number of them; and that nothing could more conduce
to the peace and quiet of this kingdom, and the increase of
the number as well as of the trade of his subjects, than an
entire liberty of conscience, it having always been his opi-
nion, as most suitable to the principles of Christianity, that
no man should be persecuted for conscience' sake ; for he
thought conscience could not be forced, and that it could
never be the true interest of a king of England to endea-
vour to do it."J
* Amongst other measures, which expressed the disposition of the court towards
dissenters, was the power with which some gentlemen were invested to grant out li-
cences directed to the bishops and their officers, to the judges, justices, and all others
whom it may concern. The licences were to this effect: " that the king's pleasure
is, that the several persons (named in a schedule annexed) be not prosecuted or mo-
lested, 1, for not taking the oaths of allegiance and supremacy: or, 2, upon the
prerogative writ for 20/. a month : or, 3, upon outlawries, or excom. capiend. for the
said causes : or, <i, for not receiving the sacrament : or, 5, by reason of their con-
viction for recusancy or exercise of their religion, a command to stay proceedings al-
ready begun for any of the causes aforesaid." The price for any one of these licences
was 10/. for a single person : but if several joined, the price was 16/. and eight persons
might join in taking out one licence. There were not very many dissenters that
took out these licences. Tong's Life of Mr. Matthew Henry, p. 45, 46, 12mo.
—Ed.
t Gazette, No. 2226.
t Under all the pretences of tenderness, liberal policy, and wisdom, which gilded
over the king's speech, " it was well understood (observes sir John Rercsby), that
30 HISTORY OF
This speech meeting with no opposition in the council,
his majesty on the 4th of April caused his gracious decla-
ration for liberty of conscience to be published.* In the
preamble to which his majesty does not scruple to say,
'* that he cannot but heartily wish (as it will easily be be-
lieved) that all his subjects were members of the Catholic
church, yet it is his opinion, that conscience ought not to
be forced, for the reasons mentioned in the foregoing
speech," which he rehearses at large ; and then adds, " By
virtue of his royal prerogative, he thinks fit to issue out his
declaration of indulgence, making no doubt of his con-
currence of his two houses of parliament, when he shall
think it convenient for them to meet. And, first, he de-
clares, that he will protect and maintain his archbishops,
bishops, and clergy, and all other his subjects of the church
of England, in the free exercise of their religion as by law
established, and in the quiet and full enjoyment of their
possessions. Secondly, That it is his royal will and plea-
sure, that all penal laws for nonconformity to the religion
established, or by reason of the exercise of religion in any
manner whatsoever, be immediately suspended. And to
the end that, by the liberty hereby granted, the peace and
security of the government in the practice thereof may not
be endangered, he strictly charges and commands all his
subjects, that as he freely gives them leave to meet, and
serve God after their own way, be it private houses, or
places purposely hired and built for that use, so that they
take special care that nothing be preached or taught among
them which may tend to alienate the hearts of his people
from him or his government ; and that their meetings or
assemblies be peaceably, openly, and publicly held, and all
persons freely admitted to them ; and that they signify and
make known to some one or more of the next justices of
peace, what place or places they set apart for such uses.
And he is desirous to have the benefit of the service of all
his subjects, which by the law of nature is inseparably an-
nexed and inherent to his royal person. And that none of
bis view was to divide the Protestant charches, divide et impera; that so the Papists
might with the more ease possess themselves or the highest place." Memoirs,
p. «43.— Kn.
• Gazette, no. ttSl.
THE PURITANS. 31
his subjects may be for the future under any discourage-
ments or disability, who are otherwise well inclined, and
fit to serve him, by reason of florae oaths or tests, that have
usually been administered upon such occasions, he hereby
farther declares, that it is his will and pleasure, that the
oaths of supremacy and allegiance, and the several tests
and declarations mentioned in the acts of parlianlent made
in the 25th and SOth of his brother's reign, shall not here-
after be required to be taken, declared, or subscribed, by
any persons whatsoever, who are or shall be employed in
any office, or place of trust, either civil or military, under
him or in his government. And it is his intention from
time to time hereafter to grant his royal dispensation to all
his subjects, so to be employed, who shall not take the said
oaths, or subscribe or declare the said tests or declarations.
And he does hereby give his free and ample pardon to all
Nonconformist recusants, and other his Subjects, for all
crimes and things by them committed, or done contrary to
the penal laws formerly made relating to religion, and the
profession or exercise thereof And although the freedom
and assurance he has hereby given in relation to liberty and
property, might be sufficient to remove from the minds of
his subjects all fears and jealousies in relation to either, yet
he thinks fit to declare, that he will maintain them in all
their properties and possessions, as well of church and
abbey lands, as in other their estates and properties what-
soever."* '^'
A declaration of the same nature was sent to Scotland, in*
which the king, " by virtue of his prerogative royal, abso-
lute authority and power over all his subjects, who are
bound to obey him without reserve, repeals all the severe
* The operation of this declaralion extended bejond England or Scotland ; for it
proved beneficial to the people of New-England, whose religious liberties as well as
their civil rights were near expiring: and who had been told bj some in power,
" They must not think to have the privileges of Englishmen follow them to the ends
of the earth : and they had no more privileges left them than to be bought and sold as
slaves." Upon the liberty which the declaration afforded them, Dr. Increase Ma-
ther was deputed to take a voyage to England, with addresses of thanks to the king,
from varions towns and churches; though the measure was opposed by the rulers of
the province. When he presented them, he was graciously received, and was admitted
to different and repeated audiences with the king, who, on receiving the addresses,
said, " You shall have magna cbarta for liberty of conscience :" and on its being in-
timated to him by two of his courtiers, at one of the audiences, that the favour shewn
to New-England would have a good influence on the body of dissenters in England,
his reply was, " He believed so, and it should be done.'' Life of Dr. Increase Ma-
ther, p. 37, &c. — Ed.
32 HISTORY OF
laws made by his grandfather king James I. and takes off
all disabilities from his Roman-Catholic subjects, which
rendered them incapable of employments and benefices. He
also slackened the laws against moderate Presbyterians,
and promised never to force his subjects by any invincible
necessity to change their religion. He also repealed all
laws imposing tests on those who held any employments."*
This was strange conduct, says bishop Burnet, in a Ro-
man-Catholic monarch, at a time when his brother of France
had just broke the edict of Nantz, and was dragooning his
Protestant subjects out of his kingdom. But the bishop
suspects the king's sincerity in his declaration, from his
promising to use no invincible necessity to force his sub-
jects to change their religion, as if there was a reserve, and
that some degrees of compulsion might be proper one time
or other ; which seems to have been a parallel case to the
doctrine of the church concerning nonresistance. How-
ever, by another proclamation, the king granted full liberty
to the Scots Presbyterians to set up conventicles in their
own way, which they thankfully accepted ; but when his
majesty pressed them to dispose their friends to concur with
him in taking off the test and penal laws, which they knew
was only to serve the Papists, they answered only in cold
and general terms.
In pursuance of these declarations, the dissenters of all
sorts were not only set at liberty, but admitted to serve in
all offices of profit and trust. November 6, the king sent
an order to the lord-mayor of London to dispense with the
Quakers taking oaths,t or at least, not to fine them if they
refused to serve, by which means a door was opened to the
Roman Catholics, and to all others, to bear offices in the
state without a legal qualification. Several addresses were
presented to the king upon this occasion from the companies
in the city of London, from the corporations in the country,
and even from the clergy themselves, thanking his majesty
for his declaration for liberty of conscience, and his promise
• Echard, p. 1083.— Burnet, p. 136.
t Sewel informs as, that the king carried his condesceosion to the Quakers so far,
that a couotrjmao of that persuasion coming to him with bis bat on his bead, the king
took ofThis own hat and held it under his arm: which the other seeing, said, " The
king needs not keep oft" his hat for me." To which his majesty replied, " You do
not know the custom here, for that requires that but one hat must be on here."
Scwcl's Hislorv, p. 609.— Mv.
THE PUUITANS. 33
to support the church of England as by law established, as-
suring him of their endeavours to choose such members for
the next parliament as should give it a more legal sanction.
The several denominations of dissenters also were no less
thankful for their liberty, and addressed his majesty in
higher strains than some of their elder and more cautious
ministers approved; Mr. Baxter, Mr. Stretton, and a great
many others, refused to join in them ; and bishop Burnet
admits,* that few concurred in those addresses,+ and that the
persons who presented them were mean and inconsiderable.
When there was a general meeting of the ministers to con-
sider of their behaviour in this crisis, and two messengers
from court waited to carry back the result of the debate, Mr.
Howe delivered his opinion against the dispensing power,
and against every thing that might contribute assistance to
the Papists to enable them to subvert the Protestant reli-
gion.J Another minister stood up, and declared,^ that he
apprehended their late sufferings had been occasioned more
by their firm adherence to the constitution, than their differ-
ing from the establishment ; and therefore if the king ex-
pected they should give up the constitution and declare for
the dispensing power, he had rather, for his part, lose his
liberty, and return to his former bondage. j) In conclusion
Mr. Howe, in summing up the whole debate, signified to the
courtiers, that they were in general of the same opinion.
Mr. Coke adds, that to his knowledge the dissenters did
* Page 140.
t Dr. Grey controverts the above assertions of bishop Burnet: he has given at
length eight addresses from different bodies of dissenters, in different parts of the
kingdom, as specimens of the courtly, not to say fulsome and flattering strains, which
thej on this occasion adopted : and he refers to the Gazettes of the times, as furnish-
ing about seventy other compositions of the same kind ; in which this oppressed body,
emancipated from their sufferings, fears, and dangers, poured forth the sentiments of
loyalty and gratitude. Mr. Stretton, mentioned above, who had been ejected from
Petworth in Sussex, and afterward gathered a congregation in London, which as-
sembled at Haberdashers'-hall, was a minister of great reputation and influence ; an
active and a useful character. He made use of the liberty granted by the king's pro-
clamation, but never did nor would join in any address of thanks for il,lest he should
seem to give countenance to the king's assuming a power above the law ; and he was
instrumental to prevent several addresses. Henry's Funeral Sermon for Stretton,
p. 45. Grey's Examination, vol. 3. p. 410 — 416. — Ed.
t Gazette, no. 2234.
§ This gentleman was Dr. Daniel Williams, who pursued the argument with such
clearness and strength, that all present rejected the motion, and the court -agents went
away disappointed. There was a meeting at the same time of a considerable number
of the city clergy, w ailing the issue of their deliberations : who were greatly animated
and encouraged by the bold and patriotic resolution of the dissenting ministers. Life
of Dr. Williams, prefixed to his Practical Discourses, vol. 1. p. 10. — Ed.
11 Howe's Life, p. 134.
34 HISTORY OF
both dread and detest the dispensing power ; and their stea-
diness in this crisis was a noble stand by a number of men
who subsisted only by the royal favour, which ought not to
have been so soon forgotten.
Though the court were a little disappointed in their ex-
pectations from the dissenters, they put the best face they
could on the affair, and received such addresses as were
presented with high commendation. The first who went
up were the London Anabaptists, who say, that *'the sense
of this invaluable favour and beneGt derived to us from your
royal clemency, compels us to prostrate ourselves at your
majesty's feet with the tender of our most humble thanks
for that peace and liberty which both we, and all other dis-
senters from the national church, now enjoy."* •
Next came the Presbyterians,t " who acknowledge his
majesty's princely compassion in rescuing them from their
long sufferings, in restoring to God the empire over con-
science, and publishing to the world his royal Christian
judgment, that conscience may not be forced ; and -his reso-
lution that such force should not be attempted in his reign,
which they pray may be long." Then followed the Indepen-
dents ; *' Sir, the great calamity we have been a long time
under, through the severe execution of the penal laws in
matters of religion, has made us deeply sensible of your ma-
jesty's princely clemency towards us your dissenting subjects,
especially since in the indulgence vouchsafed there are no li-
mitations hindering the enjoyment of it with a good con-
• Gazette, no. 2234.
t This address had aboat thirty hands to it; it was presented by Mr. Harst, Mr.
Chester, Mr. Slatter, Mr. Cox, Mr. lloswell, Mr. Turner, Mr. Franklin, Mr. Deal,
and Mr. Reynolds. It is preserved at length, with the king's answer, in the Biogra-
phia Britannica, vol. 1, article Alsop. it was supposed to have been drawn op by
Mr. Alsop ; whose feelings and gratitude, on the free pardon which the king had given
to bis son convicted of treasonable practice.*, may he reckoned to have had great in-
fluence iu dictating and prnmotinjr it. After the spirited resoIutii)n mentioned above
had been carried, some of the ministers were privately closeted with king James, and
some few received particular and personal favours : by these fascinating arts they were
brnagbt over. And their conduct had its weight in producing similar addresses from
the country. Part of the king's answer deserves to be recorded as a monument of his
insincerity, and a warning, that kings can degrade themselves by recourse to dupli-
city and falsehood. " Gentlemen (said James), I protest before God, and I desire you
to tell all manner of people, of all persuasions, — that I have no other design than I
have spoken of. And, gentlemen, I hope to live to see the day, when you shall as
well have magna charta for the liberty of conscience, as you have had for your pro-
perties." The ministers went away satisfied with the welcome which they had re-
ceived from the pleasant countenances of the courtiers, and the conrtcous words,
looks, and behaviftnr, of his majesty." Palmer's Nonconformists' Memorial, vol. ?.
p. 13.— Ed.
THE PURITANS. 35
science, and that your majesty publisheth to the world that
it has been your constant sense and opinion, that conscience
ought not to be constrained, nor people forced in matters of
mere religion."* About the same time was published the
humble and thankfill address of the London Quakersjf to
this purpose, " May it please the king! Though we are not
the first in this way, yet we hope we are not the least sen-
sible of the great favours we are come to present the king
our humble, open, and hearty thanks for. We rejoice to see
the day that a king of England should, from his royal seat,
so universally assert this royal principle, that conscience
ought not to be restrained, nor people forced for matters of
religion."J The several addresses above mentioned express
their humble dependance on his majesty's royal promise to
secure their rights and properties, and that he will endea-
vour to engage his two houses of parliament to concur with
him in this good work. Here are no flights of expression,
nor promises of obedience without reserve, but purely a
sense of gratitude for the restoration of liberty. §
And though it must be allowed that some few dissenters,
from an excess of joy, or it may be from a strong resent-
ment against their late persecutors, published some severe
pamphlets, and gave too much countenance to the measures
of the court, as Mr. Lobb, Alsop, and Penn the Quaker,
* Gazette, no. 2238. t Sewel, p. 606.
X There are, it has been justly observed to the editor, some errors In the above
extract : viz. the word royal instead of glorious, before principle ; and the omission
of mere before religion. — Ed.
$ Though Mr. Neal's character of the addresses which he quotes, be admitted as
just, it will not apply to all which the dissenters presented on this occasion : " Some
of them (Dr. Calamy observes) ran high." But for the strong language in which
they were expressed, or for the numbers to wkich tliev amounted, an apology may
be drawn from the excess of joy with which the royal indulgence, though an insidious
measure, naturally inspired those who, for many years, had groaned under the rod
of persecution. It should also be considered, that but very few, comparatively,
think, deeply or look far. Present, pleasing appearances mislead and captivate the
generality. There is also a propensity in mankind to follow those who take the lead,
and a readiness to credit and flatter royally and greatness. The dissenters, however,
not without reason, incurred censure for " a vast crowd of congratulatory addresses,
complimenting the king in the highest manner, and protesting what mighty returns of
loyalty they would make :" and were called " the pope's journeymen to carry on his
work." But these censures came with an ill grace, as Dr. Calamy remarks, "from
the church-party, who had set them the pattern;" who in a most luxuriant manner
had thanked king Charles for dissolving one of the best parliaments; who were
mighty forward in the surrender of charters; and who, in their fulsome addresses,
made no other claim to their liberties and civil rights than as concessions from the
crown, telling the king, " every one of his commands was stamped with God's au-
thority." The aniversity of Oxford, in particular, promsied king James to obey him
Without limitations or restrictions. Dr. Grey and Cakniy's Life of Howe, p. 137,
138.— Ed.
36 HISTORY OF
yet the body of them kept at a distance, and, " as thankful
as they'were for their liberty (says lord Halifax), they were
fearful of the issue ; neither can any number of considera-
tion among them be charged with hazarding the public
safety, by falling in with the measures of the court, of which
they had as great a dread as their neighbours."* And the
lords, in a conference with the house of commons upon the
occasional bill, in the first year of queen Anne, say, ** that
in the last and greatest danger the church was exposed to,
the dissenters joined with her, with all imaginable zeal and
sincerity, against the Papists their common enemies, shew-
ing no prejudice to the church, but the utmost respect to
the bishops when sent to the Tower."
But as the king and ministry carried all before them, the
church-party were in despair, and almost at their wits' end ;
they saw themselves on the brink of ruin, imagining that
they should be turned out of their freeholds for not reading
the king's declaration, and that the Nonconformists would
be admitted into their pulpits ; as Dr. Sherlock, master of
the Temple, acknowledged in conversation to Mr. Howe ;t
and that, as the Papists had already invaded the univer-
sities, they would in a little time overset the whole hierar-
chy. In this distress they turned their eyes all around them
* " The churchmen on their side (says Dr. Warner) did all that lay in their
|K)wer to establish a union, as the only possible means of their joint security. They
published pamphlets fiom time to time, acknowledging their error in driving the
Presbyterians to extremities; confessing that they were not enough upon their guard
against the artifices of the court, and promising a very difterent behaviour on the re-
eslablishraent of their affairs. It must be owned, that this conduct was dexterous,
and sensible, aid just. It must be said, however (observes this author), that they
had not attained this wisdom, till it was almost too late ; at least, not during the
space of twenty years, and till by their absurd principles of passive obedience, taught
in their pulpits, and acts of parliament, they had enabled the king to become arbi-
trary and tyrannical. It is no less true, that an accusation lies against them of bav-
iog forgotten this promise after the Revolution, as they did at the restoration of
Charles II." Eccles. Hist. vol. 2. p. 639, 610.— Ed.
t " Who knows (said Dr. Sherlock) but Mr. Howe may be offered to be master
of the Temple?" Mr. Howe replied, " that he should not balk an opportunity of
more public service, if offered on terms he had no just reason to except against.'*
But then he added, " that he would not meddle with the emolument, otherwise than
as a band to convey it to the legal proprietor." Upon this the doctor, not a little
transported with joy, rose up from his seat and embraced him ; saying, " that he had
always taken him for that ingenuous honest man that he now found him to be." Mr.
Howe afterward told this passage to a dignitary of the church, to whom the doctor
was well known : signifying, how little he was prepared to reply to a supposition
that had not so much as once entered into his thoughts before. The gentleman an-
swered, " Sir, you say \ou had not once thought of the case, or so much as sup-
posed any thing like it; but you must give me leave to tell you, if you had studied
the case seven years together, you could not have said any thing more to the pur-
pose, or more to the doctor's satisfaction." Calamy's Life of Howe, p. 141, 142.
— Ei).
THE PURITANS. 37
for relief: they applied to the dissenters, giving them the
strongest assurances of a comprehension and toleration in
better times, if they would but assist in delivering them out
of their present troubles. Bishop Burnet says, that the
clergy here in England wrote to the prince of Orange, and
desired him to send over some of the dissenting preachers,
whom the violence of the former times had driven into
Holland, and to prevail effectually with them to oppose any
false brethren, whom the court might have gained over;
and that they sent over very solemn assurances, which passed
through his own hands, that in case they stood firm now to
the common interest, they would in a better time come into
a comprehension of such as could be brought into conjunc-
tion with the church, and to a toleration of the rest.
Agreeably to these assurances, when the reverend Mr.
Howe, Mr. Mead, and other refugee ministers, waited on
the prince of Orange, to return him thanks for the protec-
tion of the country, and to take their leave, his highness
made them some presents to pay their debts and defray
their charges home ; and having wished them a good voyage,
he advised them to be very cautious in their addresses ; and
not to suffer themselves to be drawn into the measures of
the court so far as to open a door for the introducing of
Popery, by desiring the taking ofi^ the penal laws and test,
as was intended.^ He requested them also, to use their
influence with their brethren to lay them under the same
restraints. His highness sent orders likewise to monsieur
Dykvelt his resident, to press the dissenters to stand off
from the court; and to assure them of a full toleration and
comprehension if possible, when the crown should devolve
on the princess of Orange. Agents were sent among the
dissenters to soften their resentments against the church,
and to assure them, that for the future they would treat
them as brethren, as will be seen in the next chapter.
The dissenters had it now in their power to distress the
church-party, and it may be, to have made reprisals, if they
would have given way to the revenge, and fallen heartily
in with the king's measures. They were strongly solicited
on both sides ; the king preferred them to places of profit
and trust, and gave them all manner of countenance and
encouragement ; and the churchmen loaded them with pro-
* Calami's Life of Howe, p. 132.
38 HISTORY OF
niises and assurances what great things they would do for
them, as soon as it shauld be in their power. But, alas !
no sooner was the danger over than the majority of them
forgot their vows in distress ; for when the convocation
met the first time after the Revolution, they would not hear
of a comprehension, nor so much as acknowledge the foreign
churches for their brethren, seeming rather inclined to re-
turn to their old methods of persecution. So little depend-
ance ought to be placed on high-church promises !
But in their present circumstances it was necessary to
iBatter the Nonconformists, and weaken the king's hands, by
dissuading the dissenters from placing any confidence in
their new friends : for this purpose a pamphlet, written by
the marquis of Halifax, and published by advice of some of
the most eminent dignitaries of the church, was dispersed,
entitled, *' A letter to a dissenter upon occasion- of his ma-
jesty's late gracious declaration of indulgence." It begins
with saying, " that churchmen are not surprised nor pro-
voked at the dissenters accepting the offers of ease from the
late hardships they lay under ; but desired them to consider,
1. The cause they have to suspect their new friends. And,
2. Their duty in Christianity and prudence not to hazard
the public safety by a desire of ease or revenge.
" With regard to the first, the church of Rome (says the
author) does not only dislike your liberty, but, by its prin-
ciples, cannot allow it ; they are not able to make good
their vows ; nay, it would be a habit of sin that requires
absolution ; you are therefore hugged now, only that you
may be the better squeezed another time. To come so
quick from one extreme to another is such an unnatural
motion, that you ought to be on your guard : the other day
you were sons of Belial, now you are angels of light. Po-
pery is now the only friend of liberty, and the known enemy
of persecution. We have been under shameful mistakes if
this can be either true or lasting."
The letter goes on to insinuate, " that some ministers
had been bribed into the measures of the court; that they
were under engagements, and empowered to give rewards
to others, where they could not persuade. Now if these or
others should preach up anger and vengeance against the
church of England, ought they not rather to be suspected
of corruption, than to act according to judgment. If they
THE PURITANS. 39
who thank the ^ving for his declaration should be engaged
to justify it in point of law, I am persuaded it is more than
the addressers are capable of doing. There is a great dif-
ference between enjoying quietly the advantage of an act
irregularly done by others, and becoming advocates for it ;
but frailties are to be excused. Take warning by the mis-
take of the church of England, when after the Restoration
they preserved so long the bitter taste of your rough usage
to them, that it made them forget their interest, and sacri-
fice it to their revenge. If you had now to do with rigid
prelates, the argument might be fair on your side ; but since
the common danger has so laid open the mistake, that all
former haughtiness towards the dissenters is for ever ex-
tinguished, and the spirit of persecution is turned into a
spirit of peace, charity, and condescension, will you not be
moved by such an example f If it be said, the church is only
humble when it is out of power ; the answer is, that is un-
charitable, and an unseasonable triumph; besides, it is not
so in fact, for if she would comply with the court, she could
turn all the thunder upon yourselves, and blow you off the
stage with a breath ; but she will not be rescued by such
unjustifiable means. You have formerly very justly blamed
the church of England for going too far in her compliance
with the court ; conclude, therefore, that you must break
off your friendship, or set no bounds to it. The church is
now convinced of its error, in being too severe to you ; the
next parliament will be gentle to you; the next heir is
bred in a country famous for indulgence ; there is a general
agreement of thinking men, that we must no more cut our-
selves off from foreign Protestants, but enlarge our foun-
dations ; so that all things conspire to give you ease and
satisfaction, if you do not too much anticipate it. To con-
clude, the short question is, whether or no you will join
with those who must in the end run the same fate with you ?
If the Protestants of all sorts have been to blame in their
behaviour to each other, they are upon equal terms, and
for that very reason ought now to be reconciled." How
just soever the reasoning of this letter may be, either the
author did not know the spirit of the church-party (as they
were called), or he must blush when he compared it with
the facts that followed the Revolution. Twenty thousand
copies were dispersed about the city and country, and had
40 HISTORY OF
the desired effect, the honest well-meaning- dissenters mak-
ing no advantage of the favourable juncture; they entered
into no alliance with the Papists, nor complied with the
court-measures, any farther than to accept their own liberty,
which they had a natural right to, and of which they ought
never to have been deprived.
The war between the king and the church being now de-
clared, each party prepared for their defence ; the points
in debate were, a general toleration, and the dispensing
power; the latter of which the high-church party had con-
nived at during the late reign ; but when the edge of it
was turned against themselves (the king having used it to
break down the fences of the church, by abrogating the
penal laws and tests, and making an inroad upon the two
universities), they exclaimed against it as subversive of the
whole constitution ; and forgetting their late addresses,
contested this branch of the prerogative. The king had
secured the opinion of the judges in favour of it, but this
not giving satisfaction, he determined to obtain a parlia-
mentary sanction. For this purpose he published the fol-
lowing order in the Gazette, " that whereas his majesty
was resolved to use his utmost endeavours, that his decla-
ration of indulgence might pass into a law, he therefore
thought fit to review the lists of deputy-lieutenants, and
justices of peace in the several counties, that those may be
continued who would be ready to contribute what in them
lies towards the accomplishment of so good and necessary
a work, and such others added to them, from whom his ma-
jesty may reasonably expect the like concurrence and as-
sistance." Pursuant to this resolution the king's first par-
liament was dissolved, and agents were employed to dispose
the people to the choice of such new members as might fa-
cilitate the court-measures. The king himself went a pro-
gress round the country* to ingratiate himself with the
• When lie came to Chester (it being intimated that it would be expected, and the
churchmen having led the war, and diversof the Lancashire ministers coming thither
CD purpose to atten<I the king), Mr. Nfatthew Henry, and Mr. Harvej, minister of
another dissenting congregation in that city, with the heads of their societies, joined
in an address of thanks to him, nut fur assuming a dispensing power, bnt for their
ease, quiet, and liberty, under his protection. They presented it to him at the bishop's
palace in the abbey court ; and he told them he wished they had a magna charla
for their liberty. They did not promise to assist in taking away the tests, but only
to live quiet and peaceable lives. This, however, was severely censured by some of
their brethren. Bat the expressions of thankfulness for their liberty were very dif-
ferent from the high (lights and promises of sir Richard Lieving, the recorder of Cbes-
THE PURITANS. 41
people ; and it can hardly be expressed, says Echard, with
what joyful acclamations his majesty was received, and
what loyal acknowledgments were paid him in all places ;
but in the affair of the tests, says Burnet,* there was a visi-
ble coldness among the nobility and gentry, though the
king behaved in a most obliging manner.
When the king returned from his progress, he began to
change the magistracy in the several corporations in Eng-
land, according to the powers reserved to the crown in the
new charters ; he turned out several of the aldermen of the
city of London, and placed new ones in their room. He
caused the lists of lord-lieutenants and deputy-lieutenants
to be reviewed, and such as would not promise to employ
their interests in the repeal of the penal laws were dis-
carded. Many Protestant dissenters were put into com-
mission on this occasion, in hopes that they would procure
such members for the next parliament as should give them
a legal right to what they now enjoyed only by the royal
favour ; but when the king pressed it upon the lord-mayor
of London, and the new aldermen, who were chiefly dis-
senters, they made no reply.
The reason of the dissenters' backwardness in an affair
that so nearly concerned them, and in which they have since
expressed so strong a desire, was their concern for the Pro-
testant religion, and their aversion to Popery. The king
was not only a Roman Catholic, but a bigot ; and it was
evident, that the plucking up the fences at this time must
have made a breach at which Popery would enter. If the
king had been a Protestant, the case had been different, be-
cause Papists could not take the oaths of allegiance and
supremacy to a prince who stood excommunicated by the
church of Rome ; but now there would be no obstacle, or if
there was, the king would dispense with the law in their fa-
vour : the dissenters therefore were afraid, that if they should
give in to his majesty's measures, though they might secure
their liberty for the present, it would stand on a precarious
ter at that time ; who, in a speech to king James, on his entering into the city, toKl
hira, " that the corporation was his majesty's creature, and depended 0*1 the will of
its creator ; and that the sole intimation of his majesty's pleasure should have with
them the force of a fundamental law." Mr. Thompson's MS. collections under the
word "Chester." — Ed.
♦ Page 143.
VOL. V. E
42 HISTORY OF
foundation ; for if Popery came in triumphant, it would not
only swallow up the church of England, but the whole Pro-
testant interest. They chose therefore to trust their liberty
to the mercy of their Protestant brethren, rather than receive
a legal security for it under a Popish government.
According to this resolution bishop Burnet observes,*
that sir John Shorter the new lord-mayor, and a Protestant
dissenter, thought fit to qualify himself for this office, ac-
cording to law, though the test was suspended, and the king
had signified to the mayor that he was at liberty, and might
use what form of worship he thought best in Guildhall,
which was designed as an experiment to engage the Pres-
byterians to make the first change from the established wor-
ship, concluding, that if a Presbyterian mayor did this
one year, it would be easy for a Popish mayor to do it the
next ; but his lordship referred the case to those clergymen
who had the government of the diocess of London during
the bishop's suspension, who assured his lordship it was
contrary to law ; so that though the lord-mayor went some-
times to the meetings of dissenters, he went frequently to
church, and behaved with more decency, says his lordship,
than could have been expected. This disobliged the king
to a very high degree, insomuch that he said, the dissent-
ers were an ill-natured sort of people that could not be
gained.
This opposition to the king heightened his resentments,
and pushed him on to rash and violent measures : if he had
proceeded by slow degrees, and secured one conquest before
he had attempted another, he might have succeeded, but
he gave himself up to the fury of his priests, who advised
him to make haste with what he intended. This H^as dis-
covered by a letter from the Jesuits from Liege to those of
Friburgh, which says, the king wished they could furnish
him with more priests to assist him in the conversion of thfe
nation, which his majesty was resolved to bring about, or
die a martyr in the attempt. He said, he must make haste
that he might accomplish it in his lifetime ;t and when
one of them was lamenting that his next heir was a here-
tic, he answered, God will provide an heir ; which argued
either a strong faith, or a former design of imposing one on
the nation. Father Petre was the king's chief minister,
• Barnet, p. 145. t Ibid. p. 156,
THE PURITANS. 43
and one of his majesty's privy-council, a bold and forward
man, who stuck at nothing to ruin the church. The king
designed him for the archbishopric of York, now vacant,
and for a cardinal's cap,* if he could prevail with the pope ;
for this purpose the earl ofCastlemain was sent ambassador
to Rome ; and a nuncio was sent from thence into England,
to whom his majesty paid all possible respect, and gave an
audience at Windsor, though it was contrary to law ; all
commerce with the court of Rome having been declared
high-treason by the statute of king Henry VIII.. but the
king said he was above law ; and because the duke of So-
merset would not officiate in his place at the ceremony, he
was dismissed from all his employments.
It was strange infatuation in king James to put a slight
on the ancient nobility, and turn most of his servants out
of their places because they were Protestants ; this weaken-
ed his interest, and threw a vast weight into the opposite
scale. Indeed it was impossible to disguise his majesty's
design of introducing Popery,+ and therefore Parker,
bishop of Oxford, was employed to justify it, who published
a book, entitled, *' Reasons for abrogating the test im-
posed on all members of parliament ;" which must refer
to the renouncing transubstantiation, and the idolatry of
the church of Rome ; because the members of parliament
had no other qualification imposed upon them besides the
oaths of allegiance and supremacy. The bishop said much
to excuse the doctrine of transubstantiation, and to free the
church of Rome from the charge of idolatry. His reasons
were licensed by the earl of Sunderland, and the stationer
was commanded not to print any answer to them ; but Dr.
Burnet, then in Holland, gave them a very smart and sati-
rical reply, which quite ruined the bishop's reputation.
But his majesty's chief dependance was upon the army^
which he was casting into a Popish mould; Protestant
officers were cashiered ; Portsmouth and Hull, the two
principal sea-ports of England, were in Popish hands; and
the majority of the garrisons were of the same religion.
Ireland was an inexhaustible seminary, from whence Eng-
land was to be supplied with a Catholic army ; an Irish
Roman Catholic, says Welwood, was a most welcome
guest at Whitehall ; and they canie over in shoals. Over
» Barnet, p. 168. t Ibid. p. 178,
E 2
44 HISTORY OF
and above complete regiments of Papists, there was scarce
a troop or company in the army wherein some of that re-
ligion were not inserted, by express orders from court.
Upon the whole, the affairs of the nation were drawing to
a crisis ; and it was believed, that what the king could not
accomplish by the gentler methods of interest and persua-
sion, he would establish by his sovereign power. The army
at Hoiinslow was to awe the city and parliament ; and if
they proved refractory, an Irish massacre, or some other
desperate attempt, might possibly decide the fate of the
nation.
About this time died the Rev. David Clarkson, B. D.
born at Bradford in Yorkshire, February 1621 — 22, and
fellow of Clare-hall, Cambridge, where he was tutor to Dr.
Tillotson, afterward archbishop of Canterbury. Dr. Bates
in his funeral sermon gives him the character of a man of
sincere godliness and true holiness : humility and modesty
were his distinctive characters ; and his learning was su-
perior to most of his time, as appears by his Treatise of Li-
turgies, his Primitive Episcopacy, his Practical Divinity of
Papists destructive to Men's Souls; and his volume of Ser-
mons, printed after his death. He was sometime minister
of Mortlake in Surrey, but after his ejectment he gave him-
self up to reading and meditation, shifting from one place
of obscurity to another, till the times suffered him to ap-
pear openly ; he was then chosen successor to the reverend
Dr. John Owen,* in the pastoral office to his congregation.
Mr. Baxter says, he was a divine of solid judgment, of
healing, moderate principles, of great acquaintance with
the fathers, of great ministerial abilities, and of a godly
upright life. Great was his solemnity and reverence in
prayer ; and the method of his sermons was clear, deep, and
instructive. His death was unexpected, though, as he de-
clared, it was no surprise to him, for he was entirely re-
• This is an inaccaracj : he was chosen co-pastor with Dr. Owen, Joly 168?, a
year before the doctor's death. To the above account nf Mr. Clarkson, it is not im-
proper to add, tlial his excellent pupil, bishop Tillotson, always preserved that re-
spect for him which he had contracted while he was under his tuition. His hook on
Diocesan Episcopacy shews him, says Mr. Granger, to have been a man of jfreat
readinj; in church history. In his conversation, a comely gravity, mixed with inno-
cent pleasantness, were attractive of respect and love. He was of a calm temper, not
ru6Qed with passions, but gentle, and kind, and good; his breast was the temple of
peace. Palmer's Nonconfonnists' Memorial, vol. 2. p. 451. Birch's Life of TiUot-
•on, p. 4: and Granger's History of England, vol. 3. p. 310, 8vo. — Ed.
THE PURITANS. 45
signed to the wiil of God, and desired not to outlive his
usefulness. This good man, says Dr. Bates, like holy Si-
meon, had Christ in his arms, and departed in peace, to
see the salvation of God above, in the sixty-sixth year of
his age.
Dr. Thomas Jacomb was born in Leicestershire, and
educated first in Magdalen-hall, Oxon, and after in Ema-
nuel-college, Cambridge, from whence he removed to Tri-
nity-college, of which he was fellow. He came to London in
1647, and was soon after minister of Ludgate parish, where
he continued till he was turned out in 1662. He met with
some trouble after his ejectment, but being received into the
family of the countess dowager of Exeter, daughter of the
earl of Bridgwater, he was covered from his enemies. This
honourable and virtuous lady was a comfort and support to
the Nonconformist ministers throughout the reign of king
Charles H. Her respects to the doctor were peculiar, and
her favours extraordinary, for which he made the best
returns he was able. The doctor was a learned man, an
able divine, a serious affectionate preacher, of unspotted
morals, and a Nonconformist upon moderate principles. He
died of a cancerous humour, that put him to the most acute
pain, which he bore with invincible patience and resigna-
tion till the 27th March 1687, when he died in the countess
of Exeter's house, in the sixty-sixth year of his age.*
Mr. John Collins was educated in Cambridge, New-Eng-
land, and returned from thence in the times of the civil
war, became a celebrated preacher in London, having a
sweet voice, and a most affectionate manner in the pulpit.
He was chaplain to general Monk when he marched out of
Scotland into England, but was not an incumbent any where
when the act of uniformity took place. Being of the In-
dependent denomination, he succeeded Mr. Mallory as pas-
tor of a very considerable congregation of that persuasion,
and was one of the Merchant lecturers at PinnerVhall.
* It is a proof what different colouring a character derives from the dispositions
and prejudices of those whose pen draws it, that Dr. Sherlock, who seems to have re-
ceived some provocation from Dr. Jacomb, represents him " as the prettiest, non-
sensical, trifling goose-cap, that ever set pen to paper." This description is contra-
dicted by the nature of his library ; if the choice of books indicate the turn of the
mind. He left an incomparable collection of the most valuable books in all kinds of
learning, and in various languages, which sold for 1300/. Granger's History of Eng-
land, vol. 3. p. 307. — Eu.
46 HISTORY OF
He was a man mighty in the Scriptures ; of an excellent
natural temper; very charitable to all good men, without
regard to parties; and died universally lamented,* De-
cember 3, 1687.
[It seems to have escaped Mr. Neal's attention, to no-
tice, at this period, two eminent persons, who died in the
year J 686, Pearson bishop of Chester, and Fell bishop of
Oxford.
Dr. John Pearson, born in 1612, was successively master
of Jesus and Trinity colleges, in Cambridge ; and also
Margaret-professor of divinity in that university. He had
the living of St. Clement's, Eastcheap, and was consecrated
bishop of Chester, February 9, 1672. He was a great di-
vine, a profound and various scholar, eminently read in
ecclesiastical history and antiquity, and an exact chronolo-
gist. He united with his learning, clearness of judgment
and strength of reason. As a preacher, he was rather in-
structive than pathetic. The character of the clergyman
was adorned by an excellent temper, distinguished humility,
primitive piety, and spotless manners : as a bishop, he was
deemed too remiss and easy in his episcopal function. ** He
was (says bishop Burnet) a speaking instance of what a
great man could fall to: for his memory went from him so
entirely, that he became a child some years before he died.'*
His late preferment to the episcopacy, and the great decay
of his faculties, which it is to be supposed came on gradually,
may account for his remissness in that station. His works
were few, but of great reputation. The chief were, "A
vindication of St. Ignatius' epistles," in Latin ; and " An
exposition of the Apostles' creed :" esteemed one of the
most finished pieces in theology in our language. The
substance of it was originally delivered in sermons to his
parishioners. This work has gone through twelve or thirteen
editions. '* It is itself (says Mr. Granger) a body of divi-
nity, but not a body without a spirit. The style of it ia
just ; the periods are for the most part well turned ; the
method is very exact ; and it is in general free from those
• When, daring hi» illness, Mr. Mead afi'ectionately prayed for Lis recovery at llie
Pinners'-hall lecture, scarcely a dry eye was to be seen through the namerous audi-
tory. Mr. Collins printed one sermon in the Morning Exercises, vol. S, with the sig-
nature N. N. un lliis question, " How the religious of a nation are the strength of
it?" Mather's History olNcwrEugland, book 4. p. 200; where may be seen a Latiu
vpitaph for him. — Kd.
THE PURITANS. 47
errors which are too often found in theological systems."
Burnet's History, vol. 3. 12mo. p. 109, 110. Granger's His-
tory of England, vol. 3. p. 251, 8vo. and Richardson's God-
win de PraBsulibus, p. 779.
Dr. John Fell was the son of Dr. Samuel Fell, some-
time the dean of Christ-church, Oxford : he received his
classical education in the free-school at Thame in Oxford-
shire: at eleven years of age he was made student of
Christ-church, in 1636 ; and in 1643, graduated master of
arts. About this time he took arms, within the garrison of
Oxford, in the king's cause, and was made an ensign. In
1648, when he was in holy orders, he was displaced by the
parliamentarian visitors ; from that year, till the Restora-
tion, he spent his time in retirement and study; observing
the devotions of the church of England with other op-
pressed royalists. After the Restoration he was installed
canon, and then dean of Christ-church, November 30, 1660,
being then doctor in divinity, and one of the king's chap-
lains in ordinary. In the years 1667, 1668, and 1669, he
was vice-chancellor of the university; and February 6,
1675, he was consecrated bishop of Oxford. Soon after
his preferment he rebuilt the palace of Cusedon, belonging
to the see. He was a munificent benefactor to his colle«e,
and raised its reputation by his discipline. He settled on it
no less than ten exhibitions ; and the best rectories belong-
ing to it were his purchase. He expended great sums in em-
bellishing and adorning the university of Oxford. Learn-
ing was greatly indebted to his patronage and munificence.
He liberally improved the press of the university ; and the
books that came from the Sheldonian theatre perpetuate, in
this respect, his praise. For many years he annually pub-
lished a book, generally a classic author, to which he wrote
a preface and notes, and presented it to the students of his
house as a new-year's gift: amongst these was an edition
of the Greek Testament, in 12mo. 1675; which Dr. Har-
wood pronounces to be "a very valuable and excellent
edition ; that does honour to the bishop, because it is upon
the whole a correct book, and exhibits the various readings
very faithfully." His edition of the works of Cyprian
affords also a conspicuous proof of his industry and learn-
ing. But he did not lay out his fortune in public acts of
splendid munificence only : the private charities of life par-
48 HISTORY OF
took of his beneficence. To the widow he was a husband,
to the orphan a father, and to poor children a tender
parent, furnishing them with instruction, and placing them
out in life. '' He was in all respects a most exemplary
man, though (says bishop Burnet) a little too much heated
in the matter of our disputes with the dissenters. But, as
he was among the first of our clergy that apprehended the
design of bringing in Popery, so he was one of the most
zealous against it." It is a deduction from the merit of his
character, as the patron of learning, that he was not well
affected to the Royal Society : and it is to be regretted, that
he was not friendly to that excellent man archbishop Tillot-
son ; which was probably owing to a sense of his own suf-
ferings before the Restoration : for he was not superior to
a party spirit. Wood's Athenae Oxon. vol. 2. p. 602.605.
Richardson de Praesulibus, p. 548. Burnet's History,
vol. 3. p. 100. Granger's History of England, vol. 3. p.
252. British Biogr. vol. 5. p. II; and Birch's Life of
Tillotson, p. 100.]
CHAP. II.
VROM KING JAMES'S DECLARATION FOR LIBERTY OF
CONSCIENCE, TO THE ACT OF TOLERATION IN THE
REIGN OF KING WILLIAM AND QUEEN MARY.
1668.
Though the projects of the Roman Catholics were ripe for
execution, there was one circumstance which spread a black
cloud over all their attempts, which was the near prospect
of a Protestant successor to the crown : this was the only
hope of the Protestant cause, and the terror of the Papists.
To remove this impediment, his majesty first attempted to
convert his eldest daughter Mary, princess of Orange, to
the Roman-Catholic religion, or at least to consent to the
making way for it, by taking off the penal laws. To ac-
complish this, his majesty wrote an obliging letter to his
daughter, reciting the motives of his own conversion ; which
were, the " great devotion of the church of Rome ; the
adorning their churches; their acts of charity, which were
greater than the Protestants could boast of; the numbers
THE PURITANS. 49
who retired from the world, and devoted themselves to a
religious life.* He was convinced that Christ had left an
infallibility in the church, which the apostles acknowledged
to be in St. Peter, Acts xv. It was the authority of the
church (says he) that declared the Scriptures to be canoni-
cal ; and certainly, they who declared them could only in-
terpret them, and wherever this infallibility was there must
be a clear succession, which could be no where but in the
church of Rome, the church of England not pretending to
infallibility, though she acted as if she did, by persecuting
those who differed from her, as well Protestant dissenters
as Papists ; but he could see no reason why dissenters might
not separate from the church of England, as well as the
church of England had done from that of Rome."
The princess answered the king's letter with great re-
spect; " she affirmed the right of private judgment, accord-
ing to the apostle's rule, of proving all things, and holding
fast that which is good. She saw clearly from the Scrip-
tures, that she must not believe by the faith of another, but
according as things appeared to herself. She confessed, if
there was an infallibility in the church, all other controver-
sies must fall before it, but that it was not yet agreed where
it was lodged, whether in a pope, or a general council, or
both ; and she desired to know in whom the infallibility
rested when there were two or three popes at a time, acting
one against another ; for certainly the succession must then
be disordered. She maintained the lawfulness and necessity
of reading the Holy Scriptures ; for though faith was above
reason, it proposed nothing contradictory to it. St. Paul
ordered his epistles to be read in all the churches ; and he
says in one place, ' I write as to wise men, judge ye what 1
say;' and if they might judge an apostle, much more any
other teacher. She excused the church of England's perse-
cuting the dissenters in the best manner she could; and said
the reformers had brought things to as great perfection as
those corrupt ages were capable of; and she did not see
how the church was to blame, because the laws were made
by the state, and for civil crimes, and that the grounds of
the dissenters leaving the church were difi'erent from those
for which they had separated from the church of Rome."
It was impossible for the princess to clear up this objection.
* Burnet, p. 119. 155. vol. 3. Ediii. ed.
50 HISTORY OF
But bishop Burnet* adds very justly, that the severities of
the church against the dissenters were urged with a very
ill grace, by one of the church of Rome, that has delighted
herself so often by being as it were bathed with the blood
of those they call heretics. Upon the whole it appeared,
that her highness was imraoveably fixed in her religion,
and that there was not the least prospect of her departing
from it.
At the same time his majesty attempted the prince of
Orange, for which purpose he employed one Mr. James
Steward, a Scotch lawyer, who wrote several letters upon
this argument to pensionary Fagel, in whom the prince
placed an entire confidence.f The pensionary neglected
his letters for some time, but at length it being industri-
ously reported, that the silence of the prince was a tacit
consent, the pensionary laid all his letters before his high-
ness, who commissioned the pensionary to draw up such
an answer as might discover his true intentions and sense
of things.
The answer was dated from the Hague, November 4,
1687, and begins with assurances of the prince and princess's
duty to the king; and since Mr. Steward had given him to
understand, that his letters were written with the king's
knowledge and allowance,:}: the pensionary assures him, in
the name of their highnesses, that it was their opinion, that
f^ no Christian ought to be persecuted for his conscience, or
he ill used because he differs from the established religion;
and therefore they agreed that the Papists in Scotland and
Ireland should have the free exercise of their religion in
private as they had in Holland; and as to Protestant dis-
senters, they heartily approved of their having an entire
liberty of their religion without any trouble or hinderance ;
and their highnesses were ready to concur to the settling it,
and giving their guarantee to protect and defend it. If his
majesty desired their concurrence in repealing the penal
laws, they were ready to give it, provided the laws by which
Roman Catholics were excluded from sitting in both houses
of parliament, and from all employments ecclesiastical, civil
and military, remained in force; and likewise those other
laws which secure the Protestant religion against all at-
tempts of the Roman Catholics ; but they could not con-
♦ Page 156. t Burnet, p. 165, 166. t Welwoofl's Memoirs, i», 218.
THE PURITANS. 51
sent to the repeal of those laws which tended only to secure
the Protestant religion, such as the tests, because they im-
ported no more than a deprivation from public employ-
ments, which could do them no great harm. If the numl^er
of the Papists were inconsiderable, it was not reasonable
to insist upon it ; and if those few that pretend to public
employments would do their party so much injury as not to
be content with the repeal of the penal laws, unless they
could get into offices of trust, their ambition only was to be
blamed."* This letter was carried by Mr. Steward to the
king, and read in the cabinet council, but it had no effect;
only the king ordered Mr. Steward to write back, that he
would have all or nothing. However, thp church-party
were satisfied with the prince's resolution to maintain the
tests ; the Protestant dissenters were pleased with their
highnesses' declaration for the repeal of the penal laws so
far as concerned themselves, and they placed an entire con-
fidence in their word. The lay-Papists and seculars press-
ed the king to accept of the repeal of so much of the penal
laws as was offered, and blamed the ambition of the Jesuits
and courtiers, who, rather than abate any thing, would leave
them exposed to the severity of the law when a freedom
was offerecj. At length the pensionary's letter was printed
by allowance of the prince, and dispersed over England,
which provoked the king to such a degree, that he spoke
indecently of his highness to all the foreign ministers, and
resolved to shew him the severest marks of his displeasure.
The first project of gaining the prince having failed, his
majesty went upon another, which, had it succeeded, naust
effectually have defeated the Protestant succession ; and
that was, providing the nation with an heir of his own body
by the present queen, though for many years she had been
reckoned incapable of having children. This was first
whispered among the courtiers, but was soon after confirm-
ed by proclamation in the Gazette of January 2 and 26,
1687—88, in words to this effect, " That it had pleased Al-
mighty God to give his majesty apparent hopes, and good
assurance, of having issue by his royal consort the queen,
who, through God's great goodness, was now with child ;"t
wherefore his majesty appoints, that on the 15th of January,
in the cities of London and Westminster; and on the 29th
* Burnet, p. 167. t Gazette, no. 2306, and 2316.
62 HISTORY OF
in all other places of England ; and on the 29th of January
and 19th of February in all places in Scotland, public
thanksgiving and solemn prayer be offered up to God on this
occasion ; and a form of prayer was drawn up accordingly
by the bishops of Durham, Rochester, and Peterborough ;
in which were these expressions : " Blessed be that good
Providence that has vouchsafed us fresh hopes of royal issue
by our gracious queen Mary ; strenglfhen her, we beseech
thee, and perfect what thou hast begun. Command thy
holy angels to watch over her continually, and defend her
from all dangers and evil accidents, that what she hath con-
ceived may be happily brought forth, to the joy of our sove-
reign lord the king, the farther establishment of his crown,
the happiness and welfare of the whole kingdom, and the
glory of thy great name," &c.* This struck all the Pro-
testant part of the nation with consternation, except a few
ranting tories, whose religion was at the service of the king,
whensoever he should call for it. The conception was
looked upon by the Jesuits as miraculous, and as the effect
of a vow the queen had made to the lady of Loretto; they
prophesied it would certainly be a prince ; while the Pro-
testants sighed in secret, and suspected a fraud ; the grounds
of which suspicion the historians of these times have related
at large.
The king, emboldened with the prospect of a Popish suc-
cessor, instead of venturing first upon a parliament, pub-
lished another declaration for liberty of conscience, April
27, in higher strains, and more advantageous to the Papists,
than the former : the substance of it was as follows :
" James hex.
" Our conduct has been such in all times as ought to have
persuaded the world, that we are firm and constant to our
resolutions ; yet, that easy people may not be abused by the
malice of crafty wicked men, we think fit to declare, that
our intentions are not changed since the 4th of April, 1687,
when we issued our declaration for liberty of conscience in
the following terms ;"t [Here the declaration is recited at
large, and then it follows] " Ever since we granted the
indulgence, we have made it our care to see it preserved
without distinction, as we are encouraged to do daily by
multitudes of addresses, and many other assurances we re-
• Calani)''* Abridgments, p. 382. t Gazclto, no. I\i4'2.
THE PURITANS. 53
ceive from our subjects of all persuasions as testimonies of
their satisfaction and duty ; the effects of which we doubt
not but the next parliament will shew, and that it will not
be in vain that we have resolved to use our utmost endea-
vours to establish liberty of conscience on such just and
equal foundations as will render it unalterable, and secure
to all people the free exercise of their religion for ever, by
which future ages may reap the benefit of what is so un-
doubtedly for the general good of the whole kingdom. It
is such a security we desire, without the burden and con-
straint of oaths and tests, which have unhappily been made
by some governments, but could never support any. Nor
could men be advanced by such means to offices and employ-
ments, which ought to be the reward of services, fidelity,
and merit. We must conclude, that not only good Chris-
tians will join in this, but whoever is concerned for the
wealth and power of the nation. It would, perhaps, pre-
judice some of our neighbours, who might lose part of those
vast advantages they now enjoy, if liberty of conscience
were settled in these kingdoms, which are above all others
most capable of improvements, and of commanding the
trade of the world. In pursuance of this great work we
have been forced to make many changes both of civil and
military officers throughout our dominions, not thinking any
ought to be employed in our service who will not contribute
towards the establishing the peace and greatness of their
country, which we most earnestly desire, as unbiassed men
may see by the whole conduct of our government, and by
the condition of our fleet and of our armies, which, with
good management, shall constantly be the same, and greater,
if the safety or honour of the nation require it. We re-
commend these considerations to all our subjects, and that
they will reflect on their ease and happiness, now that above
three years it has pleased God to permit us to reign over
these kingdoms, we have not appeared to be that prince
our enemies would make the world afraid of; our chief aim
having been, not to be the oppressor, but father of our peo-
ple, of which we can give no better evidence, than by con-
juring them to lay aside private animosities, as well as
groundless jealousies, and to choose such members of par-
liament as may do their parts to finish what we have begun,
for the advantage of the monarchy over which Almighty
54 HISTORY OF
God has placed us, being resolved to call a parliament that
shall meet in November next at farthest."
This declaration was published in the usual manner, and
ordered to be read in time of divine service in all churthes
and chapels in and about London, May 20th and 27th ; and
in all the rest of England and Wales on the Sd and 10th of
June following, upon penalty of being prosecuted in the
ecclesiastical commission.* For this purpose the bishops
were required to cause it to be distributed throughout their
respective diocesses: some of them, says Burnet, carried
their compliance to a shameful pitch, offering up their alle-
giance to the king without limitation or reserve. Dr. Crew
bishop of Durham, Barlow of Lincoln, + Cartwright of Ches-
ter, Wood of Litchfield and Coventry, Watson of St. Da-
vid's, Sprat of Rochester, and Parker of Oxford, went all
the lengths of the court, and promoted addresses of thanks
to his majesty in the most exalted language, for the promise
he had made in his late declaration, to maintain the church
of England as bylaw established;:}: though nothing was
more evident than his design to subvert it. An address came
from the clergy of Chester, justifying the declaration, as
issuing from the prerogative of the king's supremacy, and
insisting that the clergy were obliged by what is called
statute law, the rubric of their liberty, to publish what was
required by the king, or their bishop, and therefore they
were troubled to hear of the disobedience of some of that
bench, who, though they tenderly promised the dissenters
something, yet refused to do their part about the declara-
tion, lest they should be parties to it ; which reason we with
* Gazette, no. 2314.
t Dr. Grey thinks that bisliop Barlow could not be so forward a promoter of such
addresses, because that in a letter to one of his clergy, dated May 29th, he informed
him, that the clergy in London g^enerally refused to read the declaration : and added,
*' As to myself, I shall neither persuade nor dissuade yon, but leave it to your pru-
dence and conscience, whether you will or not read it. But only this I shall advise,
that if, after serious consideration, you find that you cannot read it but reluctaute rel
dnbitante conscientia, in that case to read it will be your sin, and you to blame for
doinj^ it." Notwithstanding, bishop Barlow wrote so candidly on the matter, in this
instance, he sent up a latter of thanks to king James for his first declaration, publish-
ed reasons for reading the second, and asserted and vindicated, in an elaborate tract,
the regal power of dispensing with penal laws. This bishop was not a consistent cha-
racter; he was timid and complying, accommodating himself to the times, and ready
to side with the strongest. At one lime he was A seeming friend to the Papists, then
a distinguished writer against Popery. Now an enemy to the duke of York ; then
ever expressing his snbmission to king James ; and afterward tnkinglhc oalhs to bis
successors. Biographia Britannica, vol. 1, article Barlow. Godwin de Prspsulibus,
p. Sk>5.— Kn.
$ G»»etl«, no. 2374.
THE PURITANS. 55
due modesty esteem insufficient. Herbert Croft, bishop of
Hereford, published his reasons for reading the declaration,
from that passage of Scripture, '^ Submit yourselves to
every ordinance of man for the Lord's sake, whether it be
to the king as supreme," &c. " Now the king commanding it
to be read, without requiring our assent, consent, or allow-
ance, I cannot see (says the bishop) how it can be refused.
If it be said, this is to admit of a dispensing power, yet it is
not contrary to the word of God. If the king should aver
his dispensing power to be inherent in the crown, and will
use it as he pleases, I sliould beseech him not to exert it in
so high a manner ; but after this, what have bishops to do
but Submit, since here is no doctrine affirmed, but only a
declaration of matter of fact."
However, the majority of the clergy were of different
sentiments ; eighteen bishops, and the chief of their clergy,
refused to publish the declaration, so that it was read, says
Burnet,* only in seven churches in London ; and in about
two hundred all over England.f The commissioners for ec-
clesiastical affairs sent out citations by the king's order, J re-
quiring the chancellors and archdeacons to send in lists of
all who had obeyed, and of those who had not obeyed, the
order of council ; together with the places where it had
been neglected. § Most of the bishops disobeyed, and gene-
rously undertook to stand in the gap, and screen the inferior
clergy from prosecution : seven of them met at Lambeth,
and after consultation signed an address, in behalf of them-
selves and several of their absent brethren, setting forth,
" that they were not averse to the publishing his majesty's
declaration for want of duty to his majesty, or due tender-
ness towards dissenters, in relation to whom (say they) we
are willing to come to such a temper as shall be thought fit,
when the mattercomes to be considered and settled in parlia-
ment; but the declaration, being founded on such a dispens-
ing power as may at present set aside all laws ecclesiastical
and civil, appears to us illegal, and did so to the parliament
in 1672; and it is a point of such great consequence, that
* Page 178.
+ Some who read it on the first Sunday, changed their minds hefore the second.
Others declared in their sermons, that, though they obeyed the order, they did not
approve the declaration. And one, more pleasantly than gravely, told his people,
that though he was obliged to read it, they were not obliged to hoar it ; and stopped
till Ihey all went out, and then read it to the walls. Burnet's History, vol. ;5. p. 17i^»
— Ed. f Burnet, p. 184. § Gazelle, no. 2364.
66 HISTORY OF
we cannot make ourselves party to it, so far as the reading
of it in the church in time of divine service will amount to,
and distributing it all over the kingdom."* Signed by San-
croft archbishop of Canterbury,t Lloyde bishop of St. Asaph,
Kenn of Bath and Wells, Turner of Ely, Lake of Chiches-
ter, White of Peterborough, and Trelawny of Bristol.
The king was startled at the address, and answered, in a
very angry tone, " I have heard of this before, but did not
believe it ; I did not expect this from the church of Eng-
land, especially from some of you. If I change my mind you
shall hear from me ; if not, I expefct my commands shall be
obeyed."^ And added, that they should be made to feel
what it was to disobey him. The six bishops who brought
the address replied, " The will of God be done."
Let the reader now Judge, whether the slavish doctrine
of nonresistance and unlimited obedience, which the high-
church party had been preaching up for above twenty years
as the doctrine of the church of England, had not brought
the nation to the very verge of ruin. A doctrine destructive
of all law, and of the safety of society, and which has been
fatal to many crowned heads. If the king had not relied on
the flattering addresses of these men, under which it seems
there was a reserve, he would have stopped short, and
taken other measures ; but he did not perceive the mine till
it was sprung, and blew up his whole government at once.
This was the crisis upon which the fate of the nation
depended.
While the king was deliberating what to do with the bi-
• Burnet, p. 176. Wei wood's Memoirs, p. 184, sixth edition.
t ArclibisLop Bancroft, in this instance, acted contrary to what had been his con-
dactand avowed principle in the former reign. For when, in 1681. Charles II. pub-
lished his declaration to satisfy his people about dissolving his parliament, Bancroft
moved that an order should he added to it, requiring the clergy to publish it in all
the churches in England. This was looked on, says Burnet, as a most pernicious
precedent, by which the clergy were made the heralds to publish the king's declara-
tions, thai might, in some instances, come to be not only indecent but mischievous.
But this, whatever was now his judgment, had been his decided opinion. For, on
the present occasion, Dr. Cartwright, the bishop of Chester, who had been one of the
prebendaries of Durham, it appears, from a paper among the MSS. of Mr. Talents of
Shrewsbury, which fell into the hands of Mr. Archer of Tunbridge, could produce, and
did shew to the king, a revised copy of the liturgy in 1661, given by bishop Cosins
to the library at Durham ; in which Bancroft had added to the rubric, where it
was said, " Nothing is to be read in churches but by the bishop's order, or the king's
order." Yet, when king James commanded a declaration in favour of the dissenters
to be read, this archbishop was amongst the first to oppose it, in contradiction tu the
clause which he had dictated, and the example he had given. Calamy's History of
bis own Life, vol. 1. p. 173. 176. — Ed.
t Burnet, p. 177.
I
THE PURITANS. 57
shops, he was for some time in great perplexity ; several of
the Popish nobility pressed him to retreat; but at length, at
the instigation of father Petre, Mr. Lob, and some others,
he ordered the bishops to be prosecuted ; and they, refusing
to enter into bonds for their appearance at the King's-
bench bar, on account of their peerage, were sent to the
Tower by water,* June 8, but were discharged within a
week, upon entering into bonds for small suras to answer to
the information that day fortnight. On the 29th of June
they were brought to the King's-benchbar in Westminster-
hall, attended by several of the nobility, and a vast crowd of
common people ; and after a long trial of ten hours were
acquitted :t upon which there was a general joy, and such
loud acclamations, as resounded not only in the city, but
even in the army at Hounslovv.j:
The bishops' address was printed by authority, with a sa-
tirical paraphrase, setting forth, that though the bishops
had, without any bowels of tenderness, exercised many in-
human cruelties upon the dissenters, they promise now to
• The bishops, as they took boat, looked all very cheerfully: and the people
flocked round them in great numbers, to condole with them, and ask their blessing.
When they were confined, ten Nonconformist ministers visited Ibem. Which the king
took very heinously, and sent for four of ihem, and reprimanded them. Their answer
was, " that they could not but adhere to the bishops, as men constant and firm to the
Protestant faith." Even the soldiers thai kept guard would frequently drink health
to the bishops ; and when an order was sent to the captain of the guard, to see it was
done no more, the reply was, " that the soldiers were doing it at the very instant,
and would, during the imprisonment of the bishops, drink no other health." So that
in au early stage of this prosecution, one of the privy-council owned, " that had the
king known how far the thing would have gone, he had never enjoined the reading
the declaration in the churches." Reresby's Memoirs, p. 261, 26'2. — En.
t " There were (Dr. Welwood observes) two remarkable things in this trial.
King James saw the illegality of his new-assumed prerogative exposed on one of the
most solemn causes, in VVeslminsler-hall, before one of the greatest auditories, by the
council of the bishops : who boldly and learnedly argued against the dispensing
power, and proved rr, by an invincible arguments, to be an open violation of the laws
and constitution of the kingdom." Another remarkable circumstance was, " that
they, who had contributed to enslave tbeir country by false notions of law, now
changed their opinion ; and others who through two successive parliaments had, at
the expense of their own sufferings, stood up for the liberty of iheir country, did now
endeavour to stretch the prerogative beyond its just limits, as they had before op'
posed it. So hard is it for mankind to be, at all times, and upon all turns, cnnslant
to themselves." Wei wood's Memoirs, p. 185, 186. — Ed.
X The bishops were complimented on their victory, in tlie highest manner, by all
orders of men. They were ranked with the primitive confessors, and loaded with
praises : they were compared to the seven golden candlesticks, and to the seven stars
in Christ's right hand. Their pictures were publicly sold in all printsellers' shops,
and bought up in vast numbers, as guardians of the laws, liberties, and religion, of
their country. Their conduct affected king James more than any other opposition he
met with. Dr. Grey's Examination, vol. 3. p. 420, 421. And, on the day after the
trial, he was observed to labour under a very great disturbance of mind. Sir
John Reresby's Memoirs, p. 264. — Rd.
VOL. v. F
^h HISTORY OF
come to a temper, "hut it is only such a one as they them-
selves should settle in convocation ; and though they had all
along vigorously endeavoured to advance above all law that
arbitrary power upon which they suppose his majesty's de-
claration was founded, when it could be strained to the op-
pression of dissenters, yet now they oppose it, and are de-
sirous in thisjuncture (as in the year 1672), that the laws for
persecution should retain their force, and the dispensing
power not to be countenanced, though designed for a gene-
ral good.
But this was too late ; the controversy between the court
and the church was now no longer to be decided by the
pen; and it was apparent beyond contradiction, that the
hearts of the people were alienated from the king ; even the
dissenters (says Echard) shewed an unusual readiness to
join the church against their common enemy ; and whatever
might be in the hearts of some, the church-party continued
to discover an equal willingness to coalesce with the dissent-
ers. When Dr. Lloyd, bishop of St. Asaph, passed through
Oswestry, in Shropshire, he sent for Mr. James Owen, the
dissenting minister, and ventured to acquaint him with the
secret of the prince of Orange's invitation by some great
persons, in which he had joined ; and added, he hoped the
Protestant dissenters would concur in promoting the com-
mon interest, for you and we are brethren (says he) ; we
have indeed been angry brethren, but we have seen our folly,
and are resolved, if ever we have it in our power, to shew
that we will treat you as brethren.
Even archbishop Sancroft, in the circular letter which he
sent to the clergy of his province, exhorted them to culti-
vate a good correspondence with the dissenters.* The
eleventh article of his letter,t dated July 16, has these
words, " that they (viz. the clergy) should walk in wisdom
towards them who are not of our communion ; and if there
• Calainj's Abridgments, ▼ol. 1. p. 385.
t One of tl»e articles of this letter enjoined the clergy, four linaes at least in the
year, to teach the people, in their sermons, " that the king's power being in his do-
minions highest under God, all priests shoald, upon all occasions, persoade the peo-
ple to loyalty and obedience to his majesty, in all things lawful, and to patient sub-
mission in the rest, promoting, as far as in them lies, the public peace and quiet of the
world." This was a renewal of certain orders, issued out to the several bishops of
their provinces, with the king's consent, by the archbishops of Canterbury and York,
August 4th, 1622, and repeated in the reign of Charles II. High-Church Politics,
p. 84.— Ed.
tHE i»lJRlfANS. %9
fe^ in tfiteir parisTtes any such, that they neglect not fre-
quently to converse with them in the spirit of meekness, seek-
ing by all 'godd ways and means to gain and win them over
to our coramnnion ; more especially that they have a ten-
der regard -to Oitr l>rethren the Protestant dissenters ; that
upon occasion offered they visit them at their houses, and
receive them kindly at their own, and treat them fairly
wherever they meet them, persuading them (if it may be) to
a full compliance with our church ; or at least, that where-
unto we have already attained, we may all walk by the same
rule, and mind the same things ; and in order thereunto
that they take opportunities of assuring and convincing
them, that the bishops of this church are really and sincerely
irreconcilable enemies to the errors, superstitions, idola-
tries, and tyrannies, of the church of Rome; and thatl'bfe
very unkind jealousies which some have had of us to the
contrary were altogether groundless. And in the last place,
that they warmly and affectionately join us in daily ferverit
prayer to the God of peace, for a universal blessed union
of all reformed churches at home and abroad against out
common enemy." Such was the language of the church in
distress !
It was often said, that if ever God should deliver them
out of their present distress, they would keep up their do-
mestic quarrels no more ;* which were so visibly and yet
artfully managed by our adversaries, as to make us devour
one another. Again, " I do assure you, and I am certain I
have the best grounds in the world for my assurance (says
one), that the bishops, when the happy opportunity shall offer
itself, will let the Protestant dissenters find that they will be
better than their word given in their famous petition. "+
Remarkable are the words of another reverend divine on
the same occasion: *' The bishops have under their hands
declared their dispositions to come to a temper in matters
of conformity, and there seems to be no doubt of their sin-
cerity. If ever God brings us into a settled state out of the
storms into which our passions and folly, as well as the trea-
chery of others, have led us, it cannot be imagined that the
bishops will go off from those moderate resolutions which
they have now declared ; and they continuing firm, the
weak and indiscreet passions of any of those inferior clergy
• Bainel, p. 142. + Calamy's Abridgment, vol. 1. p. 336.
F 2
60 HISTORY OF
must needs vanish. And I will boldly say, that if the church
of England, after she has got out of this storm, will return
to hearken to the peevishness of some sour men, she will be
abandoned both of God and man, and will set heaven and
earth against her. The nation sees too clearly, how dear the
dispute about conformity has cost us, to stand upon such
punctilios; and those in whom our deliverance is wrapped
up judge too right, that ever they will be priest-ridden in
this point. And if any argument was wanting to conclude
the certainty of this point, the wise and generous behaviour
of the main body of the dissenters in this present juncture,
has given them so just a title to our friendship, that we must
resolve to set all the world against us if we can ever forget
it; and if we do not make them all the returns of ease and
favour when it is in our power to do it."*
The reader has now seen the various and strong assu-
rances of favour, given by the church-party in distress, to
the Nonconformists, all which, in a few months, entirely
evaporated. Nevertheless, I am fully of opinion, that the
low-church clergy meant honestly, and designed to be as
good as their word; for which purpose a scheme was pro-
posed to review and amend the liturgy by corrections and
additions, and leaving some few ceremonies indifferent; but
there was another party which lay behind the curtain, and
meant no more by their protestations and promises, than to
deliver themselves out of trouble ; who, as they renounced
the doctrine of nonresistance only to serve tlieir turn, when
that was effected, they seemed willing to forget what they
had done, and were desirous of becoming as cruel persecu-
tors as ever ; they were enemies to revolution principles;
und when the prince of Orange had rescued them, they
would have sent him back from whence he came ; these men
were afterward distinguished by the names of nonjurors,
Jacobites, and highfliers, whose numbers were greater than
the low-church clergy imagined. They prevailed in convo-
cation, intimidated the friends of liberty and moderation,
and put an effectual stop to all farther attempts of a gene-
ral comprehension. +
While the bishops were in the Tower, and the princess
Anne at Bath, the queen was declared to be delivered of a
prince on Sunday, June 10, between the hours of nine and
• Calaroj's AbridjjmenJ, vol. i^6. t Ibid, p SS-i, note.
THE PURITANS. 61
ten in the morning. This mysterious birth was conducted
with great artifice or great imprudence; no care had been
taken to satisfy the Protestant part of the nation, that the
queen was with child, though it was ridiculed in pamphlets
dispersed about Whitehall. None of the Protestant ladies
were admitted to be with her when she changed her linen ;
nor to see the milk in her breasts, nor to feel the child move
within her; but all about her were Italian women. The
place where her majesty was to lie in, was unknown till a
few days before her delivery ; and it was oddly circumstanced
as to time, most of the Protestant ladies being out of the
way, and preparing for church ; the Dutch ambassador, then
in town, was not called to be a witness, on behalf of the
princess of Orange, the presumptive heir; all being finish-
ed in about two hours. The birth was attended with great
rejoicings of the Popish party ; a day of public thanksgiving
was appointed, on which occasion a form of thanksgiving
was prepared by the bishop of Rochester ; and a new set
of congratulations sent up from all parts of the kingdom.
Bishop Burnet, Mr. Echard, and others, have examined
into the legitimacy of this birth with all possible exactness,
but they have left the matter under great uncertainties. —
Some have pronounced it supposititious, and no better than
the last desperate effort of the Popish party to perpetuate
their religion. Others, who credited the birth, have assign-
ed very plausible reasons to suspect, that the present pre-
tender was not the queen's child, but another's clandes-
tinely substituted. Bishop Burnet is of opinion, that the
proofs of its legitimacy were defective. However, all the
hopes of a Protestant successor seemed now at an end, and
the joys of the Papists consummated, the English reforma-
tion was expiring, and nothing short of a total subversion
of the civil and ecclesiastical establishment to be expected.
The princess of Orange being thus cut off from the suc-
cession, his highness gave greater attention to the advices he
received from England, of the queen's having miscarried
some months before, and that therefore the present child
must be supposititious. The church-party, being driven to
distress from their favourite doctrine of nonresistance, fled
with others to the prince of Orange as their last refuge, and
prayed him to come over to their rescue ; with this view
admiral Russel, and several eminent persons, repaired to
62 HISTORY OF
the Hague on various plausible pretences, but in reality to
invite the prince, and concert measures with him for his ex-
pedition to England ; who received them favourably, an4
discovered a good disposition to espouse their cause, consi-
dering that his own right to the crown was now lost, and that
if Popery was established in England, Holland, and the res^
of the reformed interest, must be exposed to the utmost ha-
zard. Little persuasion was wanting to prevail with the
states-general to assist the English Protestants ; but all the
difficulty was to keep it secret while they were preparing
for so critical an undertaking. The States made use of the
differences about the election of an archbishop of Cologne
as a reason to form an army for the security of their own
borders; and the prince, who had the administration in his
hands, set himself under this cover to prepare all necessa-
ries for his intended embarkation, while Mr. Zuylestein
brought him from time to time thestrongestassurancesof the
disposition of the body of the English Protestants to appear
for him at his landing, which fully fixed him in his purpose.
But the French ambassador at the Hague kept a watchful
eye upon the prince's motions, and gave timely notice of the
extraordinary preparations for war that were making in
Holland, to his master Louis XIV. from whom king James
had the first intelligence. Mr. Skelton, the English envoy
at Paris, also wrote five or six letters to court on the same
head, but king James gave little heed to his advices, be-
cause the prince of Orange carried it in a most courteous
and respectful manner, complimenting his majesty on the
birth of the prince of Wales, and causing his name to be
added to the rest of the princes of the royal family to be
prayed for in his chapel. However, the French king conti-
nued to alarm the court of England with the intended in-
vasion, and offered to send over fifteen thousand men, or as
many more as should be wanted, to his assistance ; but the
earl of Sunderland, who had lately complimented the king
with his religion, prevailed with his majesty not to transport
an army of French Papists into his dominions, lest it should
confirm the suspicions of the Protestants, that he designed
the overthrow of their religion and liberties.*
The king, being at length convinced of the prince of
Prangc's design, ordered the fleet to be fitted out, and the
• Burucl.p. 217.
THE PURITANS. 63
army to be augmented ; and dispatched orders to Tyrconnel
to send hither several regiments from Ireland, which put
the people under terrible apprehensions of an Irish mas-
sacre.
September 21, his majesty issued out his proclamation for
the meeting of a new parliament, " intimating his royal
purpose to endeavour a legal establishment of a universal
toleration, and inviolably to preserve the church of England
in possession of the several acts of uniformity, as far as they
were consistent with such a toleration.* And farther to
quiet the minds of his Protestant subjects, he was content
that the Roman Catholics should remain incapable of being
members of the house of commons, that so the legislature
might continue in the hands of Protestants." September
23, the king was farther assured by letters from the marquis
of Abbeville at the Hague, that pensionary Fagel had owned
the design of the prince of Orange to invade England.f
Upon which the king turned pale and speechless for a while,
and like a distracted man looked round every way for re-
lief, but was resolute in nothing. He postponed the meet-
ing of the parliament, and by advice of his council applied to
the bishops then in town for advice what was necessary to
be done to make the church easy. The bishops moved him
to annul the ecclesiastical commission, and the dispensing
power : to recall all licences and faculties for Papists to
keep schools, to prohibit the four pretended vicars apostoli-
cal invading the ecclesiastical jurisdiction ; to fill the vacant
bishopricks ; to restore the charters, and to call a free and
regular parliament, by which the church of England might
be secured according to the act of uniformity ; and provision
made for a due liberty of conscience. Pursuant to this ad-
vice the king and court began to tread backward, concluding,
that if they could satisfy the bishops, and recover the affec-
tion of the church, all would do well. The bishop of Lon-
don's suspension was taken off, the ecclesiastical commis-
sion dissolved, the city charter and the fellows of Magda-
len-college were restored, and other illegal practices re-
nounced ; J but upon news of the prince of Orange's fleet
being dispersed by a storm, and that they would hardly be
able to put to sea again till next spring, his majesty with-
drew his hand from any farther redress of grievances.
• Gazette, no. 2381. t Ibid. no. 2586. t Ibid. no. 2388. 2391.
G4 HISTORY OF
But the prince having repaired the damages of the storm,
sailed a second time, November 1, and after a remarkable
passage, in which the wind chopped about almost miracu-
lously in his favour,^ landed at Torbay, November 5, with
about fourteen thousand men, without meeting the king's
fleet, which was at sea in order to intercept them. The
prince brought over with him a declaration, dated October
10, divided into twenty-six articles, but reducible to three
principal heads; 1. An enumeration of the public griev-
ances, with regard to religion and civil government. 2. The
fruitless attempts which had been made to redress those
grievances ; under which mention is made of the suspicious
birth of the pretended prince of Wales. 3. A protestation
that the present expedition was intended for no other pur-
pose than to procure a free and lawful parliament ; to which
the prince would refer the redress of all the grievances
complained of; and for the obtaining such a parliament,
his highness declares, he had been most earnestly solicited
by a great many lords both spiritual^ and temporal, and by
many gentlemen, and other subjects of all ranks, to come
• Bishop Burnet, who minutely describes the circnrastances of the prince of
Orange's landing, says, that though he was never inclined to superstition, but rather
to be philosophical on all occasions, yet, the strange ordering of the winds and sca-
- sons to change, just as their affairs required it, made a deep impression on himself^
and on all who observed it. The famous verses of Claudian seemed to be more ap-
plicable to the prince, than to him on whom they were made :
♦' O nimiura dilecte Deo, oui niiiitat aether,
E\ conjurati veniunl ad classica venti."
*' Heaven's favourite, for whom the skies do fight,
And all the winds conspire to guide thee right."
Burnet's History, vol.3, p. 232. Ediu. edit. 12mo. — Ed.
t Dr. Grey, though he cannot deny that the prince of Orange averred, in his de-
claration, that he was invited over by lords spiritual, yet is not inclined to admit the
fact. He quotes, with a view to invalidate it, some letters from sir Jonathan Trelaw-
ney, bishop of Winchester, written to Mr. Echard in the years 1716, and 1718 — 19,
in which this concurrence of the bishops, and of themselves, in the invitation to the
prince of Orange, is absolutely denied. To these assertions is added a memorandnm,
made by sir Jonathan Trelawney, of a conversation v»liich he had with Mr. Francis
Robarls, son to the earl of Radnor, shortly after the king's coronation, on this point:
who said, tliat he had asked commissary William Harbord, that came over with the
prince, whei'.ier it was true that the bisliops had taken a part in that invitation ? To
which Harbord answered with a curse, " No, they were nut so honest. But 1 caused
it to be put in to raise a jealousy and hatred on both sides, that king James believing
it, might never forgive them ; and they, fearing he did believe it, might be provoked,
for their own safety, to wish and help on his ruin." Against these authorities, it is to
he observed that bishop Burnet asserts, that the earl of Dauby drew in ihe bishop of
London t«i join in the design of bringing over the prince of Orange: and that Trelaw-
ney, besides going into it, engaged also his brother, tho bishop of Bristol, into it.
Grey'b Examination, vol. 3. p. 42'ii and Burnet, vol. 3. p. 211, 2l5. — Eu.
THE PURITANS. 65
over to England; and to encourage the Protestant dis-
senters, his highness adds, that he would recommend to the
parliament the making such new laws, as might establish a
good agreement between the church of England and all
Protestant Nonconformists, and in the mean time would
suffer such as would live peaceably to enjoy all due freedom
in their consciences.
The king, who had relied too much on the clergy's pro-
fessions of unlimited obedience, beingsurprised at the expres-
sion in the prince's declaration, that he had been invited by
the lords spiritual, sent for the bishops then in town, and
insisted not only upon their disowning the fact, but upon
their signing a paper, expressing their abhorrence of the
intended invasion ; but they excused themselves only with
a general profession of their allegiance and duty. The
church-party, says Burnet,* now shewed their approbation
of the prince's expedition in such terms that many were
surprised at it both then, and since that time; they spoke
openly in favour of it ; they expressed their grief to see
the wind so cross, and wished for a Protestant wind that
might bring the prince over. His majesty therefore, find-
ing himself deceived in the church-party, and that he had
no other reliance but his army, used all imaginable dili-
gence to strengthen it. In obedience to the orders already
given, two thousand five hundred men [chiefly Papists]
were landed at Chester from Ireland. — Commissions were
given out for raising ten new regiments of horse and foot.
Three thousand Scots were ordered from that country. All
the militia were commanded to be in readiness to march on
the first summons ; and a proclamation was issued out, re-
quiring all horses and cattle to be removed twenty miles
from those parts of the sea-coast, where it was apprehended
the prince would land; but so great was the people's disaf-
fection that they paid little regard to his majesty's orders.
Soon after his highness's landing, the body of the nation
discovered their inclinations so evidently, that the king lost
both head and heart at once. The city of London was in
confusion ; reports-were spread that the Irish would cut the
throats of the Protestants throughout the nation in one and
the same night, which awakened the people's fears, and kept
them all night on their guard. When this fright was al-
* Burnet, p. 243, 244.
66 HISTORY OF
layed, the mob rose and pulled down the mass houses, and
burnt the materials in the streets ; father Petre, with the
swarms of priests and Jesuits who had flocked about the
court, disappeared, and retired into foreign parts ; and se-
veral of the king's arbitrary ministers, who had brought hin^
under these difficulties, forsook him and absconded. Jef-
feries was taken in Wapping in a sailor's habit, and would
have been torn in pieces by the mob if he had not been con-
ducted by a strong guard to the Tower, where he died be-
fore he came to his trial. The unhappy king, being left
in a manner alone, retired with a small retinue to his army
at Salisbury.
The prince of Orange, having refreshed his forces,
marched from Torbay to Exeter, where the nobility and
gentry signed an association to support and assist his high-
ness in pursuing the ends of his declaration, and that if any
attempt was made on his person, it should be revenged on
all by whom or from whom it should be made. Great num-
bers of common people came in to the prince at Exeter ;
and as soon as he marched forward towards London, prince
George of Denmark, the dukes of Ormond, Grafton, lord
Wharton, Churchil, and others of the first distinction, de-
serted the army at Salisbury, and joined the prince, with
a great many Protestant officers and soldiers : so that his
majesty perceived, that even the army, which was his last
refuge, was not to be relied on ; and to complete his unhap-
piness, princess Anne, his younger daughter, withdrew
privately from court, with the bishop of London, who put
on his buff coat and sword, and commanded a little army for
her highness's defence.
Dr. Finch, son to the earl of Winchelsea, and warden of
All-Souls college in Oxford, was sent to the prince from
some of the heads of colleges, to invite him to Oxford, and
to assure him they were ready to declare for him, and that
their plate should be at his service. The prince intended
to have accepted their invitation, but all things being in a
ferment at London, he was advised to make all the haste
thither that he could^* So he sent to Oxford to excuse his
visit, and to offer them the association, which was signed
by almost all the heads and the chief men of the university ;
even by those who being disappointed in the preferments
• Burnet, p. 257, 258.
THE PURITANS. 67
they aspired to, became afterward his ^nost implacable
enemies.* Archbishop Sancroft also sent his compliments
to the prince, and with seven or eight other bishops, signed
the association, having changed the word revenge into that
of punishment. This was a sudden turn, says the bishop,
from those principles which they had carried a few years
before. The dissenters went cheerfully into all the prince'si
measures, and were ready to sign the " association :" ihei;e.
were few or no Jacobites or nonjurors among them ; an^
throughout the whole course of king William's reign, they
were among his most loyal and zealous subjects.
In this critical juncture, the queen and the young prince
of Wales were sent to France, December 9, the king him-
self following the latter end of the month, having first
caused the writs for calling a new parliament to be burnt,
and the great seal to be thrown into the Thames. f After
his majesty's first attempt to leave the kingdom he was
seized at Fevershara,J and prevailed with to return back
to London; but when the prince resolved to come to White-
hall, and sent his majesty a message, that he thought it
not consistent with the peace of the city, and of the king-
dom, for both of them to be there together; his majesty re-
tired a second time to Rochester with the prince's consent,
and after a week's stay in that place went away privately in
a vessel to France, leaving a paper behind him, in which
he declared, that though he was going to seek foreign as-
sistance, he would not make use of it to overthrow the es-
tablished religion or the laws of his country. Thus ended
the short and unhappy reign of James II. and with him the
male line of the royal house of Stuarts, a race of princes
raised up by Providence to be the scourge of these nations,
for they were all chargeable with tyranny and oppression,
favourers of Popery, and invaders of the legal constitution
of their country in church and state. They enfeebled the
nation by encouraging licentiousness of manners, and sunk
a bold and brave people into contempt among foreign powers.
Nothing could have been more fortunate for the prince
* Echard, p. 1 138. t Barnet, p. 260. 263.
t He was seized by Mr. Hunt, at that time a custom-house officer, who died so
lately as the 24th of July, 1752, at Feversham. He boarded the ship in which the
king was, by virtue of his office ; and taking his majesty for a suspicious person,
brought him ashore without knowing his quality; but was greatly terrified when he
found it was the king. Gentleman's Magazine for July 1752, p. 337. — Er>.
G8 HISTORY OF
of Orange, than the king's flight from Rochester to France,
which furnished a plausible occasion for the convention
parliament to pass a vote, that the king had abdicated the
crown, and that the throne was vacant ; though it would
have looked more like a voluntary desertion, if his majesty
had gone off the first time from Feversham, and had not
declared in the paper he left behind him, that he was going
to seek for foreign assistance ; it is certain the king was
frightened away by his priests, who possessed him with an
apprehension that he was already a prisoner ; and by his
queen, who prevailed with him to consult his own and fa-
mily's safety, by leaving the kingdom for the present. Thus
a great and powerful monarch was in a few weeks re-
duced to a condition little better than that of a wandering
pilgrim.*
The prince of Orange arrived at St. James's December
18, and on the 21st following the bishop of London, with
several of the clergy, and some dissenting ministers, waited
upon his highness to congratulate him on the happy success
of his glorious expedition ; when his lordship acquainted
his highness in the name of the clergy, that there were some
of their dissenting brethren present, who were herein en-
tirely of the same sentiments with themselves.^ But on the
2d of January about ninety of the Nonconformist ministers
attended the prince at St. James's in a distinct body, being in-
troduced by the earl of Devonshire, and the lords Wharton
and Wiltshire : when the reverend Mr. Howe, in the name
of the rest, assured his highness '' of their grateful sense
of his hazardous and heroical expedition, which the favour
of Heaven had made so surprisingly prosperous. That they
esteemed it a common felicity, that the worthy patriots of
the nobility and gentry of this kingdom had unanimously
concurred with his highness's designs, by whose most pru-
dent advice the administration of public affairs was devolved,
in this difficult conjuncture, into hands which the nation
and the world knew to be apt for the greatest undertakings,
and so suitable to the present exigency of our case. They
promised their utmost endeavours, in their several stations,
to promote the excellent and most desirable ends for which
his highness had declared. They added their continual
fervent prayers to the Almighty, for the preservation of his
* Buriit't, p. 274. t Calimj, p. 587.
THE PURITANS. 69
higliness's person, and the success of his future endeavours
for the defence and propagation of the Protestant interest
throughout the Christian world ; that they should all most
willingly have chosen that time for the season of paying
their duty to his highness, when the lord-bishop and the
clergy of London attended his highness for the same pur-
pose (which some of them did, and which his lordship was
pleased condescendingly to make mention of to his highness),
had their notice of that intended application been so early
as to make their more general attendance possible at that
time. Therefore, though they did now appear in a distinct
company, it was not on a distinct account, but on that only
which was common to them, and to all Protestants : and
though there were some of their brethren of eminent note,
whom age or present infirmities hindered from coming with
them, yet they concurred in the same grateful sense of their
common deliverance."* His highness received them very
favourably, and returned them the following answer : "My
great end was the preservation of the Protestant religion ;
and with the Almighty's assistance and permission, so to
defend and support the same, as may give it strength and
reputation throughout the world, sufficient to preserve it
from the insults and oppression of its most implacable ene-
mies ; and that more immediately in these kingdoms of
England, Scotland, and Ireland ; and I will use my utmost
endeavours, so to settle and cement all different persuasions
of Protestants in such a bond of love and community, as
may contribute to the lasting security and enjoyment of spi-
rituals and temporals to all sincere professors of that holy
religion."
In order to settle the government, the prince published
an order, desiring all persons who had served as knights,
citizens, or burgesses, in any of the parliaments in the reign
of king Charles II. to meet him'at St. James's on Wednes-
day the 26th of December, at ten in the morning; and that
the lord-mayor and court of aldermen of the city of London
would be present, and fifty ofthe common-council.f This
assembly desired the prince to take upon himself the admi-
nistration of the government for the present ; and a conven-
tion parliament was chosen with all expedition, in which
various methods were proposed of settling the government :
* Howe's Life, p. 112. t Ga'/elte, in). 2414.
70 HISTORY dF
som'e were for compromising matters with king James, and
others for a regency ; but after long and warm debates the
throne was declared vacant, king James having abdicated
the government, and broken the original contract with his
people. When the question was put, whether to fill the
tlirone with a king, or to appoint a regent, it was carried
for the former only by two voices, fifty-one being for a king,
and forty-nine for a regent, among which latter were twelve
or thirteen bishops, two only, viz. the bishops of London
and Bristol, being for a king ; the reason of which was, their
reluctance to contradict the doctrine they had been so long
preaching, viz. that the regal power was jure divino, and
iis majesty's character indelible. They had indeed con-
curred in inviting the prince of Orange to come to the
^relief of fheir religion, but the storm being appeased,
they thought it not incumbent on them wholly to depart
"from their old principles, and therefore voted for a regency;
l>ut the question being carried (says bishop Burnet), nature
was so strong in them, that it was too hard for their doc-
trine.* And a declaration being prepared for asserting and
Vindicating the ancient rites and liberties of the subject, the
crown was offered to the prince and princess of Orange, the
latter of whom arrived from Holland the day before ; and
both having declared their acceptance, were proclaimed
liing and queen of England, &c. February 13, 1688 — 89, and
crowned at Westminster, April 11 following, amidst the
joyful acclamations of all the friends of the Protestant reli-
gion and liberties of their country .f
Thus a wonderful revolution was effected with little or
no effusion of blood; and it is surprising to reflect on the
remarkable appearances of Divine Providence in the rise,
progress, and consummation, of this important event ; how
• Barnet.p. 282.
t Tlie Scotch also, in 1689, sent ap cuinmlssioners to iheir majesties at Whitehall,
to mnke a tender uf their crown. On being inlroduced, thej presented, according
to the powers on which thej acted, an address from the estates, the instrament of go-
vernment, a recital of gprievances, and a request that the convention might be con-
verted into a parliament. The king having promised to concur with them in all jast
measures for the interest of the kingdom, tb« coronation-oath was tendered to their
majesties. His conduct un tbib occasion deserves particular notice : it was cautions
and liberal. The oath contained a clause by which they should engage to root oat
heresy : the king demurred on this, and declared he would not oblige himself to act
as a persecutor. The commissioners replying that such was not the meaning or im-
port of the oath, he desired them and others present, to bear witness to the exception
he made. Burnet's History, vol. 4. p. 34. 12mo; and Lindsey's Historical View of
the State of Unitarianism, p. iiOo, note. — Eu.
THE PURITANS. 71
tlie^bdrt of Efrgljind and the Roman-Catholic powers Wei'e
all infatuated or asleep while the design was forming ; tthd
when it was carrying into execution, how the winds were
subservient, and the hearts of the people united till it was
brought to maturity : and it will amaze all posterity to
read the inconsistent and dishonourable part which the high-
church clergy and their friends acted on this occasion ; for
after they had preached their hereditary prince into a belief
of their unlimited loyalty, and assured him in numberless
addresses, that their lives and fortunes were absolutely at
his service ; and after the university of Oxford, by a solemn
decree, had declared all manner of resistance damnable and
infamous to the Christian religion, they appeared among
the first who resisted him ; and by opening a reserve which
lay hid under their unbounded professions of duty and alle-
giance, let him fall into that pit out of which he could
never escape. As soon as the jure divino king invaded the
properties of the universities, and threatened to take down
the fences of their ecclesiastical preferments, they invited
the prince of Orange with an armed force to their rescue ;
they signed an association to support and assist him ; they
offered him their plate, and declared for him in a body,
even while their sovereign was on the throne. Neverthe-
less, the moment they thought their power and preferments
secure, they would have retracted, and made up matters
again with king James ; they opposed the motion in the
convention parliament for declaring the throne vacant; and
when the government came to be settled upon king William
and queen Mary, great numbers of them would not submit,
and those who did, acted a treacherous and dishonourable
part to their great deliverer, throughout the course of his
reign. What inconsistencies are these ! What oaths and
declarations can hold men who burst such bands, and cut
such sacred cords asunder ? The like must be observed as
to their vows and promises to the Nonconformists, all which
were forgot or broken as soon as the church was delivered.
The dissenters acted a more consistent part, for not being
entangled with the same fetters, they went heartily into the
revolution, and were among king William's best and stea-
diest friends, when others forsook and opposed him.
No sooner were king William and queen Mary settled
on the throne, than the dissenting ministers in and about
72 HISTORY OF
the city of London waited on their majesties with an ad-
dress of congratulation, when Dr. Bates at their head made
the two following speeches :
"To the King.
" May it please your majesty,
" The series of successful events which have attended
your glorious enterprise for the saving these kingdoms from
so imminent and destructive evils, has been so eminent and
extraordinary, that it may force an acknowledgment of the
divine providence from those who deny it, and cause ad-
miration in all who believe and reverence it. The beauty
and speed of this happy work are the bright signatures of
his hand, who creates deliverance for his people : the less
of human power, the more of divine wisdom and goodness
have been conspicuous in it. If the deliverance had been
obtained by fierce and bloody battles, victory itself had
been dejected and sad, and our joy had been mixed with
afflicting bitterness ; but as the sun ascending the horizon
dispels without noise the darkness of the night, so your
serene presence has, without tumults and disorders, chased
away the darkness that invaded us. In the sense of this
astonishing deliverance we desire with all possible ardency
of affection to magnify the glorious name of God, the author
of it, by whose entire efficacy the means have been success-
ful ; and we cannot without a warm rapture of thankfulness
recount our obligations to your majesty, the happy instru-
ment of it. Your illustrious greatness of mind, in an un-
dertaking of such vast expense, your heroic zeal in expos-
ing your most precious life in such an adventurous expedi-
tion, your wise conduct and unshaken resolution in prose-
cuting your great ends, are above the loftiest flights of
language, exceed all praise. We owe to your majesty the
two greatest and most valuable blessings that we can enjoy,
the preservation of the true religion, our most sacred trea-
sure; and the recovery of the falling state, and the esta-
blishing it upon just foundations. According to our duty,
we promise unfeigned fidelity, and true allegiance to your
majesty's person and government. We are encouraged by
your gracious promise, upon our first address, humbly to
desire and hope, that your majesty will be pleased, by your
wisdom and authority, to establish a firm union of your
THE PURITANS. 73
Protestant subjects in matters of religion, by making the
rule of Christianity to be the rule of conformity. Our
blessed union in the purity and peace of the gospel, will
make this church a fair and lovely type of heaven, and ter-
rible to our antichristian enemies: this will make England
the steady centre from whence a powerful influence will be
derived for the support of reformed Christianity abroad.
This will bring immortal honour to your name, above the
trophies and triumphs of the most renowned conquerors.
We do assure your majesty, that we shall cordially em-
brace the terms of union which the ruling wisdom of our
Saviour has prescribed in his word. We shall not trespass
farther on your royal patience, but shall offer up our fer-
vent prayers to the King of kings, that he will please to
direct your majesty by his unerring wisdom, and always
incline your heart to his glory, and encompass your sacred
person with his favour as with a shield, and make your go-
vernment a universal blessing to these kingdoms.'*
To which his majesty was graciously pleased to make the
following answer :
'^ I take kindly your good wishes ; and whatever is in
my power shall be employed for obtaining such a union
among you. I do assure you of my protection and kind-
ness."
« To the Queen.
" May it please your majesty,
" Your happy arrival into your "native country, and ac-
cession to the crown, has diflTused a universal joy through
this kingdom. It is an auspicious sign of public felicity,
when supreme virtue and supreme dignity meet in the
same person. Your inviolable firmness in the profession
of the truth, and exemplary piety, are the most radiant
jewels in your crown. The lustre of your conversation,
unstained in the midst of tempting vanities, and adorned
with every grace, recommends religion as the most honour-
able and amiable quality, even to those who are averse
from hearing sermons, and apt to despise serious instructions
and excitations to be religious. We humbly desire, that
your majesty would be pleased, by your wisdom and good-
ness, to compose the differences between your Protestant
subjects in things of less moment concerning religion. —
VOL. V. G
74 HISTORY OF
We hope those reverend persons who conspire with us in
the main end, the glory of God and the public good, will
consent to the terras of union wherein all the reformed
churches agree. We shall sincerely address our requests
to God, that he will please to pour down in a rich abun-
dance his blessings upon your majesty's person and govern-
ment, and preserve you to his heavenly kingdom."
Her majesty was graciously pleased to answer,
" I will use all endeavours for the obtaining a union
that is necessary for the edifying of the church.* I desire
your prayers."
Though the joy that accompanied the revolution had a
considerable influence on the choice of representatives in
parliament, yet there being no court to make interest among
the people, it appeared that the late king had a party in
both houses sufficient to perplex the government, who first
proposed the choice of a new parliament, in order to throw
the nation into a ferment ;i- but this being overruled, a bill
was brought in, and passed, January 23, to turn the present
convention into a parliament, it being wisely concluded, that
those who had set the king on the throne, would be most
zealous to maintain him there ; but when the \house was
called over, and the members required to take the oaths,
eight bishops absented, viz. Dr. Bancroft archbishop of
Canterbury, Turner of Ely, Lake of Chichester, Kenn of
Bath and Wells, White of Peterborough, Thomas of Wor-
cester, Lloyd of Norwich, and Frampton of Gloucester;
however, that they might recommend themselves by a show
of moderation, before they withdrew they moved the house
of lords for a bill of toleration, and another of comprehen-
sion, which were drawn up accordingly by the earl of Not-
tingham, and were much the same with those prepared for
the house of commons in king Charles II. 's time, during the
debates about the bill of exclusion.
* This was io the spirit of a Doble answer, tvliich Ler majesty made to Dr. Increase
Mather, who was introduced to her to solicit a new charter for New-England. He
represented that her subjects in that country were generally Nonconformists, but car-
ried it with all due respect to others : and added, that this nation had cause to bless
God for the indulgence it now enjoyed under the king and her majesty. The queen
answered, " It is what I am for. It is not in the power of men to believe what they
please ; and therefore, I think, they should not be forced in matters of religion, con-
trary to their persuasions and their consciences. 1 wish all good men were of one
miod ; however, in the mean time, I would have them live peaceably, and love one
another." Increase Mather's Life, p. 49. — Ed.
t Burnet, vol. 4. p. 7, 8. Edin. ed. ISqio.
THE PURITANS. "^5
The clergy in general took the oaths, but it became visible
that many among them took them only as oaths of sub-
mission to usurpers, with this reserve, that it was still law-
ful to assist king James, if he should attempt to recover the
crown, and that he was still their king de jure, though the
prince of Orange was king de facto, contrary to the plain
meaning of the words ; but the clergy broke through all
these fetters, says the bishop,* to the reproach of their pro-
fession : and the prevarication of so many in so sacred a
matter, contributed not a little to the atheism of the age.
Indeed, they had embarked so far in their doctrines of abso-
lute submission, and the divine right of monarchy, that they
knew not how to disengage themselves with honour or con-
science. Many suffered the time limited for taking the oaths
to elapse, and yet officiated afterward contrary to law. —
They threatened the church with a new separation, which
terrified the moderate clergy, and put a stop to all amend-
ments of the liturgy for the ease of dissenters, lest the non-
jurors should gain over great numbers of the laity, by pre-
tending to abide by the old liturgy, in opposition to the
reformed one. Thus the Nonconformists were sold to the
Jacobites, by the timidity of their real friends; for the high-
church party discovered an irreconcilable enmity to an ac-
commodation, and seemed only to wish for an occasion to
renew old severities. Those who had moved for a compre-
hension, and brought the bill into the house of lords, acted
a very disingenuous part, says Burnet,t for while they
studied to recommend themselves, by seeming to counte-
nance the bill, they set on their friends to oppose it, repre-
senting the favourers of it as enemies to the church.
When the king came to the house, March 16^ he made
the following speech: J
" My lords and gentlemen,
" Now I have occasion of coming hither to pass these
bills, I shall put you in mind of one thing which will con-
duce much to our settlement, as a settlement will to the
disappointment of our enemies. I am, with all the expe-
dition I can, filling up the vacancies that are in the offices
and places of trust by this late revolution. I hope you are
sensible there is a necessity of some law to settle the oaths
to be taken by all persons to be admitted to such places. I
* Burnet, vol. 3. p. 303. t Ibid. % Gazette, no. 2436.
G 2
76 HISTORY OF
recommend it to your care to make a speedy provision for
it; and as I doubt not but you will sufficiently provide
against Papists, so I hope you will leave room for the ad-
mission of all Protestants that are willing and able to serve.
This conjunction in my service will tend to the better
uniting you among yourselves, and the strengthening you
against your common enemies." It appears by this, that
king William was for taking off the test, and abrogating
the penal laws, as far as related to dissenting Protestants,
though the parliament were of another mind.
When a bill was brought into the house of lords, for ab-
rogating the oaths of allegiance and supremacy, and framing
other oaths in their stead, a committee was appointed to
insert a clause to take away the necessity of receiving the
sacrament in order to make a man capable of enjoying any
office, employment, or place of trust; but when the clause
was reported to the house, it was rejected by a considerable
majority, the earls of Stamford and Chesterfield, the lords
Lovelace, Delaraere, North, and Grey, Wharton, and Vaug-
han, entering their protests.*
After this another clause was offered, by which it was
provided, that such should be sufficiently qualified for any
office, who, within a year before or after their admission,
did receive the sacrament, either according to the usage of
the church of England, or in any other Protestant congre-
gation, and could produce a certificate under the hands of
the minister, and two other creditable persons, members of
■such a congregation. The question being put, whether this
clause should be a part of the bill, it passed in the negative ;
the lords Oxford, Lovelace, Wharton, Mordaunt, Montague,
and Paget, entering their protests.t
• The protests of the dissentient peers were groanded on the followinjf reasons :
" that a hearty anion amongst Protestants is a greater security to the church and state,
than any test that could be invented : that this obligation to receive the sacrament is
a lest on Protestants rather than on Papists : that so long as it continued, there conld
not be that hearty and thorough union amongst Protestants as has always been
wished, and is at this time indispensably necessary : and lastly, that a greater caution
ought not to be required from such as were admitted into oHiceSjthan from the mem-
bers of the two houses of parliament, who were not obliged to receive the sacranmnt
to enable them to sit in either house." A Complete Collection of Protests, p. 6'J, 63;
and Birch's Life of Tillotson.p. 170, 171.— lio.
t One reason on which the lords protested, was, " that mysteries of religion and
divine worship are of divine original, and of a nature so wholly distant from the secu-
lar afl'airs of pnblic society, that they cannot be applied to those ends : and therefore
the church, by the law of the gospel, as well as common prudence, ought lo take cnro
not to offend either tender consciences within itself, or give ofience to those without,
THE PURITANS. 77
It was proposed farther, in a committee of the house of
lords, to dispense with kneeling at the sacrament ; but when
the question was put, whether to agree with the committee
in leaving out the clause, the votes were equal, and so ac-
cording to the usage of the house it passed in the negative.*
The like fate attended the motion about the cross in bap-
tism, and explaining the w^ords assent and consent in sub-
scription. Thus the several attempts for alterations in the
church-service, at a time when the legislature was in a tem-
per for accommodating lesser differences, were frustrated
by a rising party of Jacobites and tories, who threatened the
new government with a revolt unless they were humoured,
and for fear of them, all promises of accommodation with
the dissenters were of no avail.
Soon after a bill for tolerationf of Protestant dissenters
was brought into the house, and had an easy passage ;
though some proposed, that the act should be only tempo-
rary, as a necessary restraint, that the dissenters might so
demean themselves, as to merit the continuance of it, when
the term of years first granted should expire ; but this was
rejected. — Bishop BurnetJ says, that his zeal for this act
lost him his credit with the church-party, by which it ap-
pears they did not much like it. It is entitled, " An act for
exempting their majesty's Protestant subjects dissenting
from the church of England, from the penalties of certain
Jaws therein mentioned.'' But the corporation and test acts
by mixing their sacred mysteries with secular interests.'' A Complete Collection of
Protests, p. 64, 65. — Ed.
* Burnet, p. 155.
t " The act of toleration (remarks a late writer) was another interference of the
slate to check the power of ecclesiastics, bat without altering the constitution of the
church. Laymen had before declared what should be deemed heresy in the spiritual
courts, they now exempted some descriptions of dissenters wholly from their juris-
diction, while all otliers, and oppuguers of the Trinity byname, were expressly reserved
for the persecnting spirit of the chnrch to operate upon." How truly then might Mr.
Locke, writing to Limborch (Locke's Works, vol. 4. p. 406), soon after the passing
of this act, say, " Tolerantiam apud nosjara tandem lege slabilitatem te ante lia^c au-
diisse nullus dubito. Non ea forsan latitudine, qu&, tu et lui similes veri, et sine am-
bitione vel invidi^, Christian! optareut. Sed aliquid est prodire tenus. His initiis
jacta spero sunt libertatis et pacis fundameuta, quibus stabilienda olim erat Cbristi
ecclesia." High-Church Politics, p. 66. In English thus: " I doubt not before tbis
you have heard, tbat toleration is at last established here by law. Not indeed with
that latitude that you, and other Christians like you, unambitious, and unprejudiced,
and lovers of truth, might wisb. But it is a great point to proceed so far. In these
beginnings, I hope, are laid those foundations of liberty aud peace, on which the
cburcii of Christ will be finally established." — Ed.
. ^ History, p. 14.
78 HISTORY OF
were not inserted in this act, and therefore i*emain in full
force : there is an exception likewise of such as deny the
doctrine of the Trinity ; and Quakers are excused taking
the oaths to the government, upon their making a solemn
declaration therein mentioned. This act excuses all Pro-
testant dissenters from the penalties of the laws therein
mentioned, for not coming to church, provided they take
the oaths, and subscribe the declaration therein mentioned.
And dissenting ministers are tolerated on the like conditions,
and on their subscribing the doctrinal articles of the church
of England. But this being the basis and boundary of
their present liberty, I have inserted the act in the Appen-
dix, no. XIII.
While the bill for a toleration was depending, a motion
was made in the house of lords for a comprehension, which
was received, and some progress made towards effecting it ;
but a proviso being offered, and pressed with great earnest-
ness by some temporal lords, that in imitation of the acts
passed in the reigns of king Henry VIII. and Edward VI.
a number of persons, both of clergy and laity, might be
empowered to prepare materials for such a reformation of
the church as might be fit to offer the king and parliament,
it was warmly debated, and at length rejected by a small
majority. Bishop Burnet* was against the proviso, for fear
of offending the clergy, who would look upon it as taking
the reformation out of their hands ; but adds, " I was con-
vinced soon after that I had taken wrong measures, and that
the method proposed by the lords was the only one like to
prove effectual/' Dr. Tillotson, being of the same mind
with Burnet, advised the king to refer the affair to a synod
of divines, whose determinations he apprehended would stop
the mouths of Papists, who reproached our reformation as
built chiefly on parliamentary authority, and would be better
received by the body of the clergy .f
Accordingly it was agreed in council, that a select number
of learned divines should be appointed by the royal man-
date, to meet and consult about the most proper methods of
healing the wounds of the church; that their determinations
should be laid before the convocation, and from thence re-
ceive the sanction of parliament. Agreeably to this reso-
• Burnet, vol. 4. p. M. t Birch's Life of TilloUon, p. 179.
THE PURITANS. 79
lution the king issued out a commission to thirty divines, of
which ten were bishops, whose names were.
Dr. Laraplugh, archbishop of York, Sir Jonathan Trelawney, bishop of
Compton, bishop of London, Exeter,
Mew, bishop of Winchester, Dr. Burnet, bishop of Saram,
Llojd, bishop of .St. Asaph, Humphreys, bishop of Bangor,
Sprat, bishop of Rochester, Stratford, bishop of Chester.
Smith, bishop of Carlisle,
To these were added the following divines,
iDr. StilUngfleet, Dr. Montague, Dr. Patrick, Dr. Goodman,
Tillotson, Beveridge, Maggot, Battely,
Sharp, Alston, Kidder, Tennison,
Aldridge, Scot, Jane, Fowler,
Hull, Grove, Beaumont, Williams.
Their commission was as follows :
" Whereas the particular forms of divine worship, and
the rites and ceremonies appointed to be used therein, being
things in their own nature indifferent and alterable, and so
acknowledged, it is but reasonable that upon weighty and
important considerations, according to the various exi-
gencies of times and occasions, such changes and alterations
should be made therein, as to those that are in place and
authority should from time to time seem either necessary or
expedient.
" And whereas the book of canons is fit to be reviewed,
and made more suitable to the state of the church ; and
whereas there are defects and abuses in the ecclesiastical
courts and jurisdictions; and particularly, there is not suf-
ficient provision made for the removing •f scandalous minis-
ters, and for the reforming of manners, either in ministers
or people. And whereas it is most fit that there should be
a strict method prescribed for the examination of such per-
sons as desire to be admitted into holy orders, both as to
their learning and manners ;
" We therefore, out of our pious and princely care for
the good order, edification, and unity, of the church of Eng-
land committed to our charge and care, and for the recon-
ciling as much as is possible of all differences among our
good subjects, and to take away all occasion of the like for
the future, have thought fit to authorize you, &c. or any
nine of you, whereof three to be bishops, to meet from
time to time as often as shall be needful, and to prepare
such alterations of the liturgy and canons, and such propo-
sals for the reformation of the ecclesiastical courts ; and to
80 HISTORY OF
consider of suoh other matters as in your judgments may
most conduce to the ends above mentioned."*
The committee having assembled in the Jerusalem-cham-
ber, a dispute arose about the legality of their commission;
Sprat bishop of Rochester, one of king James's ecclesiasti-
cal commissioners being of the number," they pretended to
fear a premunire, though there was not so much as a shadow
for such a pretence, the king's supremacy, if it means any
thir^g, empowering him to appoint proper persons to pre-
pare matters for the legislature : however, upon this de-
bate. Mew bishop of Winchester, Sprat of Rochester, with
Dr. Jane and Dr. Aldridge, withdrew. Some of them
declared plainly, they were against all alterations whatso-
ever ; they thought too much would be done for the dissent-
ers, in granting them an act of toleration, and they would do
nothing to make conformity easier. They said farther, that
altering the customs and constitutions of the church, to
gratify a peevish and obstinate party, was likely to have no
other effect than to make them more insolent.f But was it
ever tried ? Did the convocation or parliament make a single
abatement from the year 1662, to this time? If the experi-
ment had been tried, and proved ineffectual, the blame might
have been cast upon the dissenters ; but to call them peevish
and obstinate, without offering them any, even the smallest
concessions, deserves no better a name than unjust calumny.
— Was there no obstinacy and peevishness on the side of
the church, in retreating from so many promises without a
single offer ? But it was said farther, that the church, by
proposing these alterations, seemed to confess that she had
hitherto been in the wrong, and that the attempt would di-
vide them among themselves, and lessen people's esteem for
the liturgy, if it appeared that it wanted correction. Such
were the reasonings of these high divines, if they deserve
the name, some of whom but a few months before had made
the warmest pretences to a spirit of moderation.
It was alleged on the other side, that if a few corrections
or explanations were allowed, there was reason to hope it
would bring over many of the people, if not the teachers
themselves; at least, if the prejudices of the present dis-
senters were too strong, it might have a good effect on the
iiext generation ; nor could it be any reproach to the churchy
* Life of Archbishop Tennison, p. 10, £cr. t Burnet, vul. 4. p. 41.
I
THE PURITANS. 81
since the offers were made only in regard to their weakness.
Ritual matters were of an indifferent nature, and became
necessary in virtue only of the authority that enjoined them,
therefore it was an unreasonable stiffness to deny any abate-
ments, in order to heal the church's divisions. Great changes
had been made by the church of Rome in her rituals ; and
among ourselves since the Reformation, in the reigns of king
Edward VI. queen Elizabeth, king James, and king Charles
II. and it seemed necessary at this time to make the terms
of communion as large as might be, that so a greater num-
ber might be brought over, since, by the act of toleration,
they might dissent with safety.
But while these matters were debating, the Jacobite-
party took hold of the occasion to inflame men's minds
against the government. It was pretended the church was
to be pulled down, and presbytery established ; the univer-
sities took fire, and declared against alterations, and against
all who promoted them, as men who intended to undermine
the hierarchy. Severe reflections were cast on the king
himself, as not being in the interest of the episcopacy, for
the cry of the church's danger was raised by the enemies
of the government, as that under which they thought they
might safely shelter their evil designs. Great interest was
made in the choice of convocation men, to whom the deter-
minations of the committee were to be referred, so that it
was quickly visible that the laudable designs of the king and
the ecclesiastical commissioners would prove abortive.
However,the committeecontinued their work till they had
finished it; they had before them all the exceptions that
either the Puritans before the war, or the Nonconformists
since the Restoration, had made to the church-service.*
They had also many propositions and advices that had been
suggested at several times, by many of our bishops and di-
vines upon these heads ; matters were well considered, and
freely and calmly debated, and all was digested into an en-
tire correction, of every thing that seemed liable to any
just exception. Dr. Nichols says, they began with review-
ing the liturgy, and first in examining the calendar; they
ordered, in the room of the Apocryphal lessons, certain
chapters of canonical Scripture to be read, that were more
to the people's advantage ; Athanasius's creed being dis-
* Burnet, p. 44.
82 HISTORY OF
liked, by reason of the damnatory clauses, it was left to the
minister's choice to use it, or change it for the Apostles'
creed.* New collects were drawn up, more agreeable to
the Epistles and Gospels, for the whole course of the year,
with that elegance and brightness of expression, says the
doctor, and such a flame of devotion, that nothing could
more aflPect and excite the hearts of the hearers, and raise
up their minds towards God ; they were first prepared by
Dr. Patrick ; Dr. Burnet added to them farther force and
spirit; Dr. Stillingfleet afterward examined them with
great judgment, carefully weighing every word in them ;
and Dr. Tillotson had the last hand, giving them some
free and masterly strokes ofhis sweet and flowing eloquence.
Dr. Kidder made a new version of the Psalms, more agree-
able to the original. Dr. Tennison made a collection of
the words and expressions throughout the liturgy which
had been excepted against, and proposed others in their
room that were clear and plain, and less liable to exception
— singing in cathedrals was to be laid aside — the Apocry-
phal lessons were to be omitted, together with the legendary
saints' days — the cross in baptism to be left to the choice of
the parent — and kneeling at the sacrament to be indifferent
— the intention of Lent fasts was declared to consist only in
extraordinary acts of devotion, not in distinction of meats —
the word priest was to be changed for minister — the use of
the surplice is left to the discretion of the bishop, who may
dispense with it, or appoint another to read the service —
godfathers and godmothers in baptism may be omitted if
desired, and children presented in their parents' names —
reordination of those who had been ordained by presbyters
was to be only conditional — but these, with some other
useful alterations in the litany, communion-service, and
canons, will not be known till the papers themselves are
made public. However, these concessions and amendments
would, in all probability, have brought in three parts in
four of the dissenters.t
While these things were debating in parliament, and
among the commissioners, an address was presented, April
19^ praying, that according to the ancient custom and usage
of the kingdom in time of parliament, his majesty would
* Apparatus, p. 95, 96.
t Calami's Abridgment, vol. 1. p. 452. 464 See also Birch's Life of Tillotson,
p. 182.196.
THE PURITANS. 63
issue out his writ for calling a convocation of the clergy ta
be advised with in ecclesiastical matters, assuring his ma-
jesty, that it was their intention forthwith to proceed to the
consideration of giving ease to the Protestant dissenters ;
but when they met, it quickly appeared, that the high-church
party were superior to the moderate, by their choosing
Dr. Jane,* who drew up the Oxford decree, prolocutor, in
preference to Dr. Tillotson.f His majesty sent a letter
or message by the earl of Nottingham, assuring them of
his constant favour and protection, and that he had sum-
moned them, not only because it was usual upon holding
parliaments, but out of a pious zeal to do every thing that
might tend to the best establishment of the church of Eng-
land, and desiring them to consider of such things as by his
order should be laid before them, with a due and impartial
zeal for the peace and good of the church. But there was
no room for his majesty's interposition, the lower house of
convocation quickly coming to a resolution, not to enter
into any debates with relation to alterations ; and it was
not without difficulty carried to make a decent address to
the king, thanking him for his promise of protection. And
the address which the bishops sent down, acknowledging
the protection which the Protestant religion in general, and
the church of England in particular, had received from his
majesty, the lower house would not agree to it, because it
* The election of Dr. Jane to be prolocutor, as it shewed the sentiments and spi-
rit of a great majority, so it was the principal occasion that nothing sacceeded. For
as soon as he got into the chair, he addressed the lower house in a speech, which,
besides extolling the church of England above all other Christian communities, he
concluded with these words, " Nolumus leges Angluz mtitare ;" i. e. " We will not
change the laws of England :" and, in the progress of the session, he opposed every
thing that was intended or proposed by the royal commission. Bishop Comptou's
Life, p. 52 ; and Life of Dr. Prideaux, p. 54. The conclusion of the prolocutor's
speech, it is excellently observed in a late valuable publication, was " to be admired
from the mouth of an old English baron ; consistent, perhaps, with the declaration of
a conclave, if matters of faith and worship were in agitation there ; bat ill suited, to
the greatest degree, on such an occasion, to the character of a Protestant divine."
Hints, &c. by a Layman, p. 27, fourth edition. — Ed.
t It is disgraceful to hnman nature, and painful to the generous mind, that the most
liberal and excellent designs are defeated by revenge, and disappointed ambition.
This was the case in the affair before us. The election of Dr. Jane was effected by
the intrigues of two noble lords, who being disappointed in their expectation of ad-
vancement to some of the higher employments, after the Revolution, on account of
their relation to the queen, out of resentment contrived to have Dr. Jane called to the
chair, that they might baffle what was intended by the convocation, and so embarrass
government. He was also, on the like principles, a man fit for their purpose. For
having been refused the see of Exeter, before promised to bishop Trelawney, which
he asked when he was sent from the university of Oxford to make an offer of their
plate to the prince of Orange, he was so disgusted, that he became a professed enemy
to king William, Life of Dr. Prideaux, p. 54, 55. — Ed.
84 HISTORY OF
imporled their owning some common union with the foreign
churches.* They would thank his majesty for his care to
establish the church of England, whereby the interest of the
Protestant churches abroad would be better secured, but
would not insert the words, " this and all other Protestant
churches," as the bishop had desired.
The bishop of London, in his answer to the prolocutor's
speech, told them, that they ought to endeavour a temper
of things not essential to religion ; and that it was their duty
to shew the same indulgence and charity to the dissenters
under king William, which some of the bishops and clergy
had promised in their addresses to king James.f But all
these promises, says bishop Burnet, were entirely forgotten.
It was in vain, therefore, to refer the amendments of the ec-
clesiastical commissioners to a number of men, who had re-
solved to admit of no alterations; and it is thought that if
the act of toleration had been left to their decision, it would
have miscarried. J The king, observing such a want of tem-
per, broke up the sessions; and seeing they were in no dis-
position to do good, they were kept from doing mischief by
prorogations for a course of ten years.
This was the last fruitless attempt^ for a comprehension
of dissenters within the establishment ; and such was the un-
* This was tlie first foundallon of the differences in the convocation, which have-
ever since been kept up, to the grief of pious minds, and to the disgrace of the
clergy, for the inferior clergy not agreeing to this address, another address was
drawn up and presented to the king by the bishop of London, six of his brethren,
and several doctors in divinity : who were solemnly introduced to his majesty, sitting
on his throne in the banqueting-house, by the lord-chamberlain. Bishop Comptoii's
Life, p. 5-A, 55. — Ed.
t Bishop Compton closed his speech, which breathed a different spirit from that of
Dr. Jane, with these words of Joseph's to his brethren, " Ne multuamini in consiliis
vestris;" thereby exhorting them to Dnanimity and concord. Bishop Coinpton's Life,
p. 53.— Ed.
J It marks the mischief and the evil of the spirit of opposition, that amongst the
other instances in which the design of holding this convocation miscarried, was the
failure of an attempt to restore family-devotion. For a book, containing directions
and forms for family-worship, was provided to be authorized by this convocation. It
was left in the hands of Dr. Williams, bishop of Chichester, but has been since lost.
Dr. Prideaux's Life, p. 61. 65. — Ed.
^ I am templed to give here the reflections of an admirable piece, which report
ascribes to a noble pen. "The prolocutor's veto has hitherto proved triumphant ;
and we have too much reason to apprehend, that, on one pretence or other, these laws,
binding the consciences of men, will become, in effect, as unalterable as those of the
Medes and Persians ever were ; though probably, in these days, few will venture to
bold a doctrine so thoroughly repugnant to all religious liberty. Such, however, was
the fate of this attem[vt to render the service of the established church as pure as
possible, and to clear away those parts, which, from that day to the present, continue
to ofleinl so many respectable and conscientious persons. Considering llic chaiactei
and abilities of those who undertook the task, it can never be suffu ienlly lamented
THE PURITANS. 85
grateful return that these stubborn churchmen made to
those who had assisted them in their distress ! For it ought
to stand upon record, that the church of England had been
twice rescued from the most imminent danger, by men for
whose satisfaction they would not move a pin, nor abate a
ceremony ; first in the year 1660, when the Presbyterians
restored the king and constitution without making any terms
for themselves ; and now again at the Revolution, when the
church fled for succour to a Presbyterian prince, and was
delivered by an army of fourteen thousand Hollanders, of
the same principles with the English dissenters ; and how
uncivilly those troops were afterward used, is too ungrate-
ful a piece of history to remember.
But besides the strong disposition of the high-church
clergy and their friends, to return to their allegiance to
king James, there was another incident that sharpened their
resentments against the king and the dissenters, which was
his majesty's consenting to the abolition of episcopacy in
Scotland, which could not be prevented without putting all
his affairs into the utmost confusion ; the bias of that people
was strong to presbytery, and the more so, because the
episcopal party went almost universally into king James's
interests, so that the Presbyterians were the only friends
the king had in that kingdom.* There was a convention
called in Scotland like that in England, who on the 11th of
April, the day on which king William and queen Mary
were crowned in England, passed judgment of forfeiture on
king James, and voted the crown of Scotland to king Wil-
liam and queen Mary. They drew up a claim of rights, by
that their endeavours proved so unsuccessful." For archbishop Wake, speaking of
them before the lords, while he was bishop of Lincoln, thus expresses himself:
" They wore a set of men, than which this church was never, at any one time, blessed
with either wiser or better, since it was a church ; and a design that, I am persuaded,
would have been for the interest and peace of our church and slate, had it been ac-
complished." And when we find among them names whose memory we revere,
Compton, Lloyd, Burnet, among the bishops; wiih Tillotson, Stillingfleet, Patrick,
Sliarp, Kidder, Sec. among the others ; il is clear, that posterity has confirmed the
testimony of this learned and sagacious prelate, and regrets the more the loss of
theii* beneficent intentions. — Hints, &c. by a Layman, p. 27 — 29. To the names men-
tioned by this writer We would particularly add Dr. Humphrey Prideaux ; as he was
not only a great friend to the scheme then on foot for a comprehension with the dis-
senters, but published a piece in favour of that design, under the title of " A Letter
to a Friend relating to the preset Convocation at Westminster ;'' which was highly
applauded by moderate and candid men, and of which several thousands were sold
within a fortnight after its publication. British Biography, vol. 7. p. 224, 225.
—Ed.
* Bnrnet, vol. 4- p. 32.
S6 HISTORY OF
one article of which it was declared, that the reformation in
Scotland having been begun by a party among the clergy ;
prelacy in the church was a great and insupportable griev-
ance to the kingdom. The bishops and their adherents,
having left the convention, because not summoned by writ
from king James, the Presbyterians had a majority of voices;
whereupon the abolishing episcopacy in Scotland was made
a necessary article of the new settlement. The episcopal
party sent the dean of Glasgow to king William, to know
his intentions concerning them, who answered he would do
all he could to preserve them consistent with a full tolera-
tion to the Presbyterians, provided they concurred in the
new establishment; but if they opposed it, he should not
enter into a war for their sakes. The bishops, instead of
submitting to the Revolution, resolved unanimously to ad-
liere firmly to king James, and declared in a body with so
much zeal against the new settlement, that it was not pos-
sible for the king to support them. The clergy sent for king
James into Scotland, and the earl of Dundee collected some
thousands of Highlanders to make a stand; but general
Mackay, who was sent with a body of forces to disperse
them, routed them at a place called Gillicranky, and killed
the earl of Dundee upon the spot. So that episcopacy in
Scotland fell a sacrifice to the interest of king James.
But though it was impossible to stop the torrent of the
Scots people's zeal for presbytery ; and though the king had
only Presbyterians on his side in that kingdom, yet the suf-
fering it to take place, increased the disafi'ection of the
English clergy. Reports of the king's dislike of the hierar-
chy were spread with great industry; the leading men of
both universities were possessed with it, says Burnet,*
though the king had joined in communion with the church,
and taken the sacrament according to law ; but it was given
out, that men zealous for the church were neglected, and
that those who were indifferent to the ceremonies were pro-
moted.— His majesty promised the Scots clergy to moderate
matters in their favour, and lord Melvil, secretary of state,
engaged very solemnly for the same purpose ; but when the
Presbyterians threatened to desert the court if they were
deserted by them, Melvil thought it the king's interest to
secure them in all events, which could not be done but by
• Burnet, p. 40.
THE PURITANS. 87
abandoning the ministers of the episcopal persuasion. Such
therefore as refused to read the proclamation of king Wil-
liam and queen Mary by the prefixed day were deprived of
their livings; which being published up and down England,
and much aggravated, raised the aversion of the friends of
the church against the Presbyterians so high, says bishop
Burnet,* that they began to repent their having granted a
toleration to a party, who, where they prevailed, shewed so
much fury against those of the episcopal persuasion. It
ought, however, to be remembered, that this was a govern-
ment case, that the fate of the Revolution in that kingdom
depended upon it ; and that the bishops and episcopal clergy,
almost to a man, were determined Jacobites, and refused to
take the oaths to king William and queen Mary. Besides,
what reason had the Scots Presbyterians to trust the epis-
copal clergy, when it was in their power to do themselves
justice? Had they not deceived them out of their disci-
pline in 1662, and persecuted them cruelly ever since ?
Whoever peruses the dreadful sufferings of the kirk in the
reign of Charles II. will judge how far they had reason to
replace them in the saddle, and deliver the reins into their
hands.
But the disaffection of the high-church clergy stopped
not short of the king himself, who was made uneasy by
their malignant spirit, and restless endeavours to clog the
wheels of his government ;f insomuch that his majesty
sometimes declared, with more than ordinary vehemence,
that he would not stay in England and hold an empty
name ; that it was not easy to determine which was best, a
commonwealth or kingly government; but he was sure the
worst of all governments was, a king without treasure, and
without power. He once resolved to return to Holland^ and
leave the government in the queen's hands, imagining they
would treat her better ;t and he communicated his design
to the marquis of Carmarthen, the earl of Shrewsbury, and
others, who besought him with tears to change his resolu-
tion, and at last prevailed: but had his majesty declared
this from the throne, the nation was in a temper to have
done him justice on the incendiaries ; for notwithstanding
their clamours, they knew their desperate situation if the
king should desert them, having renounced their allegiance
• Burnet, p. 42, t Ibid. p. 49. $ Ibid. p. 55, 56.
88 HISTORY OF
to king James, and gone such lengths as he could never for-
give. But king William, having a generous mind, imagined
they might be gained by gentleness and kindness, and there-
fore took up with a motley ministry, which distressed him to
the last. Thus the tories and high-church clergy enjoyed the
advantages of this glorious revolution, while they acted a
raost ungrateful part towards their deliverer, and a most
unkind and ungenerous one to their dissenting brethren.
Nor have these gentlemen ceased to discover their enmity
to the dissenters since that time, as often as the power has
been in their hands. It was impossible to injure them while
king William lived, but no sooner was queen Anne ad-
vanced to the throne, than they endeavoured to cramp the
toleration by the bill against occasional conformity, which
was brought into the house one sessions after another, till
at length it obtained the royal assent in the latter end of
the year 1711, under the specious title of, " An act to pre-
serve the Protestant religion, and to confirm the toleration,
and farther to secure the Protestant succession." It makes
some few concessions in support of the toleration, but then
it enacts, " that if any persons in office, who by the laws
are obliged to qualify themselves by receiving the sacra-
ment, or test, shall ever resort to a conventicle or meeting
of dissenters for religious worship, during the time of their
continuance in such office, they shall forfeit twenty pounds
for every such offence, and be disqualified for any office for
the future, till they have made oath that they have entirely
conformed to the church, and not been at any conventicle
for the space of a whole year." So that no person in the
least office in the customs, excise, or common-council, &c.
could ever enter the doors of a meeting-house. But the
reader may peruse the act at large in the Appendix, num-
ber XIV.
In the last year of queen Anne the toleration was far-
ther straitened by an act to prevent the growth of schism ;
for with these gentlemen all dissenters are schismatics, and
in order to prevent their increase, the education of their
children was taken out of the hands of their friends, and in-
trusted only with such who were full and entire conformists.
And if any schoolmaster or tutor should be willingly
present at any conventicle of dissenters for religious wor-
ship, he shall suffer three months' imprisonment, and be
THE PURITANS. S9
disqualified, as above, from teaching school for the future.
The act was to take place August 1, 1714, the very day the
queen died ; but his late majesty king George I. being
fully satisfied that these hardships were brought upon the
dissenters for their steady adherence to the Protestant suc-
cession in his illustrious house, against a torV and jacobite
ministry, who were paving the way for a Popish pretender,
procured the repeal of them in the fifth year of his reign.
The last-mentioned act, with the repeal, is inserted in the
Appendix, number XV. and XVI. together with a clause
which forbids the mayor, or other magistrate, to go into any
meeting for religious worship with the ensigns of his office.
Many of the ejected ministers of 1662, and others, sur-
vived the Revolution, and made a considerable figure in
the reigns of king William and queen Mary. As,
Rer. William Bales, D. D.
Obad. Grew, D. D.
Sam. Annesly, D. D.
John Collings, D. D.
Richard Baxter
Vincent Alsop, M. A.
John Howe, M. A.
The. Doolittle, M.A.
Phil, and Matth. Henry,
M. A.
John Flavel
Matthew Barker, M. A-
George Cockayne
John Faldo
W. Loritner, M.A.
Rev. Tho. Gilbert, B.D.
Jos. Hill, B. D.
Robert Bragge
Matlh. Mead'
Jas. Forbes, M. A.
Tho. Cole, M.A.
Geo. Griffith, M. A.
Nath. Mather
Edward Veal
John Qnick
Nath. Vincent, M.A.
Rd. Stretton, M. A.
Geo. Hammond, M.A.
Richard Kentish
H. Newcome, M.A.
Rev. Matt. Sylvester
Chrisl. Nesse, M.A,
John Humphrys, M.A.
Richard Mayo
Matth. Clarke, sen.
Isaac Chauncey, M. D.
Sam. Slater, M. A.
Daniel Williams, D.D.
John Spademan, M. A.
Robert Biliio
Rich. Steele, M. A.
Nalh. Taylor
R. Fleraming, M. A.
Daniel Burgess
James Owen, &c.
These, and others who deserve an honourable mention,
were learned and useful men, and most of them popular
preachers, serviceable to the societies for reformation of
manners, and eminent confessors in the cause of liberty
and scriptural religion ; but their deaths not happening
within the compass of this work, I must leave them to be
remembered by the historians ofafter-tim.es.
END OF MR. NEAL S HISTORY.
VOL. V.
SUPPLEMENT.
n 2
SUPPLEMENT,
CONTAINING
A SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF THE
BAPTISTS AND QUAKERS.
CHAPTER I.
SOIVIE ACCOUNT OF THE BAPTISTS, OR ANTIP^DOBAP-
TISTS, FROM THE DAYS OF WICKLIFFE TO THE
REIGN OF JAMES I. A. D. 1370—1600.
Although the Baptist profession does not assume a visi-
ble appearance in England, by the formation of churches
in a state of separation from their brethren of the Paedo-
baptist persuasion, earlier than the reign of James I. ; it is
beyond all reasonable doubt that individuals were to be
found, maintaining those principles in every subsequent
age, from the days of Wickliffe, that morning star of the
Reformation.
It is perhaps impossible for us, after a lapse of four or
five centuries, to decide the question, whether the great
English reformer, did or did not oppose the baptism of
infants. It is a fact, however, which admits of no dispute,
that he maintained and propagated those principles, which,
when carried out into their legitimate consequences, are
wholly subversive of the practice in question. And if
Wickliffe himself did not pursue the consequence of his'
own doctrines so far, yet many of his followers did, and
were made Baptists by it.
One of the maxims held by this reformer was, '' that
wise men leave that as impertinent, which is not plainly
expressed in Scripture:"* in other words, that nothing
should be practised in the church of God, as a branch of
• FulUr's Church History, p. 133.
*^4 SiTPPLEMENT.
worship, wbich is neither expressly commanded nor plainly
exemplified in the New Testament. It is upon this princi-
ple that the Baptists make their stand. They examine the
sacred writings, and there find, that in their Lord's commis-
sion, baptism stands connected with the preaching of the
everlasting gospel ; that the apostles, who well understood
their Master's will, administered it to none but those who
professed to repent and believe the gospel ; and that thus
it was the first disciples " put on Christ," or were initiated
into his visible kingdom ; for, such as gladly received the
word, were baptized and added to the churches.
All our historians agree in affirming that the doctrines
of Wickliffe spread very extensively throughout the coun-
try; insomuch that, according to Knighton, a contemporary
historian, "more than half the people of England embraced
them and became his followers." Soon after his death,
they began to form distinct societies in various places.
Rapin tells us that, " in the year 1389, the Wickliffites,
or Lollards, as they were more commonly named, began to
separate from the church of Rome, and appoint priests from
among themselves to perform divine service after their own
way. Though some were from time to time persecuted
by the bishops, yet their persecutions were not rigorous.
Their aim seemed to be only to hinder them from pleading
proscription. Besides, a petition presented to the king by
a former parliament, to revoke the power granted to the
bishops to imprison heretics, restrained the most forward".*
During the usurpation of Henry IV. A. D. 1400, the
clergy who had been instrumental to his elevation obtained
from him a law for the burning of heretics, which they
were not long in carrying into operation. One of the first
victims to their sanguinary edict was William Sawtre,
said to have held the principles of the Baptists, and who
was burnt in London in the year 1400. He had been
sometime minister of the parish of St. Margaret, in the
town of Lynn; but, adopting the tenets of the Lollards,
he was convicted of heresy by the bishop of Norwich, and
though by temporizing he for a while averted the dreadful
sentence, yet he ultimately fell a martyr to the cause of
truth. If we may credit the testimony of those who lived
near tlie time when this took place, the diocess of Norwich,
• Ftapiu's Hist, of EnjUnd, toI. 1. p. 4B0.
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS. 95
in which Sawtre resided, abounded with persons of similar
sentiments ; but the cruel and ignominious death of this
good man struck terror into the followers of Wickliffe, and
made them more cautious how they exposed themselves to
a similar fate by divulging their opinions. Yet Fuller
relates, that, such was the craft and diligence of the clergy,
they found out means to discover many of them, and by
€X officio informations which they now obtained, they per-
secuted them with great cruelty, so that the prisons were
filled with them — many were induced to recant, and such
as refused were treated without mercy.*
That the denial of the right of infants to baptism, was a
principle generally maintained among the Lollards or fol-
lowers of Wickliffe, is abundantly confirmed by the histo-
rians of those times. Thomas Walden, who wrote against
Wickliffe, terms this reformer, " one of the seven heads
that rose up out of the bottomless pit, for denying infant
baptism, that heresie of the Lollards, of whom he was so
great a ringleader." Walsingham, another writer, says,
" It was in the year 1381, that that damnable heretic John
Wickliffe received the cursed opinions of Berengarius/'
one of which unquestionably was the denial of infant bap-
tism. The Dutch martyrology, also, gives an account of
one sir Lt. Clifford, who had formerly been a Lollard, but
had left them, and who informed the archbishop of Canter-
bury that the Lollards would not baptize their new-born
children. The fact is, therefore, put beyond dispute, that
the principles of the Antipaedobaptists were prevalent dur-
ing the whole of the fifteenth century, though we are un-
able to trace them as embodied in the formation of distinct
churches under that denomination.
In the history of the Welsh Baptists compiled by Mr.
Joshua Thomas of Leominster, we have some interesting
information respecting a Mr. Walter Brute, who is said
to have been a gentleman of rank, learning, and parts, in
the diocess of Hereford, about the end of the fourteenth
century. This person, though reckoned a layman by the
Popish clergy, was indefatigable in propagating the truth
himself, " teaching openly and privately, as well the no-
bles as the commons." In this good work he was assisted
by two of his intimate friends, viz. Mr. William Swin-
♦ Fuller's Church Hislorj, p. 164.
^ SUPPLEMENT.
derby, and Mr. Stephen Ball, who were l^ptfa of them
preacher^ of note, and all ^ijiiiiitaini^g the doctrines of
Wickliife. Fox, the Martyrolpgist, has given a particular
Recount of Mr. Brute, and of his religious septinients, ex-
tracted from the register of the bishop of Hereford. One
of his tenets was, iirAt faith ought to precede baptism, and
that baptism was not essential to salvation. A commission
was granted by Richard II. about the year 1392, addressed
to the nobility and gentry of the county of Hereford, and
^o the mayor of the city, authorizing them to persecute
Brute, on a charge of preaching heresy in the diocess and
places adjacent, and also with keeping conventicles. In
consequence of this, Mr. Brute retired into privacy, and
Svvinderhy and his friends fled into Wales, to be out of the
county and diocess of Hereford. Amidst the mountains
and valleys pf the principality, they continued for some
time instructing all that came unto them. They seem, how-
ever, ultimately to have been apprehended and brought to
trial, and Fox mentions that Swinderby, the friend of Wal-
ter Brute, was burnt alive for his profession in Smithfield,
A. D. 1401 ; what became of the latter, he does not parti-
cularly say, but from what he relates of his bold and spirited
defence upon his trial, it is probable that he shared the
same fate.
Dr. Wall, the learned author of the History of Infant-
Baptism, seems desirous of pursuading his readers that there
were no Baptists in England, when Henry VIII. ascended
the throne at the commencement of the sixteenth century,
A. D. 1511. But upon that supposition, it is not easy to
account for the sanguinary statutes which in the early part
of this reign were put forth against the Anabaptists. In
the year 1535, ten persons avowing these sentiments, are
mentioned in the registers of the metropolis, as having been
put to death in different|)arts of thp country, while an equal
number saved themselves by recantatioi). In the following
year, the convocation sat, anfd ^fter spi^ie matters relating
to the king's divorce had been debated, the lower house
presented to the upper a catalogue of religious tenets which
then prevailed in the realm, amounting to ^ixty-seven arti-
cles, and they are such as respected the Lollards, the new
reformers, and the Anabaptists. The latter are most par-
ticularly pointed at ;— the indispensable necessity of bap-
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS. 97
tism, for attaining eternal life, is most peremptorily insisted
on ; that " infants must needs be christened, because they are
born in original sin, which sin must needs be remitted, and
which can only be done by the sacrament of baptism, whereby
they receive the Holy Ghost, which exerciseth his grace
and efficacy in them, and cleanseth and purgeth those from
sin by his most secret virtue and operation. Item. That
children or men once baptized, can, nor ought ever to he
baptized again. Item, That they ought to repute and take
all the Anabaptists, and every other man's opinions agree-
able to the said Anabaptists, for detestable heresies, and
utterly to be condemned." On the 16th November 1538,
a proclamation was issued, condemning all the books of the
Anabaptists, and ordering those to be punished who vended
them ; and in the following month a circular letter was
addressed to all the justices of peace throughout England,
solemnly warning them to take care that all the injunctions,
laws, and proclamations, against the Anabaptists and others,
be duly executed. In the same year an act of grace was
passed, from the provisions of which all Anabaptists were
excepted.* If the country did not abound with Baptists
at this time, why were those severe measures enforced
against them ?
We learn from Fuller's Church History, that at the period
when Henry VIII. was married to Anne of Cleves, " the
Dutch flocked into England in great numbers, and soon
after began to broach their strange opinions, being branded
with the general name of Anabaptists." He adds, that
" these Anabaptists, in the main, are but Donatists new
dipped. And this year their name first appears in our Eng-
lish Chronicles, where I read, that four Anabaptists, three
men and one woman, all Dutch, bare fagots at Paul's cross ;
and three days after, a man and a woman of their sect were
burnt in Smithfield."t
When the historian says, that it was in the year 15S8 that
the names of these sectaries first appeared in an English
Chronicle, there is considerable obscurity attached to his
meaning. To suppose him to assert that the Anabaptists
do not appear in the annals of England before that year, is
to accuse him of contradicting his own writings, and viola-
* Baniet's History of the Reformation, toI. 3. book 3.
t Fuller's Cliurch Historj, book 4. SIow's Chronicler, p. 576.
98 SUPPLEMENT.
ting the truth of history. Bishop Burnet says, that " in
May 1535, nineteen Hollanders were accused of holding
heretical opinions, among which was a denial that the sacra-
ments had any effect on those that received them : fourteen
of them remained obstinate, and were burnt by pairs in
several places."* This denial of the efficacy of the sacra-
ments evidently points to the Baptists, who strenuously op-
posed the administration of that ordinance to infants on the
ground of its saving efficacy. In the same year, as has been
already stated, the registers of London mention certain
Dutch Baptists, ten of whom were put to death; and in the
articles of religion set forth by the king and convocation,
A. D. 1536, the sect of the Anabaptists is specified and
condemned. In fact, it is easy to trace the Baptists in Eng-
land at least a hundred years prior to the time mentioned
by Fuller. His words must therefore be restricted to the
punishments first inflicted in England upon the Mennonites,
or Dutch Baptists, who had emigrated to this country.
In the year 1539, the thirtieth of the reign of Henry VIII.
we find certain legal enactments promulgated, one of which
was " that those who are in any error, as Sacranientaries,
Anabaptists, or any others, that sell books having such
opinions in them, being once known, both the books and
such persons shall be detected, and disclosed immediately to
the king's majesty, or one of his privy-council, to the intent
to have it punished without favour, even with the extremity
of the laii).'''X From this it appears, that the Baptists not
only existed in England, but that they were in the habit
of availing themselves of the art of printing, which had not
long been discovered, for the defence of their peculiar and
discriminating tenets ; and to such an extent too, as to alarm
the clergy, and induce them to call upon the legislature for
measures of severity, in order to restrain their circulation.
In the same year, it appears from the Dutch Martyrology,
that sixteen men and fifteen women were banished the
country for opposing infant-baptism. They retired to Delf
in Holland, where they were pursued and prosecuted before
the magistrates as Anabaptists, and put to death for their
supposed errors, the men being beheaded and the women
drowned. Such were the sanguinary proceedings against the
• Historj of (lie Refoniitlioii, vol. 1. book ;>. p. 195.
t Fox's Martyr, vol. 2. p. 440.
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS. 99
Baptists, in the reign of Henry VIII. a monarch who pro-
fessedly espoused the cause of reformation.
Edward VI. ascended the throne in 1547, and though
only nine years of age, he was evidently a great blessing to
the country. He encouraged the reading of the Scriptures
in his own language, received home again such as had been
banished during the former reign, and restrained persecu-
tion in all its direful forms to the utmost of his power. Fox
tells us that ** during the whole time of the six years' reign
of this young prince, much tranquillity, and as it were
a breathing time, was granted to the whole church of Eng-
land ; so that the rage of persecution ceasing, and the sword
taken out of the adversaries' hand, there was now no danger
to the godly, unless it were only by wealth and prosperity,
which many times bringeth more damage in corrupting
men's minds, than any time of persecution or affliction. In
short, during all this time, neither in Smithfield, nor in any
other quarter of this realm, was any heard to suffer for any
matter of religion, either Papist or Protestant, two only
excepted ; one an English woman, called Joan of Kent ; and
the other a Dutchman, named Goorge."*
Bishop Burnet informs us, that at this time there were
many Anabaptists in several parts of England. — These
persons laid it down as a foundation principle, that the
Scripture was to be the only rule of Christians. They de-
nied that the baptism of infants could be fairly deduced from
Scripture: " they held that to be no baptism, and so were
rebaptized." On the I2th of April 1549, there was a com-
plaint brought to the council, that with the strangers that
were lately come into England, some of that persuasion had
come over, who were disseminating their errors and making
proselytes. A commission was accordingly ordered for the
archbishop of Canterbury, the bishops of Ely, Worcester,
Westminster, Lincoln, and Rochester, &c. &c. to examine
and search after all Anabaptists, heretics, or contemners of
the Common Prayer — to endeavour to reclaim them, or, if
obstinate, to excommunicate and imprison them, and deliver
them over to the secular power, to be farther proceeded
against. Some tradesmen in London were brought before
the commissioners, and were persuaded to abjure their former
* Acls anil Monuments, |>. bSii.
100 SUPPLEMENT.
opinions, one of which was " that the baptism of infant*
was not profitable."
One of those who thus abjured, was commanded to carry
a fagot on the following Sunday at St. Paul's, where a
sermon was to be preached setting forth his heresy But
Joan Boucher, commonly called Joan of Kent, was extreme-
ly obstinate. " The excuse for thirsting after this woman's
blood (says one of our older historians) which Cranmer and
the other bishops evinced was, that she was an Anabaptist,
and that the Anabaptists in Germany had turned all reli-
gion into allegories, and denied the principles of the Chris-
tian faith — that they had also broke out into rebellion, and
driven the bishops out of Munster, where they set up John
of Leyden, one of their teachers, for king, and called the
city New Jerusalem. But Joan Boucher was not charged
with rebellion, nor yet with a breach of peace. And bishop
Burnet himself acknowledges, that there were Anabaptists
of gentle and moderate principles and manners, whose only
crime was, that they thought baptism ought not to be given
to infants, but to grown persons alone. If the bishops did
not distinguish this moderate sort of Baptists from the
madmen of Munster, there is reason to judge the death of
Joan Boucher to be no better than murder. She was in-
deed charged with maintaining, besides adult baptism,
" that Christ was not truly incarnate of the Virgin, whose
flesh being sinful, he could not partake of it, but the Word,
by the consent of the inward man in the Virgin, took flesh
of her" — a scholastic distinction, incapable of doing much
mischief, and far from deserving so severe a punishment.
The principles of orthodoxy surely ought not to destroy the
principles of humanity! It is not in a man's power to be-
lieve all that another may tell him; but is he therefore to
be burned for not effecting an impossibility ? Had the
apostles promulged any such doctrine among either Jews or
Gentiles, when Christ sent them to preach the gospel to all
nations, and baptize those that believed, not even the power
of miracles would have been sufficient to establish a religion
thus founded on cruelty and injustice."*
The bishops named in the commission for searching after
the Baptists, were, Cranmer, Ridley, Goodrich, Heath,
• Oldniixon's llislory of Knplatid, vol. 1. p. 187.
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS. 101
Scory, and Holbeach, two of whom were, in the following
reign, themselves burnt for heresy. When this poor woman
had been convicted, and condemned as an obstinate heretic,
she was given over to the secular power, and Cranmer was
employed to persuade the king to sign the warrant for her
execution. But the young monarch was so struck with the
cruelty and unreasonableness of the sentence passed upon
her, that when he was requested to sign the warrant for her
execution, he could not, for some time, be prevailed on to
do it. Cranmer argued from the law of Moses, according
to which blasphemers were to be stoned : he said, he made
a great difference between other points of divinity, and those
which were levelled against the Apostles' creed — that there
were impieties against God, which a prince, being his de-
puty, ought to punish, just as the king's deputies were obliged
to punish offences against the king's person ! These cer^
tainly were very futile pleas, and bishop Burnet says, they
rather silenced than satisfied the young king; who still
thought it a hard thing, as in truth it was, to proceed so
severely in such cases. Accordingly, he set his hand to the
warrant with tears in his eyes, telling Cranmer, that if he
did wrong, as it was done in submission to his authority, he
(the archbishop) should answer for it to God ! This struck
the prelate with much horror, so that he was very unwilling
to have the sentence carried into effect. Every effort was
now made to induce the woman to recant : both Cranmer
and Ridley took her in custody to their own houses, to try
if they could prevail upon her to do so; but remaining in-
flexible, she was executed May 2, 1550, bishop Scory
preaching at her burning.*
It would seem, at first sight, a little remarkable, that so
much pains should have been taken with Joan Boucher to
make her retract her opinions : but our surprise will cease
when we attend to the account which Strype gives of her in
his Annals of the Reformation: " She was (says he) a great
disperser of Tyndal's New Testament, translated by him
into English, and printed at Cologne ; and was more-
over a great reader of Scriptures herself. Which book also
she dispersed in the court, and so became known to certain
women of quality, and was particularly acquainted with
Mrs. Anne Askew. She used, for greater secrecy, to tie the
* Burnet's Hist. Reformation, vol 2. part 2. p. 110.
102 SUPPLEMENT.
books with strings under her apparel, and so pass with them
into court."* From this it would appear tliat she was a
person of no ordinary rank in life, but one whose sentiments
on religious subjects were entitled to respect; and that,
having tasted of the good word of God herself, and know-
ing its ineffable value to the souls of her fellow-creatures,
she was not afraid of hazarding her own personal safety, in
those perilous times, to put* others in possession of the
oracles of eternal truth.
There is a remarkable circumstance connected with the
burning of this illustrious female, related by Fox, which is
worth inserting in these pages. I extract it from Crosby's
History, vol. 1. p. 59, who tells us, that he has taken it from
Peirce*s Answer to Nichols. " When the Protestant bi-
ships (says Fox) had resolved to put [this woman] to death,
a friend of Mr. John Rogers,f the divinity-reader in St.
Paul's church, came to him, earnestly entreating him to use
his interest with the archbishop, that the poor woman's life
might be spared, and other means used to prevent the
spreading of her opinions, which might be done in time ;
urging, too, that though while she lived she infected few
with her opinions, yet she might bring many to think well of
them, by suffering for them. He therefore pleaded, that it
was much better she should be kept in some prison, where
she had no opportunity of propagating her notions among
weak people, and thus she would be precluded from injuring
others, while she might live to change her own mind. Ro-
gers, on the other hand, pleaded, that she ought to be put
to death. Well then, said his friend, if you are resolved to
put an end to both her life and her opinions, choose some
other kind of death, more consonant to the gentleness and
mercy prescribed in the gospel, there being no need that
such tormenting deaths should be resorted to in imitation
of the Papists. Rogers answered, that hurtling alive was
not a cruel death, but easy enough ! On hearing these words,
which expressed so little regard to the poor creature's suf-
ferings, his friend replied with great vehemence, at the
same time striking Rogers's hand, which before he had held
fast, " Well, perhaps it may so happen, that you yourselves
will one day have your hands full of this mild burning !^\
* Bccles. Mem. vol. 2. p. 'il4.
t Soppoaed bj Mr. Peirce to be Fox himself!
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS. 103
And SO it came to pass, for Rogers was tlie first man who
was burnt in queen Mary's reign !
The pious bishop Latimer lived during the reign of Ed-
ward VI. and has borne a very honourable testimony to
the Baptists of his day. In his Lent-sermons preached be-
fore the king, he says, " The Anabaptists that were burnt
[during the reign of Henry VIII.] in divers towns in Eng-
land, as I heard of credible men, for I saw them not myself,
went to their death intrepidly, as ye will say, without any
fear in the world, but cheerfully."
That the Baptists were very numerous at this period, is
unquestionable ; and that many of those who were led to the
stake in the reign of queen Mary were of that persuasion,
is equally clear ; though historians have not been very care-
ful in recording their opinions on that point. Indeed, there
is no want of proof concerning the hatred in which they
were held by the ruling party, one instance of which may
be mentioned. In the year 1550, after much cavilling in
the state, an act of grace was passed, extending the king's
general pardon to all persons, those confined in the Tower
for crimes against the state, and also all Anabaptists being
excepted ! In the same year, Ridley, who had recently
been raised to the bishoprick of London, held a visitation
of his diocess; and among other articles, enjoined on his
clergy this was one : " to see whether any Anabaptists or
others held private conventicles, with different opinions
and forms from those established by law." This excellent
young prince, who was of the most promising expectations,
and, in the judgment of many impartial persons, the very
phcenix of his time, was removed by death in the seven-
teenth year of his age, and the seventh of his reign ; by
some, suspected to be owing to poison. Dr. Leighton,
speaking of his premature death, says, *' This king, a gra-
cious plant, whereof the soil was not worthy, like another
Josiah, setting himself with all his might to promote the
Reformation, abhorred and forbid that any mass should be
permitted to his sister. Farther, he was desirous not to
leave a hoof of the Romish beast in his kingdom, as he was
taught by some of the sincerer sort. But as he wanted in-
struments to effect this good, so he was mightily opposed in
all his good designs by the prelatists, which caused him, in
104 SUPPLEMENT.
his godly jealousy, in the very anguish of his isoul, to pour
out his soul in tears."*
Of the short and sanguinary reign of queen Mary, Mr.
Neal has furnished a faithful compendium, vol. 1. p. 70 —
104, and we have little to add to his narrative. In the first
year of her reign, a person of the name of Woodman was
cited before the bishop of Winchester, to answer to certain
allegations touching his orthodoxy; ** Hold him a book
(said the bishop) : if he refuse to swear, he is an Anabap-
tist, and shall be excommunicated.'' This criterion for as-
certaining whether or not the poor man was or was not in-
fected with heresy, is no farther entitled to notice than as
it proves two things ; namely, the existence of Baptists at
that time in the country, and the severity of the penal laws
against them. On another occasion, when Mr. Philpot was
under examination by the lords of the council (November
5, 1555), it was remarked by one of his judges, that "all he-
retics boast of the Spirit of God, and every one would hav^
a church of his own, as Joan of Kent, and the Anabap-
tists!" A pretty plain indication that the Baptists of that
day were not only contending for the divine authority of
that institution ; but alfeo for the necessity of their separating;
themselves unto the law of the Lord, and maintaining thd
importance of their own principles. It is painful to dwell
upon the merciless proceedings of this f6ign, and We shall
dismiss it with a few additional remarks.
In the beginning of June 1558, a proclamation wa!s is-
sued, of which the following is a copy.
BY THE KIN6 and QUEEN.
** Whereas divers books, filled with heresy, sedition^and
treason, have of late^ and be daily brought into thisrealm>
out of foreign countries, and places beyond the seug; aii^
some also covertly printed within this realm, and cast abroaid
in sundry parts thereof, whereby not only God is disho-
noured, but also encouragement given to disobey lawfiil
princes and governors : the king and queen's majesties; ^ot
redress hereof, doth, by their own proclamation, declare And
publish to all their subjects, that whosoever shall, afl«*f th^
• For Dr.Toulmin's Redeclioiu on the state of the Baptists during the relgii of
Edward VT. see vol. 1. p. 69, 70>of Ihis work.
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS. 105
proclaiming hereof, be found to have any of the said wicked
and seditious books, or, finding them, do not forthwith burfi
the same, shall, in that case, be reported and taken for a
rebel, and shall, without delay, be executed for that oiFeoce,
according to martial law.'"
A week after the publishing of this proclamation, a meet-
ing of Protestants was detected at Islington, and twenty-two
individuals, men and women, were seized and taken before
sir Roger Cholmley, who turned them over to the bishop of
London, who, in the cruelty of his tender mercies, turned
thirteen of them over to the executioners, seven of them to
be burnt in Smithfield, and six at Brentford !*
Among those who were committed to the flames in Smith-
field, on this occasion, was, Mr. Roger Holland, agentleman
descended from a very respectable family in Lancashire,
where several of his predecessors are to be found enrolled
in the list of sheriff's for the county. At a hearing before
bishop Bonner ; lord Strange, son of the earl of Derby ; sir
Thomas Gerrard; Mr. Eccleston of Eccleston, with many
other gentlemen of the county, appeared to speak on his
behalf. In his youthful days, Mr. Holland had been, not
only a bigoted Papist, but also a very dissipated and pro-
fligate young man. He was, however, converted from the
error of his way by the pious instructions of a servant-maid,
in the family in which he resided. She put into his hands
some books both in defence of the truth of the gospel, and
against the errors of Popery. These means were, through
the blessing of Heaven, so efficacious, that he became the
member of a congregational church in London, married the
female to whom he was under such lasting obligations, and
sealed the profession of the gospel with his blood: his wife
also suffered great affliction for maintaining the same truths.
Two others, of the Islington congregation, were taken by
Bonner, stripped naked, and ffogged in his garden at Ful-
ham, in a most unmanly posture, to such a degree, that a
bundle of rods was worn out in scourging them ! But on the
character of this queen, and the general complexion of her
reign, let it suffice in this place, to give an extract from an
oration, composed by the learned John Hailes, esq.t and
• * Oldiuixon's England, vol. 1. p. 284,ybZio.
t Mr. Ilailes, the writer of this oration, was bred at Oxford, and deservedly held
\i\ high r€|)atalion for bis learning. He was highly esteemed by llie lord-keeper, sir
Nicholas 13i»coiJ, nnd by lord Burleigh j two of the greatest men of that age,
VOL. \. I
106 SUPPLEMEMT.
delivered to queen Elizabeth, soon after her accession to
the throne.
<* It was not enough for these unnatural English tormen-
tors (says Mr. Hailes), these tyrants and false Christians, to
be lords of the goods, possessions, and bodies, of their bre-
thren and countrymen ; but being very antichrists and ene-
mies of the cross of Christ, they would be gods also, and
reign in the consciences and souls of men. Every man, wo-
inan, and child, must deny Christ in- word openly, abhor
Christ in their deeds, slander liim with word and deed, wor-
ship and honour false gods as they would have them, and
as themselves did, and so give body and soul to the devil,
their master : or, secretly flee, or, after inward torments, be
burnt openly. O cruelty, cruelty, far exceeding all the
cruelties committed by those famous ancient tyrants, He-
tod, Caligula, Nero, Doraitian, &c. &c. whose names, for
their cruel persecution of the people of God, have been, and
ever will be, held in perpetual hatred. If any man would
undertake to set forth particularly all the acts that have
been done these full five years by this unnatural woman
(rather say, this monster covered with the shape of a woman),
as it is necessary for the glory of God, and the profit of the
ehurch, and of this realm, tliat it should be done, he wilt
find it a subject sufficient for a perfect and a great history,
and not to be contained in an oration to be uttered at one
time by the voice of man. But to comprehend the sum of
all their wickedness in few words, behold, whatever malice
in mischief, covetousness in spoil, cruelty in punishing,
tyranny in destruction, could do ; that, all this poor Eng-
lish nation, these full five years, either suffered already, or
should have suffered, had not the great mercy of God pre-
vented it."*
Queen Elizabeth ascended the throne in the year 1558;
and, though a decided enemy to Popery, or, more pro-
perly speaking, to the authority of the pope, yet, such
was her blind and bigoted determination to enforce a uni-
formity of worship among all her subjects, that the Bap-
tists were called to no small share of suftering for conscience*
sake, during the whole of her reign. The complexion of
her reign, however, was very different from that of her
sister. The fires of Smithfield were not lighted up in such
• Oldmixon, p. 21)3.
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS. 107
profusion ; but the same sanguinary laws remained in force ;
and all who disclaimed human authority in the kinj^dom of
Christ — who maintained the word of God to be the only
rule of faith and duty, were either compelled to temporize
and conceal their convictions, or were subject to great pains
and penalties. The queen, says sir Francis Walsingham
when sketching the features of her government, " laid
down two maxims of state : one was, not to force consciences
— the other was not to let factious practices go unpunished,
because they were covered by pretexts of conscience." The
strictures which Mr. Neal has passed on these maxims of
government, vol. 1. p. 115 — 120, are so exceedingly perti-
nent that it is needless here to enlarge on them. Bishop
Burnet tells us that she did not at first revive those severe
laws which were passed in her father's time, by which the
refusal of the oath of supremacy was made treason, but left
her subjects to the freedom of their thoughts, and only made
it penal to extol a foreign jurisdiction. She also laid aside
the title *^ supreme head," of the church, and those who
refused the oath were only disabled from holding benefices
during their refusal. But after the twentieth year of her
reign, the political posture of affairs compelled her. We are
told, to adopt a different line of conduct. *' Then, pecu-
niary punishments were inflicted on such as withdrew
from the cliurch ; and in conclusion she was forced to
make laws of greater rigour. — As for the Puritans, as long
as they only inveighed against some abuses, such as plurali*
ties, nonresidents, or the like, it was not their zeal against
those, but their violence, that was condemned. When theif
refused to compli/ zcith some ceremonies^ and questioned the
superioritj/ of the bishops, and declared for a democracy in
the church, they were connived at with great gentleness —
but they set up a new model of church-discipline, zmthout
Ti'aitingfor the civil magistrate, and entered into combina-
tions ; then it appeared that it was faction, and not zeal, that
animated tliem. Upon that, the queen found it necessary
to restrain them more than she had done formerly." Such
is bishop Burnet's apology for the intolerant proceedings of
this reign.
The share which the Baptists had in these severities, will
appear from the mention of a few instances. Dr. Wall
relates, that about the sixteenth year of queen Elizabeth,
I ^
108 SUPPLEMENT.
a congregation of Dutch Antipaedobaptists was discovered
without Aldgate, in London, of whom twenty-seven were
taken and imprisoned ; and the following month one man
and ten women of them were condemned.* Another wri-
ter informs us, that it was at Easter, 1575, that this took
place, and that four of them recanted at Paul's cross, on
the 25th May, and that the rest were banished the king-
dom.i* The following is the form of their abjuration.
" Whereas, we being seduced by the devil, the spirit of
error, and by false teachers, have fallen into these most
damnable and detestable heresies, that Christ took not
flesh of the substance of the Virgin Mary — that the in-
fants of the faithful ought not to be baptized; and that a
Christian man may not be a magistrate, or bear the sword
and office of authority ; and that it is not lawful for a
Christian man to take an oath : now, by the grace of God,
and by the assistance of good and learned ministers of
Christ's church, I understand the same to be most damna-
ble and detestable heresies ; and do ask God, before his
church, mercy for my said former errors, and do forsake,
recant, and renounce, them : and I abjure them from the
bottom of my heart, protesting I certainly believe the con*
trary. And farther 1 confess, that the whole doctrine,
established and published in the church of England, and also
that which is received in the Dutch church in London, is
found true and according to God's word ; whereunto in all
things I submit myself, and will be most gladly a uiember
of the said Dutch church; from henceforth utterly aban-
doning and forsaking all and every Anahaptistical error.''X
This abjuration-oath, which was administered by Dr. De-
laune, then minister of the Dutch church, Austin Friars,
sufficiently indicates the arbitrary and intolerant spirit of
the age. Fuller, the historian, mentions the same facts,
with some additional circumstances. ** Now began the
Anabaptists (says he) wonderfully to increase in the land ;
and as we are sorry that any countrymen should be seduced
with that opinion, so we are glad that the English as yet
iwere free from that infection." He then goes on to relate
the apprehension of the twenty-seven Baptists at Aldgate,
• History of lofant Baptism, book 2. p. 212.
t D'Assi;;iiy's Mystery uf Aiiabaptisiu, p. jOO.
- J Crosby, vol. 1. i>. 08.
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS. 109
nnd adds that two of them were so obstinate, that orders
were issued for their being committed to the flames in
Smithrield. This induced the celebrated John Fox, the
niartyrologist, to interpose in their behalf, supplicating her
majesty to reprieve them. The letter was written in Latin^
but Mr. Crosby has furjjished us with the following tranr
station of it :
*' Most serene and happy princess — most illustrious
(}ueen, the honour of our country, and ornament of the
age. As nothing has been farther from my thoughts and
expectations, than ever to disturb your most excellent ma-
jesty by my troublesome interruption ; so it grieves me very
jnuch, that 1 must break that silence which has hitherto been
the result of my mind. But, so it now happens by, I know
not what infelicity, that the present time obliges me, con-
trary to my hope and opinion, to that which of all things in
the world I least desired : and though hitherto I have been
troublesome to nobody ; I am now, contrary to my inclina-
tion, constrained to be importunate, even with my prin^
cess: not in any matter or course of my own, but through
the calamity brought upon others. And by how much the
more sharp and lamentable that is, by so much the more I
am spurred on to deprecate it.
*' I understand there are some here in England, though
not English, but come hither from Holland, I suppose both
men and women, who having been tried according to law,
publicly declared their repentance, and are happily re-
claimed. Many others are condemned to exile — a light
sentence, in my opinion* But I hear there are one or two
of these, who are appointed to the most severe of punish-
ments, namely, burmng, unless your clemency prevent iti
Now in this one affair, I consider there are two things to
be considered ; the one is, the wickedness of their errors ;
the other, the severity of their punishment. As to their
errors, indeed, no man of sense can deny that they are most
absurd ; and I wonder that such monstrous opinions could
come into the mind of any Christian ; but such is the state
of human weakness, if we are left never so little awhile des-
titute of the divine light, whither is it that we do not fall ?
And we have great reason to give God thanks on this ac-
count, that 1 hear not of any Englishman that is inclined
to this madness. As to these fanatical sects, therefore^ i|
110 SUPPLEMIiNT.
is certain, they are by no means to be countenanced in a
commonwealth, bat in my opinion ought to be suppressed
by proper correction. But to roast alive the bodies of poor
wretches, that oftend rather through blindness of judgment
than perverseness of will, in fire and JiumeSy raging with
pitch and brimstone y is a hard-hearted thing, and more agree-
able to the practice of the Romanists than to the custom of
the Gospellers: yea, it is evidently of the same kind as if
it had flowed from the Romish priests, from the first author
of such cruelty. Innocent III, O, that none had ever
brought such a Phalarian bull into the meek church of
Christ ! I do not speak these things, because I am pleased
with their wickedness, or favour the errors of any men ;
but seeing I am myself a man, I must therefore favour the
life of man — not that he should err, but that he should
repent. Nay, my pity extends not only to the life of man,
but even to the beasts.
" For, it is perhaps folly in me ; but I speak the truth4
that I can hardly pass by a slaughter-house where cattle
are killing, but my mind revolts with a secret sense of fheir
pains. And truly I greatly admire the clemency of God
in this, who had such regard to the mean brute creature*,
formerly prepared for sacrifices, that they must not be com*
mitted to the flames, before their blood had been poured
out at the foot of the altar. Whence we may gather,
that in inflicting puiHsbments, however just, we must not
be over rigorous, but temper the sharpness of rigour with
clemency. Wherefore, if 1 may be so bold with the majesty
of so great a princess, I humbly beg of your royal highness,
for the sake of Christ, who was consecrated to sutler for
the lives of many, this favour at my request, which even the
divine clemency would engage you to, that if it may be, and
what cannot your authority do in such cases, these misera-
ble wretches may be spared ; at least, that a stop may be
put to the horror, by changing their punishment into some
other kind. There are excommunications, and close impri>*
sonment; there are bonds ; there is perpetual banishment,
burning of the hand, and whipping, or even slavery itself.
This one thing I most earnestly beg, that the piles and
flames in Smithfield, so long ago extinguished by your
happy government, may not now be again revived. That
if I may not obtain this, 1 pray with the greatest earnest-
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS. Ill
«ess, tliat out of> your great pity you would grant us a
month or two, in which we may try whether the Lord will
give them grace to turn from their dangerous errors; lest
Mith the destruction of their bodies, their souls be in danger
of eternal ruin."*
So far the venerable John Fox : but what a train of re-
flection does this letter give rise to, Avere tliis the place to
indulge in it. One natural inference is, that, in his judg-
ment, the power of the civil magistrate may very properly
he exercised in coercing opinions in matters of religion,
and in punishing those who dare to think differently from
the national standard, provided the punishment be not ex-
cessive I These ''fanatical sects are by no means to be
countenanced in a commonwealth — but ought to be mpprtss-
ed with propel^ correction : — there are excommunications, and
close imprisonment ; exile is a light sentence, in his opinion ;
there are bonds, perpetual banishment, burning in the hand;,
and whipping, or even slavery itself." To any of these
the venerable martyrologist could give his consent^ but
the roasting alive of human beings is a '' hard-hearted thing,'*
from which his compassionate heart revolted. Her majesty's
heart, however, it appears, was not quite so soft: for though
ehe had a high respect for the writer, and constantly called
him her '* father Fox," she was not his dutiful daughter, but
met his request with a flat denial, " unless after a month's
reprieve and conference with divines, they would recant
their errors." " She declared their impieties to be damna*
ble, and that she was necessitated to this severity, because^
having formerly punishea some traitors, were she now to
spare these blasphemers, the world would condemn her as
being more in earnest in asserting her own safety, than the
honour of her God." All the difference then between her
majesty and the learned martyrologist, in this instance,
merely regarded the quantmn of punishment to be inflicted;
for, on the principle, they were fully agreed ! And certainly
where the point in dispute was so trivial, it was very proper
thatthequeen should follow her own judgment. Accordingly,
the writ, De hcretico comburendo, that is, for burning here-
tics, which for seventeen years had only hung up in terroremy
was now taken down and put in execution, and the twe
f The original of this letter is given iu the Appendix lo this volume, No. HI. p. viii.
112 SUPPLEMENT.
Anabaptists, John Wielinaker and Henry Torwoort, were
committed to the flames in Smithfield, July 22, 1575.
I have dwelt the more largely upon this afliiir, because it
presents us with a fair specimen of the state of the public
mind in regard to toleration during the boasted reign of
queen Elizabeth. And now, before we dismiss the matter
wholly, let us pause and examine a little coolly " these
monstrous opinions," which Fox wonders should ever enter
the mind of any Christian. — " This madness," which " en-
dangered the eternal ruin of their souls," according to his
notion of the matter, and which her majesty considered to
be " damnable impieties," implying hlasphemi/ against God,
not to be expiated but by the extremest tortures.
The first article in thia dreadful catalogue of crimes, re-
spected the human nature of the Son of God ; a speculation
indulged by Joan of Kent, and many other truly pious per-
sons in that day. Tliey had read, in the writings of the holy
Evangelist, that Christ's human nature was miraculously
formed in the womb of a virgin, by the power of the Most
High coming upon her; that the body of the Saviour was
not produced according to the ordinary laws of generation ;
and that consequently " that holi/ thing which was born of
her," was not subject to the original taint which descended
from Adam to his posterity. Even admitting that it was
improper to indulge speculation on this sublime mystery,
which we ought to receive as it is delivered to us, without
curiously prying into things quite beyond our reach, it is
not easy to find the monstrous impiety, the damnable heresy,
in it, which should entitle its abettors to such condign pur
nishment. For aught we can see, it was a harmless specur
lation, which no way affected either the faith or the obedi-
ence of the gospel. And as to the other articles of their
impeachment, it would be trilling with the reader's time
here to enlarge upon them. That infants ou}^hl not to be
baptized, must be allowed by all who admit that either prer
cept or example is necessary to authorize us in whatever we
practise as a branch of worship. The unlawfulness of taking
an oath, and of Christians filling the ofiices of civil magis-
tracy, though to me they both appear unfounded objections,
originating in a misapplication of certain texts of Scripture,
were nevertheless opinions that had been current among
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS. 113
theWaldenses,Albigenses5 and Wickliffites, and indeed have
been prevalent in every age of the church since the days
of the apostles. Now, to say nothing of the infernal cruelty
of roasting alive these individuals, there is something mon-
strously wicked, even in compelling them to abjure these
harmless opinions as ** most damnable and detestable here-
sies;" to abjure them " from the bottom of their heart, pro-
testing that they certainly believed the contrary.^' Alas, hu-
manity sickens at such an outrage on the prerogative of the
Most High, and the rights of mankind!
From this period to the end of queen Elizabeth's reign^
the whole body of the Puritans appear to have been treated
with great severity, of which the Baptists certainly came
in for their due share. Many of them quitted the kingdom,
and those who remained in it were perpetually harassed
and tormented by fine and imprisonment. In the county of
Norfolk (Mr. Neal says Suffolk, see vol. 1. p. 312), an ap-
plication was made to the justices of peace, in behalf of
some of the Brownists who had been long and illegally im-
prisoned by the bishop of Norwich, entreating that their
worships would be pleased to move that prelate in their fa-
vour. His lordship was so displeased with them for their
interference in what he considered to be his own preroga-
tive, that he drew up twelve articles of impeachment against
the justices themselves, and caused them to be summoned
before the queen and counsel to answer for their conduct.
The particulars are given by Mr. Neal, vol. 1. p. 312; and
"we only refer to it here for the purpose of remarking, that
in the supplication to the justices, the terms Anabaptists and
Brownists are used as synonymous, and also that they were
allowed no quarter in that district.
In the year 1589, when the reign of this queen drew to-
wards a close, a treatise appeared against the Puritans from
the pen of a clergyman of the name of Some, in which he
undertook to shew the coincidence that existed between the
Anabaptists and some of the leading men among the former.
The sentiments which he charges the Baptists of that day
with holding are, that the ministers of the gospel ought to
be maintained by the voluntary contributions of the people;
that the civil magistrate has no right to make and impose
laws on the consciences of men ; that the people ought to
have the right of choosing their own ministers ; that the
114 SUPPLEMENT.
high commission couK was an antichristian usurpation ; that
Buch as are qualified to preach, ought not to be hindered by
the civil magistrate from doing so; that no forms of prayer
fihould be imposed upon the church ; that the baptisms ad-
ministered in the church of Rome were invalid; and that a
true constitution and discipline are essential to a true church.
Such were the heterodox principles maintained by the Ana*-
baptists of queen Elizabeth's times, according to the testis-
laony of this learned doctor; principles well supported by
the word of God, and which, therefore, every intelligent and
consistent Baptist of the present day is proud to avow. The
doctor touches also on their opinions of baptizing none
but professed believers; that they hold the worship of God
as conducted in the church of England to be in many re-
spects defective; and brings up the rear of their crimes, by
adding, that they count it blasphemy for any man to arro*-
gate to himself tiie title of Doctor in Divinity, or as he ex-
plains it, to be called Rabbi ; that is, lord and master of
other men's faith ! He acknowledges, that there were several
Artabaptistical conventicles, both in the metropolis and other
parts of the kingdom, in his day ; a fact which we shall find
abundantly confirmed in the following chapter.
CHAP. 11.
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS DURING THE REIGNS OP
JAMES I. AND CHARLES I. A. D. 16G2— 1650.
Hitherto we have been engaged rather in tracing out
obscure notices of the Antipiedobaptists, as of individuals^
scattered throughout the country, maintaining their discri^
minating sentiment, yet mingling with their Peedobaptist
brethren in church-communion, than as forming a distinct
body, or denomination contending for the divine authority
of the baptismal institute, and its indispensable obligation
as a term of communion : but we shall presently find them
separating themselves to the law of their Lord, avowing
their convictions and advocating their principles through
the medium of the press.
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS. 115
In the year 1608 there was a small piece published, by
Enoch Clapham, representing;, in a way of dialogue, the
opinions of the different sects of Protestants at that period.
He speaks of some of them as leaving the kingdom to form
churches amongst people of another language : and others,
who remained in England, he censures for withdrawing
from the national worship, and assembling in woods, stables,
and barns, for religious service. He particularly distin^
guishes from Puritans and Brownists, on the one hand, and
from Arians and Socinians, on the other, those whom by way
of reproach were called Anabaptists;* and who separated
both from the church and other dissenters. Whatever may
be thought concerning the truth and justness of their views
on the question relative to baptism, their great seriousness
of spirit and diligence in inquiry, must be praised by all
candid persons. They arose out of those who, being tired
with the yoke of superstitious ceremonies, the traditions of
men, and corrupt mixtures in the worship of God, resolved,
by the grace of God, not to receive or practise any piece of
positive worship which had not precept or example in his
word. On this principle they pursued their researches,
which they accompanied with fasting and prayer. When,
after long search, and many debates, it appeared to them
that infant baptism was a mere innovation, and even a profa-
nation of a divine ordinance, they were not brought to lay
it aside without many fears and tremblings, lest they should
be mistaken, considering how many learned and godly men
were of an opposite persuasion ; and gladly would they have
had the concurrence of their brethren with them. But since
there was no hope of this, they concluded that a Christian's
* In the dialogue of Enoch Clapham, above mentioned, the Anabaptist is asked,
what religion he is of, and is made lo answer, " Of the true religion, commonly term-
ed Anabaptism, from our baptizing." When lie is interrogated concerning the church
or congregation he was connected with in Holland, he answers, " There be certain
English people of us that came out from the Brownists." When Ihe Arian says, " 1
am of the mind that there is no true baptism upon earth,'' he replies, " I pray thee,
say not so; the congregation I am of, can and doth administer true baptism." When
an inquirer after truth offers, on his proving what he has said, lo leave his old reli-
gion, the Anabaptist answers, " You should say, if God will give you grace to leave
it; for it is a particular favour to leave Sodom and Egypt, spiritually so called."
When the same person offers to unite with them, the Anabaptist replies, " The dew
of heaven come upon you: to-morrow I will bring you into our sacred congregation,
that so \oa may come to be informed of the faith, and after that be purely bap-
tized." This representation of the Baptists in the year 1608, though furnished by one
who wrote against them, deserves regard, especially as he assures his readers that the
characters which he has drawn of each sect had not been done without several years'
Experience and studj of them. Ivimey's English Baptists, vol. 1. p. 122.
IIG SUPPLEIMENT.
iaith must not stand in the wisdom of man, and that every
one must give account of himself to God ; so they resolved
to practise according to their own convictions. They were
persuaded, that believers were the only proper subjects of
baptism, and that immersion, or dipping the whole body into
Mater, was the appointed rile*. But as this was not practised
in England, they were at a loss for an administrator to be-
gin the practice. After often meeting together to pray, and
confer about this matter, they agreed to send over into Hoi*
Jand Mr. Richard Blount, who understood the Dutch lan-
guage, to a Baptist church there: he was kindly received
by the society and their pastor ; and upon his return he bap*
tized Mr. Samuel Blacklock, a minister ; these two baptized
the rest of the company, to the number of fifty-three. Some
few others of this persuasion were among the original
planters of New-England. They who continued in Eng^
land, published, in the year 1615, a small treatise to justify
their separation from the church of England ; and to prove
that every man has a right to judge for himself in matters of
religion : and that to persecute any one on this account, is
illegal and antichristian, contrary to the laws of God, as
well as several declarations of his majesty.
The title of this pamphlet is as follows: ''Persecution
for religion judged and condemned: in a discourse between
a Christian and Antichristian : proving, by the law of God,
and by king James's many declarations, that no man ought
to be persecuted for his religion, so he testify his allegiance
by the oath appointed by law." The style of this work is
easy, correct, and, considering the age when it was com-
posed, very perspicuous: the reasoning strong and conclu*
give; and the dialogue well maintained. It presents a fa-
vourable specimen of the principles and abilities of the
authors. They inveigh against the pride, luxury, and op*
pression, of tlie bishops; declare their respect for magist-
trates ; protest against the political errors of the Papists;
condemn those who through fear comply with any external
v/orship contrary to their own conscience; and refer, for
evidence of their sentiments, to the confession of faith pub-
lished in 1611.
But the principal glory of this piece, is the manly and
explicit avowal which the authors make of the true princi-
ples uf Christian liberty, at a time when they were ifithef
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS. 117
Unknown or opposed, by almost every other party. They
preserve a just distinction between civil and religious con-
<ierns ; and while they fully allow the magistrate his proper
authority in the former, they boldly maintain every man's
right to judge and act for himself in the latter. In a dedi-
cation to all that truly wish Jerusalem's prosperity, and
Babylon's destruction, they declare, ' We do unfeignedly
acknowledge the authority of earthly magistrates, God's
blessed ordinance, and that all earthly rule and command
appertain unto them : let them command what they will, we
must obey, either to do or to suffer. But all men must let
God alone with his right, who is to be Lord and Lawgiver
of the soul ; and not command obedience for God when he
comraandeth none.' * If I take (says Christian, in another
place) any authority from the king's majesty, let me be
judged worthy of my desert; but, if I defend the authority
of Christ Jesus over men's souls, which appertaineth to no
mortal man whatsoever, then know you, that whosoever
would rob him of that honour which is not of this world,
he will tread them under foot. — Earthly authority belongs
to earthly kings; but spiritual authority belongeth to that
spiritual King, who is King of kings.'* — When we consi-
der the state of the times, this intrepid and dignified lan-
guage must excite our just admiration.
In the year 1618, another vindication of their principles
came from the press, entitled, " A plain and well-grounded
treatise concerning baptism." It was a translation from a
Dutch piece, and is thought to be the first that was publish-
ed in English against the baptism of infants. But the vin-
dication of their principles procured them no security
against the power of persecution. They were inveighed
against from the pulpits, and harassed in the spiritual
courts. Their goods were seized, and their persons con-
fined by long and lingering imprisonments, under which
many of them died, leaving widows and children. This
drew from them, in 1620, during the sitting of parliament,
an humble supplication to king James, representing their
miseries, avowing their loyal and blameless behaviour, and
remonstrating against the cruel proceedings under which
they suffered, as unbecoming the charity and goodness of
the Christian religion, tempting men to hypocrisy, and ex-
* PerseculionjiKlged and condemned. Passim.
]18 SUPPLEMENT.
liibiting the marks of antichrist, and humbly beseeching his
majesty, the nobles, and parliament, to consider their case,
and according to the direction of God's word, to let the
wheat and tares grow together till the harvest. Notwith-
standing the odium cast upon them, and the severities used
against them, they maintained their separate meetings, had
many disciples, and supported an exemplary purity of cha-
racter.*
Mr. Neal states that, in the year 1644, there were forty-
seven congregations of this denomination in the country,
and seven in London. It cannot be doubted, that they gra-
dually rose into such a number. Mr. Crosby says, that the
Baptists, w ho had hitherto been intermixed with other Non-
conformists, began to form themselves into separate so-
cieties in 1633. The first instance of this secession was that
of part of the Independent congregation, then under the
ministry of Mr. John Lathorp, which had been gathered in
1616, and of which Mr. Henry Jacob was the first pastor.
The minister of these separatists was Mr. John Spilsbury ;
their number is uncertain, because, after specifying the num-
ber of about twenty men and women, it is added — with di-
vers others. In the year 16S8, Mr. William Kiffin, Mr. Tho-
mas Wilson, and others, adopted the same opinions con-
cerning baptism; and having been, at their own request,
dismissed from the Independent church, joined the new
congregation. Mr. Neal is mistaken, when he represents
tiiis separation as taking place under Mr. Jessey ; who did
not settle with it as a pastor till about Midsummer 1637 : and
did not change his sentiments on the questions concerning
baptism till the summer of 1645, when he was baptized by
Mr. Knowles. The division of the people into two con-
o-regations, one continuing with him, and the other joining
themselves to Mr. Praise-God Barebones, on the 18th of
May 1640, arose not from any dillerence of sentiment about
baptism, but from their becoming so numerous, that they
could not meet together in one place without being dis-
covered.^
In 1639 another congregation of Baptists was formed,
which met in Crutched-friars ; the chief promoters of which
were, Mr. Green, Mr. Paul Ilobson, and captain Spencer.
* See Crosby's History of the Enjlisli Baptists, vol. 1. p. 88- l.J^.
t Jessey> Life, p. 7. 11. 83.
I
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS. llSf
A pamphlet appeared at this time, under the title of" New
preachers, new ;" designed to hold np to scorn and con-
tempt, the leading members of this church. Among other
foolish things, it is remarked, that ** Green the felt-maker
(that is, a haUer\ Spencer the horse-rubber, Quartermine
the brewer's clerk, and some iew others, were mighty
sticklers in this new kind of talking trade, which many ig-
norant coxcombs call preaching." Green appears to have
been a very zealous man, and to have excited no inconsi-
derable attention by his preaching. In the pamphlet above
mentioned, some account is given of '' a tumult raised in
Fleet-street, by the disorderly preachoient, pratings, and
prattlings, of Mr. Barebones the leather-seller, and Mr.
Green the felt-maker, on Sunday last the 19th of Decem-
ber (1641). Barebones is called « reverend unlearned leather-
seller^ memorable for his fiery zeal, and both he and his
friend Green were apprehended while '• preaching or pra-
ting amongst a hundred persons/' on that day. The follow-
ing extract from this pamphlet is too good to be lost.
" After my commendations, Mr. Rawbones (Barebones I
should have said), in acknowledgment of your too much
troubling yourself, and molesting others, I have made bold
to relate your last Sunday's afternoon work, lest in time
your meritorious pains-taking should be forgotten ; (for the
which, you and your associate, Mr. Green, do well deserve to
have your heads in the custody oj young Gregory, to make
buttons for hempen loops!) you two having the Spirit so full,
that you must either rent or burst, did on the Sabbath afore-
said, at your house near Petter-lane, and in Fleet-street,
at the sign of the Lock and Key, there and then, did you
and your consort, by turns, unlock most delicate strange
doctrine, where was about thousands of people^ of which
number the most ignorant applauded your preaching, anc}
those that understood any thing derided your ignorant
prating. But after four hours long and tedious tattling, tho
house where you were, was beleaguered vs'ith multitudes
that thought it fit to rouse you out of your blind devotion,
so that your walls were battered, your windows all
fractions, torn into tattling shivers; and worse the hurly-
burly might have been, but that sundry constables came
in, with strong guards of men to keep the peace, in which
conflict your sign was beaten down and unhinged, to
120 SUPPLEMENT.
make room for the owner to supply the place — all which
jrhows had never been, had Mr. Green and Mr. Barebones
been 'content, as they should have done, to have gone to
their own parish-churches." The same writer, addressing
Green, asks, '* Do not these things come from proud spirits,
that, Mr. Spencer a horse-keeper, and you a hat-maker,
will take upon you to be ambassadors of God, to teach your
teachers, and take upon you to be ministers of the gospel in
these days of light. Consider, I pray you, that our Lord
tvould not have had the ass. Matt. xxi. 3, if he had not
stood in need of him. Now the truth is, the church hath no
need of such as you, an unlearned self-conceited hat-maker.
It is true, that in the beginning of queen Elizabeth's reign,
the Papist priests and friars being dismissed, there was a
scarcity for the present of learned men, and so some trades-
men were permitted to leave their trades, and betake them-
selves to the ministry; but it was necessity that did then
constrain them so to do ; but thanks be to God, we have
now no such necessity, and therefore this practice of you
and your comrades casts an ill aspersion upon our good God,
that doth furnish our church plentifully with learned men ;
and it doth also scandalize our church, as if we stood in
need of such as you to preach the gospel. This you call
preaching, or prophesying; and thus, as one of them told the
lords of parliament, that they were all preachers, for so
they practise and exercise themselves, as young players do
in private, till they be by their brethren judged fit for the
pulpit, and then up they go, and, like mountebanks, play
their part. Mr. Green, Mr. Green, leave off these ways :
bring home such as you have caused to stray. It is such as
you that vent their venom against our godly preachers, and
the divine forms of prayer, yea, against all set forms of
prayers ; all is from antichrist, but that which you preach is
most divine: that comes from the Spirit, the other is an old
dead sacrifice, composed (I should have said, killed) so long
ago that it now stinks. It is so that in the year 1549, it was
compiled by Dr. Cranmer, Dr. Goodricke, Dr. Skip, Dr.
Thirlby, Dr. Day, Dr. Holbecke, Dr. Ridley, Dr. Cox, Dr.
Taylor, Dr. Harris, Dr. Redman, and Mr. Robinson, arch-
deacon of Leicester; but what are all these? they are
not to be compared to John Green a hat-maker, for he
thinketh what he blustereth forth upon the sudden, is far
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS. 121
better than that which these did maturely and deliberately
compose."
This extract is interesting on various accounts: the pam-
phlet from which it is taken is evidently the production of
one of those clerical bigots of the establishment, of whom
abundance are to be found in every age, sincd national
establishments of Christianity were introduced ;— a pri-
vileged order of men, who having found out the means of
making their profession of religion subservient to their
worldly interest, take it mightily amiss that any persons
should presume to disturb them in their slumbers, or cau-
tion their fellow-creatures against being deceived by them.
Hence all their cant and whining about " learned and godly
ministers," as though any body complained of either their
learning or their godliness ; or as though their having been
licensed by their fellow-creatures to officiate in parisli-
churches, were a substantial reason why another, who ob-
tains his livelihood by honest industry, should not raise hi^
voice in defence of the despised truth of the gospel, hold
forth the word of life, and contend for the laws and insti-
tutions of Christ, against all who would corrupt them by
human traditions. It is interesting too, as furnishing a
pretty correct idea of the manner in which the earliest Bap-
tist churches in this country conducted their public worship.
Taking the New Testament for their guide, they seem evi-
dently to have discarded " the one-man system," as it has
been significantly termed, and which obtains so universally
in our day. We may also learn from it, the opposition
which the Baptists of that day had to sustain, in yielding-
obedience to the will of their God and Saviour.
But there are accounts of some societies existing in the
country, long before these congregations in London were
formed. There is great reason to believe that the Baptist
society at Shrewsbury has subsisted, through all the revolu-
tions of time to this day, from the year 1627.* The con-
gregation at Bickenhall, now at Hatch, six miles from Taun-
ton, in Somerset, had, according to the opinion of its oldest
members about twenty years ago, subsisted near two hundred
years ; and they had a clear tradition of its assemblies having
been held, so early as 1630, in the woods and other places of
* A Letter from the Rev. Josiah Thompson to the Editor.
VOL. y. K
122 SUPPLEMENT.
concealments, on account oftheseverity of the times.*" Even
in 1457, there was a congregation of this sort at Chesterton,
near Canibridsfe: six of them were accused of heresy, and
condemned to abjure and do penance, half naked, with a
fagot to their backs and a taper in their hands, in the pub-
lic market-places of Ely and Cambridge.f
But, notwithstanding this early appearance of the sect,
it laboured under such difficulties, from the odium with
which it was regarded by the people, and from the severi-
ties practised against it by the ruling powers, that its pro-
gress was for many years impeded. From what bishop
Jewel says, in the *' Defence of his Apology," written about
the seventh year of queen Elizabeth, it appears that it was
then almost totally suppressed in these kingdoms : for while
he speaks of them as finding harbour in Austria, Silesia, and
Moravia, he adds, " they have no acquaintance with us in
England, or any other place, where the gospel of Christ is
clearly preached." This is to be concluded also from a
passage in Dr. Featley, who says, " this fire in the reigns
of queen Elizabeth, king James, and our gracious sove-
reign, till now, was covered in England under the ashes : or
if it broke out at any time, by the care of the ecclesiastical
or civil magistrate it was soon put out."
But in the times of the civil war, so difficult or so impos-
sible is it to extirpate opinions, this sect revived; held its
weekly assemblies for religious worship; and printed vari-
ous pieces in defence of their sentiments and practice : the
number of converts to it rapidly increased, and it boasted in
that prophecy, " that many shall run to and fro, and know-
ledge shall be increased. "J
Amongst the publications in their own vindication was a
piece, in 1641, by Edward Barber, entitled, *' A Treatise of
Baptism, or Dipping; wherein is clearly shewed, that our
Lord Christ ordained dipping.- and that sprinkling of chil-
dren is not according to Christ's institution ; and also the
invalidity of those arguments that are commonly brought to
justify that practice." In the same year appeared a quarto
pamphlet of six pages, relating chiefly if not wholly to the
• IVIS. Collections concerning the History of Protestant Disseiitois. roiniiimii-
catfcd l)y Mr. Tbonapson.
t Robinson's Claade, vol. 2. Dissertation on Preaching, p. .'4.
t Crosby, vol. 1. p, 160, 161 ; Wall's History of Infant- BapiLsm, vol. 'i. p. 2Vi
—514.
HISTORY OF THK BAPTISTS. 123
Baptists. It is entitled, " The Brownists' Synagogue : or
a late discovery of their conventicles, assemblies, and places
of meeting, where they preach, and the manner of their
praying and preaching; \V'ith a relation of the names,
places, and doctrines, of those which do commonly preach.
The chief of which are these : Green, the felt-maker; Mar-
ler, the button-maker ; Spencer, the coachman ; Rogers,
the glover; which sect is much increased of late within this
city.''' In this squib, Messrs. Green and Spencer, who were
over the Baptist church in Crutched Friars, are termed
" the two arch separatists, demi-gods, who are here and
there and every where." In the conclusion of the piece, the
writer ojves the followino: account of their meetinsT. " In
the house where they meet, one is appointed to keep the
door, and to give notice, if there should be any insurrection,
that warning may be given them. They do not flock toge-
ther, but come two or three in a company, and all being
gathered together, the man appointed to teach stands in
the midst of the room, and his audience gather about him.
He then prays for the space of about half an hour, and part
of his prayer is, that those who come thither to scoff and
laugh, God would be pleased to turn their hearts. His
sermon is about the space of an hour, and then another
stands up to make the text more plain ; and at the latter
end he entreats them all to go home severally, lest at their
next meeting they should be interrupted by those who are
of the opinion of the wicked. They seem very steadfast in
their opinions, and say, " rather than turn, they will burn."
In the next year came out another treatise, written by
A. 11. called, "The Vanity of Children's Baptism." Mr.
Francis Cornwell, M. A. published, in 1643, a small tract,
dedicated to the house of commons, with this title: *' The
Vindication of the Royal Commission of Jesus." It was
given to divers members at the door of the house, which
caused it to make a great noise, and be much circulated.
Its design was to shew, that the practice of christening
children opposes the commission granted by our Lord
and Saviour ; that it was a Romish or antichristian cus-
tom; and was established by pope Innocent III. who made
a decree, that the baptism of the infants of believers should
succeed circumcision. This piece gave great offence. Dr.
Featlev made several remarks upon it ; and a piece called
k2
124 SU IMPLEMENT.
*' A Declaration against Anabaptists" was published in
answer to it.* As they were frequently inveighed against,
not only on account of their peculiar sentiments concern-
ing the subjects and mode of baptism, but were also loaded
with all the opprobrium which fell on the opinions deemed
heretical, and were often reproached, both from the pulpit
and the press, with being Pelagians^ Socinians, Arminians,
Soul-Sleepers, and the like, they published, in 1643, a
" Confession of their Faith," mentioned and quoted by Mr.
Neal, to vindicate themselves from these reflections, and to
shew their general agreement with other Protestants in all
points except that of baptism. It was the first that was
ever published by the English Baptists, and extends to
fifty-two articles, which we shall give in the Appendix,
No. XI. It passed through several editions in 1G44, and
1646, one of which was licensed by authority, dedicated
to the high court of parliament, and put into the hands of
several members. Their greatest adversaries, and amongst
them Dr. Featley and Mr. Marshall, one of the assembly
of divines, acknowledged, that it was an orthodox con-
fession.f
This confession must be understood as expressing the sen-
timents of those Baptists only who joined in it, and not as
applying 4o all who differed from other Christians on the
questions concerning baptism. For, from the beginning of
the reformation, there was a difference between the Bap-
tists themselves on doctrinal points : and they divided, par-
ticularly, into two parties ; one embracing the Calvinistic
scheme of doctrines, and from the particular point there-
in, viz. personal election, called particular Baptists; the
others, professing the Arminian or remonstrant tenets, from
their leading principle, viz. universal redemption, were
styled general Baptists.
It is remarkable, that some eminent men, who did not
join their communion, were strongly in favour of their sen-
timents. The right honourable lord Robert Brook pub-
lished about this time A Treatise on Episcopacj/, in which
he says, " 1 must confess that I begin to think there may
be perhaps something more of God in these sects, which they
call new schisms, than appears at first glimpse. I will not,
I cannot, take upon me to defend that which men generally
• Ciosby, vol. 1. p. 151, 152, and 345. t Ibid. vol. 1. p. 170, 171.
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS. 125
call Anahaptism : yet I conceive that sect is twofold : some
of them hold free-will, community of goods, deny magis-
tracy, and refuse to baptize their children ; these truly are
such heretics, or Atheists, that I question whether any
divine should honour them so much as to dispute with
them. There is another sort of them who only deny bap-
tism to their children till they come to years of discretion,
and then they baptize them." He censured the applying to
this people the opprobrious name of schismatics ; and gave
it as his judgment, that it was very easy for those who held
that we should go no farther than the Scriptures for doc-
trine or discipline, to err on this point, since the Scriptures
seem not to have clearly determined it. He went even so
far as to call in question the accuracy and conclusiveness
of the argument urged against them from circumcision,
which he looked upon as a fine rational argument to illus-
trate a point well proved before ; but he doubted whether
it was proof enough for that which some would prove by it ;
because, besides the difference in the ordinances, the per-
sons to be circumcised were stated by a positive law, so ex-
pressly as to leave no room for scruple : *^ but it was other-
wise with baptism, where all the designation of persons fit
to be partakers, for aught I know," said his lordship, *' is
only such as believe: for this is the qualification which,
with exactest search, I find the Scriptures require in per-
sons to be baptized : and this it seems to require in all such
persons. Now, how infants can properly be said to be-
lieve, I am not yet fully resolved." Having mentioned
this nobleman, we cannot deny ourselves the pleasure of
here introducing some remarks on his character from the
writings of one of his contemporaries, namely, the great
Milton, who in his '* Speech for the liberty of unlicensed
Printing," addressed to the parliament of England [1645],
tlius proceeds :
''What would be the best advised then, if it be found
so hurtful, and so unequal to suppress opinions for their
newness or their unsuitableness to a customary accept-
ance, will not be my task to say. I shall only repeat what
1 have learned from one of your own honourable members,
a right noble and pious lord, who, had he not sacrificed his
life and fortunes to the church and commonwealth, we had
not now missed and bewailed a worthy and undoubted
126 SUPPLEMENT.
patron of this argument. Ye know him, I am sure: yet
I, for honour's sake, and may it be eternal to him, shall
name him, the Lord Brook. He, writing of episcopacy,
and by the way treating of sects and schisms, left ye his
Yote, or rather now the last words of his dying charge,
which I know will ever be of dear and honoured regard
with you, so full of meekness and breathing charity, that
next to his last testament who bequeathed love and peace
to his disciples, I cannot call to mind where 1 have read or
heard words more mild or peaceful. He there exhorts us to
bear with patience and humility those, however they be
miscalled, that desire to live purely, in such a use of God's
ordinances as the best guidance of their consciences gives
them, and to tolerate them, though in some disconformity
to ourselves. The book itself will tell us more at large,
being published to the world, and dedicated to the parlia-
ment by him, who both for his life and for his death de-
serves, that what advice he left be not laid by without peru-
sal."* Such praise from such a writer as Milton, who
would not be proud of? Granger informs us that lord
Brook, who was a zealous patriot and an avowed advo-
cate for liberty, on account of the arbitrary measures of
Charles I. had determined to seek freedom in America, and
had agreed with lord Say to transport themselves to New
England, but upon the meeting of the long-parliament, and
the sudden charge of public affairs, they were prevented
from taking the voyage. He was afterward commander of
the parliament army, and lost his life at Litchfield, in
storming a close, to which lord Chesterfield had retired
■with a body of the king's troops. He received a musket shot
in the eye, of which he instantly expired, in the year 1643.
A divine also, of great fame in that age, Mr. Daniel
Rogers, candidly declared, in a book on the sacrament, that
he was unconvinced by any determination of Scripture for
infant-baptism. The learned and eminent Dr. Jeremiah
Taylor, bishop of Down and Connor, published, in J647,
his treatise on " The Liberty of Prophesying ;"t in which
he stated the opinion of the Antipasdobaptists with such
• Milton's Prose Works, by liurnelt vol. 1. p. 320.
t This pari of his treatise was reprinted in a dclaclied form under the title of
♦' Thongbts upon Infant Uaplisin," by the late Rev, and learned Dr. Jeremy Taylor,
for Ward, in 17oi, and it lias laUAy lii.cii rt-printed uncler llif titlo of •• TiiK Bin lil^
Ji'STiFitD, &c." l!.*ii;o. publi5hcd by (.Jale and I'cnner, raternoster-row.
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS. 127
advantages of style and elaborate chain of argument, that
he was thought to have said more for the Baptists than
they were able to offer for themselves. The design of this
excellent prelate, in exhibiting the weight of the arguments
they could allege, and the great probability of truth on
their side, was to abate the fury of their adversaries; and
to shew that they were, if in an error, still entitled to
candour and indulgence.*
But neither their own vindications, nor the pleas of so
generous an advocate, could screen them from that spirit of
intolerance which actuated the predominant parties of those
times. One of the seventeen canons, which were passed by
the convocation of 1640, viz. the fifth canon, particularly de-
creed, that another canon, which was directed against the Pa-
pists,should be in full force against allAnabaptists.f In the fol-
lowing years they were inveighed against from the press and
the pulpit. Dr. Featley owned, that in writing against them
he could hardly dip his pen in any thing but gall. The severe
ordinances of the day were aimed at them as well as the other
sectaries. Edwards, in his '' Gangraena," proposed a public
disputation with them, and that on their being found in an
error, the parliament would forbid all dipping, and take
some severe course with all dippers, as the senate of Zurich
did. In this he referred to an edict, published at Zurich in
1530, which made it death for any to baptize by immersion. J
On this law some, called Anabaptists, were tied back to back,
and thrown into the sea : others were burnt alive, and many
starved to death in prison. § But this was not the wish of
Edwards alone. There was a general cry against tolera-
tion, especially of these people. In the petition of the lord-
mayor, court of aldermen and common council, in 1646,
that a speedy course might be taken to suppress all private
and separate congregations, the Anabaptists were by name
specified. [1
Sentiments against the rights of conscience, advanced by
writers of reputation, and sanctioned by public acts, must
be supposed to be productive of sufferings to individuals.
It is proper to enter into the detail of these, as Mr. Neal
has been thought to pass them over too generally, or to have
represented them too partially.
♦ Crosby, vol. 1. p. 165 — 161). t Mr. Neal, vol. 1'. p. 501.
t Gaugraena, pail 3. p. 177. § Crosby, vol. 1. p. 18j. || Ibid. p. 184.
128 SUi'PLEMENT.
Amongst others who felt the rage of bigotry was Mr,
Vavasor Powell. This eminent Cambro-briton was a native
of Radnorshire, born in the year 1617, and descended from
some of the best families in that county, as well as in those
of Montgomery and Salop, Having received a liberal edu-
cation in his native place, he was entered of Jesus-college,
Oxford, where he made great proficiency in the learned
languages. On leaving college he took orders in the esta-
blished church about the year 1640, and at first officiated in
Wales, as curate to his uncle Erasmus Powell. He had not
been long, however, in that situation when he joined the
Puritans, from a conviction that their principles and pro-
ceedings were more consonant to the Scriptures, than those
on which the national establishment is founded. In the
earlier part of life he was remarkably thoughtless and vain;
a ringleader among the votaries of folly and dissipation,
insomuch that he was called by his schoolfellows dux om-
nium malorum, ^' a ringleader in all manner of wicked-
ness;" we must, however, except the vice of drunkenness,
of which he had so strong an abhorrence, that he used to
speak of it as an unnatural vice, from which even the beasts
were free, and he wondered how any rational being could
possibly be addicted to a practice that was so entirely desti-
tute at once of true pleasure, profit, and honour.
Having given up his connexion with the established
church, and cast his lot among the Puritans, he began to
preach among his countrymen, in the character of an itine-
rant evangelist, and his zeal and fortitude were soon called
into exercise by the rage of bigotry, and the severe persecu-
tions to which he was exposed. He was often attacked and
assaulted by violent men, and repeatedly exposed to the
danger of his life by those who laid in wait, or bound them-
selves by oath, to kill him ; or made an attempt on it. In
1640, he, and fifty or sixty of his hearers, when he was
preaching in a house in Brecknockshire, were seized, about
ten o'clock at night, by fifteen or sixteen men, under the
pretence of a warrant from justice Williams, and secured
in a church. The next morning they were conducted to the
justice's house, who committed them to the hands of the
constable. On the following day they were examined before
that justice and two or three more, and six or seven clergy-
men I but, after njuch conference and many threats^ weve
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS. 129
at that time dismissed. After this Mr. Powell, preaching at
Launo-er in Radnorshire in the field, because the house was
not large enough to hold the auditory, was seized and com-
mitted by the high-sheriff, Mr. Hugh Lloyd. The consta-
bles, sixteen or seventeen, who were charged with the exe-
cution of the mittimus^ except one, refused it. This man,
taking Mr. Powell to his own house, and permitting him to
lodge there that night, because the prison was at a great
distance, was so affected with his devotions in the family,
that he would proceed no farther ; but absconded himself,
leaving Mr. Powell in his house ; who, to prevent damage
to the man, bound himself with two sufficient sureties to
appear at the next assizes at Radnorshire. Accordingly he
delivered himself up at that season, and three bills of indict-
ment were preferred against him. But, after the traverse,
he was acquitted, and invited to dine with the judge; who
desiring him to give thanks, one of them said, " It was the
best grace he had ever heard in his life." But the high-
sheriff* was so offended at the lenity shewn to him, and the
impressions made by his conduct and preaching, that on the
commencement of the war he persecuted him out of the
county.*
The public have lately been favoured with a copious
memoir of Vavasor Powell, in the " Welsh Nonconform^
isTs' Memorial," compiled by the late Mr. Richards of
Lynn, in Norfolk, and edited by John Evans, LL. D. Mr.
Richards has bestowed much industry in tracing out the
history of this eminent Nonconformist, and rescuing his
character from many false and malignant aspersions cast
upon it by his adversaries. He seems to think that he
embraced the sentiments of the Baptists, and was himself
baptized towards the end of the year 1655, which must
have been a dozen years after he had quitted the church of
England. In proof of this he quotes a letter from Mr.
Secretary Thurloe to Henry Cromwell, dated January 1,
1656, and preserved in Thurloe's State Papers, vol. 4
p. 373. " Among other things (says Thurloe) which are
daily sent abroad for inflaming the people, your lordship
will receive herewith a paper newly exhibited to the world,
l?y Vavasor Powell, who is lately rebaptized, and several
* Crosby, vol. 1. p. 217— 219j Vavasor Powell's Life, p. 125—127.
130 SUPPLEMENT.
others of his "party ; whereupon I will make no observations,
though many others do," &c.
It appears that previous to his embracing the sentiments
of the Baptists Mr. Powell was in high estimation with the
Presbyterian party. The situation of Wales, in regard to
religion, was reported to the parliament as being most de-
plorable. The people were so destitute of the means of
religious information, that they had neither Bibles nor
catechisms. Their clergy were both ignorant and indolent,
so that they had scarcely a sermon from one quarter of a
year to another, nor was there any suitable provision made
for the maintenance of such as were capable of instructing
them. The parliament took their case into consideration
and passed an act, February 22, 1649, '^ for the better pro-
pagating and preaching of the gospel in Wales," and com-
missioners were appointed for carrying it into effect. Mr.
Vavasor Powell was at the head of these commissioners,
and exerted himself most indefatigably in this office, the
beneficial effects of which soon became apparent. White-
locke, speaking of the year 1652, says, " By this time there
were a hundred and fifty good preachers in the thirteen
Welsh counties, most of whom preached three or four times
a week : they were placed in every market town ; and in
most great towns two schoolmasters, able, learned, and
university men," &c.*
Soon after the passing of this act, Mr. Powell, who had
for several years taken up his residence in the neighbour-
hood of London, returned to Wales, where he continued
some years diligently exerting himself in promoting the
objects of it, and especially in preaching the gospel through-
out the country. There was scarcely a neighbourhood, a
parish, or a village, in the county, which was not visited by
him, and that did not hear from his mouth the cheering in-
vitations of the gospel. Even to this day places are point-
ed out, in the most obscure and unfrequented parts of the
principality, where Vavasor Powell is said to have preached
to numerous congregations. In these excursions he was
often accompanied by other ministers of the same active
turn and fervent spirit with himself: and their labours
were eminently successful. Even as early as the year IQb'^y
• VVliilclocke'a Mciiiorluls, p. jl8.
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS. 131
the Christians in Wales connected with Vavasor Powell,
were calculated to amount to no less than twenty thousand.*
It is said that Mr. Powell was much in favour with the
protector, Cromwell, at one period of his life; but when the
latter had assumed the supreme power, he openly opposed
his elevation, and thereby lost his favour. From that mo-
ment he appears to have been continually the object of
mistrust, and consequently became closely watched. All
his movements were scrutinized narrowly, and as every
thing- is yellow to the jaundiced eye, the basest motives
were imputed to every part of his conduct. One while
Powell was said to be preparing for war; busily engaged
in enlisting troops; at another he was actually up in arms
at the head of a troop of horse ready to fight it out ! Even
his labours in preaching the gospel, and the great concourse
of people that attended him, were looked upon with an evil
eye, and generally represented in a very unfavourable and
suspicious light ; and he often felt the effects of them in the
persecutions which he was called to endure. But though
these suspicions and evil surmises must have proved very
painful to him, and detrimental to his labours in the propa-
gation of the gospel, yet it does not appear that they damped
his courage, or cooled his zeal, or slackened his diligence
in the prosecution of his important undertaking. He stea-
dily persevered in the work of the Lord, till the new order
of things under Charles II. deprived him of his liberty, and
compelled him to desist.
Vavasor Powell was among the first victims to the
tyrannical measures of Charles II. No sooner was the
restoration resolved on, than the busy agents of govern-
ment marked him out for their prey. They had even formed
their plan and executed it before the king's arrival; such
was their breathless haste to ruin this worthy man. On the
28th of April 1660, he was seized in his own house byfl.
party of soldiers, and conducted to the county jail ; from
thence he was removed to Shrewsbury, where he remained
a prisoner nine weeks, but was then discharged. Return-
ing into Montgomeryshire, he began to preach as usual,
when the sheriff of the county lodged a complaint against
him with Mr. Secretary Morrice, charging him with sedition,
rebellion, and treason ; and before any return could be rer
'■* Ses rbailoe's Stale Papers, vol. 3.
132 SUPPLEMENT.
ceived from the government, the sheriff issued a warrant to
apprehend him, which was accordingly done, having enjoyed
his liberty only twenty-four days. Soon after, he was re-
moved, by a warrant from the secretary of state, to Lon-
don, and committed to the Fleet prison, where he lay two
years, so closely confined, that he was not allowed to go out
of his chamber-door, which, added to the offensive effluvia
of a dung-hill that lay before his window, so much impaired
his health that he never perfectly recovered it. During this
period, he wrote *' A brief narrative of the former propa-
gation and late restoration of the gospel in Wales ;" of
which a second edition was published in 1662. In this
piece he challenged his adversaries to substantiate the least
of their calumnious charges against him. But in vain did
he justify his character; innocence could procure him no
redress. Having lain in the Fleet nearly two years, he was
removed at an hour's notice, on the SOth of September 1662,
to South-sea-castle, near Portsmouth, where he remained
a close prisoner for five years longer. On the fall of lord
Clarendon, Mr. Powell sued for a habeas corpus, and soon
after, by an order from the king in council, obtained his
liberty.
But, scarcely had ten months elapsed, before Mr. Powell
was again apprehended, as he was passing from Bristol to
Monmouthshire, over the hills of Glamorgan, in his way to
his own residence, and committed to prison. He had preached
at different stations, as he came along, to large congrega-
tions; and the people eagerly flocked to hear him from all
parts. He had preached at Newport, in Monmouthshire,
and from thence proceeded to Merthyr Tidval, in Glamor-
ganshire, a place now become famous for its iron works, the
most celebrated and extensive in Britain, as well as for the
number of its inhabitants, having in a few years, from an
inconsiderable village, become the most populous place in
all the principality of Wales. When Mr. Powell arrived
at Merthyr, he found assembled in and about the church-
yard, a large congregation waiting to hear the word of God.
He discoursed to them from Jer. xvii. 7, 8. For this act of
raercy the clergymen of the parish deposed against him, in
consequence of which he was seized and lodged in his ma-
majesty's jail of Cardiff; from thence he was, some time
fjfterward, cited before six deputy-lieutenants at Cowbridge,
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS. 133
where he underwent a long examination, after which he was
remanded to prison and recommitted. His friends in Lon-
don now interested themselves in his behalf, and procured
a writ of habeas corpus to remove him to the court of
common pleas, which was for some time resisted, but at
length they succeeded, and on the 16th of October 1669 he
arrived in London, where, after an examination, he was
committed once more to the Fleet. Here he remained till
discharged by death, on the 27th of October 1670, in the
fifty-third year of his age, eleven years of which he had passed
in prison! He was a person of the strictest integrity, the
most fervent piety, and the most intrepid courage. He
bore his illness with great fortitude and resignation to the
will of God, and in the highest paroxysms of his disorder,
could with difficulty be restrained from breaking out into
acts of devotion, and expressing his sentiments of zeal and
piety. His remains were interred in Bunhill- fields, whither
they were followed by an innumerable crowd of the dis-
senters who attended him to his grave. The inscription on
his tombstone, which was drawn up by his friend Edward
Bradshaw, describes him as *' a successful teacher of the
past, a sincere witness of the present, and a useful example
of the future age; who, in the defection of many, found
mercy to be faithful : for which being called to many prisons,
he was tried and would not accept deliverance, expecting a
better resurrection."* But to return ;
In 1641 Mr. Edward Barber, minister to a small congre-
gation of Baptists in London, was kept eleven months in
prison for denying the baptism of infants, and that to pay
tithes to the clergy was a divine ordinance under the gospel.
In 1643 some pious persons at Coventry, who had em-
braced the opinion of antipaedobaptism, invited Mr. Benja-
min Cox, an aged minister of good reputation for learning
and piety, the son of a bishop, and sometime minister at
Bedford, to come to them and assist them in forming them-
selves into a distinct church. Several Presbyterian ministers,
amongst whom was Mr. Baxter, had taken refuge in that
city: who being alarmed at the spread of baptistical senti-
ments, Mr. Baxter challenged Mr. Cox to dispute with him
* Kichards's Camhro Kritish Biography, p. 14t — 186. Dr. Tonlmin, in a note
respecting Vavasor Powell, says, " his seotinients were those of a Sabbatarian Bap-
tist," but Mr. Richards assures us there is no foundation for cousidering him a
Sabbatarian.
134 SUPPLEMENT,
about the points in difference between thera. This was done
viva voce and by writing; but it was broken off by the in-
terference of the committee, who required Mr. Cox to de-
part from the city, and to promise not to return to it. As
he refused this, he was immediately committed to prison,
and remained there for some time ; till, in consequence of
Mr. Pinson's application to Mr. Baxter, his release was
procured.*
Another sufferer on this side was Mr. Henry Denne, who
had been ordained by the bishop of St. David's, and held
the living of Pyrton in Hertfordshire for ten years. In
1644 he was apprehended in Cambridgeshire by the com-
mittee of that county, and sent to jail, for preaching against
infant-baptism, and baptizing those who had received no
other. After he had been confined some time, his case,
through the intercession of some friends, was referred to a
committee of parliament, and he was sent up to London,
and detained in the lord Petre's house, in Aldersgate-street,
till the committee had heard his cause and released him.
In June 1646, he was apprehended a second time at Spal-
ding in Lincolnshire. He was seized on a Lord's day, and
kept in custody to prevent his preaching. Upon hearing
the charge against him, which was for baptizing, as but one
witness appeared to support it, and according to the maxim
of law. Nemo tenetur seipsum accusare, he refused to be his
own accuser. The ceremony had been performed in the
night, which indicates the severity of the times against
such as held his principles and acted upon them: just as
the primitive Christians, under persecution, held their as-
semblies at that season. +
About the same time Mr. Coppe, a minister in Warwick-
shire, and preacher to the garrison in Compton-house in the
said county, for rebaptizing, was committed to Coventry
jail. On publisliing the ordinance of parliament in J645,
against unordained ministers, the lord-mayor sent his offi-
cers, on a Sunday, to the Baptist meeting in Coleman-street,
London, on an information that laymen preached there.
The officers found the religious exercises conducted by Mr.
Lamb, the elder of the church, and a young man who was
a teacher amongst them. Some of the congregation, in-
• Crosbj, p. 220, 221 ; aod Baxter's Life, p. 46.
t Crosl>y, vol. 1. p. ^'il — 224 ; where nre llic exaniinutions taken on the occasion.
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS. 135
censed at the disturbance given to their worship, used rough
language to them : but Mr. Lamb behaved respectfully, re-
quested leave to finish the religious service, and engaged
to appear before the lord-mayor at six o'clock. The officers
acquiesced, and withdrev>^: and at the time appointed Mr.
Lamb and his assistant met at his lordship's house. He w^as
interrogated on what authority he presumed to preach, and
was told that he had transgressed the ordinance of parlia-
ment. Mr. Lamb replied, " No : for that he was called and
appointed to the office by as reformed a church as any in
the world," alluding to the words of the ordinance. But
he acknowledged, that he rejected the baptism of infants as
invalid. After the examination, they were bound over to
answer before the committee of the parliament, who, after
hearing them, committed both to jail, where they lay till
the intercession of friends procured their liberty.*
In the same year, Mr. Paul Hobson, a Baptist minister,
was taken into custody by the governor of Newport-Pagnel,
for preaching against infant-baptism, and reflecting on the
order against the preaching of laymen. After a short con-
finement he was sent prisoner to London. He was soon
cited before the committee, and having several friends of
rank and influence, he was immediately discharged, and
preached publicly at a meeting-house in Moorfields.f
The case of Mr. Hanserd Knollys runs into more parti-
culars. He was a man of piety and learning, and had re-
ceived ordination from the bishop of Peterborough, but was
afterward a zealous opposer of episcopacy and the liturgy.
Preaching one Lord's day, at the earnest and repeated re-
quest of the churchwardens, when they wanted a minister,
in Bow-church, Cheapside, he was led by his subject to
speak against the practice of infant-baptism. This gave
great offence to some of the auditory; a complaint was
lodged against him with the parliament; and by a warrant
from the committee for plundered ministers, he was appre-
hended by the keeper of Ely-house, and kept several days
in prison, bail being refused. At length he was brought to
a hearing before the committee, when about thirty of the
assembly of divines were present. The answers which he
gave on his examination, about his authority to preach, the
occasion of his appearing in the pulpit at Bow-church, and
* Crosby, vol. 1. p. 225, 226. t Edwards's Gaiigrcena, vol. 1. {>, 34. S7.
136 SUPPLEMENT,
the doctrine he had there advanced, being satisfactory, he
was discharged without blame, or paying fees; and the
jailer was sharply reproved for refusing bail, and threatened
to be turned out of his post.
Soon after this Mr. Knollys went into Suffolk, and
preached in several places, as opportunity offered, at the
request of friends. But as he was accounted an Antinomian
and Anabaptist, his supposed errors were deemed as criminal
as sedition and faction, and the virulence of the mob was
instigated against him by the high-constable. At one time
he was stoned out of the pulpit ; at another time the doors
of the church were shut against him and his hearers. Upon
this he preached in the church-yard, which was considered
as a crime too great to be connived at, or excused. At
length he was taken into custody, and was first prosecuted
at a petty sessions in the county, and then sent up a prisoner
to London with articles of complaint against him to the
parliament. On his examination he proved, by witnesses
of reputation, that he had neither sowed sedition, nor raised
a tumult, and that all the disorders which had happened
were owing to the violence and malignity of his opposers,
who had acted contrary both to law and common civility.
He produced copies of the sermons he had preached, and
afterward printed them. His answers were so satisfactory,
that on the report made by the committee to the house, he
was not only discharged, but a vote passed, that he might
have liberty to preach in any part of Suffolk, when the mi-
nister of the place did not himself preach there. But, be-
side the trouble which this business occasioned to him, it
devolved on him an expense of 60/.
Mr. Knollys, finding how much offence was taken at his
preaching in the church, and to what troubles it exposed
him, set up a separate meeting in Great St. Helens, London;
where the people flocked to hear him, and he had generally
a thousand auditors. Great umbrage was taken at this ; the
landlord was prevailed upon to warn him out of the place,
and Mr. Knollys was summoned before a committee of di-
vines, who used to sit in the room called the Queen's Court,
Westminster, to answer for his conduct in this matter. The
chairman asked, why he presumed to preach without holy
orders? To which he replied, he was in holy orders. The
chairman on this was informed, that he had renounced epis-
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS. 137
copal ordination : this Mr. Knollys confessed, but pleaded,
that he was now ordained, in a church of God, according to
the order of the gospel, and then explained the manner of
ordination among the Baptists. At last he was commanded
to preach no more : but he told them, that he would preach
the gospel, both publicly and from house to house; saying,
" It was more equal to obey Christ who commanded him,
than those who forbade him :' and so went away. A letter,
which Mr. Knollys wrote to Mr. Button, of Norwich, in
which were some reflections on the persecuting measures of
those times, and which coming into the hands of the Suffolk
committee was sent up to London, and presently published
by one of the chief promoters of persecution, is supposed
to have inflamed the proceedings against him.* As it is
short, I will give a copy of it below.f It was too common
a practice, then, to seize and publish the letters of those
who were called sectaries.
The unsettled state of the times in which Mr. KnoUys's
lot was cast, occasioned a great variation in his circum-
stances, and obliged him often to change his place of abode.
Sometimes he was possessed of several hundred pounds,
the fruits of his industry in teaching youth ; at others, he
had neither home to dwell in, nor food to eat, nor money to
purchase it ! And frequently was he hurried from place to
place, by the evil of the times, and the malice of his perse-
cutors. When the rage of his adversaries would no longer
permit him to remain in Lincolnshire, he removed to Lon-
don : — Here he opened a school upon Tower-hill, and took
* Crosbj, vol. 1. p. 226 — 230; and a very short and partial accoant In Edwards's
Gangraena, yol. 1. p. 39.
t " Beloved Brother,
" I salute yoa in the Lord. Yonr letter I received the last day of the week; and
upon the fust day I did salute the brethren in your name, who re-salute you, and pray
for you. The city Presbyterians have sent a letter to the synod, dated from Sion-
college, against any toleration ; and they are fasting and praying at Sion-college tbis
day, about farther contrivings against God's poor innocent ones ; but God will doubt-
less answer them according to the idol of their own hearts. To-morrow there is a fast
kept by both liouses, and the synod at Westminster. They say it is to seek God
about the establishing of worship according to their covenant. They have first
vowed, now Ihey make inquiry. God will certainly " take the crafty in their own
snare, and make the wisdom of the wise foolishness;" for " he chooseth the foolish
things of this world to confound the wise, and weak things to confound the mighty."
My wife and family remember their love to you. Salute the brethren that are
with you. Farewell.
" Your brother in the faith and fellowship of the gospel,
" Hansekd Knollys.
" London, the 13th day of the lltb month called January, 1(545."
VOL. v. L
138 SUPPLEMENT,
a few young men under his care to finish their education
and fit them for the work of (he ministry. He was also
chosen master of the Free school in St. Mary-Axe; but the
oppressive hand of power compelled hira to abandon this
employment, and seek an asylum across the Atlantic. There
he continued about five years, preaching the gospel and
building up the churches that had lately been gathered in
that wilderness. In 1641, he returned to his native country,
at the pressing solicitation of his aged father. At this time
Mr. Knollys was reduced to great straits in his worldly
circumstances, but his friends were numerous, and often in-
terposed with seasonable relief The words of the apostle
were, indeed, literally fulfilled in the experience of this
good man, that " we have here no continuing city !" We
can trace him from this country to America — and then back
again : from England into Wales — from London to Holland,
and from thence into Germany — then back to Rotterdam,
and from the latter place to London once more. These
wanderings about, too, were not the efflects of choice, but of
necessity. They tended, however, greatly to the exercise
of his graces, and furnished him with numerous instances
t)f the providential mercies of God towards him.
Shortly after the Restoration, in 1660, Mr. Knollys, with
many other innocent persons, was dragged from his own
dwelling house, and committed to Newgate, where he was
kept in close custody for eighteen weeks, until released by
an act of grace, on the king's coronation. At that time,
four hundred persons were confined in the same prison, for
refusing to take the oaths of allegiance and supremacy. A
royal proclamation was issued at this time, prohibiting
Anabaptists and other sectaries from worshipping God in
public, except at their parish-church. This cruel edict was
the signal for persecution, and the forerunner of those
sanguinary laws which disgraced the reigns of the Stuarts;
and to these must be attributed the frequent removals to
which Mr. Knollys was compelled to have recourse. During
his absence in Holland and Germany, his property was con-
fiscated to the crown, and when the law did not sanction
the act, a party of soldiers was dispatched to take forcible
possession of his property. When the Conventicle-act
passed in 1670, Mr. Knollys was apprehended at a place of
worship in George-yard, and committed to prison. But here
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS. 139
he obtained favour of his jailer, who allowed him to preach
to the prisoners twice a week during his confinement.
Mr. Knollys lived to the advanced age of ninety-three,
and quitted the world in a transport of joy, 19th of Sep-
tember, 1691. He was buried in Bunhill-fields.*
Mr. John Sims, who preached at Southampton, was a
sufferer among the Baptists during this period (1646). He
was prevailed on, in a journey to Taunton, to preach in the
parish-church of Middlesey. On this he was seized by
virtue of the act against unordained ministers, and several
letters, which he was to deliver to some pious friends, were
taken from him. These with the examination were sent to
London, by way of complaint against him, and printed.
The charges specified in the examination were for preach-
ing and denying infant-baptism. He admitted the latter,
and pleaded against the former, that *^ as Peter was called^
so was he."f
The next name on the list of sufferers is Mr. Andrew
Wyke. On his examination he refused to answer to the
questions concerning the doctrines he held, or his authority
for preaching ; alleging, that as a freeman of England he
was not bound to answer to any interrogatories, either to
accuse himself or others : but if they had aught against him,
they should lay their charge, and produce their proofs.
This conduct was looked upon as great obstinacy, and ex-
pressive of high contempt of authority ; and he was there-
fore sent to jail, 3d of June 1646. The duration of his im-
prisonment is not known ; but while he was under confine-
ment a pamphlet, drawn up by himself or some friend, en-
titled " The Innocent in Prison complaining," being a
narrative of the proceedings against him, was published :
in which the committee and some members of it did not
escape severe reflection 4
The last person, whom I shall mention as suffering in this
period, is Mr. Samuel Oates; whose name is brought forward
by Mr. Neal, in a manner that has provoked, not wholly
without reason, the severe censure of Mr. Crosby; for it
leaves the reader to confound this Oates with Titus Oates,
* Crosby's Baplisls, vol. 3. p. 93 ; and vol. 4. 295. Brooks's Porilans, vol. 3.
p. 491.
t Crosby, vol. 1. p. 232, 233; aud Edwards's Gangracna, vol. 2, p. 50, &c. where
four of the letters are printed.
{ Edwards, vol. 2. p. 169 ; Crosby, vol, 1, p. 235.
L2
140 SUPPLEMENT,
so noted in our historians with a brand of infamy upon him ;
and uninformed of the issue of the proceedings against him
on the heavy charge of murder.
This Mr. Samuel Gates was a popular preacher, and
great disputant. On a journey into Essex, in 1646, he
preached in several parts of that country, and baptized by
immersion a great number of people, especially about Beck-
ing, Braintree, and Tarling. Amongst the hundreds he
baptized, one died within a few weeks after, and her death
was imputed to her being dipped in cold water. The ma-
gistrate was prevailed upon to apprehend Mr. Oates on this
charge, and to send him to prison, and to put him in irons
as a murderer, in order to his trial at the ensuing assizes.
The name of the woman was Ann Martin, and the report
spread against Mr. Oates was, that in the administration of
baptism " he held her so long in the water, that she fell
presently sick; that her belly swelled with the abundance
of water she took in ; that, within a fortnight or three
weeks she died ; and on her death-bed expressed this dip-
ping to be the cause of her death." He was arraigned for
his life at Chelmsford assizes. But on the trial, several
credible witnesses, amongst them the mother of the deceased,
deposed on oath, that " Ann Martin was in better health
for several days after her baptism than she had been for
some time before, and that she was seen to walk abroad
afterward very comfortably." So that, notwithstanding all
the design and malignity which discovered themselves in the
trial he was brought in Not Guilty. But this verdict was
not sufficient to disarm the rage of the populace against
him. For a little time after, some who were known to have
been baptized going, occasionally, to Wethersfield in Essex,
on alarm being given that Mr. Oates and his companions
were come, the mob arose and seized upon these innocent
persons, dragged them to a pump, and treated them like the
worst of villains: though Oates, against whom they were
chiefly enraged, was not of the party. Not long after this
the mob, without any provocation, but because he dared to
come to the place, drew him out of a house at Dunmow,
and threw him into a river, boasting that they had thoroughly
dipped him.*
• Edwards's Gangrwna, vol. 1. p. 121; and Crosby, vol. 1. p. 236—238, and
p. 240. Id the precsding detail the disturbance given to an aisetnbly, at Deadnian'n
historV of the baptists. 141
The preceding facts shew, that obloquy attached itself to
the principles of the Baptists, and that they were marked
out as objects for the virulence of the populace and the
animadversion of the magistrate. Next to the Quakers,
observes a late historian, " they were perhaps the most
hated and persecuted sect."* But it should be owned, in
mitigation of the conduct of their persecutors, that at least
in some instances they inflamed the spirits of men against
them, as Mr. Neal suggests, by their own imprudence and
the impetuosity of their zeal. Much enthusiasm appears to
have animated the profession of their opinions; and it was
the fashion of the times for every party to advance its pe-
culiar sentiments in coarse and irritating language; each
assumed this licentiousness of speech, but none took it
patiently from others. The Baptists incurred censure, and
excited jealousy and resentment, by disturbing congrega-
tions and dispersing challenges to dispute with any minister
or ministers on the questions relative to baptism. This
was much according to the practice of the times. Mr. Bax-
ter, we have seen, challenged Mr. Cox: and Dr. Gunning,
afterward regius professor of divinity at Cambridge, and
bishop of Ely, in the year 1656, went into the congregation
of Mr. Biddle, and began a dispute with him. But while
the members of the dominant parties did this uncensured,
it was considered, and treated, as insolence in the minority
to advance their opinions, even in their own assemblies
only. When the public peace is broken, men are justly
amenable to the civil magistrate: but for the breach of the
peace merely, and not for the sentiments they may at the
time avow. Violence, penalties, and imprisonment, on ac-
count of religious tenets, are, in no view, justifiable.
Against error they are needless ; for that, not being founded
in reason and proof, will of itself die away: against truth
Place, Janaary 18, 1640, mentioned by Fuller, is omitted; because he is mistaken
in calling it an anabaptistical congregation ; and the matter has been stated, before,
by Mr. Neal, vol. 2. p. 342. But it may be added to what is there said, either in
the text or the notes, concerning this congregation and its ministers, that Mr. Hub-
bard, or Herbert, its first pastor, was a learned man, and had received episcopal
ordination ; that in his time, the church accompanied him to Ireland, where he died ;
that it then returned to England ; that Mr. Stephen Moore, its minister in 1640,
who had been a deacon of it, was possessed of an estate, a man of good reputation,
and endowed with a considerable share of ministerial abilities ; and that it was se-
verely persecuted by the clergy and the bishops' courts. Crosby, vol. 1. p. 163
—165.
• Goagh'» History of the Quakers, vol. 1. p. 52, nolo.
142 SUPPLEMENT.
they are ineffectual ; for that will finally prevail, by its
own weight and evidence, above all opposition. Every
person, against whom they are directed, feels them to be in
his own case iniquitous and cruel.
The only good effect which persecution hath evei; pro-
duced, has been, opening the eyes of men to see the ini-
quity of it, and raising in their hearts an abhorrence of it.
The severities of which the Baptists were the marked ob-
jects, led them to be advocates for liberty and toleration.
So far back as the year 1615, Mr. Helwise and his church,
at London, published a treatise, entitled •* Persecution for
religion judged and condemned ;" the dedication to which
vras subscribed thus ; *' By Christ's unworthy witnesses,
his majesty's faithful subjects, commonly, but falsely, called
Anabaptists." In this piece they asserted, " that every
man hath a right to judge for himself in matters of religion,
and that to persecute any one on that account is illegal and
antichristian."*
In a book called " The Bloody Tenet," printed in 1644,
and in another entitled " The Compassionate Samaritan,"
they advanced this principle ; " That it is the will and
command of God, that since the coming of his Son, a per-
mission of the most Paganish, Jewish, Turkish, or antichris-
tian consciences and worships, be granted to all men in all
nations ; that the doctrine of persecution in case of conscience
maintained by Calvin, Beza, Cotton, and the ministers of
New-England, is guilty of all the blood of the souls, crying
for vengeance under the altar." They besought the par-
liament " to allow public protection to private as well as
public congregations ; to review and repeal the laws
against the separatists ; to permit a freedom of the press
to any man, who writes nothing scandalous or dangerous to
the state; to prove themselves loving fathers to all good
men, and so to invite equal assistance and affection from
all." These opinions were in those times censured as most
damnable doctrines, and the parliament was invoked, by
the pen of Dr. Featley, utterly to exterminate and banish
out of the kingdom the Baptists, because they avowed and
published them.t But the good sense and liberality of
more modern times will not only admit these principles as
• Crosby, vol. 1. p. 17'2.
t Robinson'* Translation of Claude, vol, 1. p. 250, note.
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS. 143
maxiiDS of good policy and sound Christianity, but respect
the despised people who brought them forward and stated
them, at a period when they were scarcely received by any
others, and were held by the generality as most highly ob-
noxious : when even the great and good Mr. Baxter could
declare, " I abhor unlimited liberty, or toleration of all."*
It remains to take notice of some of the more distin-
guished preachers among this denomination of Christians,
who died in the period of which we are speaking.
Mr. Thomas Helwise, according to the order of time,
seems to deserve the first mention: a man of good natural
parts, and not without some acquired ones, though he had
not the advantage of a learned education. He was a mem-
ber of the ancient church of the separatists in the beginning
of queen Elizabeth's reign, and accompanied them, wheu
they transported themselves out of England into Holland
to escape persecution. He was of great service to them,
and esteemed a man of eminent faith, charity, and spiritual
gifts. When Mr. Smith, whose history we have given
before, raised the controversy about infant-baptism, Mr.
Helwise became a convert to his sentiments, received bap-
tism from him, and was one of the first in the constitution
of his church, of which after his death he had the pastoral
care. He and his people, soon after Mr. Smith's decease,
published a confession of their faith, entitled " The Con-
fession of Faith, published in certain conclusions, by the
remainder of Mr. Smith's Company."t At the end of it
there was an Appendix, giving some account of Mr. Smith's
last sickness and death. Three years after, Mr. Robinson,
the pastor of the English congregation of Brownists at
Leyden, published remarks upon it. About the same time
Mr. Helwise began to reflect upon his own conduct, and
that of the other English dissenters, in leaving their friends
and country to avoid persecution : whether it did not pro-
ceed from fear and cowardice ; and whether they ought not
to return to bear their testimony to the truth, and to coun-
tenance and encourage their suffering brethren ? The re-
sult was, that he and his church quickly left Amsterdam,
and removed to London, where they continued to preserve
their church state, and to hold their assemblies for worship,
iis the times would permit. He wrote a piece in justitica-
* Plain Scripture Proof, p. 246. t See Crosby, vol. 2. Appendix, No. I.
144 SUPPLEMENT,
tion of this conduct, entitled *' A short Declaration :"
wherein he stated in what cases it was lawful to fly in times
of persecution : to which Mr. Robinson replied. The con-
duct of Mr. Helwise and his friends displeased the Noncon-
formists in exile, who censured it as vain-glorious, and im-
puted it to natural confidence under the appearance of reli-
gious fortitude. It is not known when Mr. Helwise died,
but from the publications of the day, it appears that he went
on with great courage and resolution; and the church,
under all the severities they experienced from the civil
powers, increased in numbers.*
Mr. John Morton, another of Mr. Smith's disciples, ap-
pears to have been a man of note and reputation, of consi-
derable learning and abilities. He was conversant with the
oriental languages and the writings of the fathers, and was
a zealous remonstrant. After his return from Holland he
settled in the country. These circumstances are inferred
from a manuscript, written by J. Morton, supposed to be
the same person ; which was found at the beginning of the
civil wars, on demolishing an old wall near Colchester. It
was printed by the General Baptists, and passed through
several impressions. Its title was "Truth's Champion.''
It discussed the questions concerning baptism, and the
points disputed between the Arminians and Calvinists. The
piece was written in a good style, and the argument ma-
naged with much art and skill ; and, not without reason,
held in considerable estimation by the remonstrants.f
A more particular and full account of some, whose names
have been brought forward in the preceding narrative, will
fall under the following periods of this history : the learn-
ing and abilities of whom, it will appear, did credit to the
sect to w hich which they belonged. Mr. Neal has asserted,
that ** its advocates were for the most part of the meanest
of the people ; their preachers were generally illiterate,
and went about the countries making proselytes of all that
would submit to their immersion, without a due regard to
their acquaintance with the principles of religion, or their
moral character." It is to be regretted, that our respect-
able author, by this general representation, without pro-
ducing any authority, or alleging attested facts to justify
it, hath laid himself open to severe animadversion. Mr.
♦ 6m Crosby, vol. I. p. 269— J7a. t Ibid. toI. 1. p. 276— J78.
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS. 145
Crosby exclaims, *' What a malicious slander is this, cast
upon a whole body of Christians, consisting of fifty-four
congregations, according to his own acknowledgments !"*
It may be supposed that Mr. Neal has here paid too great
a deference to such writers as the author of the " Gan-
graena ;" and on the other hand, Mr. Crosby may have been
too partial to his own sect, and not allowed for the opera-
tion of a precipitate and injudicious zeal, by which a new
and persecuted sect is generally actuated; he may have
forgotten, that a great number of its preachers would of
course be unlearned and ignorant men, when the liberty of
prophesying, as any individual was authorized and qualified
by the gift or influence of the Holy Spirit, was a received
principle; for such gift would, where it was supposed to
exist and display itself, supersede acquired abilities and
human literature.
CHAP. III.
HISTORICAL SKETCH OF THE BAPTISTS DURING THE
COMMONWEALTH. A. D. 1649—1658.
The protectorate of Cromwell, though restricted to the
short space of ten years, was a most eventful period in the
annals of ecclesiastical history. Both in our own country,
and upon the continent of Europe, it will ever be memo-
rable for the collision of parties, and the extraordinary in-
cidents to which it gave birth. The sanguinary measures
carried on, by the instigation of Louis XIV. against the
Waldenses in the valleys of Piedmont; the dispersion of
the Protestant churches in that long and highly favoured
country, and the deep interest which Cromwell, as the head
of the English government, aided by the pen of his Latin
secretary, our immortal Milton, took in the melancholy
fate of the meek confessors of Savoy, are events with which
few of the dissenters of the present day are unacquainted.
But Mr. Neal has already entered pretty fully into the
general history of this period, and traced the contest be-
• Vol. 1. preface, p. 5.
146 SUPPLEMENT,
tween the Episcopalians, the Presbyterians, and the Inde-
pendents, which we shall not resume. Our object is
merely, to supply a little additional information respecting
a class of professors whom he appears to have overlooked
or neglected as unworthy of his notice ; and to do this, it
may not be amiss to look back a little, and glance at the
aspect which the laws of the country bear towards the
Baptists in particular.
The great increase of the Baptists seems to have provoked
the Presbyterians, who were now the ruling party, to a
very high degree ; and the same spirit of intolerance which
the Episcopalians had manifested towards the Puritans, was
now exhibited by them against all dissenters from what
they, who could now prove the divine right of presbytery,
were pleased to decree. The whole of their conduct, in
respect of those who differed from them, shews what Milton
said to be true ^ that " New Presbyter is but Old Priest
writ large."
Their spirit of intolerance may be learned from the his-
tory of those times, and especially from some acts of the
government. On May 26, 1645, the lord-mayor, court of
aldermen, and common-council, presented a petition to par-
liament, commonly called " The City Remonstrance," in
which they desired, " that some strict and speedy course
might be taken for the suppressing all private and separate
congregations; that all' Anabaptists, Brownists, heretics,
schismatics, blasphemers, and all other sectaries, who con-
formed not to the public discipline established or to be es-
tablished by parliament, might be fully declared against, and
some effectual course settled for proceeding against such
persons; and that no person disaffected to presbyterial
government, set forth or to be set forth by parliament,
might be employed in any place of public trust."*
This remonstrance was supported by the whole Scotch
nation, who acted in concert with their English brethren, as
ap|>ears by a letter of thanks to the lord-mayor, aldermen,
and common-council, from the general assembly, dated
June 10, 164:6, within a month after the delivery of the re-
monstrance. The letter commends their courageous ap-
pearance against sects and sectaries ; their firm adherence
to the covenant, and their maintaining the Presbyterian
» Crosby, vol. 1. p. 181.
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS. 147
government to be the government of Jesus Christ 1 It be-
seeches them to go on boldly in the work they had begun,
till the three kingdoms were united in one faith and wor-
ship. At the same time they directed letters to the parlia-
ment, beseeching them also in the bowels of Jesus Christ
to give to him the glory due to his name, by an immediate
establishment of all his ordinances in their full integrity and
power, according to the covenant. Nor did they forget to
encourage the assembly at Westminster to proceed in their
zeal against sectaries, and to stand boldly for the sceptre of
Jesus Christ against the encroachments of earthly powers.
The arguments which this grave assembly used, to with-
hold from others the blessing of Christian liberty, came with
a bad grace from men who had as earnestly pleaded for the
privilege, while they were smarting under the lash of the
prelates. "To comply with this request [of granting tole-
I'ation], would open a gap for all sects to challenge such a
liberty as their due : this liberty is denied by the churches
in New-Englajnd, and we have as great right to deny it as
they. This desired forbearance will make a perpetual divi-
sion in the church, and be a perpetual drawing away from
the churches under the rule. Upon the same pretence,
those who scruple infant baptism may withdraw from their
churches, and so separate into another congregation ; and
so in that some practice may be scrupled, and they separate
again. Are these divisions and subdivisions as lawful as
they are infinite ? Or must we give that respect to the
errors of men's consciences so as to satisfy their scruples by
allowance of this liberty to them ? Scruple of conscience
is no cause of separation, nor doth it take off causeless se-
paration from being schism, which may arise from errors of
conscience as well as carnal and corrupt reason : therefore
we conceive the causes of separation must be shewn to be
such, ex natura rei, as will bear it out ; and therefore we
say that granting the liberty desired will give a counte-
nance to schism.'*
Many instances of this spirit might be adduced; but we
shall only notice the following. A work was published by
the assembly irt 1650, entitled, " A Vindication of the
Presbyterial government and ministry ; with an exhorta-
tion to all ministers, elders, and people, within the province
of London, &c. Published by the ministers and elders
148 SUPPLEMENT,
met together in a provincial assembly. George Walker,
moderator ; Arthur Jackson and Edmund Calamy, as-
sessors ; Roger Drake and Elidad Blackwell, scribes.
This work contains the following expressions : — "What-
soever doctrine is contrary to godliness, and opens a door
to libertinism and profaneness, you must reject it as soul
poison : such is the doctrine of a universal toleration in re-
ligion." The ministers in the different parts of the country
seem to have been of the same mind. Those in Lancashire
published a paper in 1648, called **The harmonious consent
of the Lancashire ministers with their brethren in London ;**
in which they say, "A toleration would be putting a sword
into a madman's hand ; a cup of poison into the hand of a
child ; a letting loose of madmen with firebrands in their
hands, and appointing a city of refuge in men's consciences
for the devil to fly to ; a laying a stumbling-block before
the blind ; a proclaiming liberty to the wolves to come into
Christ's fold to prey upon the lambs: neither would it be
to provide for tender consciences, but to takeaway all con-
science."*
We turn away with disgust from these intolerant senti-
ments, and rejoice that the attempt has been made, and that
none of the predicted effects have ensued.
It was very common at this time for the enemies of the
Baptists to represent the practice of immersion as indecent
and dangerous, and to argue that it could not be according
to divine authority, because a breach of the sixth com-
mandment, '' Thou shalt not kill ;" and the divine declara-
tion, " I will have mercy, and not sacrifice." Who would
have thought that Mr. Richard Baxter could have ex-
pressed himself in language like the following ? " My
sixth argument shall be against the usual manner of their
baptizing, as it is by dipping over head in a river, or other
cold water. That which is a plain breach of the sixth com-
mandment, *Thou shalt not kill,' is no ordinance of God,
but a most heinous sin. But the ordinary practice of bap-
tizing over head and in cold water, as necessary, is a plain
breach of the sixth commandment, therefore it is no ordi-
nance of God, but a heinous sin. And as Mr. Cradock
shews in his book of gospel liberty, the magistrate ought
to restrain it, to save the lives of his subjects — That this is
• Crosbj, vol. 1. p. 190.
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS. 149
flat murder, and no better, being ordinarily and generally
used, is undeniable to any understanding man — And I know
not what trick a covetous landlord can find out to get his
tenants to die apace, that he may have new fines and he-
riots, likelier than to encourage such preachers, tliat he
may get them all to turn Anabaptists. I wish that this
device be not it which countenanceth these men: and
covetous physicians, methinks, should not be much against
them. Catarrhs and obstructions, which are the too great
fountains of most mortal diseases in man's body, could
scarce have a more notable means to produce them where
they are not, or toincrease them where they are. Apoplexies,
lethargies, palsies, and all other comatous diseases, would
be promoted by it. So would cephalalgies, hemicranies,
phthises, debility of the stomach, crudities, and almost all
fevers, dysenteries, diarrhceas, colics, iliac passions, convul-
sions, spasms, tremors, and so on. All hepatic, splenetic,
and pulmonic persons, and hypochondriacs, would soon have
enough of it. In a word, it is good for nothing but to dis-
patch men out of the world that are burdensome, and to
ranken churchyards — I conclude, if murder be a sin, then
dipping ordinarily over head in England is a sin ; and if
those who would make it men's religion to murder them-
selves, and urge it upon their consciences as their duty, are
not to be suffered in a commonwealth, any more than high-
way murderers; then judge how these Anabaptists, that
teach the necessity of such dipping, are to be suffered. — My
seventh argument is also against another wickedness in their
manner of baptizing, which is their dipping persons naked,
which is very usual with many of them, or next to naked, as
is usual with the modestest that I have heard of — If the mi-
nister must go into the water with the party — it will cer-
tainly tend to his death, .though they may escape that go in
but once. Would not vain young men come to a baptizing
to see the nakedness of maids, and make a mere jest and
sport of it?"*
It is with pleasure we give a place to the reflections
of the late venerable Abraham Booth on these remarks,
which certainly merited severe animadversion, especially as
they were published at a time when, as the sequel will shew,
they were calculated to produce some serious consequences
• Baxter's Plain Scripture Proof, p. 134—137.
]50 SUPPLEMENT.
towards those who were in the practice of baptizing by im-
mersion.
*' Were this representation just (says Mr. Booth), we
should have no reason to wonder if his following words ex-
pressed a fact: ' I am still more confirmed that a visible
judgment of God doth still follow anabaptizing wherever
it comes.' It was not without reason, I presume, that Mr.
Baxter made the following acknowledgment : ' I confess my
style is naturally keen.' I am a little suspicious also that
D. Owen had some cause to speak of Iiis writings as fol-
lows : — ' I verily believe that if a man who had nothing else
to do, should gather into a heap all the expressions which
in his late books, confessions, and apologies, have a lovely
aspect towards himself, as to ability, diligence, sincerity, on
the one hand ; with all those which are full of reproach and
contempt towards others, on the other; the view of them
could not but a little startle a man of so great modesty, and
of such eminency in the mortification of pride, as Mr. Bax-
ter is.' Hence we learn that the Baptists are not the only
persons who have felt the weight of Mr. Baxter's hand; so
that if a recollection of others having suffered under his keen
resentment can afford relief, the poor Baptists may take
some comfort, and it is an old saying,
Solaraen miseris socios liabuisse doloris.
" Before I dismiss this extraordinary language of Mr.
Baxter (adds Mr. Booth), it is proper to be observed, that
the charge of shocking indecency, which he lays with so
much confidence against the Baptists of those times, was
not suffered by them to pass without animadversion. No,
he was challenged to make it good : it was denied, it was
confuted by them. With a view to which Dr. Wall says,
' The English Antipaedobaptists need not have made so
great an outcry against Mr. Baxter for his saying that they
baptized naked; for if they had, it had been no more than
the primitive Christians did.' But surely they had reason
to complain of misrepresentation ; such misrepresentation
as tended to bring the greatest odium upon their sentiment
and practice. Besides, however ancient the practice charged
upon them was, its antiquity could not have justified their
conduct, except it had been derived from divine command,
or apostolic example ; neither of which appears."*
• P.rdobdp. Rxain. vol. I. p. '2(i:» -26.^.
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS. 151
It is a little extraordinary that in the next year, 1647,
considerable favour was manifested towards the Baptists. —
Perhaps it arose from the policy of Cromwell, wishin<» to
check the overgrown power of the Presbyterians, or from
some of his officers and other persons of considerable influ-
ence embracing their sentiments, and using their interest in
their behalf.
In a declaration of the lords and commons, published
March 4, 1647, it is said, '^ The name of Anabaptism hath
indeed contracted much odium by reason of the extravagant
opinions of some of that nam.e in Germany, tending to the
disturbance of the government, and the peace of all states,
which opinions and practices we abhor and detest. But
for their opinion against the baptism of infants, it is only
a difference about a circumstance of time in the administra-
tion of an ordinance, wherein in former ages, as well as in
this, learned men have differed both in opinion and prac-
tice.— And though we could wish that all men would
satisfy themselves, and join with us in our judgment and
practice in this point ; yet herein we hold it fit that men
should be convinced by the word of God, with great gen-
tleness and reason, and not beaten out of it by force and
violence."^
This declaration discovered much of a truly Christian
spirit; and happy would it have been if all governments
had always acted on such principles. But it is lamentable
to observe, that the very next year, a more severe law was
passed than any that had been made in Eagland since the Re-
formation. It bore date May 2, 1648, and was entitled, "An
Ordinance of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parlia-
ment, for the punishment of blasphemies and heresies."
One article was, " Whosoever shall say that the baptism
of infants is unlawful, or that such baptism is void, and
that such persons ought to be baptized again, and in pur-
suance thereof shall baptize any person formerly baptized ;
or shall say the church-government by presbytery is anti-
christian or unlawful, shall upon conviction by the oath of
two witnesses, or by his own confession, be ordered to re-
nounce his said error in the public congregation of the
parish where the offence was committed, and in case of
refusal, he shall be committed to prison till he find sure-
* Crosby, vol. l,p. H'6.
152 SUPPLEMENT.
ties that he shall not publish or maintain the said error any
more."*
It is likely that the death of the king in this year, and the
confusion which resulted from it, might prevent this cruel
and shameful ordinance from being carried into effect, as
we do not hear that any were prosecuted upon it.
The government was now altered, and instead of being
in the parliament, was vested in a single person. This was
the general, Oliver Cromwell, whose title was to be His
Highness, Lord Protector of the Commonwealth of Eng-
land, Scotland, and Ireland, and of the dominions there-
unto belonging.
The Baptists in the army seem to have been apprehensive
that he entertained designs against them, as appears from
the following letter, which we insert, not because we ap-
prove of its spirit, but because it may cast some light upon
the history of the times. It was probably written by some
of his officers, who were envious at his exaltation, and of-
fended that he had deserted his republican sentiments. It
is entitled, " A short discovery of his Highness the Lord
Protector's intentions touching the Anabaptists in the
army, and all such as are against his reforming things in
the church ; which was first communicated by a Scotch
lord who is called Twidle ; but is now come to the ear of
the Anabaptists : upon which there are propounded thirty-
five queries for his highness to answer to his conscience.
By a well-wisher to the Anabaptists' prosperity, and all the
rest of the separatists in England. "f
• Crosby, vol. 1. p. 203.
t " To His Highness the Lord Protector.
" My Lord,
*' There is some intelligence abroad, which I desire to coramanicate in a private
way, lest I become a prey to the malice or envy of the roaring lion. But to the
matter intended, and that is this: — It seems your highness being discoursing with a
Scotch lord, who is called the lord Twidle, you were pleased to say tiiat there was
something amiss in the church and slate, which you would reform as soon as may be.
Of those that were amiss in the slate, some were done and the rest were doing ; and
as for those things that were amiss in the church, you hoped to rectify them by
degrees, as convenient opportunity presented itself; but before you could do this
work, the Anabaptists must be taken out of the army ; and this you could not do
with sharp corrosive medicines, but it most be done by degress. From which there
are two things observable, 1. The work. 2. The way you intend to do this work.
" First, to the work ; and that is church-work. It seems you intend to follow the
Bteps of them that are gone before, which could not be content to meddle with state-
affairs, and to make laws and statutes, and impose them upon the people as rules of
divine worship. And this is the work you intend to be at, under pretence of cor-
recting error, and so to destroy truth.
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS. 153
It was not known that during the contest between
Charles I. and the parliament, any Baptists were in the
" Bat who could have thought, when you made your last speech to Parliament,
when your tongue was so sweetly tipt for the liberty of conscience, reproving the
parliament for having a finger on their brother's conscience ; who could have imagined
that then heard you that you would have been so soon at the same trade, unless he
had supposed a fountain could have sent forth sweet water and bitter? But,
" Secondly, the way you intend to take to bring about this design, is twofold.
1. To purge the army of the Anabaptists. 2. To do it by degrees. But, Oliver, is
this thy design .' And is this the way to be rid of the Anabaptists ? And is this the
reason, because they hinder the things amiss in the church ? I confess they have been
enemies to the Presbyterian charch-govei'nment ; and so were you at Dunbar in Scot-
land ; or at least yon seemed to be so by your words and actions ; for you spake as
pure independency as any of us all then; and made this an argument why we should
fight stoutly : because we had the prayers of the Independents and baptized churches.
So highly did you seem to love the Anabaptists then, that you did not only invite
them into the array, but entertain them in your family ; but it seems the case is al-
tered. But, I pray, do not deceive yourself, nor let the priests deceive you ; for the
Anabaptists are men that will not be shuffled out of their birih-rights, as free-born
people of England. And have they not filled your towns, your cities, your provinces,
your islands, your castles, your navies, your tents, your armies (except that which
went to the West Indies, which prospers so well), your court? — your very council is
not free ; only we have left your temples for yourself to worship in. So that I believe
it will be a hard thing to root them out j although you tell the Scotch lord you will
do it by degrees, as he reports.
" May it please your highness seriously to consider what bath been said, and answer
these ensuing queries to your own conscience :
" 1. Whether your highness had come to the height of honour and greatness you
are now come to, if the Anabaptists, so called, had been so much your enemies as
they were your friends?
" 2. Whether the Anabaptists were erer unfaithful, either to the commonwealth
in general, or to your highness in particular ? And if not, then what is the reason of
your intended dismission ?
" 3. Whether the Anabaptists be not as honest now as in the year 1650, and 51,
and 52, &c. ? And if, so, why not as useful now as then ?
" 4. Whether the Anabaptists are not to be commended for their integrity, which
had rather keep faith and a good conscience, although it may lose them their employ-
ments, than to keep tJieir employments with the loss of both ?
" 5. Whether the Anabaptists may not as justly endeavour to eat out the bowels
of your government, as your highness may endeavour to eat them out of their em-
ployments ?
" 6. Whether the Anabaptists did not come more justly into their employmenls in
the arm}', than your highness came into the seat of government ?
" 7. Whether, if the Anabaptists had the power in their hands, and were as able
to cast you out as you were them, and they did intend it to you as you do to them ;
whether, I say, your highness would not call them all knaves ?
" 8. Whether this be fair dealing in the sight of God and men, to pretend a great
deal of love to the Anabaptists, as to major Pack and Mr. Kifiin, and a hundred more
that I could name, when at the same time you intend evil against them?
" 9. Whether the Anabaptist will not be in a belter condition in the day of Christ
that keeps his covenant with God and men, than your highness will be if you break
with both ?
"10. Whether a hundred of the old Anabaptists, such as marched under your
command in 48, 49, 50, &c. be not as good as two hundred of your new courtiers, if
you were in such a condition as you were at Dunbar in Scotland ?
" 11. Whether the cause of the army's defeat in Hispaniola was because there
were so many Anabaptists in it? And if so, if that be the only reason why they
are so much out of date ?
" 12. Whether your highness hath not changed your former intention, to have an
ftqual respect to the godly, though different in judgment? And if so, whether it be not
from the better to the worse ?
VOL. V, M
154 SUPPLEMENT.
king's army, yet there seem to have been some of tjiat
persuasion among the troops of the parliament ; and it has
" 13'. Whether your higbness's conscience was not more at peace, and your mind
more set upon things above, when you loved the Anabaptists, than it is now, when
you hate their principles, or their service, or both ?
" 14. Whether your higbness's court is not a greater charge to this nation than
the Anabaptists in the army ? And if so, whether this be the ease which you pro-
mised the people?
•' 15. Whether there be any disproportion betwixt the state of things now, and
the .state of things in the days of old ? And if there be, shew us where it lieth, how,
and when ?
" 16. Whether the monies laid out in the making of the new rivers and ponds at
Hampton-court, might not have been belter bestowed in paying the public faith, or
the Anabaptists' arrears before Iheir dismission ?
" 17. Whether it is not convenient for the Anabaptists to provide for their own
safely, seeing from you they can expect none ?
" 13. Whether it will be any more treason to fight for our liberties and civil pro-
perties in thesevdays, if they be denied us, than it was to fight for them in the day.s
of the king?
'•19. Whether the instrument of government be as the laws of the Medes and
Persians that alter not ? If so, how is it that Mr. John Biddle is now a prisoner?
*' 20. Whether your highness may not as well violate the whole instrument of go-
vernment as the 37th and 38tb articles ; if so, what security have the people for
their liberty ?
" 21. Whether our liberty doth not wholly depend upon your will, and the will of
a future protector, seeing the instrument of government is so little useful? If so,
whether obr condition be not as bad as ever ?
'* 22. Whether you may not as justly suffer all to be put in prison thai differ from
the church of England, as to suffer Mr. Biddle to be imprisoned?
•' 23. Whether it will not be more abominable to the Anabaptists, or Indepen-
dents, or Mr. Biddle, or any other professing faith in God by Jesus Christ, and are
not disturbers of the civil peace, nor turn their liberty into licentiousness, to suffer
for their consciences under your government, that promised liberty to such, than it
was to have suffered under the king, that promised them none ?
" 24. Whether your highness will not appear to be a dreadful apostate and fear-
ful dissembler, if yon suffer persecution to fall upon the Anabaptists, or Independents,
or them of Mr. Biddle's judgment, seeing you promised equal liberty to all ?
•* 25. Whether this w^ill not prove your higbness's ruin, if you join with such a
wicked principle to persecute for conscience, or to turn men out of the army for
being Anabaptists, or for any such thing as differs from the church of England, see-
ing God hath confounded all such as have done so ?
" 26. Whether the old parliament was not turned out for leaving undone that
which they ought to have done ? And if so, whether those things have been done
since ?
*' 27. Whether the little parliament was not turned out for doinjj^ that which the
other left undone ; or taking away of tithes and other grievances ? And if so, then,
" 28. Whether you did not intend your own ends more than you did the nation's
good, in breaking the first parliament, and calling the second, and dissolving them
again ?
" 29. Whether the instrument of government was not preparing eight or nine days
before the breaking up of the little parliament? And if so, whether you did not
intend their dissolving?
" 30. Whether you did not tell a shameful untruth to the last parliament, saying,
that you did not know of their dissolving, that is to say the little parliament, till they
came to deliver up their power to you ?
•• 31. Whether your highness did not put a slur upon the lord Lambert, when he
should have gone lord-deputy to Ireland, in telling the parliament it savoured too
much of a monarchy; and so sent Fleetwood with a lower title?
" 32. Whether your highness do not intend to put another slur upon the lord Lara-
b<?ri, in sending for the lord-deputy to come into England, to make him generalissimo
of th» armies in England, Scotland, and Ireland ?
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS. 155
been assigned as a reason for disbanding one entire regiment
in the army of the earl of Essex, that the colonel himself
countenanced the separatists, particularly the Anabaptists.
Although their numbers increased considerably from about
the year 1649, to such a degree indeed as that the principal
officers in different regiments both of horse and foot be-
came Baptists, particularly in Cromwell's own regiment of
horse, and in that of the duke of Albemarle's regiment of
foot, yet it is said, on good information, that previous to
this, there were not to be found, at any time, twenty per-
sons of this denomination vested with command of any kind
in the whole army. Until the year 1648, two only of this
profession, Mr. Lawrence, and Mr. John Fiennes, a son of
lord Say, were members of the house of commons ; and in
that year, before the death of the king, they withdrew from
the parliament because they disapproved of its proceedings,
and lived in retirement for about six years, when Mr. Law-
rence was again called into public employment. In 1650,
captain Mildmay, captain Pack, and sir John Harman,
" 33. Whether it is not convenient for the lord Lambert to consider of those ac-
tions, and to have an eye to your proceedings, lest by degrees you eat him out of all,
as you intend to do the Anabaptists ?
" 34. Whether the excessive pride of your family do not call for a speedy judg-
ment from heaven, seeing pride never goeth without a fall ?
" Sb. Whether the six coach-horses did not give your highness a fair warning of
some worse thing to follow, if you repent not, seeing God often forewarns before he
strikes home ?—
THE CONCLUSION.
" My Lord,
** My humble request is, that you will seriously consider of these few lines: al-
though you may dislike the way by which they are communicated, yet let the matter
sink deep into your heart ; for these things should have met you in another manner,
had not your highness cast off all such friendly commuuication by word of mouth, and
the persons loo, if they did but tell you plainly theirnrinds. And lake heed of casting
away old friends for new acquaintance, as Rehoboara did, who forsook ihe counsel of
Lis good old friends, and consulted with his young courliersj which caused the ten
tribes to revolt from him.* And it is a deadly sign of a speedy ruin, when a prince
or a state casts off the interests of the people of God; as you may see how Joash
forsook the people and the house of God, and then his house fell before a few of the
Assyrians, and at last his own servants conspired against him, and slew him.
*' And therefore, O Cromwell ! leave off thy wicked design of casting off the inte-
rest of the people of God ; and ' let my counsel be acceptable to thee ; and break off thy
sins by righteousness, and thy iniquity by shewing mercy to the poor, and it may be
a lengthening out of thy tranquillity.' For it is not strength united with policy,
but righteousness accompanied with strength, that must keep alive your interest with
God and the people. And when both these die, that is to say righteousness and sin-
cerity, then adieu to thy greatness here, and thy eternal happiness hereafter.
" From him who wishes your happiness so long as you do well. — Printed for the
information of all such as prize the liberty of their consciences, for which so much blood
has been spilt." \
♦ 1 Kings xii. 8. t Crosby, vol. 3. p. 231—242.
M 2
156 SUPPLEMENT.
who were all Baptists, were preferred to commands at
sea.* Major-general Harrison, whom Baxter pronounces,
" a man of excellent parts, for affection and oratory, though
not well seen in the principles of his religion, "t was the
only Baptist among the king's judges : and indeed it appears
that he himself was not actually baptized till 1637, which
was several years after that tragical event had taken place.
The following extract of a letter from captain Richard
Deane, to Dr. Barlow, bishop of Lincoln, furnishes con-
siderable information concerning the state of the Baptists
at this period, and their conduct in the affairs of the state.
" My Lord,
" The ground of my humbly tendering these ensuing
pages to your lordship, is your declared condescension to
peruse any small treatise that should be presented to you
concerning the proper subject and administration of bap-
tism. That they may in your lordship's charity, so for as
their conversation suits with their doctrine, be admitted
among the number of sincere Christians, 1 intend to bring
to your remembrance some of their leaders, and the occa-
sions which prepared the way for the increase of their
numbers.
** About thirty-eight years since, in the heat of our late
troubles, episcopacy being laid aside, and presbytery only
as it were by way of experiment for a season attempted,
but never in a national way prosecuted with effect, every
man was at liberty to pursue the persuasions of his own
mind, as to entering into church-fellowship in distinct con-
gregations, and therein to join with such as he conceived
came nearest to the primitive pattern in worship and disci-
pline. About that time and a little after there were many
ministers, some who had been before ordained, and others
who had been admitted to parochial and other public charges.
Among whom of my acquaintance were Mr. Tombes, some-
time preacher at the Temple ; Mr. Christopher Blackwood
in Kent, Mr. Benjamin Cox at Bedford, Mr. Edward Har-
rison, Mr. Daniel Dyke, and some others in or near Hert-
fordshire ; Mr. Hansard Knollys, and many others who did
openly profess, and several of them write and publish, their
• Crosby's Hislorj of the Baptisln, vol. 2. p. 2 — 5.
t Baxter's Life, part 1. p. 57.
HTSTORY OF THE BAPTISTS. 157
opinions concerning the proper subject and manner of bap-
tism. Some of them voluntarily left their parochial charges
and benefices, as not approving the baptizing of infants, and
collected distinct congregations of such as agreed with them
in this doctrine of baptism; which by a succession of or-
dained ministers in the places of such as are dead, remain
to this day.
" In the year 1649, the Baptists greatly increased in the
country, and their opinions did likewise spread themselves
into some of the regiments of horse and foot in the army;
and that in 1650 and afterward, some professing this opinion
were called from their private employments, and preferred,
to commands at sea. Among others, captain Mildmay ; to
command the admiral flag-ship, under the late duke of
Albemarle, when he was one of the generals at sea. Cap-
tain Pack, to command the flag-ship under sir George
Ascue, rear admiral ; sir John Harman, to coaimand the
admiral flag-ship under his royal highness the duke of'
York.
" But notwithstanding some of this sect had that coun-
tenance given them as I have mentioned, by such as had the
principal management of affairs ; yet this sect in general,
as they have published in their apologies, were the least of
any sort of people concerned in any vicissitudes of govern-
ment that happened among us. My station within the
aforementioned ten years gave me opportunity to know
most persons and actions of note, in reference as well to
civil as martial affairs, and particularly those of this sect.
And although in and after the year 1649, their numbers
did increase, insomuch that the principal officers in divers
regiments of horse and foot became Anabaptists, particu-
larly in Oliver Cromwell's own regiment of horse when he
was captain general of all the parliament's forces, and in
the duke of Albemarle's own regiment of foot when he was
general of all the English forces in Scotland; yet by the
best information I could have, tliere were not, at any time
before the year 1649, twenty Anabaptists in any sort of com-
mand in the whole army ; and until after the year 1648,
there were no more than two, viz. Mr. Lawrence, and Mr.
John Fiennes, one of the lord Say's sons, who made pro-
fession of this opinion, chosen into the commons' house of
parliament, and both these did in that year and in the life-
158 SUPPLEMENT.
time of king Charles L, as I have been credibly informed,
voluntarily depart from that parliament, as not approv-
ing their proceedings against the person of the king, and
sat no more in it, but lived privately until about six years
afterward. A new form of government being then formed,
and in appearance settled, Mr. Lawrence was again called
into public employment.
" I confess to your lordship, I never heard of any Ana-
baptists in the king's army during the contest between his
majesty and the parliament : and perhaps, because there
were some in the parliament's army and none in the king's
army, some persons have from thence taken occasion to
affirm, that the opinion of Anabaptism in the church is op-
posite to monarchy in the state. It is true, as before is
mentioned, that this opinion was no general bar to the con-
tinuance of such as did embrace it in public employments,
though 1 have cause to believe that one special reason of
disbanding one entire regiment in the earl of Essex's army
was, because the colonel entertained and gave countenance
to separatists and some Anabaptists. And that which oc-
casioned Oliver Cromwell, after he usurped the government
of lord-protector, to discharge at once all the principal offi-
cers of his own regiments upon other pretences was, for that
they were all Anabaptists."*
It belongs to this period, also, to introduce some account
of another distinguished military officer, who ranks among
the denomination of Baptists. I refer to Colonel Hutch-
inson, who was governor of Nottingham-castle during the
time of the civil wars. He was one of the king's j udges, and
whether in the senate or the field, uniformly distinguished
himself as a person of great courage, judgment, piety, and
liberality. An interesting narrative of his life and times,
drawn up by his amiable and accomplished wife, has been
recently issued from the press, in which the following ac-
count is given of the manner in which he was led to em-
brace the sentiments of the Baptists : the circumstances are
related with the characteristic simplicity and good sense
which pervade the whole work.
" At Nottingham they had gotten a very able minister
into the great church, but a bitter Presbyterian. Him and
his brethren, ray lady Fairfax caressed with so much kind-
* Cro»bj, Tol. 2. Preface, p. 2 — 5.
HISTORY O^ THE BAPTISTS. 159
ness, that they grew impudent to preach up their faction
openly in the pulpit, and to revile the others, and at length
they would not suffer any of the army chaplains to preach
in the town. They then coming- to the governor and com-
plaining of their unkind usage, he invited them to come
and preach in his house, which when it was known they
did there was a great concourse of people came thither to
them ; and the Presbyterians when they heard it were
madded with rage, not only against them but against the
governor, who accidentally gave them another occasion
about the same time. When formerly the Presbyterian
ministers forced him for quietness' sake to go and break up
a private meeting in the cannoneers' chamber, there were
found some notes concerning paedobaptism, which being
brought into the governor's lodgings, his wife having then
ftiore leisure to read than he, having perused and compared
them with the Scriptures, found not what to say against the
truths they asserted concerning the misapplication of that
ordinance to infants : but being then young and modest,
she thought it a kind of virtue to submit to the judgment
and practice of most churches, rather than defend a singular
opinion of her own, she not being then enlightened in that
great mistake of the national churches. But in this year
she happening to be with child, communicated her doubts to
her husband, and desired him to endeavour her satisfaction ;
and while he did, he himself became as unsatisfied, or rather
satisfied against it. First therefore, he diligently searched
the Scriptures alone, and could find in them no ground at
all for this practice. Then he bought and read all the trea-
tises on both sides, which at that time came thick from the
presses, and still was cleared in the error of the paedobap-
tists. After this, his wife being brought to bed, that he
might if possible give the religious party no offence, he in-
vited all the ministers to dinner, and propounded his doubt
and the ground thereof to them. None of them could de-
fend their practice with any satisfactory reason, but the
tradition of the church from the primitive times, and their
main buckler of federal holiness, which Tombes and Denne
had excellently overthrown. H^ and his wife then pro-
fessing themselves unsatisfied in the practice, desired their
opinions what they ought to do. Most answered, to con-
form to the general practice of other Christians, how dark
160 SUPPLEMENT.
soever it were to themselves ; but Mr. Foxcraft, one of the
assembly, said, that except they were convinced of the war-
rant of that practice from the word, they sinned in doing
it : whereupon that infant was not baptized. And now
the governor and his wife, notwithstanding that they for-
sook not their assemblies, nor retracted the benevolences
and civilities from them ; yet they were reviled by them,
called fanatics and Anabaptists, and often glanced at in
their public sermons. Not only the ministers, but all their
zealous sectaries, conceived implacable malice against them
on that account, which was carried on with a spirit of envy
and persecution to the last ; though he on his side might
well have said to them, as his master to the old pharisees,
" Many good works have I done among you ; for which of
these do ye hate me ?" Yet the generality even of that
people had a secret conviction upon them, that he had been
faithful to them and deserved their love ; and in spite of
their own bitter zeal, they could not but have a reverent
esteem for him whom they often railed at for not thinking
and speaking according to their opinions."^
Having introduced this excellent man to the reader's
notice, it possibly may not be altogether unacceptable to
him to be furnished with a few more particulars of his per-
sonal history, and that of his amiable consort.
He was descended of an ancient and honourable family,
and born at Nottingham, in the month of September, 1616*
He was the eldest surviving son of sir Thomas Hutchinson
and lady Margaret, his first wife, a daughter of sir John
Biron, of Newsted, in the same county. As soon as his
age permitted, he was placed under the tuition of Mr.
Theobalds, then, master of the free school at Nottingham ;
and shortly afterward he was sent to the free school at Lin-
coln, which was conducted by a Mr. Clarke. This person,
though pious, was remarkable for his pedantry ; which so
disgusted young Hutchinson, that he could never profit
under his instructions. While at this seminary, he was
taught the military exercise by an old soldier, who was
kept by the master to give his pupils some notion of the
art of war. He was again sent to the free school at Not-
tingham, in which he made very great proficiency ; and
from this place went to the university of Cambridge, and
• Ed. 2. p. 271,272.
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS. IGl
there was made a fellow-commoner of Peter-house. The
tutor of his college was Mr. Norwich, a person of great
learning, and of an amiable disposition. Under this pre-
ceptor, he made rapid progress in his studies, received great
applause for several public exercises, and obtained a de-
gree as a testimony of his merits. After remaining at col-
lege five years, he returned to his father's house at Not-
tingham. He was now about twenty years old, having
hitherto resisted the temptations of youth, and been noted
for the sobriety and consistency of his deportment. His
father had been for some time married to a second wife,
and was surrounded by a youthful and increasing progeny.
This circumstance was not altogether agreeable to young
Hutchinson, who, however, wishing to avoid any complaints
that he might make if he continued at home, adopted the
resolution of visiting London. There he entered Lincoln's
Inn; but soon found the study of the law so irksome and
unpleasant, that he very shortly abandoned it. Soon after-
ward, in 1638, he entered into the marriage relation with
Miss Lucy Apsley, second daughter of sir Allen Apsley,
lieutenant of the Tower. She was a young lady of great
beauty, parts, and acquirements ; and wrote the memoirs
of her husband, which have been lately published by a de-
scendant of the family. During two years' leisure that Mr.
Hutchinson now enjoyed, he directed his attention to seve-
ral branches of divinity. In October, 1641, he retired to
his seat at Owthorpe, in Nottinghamshire. About this
time was perpetrated the Irish massacre, which filled the
nation with horror, and preceded those civil commotions
and distresses with which Britain was about to be chastised.
This massacre, and the conversation which it every where
occasioned, led Mr. Hutchinson to employ his thoughts on
the political state of the country : and the result of this in-
quiry was a persuasion that the cause of the parliamenta-
rians was supported by justice. He, with some others, was
requested by nearly all the freeholders and middle classes
in his native county, to present a petition to the king, then
at York, to return to parliament. Soon afterward he took
up arms, though not till necessity compelled him ; for a
warrant was issued for his apprehension, and he, with his
wife, was obliged to quit home. He accepted the commis-
sion of lieutenant-colonel among the forces appointed by
162 SUPPLEMENT.
the parliament to be raised. He was then engaged, in
conjunction with many parliamentarians, in the defence of
Nottingham : and when the troops there quartered were
called out to the relief of general Essex, he was appointed,
by the committee of that town, to the government of its
castle.
In 1643, his father died, having left his personal estate,
and all his property that was unsettled at Mr. Hutchin-
son's marriage, to his second wife and children. The ene-
mies of Col. Hutchinson then seized, by violence, the rents
of his tenants, which he was about to receive; and his
estate being sought for by several, promise of it was ob-
tained from the king. In this extremity, though he had
supported the garrison chiefly at his own expense, and thus
lessened his pecuniary resources ; and though he was re-
peatedly tempted, with the most flattering promises, to
desert his party, he remained inflexibly firm. He adopted
the most salutary measures for the protection of the cas-
tle and town ; but his effbrts were frequently rendered
abortive by the treachery of some under his command. By
them a party of the royalists were one night admitted into
the town, but were soon expelled by the prudence and in-
trepidity of the governor. A few of the committee, wishing
to ruin their'commander, that they might obtain authority
themselves, endeavoured to excite a spirit of discontent
among the soldiers and townsmen ; and had the effrontery
to lay a statement of their pretended grievances before a
committee of both nations. The result of this contest was
a perfect justification of Col. Hutchinson, and the disgrace
of his infamous calumniators. His office had been previ-
ously ratified by parliament, who had also intrusted him
with the government of the town, and presented him with
thanks for his services. While he held these commissions
he often distinguished hiinself for his bravery. At the
siege of Shelford, in which was a garrison under the com-
mand of colonel Philip Stanhope, eldest son to the earl of
Chesterfield, he exposed himself to the greatest dangers,
and was the first that scaled the walls. He was also at
the siege of Newark, which surrendered to him and his men.
Having been chosen a member of parliament, in the place
of his father, he came to London to discharge the duties of
his new oflSce. The parliament were at that time divided
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS. 163
by the factions and animosities of the Independents and th^
Presbyterians. Colonel Hutchinson was soon marked as ft
strenuous Independent; and, in the controversy between
the army and the Presbyterians, he ranked himself with the
army. Returning, at the settlement of parliament, to his
garrison at Nottingham, he found it consisted only of the
castle ; and that all his regiment, except two companies,
had been disbanded. This being the case, he resigned his
commission, and went, with his family, to live at Owthorpe.
His house was almost in ruins, but he then had not money
sufficient to repair it. He was, however, earnestly en-
treated to resume his commission, but in vain ; for his
health was now rather delicate, and he wished to enjoy a
little peace and retirement.
Being again summoned to parliament, he was nominated
one of the commissioners for the trial of king Charles 1. To
this nomination he at first felt considerable reluctance to
accede. But being convinced, after mature deliberation,
and fervent prayer for direction, that the measure was fully
justifiable, he no longer hesitated. Whatever were the
motives which induced that assembly to judge and condemn
their sovereign, or whatever opinion may be formed of
their proceedings, the conduct of colonel H. in that affair
was certainly dictated by conscientious principles.
After the dissolution of parliament, he returned to
Owthorpe, and devoted his time to the education of his
children (who had, besides, the ablest masters ;) to the
suppression of disorders in his neighbourhood; and to the
administration of justice. He w as elected a member of the
parliament, summoned April 25, 1660, but was soon sus-
pended, on account of the part he took in the transactions
relative to Charles I. ; and his punishment was a sentence
of dismissal from the present house of parliament, and of
incapacity to sustain any public office, civil or military, for
ever. This sentence must be allowed not to have been
very severe : but he was not permitted to live unmolested.
He was accused, without the least shadow of proof, of trea-
sonable designs and practices. His house was pillaged of
all his armour, to the value of 100/. ; and some pictures that
had once belonged to the late king, and which he had pur-
chased in London during the interregnum, to the amount
164 SUPPLEMENT,
of 1000/. or 1500/., were wrested from him by an order from
the secretary of state. By a warrant from the same secre-
tary, he was seized one Sunday evening, while expounding
to his family a portion of the Epistle to the Romans. After
undergoing very severe treatment, he was dismissed ; but
in a short time again apprehended — thrust into a filthy
prison, where he fell sick — and commanded by the king to
be carried to London in custody. Having with much pain
arrived there, he was committed to the Tower, and bore
several petty examinations. Sir John Robinson, then
keeper, a worthless character, was as cruel and hardened
as a torturer in the inquisition, and employed every method
he could devise of insulting and injuring colonel H.
Under all these multiplied calamities, colonel Hutchin-
son was patient and submissive. An order at length came
for his removal to Sandown-castle, in Kent, whither he was
still pursued by the malice and cruelty of his adversaries.
He was confined to a dreary, damp room, that was exposed
to the piercing air of the sea ; and against the bottom of
which the waves dashed in angry murmurs. In this miser-
able condition, his wife, who had attended him in all his
sufferings, brought some books for his entertainment ; but
he declared, that if he were to remain in prison all his life,
he would read nothing but the Bible. This book, indeed,
afforded him divine consolation, so that he said to his dis-
consolate partner, what reason she had to rejoice that God
supported him under his trials, and did not suffer his pa-
tience or spirits to fail. He was even thankful for his af-
flictions, considering them as tokens of his heavenly Father's
love, who chastises all his children. Symptoms of disease
now began to appear, and he very rapidly grew weaker.
In his sickness he was wonderfully cheered by the comforts
of religion ; and to a person who asked him how he did, he
replied, ^' Incomparably well, and full of faith." He con-
tinued in this happy frame, giving serious advice to those
that were around him, and pouring out his desires in ejacu-
latory prayers. When he was questioned as to the ground
of his hope, he said, '' There's none but Christ, none but
Christ, in whom I have unspeakable joy, more than I can
express:" and on the sabbath-day, September 11, 1661, his
spirit winged her flight to the regions of everlasting re-
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS. 165
pose. Of the political conduct of colonel Hutchinson, va-
rious sentiments are entertained, but none question his in-
tegrity or piety.
CHAP. IV.
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS, FROM THE RESTORATION
OF KING CHARLES II. TO THE BANISHMENT OF TJli:
EARL OF CLARENDON. A. D. 1660—1670.
Whatever concern the Baptists maybe supposed to have
had in national affairs, while the unhappy contest was pend-
ing between Charles I. and his army, it is sufficiently
apparent, from what has been seen in the foregoing chap-
ter, that it soon ceased after Cromwell assumed the reins
of government, who, when he thought himself well settled,
and perceived that it would please the dominant party,
began to undermine the sectarians, and in particular to sup-
press the Baptists. Mr. Baxter charges them with grow-
ing insolent both in England and Ireland, after Cromwell's
death, and the succession of his son Richard was set aside :
and that, joining their brethren in the army, they were every
where put in power. He complains of some personal in-
sults and ungenerous treatment, which he received from
some who resided near to him, irritated by their remem-
brance of the opposition he had made to their sentiments,
and who, though not many more than twenty, " talked,"
as he expresses it, *' as if they had been lords of the world."*
This spirit of resentment and triumph was soon humbled
by the disappointment of hope, and a subsequent series of
sufferings.
This appears, in the first instance, from a petition pre-
sented to king Charles II. signed by thirty-five, on behalf
of many others in JLincolnshire. It stated, that not only
their meetings for religious worship were interrupted by
the magistrates ; and bonds for good behaviour were im-
posed upon them, for the violation of which, on account of
• His own Life, part 2. p. 206.
166 SUPPLEMENT,
renewing their assemblies, they were prosecuted as peace-
breakers ; but that they were abused in the streets, and
their own houses could not atford them protection ; for, if
they were heard praying to God in their families, they were
insulted by sounding of horns, beating against their doors,
and threats that they should be hanged. If they appealed
to the magistrates, the rage of their adversaries received a
sanction from the odious terms with which those who sat
on the bench of justice reviled them. Many of them were
indicted at the sessions for not attending on the preach-
ing of the episcopal clergy, and alarmed with a design
of levying from every one of them a penalty of 20/. per
month.
The petition was graciously received by the king, who
promised that he would take particular care that none
should trouble them on account of their conscience, in
things pertaining to religion; and immediately directed a
member of parliament to go to the lord-chancellor and
secretary, that the proper measures for this end might be
taken.
In the same year, another petition and representation of
their sufferings was presented by some Baptists, inhabitants
of Kent, and prisoners in the jail at Maidstone. In this
paper they appealed to their '' Confession of Faith," as
truly representing their principles concerning magistracy
and government ; and deplored the danger which threat-
ened their lives, and the ruin which hung over their wives
and little ones, by the violence exercised against them.
For, besides being made prisoners, the houses of some had,
without any authority from the executive power, been bro-
ken open in the dead of night ; and from others their goods
and cattle had been taken away and detained.
Great also were the sufferings of those who resided in
Gloucestershire. The most eminent cavaliers rode about
armed with swords and pistols, ransacking their houses,
and abusing their families in a violent manner. At the
house of Mr. Helme, at Winchcombe, the bed whereon his
children laid was not spared ; and their outrageous con-
duct so friffhtened his wife as to throw her into an illness
which threatened her life. Mr. Warren, who possessed
the parsonage of Rencome, was with his wife and family
penned up into an upper room of his house, and so ha-
HISTORY 0¥ THE BAPTISTS. 167
rassed night and day by the violence of the assailants and
the noise of hautboys, that he died in the place. Mr.
Fletcher, who had been put into a vacant place by autho-
rity, was so beat and inhumanly treated by a cavalier of his
parish, that he and his family fled for their lives. One
pious minister was assaulted as he was entering his pulpit.
Another was violently pulled out of his house ; his wife,
children, and goods, were thrown into the street, none of
the parish were allowed to give them entertainment, and he
himself was haled to jail.*
It is less surprising, that these people were insulted by
the ignorant populace, and were abused by the petty offi-
cers of power, when even the legislature marked them as
the objects of suspicion, hatred, and severity. For the par-
liament assembled upon the Restoration, when it passed an
act for confirming all ministers in the possession of their
benefices, how heterodox soever they had been, provided
they would conform for the future, excepted such as had
been of the Baptist persuasion.f
So far from being encouraged to conform, or being per-
mitted in peace and security to dissent, they were pursued
with cruelty. Divers of them were cast into Reading prison,
for conscientiously scrupling to take some oaths adminis-
tered to them. At Newport in Wales, at the end of ser-
mon, two were set upon by soldiers with swords and staves.J
At Jjondon, Dr. John Griffith was committed to Newgate,
where he lay seventeen months, for no other crime but
preaching to a congregation of Protestants. In Lincolnshire,
Mr. Thomas Grantham and some others were taken from
their meeting at Boston by some soldiers, and after having
been lodged all night in a public inn, had their rest dis-
turbed, and their minds grieved, by the incessant curses
and oaths of their guards ; they were, on the next morning,
conveyed to the common jail, and detained there, without so
much as the least pretence of any crime laid to their charge,
till the assizes, when they were dismissed. At Dover, the
magistrates were severe against them, taking them from
their meeting-houses, and committing them to prison.
After four-and-twenty days they were admitted to bail, and
* Crosby, vol. 2. p. 1— .'30.
t Wall's History of Infant Baptism, vol. 5. p. 215.
i Crosby, vol. 2. p. 94. 97.
168 SUPPLEMENT,
appearing at the assizes were forbidden to assemble any
more in their own place of worship, but were allowed the
use of one of the churches. This privilege, which they
enjoyed about the space of five months, was afterward denied
to them. Upon meeting again in their own place, their
worship was disturbed, and twenty-four of them, under
different commitments, sent to prison ; at the quarter-ses-
sions, a bill of indictment was found against them ; some
traversed it, others submitted to the court, and the rest
were remitted to the prison again.*
A circumstance which much aggravated the proceedings
against these people was, that they were not apprehended
by the peace-officers only, but by rude, youthful, and mer-
cenary soldiers ; who seized them, to the terror of women
and children, with muskets and drawn swords, did violence
to their persons, and spoiled their goods.f
In June 1661, one of these military banditties went to a
meeting-house in Whitechapel, and laid hands on more
than twenty ; one of whom refusing to go with them unless
they produced their warrant, they not only pulled him along
by force, and beat him about the head with their hangers,
but lifting him up several times between three or four, let
him fall with violence, and drove his breast and stomach
against the rails with such force, that his health was greatly
injured by the blows and falls. When a suit was com-
menced against the actors of this tragedy, the persons, at
whose complaint the soldiers were arrested, were them-
selves arrested, and sent to Newgate, where they lay
about ten or twelve days before they could be bailed, and
were held bound from sessions to sessions, for a long time,
before they could be discharged.
The persons assembling in the same meeting-house were
assaulted by a like body of soldiers, October the 20th, 1661,
and one of them, the minister objecting to the authority
under which they professed to act, was by a mittimus pre-
tending and asserting great matters, cast into Newgate,
where he lay thirty weeks, without any thirtg laid to his
charge, and then they released him.
On the Sd of November, in the same year, a similar out-
rage was committed, in the same place, with as little show
or face of law. The preacher and three more were seized,
• Crosby, vol. 2. p. 149, 150. 154, 155. t Ibid. vol. 2. p. 161.
HISTORY OF THli EAFTISTS. 169
and (hroivn into New prison, tVom wliicli, in time of ses-
sions, one was removed to Newgate, under pretence of
being brought to his trial ; which, however, he could never
procure, though he called for it in the face of the court, nor
was his name returned in the calendar. Yet he was kept
in jail twelve weeks, till fetched out by a person in autho-
rity. He suffered in all eighteen, and the other persons
twenty-eight, weeks' imprisonment.*
In the following year, their religious assemblies, in dif-
ferent par«ts of the town, met with the like violent inter-
ruptions from the soldiery, breaking in with their swords
and muskets, and acting under the authority of John Ro-
binson the lieutenant of the Tower, as in the former cases.
In one instance a child in the cradle was awaked out of its
sleep by their violence, and so terrified, that it fell sick,
and died in three days. In other instances, the forms and
fuj-niture of their places of worship were broken and de-
stroyed. Robinson, being told by them that they had bro-
ken the pulpit in Brick-lane, replied, " It was well done ;"
and gave them a piece of gold, as a reward for their good
service. In all cases, the persons of those assembled were
exposed to their indiscriminating rage ; neither sex, nor
childhood, nor old age, npr women with child, were spared.
At one place the mob was let in to act with soldiers, at the
direction of Robinson. Many of the conscientious sufferers,
by illegal commitments, were cast into prison.
Even the walls of the prison did not afford them a secure
retreat. In the prison itself they were exposed to outrage
and fury. When they have been engaged together in reli-
gious conversation and acts of devotion, the felons of the
jail, the thieves and housebreakers, the pickpockets and
highwaymen, have been let into their room, have threatened
them, violently assaulted, and beaten them.f
But in the country, were usually the greatest injustice
and cruelty practised. The gentlemen in the commission
of the peace, near Aylesbury in Buckinghamshire, distin-
guished themselves by their virulence in prosecuting the
Nonconformists, and particularlyjthe Baptists, They filled
not the county jail only with prisoners of this description,
but hired large houses in Aylesbury, and converted them
into prisons ; and not contented with the severities in daily
• Crosby, vol. 2. p. 16'2^165. t Ibid. vol. 5. p. 172—17 9.
VOL. v. N
170 SUPPLEMENT.
exercise, such as confiscation of goods and imprisonment,
they attempted to revive the old practice of punishing here-
tics with banishment and death. They grounded their
proceedings on the oppressive act of the 35th of Elizabeth,
for the punishment of persons obstinately refusing to come
to church ;* which went to banish them, if, after three
months' imprisonment^ they refused conformity ; and if they
did not leave the kingdom within a limited time, or should
return, to inflict death without benefit of clergy. In 1664,
some of these justices proceeded on this act against ten
men and two women, all Baptists, who had been appre-
hended at their meeting in or near Aylesbury : on these
persons, because they refused to conform, and to abjure the
realm, sentence of death was passed, and immediately their
goods also were seized. The other dissenters, who consti-
tuted the majority of inhabitants in the town, alarmed at
these proceedings, and anticipating their own doom, shut
up their shops : this stop to commerce struck the whole
town with horror and surprise. A son of one of the con-
demned persons immediately took horse for London, and
was introduced, by Mr. William Kifhn, a gentleman of note
amongst the Baptists, and of interest at court, to chancellor
Hyde, who was easily engaged to lay the case before the
king. His majesty expressed great surprise, that any of
his subjects should be put to death for their religion, and
inquired whether any law in force justified such proceed-
ings ? Being satisfied on this point, he promised his pardon.
But lest any precipitancy in executing the sentence should
supersede the benefit of his grace, while the pardon was
passing through the usual forms, the king, on a renewed
application, granted an immediate reprieve. The con-
demned persons, however, were continued close prisoners
till the next assizes, and then the judge brought down his
majesty's pardon, and they were all set at liberty.f This
would undoubtedly check the disposition of the justices to
a similar process. But the virtuous sufferers, besides their
other calamities, owed their safety to favour instead of
law ; and appeared under the ignominious character of
pardoned criminals, when they ought to have enjoyed the
security and reputation of peaceable and innocent subjects.
The' rage of the people, sanctioned by the conduct of the
• S«e Neal, vol. 1. p. 426, of this edition. t Crosby, vol. 2. p. 180—183.
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS. J71
magistrates and the clergy towards the Baptists, rose to
such a height as to deny them the benefit of the common
burying places. Nay, there wanted not instances of their
being taken out of their graves. The inhabitants of Croft
in Lincolnshire treated in this manner the corpse of Mr.
Robert Shalder, in the year 1666. He had suffered much
by imprisonment, and died soon after his release. He was
buried amongst his ancestors ; and on the same day his
grave was opened, and his body taken out, dragged on a
sledge to his own gate, and left there.
In the year 1670, the Baptists of Lewes, and other places
in the county of Sussex, suffered in their property by the
proceedings of sir Thomas Nutt and other justices, on the
conventicle-act. They were convicted without being ad-
mitted to plead in their own defence. They were fined in
an arbitrary manner ; and those fines were recovered in a
way exceedingly oppressive and injurious, by distress and
sale of goods. Where the fines amounted, as levied on
various persons, to 51. there were enacted, by distraints,
29/. 175. In some instances, four cheeses were seized to
recover 10s. five pairs of shoes for 5s. a cow for 2/. 13^. and
a horse for 5s. Cattle worth 27/. was sold for 14/. 5s. as a
distress for 11/. 10*. One person, for a meeting held in his
house, was fined 20/. for which were taken from him six
cows, two young bullocks, and a horse, his whole stock.
On entering an appeal, they were returned to him ; but,
being cast at the sessions, he was fined 601. which was at
last remitted to 23/. For nonpayment of this sum he was
committed to the jailer's hands, though the vicar of the
parish, touched with remorse for his share in the prosecu-
tion, offered his bond to pay the whole fine within a quarter
of a year.*
It was remarked by one who had been bound over to
several assizes and sessions for having religious assemblies
held at his house, that the justices, who in criminal matters
were often silent, and generally cool and disposed to lenity ;
when any person or accusation came before them concern-
ing dissenters, were very forward speakers, and zealously
aggravated the charge.
But nothing more strongly marked the malignant temper
of the times against the Baptists, than the publication of a
* Crosby, yoI. 2. p. 244— 2$8.
172 SUPPLEMENT.
pamphlet, in the year 1673, avowedly designed to raise an
abhorrence of the sect, and to stand " as an eternal memo-
rial of their cruelty and hatred to all orthodox ministers."
It was entitled, " Mr. Baxter baptized in blood." The
story it exhibited was, that Mr. Josiah Baxter, a godly
minister of New-England, for no other reason than because
he had worsted the Baptists in a disputation, had been mur-
dered in his own house, amidst "the bowlings, groans, and
screechings, of his dear relations, lying bound by him ;" and
it represented this murder as committed with circumstances
of peculiar atrocity and cruelty : he being first stripped and
severely whipped, and then unbowelled and flayed alive. To
give it the air of authenticity, the pamphlet was pretended
to be published by the mournful brother of the said minis-
ter, an inhabitant of Fenchurch-strcet, London ; and it
was actually licensed by Dr. Samuel Parker. This vile
tale had its origin in invention and malice alone ; for the
king's privy council examined the case, and detected the
forgery. It appeared, on the oaths of the officers in Fen-
church-street, that no such person as Benjamin Baxter, the
pretended publisher, had, in their memory, lived there :
and on the affidavits of a master of a vessel, and of a mer-
chant who sailed from Boston about twenty days after this
murder was said to be committed, it also appeared, that no
such fact had taken place, nor had there been such a person
as Mr. Josiah Baxter. The whole story was pronounced
by an order of council " altogether false and fictitious ;" and
Dr. Parker confessed his mistake and credulity in licensing
the pamphlet, and acknowledged, by a testimonial under
his hand, his conviction that the whole was " both false
and groundless." Mr. Andrew Marvel, not without intimat-
ing a suspicion that Dr. Parker was concerned in the fabri-
cation, says, that " from beginning to end there never was a
completer falsehood invented."* It grieves and shocks a
good miad to think that, in any age or party, men can be
found to invent and countenance such groundless and male-
volent forgeries.
Besides this general survey of the persecutions to which
the Baptists were exposed throughout the kingdom, it may
be proper briefly to notice two or three particular cases. —
One is that of Mr. John James, the minister of a congrega-
• Crosby, vol. 'i. p. 278—294.
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS. 173
tion of Baptists, who observed the seventh day as a sab-
bath, and assembled in Bulstake-alley. Towards the end
of the year 166 J, they were interrupted in their worship by
a justice and headborough, as Mr. James was preaching,
whom they commanded in the king's name to be silent and
come down, having spoken treason against the king. As
Mr. James proceeded in his discourse, without noticing this
summons, it was repeated, with a threat of pulling him
down. On this the disturbance grew so great, that Mr.
James was obliged to stop ; but still refusing to leave the
pulpit, he was pulled down, and haled away; and the
hearers were carried, by sevens, before the justices sitting
at the Half-moon tavern, and those who refused the oath
of allegiance were committed to prison. Mr. James was
examined in the meeting-house ; insult and threats accom-
panied the interrogatories, and he was committed on the
charge of speaking treasonable words against his majesty.
On this charge he was tried, condemned, and executed.
Previously to the execution, his wife delivered to the king
a petition, stating his innocence, and the character of the
witnesses against him, signifying who she was, which the
king received with a taunt : " Oh ! Mr. James ! he is a sweet
gentleman ;" and when she attempted to follow for some
farther answer, the door was shut against her. On the next
morning, she renewed her attendance and suit : and his ma-
jesty replied, ** that he was a rogue, and should be hanged."
A lord in waiting, asking who was meant, the king an-
swered, " Oh, John James, that rogue ; he shall be hanged ;
yea, he shall be hanged."*
The celebrated Mr. Benjamin Keach had also no small
share in the sufferings of the times. He was seized, when
preaching, and committed to jail; sometimes bound, some-
times released upon bail, and sometimes his life was threat-
ened. Troopers, who were sent down into Buckingham-
shire to suppress the meetings of dissenters, entered into an
assembly where he was conducting the worship, with great
violence, and swearing that they would kill the preacher.
He was accordingly seized, and four of them declared their
resolution to trample him to death with their horses. They
bound him, laid him on the ground, and were going to spur
all their horses at once upon hini, when their officer, seeing
* Cro.sbv, vol. 2. p. 16.1— J7l.
174 SUPPLEMENT.
their design, rode up towards them and prevented its exe-
cution. Mr. Keach was taken up, tied behind one of the
troopers, across his horse, and carried to jail ; where he
suffered, some time, great hardships before he was re-
leased.
In the year 1644, Mr. Keach printed, at the request of
friends, without his name, and with a recommendatory pre-
face by another hand, a little piece entitled " The Child's
Instructor; or, a new and easy Primmer.' In this book
were advanced several principles contrary to the doctrines
and ceremonies of the church of England ; viz. That infants
ought not to be baptized ; that laymen having abilities may
preach the gospel : that Christ should reign personally upon
the earth in the latter day, &c. Soon after this tract was
printed, and Mr. Keach had received some copies of it, his
house was searched for it, all the copies of it they found
were seized, and he was bound over to the assizes in a re-
cognizance of 100/. and two sureties with him in 50/. each.
On October 8, Mr. Keach was brought to the bar of Ayles-
bury, where the assizes were held, before lord-chief-justice
Hyde. The judge not only interrogated him, whether he
were the author of the Primmer, but, by unjust reflections
and angry insults, endeavoured to incense the jury against
him, and to render him odious. Mr. Keach was refused a
copy of his indictment till he had pleaded to it. In the
course of the trial, abuse and contempt were cast upon him
from the bench. The jury were intimidated, when they
hesitated on their verdict. Mr. Keach was convicted : and
the sentence passed was, that he should be committed to
jail for a fortnight, stand in the pillory for two hours on the
following Saturday at Aylesbury, with a paper on his head
with this inscription: " For writing, printing, and publish-
ing, a schismatical book, entitled, * The Child's Instructor;
or, a new and easy Primmer :' " that the same punishment,
under like circumstances, should be inflicted on him on the
next Thursday at Winslow : that there his book should be
openly burnt before his face, in disgrace of him and his
doctrine: that he should be fined 20/. and that he should
remain in jail until he found sureties for his good behaviour
and appearance at the next assizes; then to renounce his
doctrines, and make such public submission as should be
enjoined him. No pardon could be obtained, nor the least
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS. 175
relaxation of the sentence, which the sheriff took care should
be punctually executed.*
The spirit of persecution thus raged against this people:
but not without a mixture of events, which were adapted
seriously to affect the minds of their persecutors, and to
alarm them to reflection. On the day of the king's pro-
clamation at Waltham near Theobalds, there was a man
who at the bonfire in the evening expressed a rage against
the dissenters, and the Baptists in particular, by violence
of language and oaths ; and as he threw fagots into the
fire, cried, " Here is a Round-head ; here is an Anabaptist I"
he was struck with death that night, and never saw the
morning. A minister at one place inveighing in his ser-
mon against this fact, fell into a swoon, and was speechlesr
for two hours, so that it was apprehended that he would
never recover out of the fit. At Brockington in Gloucester-
shire, a young woman, who had bitterly reviled them, giving
a sudden shriek, as the preacher was discoursing on Jude
14, 15, dropped down in the religious assembly, and never
recovered. The sufferings and character of the dissenters
were made a jest upon the stage at Oxford. In a play acted
there by the scholars, one personated the old Puritan; who
broke a vein and vomited so much blood, that his immediate
death was apprehended, and he lay sometime dangerously
ill. Two of the actors, and a woman that joined them in
this dramatic exhibition, were cut off by death. t Some re-
markable calamities befel those who were instruments in
the prosecution of Mr. John James.J One of the actors
in the rude and unnatural treatment of Mr. Shalder's corpse,
after it was interred, died suddenly ; and another languished
for some time, terrified with the remembrance of the insults
he had offered to the dead.§ A woman named Anne Clemens,
at Chipping-Norton, distinguished by her rage and malice
against the dissenters, fell into such circumstances of po-
verty, as to be obliged to sell her land, and mortgage her
house for near its worth. Not one of her children, who
resided in the neighbourhood, was in a comfortable con-
dition ; and she herself was so reduced as to beg alms of
those she had hated and persecuted. Her affliction was
heightened by a diseased appetite, which called for as much
* Crosby, vol. 2. p. 185—209. t Ibid. vol. 2. p. 30—54
t Ibid. p. 172. $ Ibid. p. 211.
176 SUPPLEMENT.
as would satisfy two or three persons ; and by a disposition
to breed vermin, so that though her clothes were not only
washed, but ovened, she could not be kept clean. Richard
Allein, an active informer, and violent in his conduct to-
wards the dissenters, fell into afflictions that shortened his
days. His eldest son was killed at London; and about the
same time, another was accused and convicted for robbing
on the highway, and by great friends and fees escaped with
his life. An officer in the county troops of Oxford, with an
income of 701. per annum, before he could accomplish his
design of suppressing the dissenters, sunk in his own estate,
died greatly in debt, and his son's children became common
beggars. One Werg, a forward and active constable, did
not long survive the expiration of his office, and imputed
his death to watching one cold night to take the dissenters
at their meeting. Five persons, who received pensions as
spies and informers, were observed not to prosper after-
ward, and every one of them shortly died. An Irish peer,
and three Irish justices of title and rank, bitter persecutors,
it was remarked, while they were directing their whole
power to the ruin of the dissenters, were themselves ruined,
their estates were sold, and their families became extinct.
Whereas sir Littleton Obaldiston, a justice of peace, who
had been heard to rail at the dissenters, and acted with
others in committing them to prison, afterward laid aside
his enmity, was instrumental in releasing several, and con-
ducted himself in a friendly manner ; and it was noticed,
that his estate continued to his posterity. And it was re-
marked, that Howard, esq. a justice and officer in the
county troops in Oxfordshire, who had from an enemy be-
come a friend to the dissenters, though he adhered to the
established worship, was the only one of those who had
molested and harassed them that was living on the 30th of
December. 1707, being then an old man, full of days, wealth,
and honour.*
It becomes us, lam sensible, to be very cautious how we
construe the events which are common to all men. " There
is usually (says an excellent writer) much rashness and
presumption in pronouncing,. that the calamities of sinners
are particular judgments of God; yet if, from sacred and
profane, from ancient and modern historians, a collection
♦ Crwsby, vol. 2. p. 259~'J65.
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS. 177
were made of all the persecuting tyrants, who delighted in
tormenting their fellow-creatures, and who died not the
common death of all men, nor were visited after the visita-
tion of all men, but whose plagues were horrible and strange,
even a sceptic would be moved at the evidence, and would
be apt to suspect that it was Ouov tl, that the hand of God
was in it."*
But the history, which we are detailing, presents objects
to our consideration more pleasing than the sufferings of
the persecuted, or calamities that befel persecutors. It
records the virtues which the persecuted displayed, and the
consolations in which, under their heavy trials, they re-
joiced. We see the power of faith and piety, when we
hear the Baptists confined in Reading-jail declaring, *' Our
Lord and King, whom we serve, hath brought us under
his own pavilion: and his banner over us hath been and
still is love, and hath been teaching of us these lessons fol-
lowing. 1st. In the loss of all outward things, having
Christ, we enjoy all things, and are satisfied in the Lord :
we shall take the spoiling of our goods with far more com-
fort, than the enemy will do in the spending of them, for
that word, Job xx. 22, 23, is very much on our hearts con-
cerning him. 2dly. We hope we have learned, in whatso-
ever condition we are, to be therewith contented; and are
persuaded in eur hearts, this is given us in an answer of
many prayers breathed forth unto the Lord on our behalfs.
3dly. That whereas formerly we could hardly part with
any thing for the Lord, we are now made willing by him, to
part with all things for him, and to say with good old Eli,
' It is the Lord, let him do what he pleaseth ;' and that in
Job is set before us for our example, upon whom the ends
of the world are come : ' The Lord giveth, and the Lord
taketh away ; blessed be the name of the Lord. In all this
Job sinned not,' &c. 4thly. We have since our confinement
tasted a greater sweetness in the promises of the Lord than
formerly; and particularly these places following, we have
sweet experience of, and we can truly say by experience,
* That faithful is he that hath thus promised, for he hath
also done it : it is the Lord's doing, and it is marvellous in
our eyes.' Phil. iv. 19. 1 Pet. v. 7. Deut. xxxiii. 25. We are
also brought by the power of his grace to a more watchful
* Jortiu's Rsrauks on Ecclesiastical Hislorj, vol. 3. p. 217. iTbL
178 SUPPLEMENT.
frame over our hearts, thoughts, and actions^ by these trials
than formerly. One thing had almost slipped our memory,
the knowledge of which will, we hope, rejoice our hearts;
that our relations, that are precious to the Lord and to us,
bear this our suffering with incomparable patience, rather
singing for joy, than weeping for grief Also our societies,
from whence we were taken, are exceeding cheerful, and a
very lively spirit of faith and prayer is amongst them ; and
their meetings rather increase than otherwise. Sure, * That
the Lord is near, his wondrous works declare; for the singing
of birds is come, and the turtle is heard in our land.' And
now, brethren, forasmuch as the mercies expected and prayed
for by us, are to be enjoyed in the way of righteousness, it
greatly concerns us, that we cry mightily to the Lord, as did
his servant of old. Isa.lxii. 1. Then shall we have that new
name which God will give us, which is expressed in the last
verse of that chapter. Now the God of all peace fill you
with peace and joy in believing; so pray your brethren
through grace."*
In the spirit of these pious suff'erers, one whose property
was seized, told those who took distress, " he never sold
any thing to so great advantage, for this would bring him
a hundred-fold." And another on goods from his shop to
the value of 50^. being seized for a fine of 305. assured them,
'* that he parted as willingly with them as with any goods
he ever sold."t
When Mr. John James was brought to the bar to receive
sentence, he was asked what he had to say for himself, why
sentence of death should not be passed upon him. In a
manner very expressive of pious submission and fortitude,
he answered ; *' That he had not much to say, only two or
three scriptures he would leave with them." The first
scripture was Jer. xxvi. 14, 15. " As for me, do as seemeth
good unto you. But know ye for certain, that if ye put
me to death, ye shall surely bring innocent blood upon
yourselves, and upon this city, and upon the inhabitants
thereof" The second scripture was Psalm cxvi. 13.
" Precious in the sight of the Lord, is the death of his
saints." He also reminded them of that good word of the
Lord : " He that toucheth the Lord's people, toucheth the
apple of his eye."
• Crosby, vol. 2. j). 93—95. t Ibid. p. 249.
HISTORY OK THE BAPTISTS. 179
The deportment of Mr. Keach, when he stood in the pil-
lory at Aylesbury, was singularly serious, devout, and un-
daunted. To his friends, who accompanied him, expressing
their sense of his sufferings, he said, with a cheerful coun-
tenance, '* The cross is the way to the crown." When his
head and hands were tixed, he addressed the spectators to
this effect: " Good people, I am not ashamed to stand here
this day, with this paper on my head. My Lord Jesus was
not ashamed to suffer on the cross for me, and it is for his
cause that I am made a gazing-stock. Take notice, it is not
for any wickedness that I stand here ; but for writing and
publishing his truths, which the Spirit of the Lord hath
revealed in the Holy Scriptures. It is no new thing for
the servants of the Lord to suffer and to be made a gazing-
stock ; and you that are acquainted with the Scriptures
know, that the way to the crown is by the cross. The
apostle saith, * that through many tribulations, we must
enter into the kingdom of heaven:' and Christ saith, ' He
that is ashamed of me and my words, in an adulterous and
sinful generation, of him shall the Son of man be ashamed,
before the Father, and before the holy angels.' " After fre-
quent interruptions from the jailer and standing sometime
silent, disengaging one of his hands, he pulled his Bible out
of his pocket, and held it up to the people, saying: '* Take
notice, that the things which 1 have written and published^
and for which I stand here this day a spectacle to men and
angels, are all contained in this book, as I could prove out
of the same, if I had opportunity." The jailer took it from
him, and fastened up his hand again: but it was almost im-
possible to keep him from speaking; saying, '' It seems I
cannot be suffered to speak to the cause for which I stand
here ; neither could I be suffered the other day (viz. on his
trial) : but it will plead its own innocency, when the strongest
of its opposers shall be ashamed. I do not speak this out of
prejudice to any person, but do sincerely desire, that the
Lord would convert them, and convince them of their
errors, that their souls may be saved in the day of the Lord
Jesus. Good people, the concernment of souls is very
great; so great, that Christ died for them. And, truly, a
concernment for souls was that which moved me to write
and publish those things for which I now suffer, and for
which 1 could suffer far greater things than these. It con-
]80 SUPPLEMENT,
cerns you therefore to be very careful, otherwise it will be
very sad with you, at the revelation of the Lord Jesus from
heaven, for we must all appear before his tribunal." Here
he was interrupted, but after some time he again ventured
to break silence. " I hope (said he) the Lord's people will
not be discouraged at my sufferings. Oh ! did you but ex-
perience the great love of God, and the excellences that
are in him, it would make you willing to go through any
sufferings for his sake. And 1 do account this the greatest
honour that ever the Lord was pleased to confer upon me."
He was not suffered to speak much more after this, and the
officers were commanded to keep the spectators at a greater
distance from him. He found an opportunity however to
say at one time, " This is one yoke of Christ, which I can
experience is easy to me, and a burden which he doth make
light;" and to utter also this sentence, ** Blessed are they
that are persecuted for righteousness' sake, for theirs is the
kingdom of heaven." When the time for his standing
was expired, and his head and hands were at liberty, he
blessed God, with a loud voice, for his great goodness
unto him.*
Such sentiments, such a spirit expressed in the moment
of suffering, it may be supposed, would disarm the rage of
some, and possess the minds of many in favour of the pious
sufferer. But the Baptists did not leave their principles to
the recommendation and support, which the conduct and
temper of those who, in the profession of them endured
cruel trials, might afford. They adopted every method of
softening prejudice and conciliating regard, by addresses
from the press, and applications to the throne. With this
view they published, in 1660, A Brief Confession or Declara-
tion, to inform all men of their innocent belief and practice.
It was owned and approved by more than twenty thousand.
This was presented to his majesty, and met with his appro-
bation. It was reprinted at London in 1691. f Petitions
alsoj as we have noticed, were in this year delivered to the
king, representing their pacific principles, and imploring
his protection. J Three persons, of tliis denomination,
about this time published a declaration of their sentiments
concerning opposing magistracy, in which they advanced
* Crosbj, vol. 2. p. 204—208. t Ibid. vol. 2. p. 18 , and Appendix, no. 4.
t Crosby, y. 19-26.
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS. 181
principles to which the most zealous advocates for passive
obedience and nonresistance could not object : professing
that in such instances wherein they could not in conscience
obey, they ought " not to resist them, but patiently suffer
whatever they should inflict for non-obedience to their re-
quirements."* The persons who signed this declaration
apologize for their paucity, and seemed not pleased with
their brethren, because they wese not of their judgment on
this point. But their difference in opinion from other Bap-
tists shews, that a uniformity of sentiment concerning the
extent of the magistrate's authority and the right of re-
sistance, had no necessary and direct connexion with an
agreement on the questions concerning baptism. In the year
1661, the hardships under which many of this profession
groaned, again excited them to seek mercy from the higher
powers. A petition was presented to the king, on behalf of
themselves and others, from some confined in the prison at
Dover, and another to the duke of York ; describing their
great sufferings, protesting that innocence was found in them,
and that against the king and his government they had done
no harm, soliciting, with much importunity to be set at
liberty, and that they might not be interrupted in their
worship of the God of heaven, as they were taught it in his
word, which they prized above all the world ; and urging,
that it might be considered, " how disagreeable it is with
Christianity, to bring tribulation upon any for conscience'
sake, seeing all things in worship must be done in faith
and love."t
But the application for redress of their grievances, which
particularly deserves notice, was an address to the king,
parliament, and people, in a treatise entitled, " Sion's groans
for her distressed ; or. Sober endeavours to prevent inno-
cent blood," &c. This was not a petition only for tolera-
tion for themselves, but an able and spirited defence of the
rights of conscience. Its design was to prove how contrary
to the gospel *' of the Lord Jesus, and to good reason, it is
for any magistrate, by outward force, to impose any thing
in the worship of God on the consciences of those whom
they govern ; but that liberty ought to be given to all such
as disturb not the civil peace, though of different persuasions
* Crosby, vol. 2. p. 19. Appendix, no. 5. p. 93.
t Crosby, vol. 2. p. 165—160.
182 SUPPLEMENT,
in religious matters." The question is handled on liberal
principles, also with copiousness and strength. The spirit
and the reasoning do honour to the people from whom it
came ; especially when it is recollected, that the assembly at
Westminster, and the ministers of London and other parts^
had from the pulpit and the press opposed the principles of
toleration.
It is argued, that the power of directing conscience by
outward force doth not attach itself to the office of magis>
tracy itself, because then all magistrates in all nations have
the same power ; the Mahometan to enforce the reception
of the Koran, the Spaniard to enjoin popery, and every suc-
ceeding magistrate to sanction his own religion, to the over-
throw of what his predecessor established : because the
apostles who command obedience to magistrates, in matters
of religion, refused obedience ; because all the Scriptures of
the New Testament, enjoining obedience to magistrates,
being written when the emperors were idolaters ; such in-
junctions cannot be understood as applying to religion :
because, if the commands of the magistrate in religious
matters were obligatory, there could be no persecutions,
and the way to heave^fl, so far from being strait and nar-
row, any might be a disciple of Christ without taking up
the cross. And the conduct of Gallio, who declined in-
terfering in a matter relative to God's law, and restrained
the exercise of his authority to civil injuries only, is with
great propriety appealed to, as a worthy example for the
imitation of magistrates.
That the Christian magistrate, as such, has no power
over conscience, nor authority to impose any thing in re-
ligion by outward force, is argued from the conduct of
Christ Jesus, who never compelled men by force to receive
his doctrine; from the conduct of the apostles, and the
elders of the primitive church, who disclaimed any such
power. 1 Cor. i. 24. Matt. xx. 25. I Pet. v. 2, 3. '' Why
therefore (say the authors of this piece) the Christian re-
ligion should be built and supported by violence, when the
foundation was laid, and the work carried on during all the
apostles' days, and some hundred years after, by a quite
contrary means, is a question should be resolved by those
whose strongest arguments for the support of their religion
is, Take him, jailer. For such is the difference between the
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS. 183
way which the apostles and primitive saints took, in carrying
on the work of the gospel, and approving themselves to be
the ministers of God, and the way now used by the national
clergy, than which nothing is more unlike." In the prose-
cution of their argument, they reason forcibly from the
parable of the tares and wheat, as forbidding any outward
force or violence to be used upon false worshippers and
heretics as such. " Hath the magistrate (it is asked) power
to remove those out of the world, that God would have
permitted to live ?" The fallibility of the magistrate fur-
nishes another argument against the exercise of his power
in religion ; a fallibility which woful experience hath
taught the world in all ages; the magistrate of one country
establishing the principles and practices which that of ano-
ther country condemns and persecutes ; nay, the same magis-
trate, at different periods, reversing his own decrees; and
now rejecting what he had just before defended by his pen,
or supported by his laws : as was the case of Henry VIII.
To this fallibility he is equally liable, whether he confide
in his own wisdom, or rely on the authority of popes, synods,
or general councils. This point is illustrated by various
examples. As to national conventions and synods, so far
are they from any show of infallibility, it is justly observed,
" that the same complexion and temper the nation is of,
wherein they are called, you shall be sure to find them of;
because they have their dependency on the authority that
calls them together." Among other arguments, it is stated,
that for the magistrate to inflict temporal punishments upon
any for not conforn^ing to those decrees which enjoin any
spiritual worship or service, is a breach of the royal law,
" Whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye
even so to them." This is a rule which all sorts of men,
whilst under persecution, are ready to receive and plead.
Nor would they who are forward to persecute, be very
zealous in their proceedings, if they were sure that those
whom they persecute should have power on their sides, to
" mete the same measure unto them." It is well observed,
that such proceedings may sometimes prove inconsistent
with the very being of nations. ** For, suppose any nation
w^re wholly heathen idolaters, and the word of God coming
in amongst them should convert the chief-magistrate, and
one-twentieth part of the nation more; must he then with
184 SUPPLEMENT.
that twentieth part destroy all the other nineteen, if they will
not be converted, but continue in their heathenish idolatry?
It cannot possibly be supposed to be warrantable. And the
reason holds good likewise against the rooting up and de-
stroying heretics out of the world."
These just sentiments are followed by a full answer to the
argument in favour of the magistrate's pow^r in religious
matters, drawn from the example of the kings of Israel and
Judah. In reply to this, it is observed, that the power of
those kings to punish idolaters and blasphemers was given
them by God, and written in plain precepts in the Mosaical
law; but hath the Lord Jesus invested magistrates with
such power? if he have, where is it written? The Jews,
all the time they kept to the law of God, had a standing
oracle amongst them, the Urim and Thummim, and the coun-
cils of extraordinary prophets to assist them to judge
righteous judgments. Besides, the gospel is a dispensation
far different from the law in all its ordinances and admini-
strations, under which the Lord Jesus is the only lawgiver.
Such is the strain of this piece : the importance of the
subject, the force of the argument, and the liberality of the
spirit, entitle it to particular notice ; and will, it is presumed,
make this review of it acceptable.* The authors of it,
whose names are subscribed to the prefatory epistle, were,
Thomas Monck, Joseph Wright, George Hammon, Wil-
liam Jeffery, Francis Stanley, William Reynolds, and
Francis Smith. While they earnestly recommend their
treatise to deliberate and serious perusal, our design, they
say, " in what we beg may be perused, is general good, in
setting at liberty that which God made free, even the con-
science."
The only particulars I can find concerning these able ad-
vocates for liberty are, that Mr. Wright, born in 1623, was
a physician: he was educated at the university, and was a
man of great learning and piety; a serious and diligent
preacher, and greatly promoted the cause of the Baptists.
He was confined twenty years in the jail at Maidstone; in
this town he died, aged eighty, in 1703. + Mr. George
Hammon, eminent for the ardour and freedom with which
he vindicated what he judged to be truth on all occasions,
• Mr. Crosbj hat presirved it entire in his History, vol. 2. p. 100 — 144.
t Crosby, irol. 3. p. 116.
HI.STOKV OF THE 15APTIST8. 1S5
and very much persecuted on that account, was pastor of a
congregation at Biddendon in Kent; anddiedat Haseldens-
wood, in the parish of Cranbrook.* Mr. William Jeffery,
born in 1616, of pious parents, in the parish of Penshurst,
lived at Bradbourn, in Sevenoaks, Kent ; where he and his
brother were the great supporters, if not the founders, of a
meeting. By his diligence, and that of several others, more
than twenty congregations were formed in that county, on
the principles laid down in Heb. vi. 1, 2, without entering
on speculative and controverted points. As he was vigorous,
unwearied, and successful, in his labours, so with great pa-
tience and pleasure he suffered much for his principles;
these he also often defended in public disputations. He was
much valued for his steady piety and universal virtue, and
died in a good old age.t His son succeeded him in his
church. Mr. Francis Stanley was a man noted for his zeal
and piety, and was imprisoned for preaching in the jail of
Northampton. Be bore his sufferings like a Christian, and
died about the year 1696. He was a native of Northamp-
tonshire, and was buried at East-Haddon, in that county.;!:
Of the other persons Mr. Crosby gives no particular account.
In the same year in which appeared the piece on Tole-
ration, there were published, a small piece entitled, '^ A
Complaint of the Oppressed against Oppressors ; or, the
unjust and arbitrary proceedings of some soldiers and
justices, against some sober, godly persons, in and near
London, who now lie in stinking jails, for the testimony of a
good conscience ; with some reasons why they cannot swear
allegiance to obtain their liberty :" and a tract, entitled, ''A
Plea for Toleration of Opinions and Persuasions in matters
of Religion, differing from the church of England: humbly
presented to the king's most excellent majesty : by Mr. John
Sturgeon, a Baptist." The former was written by Dr. John
Griffith, a worthy man, who suffered a long imprisonment
in Newgate for nonconformity. Each piece was an affect-
ing remonstrance on the unjust proceedings, by which many
pious and innocent persons, of unblemished characters, in
London, and in almost all the counties of England, were
suffering; being taken out of their beds at midnight by
soldiers, acting without warrant, and with drawn swords,
to the great terror of their wives and children; and being
♦ Crosby, vol. 3. p. 103. i Ihid. p. 97, 98. t Ihid. p. 127.
VOL. V. O
186 SUPPLEMENT.
thrust into prisons, in such crowds that the jailers com-
plained they had too many guests; and detained there to the
ruin of their families.*
Mr. James Atkins, one of those who were harassed by
the magistrates of Dover, on his own behalf, and in the
cause of his fellow-sufferers, addressed a letter to the mayor
andjustices of that town, under the name of "a poor subject;"
acknowledging a submission to the civil magistrate, except
in what concerned the worship of God, and entreating in
the bowels of love a consideration of the evil of restraining
their liberty.f
In the year 1662, there came from the press a small pam-
phlet, entitled, " Behold a Cry; or, a true relation of the
inhuman and violent outrages of divers soldiers, constables,
and others, practised upon many of the Lord's people, com-
monly, though falsely, called Anabaptists, at their several
meetings in and about London/'
An incident which took place in Lincolnshire in 1670,
called forth a vindication of their principles from this deno-
mination in a different form from the preceding publications.
Mr. Robert Wright, who had been a preacher amongst
them, but was on account of his irregular life and conversa-
tion excluded their society, having spent his estate, applied
to Dr. William Fuller, the bishop of that diocess, for orders
and a benefice ; promising to renounce his sentiments con-
cerning baptism, and to preach against the Baptists. The
bishop accepted his offer; he was admitted in the ministry
of the church of England, and preached in support of the
baptism of infants, in opposition to that of believers, with
great ardour and confidence. This excited great attention,
the minds of many were much impressed by it, and it was
supposed that most, if not all the ministers of the Baptist
churches, would be easily confuted. They, in their own
vindication, at the assizes, posted up, in different parts of
the city of Lincoln, four papers, addressed to the citizens
and inhabitants, inviting Mr. Wright to a friendly con-
ference, and offering to maintain the doctrine and baptism
of repentance to be from heaven, and the sprinkling and
crossing of infants to be roan's tradition. They were dated
the 11th day of the first month, (vulg.) March, 1670. Two
of them were taken down in the morning, and were, it was
•Cro»bj, vol.2, p. lii— 148; and vol. 3. p. 120. t Ibid. vol.?. p. 151, 152.
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS. 187
supposed, carried to the bishop and the judge. The other two
were permitted to remain till the afternoon, and were read
by many, till they were removed by tlie clergy, who threat-
ened the writers of them should answer for it before the
council-table. But though the bishop, it was well known,
was not a little moved by these proceedings of the Baptists,
no other step was taken on the occasion, than sending to
them an angry paper, drawn up by Mr. William Silverton,
the bishop's chaplain, who called them erroneous, antic
Baptists. To this paper Mr. Grantham replied, promising
Mr. Silverton either to hear and discuss his arguments in a
free audience, if he would fix a convenient time and place
for the purpose ; or to reply to him, if he would defend his
sentiments from the press. Here the matter ended, as Mr.
Silverton saw fit to be silent.*
The only publication which remains to be noticed in this
period, was, '' A narrative of the late proceedings of some
justices and others, pretending to put in execution the late
act against conventicles ; against several peaceable people
in and about the town of Lewes in Sussex, only for their
being quietly met to worship God : together with a brief
account of the like proceedings against some at Brighthelm-
stone, and others at Chillington, in the same county." This
professed to be a faithful narrative, published with a view
to encourage others to suffer the spoiling of their goods by
the example of many, who endured it with patience and joy-
fulness ; and with the hope, that by it the harsh proceedings
against a peaceable people, might come to the knowledge
of some in authority, who, out of pity to the distressed, and
justice to their righteous cause, would redress their griev-
ances.t Such narratives were indeed well adapted to each
purpose, and were an affecting appeal to the sense of huma-
nity and equity.
CHAP. V.
FROM THE DECLARATION OF INDULGENCE TO THE
REVOLUTION.
A CONTROVERSY arosc among the Baptists, about this time,
respecting the laying on of hands, which created not a little
* Crosbv, vol. 2. p. 21-1— 244. t Ibid. vol. 2. p. 245, 246.
O 2
1^8 SUPPLLMENT.
altercation and trouble. Hitherto, it appears that this rite
was practised by them as an apostolical ordinance, and was
accompanied with prayer over the newly-baptized. A trea-
tise, entitled '* A Search after Schism," was published in
opposition to it. This was answered by Dr. John Griffith,
in a piece called, "The Searchers after Schism searched,"
and it drew from Mr. Grantham his *' Sigh for Peace ; or,
the Cause of Division discovered." The appearance of
this piece occasioned a meeting between Mr. Grantham
and Mr. Ives, when the subject was debated with temper
and good-humour; and Mr. Ives is reported, on finding
himself gravelled, to have broken up the meeting in a
friendly and peaceable manner. About three years after,
Mr. Danvers published a treatise against laying on of hands,
which was answered by Mr. Benjamin Keach, and also by
Mr. Grantham, who annexed to his answer, "A Treatise
of the Successors of the Apostles."
In 1674, the Baptists were engaged in a controversy with
the Quakers, which created a noise, and was conducted, as
is usual, by mutual criminations. Mr. Thomas Hicks, a
minister of the former, published several pamphlets in suc-
cession, under the title of " A Dialogue between a Christian
and a Quaker." The title these pieces bore was certainly
invidious, and held up the Quakers as not deserving to be
ranked among Christians. It was also complained of, that
the design of them was not so much to investigate truth, as
to represent the Quaker a deformed, ridiculous, and erro-
neous being. The great Penn, on this occasion, became
the advocate of the people to whom he had joined himself,
in two books ; the first entitled, '• Reason against Railing ;"
and the other, " The Counterfeit Christian detected." But
as Mr. Hicks had reflected upon some particular members
by name, an appeal was made to the Baptists, in and about
London, for justice against him. A meeting was accord-
ingly appointed to hear the charges against him ; but they
are censured for fixing the time when the complainants,
Penn and Whitehead, were absent from the city at a dis-
tance too remote to be apprized of the intended meeting.
It was urged in defence of the Baptists, that they were in-
formed that Penn was not far from London several days
after the notice of the meeting was sent, and even at his
own house at no great distance from the town the very day
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS. 189
preceding : and that they had invited others of the society,
particularly John Osgoods, to be present, who declined it.
The meeting took place, and Mr. Hicks was examined by
his own friends only on the charges brought against him by
the Quakers ; and he endeavoured to establish the repre-
sentations he had made of their principles and doctrines by
quotations from their own writers. These were pronounced
by nineteen of his own denomination to be truly recited,
and the church to which he belonged, in public print,
cleared him from the charge which the Quakers alleged
against him. This decision was deemed partial. On the
face of it, though the business was said to be conducted with
great fairness, it was open to objection. The Baptists re-
fused to defer the meeting, though solicited. No Quaker
was present to be heard on the grounds of the charges.
And though the passages might be quoted with verbal ex-
actness, which Mr. Hicks brought as his authorities, yet
they were detached from their connexion, and a meaning
affixed to them which probably the writers, if they had been
there to explain themselves, would not have admitted as
their sense. New complaints were brought forward against
the Baptists ; and justice again demanded. A meeting for
a rehearing was obtained ; but Mr. Hicks would not attend
it, but sent some others with Mr. Ives ; "who (says Crosby)
so managed the Quakers, that they were obliged to break up
without any farther proceedings in the matter." " By
clamours and rudeness (says Gough), they diverted the
complainants from prosecuting the charge against Hicks, and
carried their point so far as to prevent its being heard, though
frequent attempts were made to read it."
The Baptists published an account of these meetings,
under the title of *' A Contest for Christianity." Mr. Tho.
Welwood, in behalf of his friends, appealed to the public,
first in a single sheet, entitled, "A fresh Pursuit;" and
then, in reply to the *^ Contest," which was written by Mr.
Thomas Plant, in a piece entitled, '' Forgery no Chris-
tianity." The issue of this controversy is represented, on
the one hand, to be, that the Quakers were so chafed in
these disputes, that they did not only brand the Baptists
with infamy, but denounced curses and judgments upon
them. On the other side it is said, '* that the aim of this un-
190 SUPPLEMENT.
provoked assault upon the principles and reputation of this
society was remarkably frustrated ; and these dialogues,
with their ungenerous and unequitable method of defending
them and their author, promoted what they were designed
to prevent; for not a few of their members, offended at
their proceedings, deserted their meetings and society,
went over to the injured party, and joined them in religious
fellowship."*
In the year 1677, the Baptists published <* A Confession
of their Faith, set forth by the elders and brethren of many
congregations of Christians, baptized upon profession of
their faith, in London and the country." Their avowed de-
sign in this publication was, not only to give an account of
themselves on the points wherein they differed from other
Christians, but also to instruct and establish others in the
great principles in which there was a mutual agreement be-
tween them. They aimed to express themselves, on the
former heads, with a modesty and humility that would ren-
der the freedom with which they declared themselves in-
offensive to those whose sentiments were different from
their own. The general plan of their confession was after
the order and method observed in that of the assembly of
Westminster, and afterward adopted by the congregational
churches; and in the margin they affixed such texts as, in
their opinion, confirmed each article. Two things they
earnestly desired : that full credit might be given to their
declaration of contention being most remote from their de-
sign in all that they did in this matter; and that all into
whose hands this piece might come " would follow that
never-enough-commended example of the noble Bereans,
who searched the Scriptures daily, that they might find out
whether the things preached to them, were so or not.*'
This Confession of Faith was reprinted in the year 1689 ;
and was approved and recommended by the ministers and
messengers of above a hundred congregations, met in Lon-
don from the third to the eleventh day of the seventh month.
It was signed by thirty-seven persons, in the name and be-
half of the whole assembly. It has continued to be gene-
rally received by those congregations that hold the doctrine
• Crosby's History of the English Baptists, vol. 2. p. 294— -310. Goagh's His-
tory of Ihe Quak.^is. vol '^. p. 368—371.
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS. 191
of personal election, and the certainty of the saints* final
perseverance.* In 1790 it was reprinted by Dr. John Rip-
pon, with a list of the thirty-seven ministers who recom-
mended it ; and to this edition were added the places where
they all laboured. In 1791, there appeared a new edition
of the translation of it in Welsh, revised by the Reverend
Joshua Thomas, of Leominster.f The first edition, be-
sides an introductory advertisement to the judicious "and
impartial reader," was accompanied by an Appendix; a ju-
dicious, candid, and conciliating piece; in which they dis-
cuss the arguments alleged against their distinguishing
sentiment and practice, and give the reasons, with brevity
and plainness, why they could not acquiesce in them.:j:
This denomination now greatly increased. Their argu-
ments weighed with many ; their exemplary lives spoke in
their favour: but the number of their converts excited
against them a spirit of jealousy and resentment, and they
were the objects of clamour and defamation. Many books
were published, misrepresenting them, and their chiefs were
reproached, as Jesuits and heretics. This induced them to
publish many confessions of faith ; some in vindication of
particular churches, others of particular persons. In 1678
one was agreed to, and signed by fifty ministers and messen-
gers in the several counties of Bucks, Hertford, Bedford,
and Oxford, in behalf of themselves and many others, con-
taining fifty articles. It was soon published under the
title of" An Orthodox Creed; or, a Protestant Confession
of Faith ; being an essay to unite and confirm all true Pro-
testants in the fundamental articles of the Christian relision,
against the errors and heresies of the church of Rome."§
As the Baptists consisted of two parties, distinguished by
the names General and Particular, when one published a
declaration of their principles, the other soon after did
the same.||
In this period may be placed several who made a distin-
guished figure as ministers among the Baptists, the time of
whose deaths is not ascertained.
The first was Mr. William Dell, A. M. famous in the time
of the civil wars : he received his education at the univer-
* Crosby, vol 2. p, 317 ; vol. 3. p. 258 ; and Appendix, No. 2.
t Rippon's Baptist. Annual Register, p. 124. 191.
t See it at lenj;tb in Crosby, vol. 2. p. 317 — 344.
§ Crosby, v)l. 3. Appendix, No. 1. \\ Ibid. vol. C. p, 341, Sio.
J 92 SUPPLEMENT.
sity of Cambridge, and held the living of Yeldonin'the
county of Bedford, worth about 200/. a year. About the
year 16^5 he became chaplain to the army, constantly at-
tending sir Thomas Fairfax, and preaching at the head-
quarters. In 164:9, when several were turned out of the
universities for refusing to take the oaths to the government,
he was made master of Caius-college at Canjbridge, which
preferment he held with his living at Yeldon, tilljhe was
ejected by the act of uniformity. Party prejudice fixed o;i
his memory the charge of glaring contradictions, and incon-
sistencies of conduct, from which more candid posterity iiag
vindicated him. The fact was, that he was at first satisfied
with episcopacy and the ceremonies; but when the change
in the state brought on a reformation in religion, he was
one of the first and most zealous to promote it, and would
Lave carried it farther than was agreeable to the principles
»nd views of many others, lie was obnoxious to the rigid
Presbyterians, whose attempts to monopolize all power, in
civil and ecclesiastical affairs, he opposed. A sermon at
Marston occasioned him much trouble, and another on a
fast-day, before the house of commons, led hjm into a con-
troversy with Mr. C. Love, who opposed him in the after-
noon of the same day: they thus were made the heads and
champions of the two contending parties of the nation.
Mr. Love justified the punishing of heretics and schisma-
tics, and vindicated the authority of the civil magistrate,
in imposing articles of faith and a form of worship; in a
word, pleaded for persecution. Mr. Dell >yas the advocate
of liberty : he preached against making a whole kingdom a
church ; he thought that no power belonged to the clergy
but what is spiritual ; he protested against blending the
civil and the ecclesiastical power together, as the constant
ipethod of setting iip a spiritual tyranny; he pleaded that
all persons ought to have liberty to worship God in the
manner they think most agreeable to his word ; and argued,
that the imposition of uniformity and all compulsion in
matters of religion were antichristian. These principles
created him enemies, who blackened his character by odious
names. But, though he was tinctured with the enthusiasm*
of the times, he was a man of substantial learning, of real
piety, and a noble defender of the rights of conscience.
Besides several sermons and a tract written in this cause,
; . . • . \ . . r . ,
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS. 193
he was the author of a tract in quarto, 1648, entitled, "The
Doctrine of Baptism reduced from its ancient and modern
corruptions."*
Another person of note was Mr. Francis Cornwell, M . A.
who was sometime student of Emanuel-collef^e, Cambridge,
and commenced master of arts in that university. When he
left it, he was preferred to a living in the established church ;
and, at the beij^inning of the civil wars, was minister at
Orpington, in Kent. In the reign of Charles I. he was im-
prisoned for nonconformity, refusing to wear the surplice,
to kneel at the sacrament, and to use the sign of the cross
in baptism. His companion in Maidstone jail was Mr.
Wilson, of Otham, near that town. Among the visitors who
came to see them was a woman, who had some doubts in
her mind whether the baptism of infants could be proved
from Scripture. Mr. Cornwell endeavoured, by the best
scriptural arguments he could produce, to resolve her
doubts, but found he could not do it so well to her or his
own satisfaction as he could wish. When his visitant had
left him, he conversed on the subject with his fellow-prisoner
Mr. Wilson, who assured him he never thought that infant-
baptism could be proved from Scripture, but had its autho-
rity from human tradition, being handed down from primi-
tive times as a practice generally received from the church.
Mr. Cornwell, taking the Scriptures to be the only rule of
faith, and considering that on this principle alone all the
Protestant churches vindicated their separation from the
church of Rome against all her impositions, founded on
pretended primitive antiquity, was induced to make a more
diligent search. The result was, that infant-baptism did
not appear to him to derive its authority from the Scrip-
tures, but to have had its dependance, in all ages, on the
decrees, canons, and councils, of the church. Entering into
these views of the subject, he relinquished the doctrine of
of infants' baptism, and adopted the opinion of those who
think thatbelieversonly, making profession ot'their faith and
repentance, are the proper subjects of this institution. t In
1643, he publicly avowed this principle, and wrote in de-
fence of it a tract, entitled "The Vindication of the Royal
* Crosby, vol. 1. p. 3^i3 — 333. Palmer's Nonconformists' Memorial, vol. 1.
p. 201, and p. '225, note,
j- Mr. Thompson's Collections, MSS, under the words Stapleburst and Smarden.
194 SUPPLEMKNT.
Commission of Jesus." After the publication of this book,
he went on to preach and propagate his opinion. In 1644,
in a visitation-sermon preached at Cranbrook in Kent, from
Mark vii. 7, before the ministers of those parts, he took the
liberty of freely declaring his sentiments, and asserted, that
paedobaptism was an antichristian innovation, a human tra-
dition, and a practice for which there was neither precept,
or example, or true deduction, from the word of God. This,
as might be expected, much startled the clergy who were
present, but greatly offended several of them. The matter
was debated between them, and the argument in support of
antipaedobaptism was strongly pushed by Mr. William Jef-
fery of Sevenoaks, who had baptized Mr. Cornwell, and to
whom he had referred them, till Mr. Christopher Black-
wood, one of the ministers, desired them to desist at
that time, for he had taken down the sermon in short-hand,
and would return an answer in print, which he hoped might
be to the satisfaction of them all.* His advice was adopted ;
it was agreed to postpone, for the present, the discussion of
the question, to re-examine the point, and to bring their
collections together at the next meeting, which was to be
within a fortnight. In the mean time Mr. Blackwood stu-
died the question with great diligence and close attention.
The impression made on his mind was very different from
what was anticipated. He began to suspect that infant-
baptism was no more than a human tradition, and was at-
tended with evil consequences; and, when they met, he
brought in his arguments against it. As no one produced
any defence, one properly observing, that they sought for
truth and not victory, proposed, that Mr. Blackwood's
papers should be left with them for examination ; to this
motion he acceded: but when, after waiting a long time,
no answer was given to his arguments, he sent lor his papers,
and published them with corrections and enlargements.
Thus the controversy was revived in the county of Kent,
and the sentiments of the Baptists gained ground. Mr.
Cornwell soon after this withdrew from the national church,
for he disapproved both of national and parochial churches;
and tauffht that a church was to consist of such onlv as
professed repentance from dead works, and faith in the
Lord Jesus Christ, and were baptized according to his com-
M '. :• Mr, TUompson's Collections, MSS.
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS. 195
maiids, after the pattern of the first churches in Judea.
He quickly gathered a church in Kent, formed on this plan,
of which he was pastor to the day of his death, and was
succeeded in that place and office by his son. It reflects
honour on Mr. Cornwell's name and memory, that he was
a zealous opposer of persecution and an imposed uniform-
ity. He wrote against the ordinance of parliament made
to silence all lay-preachers, that is, such as had not received
episcopal or presbyterian ordination, or who should preach
any thing contrary to the articles of faith and directory for
public worship, set forth by the assembly. The piece which
he published on this occasion was entitled, ^' Two Queries
worthy of Consideration."
Q. 1. Whether that ministry that preacheth freely the
gospel-faith, that the Lord Jesus is the Christ, as the apo-
stle Peter did, be not truly orthodox ?
Q. 2. Whether it be agreeable to the word of God, con-
tained in the sacred Scriptures, to silence or inhibit any
ministers of Jesus Christ for preaching this gospel freely?
He affirmed the former, and maintained it by several ar-
guments; the latter he denied; and intimated, that they
who were guilty of such practices acted like the Jews of
old, who cast the blind man out of the temple, for confess-
ing that Jesus was the Christ.*
In close connexion with Mr. Cornwell's history stands, as
we have seen, that of Mr. Blackwood, who, in consequence
of his visitation-sermon, became a proselyte to believers'
baptism, and with Mr. Richard Kingsnorth, who likewise
was convinced by it, gathered a church at Staplehurst in
Kent; but his sentiments being Caivinistic, and contrary to
those of the society, he afterward left it under the pastoral
care of Mr. Kingsnorth, who held universal redemption and
final perseverance.f Mr. Blackwood was possessed, at the
beginning of the civil wars, of a parochial church in the
county of Kent ; from whence it is probable that he was
educated at one of the universities After he changed his
sentiments on the questions concerning baptism, he did not
continue long in the established church ; for he was as
zealous against national churches as against infant-baptism.
He was an advocate for liberty of conscience, and opposed
* Crosby, vol. 1. p. 331— 319; aud toI. 3. p. 6—9.
t Thonipson's Coilectioiis, MSS.
IDG SUPPLEMENT.
the establishment of presbyterlanism. In the first piece he
published, he joined together infant-baptism and compul-
sion of conscience, and called them " the two last and
strongest garrisons of antichrist." He was reckoned among
"those worthy guides, well qualified in all respects for the
ministry," who voluntarily left their benefices in the esta-
blishment, by one who lived in those times. He appears,
in 1653, to have gone into Ireland with the army under the
command of general Fleetwood and lieutenant Ludlow.
He lived till after the Restoration, and signed the apology
of the Baptists in 1660, declaring against Venner s insur-
rection.
Another, who was reckoned among the worthies of this
denomination at this period, was Mr. Benjamin Cox, who
made no mean figure in his time. He was the son of a
bishop,* was a man of great learning, and a graduate in one
of the universities. He was, for some time a minister in
the established church, had a parochial charge in the county
of Devon, and was very zealous for the superstitious cere-
monies that prevailed in bishop Laud's time. But when the
affairs of state led men to think more freely in matters of
religion, Mr. Cox was among the first in promoting a re-
formation, and had before him flattering prospects of emi-
nence and preferment in this kingdom, when he rejected the
baptism of infants, as it appeared to him not founded in the
Scriptures ; but this obstructed his advancement in the
established church, and prejudiced against him the divines
who were at the head of ecclesiastical affairs. He pre-
served, however, the character of a man of abilities and
great learning. After episcopacy and the common-prayer
were laid aside, he was for some time minister at Bedford.
In 1645 he came to London, and was one of the principal
managers on the part of the Baptists in a public dispute
concerning infant-baptism, at Aldermanbury-church, to
which a stop was afterward put by the government. In the
year J646, when seven churches in London, called Anabap-
tists, published a confession of their faith, and presented it
to parliament, his name, in behalf of one of those congre-
gations, was subscribed to it. Though, when the act of
• It seems more probable thai he was t!ie grandson of one, as Dr. Riclmrd Cox,
bitliop of Klv, 'vlio nikd tliat sec twenty years, died in 1680. Ricllard^on de
Pranuiibus.
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS. 197
Uniformity, in 166^, took place, he at first conformed ; yet
his conscience soon after upbraiding; him for that step, he
obeyed its dictates by throwing up his living, and died a
Nonconformist and a Baptist, in a very advanced age; for
Mr. Baxter, with whom he had a dispute by word of mouth
and by writing, called him, at the beginning of the civil wars,
an ancient minister. He suffered imprisonment for his opi-
nions concerning baptism in the city of Coventry.*
Here is a proper place for observing, that at the Restora-
tion, several parishes were found to have Baptist ministers
fixed in them. The cause of this was, that in the year
1653, when a certain number of men called triers were au-
thorized to examine and approve candidates for the ministry,
Mr. Tombes, notwithstanding his difference in opinion from
the rest, such was the estimation in which his character was
held, was appointed to be one of them. Among other good
effects that followed upon this, one was, that the com-
missioners agreed to own the Baptists their brethren ; and
that if any such applied to them for probation, and appeared
in other respects duly qualified, they should not be rejected
for holding their sentiments.f
The history of the Baptists, from the accession of James
H. to the Revolution, is confined to some brief accounts of
the sufferings and characters of several ministers who were
in estimation among them, and died in this period.
But we should first mention one, whose name should have
been introduced in the preceding reign : Mr. Abraham
Chear, a native of Plymouth, who, though he did not enjoy
a liberal education, knew the Scriptures from his childhood,
and delighted in searching them. About 1648 he was bap-
tized, and joined the Baptist church in that town, and was
soon after invited to be their pastor, for which character he
was fitted by peculiar gifts and graces. In 1661 he suffered
three months' imprisonment in Exeter jail, on the conven-
ticle act. In 1662 he was again cast into that prison ; after
his release he was imprisoned at the Guildhall in Plymouth ;
then, after a month's detention, he was confined, under
military guard, in the isle of Plymouth ; where, after full
fiveyears' imprisonment in different jails, and enduring many
inhumanities from merciless jailers, he yielded up his spirit
* Crosby, vol. 1 . p. 353, 354. t IbUl. p. 289.
198 SUPPLEMENT.
without pang or considerable groan, the 5th of March,
166S. At his death the church consisted of one hundred
and fifty members. After this the persecution broke out
with greater fury, and it suffered much till king James's de-
claration for liberty of conscience revived their drooping
spirits, and were almost twenty years destitute of a pastor.
Mr. Chear was a laborious and successful preacher. In his
confinement he wrote several religious tracts, and letters
to his friends full of Christian exhortations to constancy
and steadfastness. One of these, an acknowledgment of
some provisions sent to him and his fellow-prisoners, most
expressive of cheerfulness in their sufferings and gratitude
to their benefactors, is preserved by Crosby. During his
illness, almost to his last moment, he continued glorifying
God, and exhorting all who visited him to perseverance in
those perilous times ; speaking with earnest concern about
the guilt contracted in these nations by persecuting God*s
faithful servants ; and with great joy and assurance concern-
ing the delight which God lakes in his suffering saints, and
the ample recompense he will hereafter render for t^ieir pre-
sent sorrows ; particularly on the Lord's day preceding his
dissolution. About three hours before it, a friend perceiv-
ing him under great pressures, said softly to him, " They
looked unto the Lord, and were lightened : a right look
will bring down relief under all difficulties." "Yea (he re-
plied, with great strength and earnestness), and their faces
were not ashamed."*
In the reign of James IL died, at Kelby in Leicestershire,
where he was minister of a Baptist congregation, Mr.
Richard Farmer, the friend of Mr. Clarke and Mr. Shuttle-
worth, eminent ejected ministers in that county. He was
a hard student and an aff'ecting preacher, and frequently
officiated among the Independents. He had a small estate
to live upon, in which he suffered greatly for his religious
principles, as distress was made by virtue of a justice's war-
rant upon his goods; and they took from him, in one year,
to the value of llO/.t
Another, who suffered much in this period for his non-
conformity, and was several times prisoner at York, at
• Tbompsou's Collections, MSS. and Crosby's History of the English Baptists,
▼ol. 3. i». 11—24.
t Ibid. p. 118, 119.
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS. 199
Leeds, and at Chester, was Mr. Thomas Hardcastle, ejected
from Bramham, in the county of York. He was born at
Barwick upon Holm, and received his education under Mr.
Jackson, of that town, a learned divine. He had not been
long in the ministry, when the act of uniformity passed : he
preached afterward at Shad well chapel and other places.
He was a man of pregnant parts, eminent learning and piety,
of great moderation and Catholicism, though of a bold spirit,
which feared no danaer. In 1671 he was, on the death of
Mr. Ewins,* invited to be pastor of a congregation of Bap-
tists, who had separated from the establishment early in
1640, though they continued their attendance at sermon,
but not at the prayers, in the parish-church on the morning
of every Lord's day, spending the afternoon and evening in
religious exercises among themselves. Mr. Cann, tl^e au-
thor of the marginal references to the Bible, preached adult
baptism to them, and settled them in church-order, without
making baptism a term of communion. On Mr. Hard-
castle's settlement with them, they took four rooms on the
Lamb pavement, Broadmead, and made them into one of
sixteen yards long and fifteen broad. At Bristol he was
sent to the house of correction ; he died suddenly, 20th of
August, 1678, universally lamented. He published one
practical treatise.t He was succeeded by another ejected
minister.
Mr. George Fownes, who settled with this society Sept.
16, 1670, finding the number of members, which amounted,
when Mr. Hardcastle became their pastor, to a hundred, in-
* Mr. Ewins was ejected from a living in Bristol : though he was no scholar, and
had been a mechanic, he was esteemed as a judicious, methodical preacher; was re-
markable for his meekness, patience, and charity; in his ministerial duties he was
popular, laborious, and successful, ready to preach on most days when not otlierwise
employed; grave and serious every where, and full of good discourse. He was so
scrupulous about maintenance, tlial he would accept no tithes nor salary, but only
free gifts. The bishop of Bristol invited him to conform, but he could by no means
be satisfied to comply. When, in 1651, he was invited by the separalisls at Bristol,
to become their minister — he was a Paedobaptist. About 1654, he embraced the
opinions of the Baptists, and was baptized in London. In 1660 the members of his
society were turned out of the churches, and in 1662 he was ordained their pastor.
He went tlirough a variety of persecutions, and was often in prison, once for a whole
year, when he preached twice a day. There he contracted a lethargic distemper, of
which he died, aged about sixty, in April 1670, greatly lamented. He was buried
in St. James's church-yard, April 29, and a vast concourse of people attended his
funeral. He was sometimes abused in the streets, but would not attempt to retaliate ;
for he said " Vengeance is God's ; my duty is patience." Palmer's Nonconformists'
Memorial, vol. 2. p. 35l ; and Thompson's Collections, MSS,
t Thompson's Collections, MSS. Crosby, vol. 3. p. 'iJ , 28 ; and Palmer's Non-
conformists' Memorial, vol, 2. p. 557,
200 SUPPLEMENT.
creased to one hundred and sixty-six, of which thirty-one
were Paedobaptists. Mr. Fownes was born in Shropshire,
and received his classical education at Shrewsbury, where
his grandson, the ingenious and learned Mr. Joseph Fownes,
was for many years a dissenting minister. His father dying
he was sent to Cambridge. He was an able preacher, and
a man of great learning, and was conversant in law, physic,
and other branches of science. He voluntarily quitted the
parish-church before the Restoration, though he continued
preaching in different places till he fixed at Bristol. About
the time of what was called the Presbyterian plot, he was
taken in the pulpit, and committed to Newgate; but by
virtue of a flaw in the mittimus^ he was in six weeks removed
by a habeas corpus to the King's-bench, and acquitted.
He was afterward apprehended on the highway in Kings-
wood, on suspicion of only coming from a meeting, and com-
mitted to Gloucester jail, for refusing the corporation-oath,
and riding within five miles of a corporation: witnesses
were suborned to swear a riot against him, though no other
rioter was named in the bill ; he pleaded his own cause
very pleasantly ; telling them, " that he and his horse could
not be guilty of a riot without company;" and the jury
brought in their verdict, Not guilty : yet he was returned
back to prison ; and refusing to give a bond for good be-
havour, of which he knew preaching would be interpreted
to be a forfeiture, he was detained there for two years and
a half, till God released him by death in December 1685.
He was afflicted with the stone, and a physician declared
" that his confinement was his death ; and that it was no
less murder than if they had run him through the first day
he came in, and more cruel."*
Another eminent minister and writer among the Bap-
tists at this time, was Mr. Henry D'Anvers, a worthy man,
of unspotted life and conversation, a joint-elder of a Bap-
tist congregation at Aldgate, London ; and author of " A
Treatise of Baptism," which drew him into a controversy
with Mr. Wills, Mr. Blinman, and Mr. Baxter, in whose
writings, if we may credit a letter published by Mr. D'An-
vers, and sent to him by a person of quality, of known
worth, ability, and moderation, ''there were more heat,
• Palmer's Nonconformists' Memorial, vol. l.p. 243, &c. Crosbj, vol. .3. p. 28,
29 ; and Thompson's Collections, M.SS.
HISTORY OF THE BAPTISTS. 201
passion^ and personal reflections, than of reason, or a sober
Inquisition of truth." Mr. D'Anvers was descended from
honourable parents, his father being a gentleman who had
an estate of 400/. a year; he himself was governor of Staf-
ford and a justice of peace, some time before Oliver's usur-
pation, and well beloved by the people. He was noted for
one who would take no bribes. At Stafford he first em-
braced the opinions of the Baptists.*
In 1687, May 14th, died Mr. Thomas Wilcox, minister
of a congregation, which met previous to the plague at his
own house in Cannon-street ; but afterward at the Three
Cranes in the Borough, Southwark ; and author of a popu-
lar little piece, which has been frequently reprinted, enti-
tled, ** A Drop of Honey from the Rock Christ." He was
born at Linden, in the county of Rutland, August 1622;
was several times confined in Newgate for nonconformity,
and suffered very much. He was a moderate man, and of
catholic principles, well beloved by all denominations, and
frequently preached among the Presbyterians and Inde-
pendents.
October 3, 1687, died, aged fifty-three, Mr. John Gosnold,
who had beeH a scholar at the Charterhouse, and a student
at Pembroke-hall, Cambridge, a man of great learning and
piety : a pious practical preacher, of singular modesty and
moderation ; intimately acquainted with Tillotson, whose
weekly lecture he used to attend, and was much esteemed
and valued by other men of note and dignity in the esta-
blished church, who kept up a correspondence with him.
He was educated for the pulpit in the establishment, but
by the act of uniformity made incapable of any settlement
in it. He was chaplain to lord Grey. Having joined the
Baptists, he was chosen pastor of a congregation at Bar-
bican, in London ; and was one of the ministers who sub-
scribed the apology presented to Charles II. on occasion of
Venner's conspiracy. Though he was always peaceably
minded, he was often forced to conceal himself. His flock
held him in great respect, and his preaching was so popular
as to draw after him people of all denominations. His au-
dience was usually computed to be near three thousand ;
and among them very often six or seven clergymen in their
gowns, who sat in a convenient place, under a large gallery,
* Crosby, vol. 3. p. 90.
VOL. V. P
202 SUPPLEMENT,
where they were seen by few. The number of his audi-
tors, and the figure which some of them made, occasioned,
after the fire of London, an application from the officers
of the parish of Cripplegate to request a collection for
the poor, who abounded in that parish. The request was
complied with, upwards of 50/. was raised, and the church
voluntarily continued the collection for above twenty years.
His publications were, a small treatise entitled, "The Doc-
trine of Baptism ;" and another concerning " the laying on
of hands." He was buried in Bunhill-fields, with this sim-
ple inscription :
" Here lieth the body of Mr. John Gosnold, a faithful
minister of the gospel, who departed this life October the
3d, 1678, and in the fifty-third year of his age."
HISTORY OF THE QUAKERS.
CHAPTER I.
FROM THE PROTECTORSHIP OF CROMWELL TO THE
DECLARATION OF INDULGENCES, 1674.
JMr. Neal has allowed a few pages only to the History
of the Quakers : and they are chiefly spent on the wild ex-
travagances and sufferings of James Naylor. But the lot
of this people, while other sectarists breathed a freer air
under the protectorship of Cromwell, was peculiarly hard
and afflictive. The change of government, on his taking
the reins, produced no revolution in their favour; but their
sufferings continued to increase with the increase of their
numbers. The subordinate magistrates were continued in
office ; and the ecclesiastics, their former persecutors, re-
tained power to be troublesome to them. The protector
has been represented as the friend of religious liberty; and
so, in some instances, he certainly shewed himself; but the
Quakers derived little benefit from his liberal views and re-
gard to the rights of conscience. For, though he himself
did not openly disturb them on account of their religious
opinions and practices ; yet those who acted under his au-
thority grievously persecuted them, and he gave little or no
check to their intolerance, although he had the power, and
was repeatedly and earnestly solicited to do it. The domi-
nant parties had imbibed a spirit of hatred and animosity
against this people: and the protector, it is supposed, might
be fearful of disobliging them, by animadverting on their
oppressive measures : or he might consider the Quakers as
too contemptible or too pacific a body to fear any dano-er
from, even under the greatest provocations.*
To give some colour of law to the severities practised
against them, pretexts were drawn from supposed violations
* Goagh's History of the Qoakers, vol. 1. p. 132. 198.
p2
204 SUPPLEMENT.
of the regulations of civil policy. "A Christian exhorta-
tion to an assembly, after the priest had done and the wor-
ship was over, was denominated interrupting public wor-
ship, and disturbing the priest in his office : an honest testi-
mony against sin in the streets or markets, was styled a
breach of the peace : and their appearing before the magis-
trates covered, a contempt of authority : hence proceeded
fines, imprisonments, and spoiling of goods. Nay, so hot
for persecution were some magistrates, that by an unparal-
leled misconstruction of the law against vagrants, they
tortured with cruel whippings the bodies of both men and
women of good estate and reputation, merely because they
went under the denomination of Quakers."*
In 1656, Henry Clifton, only riding through Upwell in
Cambridgeshire, after having been carried before two jus-
tices, was sent to prison, where he lay a considerable time
in the dungeon among condemned felons. Richard Hub-
berthorn and Richard Weaver, travelling from home to
pay a friendly visit to Ann Blakely, who was, for her open
testimony against the sins of the times, imprisoned at Cam-
bridge, were also committed to prison. Thomas Curtis, a
woollen-draper of Reading, going to Plymouth on busi-
ness, and from thence to West-Alvington, accompanied by
John Martindale, were both cast, as vagrants, into Exeter
jail; and at the ensuing assizes brought before the judge,
where nothing was laid to their charge. But, for not taking
off their hats, they were fined 40/. each for contempt, and
for nonpayment detained above a year in prison. During
this term, Martindale, having obtained leave of the jailer to
visit a friend at lichester, went to a meeting at Colyton;
where he, Humphrey Sprague, and Thomas Dyer, lodging
at a friend's house, were apprehended by a warrant, and
carried before the justices at the quarter-sessions at Honi-
ton ; and, though one of them was but two, and another but
five miles from home, were sentenced, as vagrants, to be
whipped in the market-place, and sent with a pass from
tithing to tithing; which was accordingly done. George
Whitehead, a virtuous and learned young man of a repu-
table family in Westmoreland, preaching at Nayland in
Suffolk April 1657, was sentenced by two justices to be
openly whipped, as a vagrant, till his body were bloody.
♦ Googh')* History, vol. 1. p. 159, 140.
HISTORY OF THE Q0AKERS. 205
The constable, to wliom the warrant was given, employed
a foolish fellow, void of discretion and feeling, to execute
it ; who laid on his stripes with unmerciful violence ;
whereby Whitehead's back and breasts were grievously
cut, his skin torn, and his blood shed in abundance. But
the insensible fool went on, unrestrained by the constable,
till his hand was stayed by the cry of the spectators, who,
affected with the cruelty, called out to him to stop. Hum-
phrey Smith and Samuel Curtis, riding together near
Axminster, George Bewley, John Ellis, and Humphrey
Sprague, after a meeting in Bridport, were whipped as vaga-
bonds, and sent away with passes. Joan Edmunds, wife of
Edward Edmunds, of Totness, about ten miles from home
being stopped by a drunken fellow, who took away her
horse, on complaining to a justice, was sent to Exeter jail,
because she had no pass : her horse was ordered to be sold,
and part of the money applied to defray the charge of car-
rying her to prison. Her habitation lying in the direct
road, she was taken six miles about, to prevent this injus-
tice being exposed amongst her neig^hbours, who well knew
she was no vagrant.*
Another pretext, on which many of these people suffered,
under the form of law, very illegal severities, was that of
breaking the sabbath. Their religious zeal, in frequenting
their assemblies for public worship, obliged them to travel
to the places, where they were held, sometimes at a consi-
derable distance from their habitations. This was called
a breach of the sabbath ; and it was punished by impound-
ing their horses, by distress of goods, by fines, by imprison-
ment, by whipping, and by sitting in the stocks.f
If magistrates could be guilty of such unrighteous seve-
rities, it is not surprising, that the licentious rabble should
attack this people with violence and abuse. In numerous
instances and in various places, the houses in which they
held their assemblies for religious worship were riotously
assaulted. Their services were interrupted by hallooino-
singing, and railing: the windows were broken by stones
and bullets : their persons were buffeted and stoned, their
faces and clothes daubed with filth and excrements ; some
were knocked down, and others had their teeth beaten out -
* Cough's History, vol. 1. p. 225—232. f Ibid. p. 271, 272, not*.
206 SUPPLEMENT.
nor did the tenderness of sex protect the women. The
rabble were too often led and encouraged by clergymen.
" Many of these abuses (observes the historian), being
committed on the first day of the week, the day they called
their sabbath, with impunity, under a government and by
a people who pretended to make it a point to observe it
with all the pharisaical strictness, and in many cases be-
yond the strictness, which the Mosaical law appointed for
observing the seventh day, furnish, an occasion to reflect
upon the irrational inconsistency of superstition in every
shape; by which I understand an over-zealous attachment
to some circumstantials of religion, while the essential
part, viz. the inwardly sanctifying power thereof, whereby
we are taught to honour God, and love and do good to
mankind, is overlooked. These men, it is probable, would
have thought it a heinous crime to have been employed on
that day in any honest labour, though in itself lawful, and
in some sort necessary, and yet shewed no reluctance or
compunction in committing unlawful actions, as opposite to
good government as religion, in assaulting persons and de-
stroying the property of inoff'ensive, unresisting neighbours
and fellow-citizens with violence and outrage, whose only
crime was, the applying the day to the best purpose, the
assembling to worship their Maker in that way they were
persuaded in their consciences was most acceptable to
him."*
So general was the persecution under which this people
suffered, that scarcely one of them, whose travels and ser-
vices to the society are preserved on record, escaped per-
sonal abuse or cruel imprisonment in any quarter of the
nation.
George Fox, in 1653, was summoned before the magis-
trates at Carlisle, and committed to prison till the assizes,
as a blasphemer, and heretic, and a seducer. He had exas-
perated them by his plain-dealing, in endeavouring to
shew them, that although they, being Presbyterians and
Independents, were high in the profession of religion, they
were without the possession of what they professed. The
ground of his being summoned was, his having exhorted
the people to truth and honesty, at the market-cross on a
* Gtiugli's ILi^torv, vol. 1-. p. tiG? — 'J71, and llie note.
HISTORY OF THE QUAKERS. 207
market-day, and having preached to them on the Sunday,
after the service was concluded ; on which he had been
assaulted by rude people in the church, and rescued by the
governor. During his confinement the general wish was,
** that he might be hanged :" and the high-sheriff declared
with rancour, that he would guard him to execution himself.
At the assizes, it was found that the charge of blasphemy
could not be made good, and it was concluded not to bring
him to trial ; and he was left with the magistrates of the
town. By their order he was put among the felons and
murderers, in a dungeon, noisome and filthy to the last de-
gree, where men and women were kept together, one of
whom was almost eaten up with lice ; and the deputy of the
jailer would often fall on him and the friends who visited
him with a cudgel : while the prisoners, vile as they were,
behaved affectionately to him, received his admonitions with
deference, and some embraced his doctrine. At length, the
parliament having instituted an inquiry concerning his
situation, and the governor having remonstrated on it, he
was released. In 1634, at Whetstone in Leicestershire,
he was brought before colonel Hacker, who gave him
liberty to go home, if he would stay there and not go abroad
to meetings. To this Fox replied, " if he should agree
thereto, it would imply that he was guilty of something, for
which his home was made his prison ; and if he went to
meeting, they would consider that as a breach of their
order : therefore he plainly told them he should go to meet-
ing, and could not answer their requirings." Upon this
he was, next day, carried prisoner by captain Drury to
London. When Cromwell was informed of his arrival,
he sent to him this message : *• That the protector required
of George Fox, that he should promise not to take up the
sword, or any other weapon, against him or the govern-
ment, as it then was : that he should write it in what
words he saw proper, and set his hand to it." Fox re-
turned an answer to this eff*ect ; and was afterward intro-
duced to Cromwell, and they had much discourse about
religion, in which the protector carried himself with great
moderation : and Fox had his liberty given him.*
In 1656, Fox, accompanied by William Salt of London,
and Edward Pyott of Bristol, travelled through Devon-
* Gongh's History, vol. 1. p. 132— 1S6. 1.55, 156.
208 SUPPLEMENT,
shire into Cornwall, to Market-Jew, where he wrote a
paper, containing an exhortation to fear God, and learn of
Christ the light; which fell into the hands of major Ceely,
a justice at St. Ives, who committed Fox and his compa-
nions to Launceston jail, on the charge of spreading papers
to the disturbance of the public peace, and having no pass,
though persons unknown, for travelling up and down, and
refusing to take the oath of abjuration, and to give sureties
for their good behaviour. After nine weeks' confinement
they were brought to their trial, before judge Glyn, at the
assizes : here they demanded justice for their false impri-
sonment ; and major Ceely, not adhering to the charges in
the mittimus, brought up new accusations of a treasonable
proposal, and an assault : and they were indicted for com-
ing, by force and arms, into a court, into which they were
conducted as prisoners. But on no ground could any ille-
gal criminality be proved against them. The judge ordered
them to be taken away ; and, in their absence, fined them
twenty marks apiece for coming into court with their hats
on, and commanded that they should be detained in prison
till their fines were paid. Seeing no prospect of an imme-
diate release from such a commitment, they discontinued
the weekly payment of seven shillings apiece for them-
selves, and as much for their horses, which the jailer had
extorted. Upon this they were turned into a dismal and
most noisome dungeon, called Doomsdale, where the ex-
crements of former prisoners had been accumulating for
many years. They were not allowed beds or straw to lie
on ; and, the filthiness of the place not allowing them room
to sit down, they were obliged to stand all night. Neither
were they permitted to cleanse it, or to have any victuals
but what they received with difficulty through the grate.
This cruel treatment continued till the sessions at Bodmin,
when, on a representation of their case to the justices, an
order was obtained for opening the door of Doomsdale, and
tor permission to clean it, and to buy their provisions in
the town. About the end of thirty weeks they were dis-
charged by an order from major-general Desborrow, in
consequence of applications made in their favour to Crom-
well. During this imprisonment one of Fox's friends
offered himself to the [)rotector to lie in prison, body for
hody, in his btead : to which proposal Cromwell answered,
HISTORY OF THE QUAKERS. 209
he could not grant it, being contrary to law ; and turning
to some of his council standing by him, asked, ** Which of
you would do as much for me, if 1 were in the same con-
dition ?"* The next places at which we find Fox are,
Cardiff, Swansea, and Brecknock. He visited these towns
in 1657 ; settled a meeting at Swansea ; and, at the latter
place, met with rude treatment, and was exposed to danger
from the populace, raised and stimulated to riot and tumult
by the raagistrates.t
Another sufferer amongst the Quakers, was Miles Hal-
head, one of their first zealous preachers; who, at Skipton
and Doncaster, was sorely beaten and bruised by the popu-
lace, and left for dead. Thomas Briggs, in Lancaster, Ro-
bert Widders and Willian Dewsbury, in Cumberland, were
also severally abused in like raanner.J John Cam and
John Audland were assaulted at Bristol, to the great risk
of their lives, by hundreds of the rabble, instigated by Far-
mer, a clergyman. William Caton and John Stubbs, be-
sides being haled before the magistrates at Dover, were at
Maidstone sent to the house of correction, stripped, and
their necks and arm^ put into the stocks, and so cruelly
whipped with cords as to draw tears from the spectators.
After this, under the plea that " he that would not work
should not eat," they were kept several days without vic-
tuals, only on the allowance of a little water once a day:
and soon after were sent out of town, by different ways,
with a pass, as vagabonds. §
At Wymondham in Norfolk, Richard Hubberthorn was
committed to bridewell for addressing the cono:reo;ation
after sermon in the parish-church : and on the next day
removed to a very incommodious prison, being a poor hole
in a cross wall of Norwich-castle ; where he was detained
till the sessions. The justices then, waiving the original
ground of his commitment, charged him with contempt of
authority, for appearing before them with his hat on ; and
under this pretence recommitted him to prison, where he
lay a long time.||
The sufferings in which the members of this society were
involved by the sentence of magistrates, were in many in-
etances heightened by the severity and injustice of the jail-
* Cough's Historv, vol. I. p. 510—217. t Ibid. p. 289.
t ibid. p. 137. ' § Ibid. p. 162. 166, 167. || Ibid. p. 169.
210 SUPPLEMENT.
ers : James Lancaster, George Whitehead, and Christopher
Atkinson, for not complying with the jailer's extravagant
demands, were obliged to lie in their clothes on the floor,
in the prison at Norwich, for eight weeks in the cold winter
of 16j4.* At St. Edmundsbury, 1655, the same Whitehead,
John Harwood, George Rose, George Fox the younger,
and Henry Marshall, because they refused to gratify the
avaricious demands of the jailer for lodgings, and required
a free prison, were turned down to the common ward among
the felons, in a low dungeon, with a damp earthen floor,
where they lay upon rye-straw. In this situation they were
exposed to abuse from the prisoners, who frequently took
away their food and other necessaries, alleging the jailer's
permission : one desperate fellow frequently kicked and
smote, and in a drunken fit threatened to kill them ; saying^,
" if he killed them, he should not be hanged for it." After
they had been in prison thirty weeks, arrears of dues of
fourteen pence a week were demanded from each of them;
and on their remonstrating against it, the turnkey was
ordered to take away their clothes and boxes, which was
done, with a threat to take their coats from otF their backs.
And for the space of twenty-four weeks, they were obliged
to lie upon part of their body-clothes on straw. Some
necessaries of linen brought to them by a friend were
seized, and the provisions sent to them were examined.
Their friends were not admitted in; and, if they attempted
to speak to them at the window or door of the jail, water
was frequently thrown on them to drive them away. At
length, in consequence of an application to the protector,
an inquiry into the treatment they had received was insti-
tuted, and the jailer was restrained from exercising or per-
mitting the cruel abuse they had hitherto suffered. After
an imprisonment from twelve to fifteen months, through
repeated applications to Cromwell, seconded by the private
solicitations of Mrs. Mary Sanders, a waiting gentlewoman
in his family, an order for their release was obtained, di-
rected to sir Francis Russel, a man of moderation, and
averse from persecution, who immediately caused them to
be set at full liberty.t But the case of James Parnel, a
native of Retford in Nottinghamshire, who was educated
in the schools of literature, in the sixteenth year of his age
• Goagh's Hisloi}, vol. 1. i>. 170. t Ibid. p. 176—180.
HISTORY OF THE QUAKERS. 211
joined the Quakers, and, though a youth, was a pathetic
preacher and able disputant, and discovered the wisdom and
understanding of age and experience, afforded most affecting
instances of the severities a cruel jailer could inflict. His
constitution was tender, and after ten or eleven months
sunk under the multiplied hardships of his imprisonment,
about the age of nineteen ; the consideration of his youth
exciting no commiseration.*
Besides the personal injuries these virtuous people suf-
fered, they were exposed to great depredations in their
property, by unreasonable fines and exorbitant distraints,
especially on account 6f tithes: into the detail of which
we have not room to descend. Suffice it to say, that in
1659, where 531, 13s, 6d. only could be demanded, 138/.
were exacted.f
To sum up this view of their sufferings, it may be ob-
served, that when a printed account of them was presented
to the parliament which the protector convened, it appeared
that one hundred and forty of them were then in prison ;
and of one thousand nine hundred who had suffered in the
preceding six years, twenty-one had died in prison, generally
by hardship or by violent abuses.;};
It is to be remarked, that they supported themselves under
severe persecution, with meekness, patience, and fortitude,
" as lambs dumb before their shearers :" and there were
not wanting instances of their being so borne up by inward
consolation and peace, by faith and hope in their afflictions,
as frequently to sing praises to God, to the astonishment
of the spectators and of their fellow-prisoners.
While they were exposed to hatred, contempt, and abuse,
from without, brotherly kindness and unfeigned charity in-
creased, and connected them amongst themselves. While
each seemed regardless of his own liberty, they were zeal-
ous advocates for that of their brethren, and almost inces-
sant in their representations to those in authority of the
sufferings of their friends; going so far in their charity, as
to offer themselves freely, person for person, to lie in pri-
son, instead of such as they apprehended were in danger of
perishing through the length or extremity of their con-
finement.§
* Gough'o History, vol. 1. p. 180—188. t Ibid. p. 284.
t Ibiil. p. '271. ' § Ibid. p. 110. 175, 176.
212 SUPPLEMENT.
This mutual and generous attachment was amiable : their
moral conduct was regular : and their conscientious regard
to fidelity in their commerce begat confidence. They were
careful to manufacture or choose such goods as were sub-
stantial, and would answer the expectations of the purcha-
sers; moderate in their profits; sparing in their commen-
dations; punctual in their payments; they asked no more
for their ware than the precise sum they were determined
to accept; and they took no advantage of ignorance. So
that, under all their sufferings, they prospered, and verified
the proverb, that '' Honesty is the best policy."*
It was also a distinguishing trait in the character of this
people, that they attached themselves to none of the political
parties of the day, nor entered into their ambitious views.
It was with them a principle of religion to have no inter-
meddling with secular factions, and to demean themselves
quietly and peaceably under the existing government. When
the nation was in great commotion and fluctuation, on the
death of Cromwell, George Fox addressed an exhortation
to his friends " to live in love and peace with all men, to
keep clear of all the commotions of the world, and not to
intermeddle with the powers of the earth, but to let their
conversation be in heaven." He remarked, that " all who
pretend to fight for Christ are deceived, for his kingdom is
not of this world, and therefore his servants do not fight."
When sir George Booth rose in arms in favour of the exiled
monarch, the committee of safety invited the Quakers to
take up arms, offering considerable posts and commands to
some of them. But they esteemed war and violence to be
inconsistent with pure Christianity, and were not to be cor-
rupted by the prospects of preferment and honours.t
Unassisted by any alliance with the state, nay, treated
with severity by all the contending powers in their turn,
and every where pursued with contempt and cruel abuse,
they increased, and spread themselves over the kingdom. In
the year 1652, meetings of them were settled in many of the
central and northern parts of the nation. Their preachers
were zealous and active; not intimidated by sufferings, nor
wearied by journeys and labours. Francis Howgill and
Edward Burrougiis, with Anthony Pearson, travelled to
London ; John Cam and John Audland to Bristol ; Richard
• Cough's History, vol. ]. p. Ul. t Ibid. p. ?75, *74. ?77.
HISTORY OF THE QUAKERS. 213
Hubberthorn and George Whitehead, to Norwich ; and
others to other parts. And we find George Fox dissemi-
nating their principles, and meeting the severest sufferings,
in the remotest parts of the kingdom. The evils which
this people endured with singular meekness and patience,
had great effect in awakening attention to their preaching,
and softening the minds of numbers to the reception of their
doctrine. It was justly remarked by Hugh Peters to Oliver
Cromwell, '' that he could not give George Fox a better
opportunity of spreading his principles in Cornwall, than
by imprisoning him there."*
The instances of the persecution and sufferings they en-
dured, which we have selected, for we do not pretend to
give their history in a minute detail, reflect disgrace on the
magistracy of the age: and are a reproach to the adminis-
tration of justice. But the mayor of Oxford, in the year
1654, deserves to be mentioned as an example of a more
equitable and humane disposition. Elizabeth Heavens and
Elizabeth Fletcher, two north-country women, were appre-
hended and sent to Bocardo, a prison usually appropriated
to the reception of felons and murderers, for having ex-
horted the people, after service, in one of the churches.
The mayor being sent for to meet the justices, by whose
order they had been committed, to examine the Quakers, he
replied to the message, " Let them who committed them
deal with them according to law, for my part I have nothing
against them : if they wanted food, money, or clothes, I
would willingly supply them." The justices however met,
attended by Dr. Owen the vice-chancellor, who was the
principal in examining them; and the sentence passed on
them was, that they should be whipped out of the city.
This sentence, according to the constitution of the town,
was not valid without the signature and seal of the mayor:
which, as he judged it unmerited and unjust, he refused to
affix to it. But by the order of the vice-chancellor and his
coadjutors, it was severely executed without being legalized
by his sanction : though the conviction of their innocence
aftected even the heart of the 'executioner to that degree,
that he performed his office with manifest reluctance.f
• Goagh's History, vol. 1. p. 217.
t. These women had, a few days before, for exhorling the inhabilanls and students
to repentance, been pumped on by the scholars of St. .Tohn's college, till they wer«
214 SUPPLEMENT.
Another more remarkable and more public instance of
protection and justice, which this people were so happy as
once to receive in those times^ reflects honour on the name
of general Monk. On a complaint against some of his sol-
diers for disturbing their meetings, he issued out this order :
*' St. James's, March 9, 1659.
" I do require all officers and soldiers to forbear to
" disturb the peaceable meetings of the Quakers, they doing
nothing prejudicial to the parliament or commonwealth of
England. George Monk."*
1 am sensible, that wild flights of rudeness and enthusiasm,
that violations of decency, decorum, and order, are imputed
to the Quakers at this period. Mosheim stigmatizes them
as ** pernicious fanatics," and speaks, as it were with appro-
bation, of their being " severely chastised for their extra-
vagance and folly." But granting the justness of these im-
putations, which I conceive, however, are by no means to
be admitted in all instances and to their full extent, and
will scarcely apply to those cases of suffering which we have
stated : every equitable and humane mind will feel indignant
at seeing folly illegally chastised, and enthusiastic extrava-
gances restrained by acts of cruelty. Extravagance and
folly rank almost with wisdom and virtue, when compared
with the injustice and inhumanity of the magistrates from
whom the Quakers suffered persecution.
The society of those called Quakers considered the re-
storation of Charles II. as a signal instance of the interpo-
sition of Providence, to restore peace and order to a dis-
tracted nation : and soon after he was placed on the throne,
Mr. Richard Muberthorn obtained access to the king, and
stated the excessive sufferings which his friends had sus-
tained, and under which they were still smarting. The
king entered into free conversation with him on the prin-
ciples of the Quakers, and promised them his protection :
saying, ** Of this you may be assured, that you shall none of
}ou suffer for your opinions or religion, so long as you live
peaceably, and you have the word of a king for it ; and I
almost fiulTocated : Ihey were then tied arm to arm, and dragged up and down the
college, and tbrou$;h a pool of wafer : and Elizabeth Fletcher, a younp; woman, was
thrown over n grave, whereby she received a contusion on her side, from which she
never recovered, but soon after died, "^'et it does not appear that tlie magjistrates.
•niiitadrerted on ihU iuhnman oulrajje. — Cough's History, vol. 1. p. \''.7 — 149.
* Ibid. p. 27 9.
HISTORY OF THE QUAKERS. 215
have also given forth a declaration to the same purpose, that
none shall wrong or abuse you."*
This assurance raised in their minds the encouraging ex-
pectation of not being molested in their religious worship
and profession. Better times than they had hitherto ex-
perienced appeared to be opening upon them. Their
meetings were large and quiet. Numbers, drawn by
curiosity, or better motives, flocked to them, and embraced
their sentiments ; but this calm was of no long duration ;
and they soon found that the word of a king could be a de-
lusive ground of dependance. Venner's insurrection brought
on them new and severe persecution ; though they were, by
the dying testimony of the sufferers at their execution, ex-
culpated from all knowledge of the design. Their meet-
ings were broken up by soldiers. Their persons were
abused by the populace. Their houses were ransacked.
They were forced from their employments, and cast into
jails among felons, who rifled them of their money and
clothes. And even the sick were dragged out of their beds
to prisons ; one of whom, Mr. Patchen, a man of consider-
able estate, being in a fever, died there.f
This persecution was not confined to the city of London,
but spread with similar violence over all or most parts of
the nation. They were, without conviction, without
crimination, without any legal cause, violently haled to
prison, and crowded together in close, damp, or unwhole-
some rooms, in such numbers, as almost to the danger of
suffocation. In Bristol, near one hundred and ninety were
imprisoned. In Lancaster were two hundred and seventy
prisoners : in Westmoreland, one hundred and sixteen : in
the West-riding of Yorkshire were not fewer than two hun-
dred and twenty-nine ; and the number in the North-riding
amounted to a hundred and twenty-six. And the treat-
ment which they received in prison was generally as cruel
as the commitment Was unjust. J
When the members of this society had cleared themselves
from the imputation of being parties in Venner's insurrec-
tion, they were proceeded against on new grounds; and old
laws, made in the reigns of Henry VIII. and queen Eliza-
beth, were revived and made rules for proceeding against
* Cough's History, vol. 1. p. 440. t il)i«1. p. 441. 445.
$ Ibid. p. 446—451.
216 U^UPPLEMENT.
them; namely, the laws against the subtraction of tithes,
and neglecting to resort to the parish-church, or some other,
on every Sunday or holiday. They were also prosecuted
on an act made in the beginning of queen Elizabeth's reign,
for administering the oath of supremacy, and on one of the
third of James, enjoining the oaih of allegiance. When
there remained no shadow of reason to detain those whom
they had imprisoned on account of the rising of the fifth-
monarchy men, it was a usual method with the magistrates
to tender them the oath of allegiance, which they knew
they would not take, that their refusal might be a pretext
for still holding them in confinement ; though their de-
meanour was peaceable and unresisting, and by the most
explicit declarations they solemnly expressed and pledged
their allegiance.* By the misapplication of the law of
James, many of them suffered the loss of personal liberty,
and of all their substance, and were exposed to very hard
and illicit treatment. The case of Thomas Goodyear, and
Benjamin Staples, at the quarter-sessions at Oxford, is a
striking instance of this. Thomas Goodyear, after receiv-
ing the sentence of premunire, was brought into court, like
a common malefactor, with bolts on his legs, and on asking,
" whether the jailer had orders to fetter him r" he was an-
swered, " The jailer may do as he will with you, for you are
out of the king's protection." This man, encouraged by the
example of his superior, when he brought them back to the
prison, told the other prisoners, "that if they wanted
clothes, they might take theirs off their backs, for they can
have no law against you." But one of the prisoners hu-
manely answered, he would rather go naked, than strip
honest men of their clothes, who were stripped^of all they
had beside.f
It is but candid, however, to remark that, though the
justices and inferior magistrates, from their bitterness
against the Nonconformists, were disposed, in some cases, to
put the S5th of Elizabeth in full force, yet the instances of
enforcing this law, through the intervention of higher au-
thority, were not many, nor equally encouraged with other
modes of prosecution ; as the full enforcing thereof must
have terminated in public executions.:!:
• Goagh's History, toI. 1. p. 457—466. t Ibid. p. 531. 553.
t Ibid. p. :j37.
HISTORY OF THE QUAKERS, 217
But notwithstanding" this instance of moderation, violent
prejudices against the Quakers were so universal, that^they
were left unmolested in few or no parts of the kingdom.
In 1662, Mr. George Fox represented to the king, that
since his restoration three thousand and sixty-eight of their
friends had been imprisoned. A narrative signed by twelve
witnesses, attested that four thousand two hundred of those
called Quakers, both men and women, were in prison. No
age or sex found commiseration. Men of seventy, or more
years old, were subjected to all the rigours of a jail. In
London and its suburbs, five hundred were, at this time,
confined ; suffering every severity, their trades ruined, and
their families exposed to ruin. The treatment of this peo-
ple, even in this city, resembled the French dragoonings
of the Hugonots, rather than the condition of those who
were entitled to the privileges of a constitution limited to
legal rule. They were beaten with cudgels, cut with swords,
and dragged into the streets; there they lay in the kennels,
senseless and helpless, besmeared with their blood: and
the passengers and spectators, moved by the sight of their
condition, would sometimes cry out shame upon the perpe-
trators, that such a resemblance of massacre should be com-
mitted in the streets of London. Some, for these expres-
sions of compassion, had their share of the like treatment.
The soldiers being asked, why they could be so cruel to
their neighbours? one of them answered, *' Nay, we are
more merciful than we ought to be, for we have orders to
kill; and that his musket was double charged, as most of
those of the party were to his knowledge.'^ Through this
treatment, some who were haled out of the meeting at Bull-
and-Mouth, Slst of August, 1662, were so disabled as to
keep their beds for some time: one was so wounded in the
head that his brains were visible, and one died of the bruises
and wounds he received. The coroner's jury, which was
impanelled to view the body, broke up without giving a ver-
dict; alleging as their reason, that if they pronounced it
wilful murder, and the perpetrator could not be found, the
city would be liable to a fine. The king, when an account
of these barbarous transactions was presented to him by
one of the society, said, " I assure you, it was not by my
advice, that any of your friends should be slain; you must
tell the magistrates of the city of it, and prosecute the law
\Oh. V. Q
218 SUPPLEMENT.
against them." The mayor was, by letter, duly apprized
of these proceedings, but afforded no redress. The letter,
accompanied by a narrative, was printed and published;
for which the author was committed to Newgate by sir
Richard Brown, the mayor, on the charge of dispersing
scandalous papers.*
After the murder we have mentioned, the meetings in-
the city were generally undisturbed for six weeks ; then
similar practices of injustice and cruelty were renewed, un-
der the sanction of the magistrates, and continued nearly
to the end of the year 1662. By this time no less than
twenty persons had died prisoners in Newgate, and seven
more by sickness contracted there soon after their discharge.t
The king's declaration of indulgence retarded, in 1663,
the furious career of the persecuting magistrates; and few
instances of sufferings in the metropolis occur in this year,
compared with the preceding. Yet the Quakers did not re-
main quite unmolested ; for sir John Robinson, who prece-
ded sir R. Brown in the mayoralty, ordered a guard to be
placed at the entrance of the Bull-and-Mouth meeting-
house, to prevent any persons from entering into it. The
meetings on this were held in the streets ; but those who
preached or prayed were generally haled away to prison,
and blows were unmercifully dealt on the heads both of
men and women, who did not disperse at the command of
the mayor and his officers. In this year tiiere was also a
severe persecution of this people at Colchester in Essex.
Their meetings were interrupted by acts of violence: and
many were disabled and bruised, and the lives of others
were brought into great danger by blows with clubs, car-
bines, and swords. One of them, w hen a trooper was beat-
ing him with a sword, and the blade fell out of the hilt,
took it and gave it to him, saying, " I will give it thee up
again ; I desire the Lord may not lay this day's work to thy
charge.''^
The operation of the conventicle act, passed in 1664,
though levelled at every body of dissenters, fell with pecu-
liar weight on the Quakers ; numbers of them, and of them
only, were condemned to transportation upon this act ; and
the proceedings against them were conducted with peculiar
• Gougb, vol. 1. p. 538— r)lC. t Ibiil. vol. ? p. 1, ?.
^ Ibid. Tol. 2. p. 21— ^i.
HISTORY OF THE QUAKERS. 219
and hostile precipitancy. For, " as the penalty for the first
offence was imprisonment for a term not exceeding three
months, and for the second not exceeding six, at the arbitrary
discretion of two justices;" it was usual for these justices
to commit them for a few days for the first and second
offences, not out of tenderness, but in order to subject them
more speedily to the penalty of transportation for the third
offence. For, from their long-approved constancy, they
promised themselves an assurance of finding them again at
their religious assemblies, as soon as at liberty.* The pri-
vileges of the subject were held at this time by so pre-
carious a tenure, that the history of this society furnishes
instances of the judges refusing to accept the verdict of the
grand jury, when they have returned the bill ignoramus;
and of his sending them out again with menaces and fresh
instructions.f The evidence produced against them, on
their trial, was sometimes so insufficient, that the jury re-
monstrated against it, and entreated not to be troubled any
more with such evidence. When neither persuasions nor
menaces could induce a jury to alter their verdict to the
dictates of the court, some of them were bound in 100/. each
to appear at the King's-bench-bar the first day of the follow-
ing term 4
The awful visitation of Providence, by a destructive pes-
tilence in 1665, had no effect in softening the enmity of
their persecutors. Persecution continued, and the meetings
were disturbed as before. Many who were cast into the
filthy holes of Newgate were released by this disease,
which had infected the jails, from a life worse than death.
'* But (says my author), what must fix an indelible stamp
of utter insensibility to every motive of humanity, of ci-
vility, or common decency, on the characters of the ma-
gistrates, to the disgrace of the government, and of that
church with which they were so zealous to enforce con-
formity, was, that during the very height of the conta-
gion, they continued to crowd the infected prisons with
fresh prisoners."^
In 1668, the Quakers were not, in comparison with former
years, much disturbed by the civil power; their sufferings
were mostly by excommunications, imprisonments, and dis-
* GoDgh, vol. 2. p. 112, 116. t Ibid. p. 117, 118.
t Ibid. p. 128, 129. § Ibid. p. 139, 140.
Q 2
^20 SUPPLEMENT,
traints, for their conscientious scruples against paying eccle-
siastical demands, several of which, however, were unrea-
sonably severe.
The third act against conventicles, which was carried
into a law in 1670, opened new scenes of persecution, in
which the Quakers had their peculiar share. Many were
cruelly spoiled of their property; people of considerable
substance were reduced to extreme poverty ; and the sick
had their beds taken from under them, and were reduced
to lie on the floor. When the sufferers, according to the
privilege allowed by the act, appealed against the heavy
fines and the exorbitant distraints, they generally obtained
little by the appeal but additional loss. The influence of
the convicting justice, the partiality of the bench, corrupt
juries, or a neglect in putting into due execution the de-
crees of the quarter-sessions, to which they appealed, left
them unredressed. A misconstruction of the word conven-
ticles, which the act limited to meetings for religious wor-
ship, contrary to the liturgy of the church of England, often
fexposed them to illegal fines ; for, if they met merely to
provide for their poor, or visited a sick friend, or attended
the funerals of the deceased, there were not wanting in-
formers hardy enough to swear such meetings conventicles,
nor justices prejudiced against them to issue their warrants
to levy the fines accordingly ; of which Mr. Gough gives
various instances.* The penalty on the preacher being 20/.
for the first oftence, and 40Z. for the second, the desire of
gain often tempted the unprincipled informer to swear
against a preacher, when there was not a word spoken in
the meeting. At other times, a word spoken, though not
on subjects of religion, was termed preaching; and an an-
swer to an impertinent question, extorted from some one or
other present, bore the same construction. The magistrates
were as ready to fine as the informer to swear; and, by this
iniquitous combination, the innocent were robbed under the
cover of an act of parliament.f It is a pleasure to find, and
truth requires one to add, that some justices, apprized of
the villany of the informers, had too much honour to en-
courage their vicious disposition to plunder without mercy,
and to swear without scruple. The lord-mayor of London,
in particular, sitting in a court of aldermen, in the year J670,
* Goujfh's History, vol. 2. p. n05— 316. t Ibid. p. 316—318,
HISTORY OF THE QUAKERS. 221
when an informer made his appearance withsuch a number
of informations as would have wronged the accused of
1500/. with abhorrence broke up the court.* This year
affords another peculiar instance of the illegal proceedings
by which this society were harassed ; which, notwithstand-
ing the king's repeated professions of favour towards th lii,
originated with the court. On the 29th of July an order was
issued, by the king and council, for demolishing the meet-
ing-house at Horsley-down, Southwark. It was grounded
on a pretence, that the persons who assembled in it behaved
in a riotous and tumultuous manner, than which charge
nothing could be more repugnant to their avowed principles
and uniform manners. The pulling down of the building
was, by express command, committed to Christopher Wren,
esq. ; the surveyor-general of his majesty's works. After
this order vi^as affixed to the meeting-house, the members
of the society continued their assemblies in it, till it wa^
demolished ; they then met upon the rubbish. By this they
exposed themselves to repeated outrages and cruel abuses
from the military, into whose hands was put the despotic
treatment of this assembly, and who, at one assault, sorely
bruised and wounded twenty, at a second thirty, and at a
third more than fifty persons. When the soldiers were re-
prehended for their cruelty; some of them answered, " If
you knew what orders we have, you would say we dealt
mercifully with you." Others, being asked, How can you
deal thus with a people that have love and good-will to all
men, and make no resistance or opposition? replied; "We
had rather, and it would be better for us, if they did resist
and oppose." This was looked upon by the sufferers, as
if they sought occasion to embrue their hands more deeply
in blood, and take the lives and estates of honest people for
their prey. At length these military violations of the peace
of the city roused the civil officers to interpose their autho-
rity; but it was too weak to protect this unarmed body
against the number of armed men let loose upon them.
These proceediiigs of the soldiers having been represented
to the king and council, a temporary cessation of these
cruelties was procured, but they were not wholly disconti-
nued. A building at Ratcliffe, belonging to this society,
was subjected to the like violence with that of Horsley-down,
* Cough's Hifloi J, vol. 2. p. 316—318.
222 SUPPLEMENT.
and on the Sd of September, without any legal proces?,
was demolished. On that day and the night following,
twelve cartloads of doors, windows, and floors, with other
materials, were carried away. Some of the materials were
sold on the spot for money and strong drink. Thus grievous
sufferings, exorbitant spoil, and illegal depredation, were
the lot of an inoffensive and peaceable class of subjects.
These evils were inflicted by those whose duty it was to
protect the rights and property of the subject, even by offi-
cers under government.*
While these calamities awaited the general body of this
people on account of their conscientious profession, it is
to be supposed, that the more active and distinguished mem-
bers of the society were peculiar marks for prejudice and
malignity. Of this the history of the Quakers furnishes
many examples, which we must not pass over unnoticed,
though our limits will not allow us to go into a minute de-
tail of each case.
George Fox, eminent for his activity and zeal in disse-
minating his principles, was among the first who, after the
restoration of Charles II. and for some years, felt the rage
of bigotry. In 1660 he was apprehended by a warrant
from Mr. Henry Porter, the mayor of Lancaster, at the
house of Margaret Fell at Swaithmore, and carried to Ul-
verston, where he was guarded for the night by fifteen or
sixteen men, some of whom kept sentry at the chimney, for
fear he should escape by that passage; "so darkened,"
observes the historian, ** were they by superstitious imagi-
nations." Next morning he was escorted, with abusive
and contumelious treatment, to Lancaster, and brought
before the mayor, who committed him to prison ; refused
bail; and denied him a copy of the mittimus. Two friends
having however been permitted to read it, he published
an immediate reply to the charges, which they reported to
him it contained. Application was made to the king for
a habeas corpus to remove him to London, and was ob-
tained. In consequence of this writ, though his persecutors,
for two months, obstructed the operation of it, he presented
himself in the court of King's-bench ; the justices, being
dispassionate and favourable, caused the sheriff's return of
the habeas corpus to be laid before the king, who, when
* Gough, vol. 2. p. 3 11— 3o2.
HISTORY OF THE QUAKERS. 223
Fox had suftered for more than twenty weeks an unjust
and severe imprisonment, gave directions for his release.
His enemies, on his obtaining his liberty, were filled with
vexation and fear, as they were conscious of the illegality
of their proceedings ; and he w^as advised, by some in au-
thority, to make the mayor and the rest examples : but he
meekly replied, " I shall leave them to the Lord ; if he
forgive them, I shall trouble myself no farther about
them."*
On occasion of rumours of a conspiracy set on foot in the
north among the republicans and separatists, warrants
were again issued out, in 1663, to apprehend George Fox ;
as he was on his tour through the northern counties, he
was not met with; but at^ length, finding that they con-
tinued their pursuit, he resolved to stand his ground, and
was apprehended; when no evidence could be produced to
justify committing him on the pretended plot, the justices
contented themselves with his engaging to appear at the
sessions : he appeared at it, but finding no grounds to effect
their purpose, either upon the plot, or the act against meet-
ings, they committed him, for refusing the oath of allegi-
ance, to a very incommodious room in Lancaster-castle,
where he was kept close prisoner till after the spring assizes
J663; after that he was removed to Scarborough-castle,
where he was detained upwards of a year longer ; when
finding means to have his case laid before the king, he
soon after obtained his release, having suffered an arbitrary
and very rigorous imprisonment of more than three years.f
At Lancaster, he was locked up in a smoky tower, some-
times so filled with smoke that a burning candle was scarcely
visible,]; and so open as to admit the rain iu upon his bed.
The room allotted to him in Scarborough-castle was little
better, if not worse; and when, at his own expense, he had
made it tolerable, he was removed into another room, with-
out chimney or fire-place, and so open to the sea-side, that
the rain, violently driven by the wind, poured into the
room. A sentinel was placed at his door; few or none of
hTs friends were permitted to visit him, or even to bring
him food; but numbers of others were admitted in to gaze
upon him, or dispute with him.§ His removal from one
* Gough's History, vol. 1, p. '1:32 — 439.
t Ibid. vol. ,'. p. 25-29. t Ibid. p. 29. $ Ibid. p. 1j2, 15J.
224 SUPPLEMENT.
prison to another, when he was in a very weak condition,
was attended with a treatment in many respects uncivil and
rude. To the rigour and hardships of his imprisonment
were added, to terrify him, the frequent menaces of his
keepers. The deputy-governor once told him, " that the
king, knowing he had a great interest in the people, had
sent him thither, that if there should be any stirring in the
nation, they should hang him over the wall.' He replied
to this menace, " If that was what they desired, and it was
permitted them, he was ready, for he never feared death or
sufferings in his life ; but was known to be an innocent,
peaceable man, free from stirrings and plottings, and one
that sought the good of all men." His patience surmounted
the hardships to which he was exposed ; and his innocence
pleading in his favour, his keepers at length relaxed their
severity, and treated him with favour and respect. When,
on obtaining his release, Mr. Fox offered an acknowledg-
ment for his late civility and kindness to the governor of
Scarborough-castle, he refused it ; adding, ** whatever good
he could do him or his friends, he would do it, and never
do them any hurt." His consequent conduct made good
this promise, for it was ever favourable to the Quakers.*
Mrs. Margaret Fell, who had been a widow about two
years, in 1660 was, in a degree, involved in the severe pro-
ceedings against Fox; for, that they might lay hold of him,
they forcibly entered and searched her house ; of this she
complained in an appeal to the public, as an injury offered
to herself, and a violation of the liberty of the subject. t In
the year 1663, this lady, the widow of a judge and a woman
of estate, was cited before the justices, and questioned
about keeping meetings at her house, and the oath of alle-
giance was tendered to her ; on which she expostulated
with them, that as " they knew she could not swear, why
should they send for her from her own house and her law-
ful affairs to insnare her ?" adding, " What have 1 done ?"
This remonstrance, for the instant, impressed their minds,
and they declared they would not urge the oath, if she
would not keep meetings at her house. I To this proposal
she magnanimously replied, " she would not deny her faith
• «ouj?b, vol. 2. p. l.iO— 156. t Ibid. vol. 1. p. 4:55, 4:56.
X Mr. Gough properly remarks on Uiis proposal, that it was a plain confesbion,
that tlie lender of llic oatli wa» a mere pretext to be vexatious to the subject, an ar-
bitrary measure ahhumcd lor the mere purpose of persecution.
HISTORY OF THE QUAKERS. 225
and principles for any thing they could do against her, and
while it should please the Lord to let her have a house, she
would endeavour to worship him in it." On this the oath
was tendered, and on her refusal, she was committed to
Lancaster-castle, a prison then crowded with numbers of
the same profession, and the state of which heightened
the evil of confinement. Here she was detained till next
year.*
When, in the month of August, she was, at the assizes,
brought to her trial on the same account, she persevered
in refusing the oath, and answered the judge with good
sense and pious intrepidity. Her counsel was admitted to
plead an arrest of judgment, after the jury gave a verdict
against her, and found several errors in the indictment, but
they were not admitted by the judge, and sentence of pre-
munire was passed upon her. She remained in prison
twenty months, before she could obtain liberty to go to her
own house, which she procured for a little time, and re-
turned to prison again, where she continued about four
years, till released by an order of the king and council.f
Another of the society of Quakers, whose sufferings are
recorded in a distinct narrative, was their noted preacher,
Mr. Francis Howgill. This respectable man, as he was in
the market-place at Kendal on his lawful business, was
summoned before the magistrates then sitting in a tavern ;
who tendered him the oath of allegiance, and, on his con-
scientious refusal of it, committed him to prison till the next
month. At the spring assizes of 1663, the oath was again
administered unto him, and on his refusal, an indictment
was drawn up against him, which he traversed. A bond
for his good behaviour till his trial came on being required
of him, he suffered himself to be recommitted to prison
rather than give it, as he apprehended it would be a tacit
acknowledgment of past ill-behaviour, and his attendance
at meetings in the mean time, which a sense of duty would
not suffer him to neglect, would be interpreted as a breach
of engagement. :j: As he was going to the prison he turned
to the people, and uttered this devout wish, *' The fear
of God be among you all." And the people generally ap-
peared very affectionate to him, and pitied his hard cir-
* Gough, vol. 2. p. ',".), &c. t Ibid. i». 92—9(5. } Ibid. p. 31, 32.
226 SUPPLEMENT.
cuinstance;* while the justices of Westmoreland endea-
voured to prepossess the judge and court against him by
invidious reflections on him and the society, and by the
weight of their united influence and enmity.
At the summer assizes he was again brought to the bar.
Modesty, equanimity, good sense, sober reasoning, and
deep impressions of religion, marked his conduct at both
assizes, and appear to have softened the sternness of his
judges. The sentence which confiscated his lands to the
king during his life, and his goods and chattels for ever,
and consigned him to prison for the rest of his days, was
however passed upon him; the judge, it was observed,
pronounced it with a faint and low voice, as if he was sen-
sible that this man was greatly wronged, and that himself
did not entirely approve of the sentence he was passing. f
" In mistaken zeal for religion (our historian remarks),
the plainest rules of morality are violated, and in forcing
uniformity in unessential points, the substantial parts,
mercy, justice, and truth, are obliterated."
The case of Hannah Trigg, on account of the singular
severity of it, deserves particular mention. She was one
of twelve Quakers who received sentence of transportation,
being tried and convicted on a bill of indictment preferred
against them for the third olfence. The circumstance
which particularly marked the tyranny and illegality of
the treatment of this young woman was, that she was not
sixteen years of age, and the certificate of her birth was
arbitrarily rejected by the justices. After sentence she
sickened in Newgate, and died there. The unfeeling in-
humanity, which was insatiate witli her life, was extended
to her corpse. Her relations were deprived of the consola-
tion of interring her as they desired, but she was carried
to the burying-place of the felons ; and when the bearers
came to the ground, finding no grave made, they left the
corpse unburied, saying they would make a grave next morn-
ing. The girl's mother attending the funeral, had the
grief and anguish to behold this trentment of her daughter's
remains in silent sorrow, witliout the power of remedy.J
The sufferings also of Joseph Fuce, a man of patient and
meek spirit, and very laborious as a preacher, who died in
• Gouiili, vo!. 2. p. 100. t Ibid. p. 108. J Ibi<l. p. \2T.
HISTORY OF THE QUAKERS. 227
the White-Lion prison in Southwark in 1665, should not
pass unnoticed. In 1660, being at a meeting at Deal, he
with twenty-three others, was seized by several armed men,
and being- committed to Sandown-castle, they were kept
there several nights and days, their friends not being allowed
to bring- them either food to eat or straw to lie on. He
and another were afterward removed to Dover-castle, and
with five others of their friends were locked up in one
room, from which they were permitted no egress, not even
for the necessities of nature, nor were their friends allowed.
any access to them ; and the servant of the marshal, for
shewing them some little favour, was dismissed from liis
place. Joseph Fuce remonstrating, when an opportunity
offered, on the cruel usage they received, was answered
with a volley of oaths and execrations. His pious ears
being wounded with this profaneness, he bore his testimony
against it by a serious reproof. The marshal at this, exas-
perated to rage, caused him to be dragged headlong down
several stone steps into a dungeon, overrun with filth and
with vermin, into which no light or air could enter, but by
some holes cut in the door. He was kept there two days
and two nights, without fire, candle, straw, or any thing
to lie on but an old blanket. When he had obtained some
straw, for want of air, through the damp and stench of his
dismal lodging, he fell sick; and after nine days' confine-
ment, as he seemed at the point of death, the fear of being-
questioned for murdering him, moved the marshal to remove
him, and to permit him to return to his fellow-prisoners,
with whom he continued several months till released by the
king's proclamation.*
Neither the calamities to which the society of Quakers*
were exposed, nor the sufferings which with peculiar seve-
rity were felt by some of its most eminent and worthy mem-
bers, could damp the ardour of their zeal in defending their
cause and disseminating their principles, but served to call
forth their vigorous exertions. Margaret Fell, on the ap-
prehension of George Fox, published a brief narrative of
that violent proceeding, and took a journey to London to
lay the case before the king, requesting his favourable in-
terposition, " to cause him to be removed to London, and
hear his cause himself;" in which suit she was heard.t
* Gougli,vol. 2. p. 143—115. t Ibid. vol. 1. p. 13;>— 137.
228 SUPPLExMENT.
When, in consequence of the insurrection of the fifth-mo-
narcliy men, many of the Quakers, without crimination,
withojjt conviction, were violently haled to prison, in addi-
tion to the endeavours used for their relief, by publishing;
and presenting to the king, a declaration from that people
against all sedition, plotters, fighters, &c. the same lady
several times waited personally upon the king to solicit bis
indulgence and protection for them: at her first admission
she signified to him, "they were an innocent, peaceable
people, who did no injury, and administered no occasion of
offence, except in keeping up their religious meetings, for
no other purpose than worshipping God in that way they
were persuaded was most acceptable to him, and edifying
one another in his fear; which beingto them a conscientious
matter of duty to God, they could not violate it, in com-
pliance with the ordinances or laws of man, whatever they
suffered." In consequence of her applications and the de-
claration above mentioned, the king sent out a proclama-
tion, " forbidding soldiers to search any house without a
constable." At length he was prevailed upon to issue out
a declaration, ordering " the Quakers to be set at liberty
without paying the fees."* Burrough, Hubberthorn, and
Whitehead, among others, were active advocates for their
suffering brethren. They attended parliament to solicit
against the bill, brought in in J 661, passing into an act.
Burrough presented to the king and council in the same
year a paper, entitled, " A just and righteous Plea," re-
presenting their sentiments respecting oaths, and their
established religious principle, *' to enter into no plots,
combinations, or rebellion, against government ; nor to seek
deliverance from injustice or oppression by any such means."
In this he was seconded by Hubberthorn and Whitehead,
who with ability and spirit entered into a vindication of the
religious meetings of their society.^ 'J'wo letters, about
this time, were addressed to the king, remonstrating on the
countenance given to profane shows and sports, and the
encouragement afforded to proseputors, and boldly reprov-
ing his majesty for his personal conduct. The one was
written by George Fox the elder, so called for distinction,
as the elder brother of the society, the other was drawn up
by George Fox the younger. They afford a specimen, as
• Cough, Tol. l.p. i53, -J.^t). t Ibid. i». 500—50 j.
HISTORY OF THE QUAKERS. 229
the historian observes, " of the honest plain dealing of
men, who, with Elihu, knew not to flatter, lest in so doing
their Maker should take them away." When the last of
the two letters was delivered to the king, he seemed consi-
derably affected with the contents. His brother, the duke
of York, whose temper was more gloomy, reserved, and
vindictive, being greatly exasperated with the writer, ad-
vised the king to punish him ; but, with much propriety, he
replied, " It were better for us to mend our lives."* These
epistles of the Foxes, however, left no permanent impression
on the royal mind. In the year 1662, the universal rage
against the peaceable society of the Quakers left them un-
molested in few or no parts of the nation. On this George
Fox again addressed the king on behalf of the suffering
friends, and stated, that since his restoration three thou-
sand and sixty-eight had been imprisoned, and a narrative
signed by twelve witnesses was printed, which represented
that the number of men and women then in prison amounted
to upwards of four thousand and two hundred. Humanity
revolts at the circumstances of cruelty with which the mem-
bers of this society were treated at this time; when their
meetings were broken up by men with clubs, they them-
selves were thrown into the water, and trampled under
foot till the blood gushed out.f Among other endeavours
that George Fox used to remove suspicion and soften en-
mity, was a paper which he wrote in IQQS^ as a testimony
against all plots and conspiracies whatever; to admonish
his friends to circumspection in their words and actions,
and not to meddle in any civil commotions : copies of which
he dispersed through the northern counties, and sent one
to the king and council.J
Others of this society, besides George Fox, took up their
pens in the cause of their innocent and oppressed brethren.
When the conventicle-act was passed in 1664, George
Whitehead published a piece to expose the severity of the
persecutors, to exculpate his friends from the charge of ob-
stinacy, to strengthen their steadfastness, and to remonstrate
on the unequal and arbitrary manner in which the judges
enforced the act. Another remonstrance was also pub-
lished about the same time, by Josiah Coale, against perse-
• GougU, vol. i. p. 510. 513. t Ibid. p. 5;3fi. X Ibid. vol. 2. p. 25.
230 SUPPLEMENT.
cution, addressed to the king and both houses of parlia-
ment.*
In the year 1666 the cause of the Quakers began to de-
rive great support and credit from the abilities and virtues
of the celebrated William Penn, who in that year joined
their society, and became one of its most eminent advocates
and ornaments. His pen was soon employed in its defence.
His first piece was entitled, " The Sandy Foundation
shaken." This gave great offence to some powerful eccle-
siastics, and it was answered by an accustomed mode of
reply, namely, an order for imprisoning him. He was
closely confined seven months in the Tower, and denied
the visits of his friends. This precluded him from his mi-
nisterial labours : but several treatises were the fruits of
his solitude, particularly one of great note, entitled, " No
Cross, no Crown;" in which. Dr. Henry More observed,
*' Mr. Penn has treated the subject of a future life and the
immortality of the soul, with a force and spirit equal to
most writers.''t
The first of the above pieces was occasioned by a parti-
cular circumstance which called on the Quakers to vindi-
cate themselves in a public disputation. Mr. Thomas Vin-
cent, a Presbyterian minister of eminent piety, and who
distinguished himself by his ministerial labours in the time
of the plague, but whose zeal in this instance misled him,
had, on two of his hearers going to the Quakers' meetings,
indulged himself in invectives from the pulpit against that
people, and in a licence of expression beyond the bounds
of Christian moderation and common decency. This reach-
ing the ears of some of those at whom they were cast, they
demanded of him a public meeting to vindicate themselves
from his severe reflections, or to give him an opportunity
to support them by proof, to which, after some demur, Mr.
Vincent agreed. Before the hour appointed the house was
filled with his own hearers and partisans; and he was ac-
companied by three other Presbyterian ministers, as his
assistants ; Mr. Thomas Dawson, Mr. Thomas Doolittle,
and Mr. William Maddocks. George Whitehead and Wil-
liam Penn, on the side of their friends, attended to his
charges against the Quakers. Instead of bringing them
• Gough, vol. 2. p. 115. t British Biographj, vol. 7 p. 158.
HISTORY OF THE QUAKERS. 231
forward, Mr. Vincent opened the conference with this ques-
tion, " Whether they owned one Godhead in three distinct
and separate persons?" He framed on this, according to
the mode of argumentation then in use, a syllogism. George
Whitehead rejected his terms as unscriptural, and not de-
ducible from the text he quoted, and desired him to explain
them so that they might be understood; observing, " that
God did not use to wrap his truths in heathenish metaphy-
sics, but deliver them in plain language." But ?tlr. Vincent
and his coadjutors would neither keep to Scripture terms,
nor allow them in their antagonists. After n)any insults
offered to the Quakers, and opprobrious names cast upon
them, the meeting was broken up by a prayer from Mr.
Vincent, in which these people were accused as blasphe-
mers. Some people staying, after he and his brethren with-
drew, the Quakers found an opportunity of exculpating
themselves from the invectives of their adversaries. Ano-
ther debate was desired, but evaded. On this Penn appeal-
ed to the public*
It falls within the period of which we are writing, to
notice the remarks on the third conventicle act, which
George Fox, being in London at the time, published in
1670, in order, if possible, to move the government to mo-
deration. Apprehending an impending storm, he wrote
also, at the same time, an epistle to his friends, to exhort
them to faithfulness and steadfastness in their testimony to
the truth, and to Christian patience, in bearing the suffer-
ings which might be permitted to try their faith. +
Under a successive train of severe trials, this people
maintained patience, resignation, and a blameless demea-
nour: and, with the powers of the world against them,
their numbers were continually increasing. In the year
1666 they were become a large body. This gave them
courage and resolution to erect in that year a new meeting-
house in Whitehart-court, Gracechurch-street, which, from
its central situation, became afterward the place for their
yearly meetings. J
The affairs of this society began now to range into a re-
gular and systematic form. George Fox, as soon as he was
released from his long confinement, proceeded as usual in
his labours ; and when he was so weak and stiff, and be-
* Cough, vol. 5. p. 2?6--228. t Ibid. p. .'51 R. * Ibid. p. 157.
232 SUPPLEMENT.
numbed in his joints, by a cruel imprisonment for the great-
est part of three years, that it was with difficulty he could
mount his horse or alight, he went from Yorkshire to Lon-
don. He saw it necessary to increase the number of meet-
ings of discipline, as the exigencies and the numbers of the
society were increased. In 1660, a general meeting for
church-affairs had been held at Skipton in Yorkshire. The
business of it was confined to the taking an account of their
sufferings, and to collections for the relief of the poor.
Quarterly meetings were afterward established in London,
which, in addition to the former subjects of attention, had
the charge of the reputation of the society, to watch over
the members, and admonish and exhort such as might ap-
pear disorderly and uncircumspect in their conversation,
not agreeable to the strictness of their religious profession;
besides the women's meetings, which had chiefly the care of
poor widows and orphans. During George Fox's stay in
London there were established, at his recommendation,
five monthly meetings of men and women in that city, to
transact the business which had before employed the quar-
terly meetings, and a general meeting once in three months,
as hitherto, for mutual counsel, advice, and deliberation, in
relation to the common affairs and care of the whole body
in the city. He afterward procured his plan of monthly
meetings to be adopted through all the counties, in Scot-
land, Ireland, Holland, and the continent of America. The
business of the monthly meetings was, at his advice and ad-
monition, after this, extended to the taking cognizance of
the orderly proceedings towards marriage, to see " that the
parties who proposed marriage were clear from other en-
gagements, that their relations were satisfied, that widows
had made provision for their first husband's children before
they married again, and to institute whatever other inquiries
were necessary for keeping all things clean and pure, in good
order and righteousness, to the glory of God."
Some time after monthly and quarterly meetings were
established, viz. in the year 1669, it was found expedient,
and agreed upon, to hold a general meeting in London, re-
presentative of the whole body in England, and all other
parts where any of the society were settled ; w hich has,
from that time, been held annually, and is called '* The
Yearly Meeting in London." It is formed of deputies from
HISTORY OF THE QUAKKllS. 233
each quarterly meeting in England, and from the half year's
meetings in Ireland, without restraining from an attendance
any member in unity with the society. Such places in
Europe and America, as are too remote conveniently to
send representatives, keep up a correspondence with this
meeting by epistles. A committee of correspondence in
London and several counties and other places, to be con-
sulted in the intervals between the yearly meetings, upon
any emergency, was also established. The members ap-
pointed correspondents in London, to meet the sixth day in
every week, to consult upon such matters as may be laid
before them, particularly any suffering cases of friends,
from whence it is called " The Meeting for Sufferings,"
and is a meeting of record.
From the meetings of discipline no members of the so-
ciety are excluded. A regular record of all their proceed-
ings is kept by a clerk, who, at the desire of the meeting,
voluntarily undertakes the office. The business of these
meetings is preceded by a solemn meeting of worship. An
inquiry whether meetings for discipline and worship are
duly attended, the preservation of love and unity, the re-
ligious education of youth, are some of the leading objects
of these associations. Inquiries are also made, whether a
faithful and Christian testimony is borne against the re-
ceiving or paying tithes, priests' demands, or those called
church rates? Whether friends are careful to avoid all
vain sports, places of diversion, gaming, and all unnecessary
frequenting of alehouses or taverns, excess in drinking,
and intemperance of every kind ? Whether friends are just
in their dealings, and punctual in fulfilling their engage-
ments, and are advised carefully to inspect the state of their
affairs once in the year ? Whether early care be taken to
advise and deal with such as appear inclinable to marry
contrary to the rules of the society ; and whether any re-
move from or into monthly or two weekly meetings without
certificates ? And whether two or more faithful friends are
deputed in each particular meeting to have the oversight
thereof: and care be taken, when any thing appears amiss,
that the rules of their discipline be put in practice ?
This sketch of the discipline and ecclesiastical govern-
ment of this society cannot fail to give us a favourable idea
of the spirit and principles which actuate it. It i& reconir
VOL. V. R
234 SUPPLEMENT.
mended by the method and regularity which mark it : and
it is a great excellence of it, that it is directed to the en-
couragement and promotion of good morals, of a peaceable,
upright, and blameless, conduct in social life. For a more
full and accurate view of its nature and design, the reader
may be referred to a long and judicious disquisition on it in
Mr. Gough's History :* which, when he has perused, he will
determine for himself, whether it may not be justly extolled,
as " bearing marks of a peculiar wisdom in the contrivance,
and goodness of heart in the ends in view, realized in the
beneficial effects it then had, and hath since continued to
produce."
The Quakers, besides supporting a series of sufferings
with patience and fortitude, disseminating their principles,
through England, Wales, and Scotland, with unabating
zeal, and forming their society upon a regular plan of go-
vernment, traversed the Atlantic ocean, carried their senti-
ments into America, and established themselves in the
western continent. The undertaking was arduous ; new
calamities and persecutions awaited them in new countries.t
Their pious efforts, however, were eventually successful in
the transatlantic regions. The brevity we must observe,
does not allow us to go here into particulars. But two in-
stances of their zeal, at this period, to propagate their doc-
trine in the foreign parts of Europe, were of so singular a
nature as to call for particular notice.
About the year 1661 two women, Catharine Evans and
Sarah Cheevers, moved with a religious concern to diffuse
their principles, took their passage in a ship bound from
London to Leghorn : after various trials and storms they
arrived at that city; and, during their stay in it, they dis-
persed books, explaining the doctrines of the society, and
discoursed with people of all ranks, numbers of whom
curiosity daily drew after them : and here they met with
no molestation. They sailed from thence in a Dutch ship
bound to Alexandria, the master of which put into Malta.
Going on shore, the day after their arrival, they were met
by the English consul, who invited them to his house, where
they continued about three months. They were visited by
many, whom they found it their concern to call to repent-
ance, and were repeatedly summoned before the inquisitors,
• Gougb, vol. 2. p. 161— 19B. t Ibid. chap. 9.
HISTORY OF THE QUAKERS. 235
whose interrogatories they answered in *such a manner, as
not to give them the advantage they sought, nor to resign
their own principles by the least compliance with the super-
stitious and showy religion of the country. The consul, at
last, overcome by flattery, menaces, and bribery, gave up his
guests to the inquisitors, who would not venture to take
them without his consent or acquiescence. Having under-
gone an examination, which they supported with simplicity
and firmness, they were imprisoned in a close dark room,
with only two little holes for light and air, and so extremely
hot in that warm climate, that it seemed as if the intention
of the inquisitors was to stifle them to death. This im-
prisonment lasted three or four years. They were continu-
ally beset and perplexed with the impertinences of monks
and friars, to cajole or terrify them into their superstitions.
But neither flattery nor menaces could pervert these inno-
cent women from their profession. Upon this they were
put into a room so exceedingly hot, close, and suffocating,
that they were often forced to rise out of their bed, to lie
down at the chink of the door for air to draw breath ; their
faces were excessively stung by gnats: and, such was the
effect of the heat of the room and the climate, their skin
was parched, their hair fell ofi^, and they frequently fainted
away. They were tempted at times, to wish for death; to
end their sorrows. Catharine Evans fell into a fit of sick-
ness, and the physician said, " they must have air, or else
they would die.'* On this the door was ordered to be set
open six hours in the day. Soon after they were separated,
in hope that an impression might be made on their minds,
if they were separately attacked ; but each was immoveable.
They not only resisted every attempt to draw them ofi^ from
their religious profession to the superstitions of popery ; but,
as the house of inquisition was rebuilding, or repairing in
some parts, for the space of a year and half, they embraced
the opportunities which ofi^ered to incite the people to re-
pentance, both the workmen who were obliging to them,
and the citizens of better quality who came to view the
building. The apartment of Catharine being near the
street, she frequently accosted with admonitions those that
passed by, many of whom would stay to hear as long as
they durst, and were much afl^ected. After enduring the
sc^verities of an imprisonment in the inquisition upwards of
R 2
236 bUPPLKMENT.
three years, and several unsuccessful attempts to procure
their release, George Fox ens^aged the friendly and humane
interposition of lord D'Aubigny witli the magistrates, whose
mediation was effectual: and being liberated they returned
to England. On their passage home, a passenger who was
a knight of Malta and the inquisitor's brother, interested
himself with the captain, to secure them every accommoda-
tion the ship could afford. The merchants at Leghorn,
where the vessel stopped, treated them with great kindness,
and supplied them with wine and other articles for their re-
freshment. At Tangier, the governor courteously received
them, and would have given them money, which they de-
clined accepting, though they gratefully acknowledged his
kindness. They freely addressed their admonitions to him,
and exhortations to amendment of life to the people who
flocked to the house where they lodged. Previously to
their discharge from Alexandria, their tried integrity and
blameless manners had made impressions in their favour,
both on the magistrates and the inquisitor, the latter of
whom relaxed in his severity, and granted them the use of
pen, ink, and paper, to write to their friends.*
The suflerings of these women, in the singular enterprise
to which their apprehensions of duty animated them, fell
short of those which befel two men in a similar undertak-
ing : namely, John Philly and William Moore. These
persons, being in Germany with other friends in the be-
ginning of 1662, felt a concern to proceed into Hungary,
and to visit the Hortesche brethren, who were a kind of
Baptists that lived in a community, hundreds of them to-
gether in a family, having their goods and possessions in
common ; they also refused to swear or fight. This was a
design attended with peculiar difficulties and perils: as it
would lead them, on a long journey, through a tract of
country unknown to them, and amongst people differing
from them in language, in sentiments, and in manners. But,
such were their views of the obligations lying upon them,
they were not intimidated by the prospect of difficulties, and
actually made a prosperous journey to the nearest body of
that people, residing at Cushart, near Presburg, where
they were pretty hospitably entertained, and dispersed some
jeljgious books, which they had taken for that purpose,
• Gongh, vol. 2. p. 5\—6S.
HISTORY OF THE QUAKERS. 237
From hence they set off for Pattock, a city three hundred
miles farther on in Upper Hungary, and accompanied each
other to Comora in Schut, an island in the Danube : en-
compassed with dangers on all hands; on the one side of
being killed by the Turks, or of being put to death at
Newhausel, according to the practice of that garrison to-
wards those who were found there, it being tributary to the
Turks, without permission. At Comora, first, Moore was
apprehended, searched and stripped, and carried to the
guards with his hands and feet shackled ; and an insinuation
was thrown out, that he should be roasted on a spit. Philly
was afterward apprehended at his lodgings. They were
committed to separate prisons; Moore to the stockhoose,
and Philly to a room appropriated to the inhuman purpose
of putting prisoners to the rack. On the next day they
were brought before the inquistor to be examined ; by
whom, among other questions, they were asked, if they did
not know that Catholics had laws to burn and torment
heretics, and such as carried such books as they had with
them ? To which Moore warily replied, " I should not have
expected such dealings among good Christians." They
were for eight days repeatedly brought to examination,
and insnaring questions put to them, as, what they thought
of the sacrament; to which Moore replied, " the flesh pro-
fiteth little, it is the spirit that quickeneth." This inquisitor
was so strangely unacquainted with the Scriptures, that in
a surprise he applied to a priest present, " Sir, father, how
is that ?" Who, recollecting himself, said, " he did re-
member such an expression.'' The inquisitor next asked
him if he would turn Catholic? To which he made this
rational reply ; " If I should do so for fear of favour of
you, the Lord not requiring it of me, I should not have
peace in my conscience, and the displeasure of the Lord
would be more intolerable than yours ;" adding, " that com-
pulsion might make hypocrites, but not Christians, as it did
not change the heart."
After this they were put to the torture ; first, their thumbs
were screwed to extort the confession of some crime, and
then they were racked, with such violence in the case of
Moore, that his chin was close to his breast, and his mouth
so closed, that he was almost choked. They were then
threatened with death. Philly, by calling out to the gover-
238 . SUPPLEMENT.
nor, as he was passing- in his coach, obtained some redress
of their calamities ; and they were allowed to earn a trifle,
to buy bread, by working at the wheelbarrow, though often
their wages were kept back. After sixteen weeks they were
conveyed in chains, by a waggon, under a guard, to general
Nadash, the emperor's lord-chamberlain. They were ex-
amined before him and several lords of the kingdom, some
of whom seemed affected with their answers, and none ob-
jected thereto. They were sentenced, however, to be
burned, if they would not embrace the Popish religion ;
but the sentence was not executed ; and a priest was sent to
convert them. These endeavours proving ineffectual, they
were removed to a place within about five German miles of
Vienna, where, falling into the hands of priests, their perils
became aggravated : they were again searched, their books
and papers taken away, insnaring questions were put to
them, and they were threatened with the execution of
various tortures, and of the sentence of death. But the
frauds and menaces of their persecutors were frustrated by
the steadfastness of these confessors. Manacles were then
put on their wrists, so small, as when locked by main force,
put them to extreme pain. They were thrust into a narrow
hole with some Turks, that were prisoners, where they had
scarcely room to sit down. At length they found a friend
in the person who was invested with the chief civil autho-
rity in the place, whose dispositions to protect them and af-
ford them relief, were much strengthened by the influence
of one Adam Bien, his barber, a religious man who had
been educated among the Hortesche brethren. The priests
were restrained from keeping them any longer in their hole
of a prison, and using them with the cruelty they had done
before. Those who had distinguished themselves by pro-
moting malicious insults, endeavoured to ingratiate them-
selves; and after the prospects of obtaining their liberty
bad been repeatedly clouded over by the sickness of the
governor, or by the attention he had been induced to give
to insinuations against them, and by some renewed suffer-
ings from the priests and soldiers, by Adam Bien's steadfast
friendship, and persevering solicitations in their favour, they
were released, September 1663.*
Whatever opinion may be entertained of the prudence of
* Gougfa, vol, VI. p. 63-83.
HISTORY OF THE QUAKERS. 239
these and other pious persons belonging to the society of
Quakers, in exposing themselves to such perils, without pos-
sessiiig ordinary or supernatural means of succeeding in
their well-meant efforts ; the patience, firmness, and forti-
tude, which they displayed under the most trying circum-
stances, must be allowed singular merit and praise. Pa-
tience and meekness, indeed, were general characteristics
of this people. They met and supported the exertions of
malicious violence and wanton despotism with resigned
acquiescence, and in humble dependance upon divine pro-
tection and support, without fainting in their minds.
They were also distinguished, from the beginning, by
their charitable regard towards each other. There were
some among them, who were not only examples of steadfast-
ness, but by their exhortations, in word and writing, en-
couraged their brethren to perseverance. In the time of
the plague they were exemplary for the care and tenderness
with which they relieved the affliction of the widows and
orphans of their friends, whom that calamity carried off.
They held occasional meetings in the city to provide for
the necessities of the poor; and when the number of objects
proved too many for the men to assist by these meetings,
they called upon the most grave and tender-hearted of their
female friends to aid them in the offices of humanity, who
for this purpose met once a week. Not the resident inha-
bitants only were exercised in this care ; but several, as
George Whitehead, Alexander Parker, Josiah Coale, and
others, came out of the country to London, as with their
lives in their hands, supported by the sentiments of faith
and resignation, to suffer with their friends there, whatever
might be permitted to befal them, to strengthen and en-
courage them to keep up their meetings, to edify them with
their gifts, and to visit and comfort the sick and imprisoned.
And through all they were mercifully preserved from the
infection, and from imprisonment in this season of danger.*
The benevolence of their minds was not confined to the
acts of fraternal regards to one another, in the season of ca-
lamity and persecution, but took a wider scope. Their at-
tention to their poor, that there should be no beggar
amongst them, nor any sent to the parish for relief; and to
afford their children instruction, and put them out appren-
* Gough, vol. 2. p. 149,160.
240 SUPPLEMENT.
tices to suitable trades, hath deservedly attracted notice,
and commanded general approbation. They have, mon
over, cheerfully paid their quota to the poor of their r(
spective parishes, and proper objects of any denominatioi
have been relieved by their private donations.* It fr<
quently happened, that justices and military officers, oi
coming to break up their general meeting at Skipton, whe|
they saw their accounts of their collections and disburse
ments, and the care taken that one county should help ai
other, as circumstances might require, have been obliged
commend their care, and have left them undisturbed in th^
exercise of the laudable object of their meeting. The pool
of other societies, frequently gathered in crowds upon thes
occasions, partook of their liberality ; for it was their custoi
after the meeting was over, to send to the bakers for brea<
and distribute a loaf to each, how many soever they were.t|
Our sketch of the history of this society will not be coi
plete, if we do not notice some who were eminent ministei
in it, and died at this period.
The first to be mentioned is Richard Hubberthorn, tl
son of a reputable yeoman in the north of Lancashire, wh<
after two months' imprisonment, through the effect of thi
throng of prisoners, and the vitiated air on his tender con-
stitution, died in Newgate on the 17th of June, 1662. He
was from his youth inclined to piety, sobriety, and virtue.
When he arrived to years of maturity, he obtained a post
in the parliament's army ; and preached occasionally to the
soldiers. When he joined the society of the Quakers, he
quitted, agreeably to their principle of peace, his military
employment. He was one of the first ministers of this so-
ciety. His stature was low, his constitution infirm, and his
voice weak ; but he was powerful, able, and successful, as a
minister. In the exercise of this office he travelled, in dif-
ferent parts of the nation, for the space of nine years. He
knew his season, when to speak and when to be silent ; when
he spoke, he delivered himself with plainness and pertinency
to the subject before him. He was a man of much meekness,
humility, patience, and brotherly kindness ; and of distin-
guished equanimity, neither easily depressed in adversity,
nor elated in prosperity. His life was spent in acts of
righteousness and the pursuit of peace, of which his latter
• Gongb, vol. 2. p. 189. t Ibid. vol. 1. p. 431.
HISTORY OF THE QUAKERS. 241
end exhibited the happy effects, the peaceful tenor of his
conscience stripping death of all its terrors, and in the full
assurance of faith, he looked forward to the near approach
of future happiness.
About the same time, and in the same prison, died, in the
twenty-eighth year of his age, having been ten years a
zealous and powerful preacher, Mr. Edward Burrough.
He was born in or near Underbarrow, a village in the
barony of Kendal in Westmoreland, of parents in repute
for their honest and virtuous conduct, and of competent
substance. His puerile years exhibited proofs of manly
sense and religious thoughtfulness. He was fond of the
conversation of such as were in esteem for piety, and placed
his satisfaction in perusing the Scriptures, in which he was
well versed. He was educated in the episcopal way of
worship ; but, about the age of twelve years, began to fre-
quent the meetings of the Presbyterians, till he was seven-
teen. He then became possessed with serious apprehen-
sions of great deficiency in the knowledge of God and in-
ternal purity of heart, and felt considerable uneasiness and
fear; and, dissatisfied with the doctrine he heard, as result-
ing, in his view, from mere speculation and the experience
of others, and not the fruit of their own experience, he
withdrew from the teachers of it. On George Fox's coming
into the parts where he resided, he went to hear him preach,
and afterward entered into reasoning with him upon re-
ligious subjects. The consequence was, that he joined the
society of the Quakers, in which he became a most service-
able member and eminent minister. On forming this con-
nexion, his relations discarded him, his father expelled him
from his house, and he felt himself exposed to many hard-
ships, all which evils he bore with exemplary patience.
His laborious exertions, both by word and writing, were
indefatigable, and his religious exercises as a preacher were
the whole business of his life ; he allowed himself few hours
of repose, and did not appropriate one week at a time, for
many years, to himself or his private concerns. He travelled
through England, Scotland, Ireland, and Flanders; but the
principal field of his ministerial labours was London. As
he was preaching at the meeting at Bull-and-Mouth, he was
violently taken down by the soldiers, and carried before
alderman Brown, who committed him to Newgate. Some
242 SUPPLEMENT.
weeks after, he was brought to trial at the Old-Bailey, fined
by the court twenty marks, and condemned to lie in prison
tiJl he paid the fine, which amounted to perpetual imprison-
ment, as the principles of the Quakers led them to consider
a voluntary and active compliance with the penalty as a
tacit confession of guilt. A special order from the king was
sent to the sheriffs for his release, and that of some other
prisoners, but the magistrates of the city found means to
prevent the execution of it. He met his dissolution, brought
on by disease and imprisonment, with the consolatory review
of a life spent in the service of his Creator. '' I have had
the testimony of the Lord's love unto me (said he) from
my youth ; and my heart, O Lord, hath been given up to
do thy will. I have preached the gospel freely in this
city, and have often given up my life for the gospel's sake ;
and now, O Lord, rip open my heart, and see if it be not
right before thee." As his dissolution drew nigh, he said,
"Though this body of clay must turn to dust, yet 1 have a
testimony that I have served God faithfully in my genera-
tion : and that spirit that hath lived, and acted, and ruled
in me, shall yet break forth in thousands."
Another zeajous preacher among this people was Wil-
liam Ames, who travelled in the work of the ministry not
in England only, but much in Holland and Germany, where
several were convinced by him, especially in the Palatinate.
These Palatines, removing soon after to Pennsylvania,
escaped the general devastation of their country by the
French, which happened soon after. Ames was, at first,
after his mind took a serious turn, a teacher among the
Baptists ; he was also a military officer in Cromwell's army
in Ireland, in which post, being strict and regular in his own
conduct, he exerted himself to introduce and preserve the
like regularity among the soldiers under his command by a
strict discipline. Francis Howgill and Edward Burrough
coming into Ireland, he went to hear them, and embraced
their doctrine. He and several others were afterward
taken, by two musketeers, out of a private house in Lon-
don, forced to Paul's churchyard, where they were derided
and abused by the soldiers, and afterward taken before
alderman Brown, who committed them to hard labour
in bridewell. Here they were so severely treated, thaf
Ames grew dangerously ill; and being an inhabitant of
HISTORY OF THE QUAKERS. 243
Amsterdam, he was discharged for fear of his dying in
prison. He returned, upon his release, to this city, and
supported himself by wool-combing, but so injured in his
health, that he never recovered, but died within the current
year, 1662.*
Near the close of the year 1663, John Audland, a native
ofCamsgill in Westmoreland, was taken off by a consumpr
tion in an early stage of life. When a child, he^discovered
a quick understanding and retentive memory. As he ap-
proached a state of maturity, he applied the attention of
his mind to religious thought and to reading the Scriptures,
and became an eminent teacher amongst the Independents,
of whom he had a very numerous auditory. He was one
of the principal preachers at Firbank-chapel, at the time
when George Fox had a memorable meeting there, and be-
came a convert to his doctrine, which he afterward zeal-
ously and ably exerted himself to disseminate, travelling
through sundry parts of the nation with this view ; forego-
ing the comforts of domestic life, and separating himself,
with her consent, from his wife, who entered into his views,
a virtuous and well-accomplished young woman, of a good
family, to whom he was married about the twentieth year
of his age. He was one of the earliest preachers of this
persuasion, who visited the city of Bristol and the western
counties. The number of his hearers increased to such a
degree in that place, that, for want of a house large enough,
the meetings were frequently held in an orchard. He was
a partaker with his brethren in repeated imprisonments
and abuses of his person. His sufferings and exertions
were beyond his strength, and brought on a cough, which
appeared consumptive, and finally terminated in a slow fever,
that put a period to his life at the age of thirty-four years.
He was not only preserved in peaceful serenity of mind at
this solemn season, but at times filled even with joy at the
prospect of his approaching felicity ; from the impression
whereof his soul, under extreme bodily weakness, was raised
up in praise to the Almighty, and in prayer for the pros-
perity of his friends in righteousness. f
In 1667, after about fifteen years spent in acting and suf-
fering for those doctrines he had received for truth, died
Richard Farnsworth, exhorting his friends with affecting
* Gougl), vol. 2. p. 2—15. f Ibid. p. 83—88.
244 SUPPLEMENT.
energy and strength of spirit, as if he were in full health,
and giving evidence of his full assurance of faith. He was
one of the first who embraced the principles of George Fox,
soon after his release from his imprisonment at Derby,
while the name Quaker was but just known. He joined
him in society and ministerial labours, and many were con-
verted by him. For not pulling off his hat to a justice of
peace, in the streets of Banbury, in 1656, he wa:^, after the
justice had struck it off in passion, sent for and committed
to prison. Next day, when passion subsided, his release
was offered him on paying the jailer's fees, and promising
to leave the town that night. He would promise nothing,
knowing that he had been illegally committed. The oath
of abjuration was then tendered to him, and on his refusing
it, he was recommitted to prison, where he lay about six
months.*
In the latter part of the year 1668 and the beginning of
the next, this society was deprived of three eminent and
serviceable members ; Thomas Loe, Josiah Coale, and
Francis Howgill.
Thomas Loe was a man of fine natural temper, easy,
affable, and pleasing in conversation, benevolent and sym-
pathizing in his disposition. He travelled on foot through
the greatest part of the nation, and visited Ireland several
times. His gifts were attractive, and he had generally
crowded audiences. He was several times imprisoned for
his testimony, and his natural strength was impaired by
his travels and labours. His convert, William Penn, vi-
sited him in his last sickness, whom he addressed thus :
" Bear thy cross and stand faithful to God, then he will
give thee an everlasting crown of glory that shall not be
taken from thee. There is no other way which shall pros-
per than that which the holy men of old walked in. God
hath brought immortality to light, and life immortal is felt
His love overcomes my heart. Glory be to his name for
evermore." He accosted others with similar sentiments ;
and his parting breath expressed a song of praise to that
almighty Being, whose goodness preserved him through
life, and deserted him not in his end.t
Josiah Coale was born at Winterborne, Gloucester-
• Goagh, vol. 'J. p. '222, 2i'3.
t Ibid. p. 229—231 ; and vol. 1. p. 518, .319.
HISTORY OF THE QUAKERS. 245
shire, near Bristol, and received his impressions in favour
of the Quakers' doctrine under the preaching of John
Audland, about the year 1653. He proved an able and
zealous minister: his testimony was sharp and piercing
against the workers of iniquity, while it flowed in a stream
of life and encouraging consolation to the pious and virtu-
ous. In 1656y after having been first grievously abused by
the populace, and dragged bareheaded under the spouts in
a time of rain, he was imprisoned in Newgate, at Bristol.
In the same year, he was, with three other friends, severely
abused and beaten by the mob, and then committed to pri-
son by the mayor, at Melcomb-Regis. In 1658, a sense of
duty determined him to pay a religious visit to the English
colonies in America. As no master of a ship would take
him to New-England, for fear of the penalties enacted in
that state against such as should bring in any Quakers, he
got a passage, in company with Thomas Thirston, to Vir-
ginia; from whence they made their way on foot through
a wilderness of several hundred miles, till then deemed im-
passable for any but the Indians. By these people, of the
Susquehannah tribe, they were treated with remarkable
attention and hospitality, entertained with lodging and
provisions, and furnished with guides to the Dutch planta-
tions. Their journey was, however, attended with great
hardships and dangers. They met with very different treat-
ment from the lofty professors of New-England, whose tem-
pers were embittered, whose natural tenderness and com-
passion were eradicated by false principles of religion.
Here Coale was violently haled out and sent to prison, and
sometime after banished to Maryland. He travelled
through this state and Barbadoes ; and, in Europe, through
most parts of England, in Holland, and the Low Countries ;
going through many perils, imprisonments, and persecu-
tions, valiant in what he regarded as the cause of truth,
undaunted in danger, and borne above the fear of man by
the supports of a peaceful conscience. He not only in his
travels bore his own charges abroad, but was an exemplary
pattern of liberality at home, and freely spent his estate in
the service to which he devoted himself. His natural tem-
per was cheerful, religion tempered it with seriousness ;
his unaffected affability was mixed with a circumspect and
exemplary deportment; his whole conversation illustrated
246 SUPPLEMENT.
the purity of his religion, and was an ornament to his pro-
fession. After ministerial services of twelve years, he fell
into a decline, and departed in the arms of his friends, as
one falling into a deep sleep, full of consolation, exhorting
others to " be faithful to God, and have a single eye to
his glory," expressing his own confidence that " the ma-
jesty of God was with him, and his crown of life upon him,"
at the age of thirty-five years and two months.*
The last person to be noticed is Francis Howgill, a
principal as well as early promulgator of the doctrine of
the Quakers, and a valuable member of their community.
He was a native of Westmoreland, and received his educa-
tion, for the priest's office in the church, at the university ;
but, being scrupulous of complying with the ceremonies,
he withdrew from the national church, and joined the Inde-
pendents, and was an eminent preacher among them, labo-
rious and zealous as a minister, and esteemed for his virtue
and exemplary conversation. In 165^, he became a pro-
selyte to the doctrines of George Fox, on hearing him at
Firbank-chapel. He was, soon after this, sent, with James
Naylor, to the jail at Appleby. In 1654, he and Edward
Burrough, in company with Anthony Pearson, travelled to
London, and were the first of this society who held meet-
ings in that city, and by whose preaching many there were
brought over to the same profession. While he was there,
he went to court to intercede with Oliver Cromwell, that
a stop might be put to the persecution of the members of
bis society, and he wrote also to the protector, on the same
subject, in a plain and bold strain, but without any good
effects. It does not appear, that they met with any per-
sonal molestations in the metropolis ; and when they had
gathered and settled meetings there, they went to Bristol.
Multitudes flocked to hear them, and many embraced their
doctrine. The clergy were alarmed, and they were sum-
moned before the magistrates, and were commanded to
leave the city immediately. To this order they answered :
'^ We came not in the will of man, nor stand in the will of
man, but when he shall move us to depart who moved us to
come hither, we shall obey ; we are free-born Englishmen,
and have served the commonwealth faithfully, being free
in the sight of God from the transgression of any law: to
♦ GoMgh, vol. 9. p. 231— «S6.
HISTORY OF THE QUAKERS. 247
your commandments we cannot be obedient; but if by vio-
lence you put us out of the city, and have power to do it,
we cannot resist." Having said this, they went out of the
court, but tarried in the city, preaching- as before, for some
time.* In 1663, Francis Howgill was summoned before
the justices, as he was in the market-place at Kendal on his
business ; and, for refusing the oath of allegiance, was com-
mitted to prison till the summer assizes, at which the oath
was again tendered to him, and upon refusal an indictment
was drawn up against him, which he traversed. But as he
would not enter into bond for his good behaviour, which
he considered as a tacit acquiescence in the charge of ill-be-
haviour, and a bar to attendance on meetings, he was re-
committed to prison. At the spring assizes he was brought
to his trial ; when, under a rigorous sentence of premu-
nire, he was sent back to the prison, where he remained,
till released by death, for nearly five years, deprived of
every comfort and convenience his persecutors could take
from him. He died, after a sickness of nine days, the 20th
of January, 1688—89. During his confinement he evi-
denced the peaceful and even tenor of his soul by his
patience ; and preserved to the last an amiable equanimity,
which had characterized him through life, the serenity of
his conscience bearing him superior to his sufferings and to
the fear of death. He wrote a copious treatise against
oaths, wherein he maintained the unlawfulness of swearing
under the gospel. His virtues, innocence, and integrity of
life, were conspicuous. He was generally respected by
those who knew him ; his sufferings were commiserated ;
and the unmerited enmity and cruelty of his persecutors
condemned. Several of the principal inhabitants of Ap-
pleby, and particularly the mayor, visited him in his sick-
ness ; and some of them praying that God might speak
peace to his sou!, he answered, " He hath done it." He
also expressed himself thus : " That he was content, and
ready to die ; praising the Almighty for the many sweet
enjoyments and refreshing seasons he had been favoured
with on that his prison bed, whereon he lay, freely forgiving
all who had a hand in his restraint." A few hours before he
departed, he said, " I have sought the way of the Lord
from a child, and lived innocently as among men ; and if
• Gougli, vol. 1. p. 112. 126. 144, &c.
248 SUPPLEMENT,
any inquire concerning ray latter end, let them know, that
I die in the faith in which I lived and suffered for." After
these words, he uttered some others in prayer to God, and
so finished his life in perfect peace, in the fiftieth year of
his age.
Mr. Gough has preserved a letter of useful instructions,
addressed to his daughter, which he left behind him. His
will, made some time before his decease, bequeathed out
of his real estate, his personal having been forfeited to the
king, a legacy to his poor friends in those parts where he
lived, and a token of hisatfectionate remembrance to several
of his brethren and fellow-labourers in the ministry.*
CHAP. IL
FROM THE DECLARATION OF INDULGENCE TO THE
REVOLUTION. A. D. 1674—1688.
When the king published his declaration of indulgence,
the Quakers, who did not rank with any political party,
merely to enjoy the ease and liberty to which peaceable and
virtuous subjects have a right, accepted the protection it
afforded. But those who were at liberty, from that spirit of
sympathy and brotherly concern which prevades the society,
could not enjoy their own exemption from penal statutes,
without exerting themselves for the relief of their brethren
who had been, for several years, kept immured in uncom-
fortable prisons. George Whitehead, Thomas Moor, and
Thomas Green, invited by the present disposition of govern-
ment, waited on the king and council to solicit the discharge
of their friends, who, convicted on transportation, or on
premunire, or for fines, confiscations, or fees, were still in
prison : and they were so successful as to obtain the king's
letters patent, under the great seal, for their pardon and dis-
charge. In the accomplishing of this business, a difficulty
arose from the amount of the fees to be paid in the sundry
offices through which the letters patent would pass, as up-
• Gougb. vol. 2. p. 31. 9tf— 108, nnd 236—241.
HISTORY OF THE QUAKERS. 249
wards of four hundred persons would be included in them.*
But when the lord-keeper, sir Orlando Bridgeman, gene-
rously and voluntarily remitted his fees, they applied to the
king to moderate the rest, who accordingly issued his order,
*' that the pardon, though comprehending a great number
of persons, do yet pass as one pardon, and pay but as one."
Their success gave them an opportunity to shew the uni-
versality of their charity to other dissenters, many of whom
were confined in prison, and whose solicitors, observing the
happy issue of the Quakers' suit, applied to Whitehead,
for his advice and assistance, to have the names of their
own friends inserted in the same instrument. In conse-
quence of his advice they petitioned the king, and obtained
his warrant for that purpose. '•• This I was glad of (says
Whitehead), that they partook of the benefit through our
industry. And indeed I was never backward to give any
of them my advice for their help, when any of them in straits
have applied for it; our being of different judgments and
societies did not abate my sympathy or charity, even to-
wards them who, in some cases, had been our opposers."
The Quakers were thus freed, for a time, from the severi-
ties of persecution. The public testimony which they con-
tinued, in the severest times, to bear to the principles they
received as truth, and the firmness with which they held
their meetings at the appointed times and places, or, when
kept out of their places of worship by force, assembled in
the streets, baffled the scheme of establishing uniformity,
countenanced and assisted by the temporizing conduct of
other dissenters, and abated the heat of persecution, and
blunted the edge of the sword before it reached the other
sects ; the more ingenuous of whom, therefore, esteemed
their intrepidity, regarded them with gratitude as the bul-
wark that kept off the force of the stroke from themselves,
and prayed that they might be preserved steadfast, and
enabled to break the strength of the enemy. Some of the
Baptists especially expressed a high opinion both of the
people and their principles, which sustained them in under-
going sufferings that others thought of with terror.f
When the revocation of the indulgence, and the displea-
sure of the court against the dissenters, let loose the whole
* The patent, when made out, contained eleven skins of vellam.
t Cough's Historv of the Qunkers, vol. 2. p. .164—368,
VOL. Y. S
250 SUPPLEMENT,
tribe of informers, and gave fresh spirit to persecuting- ma-
gistrates; prosecutions, in every mode of distress, were
renewed against this people, at the capricious will of every
justice. Severe proceedings against them were grounded
on the statute of premunire of James I. for refusing to
swear ; on the obsolete statute of 20/. per month, for ab-
sence from the parish-church, which penalty, or two-thirds
of a person's estate, were seized by exchequer process ; and
for tithes, to excommunication and procuring writs de ex-
communicato capiendo to be issued, to throw them into pri-
son. They became a prey to idle and profligate informers,
encouraged and instigated by their superiors. And, instead
of obtaining durable and effectual relief, their sufferings
became heavier and more aggravated during the remainder
of this reign to the end of it.*
In 1675, William Hall of Congleton, being fined 901. for
a meeting at his house, had his house broiien open, and two
cart-loads of goods, to the worth of 40/. besides a mare, were
carried away. About the same time cattle and goods to the
value of 100/. were taken from sundry persons in and about
Nantwich ; and from one person the bed on which he lay,
and even the dunghil in his yard.i*
In the next year, prosecutions on the conventicle net
subsided in London, but the rigorous enforcing of the ec-
clesiastical laws was rarely or never suspended. The num-
ber plundered, excommunicated, imprisoned, and of those
who died in prison, was too large to be recited. J But
while the penal laws were suffered to lie dormant in Lon-
don, they were enforced with rigorous severity in other
parts of the nation. In one instance a poor man, with a
wife and five children, had little to pay the fine for being
at a meeting, but his bed, which the compassion of the offi-
cers would not permit them to seize : but the obdurate
magistrate commanded them to take it. The wife, endea-
vouring afterward to maintain her children by baking a
little bread, and selling it in the market, it was seized at
one time to the value of nineteen-pence, and at another to
the- value of fourteen^pence. From another person for a
fine of 7/. goods to the worth of near 18/. were taken. ^ The
distresses made this year in Nottinghamshire, upon tho
"^ Gougli, vol. 2. p. 392— "97. t Il.Ul. |i. 406.
t Ibiil p. 414. 5 Ibid. p. 416, 417.
HISTORY OF THE QUAKERS. 251
members of this society, for their religious assemblies only,
amounted to 712/. and upwards. In the city of Hereford,
as prosecutions on the law were ineffectual to suppress
their meetings, lawless violence and gross abuse were
offered by the populace ; the windows of their meeting-
houses were broken by stones, and sometimes the roof was
untiled; their assemblies were interrupted by the sound of
the horn, shouting and casting stones and filth, ^nd their
persons assaulted. The mob, instead of being restrained
and punished for these outrages, were, if not stimulated
to them, abetted and encouraged in them by the magistrates
and clergy. Appeals to the quarter-sessions for redress
against exorbitant exactions were unsuccessful; as the
juries were overawed, or their verdicts for the appellants
rejected.*
In the year 1677, the officers, encouraged by the magis-
trate, who acted the part of an informer, took away from
six friends in Cheshire, for one meeting, 200/. In Glou-
cestershire a justice of the peace, besides indicting at the
sessions twenty-seven for absence from the national wor-
ship, who had suffered deeply before on the conventicle
act, and levying heavy fines, unmercifully beat some with
his own hands, plucked two out of the meeting by the hair
of their heads, and drew his knife, if he had not been pre-
vented by his servants, to wound others. At Plymouth,
their meetings were forcibly interrupted and dispersed :
their property suffered by fines and distresses, and their
persons were abused by the rabble, and by the officers and
soldiers of the garrison, who, among other insults, threw
squibs of fire and hot burning coals upon them. In many
other parts they were treated with no less severity. The
parish-officers were sometimes instigated by menacing let-
ters, or impelled to act against their inclinations by the
clergy exciting the justices to punish by fines and imprison-
ment, for neglect of duty, such whose moderation and hu-
manity rendered them reluctant to prosecute or plunder
their conscientious neighbours. f
Through the succeeding years they continued to be ha-
rassed with prosecutions on all the variety of penal laws ;
which were rigorously enforced on great numbers of this
• Gough, vol. '2. p. 420-4^4. t Ibid. p. 426— 4^29. 4.18.
S 2
252 SUPPLEMENT,
society; who suffered all the hardships imposed fon them
by unreasonable men, with pious fortitude and resignation.
In 1682, the persecution of this people broke out, and
was carried on with uncommon outrage and cruelty at Bris-
tol. The damag;e done to their meeting-houses was com-
puted at 150/. A rabble of rude boys was encouraged to
insult and abuse the female part of the assembly, even wo-
men of repute and consideration, and to tear their dress.
The signal for this attack was, " Have a care of your
hoods and scarfs." Many of them were thrown into prison,
where their health was endangered for want of room ;
many beds being crowded into one small apartment, and
some were obliged to lie on the ground, in a filthy place
which had been a dog-kennel. The remonstrances of the
prisoners to the magistrates on the straitness and noisome-
ness of their prison, and the certificates of physicians on
the subject, were treated with equal disregard. *< As their
constancy in the great duty of assembling to worship God,
while at liberty, was invincible; so a prison could not con-
fine the freedom of their spirits, or the impulse of their
consciences : they continued the practice of this duty ia
their imprisonment." This drew on them gross abuse, even
from the sheriff, who fell furiously on several, threw one
headlong down to the great hazard of his life, and com-
manded another to be ironed and put down into the con-
demned felon's place. Many suffered, as in former years,
and other places, by heavy fines and grievous distraints :
goods to the value of 155/. being seized to discharge a fine
of 79/. When most or all of the men were imprisoned, the
women kept up the religious meeting, till they also were
cast into jail. When their parents were in confinement,
the children, after their example, regularly held their meet-
ings, behaving on those occasions with much gravity and
composure, and undergoing many abuses with patience.
Their age exempted them from the lash of the law, but
their minority could not screen them from furious assaults;
some were put in the stocks, others were unmercifully bea-
ten with twisted whalebone-sticks. Persecution was not
at this period peculiar to Bristol; but carried on, in most
parts, with great animosity: and many families were ruined
in their circumstances. In 1683, about eighty persons wore.
HISTORY OF THE QUAKERS. 2o3
at one time, committed to Chester-castle; where they
could find neither rooms nor lodgings for such a number, so
that they were obliged for two nights, some of them to walk
about, others to lie on tables and benches, and some on flags
spread on the floor. At length thirty of them were put
into a filthy dungeon, out of which the felons were then
removed. In Somersetshire, informers were encouraged
against them, and protected in perjury ; their meeting-
houses were defaced, and they were, in great numbers, im-
prisoned, fined, distrained, and excommunicated. When
shut out of their meeting-houses for divers years, in and
about the city of London, they assembled in the streets in
all weather ; this they did in the year 1683, for three months
together, when the river Thames was so frozen that horses,
coaches, and carts, could pass to and fro upon it, and a
street be erected and stand over it.* There was computed
to be upwards of seven hundred members of this society in
the different prisons of England this year. Sir Christopher
Musgrave, though a zealous churchman, expressed his
utter dislike of the severe usage of this people, saying, ** the
prisons were filled with them, that many of them had been
excommunicated and imprisoned for small matters, and that
it was a shame and scandal for their church to use the Qua-
kers so hardly on very trivial occasions. "t Severe prose-
cutions, similar acts of injustice, oppression, violence, and
cruelty, against this society, marked the year 1684, which
were the disgrace of the preceding years.J
Among those who suff^ered from bigotry armed with
power, the name of George Fox takes the lead. After his
return from America, in 1673, as he was on the road to
visit his mother on her death-bed. Fox and Thomas Lower
who was his wife's son-in-law, were seized, as they were in
conversation in a friend's parlour at Tredington in Wor-
cestershire, and sent to the county jail. They applied, by
letter, to the lord-lieutenant and deputy-lieutenant of the
county, for the interposition of their authority for their
release ; stating their case, the illegality of their commit-
ment, and Fox's solicitude for liberty to pay the last debt
of aft'ection and duty to his dying parent. But the applica-
tion was ineftectual. Lower, by the interposition of his
* Cou-Ii, vol. 2. p. 522—526. 5'^8— 532. 547, 548. 1 ibid. p. b66. 508.
t Ibid. vol. 3. p. 24— 30.
254 ' SUPPLEMENT.
brother, who was the king's physician, might have obtained
his liberty ; as a letter to lord Windsor for his release was
procured : but, bearing too great a respect to his father-in-
law, to leave him in prison alone, he suppressed the letter,
and voluntarily continued his companion there. At the
quarter-sessions they were produced in court, when, on the
examination, it appearing that they had been causelessly
imprisoned, and had a right to an immediate release, the
oaths of allegiance and supremacy were tendered to Fox,
and on his refusing to take them, he was remanded. But
Lower, on account of his powerful connexions, was dis-
charged. Soon after Fox was removed by a habeas corpus
to the King's-bench-bar at Westminster. The judges, in-
fluenced by the reports and representation which Parker,
the justice who first apprehended him, had dispersed, re-
manded him to Worcester jail ; only indulging him with
liberty to go down his own way, and at his leisure, pro-
vided he would not fail to be there by the following assizes,
in April 1674. He accordingly appeared, when the judge
Turner, who had before passed sentence of premunire
against him at Lancaster, referred the matter back again
to the sessions. He was then charged with holding a meet-
ing at Tredington from all parts of the nation, to the terri-
fying of the king's subjects. Though Fox vindiciUed him-
self from this misrepresentation, yet, as he again refused
the oaths, an indictment was drawn up and delivered to the
jury; who, under the instruction of the chairman, found
the bill against him. This he determined to traverse : and
on refusing to give bail, or any other security for his ap-
pearance but his promise, he was sent back to prison. By
the interposition of some moderate justices, however, in
about two hours after he had liberty given him to go at
large till the next quarter-sessions. In the meantime he
attended the yearly meeting in London, and delivered be-
fore some of the justices of the King's-bench a declaration
of his fidelity to the king, and denial of the pope's supre-
macy and power: but as his case was under cognizance of
the quarter-sessions at Worcester, the judges were unwill-
ing to meddle with it, not being regularly before them.
At the next sessions he appeared to traverse the indict-
ment : but when he proceeded to shew the errors which
were sufficient to quash it, the oath was again required of
HISTORY OF THE QUAKERS. 255
him, and upon his refusal to take it, the jury found him
guilty. An admonition of the consequence of a premunire
being given him in court, this was, after he was sent out of
court, clandestinely recorded in his absence, for the sen-
tence thereof; and under it he was remanded to prison.
Here he was seized with a great sickness, which reduced
him to extreme weakness, and made his recovery doubtful.
His wife came from the north to attend him, and solicit
his discharge: after continuing with him three or four
months, and her endeavours to procure his release proving
unsuccessful, she went to London, and solicited the king in
person, who would have released him by a pardon ; but
Fox declined obtaining his liberty in this mode, as he con-
ceived that it would be a tacit acknowledgment of guilt;
and he declared, " he had rather lie in prison all his days,
than come out in any way dishonourable to the truth he
made profession of." He preferred having the validity of
his indictment tried before the judges, and with this view
procured a habeas corpus to remove him to the King's-
bench-bar. On his appearing before four judges, his coun-
sellor, Mr. Thomas Corbet, advanced a new plea in his
favour, and gained himself great credit, by ably urging,
'' that by law they could not imprison a man upon premu-
nire." The judges required time to consult their books
and statutes on this plea; and postponed the hearing until
next day. They then proceeded, though they found the
advocate's opinion well founded, to examine the indictment,
in which the errors were so many and so gross, that they
were unanimous in judgment, '* that the indictment was
quashed and void, and that George Fox ought to be set
at liberty." Thus he honourably obtained his discharge,
after an unjust imprisonment of a year and almost two
months. Some of his enemies, insinuating " he was a dan-
gerous man to be at liberty," moved the judges, that the
oaths might be tendered to him : but sir Matthew Hale
would not consent to it; saying, "he had indeed heard
some such reports of George Fox, but he had also heard
more good reports of him. "^
He appears to have been unmolested after, till the year
1681, when he and his wife were sued in small tithes in the
exchequer, although they had in their answer to the plain-
* Goujh, vol. 2. i>. .377—391.
256 SUPPLEMENT.
tiff's bill proved, that no such tithe had been demanded or
paid off her estate during forty-three years she had lived
there : yet because they could not answer upon oath, they
were run up to a writ of rebellion, and an order of court was
issued to take them both into custody. Fox, understand-
ing this, laid the case before the barons of the exchequer.
On the hearing of the cause a sequestration was earnestly
pleaded for, on the ground of his being a public man, as
if that affected the merits and justice of the cause; and was
obtained, though at first two of the barons declared that
he was not liable to tithes : but one of them was afterward
brought over to decide with the adverse barons : the seques-
tration was, however, limited to the sum proved due, to the
great disappointment of the prosecutor's aim, who wanted
it without limitation, that they might be their own carvers
in making distraint. In the course of this trial was produced
an engagement, under the hand and seal of George Fox,
that he would never meddle with his wife's estate: this
raised the admiration of the judges, as an instance of self-
denial rarely to be met with in these ages.*
In J 680, George Whitehead and Thomas Burr, as they
were on a journey from different quarters to pay a religious
visit to their friends, happened to meet at Norwich. As
the former was preaching on the succeeding first day of the
week, a rude company, chiefly of informers, rushed into the
meeting with tumult and violence, and pulled him down ;
to the requisition to shew some legal authority for their
proceedings, they returned abusive language, only with an
insinuation to the people, *' that he might be a Jesuit."
The sheriff, coming afterward, took them prisoners, and
carried them before the recorder, Francis Bacon, esq., who
was a justice. He examined them of their names, habi-
tations, and trades ; ** if they were in orders, or had orders
from Rome." A fine of 20/. each was demanded of them ;
on refusing to pay this, the oath of allegiance was proposed.
While the examination was going on, the informer, with
the sanction of the justice, went to seize their horses, but
was disappointed in his attempt, as they had been removed
without the knowledge of the prisoners. The recorder
poured out his bitter invectives, and threatened to have
them hanged, if they did not abjure the realm, and if the
• Goiigli, vol. 2. |). 514, 515.
HISTORY OF THE QUAKERS. 257
king would by his orders enforce the execution of a statute
made in the reign of queen Elizabeth. They were then
committed to jail till the ensuing sessions. Then, after the
recorder had, by taunting reflections and partial proceed-
ings, expressed his aversion to them, they were discharged
by the court from the charges exhibited in the mittimuses ;
but as they refused again the oath, which he insisted upon
administering to them, they were recommitted to prison till
the following sessions. In the mean time he was deprived
of his office ; in consequence of which change and the inter-
position of friends, they were, at the sessions, cleared by
proclamation, and discharged from their imprisonment,
after a confinement of sixteen weeks. It shewed the pre-
judice and enmity of this man, that he first insinuated that
they were probably Papists ; and when they procured cer-
tificates to the contrary, he would not permit them to be
read in the court.*
In the next and succeeding year, George Whitehead was
fined three or four times : and the loss he sustained by dis-
traints, and by the expenses of inefficacious appeals, besides
the damage done to his house and goods, amounted to 611. 7s.
The evil of those seizures was aggravated by a particular
instance of injustice in the distrainers, who would not suf-
fer an inventory to be taken, or the goods, chiefly in gro-
cery ware, to be weighed or appraised. On one occasion
two friends, for persuading the constables to moderation
and to suffer an inventory to be taken, were apprehended
and prosecuted for a riot, on the evidence of one constable ;
for which they were fined, committed to Newgate, and con-
fined there ten weeks.f
The fines levied on this people, on the statute of 20/. for
absence from the national worship, amounted, in the year
1683, to the enormous sum of 16,400/. for which several were
distrained; but how much of these fines was actually levied,
is not certainly known.
In this year the case of Richard Vickris deserves particular
notice. He was the son of Mr. Robert Vickris, a merchant
and alderman of Bristol ; he embraced the sentiments of the
Quakers in his youth : but to divert him from joining them,
his father sent him abroad to travel in France. Here he
was a witness to the superstitions of the ceremonious re-
* Gough, vol. 2. p. 501—505. t Ibid. p. 520, 5n.
2oS .SUPPLEMENT.
ligion of that country ; which created a disgust, and con-
firmed him in the adoption of one that rejected ceremony
and vain show. His father's views were disappointed, and
on his return home, he openly professed himself a Quaker,
at the risk of a variety of sufferings and hardships. In
1680 he was imprisoned upon an excommunication : he was
afterward, for attending meetings, subject to frequent fines
and distraints, and at last he was proceeded against on the
statute of the S5th of Elizabeth. At the sessions before
Easter, in 1683, he was indicted on that statute; demurring
to the jurisdiction of the court, and refusing to plead, he was
committed to prison. At a following sessions he was ad-
mitted to bail : and at the Midsummer sessions procured a;
habeas corpus. His trial was hastily brought on in August,
though he solicited lime to prepare his defence. He found
means however to retain counsel, who ably pleaded his
cause, assigned a variety of errors in his indictment, and
shewed that the witnesses had not established the charge
against him. The court overruled every plea, and the jurjF
(selected from men of mean occupation) found their verdict
guilty ; and sentence was passed on him to conform, or ab-
jure the realm in three months ; or suffer death as a felon
without benefit of clergy. He lay in prison under this sen-
tence till the next year ; when the time for his abjuring the
realm being expired, he was liable to the execution of it, to
which his enemies seemed determined to proceed. That
they might give some colour to their design, they blackened
and calumniated his character; representing him as a per-
son disaffected to government, and endeavouring, before
they took away his life, to despoil him of his good name.
His wife, in her distress, determined on a personal applica-
tion to government; with tiiis view, she took a journey to
London, and by the assistance of her friends got admission
to the duke of York, who bore the chief sway at court, and
laid her husband's hard case before him. When he had
heard it, he replied, "' that neither his royal brother nor
himself desired that any of his subjects should suiFer for the
exercise of their consciences, who were of peaceable beha-
viour under his government." Accordingly, effectual direc-
tions for his discharge were given. He was removed by
habeas corpus from Newgate in Bristol to London, and
brought to the King's-bench-bar : there, upon the errors in
HISTORY OF THE QUAKERS. 259
the indictment assigned by counseller Pollexfen, he was
legally discharged by sir George Jefferies. His father sur-
vived his return only three days, by whose will he succeeded
to his estate and seat at Chew-Magna; in which he fixed
his residence, and lived in honour, conspicuous for his
virtue and benevolence, and an ornament to his place and
station.*
The Quakers, under the severe sufferings to which their
body in general, and some individual members of their so-
ciety in particular, were exposed, were not wanting in law-
ful and commendable measures to procure an exemption
from these grievous evils. In the year 1674, application
was made to the judges, before they went their several
circuits, for their compassionate attention to the hard cases
of several of the sufferers, and to interpose their authority
to secure them relief, in the following address:
*' To the king's justices appointed for the several circuits
throughout England.
" Many of our friends, called Quakers, being continued
prisoners, many prosecuted to great spoil by informers, and
on qui-tam writs, and by presentments and indictments for
9.01. per mensem^ in divers counties throughout England,
only on the account of religion and tender conscience
towards Almighty God, we esteem it our duty to remind
you of their suffering condition, as we have done from time
to time, humbly entreating you in the circuits to inquire
into the several causes of their commitments, and other
sufferings which they lie under, and to extend what favour
you can for their ease and relief; praying the Almighty to
preserve and direct you."t
But little redress could be obtained. In 1677, an account
being taken, at the yearly meeting, of sufferings by confisca-
tion to two-thirds of the estates of those who had been
prosecuted on the 23d of Elizabeth, a specification of this
grievance was drawn up and laid before the parliament then
sitting, with a petition for relief, but without effect. J
Towards the close of this year George Fox, having re-
turned from Holland, and visited the meetings of his friends
in various parts of England, on coming to London, found
them engaged in fresh solicitations for relief from prosecu-
tions on the laws made against Popish recusants only ; and
* Gough, vol. 2. p. 539—514. t Ibid, p. SQ-l* X Ibid. p. 425.
2G0 SUPPLEMENT,
he joined them in these applications ; but a sudden proroga-
tion of parliament put a stop to their proceedings. When
it met again, he, William Penn, George Whitehead, and
others, renewed their suit, and they conceived some hopes
of relief, as many of the members, convinced that they suf-
fered grievously and unjustly, and were much misrepresented
by their adversaries, manifested a tender and compassionate
regard towards them. But the attention of parliament was
fioon called off by the discovery of what was called the
Popish plot ; an advantage was taken of the alarm this oc-
casioned, to increase the rigorous persecution of a people of
opposite principles and conduct, under the pretext of the
necessity, at this season of danger, to exert additional vigi-
lance in guarding against seditious assemblies; and some
members, whose residence, occupation, and manner of life,
ivere well known, were imprisoned under a pretended sus-
picion of being Papists or concealed Jesuits.* Penn had
several years before this been happily successful in solici-
tations for friends suffering by heavy fines and imprison-
ments in Ireland: for at a half-yearly meeting held at his
house in 1670, an account of their sufferings was drawn up
in an address to the lord-lieutenant, which was presented to
him, and an order of council obtained for the release of
those who were imprisoned. + In Scotland the persecuted
members of this society met with an advocate in Barclay,
and owed some relief to his powerful exertions. In 167(i,
the magistrates of Aberdeen made a handle of the declara-
tion issued by the council at Edinburgh, reinforcing former
acts of parliament against conventicles, to oppress the
Quakers, many of whom were seized, committed to prison,
detained near three months without being called before the
commissioners, and, notwithstanding the able defence they
set up, were fined in different sums, but in general to a
heavy amount, and remanded to prison till the fines were
paid. Robert Barclay being then in London, gained ad-
mittance to the king, delivered to him a narrative of the
severe and irregular proceedings of the magistrates, and
interceded with him to recommend their case to the favour-
able notice of the council of Scotland. On this the kinj"^
ordered the earl of Lauderdale to recommend the narrative
to their consideration. The matter was referred to the
♦ GougJi, v('l. J. p. 433 — 135. t Ibid. p. i''.\
HISTORY OF THE QUAKERS. 2(>f
former commissioners in conjunction with three others:
but their liberty was not obtained, till the fines were dis-
charged by exorbitant and oppressive distraints !* When,
in I6SO5 the Quakers were maliciously represented as con-
cerned in the Popish plot, Georg^e Fox published a declara-
tion, addressed to the parliament, in defence of himself and
friends, to remove such suspicions, professing it to be their
principle and testimony to deny and renounce all plots and
plotters against the king or any of his subjects ; that in ten-
derness of conscience they could not swear or fight, but that
they would use every endeavour in their power to save the
king and his subjects, by discovering all plots and plotters
that should come to their knowledge : and praying not to
be put on doing those things, which they had suffered so
much and so long for not doing. "t When in the same
year a bill was brought into parliament to exempt hi.^
majesty's Protestant subjects, dissenting from the church of
England, from the penalties of the act of theS5th of Eliza-
beth, the Quakers, with a laudable attention to their own
ease, and from a generous sympathy with their friends un-
der persecution, improved the favourable opportunity for
promoting liberty of conscience. Divers of them attended
the committee, when the bill was committed, early and late,
in order to solicit the insertion of such clauses as might
give ease to the tender consciences of their friends, whose
religious dissent was scrupulous in some matters beyond
other dissenters ; and they obtained a clause to be inserted
for accepting a declaration of fidelity instead of the oath of
allegiance. Although this design failed, by the bill being
lost, yet a foundation was laid for reviving and completing
it in the succeeding reign of king William HI. But in the
following year an event took place, which must be con-
sidered as giving a turn to the fortunes of this society, and
advancing them, in the event, to a peculiar degree of re-
spectability and influence. Sir William Penn had, at the
time of his death, a considerable debt due to him from the
crown, either for arrears or advances made to government
in the sundry expeditions in which he was engaged, while
he was employed as an admiral, both under Oliver Crom-
well and king Charles II. To discharge this debt the
king, by letters patentbearingdate the 4th of March 1680- i,
* Gopgb, vol. 2. p. 460—470, t lhk\. p, 506.
262 SUPPLEMENT.
granted to bis son William Penn, and his heirs, that pro-
vince lying on the west of the river of Delaware, in North
America, formerly belonging to the Dutch, and then called
the New Netherlands. This grant, by which Penn and his
heirs were made governors and absolute proprietors of that
tract of land, was owing to the influence of the duke of
V^ork, with whom admiral Penn was a peculiar favourite.
In the summer of 1682, Penn took possession of this pro-
vince, and he formed a government in it on the most liberal
principles, with respect to the rights of conscience. The
leading article of his new constitution was this : '* That all
persons living in this province, who confess and acknow-
ledge the one almighty and eternal God, to be the creator,
upholder, and ruler, of the world, and that hold themselves
obliged in conscience to live peaceably and justly in civil
society, shall in nowise be molested or prejudiced for their
religious persuasion or practice in matters of faith and wor-
ship ; nor shall they be compelled at any time to frequent
or maintain any religious worship, place, or ministry, what-
soever." This settlement, in the first instance, afforded aQ
asylum to many of his friends, who were glad to remove to
a government formed on principles of humanity, and with a
religious regard to justice and equity.* When the system
of legislation was matured and completed, it excited the
admiration of the universe. This oppressed society, in a
few years, had the happiness and honour of seeing its tenets
fixed on the other side of the Atlantic in security and peace,
and itself extending through a wide territory, which enlarged
the domains of their native country, and made a principal
fiffure in the new world. The wisdom and virtues of the
founder of this government, the excellent principles on
which it was formed, and the prosperity to which it rose,
reflected credit on the Quakers, and gave them weight in
the political scale. Civil society has felt its obligations to
them. And from this time their religious profession became
more and more secure and respectable. The prognostica-
tions of William Penn, it hath been observed, have been
remarkably verified. *' If friends here keep to God, and in
the justice, mercy, equity, and fear, of the Lord, their ene-
mies will be their footstool."
During the preceding period, from the declaration of in-
• G©ngh, Tol. f. p. 51.5 ; and toI. 3. p. l.-^l— 147.
HISTORY OF THE QUAKERS. 2G3
dulgence to the end of Charles II/s reign, this society lost
several active and eminent members by death.
Among these was William Baily, who died 1675, at sea,
in his voyage from the West Indies. He had preached
among the Baptists at Pool in Dorsetshire, when convinced
by the ministry of George Fox, he embraced the principles
of the Quakers in 1655, among whom he became a bold and
zealous preacher, not in England only, but while he followed
a seafaring life in distant countries, being concerned to pro-
pagate righteousness, whenever an opportunity presented
itself, and he displayed a like fortitude in suffering for his
testimony; for he was frequently imprisoned in different
jails, both during the time of the commonwealth and after
the restoration. He also suffered much corporal abuse by
blows, by being thrown down and dragged along the ground
by the hair of his head, trampled upon by a corpulent man,
and his mouth and jaws attempted to be rent asunder. On a
voyage from Barbadoes he was visited with a disease, which
terminated his life and sufferings. Among other sensible
observations, expressive of the serenity of his mind, and of
devout confidence and hope, addressing himself to the master
of the vessel, he said, " Shall I lay down my head in peace
upon the waters?* Well, God is the God of the whole
universe; and though my body sink, I shall live atop of the
waters." He afterward added, *' the creating word of the
Lord endures for ever."t
In 1679, died, at Goodnestone-court in Kent, in the sixty-
third year of his age, Isaac Pennington, of Chalfont in
Buckinghamshire, an honourable, useful, and virtuous mem-
* Gougli's History of the Quakers, vol. 2. p. 407—411.
t This William Baiiy married Mary Fisher, a woman of singular ardour and re-
solution in the propagation of ber religions principles ; for, besides going to Bostou
in America, and meeting severe sufferings there, she engaged, after her return to
England, in a more arduous undertaking. This was to pay a visit to sultan .Mahomet
IV. encamped wiih his army near Adrianople. She proceeded on her way as far as
Smyrna, when the English consul stopped her, and sent her back to Venice. Not dis-
heartened from the prosecution of her design, she made her way by land, and
escaped any manner of abuse, through a long journey of five or six hundred miles.
She went to the camp alone, and obtained an audience of the sultan, who received
her with great courtesy, and heard her with much seriousneas and gravity, in-
vited her to slay in the country, and offered her a guard to Constantinople. This .she
declined, but reached that city in safely without the least injury or insult, and after-
ward arrived in England. The conduct of the Mahometans towards her, as Gongh
remarks, was a striking contrast to thai of the professors of New-England. " We
cannot but regret (he properly adds), that the best religion the world was ever
blessed with, and in its own purity so far surpassing in excellence, should, on com-
parison wilh human in.ndelity, be so tarnished through the degeneracy of its profes-
sors, who, under the name of Christians, in morality, generosity, and hamanity, fall
f«r short of ihos« who name not the name of Christ." — GongK, vol. 1. p. 423.
264 SUPPLEMENT.
ber of this society. He was heir to a fair inheritance, being
the eldest son of alderman Pennington of London, a noted
member of the long-parliament, and nominated, though he
never sat, one of the king's judges. His education had all
the advantages the schools and universities of his own
country could afford him; his rank in life threw him into
the company of some of the most learned and considerable
men of the age ; his understanding was by nature good; his
judgment and apprehension quick; his disposition was mild
and affable; and his conversation cheerful, but guarded;
equally divested of moroseness and levity. From his child-
hood he was religiously inclined, and conversant with the
Scriptures; the ^vonder of his acquaintance for his awful
frame of mind and retired life. When he first met with the
writings of the Quakers, he threw them aside with disdain;
and, when he fell into conversation with some of them,
though they engaged his affectionate regard, yet he could
not but view them in a contemptuous light, as a poor and
weak generation. But, afterward being invited to a meet-
ing in Bedfordshire, where George Fox preached, his prcr
judices gave way; he joined the society, against all the in-
fluence of connexions and worldly prospects, and became
a very eminent and serviceable member in it. He dili-
gently visited and administered to the afflicted in body and
mind. He opened his heart and house to the reception of
friends. His preaching was very successful in proselyting
many, and conforming many. He was an excellent pattern
of piety, virtue, and the strictest morality. He was a most
affectionate husband, a careful and tender father, a mild
and gentle master, a sincere and faithful friend, compassion-
ate and liberal to the poor ; affable to all, ready to do good
to all men, and careful to injure none. But neither rank
of life, benevolence of disposition, inculpable innocence of
demeanour, nor the universal esteem of his character, could
secure him from the sufferings attendant upon his religious
profession. His imprisonments were many^ and some of
them long and severe. These he bore with great firmness
and serenity, and the sharp and painful distemper, which
put an end to his life, gave no shock to his internal peace.*
In the next year, l()80, died, leaving behind him deep
impressions of grateful respect and honourable esteem in
the hearts of many, Giles Barnadiston, of Clare in Suffolk,
• Gough, >ol. 2. p. 4"9--447.
HISTORY OF THE QUAKERS, 263
aged fifty-six. He was born in 1684, of a respectable and
opulent family, and being designed for the pulpit in the
establishment, he received a liberal education both in semi-
naries of literature, and at the university, where he spent
six years. But when he was called on to accept an offer of
preferment in the church and to take orders, from a con-
sciousness of wanting the internal purity and spiritual wis-
dom essential to a minister of the gospel, he resolutely de-
clined the proposal. Though in this instance he was go-
verned by a just and serious view of things, he had not firm-
ness to resist the allurements of pleasure and sensual grati-
fications. On the breaking out of the civil war he obtained
a colonel's commission in the army ; but he soon grew weary
of a military life, accompanied with violence and blood-
shed, laid down his commission, and retired to Worming-
ford-lodge in Essex, commenced a stricter life than before,
and became thoughtful about the way of salvation. In this
state of mind he felt an inclination to acquaint himself with
the principles of the Quakers, and in 1661 invited some of
them to his house ; the consequence of his conversation
with George Fox the younger, and George Weatherly,
who paid him a visit, was his joining himself with this so-
ciety ; and he willingly took part in the storm of persecu-
tion to which this people were exposed, and constantly
attended their religious meetings in the hottest time of it.
In 1669 he removed to Clare, the place of his nativity, and
in the same year he made his appearance in the ministry, in
which he acquitted himself with faithfulness, fervency, wis-
dom, and success. He had but a tender constitution ; yet,
animated by a devotedness to the glory of God, and by a
generous concern to promote the well-being of mankind, he
took many journeys, and travelled into Holland, as well as
divers parts of England, to make known to others what hd
judged to be the truth. He died on his return from Lon-
don to Chelmsford, after a short illness, in which he ex-
pressed his resignation, " that the Lord was his portion,
and that he was freely given up to die, which was gain
to him."*
In 1681 died, at Stafford, where he had resided several
years, and left a good report among the inhabitants of the
town, Thomas Taylor, aged sixty-five years, an ancient and
* Gough, vol. 2. p. 549 — 553.
VOL. V. T
26C SUITLEMENT.
faithful minister of this society. He was born at or near
Shipton in Yorkshire, about the year 1616, and received a
liberal education at the university of Oxford. He was first
a lecturer in this county, and then obtained a living in
Westmoreland, which he held till the year 1652, when he
voluntarily relinquished it. His audience was principally
composed of Puritans, among whom he ranked, for he de-
clined the use of ceremonies, and would neither baptize
children at the font, nor sign them with the sign of the cross.
On having an interview with George Fox, at Swarthmore,
he embraced his doctrine, and joined him as a companion in
his travels and ministerial labours. He resigned his living on
a conviction of the unlawfulness of preaching for hire. He
travelled through many parts of England, disseminating the
doctrine of the Quakers, which he maintained at Oxford
against the learned Dr. Owen, at that time vice-chancellor
of the university, with great advantage in the opinion of
the academics. But his travels were interrupted by a suc-
cession of imprisonments, one of which lasted for ten years,
till Charles II. issued his letters patent for the general dis-
charge of the Quakers from prison, in 1672. Supported by
consciousness of a good cause, and patient acquiescence in
the divine disposals, he held his integrity to the last.*
In 1684 died William Bennet, of Woodbridge in Suffolk,
a man of a religious turn of mind from his infancy, which,
as he grew up, led him to associate with the strictest pro-
fessors. His first connexions were among the Independents;
he then joined the Quakers, and continued a steady, service-
able, and honourable member of their society till his death.
He travelled in the exercise of his ministry, edifying his
friends and making converts, through many parts of Eng-
land, adorning his character by the innocence and integrity
of his life, so as to gain universal esteem, and to extort
from his adversaries an acknowledgment of his personal
merit. Yet his sufferings were remarkable ; he appears to
have spent, at least in the latter part of his life, nearly as
much if not more time in prison, than in the enjoyment of his
liberty ; till growing weaker and weaker, by close and
continued confinement, he fell a sacrifice to the sentence
of partial magistrates, and the forced construction of un-
equal laws.
• Goash, Toi. «. p. .')64— 557.
HISTORY OF THE QUAKEUS. 267
This year died also, in Carlisle jail, Thomas Stordy,
descended from a family of repute in Cumberland, and born
to the inheritance of a handsome estate. About middle
ai^e he became seriously thoughtful in the pursuit of pure
religion. He first joined the Independents, among whom
his talents, in exhortations and religious exercises, were
highly esteemed. After some time he left them, and con-
nected himself with the Quakers ; in this society he spent
the remainder of his life, respected in his neighbourhood as
a man of circumspect, sober, and temperate demeanour,
upright in his dealings, obliging in his disposition, hospi-
table in his house, and liberally charitable to the poor
around him. But this honest, respectable citizen was
harassed by prosecution upon prosecution, and penalty
upon penalty ; he was detained a close prisoner at Carlisle,
under a premunire, till released by the king's declaration
in 1672. He was fined for a meeting, when he was under
restraint several miles from it. On the statute of the 23d of
Elizabeth he was cast into jail, and confined there several
years, till his death. Not long before his decease, being
visited by some of his friends, he encouraged them to faith-
fulness in these words: " If you continue faithful unto the
Lord whilst you live in this world, he will reward you, as
he now rewards me, with his sweet peace." He was so
confident in his opinion concerning tithes, that he not only
refused to pay, but to receive them ; for inheriting from his
ancestors an impropriation of 10/. per annum, he quitted
all claim to it for himself, his heirs and assigns for ever,
and by a legal instrument released the owners of the lands
from whence the tithes accrued.*
Another eminent minister and member of this society,
who finished a useful life this year, was William Gibson
of London. He was born at Caton in Lancashire in 1629,
and in the civil wars enlisted as a soldier. Being in the
garrison at Carlisle, he went to a Quakers' meeting, with
three of his comrades, to insult and abuse the preacher ;
arriving at the place before his companions, after the minis-
ter had begun, he was so impressed and affected, that, in-
stead of executing his purpose, he stepped up near to the
preacher to defend him from insult, if it should be offered.
From that time he frequented the meetings of the society,
* Gough, Tol. 2. p. 34— ST,
T S
268 SUPPLEMENT.
soon quitted his military employment, and after three years
became a preacher. In 1662 he married, and settled near
Warrington, and his ministry, while resident in that coun-
try, was very successful; and on his removal, he left a good
report, and impressions of affectionate respect to his memory.
He afterward fixed in London, where his service was con-
spicuous against hypocrisy, formality, and libertinism, and
his circumspect conversation was a credit to his ministry.
He suff'ered persecution in the loss of substance by various
distraints, in divers imprisonments, and in personal abuses.
In Shropshire, the jailer would not permit his food to be
taken to him, but obliged him to draw it up by a rope, and
also threw him down a pair of stone stairs, whereby his
body was greatly bruised, and beat him to that degree that
he was ill near six months. He was en^ag^ed in some con-
es o
troversies concerning tithes ; was the author of several
treatises serviceable at the time, and employed a part of
of his time in his imprisonments in writing epistles to his
friends for their edification in righteousness. He died, re-
commending union, and exhorting to faithfulness and con-
fidence in the Lord, at the age of fifty- five, and his funeral
was attended to Bunhill-fields by many hundreds of friends
and others.*
While the society derived honour, at this period, from
the virtues of character, and fortitude under suff'erings, of
distinguished members, it was greatly indebted to the able
writings of Penn and Barclay. The former, the year before
the king's declaration, 1671, employed the time of his con-
finement in prison, in writing " The great cause of Liberty
of Conscience briefly debated and defended ;" and several
other pieces. In 1675, on account of the divisions and ani-
mosities prevailing in the nation, he published a treatise,
entitled, ''England's Present Interest considered ;" to shew
the consistency of a general liberty of conscience with the
peace of the kingdom ; and the remedies which he proposes
to be adopted for allaying the heat of contrary interests
were ** an inviolable and impartial maintenance of English
rights; our superiors governing themselves upon a balance,
as near as may be, towards the several religious interests;
and a sincere promotion of general and practical religion."
Solid reasoning and a multitude of authorities are employ-
• Gough, vol. 3. |J. I;j4— 157.
HISTORY OF THE QUAKERS. 269
ed to support these propositions, which form the ground-
work of the treatise : *' a work (says Gough), wherein the
liberal charity of real Christianity, and the candid spirit of
genuine patriotism, are eminently conspicuous." The pre-
face, addressed to the higher powers, exhibits a pathetic
representation of the severities of the times ; when '* to see
the imprisoned was crime enough for a jail ; to visit the sick,
to make a conventicle: when whole barns of corn were
seized, thrashed, and carried away; parents left without
their children; children without their parents; and both
without subsistence. But that which aggravates the cruel-
ty (he adds) is, the widow's mite hath not escaped their
hands ; they have made her cow the forfeiture of her con-
science, not leaving her a bed to lie on, nor a blanket to
cover her; and vj^hat is yet more barbarous, and helps to
make up this tragedy, the poor orphan's milk, boiling over
the fire, hath been flung to the dogs, and the skillet made
part of the prize; so that had not nature in neighbours
been stronger than cruelty in such informers, to open her
bowels for their relief and subsistence, they must have
utterly perished." In the same year in which this piece
appeared, Penn likewise wrote a treatise on oaths, to shew
the reason for not swearing at all.*
A work of extensive and permanent celebrity came this
year from the pen of Robert Barclay, entitled, "An Apology
for the true Christian Divinity, being an explanation and
vindication of the principles and doctrines of the people
called Quakers." It was prefaced with an address to king
Charles II. remarkable for its plain dealing and honest sim-
plicity, and as important, curious, and extraordinary, as any
part of the work. It has been admired both by our own
countrymen and strangers. The work itself has been uni-
versally allowed to surpass every thing of its kind, and to
set the principles of the Quakers in the fairest light possible.
The author sent two copies of it to each of the public mini-
sters, then at the famous congress of Nimeguen, where it
was received with all imaginable favour and respect, and
the knowledge, charity, and disinterested probity, of its au-
thor justly applauded. It was printed in Latin at Amster-
dam 1676, and was quickly translated into High Dutch, Low
Dutch, French, and Spanish. As it attracted great notice,
* Gough, vol. ?. p. 397—400.
270 SUPPLEMKNT.
80 it drew out various answers, abroad and at home; some
from the pens of men who had before gained a considerable
reputation in the learned world. These replies contributed
to spread and advance the fame of Barclay's work ; and it
is remarkable, that while these have been little resrarded
and sunk into oblivion, this treatise maintains its celebrity.
Though it had not the desired effect of stopping the perse-
cution against the people in whose cause it was written,
*'yet it answered (as it is observed) a more important
end, by shewing, that the pretences upon which they were
persecuted, were false and ill-grounded ; and that those
tvho on one side represented them as concealed Papists,
and such as on the other hand denied their being Christians,
were equally in the wrong, and equally misled by their
prejudices." The work did, in this view, great service to
those of the author's persuasion ; while Quakerism, which
before had been looked on as a heap of extravagances
and visions, assumed in this treatise a systematic form, was
reduced to fixed principles, and recommended itself to the
judicious and enlightened mind. " It was an essay (says
Gough) to strip Quakerism of the disguise in which enmity
or ignorance had dressed it up, and to represent it to the
world in its genuine shape and complexion. A work which,
with unprejudiced readers, answered the end of its publica-
tion, and gained the author the approbation of the ingenuous
in general."* It is some proof of the high estimation in
which it hath been held, that Mr. Baskerville printed a
very elegant edition of it. A Scots poet, writing of the two
famous Barclays, William and John, hath concluded with
these verses upon Robert :
" But, lo ! a third appears, with scrioas air ;
His prince's darling, and his coantry's care-
See his rclipfion, whicli so late before
Was like a jumbled mass of dross and ore,
ReCo'd by Lira, and burnish 'd o'er with art,
Awakes the spirits, and attracts tlie heart. "t
In 1676 Barclay published a work entitled, ^' The Anarchy
of the Ranters and other Libertines, the hierarchy of the
• Goagh,vol.2. p. 401— '406. Biographia Brilan. vol. 2. second edit. art. Barclay.
Diclionnaire des Heresies, vol. 2. p. -160. Mosheim, however, has not treated ibis
work with candonr or justice, but endeavours to depreciate it, and asperses the aatbor,
charging biDi with dui>licity, and with giving a fallacious account of the principles of
this society. By which he has exposed himself to the just animadversions of the
h'\»tta^a.n of ibis society. Modbeim's Eccles. History, vol. 5. p. 30, note (b), second
•dit. and Gongh, tit supra.
t Biographia Brit. vol. 3. p, 602» of the second edit.
HISTORY OF THE QUAKERS. • 271
Romanists and other pretended churches, equally refused
and refuted." This is pronounced to be a learned and ex-
cellent treatise, containing as much sound reasoning as any
book of its size in ours, or perhaps in any modern language.
The design of it was to vindicate the discipline established
among the Quakers, against those who accused them of con-
fusion and disorder on one hand, or calumniated them with
tyranny and imposition on the other. The causes and con-
sequences of superstition on one hand, and of fanaticism on
the other, we are told, are laid open in this very curious
and instructive work, with much solidity and perspicuity.*
It drew upon its author, at the time of its appearance, much
reproach and invective from certain separatists, who had
risen up several years.
The leaders of these separatists were, John AVilkinson
and John Story, two ministers in the north, who took dis-
gust at the discipline of the society, as an imposition on
gospel liberty, and setting up some men in the church to
usurp authority over their brethren : " pleading that nothing
ought to be given forth in the church of Christ but by way
of advice or recommendation ; and that every man ought to
be left at his liberty to act according to the light of his own
conscience, without censure, or being accountable to any
man, but to God, the sole proper judge of conscience."
They particularly objected to women's meetings, as usurp-
ing authority in the church, contrary to the apostle Paul's
prohibition. They gained over adherents from the weaker
and looser members of the society; and caused a rent and
division in the quarterly meeting of Westmoreland, to
which they belonged. After several publications on this
occasion, pro and coriy especially by William Rogers, a
merchant at Bristol, in favour of the separatists, and in re-
ply by Thomas Elwood ; and after the matter had been
referred to different meetings, and their objections been
heard, they found themselves too loosely compacted to ad-
here long together; some, judging their separation to be
causeless, reunited themselves to the body of the society,
and the rest soon fell to pieces and dwindled away.f
When James II. came to the throne, the Quakers drew
up a petition, as we have seen, stating their grievous suffer-
ings by no less than ten penal laws; but it is not certain,
♦ Blogra. Britan. vol. S. p. 593, 593. Guugh, vol. 3. p. 15. t Ibid. p. 9— ?4.
272 SUPPLEME^T.
whether they had an opportunity of presenting it ; for their
proceedings were interrupted by the landing of the duke of
Monmouth, which for a time engaged all the attention of
the court and the nation. But in March 1683-6 they made
an application to the throne, soliciting the liberation of
their imprisoned friends, and they obtained a warrant for
their release, directed to sir Robert Sawyer, attorney-gene-
ral. He was then at his seat in Hampshire; that this busi-
ness might be expedited, therefore, George Whitehead,
and John Edge, accompanied by Rowland Vaughan, waited
on him there, and were received and entertained with great
civility, till liberates could be made out for the prisoners in
the city; after his return to London, by the exertion of the
said friends, the discharge of the prisoners in different parts
of the kingdom was obtained.*
The attention which the king gave their grievances, in this
and other instances, encouraged them to present a complaint
and petition against the informers and their iniquitous prac-
tices. This was followed by a request to the king to ex-
amine into the truth of the allegations, by giving the peti-
tioners an opportunity to prove them to the informers' faces.
The request was granted, and a commission was issued to
Richard Graham and Philip Burton, esqrs. who summoned
the informers, sufferers, and witnesses, to appear before
them at Clifford's-Inn, the 4th of June 1686. Fifty-four
cases were selected, from which to establish their charges.
When all the parties came to Clifford's-Inn, the informers,
seeing the numerous company that appeared against them,
expresed their malice in this ribaldry ; " Here come all the
devils in hell," and observing George Whitehead, they cried
out, '' And there comes the old devil of all." The first
charge, proved in thirty-four cases, was, that ** they had
sworn falsely in fact:" then were laid before the commis-
sioners sundry cases, wherein the doors of houses and shops
were broken open with violence, by constables and informers,
to make severe and exorbitant distraints, by which household
and shop goods were carried away by cart-loads. The com-
missioners grew weary before they had gone through one
fourth of the cases, and adjourned for ten days. At the se-
cond meeting the lawyer, whom the informers had employed
to plead their cause, was quickly silenced by the number
• Gongh, vol.S, p. 164—169.
HISTORY OF THE QUAKERS. 273
of facts and the evidence produced, and before half the cases
prepared for their cognizance were examined, the commis-
sioners thought they had sufficient grounds for a report to
the king. A report was accordingly drawn up, to which
George Whitehead, on a sight of it, objected as very de-
ficient and improper; being rather a proposal to limit pro-
secutions to the less ruinous penal laws, than a plain state
of facts, and of the various perjuries, and of the illegal and
injurious acts, of the informers. The reason of this was,
that they had received a message from a great person or per-
sons in the church, soliciting them to do or report nothing
that might invalidate the power of the informers. But, on
Whitehead's pleading for justice to be done, in regard to
matters of fact, the report was amended and framed more
to the purpose. The king, on receiving it, referred it to the
lord-chancellor, in order to correct the irregular proceed-
ings of some justices and the informers. He signified also
his pleasure to the subordinate magistrates and justices,
that they should put a stop to the depredations of these men ;
instead, therefore, of being encouraged, they were discoun-
tenanced. The court withdrawing its protection, other
dissenters prosecuting them, and the scenes of their iniquity
being laid open, some fled the country, and the rest were
reduced to beggary.*
The Quakers, who had suffered more severely than any
other sects, that they might not seem less sensible of the
relief they had received, when addresses were presented to
the king for his declaration for liberty of conscience, also
waited on him with an address of thanks ; first, from those
of their society who resided in or about London, and then
in the name and on behalf of the community at large. And
while the other dissenters were censured in this business,
as countenancing the king's dispensing power, the Quakers
were guarded in this respect ; for they expressed their hope,
**that the good effects of the declaration of indulgence on
the trade, peace,and prosperity, of the kingdom, would pro-
duce such a concurrence from the parliament, as would se-
cure it to their posterity;" modestly hinting, it hath been
observed, their sentiments of what they apprehended yet
wanting to be done to complete the favour.f
When the bishops were committed prisoners to the
' Googb, Tol. 2. p. 172-176. t Ibid. p. 180— 19o.
274 SUPPLEMENT.
Tower, and it was understood that they reflected on the
Quakers as belying them, and reporting that they had been
the cause of the death of some of them, Robert Barclay paid
the bishops a visit, and laid before them undeniable proofs,
that some, by order of bishops, had been detained in prison
until death, though they had been apprized of their danger
by physicians who were not Quakers ; but, he added, *' that
since through the change of circumstances, they themselves
were now under oppression, it was by no means the inten-
tion of the people called Quakers to publish such incidents,
or to give the king or their adversaries any advantage against
them thereby." They were accordingly very careful to re-
frain from every measure, in word or deed, that might in
any respect aggravate the case of the prisoners, esteeming
it no time to aggravate old animosities, when the common'
enemy was seeking an advantage.*
When persecution subsided, and liberty of conscience
was enjoyed without molestation, the Quakers thought it a
convenient season to apply for relief in a point where they
were still exposed to considerable trouble and detriment,
and at their yearly meeting in London, in the summer of
1688, they drew up an address to the king, soliciting him to
interpose for their relief from sufferings for tithes, and in
the case of oaths. The address was presented and well re-
ceived, but before the time for holding a parliament arrived,
the king found it out of his power to redress their grievances,
or support himself on the throne. The legal confirmation and
enlargementoftheir liberty were reserved for the next reign.f
During the short reign of James II. the society of Qua-
kers lost several respectable members ; the most eminent
of whom was colonel David Barclay, the father of the apo-
logist, of an ancient and honourable family in Scotland, a
man universally esteemed and beloved. He adopted the
principles of the Quakers in 1666, and is said to have been
brought over to them by Mr. Swinton, a man of learning,
very taking in his behaviour, naturally eloquent, and in great
credit among them. J The acquisition of so considerable and
respectable a person as colonel Barclay, was of no small use
• Goagh, ToJ. 3. p. 198, 199. t Ibid. p. 199— l:Oe.
t This Mr. Swinton whs attainted after the restoration of Charies II. for bBTing
joined Cromwell, and was sent down into Scotland to be tried ; it was nnirersallj
believed, that hi» death was inevitable j but when he was brought before the par-
liament ■( Edinbargk, 1661, io shew cause wbj he shoald not receive seoteDct,harin|^
HISTORY OF THE QUAKERS. 2/5
to this persuasion. He was a man venerable in his appear-
ance, just in all his actions, had shewed his courage in the
wars in Germany, and his fortitude in bearing all the hard
usage he met with in Scotland, with cheerfulness as well as
patience ; for he very soon found himself exposed to persecu-
tions and sufferings on the score of his religion. He spent,
however, the last twenty years of his life in the profession
with great comfort to himself, being all along blessed with
sound health and a vigorous constitution : and he met
death, in the seventy-sixth year of his age, September 1686,
at his seat at Ury in Scotland, with resignation and patience
under great pain, and with the feelings of a lively hope.
His last expressions were uttered \n prayer : " Praises to
the Lord ! Let now thy servant depart in peace. Into thy
hands, O Father, I commit my soul, spirit, and body. Thy
will, O Lord, be done on earth, as it is in heaven/' And
soon after he breathed his last : and though he gave express
directions, agreeably to his principles, that none but per-
sons of his own persuasion should be invited to his funeral,
yet, the time being known, many gentlemen, and those too
of great distinction, attended him to the grave, out of re-
gard to his humanity, beneficence, and public spirit, virtues
which endeared him to the good men of all parties.*
On the 17th of July, 1688, died, at Warwick, in a good
age, William Dewsbury, who was early distinguished
among the foremost members of this society, by the depth
of his religious experience, the eminence of his labours
in the ministry, and the severity of his sufferings. He
was first bred to the keeping of sheep, and then was put
apprentice to a clothier. In early life he was religiously
inclined, and associated with the Independents and Bap-
tists. In the civil wars he entered into the parliament
become a Quaker, when he might have set ap two pleas, strong in point of law, he
answered, consonantly to his religious principles, *' that he was, at the time his poli-
tical crimes were impuled to liim, in the ^all of bitterness and bond of iniquity, bat
that, God having since called him to the light, he savv and acknowledged his past
errors, and did not refuse lo pay the forfeit fur them, even though in their judgment
this should extend to his life." His speech wes, though modest, so majestic, and
though expressive of the most perfect patience, so pathetic, that, iiotwithslanding
lie had neither interest nor wealth to plead for him, yet the impression made by his
discourse on that illustrious assembly was such, thai they recommended him to the
Ving as a proper object of mercy, when Ihey were very severe against others. Biog.
Brit. vol. 2. p, 590; and Burnet's History, vol. 1. p. 182.
• Gou^h, vol. 3. p. 181 — 18S; and Biog. Brit. vol. 2. p. 590, 591. second edit.
276 SUPPLEMENT.
army, but as be grew more seriously attentive to religious
considerations, the recollection of the words of Christ, *• Put
up thy sword into the scabbard ; if my kingdom were of
this world, then would my servants fight ;" affected his
mind with a lively conviction of the inconsistency of war
with the peaceable gospel of Christ. Under this conviction
he left the army, and resumed his trade. When George
Fox was at Wakefield, he joined him in fellowship and in
the ministry. He travelled much in different parts of Eng-
land to promote righteousness, and to propagate what was,
in his view, divine truth ; for which, like his brethren, he
met with much personal abuse, and was frequently thrown
into prison at various place,at York, Northampton, Exeter,
London, and Warwick. In this last place he was detained
till the general release by king James. At length his health
and strength were so impaired by the many violent abuses
and long imprisonments he had endured, that he was ob-
liged to rest frequently in walking from his house to the
meeting-place in the same town. A distemper contracted
in prison terminated his life. He was seized with a sharp
fit of it, when in London to attend the yearly meeting, so
that he was obliged to return home by short journeys ; but
survived his departure from the city only seventeen days.
To some friends who came to visit him he said, just before
he expired; ** Friends, be faithful, and trust in the Lord
your God ; for this I can say, I never played the coward,
but as joyfully entered prisons as palaces. — And in the pri-
son-house I sang praises to my God, and esteemed the
bolts and locks put upon me as jewels, and in the name of
the eternal God I always got the victory, for they could not
keep me any longer than the time determined of him."
Continuing his discourse, he said; "My departure draws
nigh ; blessed be God I have nothing to do but to die, and
put off this corruptible and mortal tabernacle, this body of
flesh that hath so many infirmities ; but the life that dwells
in it ascends out of the reach of death, hell, and the grave ;
and immortality and eternal life is my crown for ever and
ever." He concluded in prayer to the Lord for all his peo-
ple every where, especially for the friends then assembled
in London, reaping the present reward of his fidelity, pa-
tience, and sincerity, in peaceful tenor of his mind, and
HISTORY OF THE QUAKERS. 277
looking death in the face, not only without terror, but with
a holy triumph over its power.*
The history of this society has, with an impartial and
commendable disregard to the distinction of sex, made
honourable mention of those women to whose piety and
zeal it was indebted. One of these, at this period, was Re-
becca Travis, born 1609, who had received a religious edu-
cation, and was a zealous professor among the Baptists.
In the year 1654, prompted by curiosity, but possessed with
strong prejudices against the Quakers, as a people in the
north remarkable for simplicity and rusticity of behaviour,
a worship strangely different from all others, and a stre-
nuous opposition to all public teachers; she attended a
public disputation between James Naylor, then in London,
and the Baptists; in which it appeared to her, he had the
advantage, by close and powerful replies, over his learned
antagonists. This excited her desire to hear him in the
exercise of his ministry; she had soon an opportunity of
gratifying her wishes ; and the result was, that from that
time she attended the meetings of this people, and after
some time laboured herself in the ministry among them, in
London and its neighbourhood. The impressions made on
her mind by the preaching of Naylor, and her observation
of his circumspect conduct, engaged her affectionate esteem
for him, and she cheerfully administered every charitable
service in her power to his relief under his grievous suffer-
ings; though she was a woman of too much discretion and
stability in religion to carry her regard beyond its proper
limits, or to such extravagant lengths as those weak people
who contributed to his downfall. She had the character of
a discreet and virtuous woman, much employed in acts of
charity and beneficence ; of sympathetic tenderness towards
the afflicted, and therefore one of the first of those faithful
women to whom the care of the poor, the sick, and the im-
prisoned members of the community, was assigned ; this
care, in conjunction with others, she religiously discharged.
After a long life of virtuous and charitable deeds, she died
in much peace, on the 15th July 1688, in the eightieth year
of her age.t
Another of these women, who was esteemed an ornament
to her profession, and who undauntedly suffered, when it fell
* GoQg!i, Tol.S. p. 22:3— 2?8. t Ibid. p. 219—223.
279 SUPPLEMENT.
to her lot, was Ann Downer, first married to Benjamin
Grcenwell, a grocer in Bishopsgate-street, and then to the
celebrated George Whitehead. She was one of the first
who received the doctrine of the Quakers, when its minis-
ters came to London, and at length became a preacher of
it. In 1650, she was sent for to attend George Fox and
his fellow-prisoners at Launceston, and travelled thither on
foot, two hundred miles : on her journey she was instru*
mental to bring many over to the doctrine she published,
some of whom were persons of account in the world. In
1638, she travelled in the southern counties, and the Isle
of Wight. She was remarkably conspicuous in her day
for her singular piety, benevolence, and charity, spending
much of her time in visiting the poor, the imprisoned, the
sick, the fatherless, and widows, in their affliction: and in
her exertions to do good had few equals. She died on the
27th of August, 1686, aged sixty-three, expressing to her
friends, who visited her, the sentiments of resignation and
lively iiope, and leaving impressions of affectionate regard
to her memory in the hearts of many, whom she had helped
by her charitable services.*
• Gougb, vol.3, p, 183—185.
REFLECTIONS
REVOLUTION, AND ACT OF TOLERATION.
The Revolution is the grand event, in which the affecting
and interesting scenes and transactions of the preceding
periods, from the Reformation to the accession of William
III. happily and gloriously close. Here the struggles
of the several parties have their termination ; and though
the episcopal form of church-government obtains at last
an establishment and permanent pre-eminence, yet that
superiority is made easy to the other parties, by the secu-
rity to their respective religious professions, and by the
equality among themselves, which they enjoy by the act of
toleration. Here the reader pauses with pleasure and
hope ; humanity rejoices, that there is a period to the ani-
mosities and calamities that had torn and afflicted this coun-
try nearly a century and a half, and the prospect of better
times opens before the wearied mind. The history through
which he has been led, by its various details, giveth him a
strong impression of the importance and happiness of the
era to which he is at length arrived. Here despotism hath
drawn its last breath ; here religious liberty commenceth its
reign : royal prerogative bows and yields to the voice of
the people ; and conscience feels itself, though not entirely
emancipated, yet walking at large and breathing the open
air.
Our author's narrative affords convincing and satisfac-
tory proofs of the importance and felicity of the new state
of things to which it brings us. But yet some considera-
tions, arising from facts not mentioned by him, may be pro-
perly presented to the reader, to heighten his sense of the
280 REFLECTIONS ON THE REVOLUTION,
deliverance effected by the Revolution. Two singular
doctrines had been industriously disseminated ; viz. *'That
there was no such thing as passive obedience for the cause
of religion ; and that kings are so far infallible, as that what
religion they establish is the true worship of God in their
dominion." To insinuate more universally and effectually
these sentiments, they were inserted and enlarged upon in
the common almanacks.* No doubt can remain concerning
the design of James II. from a review of the measures he
actually executed ; and yet it is useful and interesting to
bring forward the secret councils from whence those mea-
sures flowed, and to exhibit the systematical plan, for
which, if they were not parts of it, and first attempts at
the execution of it, they were evidently calculated to pre-
pare the way.
Sometime before the abdication of James, a '- Memo-
rial" was presented to him, drawn up by a Jesuit, and ex-
hibiting the methods he should pursue, not only to root out
the Protestant religion, but to prevent even the possibility
of its revival. The great outlines of the scheme were,
" that a council of reformation should be established, which
avoiding the name, as odious and offensive at tlie beginning,
should pursue some good and sound manner of inquisition ;
nay, should order, in divers points, according to the dili-
gent and exact proceedings of the court of inquisition in
Spain :-^that the authority of the church should take place
of the king's authority, and the civil powers be subjected to
the ecclesiastical: — that the state of the Catholic religion,
and the succession of the crown, should be so linked toge-
ther, that one might depend on and be the assurance of the
other: — that new ways of choosing parliaments should be
followed, particularly one very extraordinary, viz. that the
bishop of the diocess should judge concerning the knights
of the shire, and as they were thought fit to serve in parlia-
ment by such bishops or not, so they were to confirm the
election or have a negative voice in it. The Catholic
prince, whom God should send, is represented as being well
able to procure such a parliament as he would have. Many
new laws were to be made, that should quite alter the
whole constitution ; but it was to be made treason forever,
• Crosby's History of the Baptists, vol. 3. p. 88.
AND THE ACT OF TOLERATION. 281
for any man to propose any thing for change of the Catho-
lic Roman faith, when it was once settled. As to those in
low circumstances, effectual care was to be taken to keep
them low. New methods were to be observed for letting
of lands, disposing of children, and ordering of servants."
The "Memorial" complains, *' that in queen Mary's time,
when so many were imprisoned, so many stripped of their
estates, and so many burnt, there was a want of zeal, to the
grief and discouragement of many ; that some things were
then tolerated upon constraint, and fear of farther incon-
veniences; and it is added, that matters are not to be
patched up any more by such gentle and backward proceed-
ings. For it is laid down as a first principle, that as soon
as a good Catholic prince should be established upon the
throne of these nations, he must make account, that the se-
curity of himself, his crown, and successor, dependeth prin-
cipally on the assurance and good establishment of the Ca-
tholic religion within his kingdom. The proposals in this
piece were brought forward, not merely as measures which
the writer desired to see executed; but such as he appre-
hended, nay, was confident, the temper and circumstances
of the nation would soon afford an opportunity to accom-
plish. Several things are reckoned up, which gave great
force to the Roman Catholics in England. It is said, that
England would more easily receive Popery than any other
Protestant country ; niiy, that ditiiculties which arose in
some Catholic countries would not be found here. All
now (says the author) is zeal and integrity in our new
clergy, (Almighty God be thanked for it !) and no less in
our laity, and Catholic gentlemen in England, that have
borne the brunt of persecution."
These specimens of the designs formed, are proofs to what
extent the scheme of combining the re-establishment of
Popery with arbitrary power was to be carried ; and shew
what vast consequences were involved in the success of the
spirited opposition that led James to abdicate the throne.
Important, valuaF^le, and happy, as was the state of things
introduced by this event, especially as it affected religious
liberty, the operation of it was partial and limited : when
even a bill of rights, after the settlement of king William
on the throne, defined our constitution, and fixed the pri-
VOL. V. u
252 REFLECTIONS ON THE REVOLUTION,
lileges of the subject, the rights of conscience were not as-
certained, nor declared by that noble deed. The act of to-
leration, moved by lord Nottingham in the house of peers,
and seconded by some bishops, though more out of fear
than inclination,* exempted from the penal statutes then in
existence Protestant dissentients only, and not all of them,
for the Socinians are expressly excepted, nor did secure any
from the influence of the corporation and test acts. It left
the English Catholics under severe disabilities; it left many
penal statutes unrepealed. The same reign which gave us
the blessing of the toleration act, was marked by an act of
another complexion ; for the prince, to whom we owe the
former, was prevailed on to pass another statute, adjudging
heavy penalties, fines, and imprisonments, to those who
should write or speak against the doctrine of the Trinity.
There are claims of power over conscience not yet abolished :
there are rights of conscience not yet fully recovered and
secured. The very term toleration shews that religious
freedom is not yet enjoyed in perfection ; it indicates, that
the liberty which we possess is a matter of sufferance, lenity,
and indulgence, rather than the grant of justice and right.
It seemeth to admit and imply a power to restrain con-
science and to dictate to faith, but the exercise of which is
generously waived. The time is, even now, at this distance
from the Revolution, yet to come, when the enjoyment of
religious liberty shall no longer be considered as a favour;
the time is yet to come, when Christians, of religious forms
and creeds, shall be on the equal footing of brethren, and
of children in the house of the same heavenly Parent ; the
time is yet to come, when acts of toleration shall every
where give place to bills of right.
But, though much is yet wanting to complete and per-
fect the blessings of the Revolution ; yet we cannot but
review the act of toleration as a great point gained, as a
noble effort towards the full emancipation of conscience.
The preceding periods had been only those of oppression
and thraldom. The exertions of any to procure release
from severe laws, were rather attempts to gain the power
of tyrannizing over conscience into their own hands, that
they themselves might be free, and all other parties remain
• Sir John Rereahy's Metnoirs, p. 323.
AND THE ACT OF TOLERATION. 283
slaves, than liberal endeavours to ascertain and secure to
every one security and peace, in following the judgment of
his own mind. The preceding ages exhibit a series of
severe statutes following each other; from passing the act
for burning of heretics in the reign of Henry IV. to the
enacting of that of uniformity, and of the Oxford conventi-
cle acts, in the reign of Charles II. At the commencement
of the Reformation, we have seen, that on the one hand
they who could not admit, from religious reverence to the
pope's authority, the supremacy of the king, and on the
other, they who discarded any of the six articles which he
formed into a standard of faith, were alike doomed to the
sentence of death. In the reign of Edward VI. the pious
and amiable Hooper, for refusing to wear a particular
dress, was imprisoned; and »Toan Bocher, who religiously
read and dispersed tlie New Testament, was burnt at the
stake. Intolerant statutes marked the government of queen
Elizabeth. Persecution, in various forms, by laws and by
prerogative, stigmatized the successive reigns of the Stuarts.
In the interval, during the suspension of their power, a se-
vere ordinance against heresy was passed : the livings of
the episcopal clergy were sequestered ; those ministers suf-
fered under severe oppressions, and Presbyterianism was
found to be not more friendly to the rights of conscience, or
averse from intolerance, than had been the fallen hierarchy.
Amongst two despised sects, hated and persecuted by all
parties, the Baptists and Quakers, amongst almost them
only, the principles of liberty had found able and generous
advocates ; their writings placed the rights of conscience
on a broad and liberal bottom. But they could support
them by the pen only ; they were never in power, and con-
sequently had never, in this country,* an opportunity to
carry their principles into practice, and to shew that they
could rule according to the maxims for which, when op-
pressed, they could forcibly plead.
This having been the state of things, the act of tolera-
tion, the consequence of the Revolution, was a great acqui-
♦ It is said in this country; for when llie forming ibe {government of Pennsylvania
and Rhnde-island in America rested, tlie latler witli the Baptists, and the former with
the Quakers, to iheir honour it should l)e said, their conduct was consistent with the
arguments Ihej Iiad advanced, and liberty of conscience, on an extensive and liberal
fcale, was a leading feature of each constitulioo.
284 REFLKCTIONS ON THK- REVOLUTION,
sition. It was the first le^al sanction ijiven to the clainiaojf
conscience ;_ it was the first charter of religious freedom; it
was a valuable, important, and permanent security to the
dissenting subject. It opened to him the temple of peace,
and afforded the long wished-for asylum. To adopt the
language of high authority: " The toleriition-act rendered
that which was illegal before, now legal; the dissenting
way of worship is permitted and allowed by that act ; it is
not only exempted from punishment, but rendered innocent
and lawful ; it is established ; it is put under the protection,
and is not merely the connivance of the law."* It hath been
followed with a universal good effect and happy influence;
it hath been the basis of the religious liberty enjoyed ever
since that period ; and with respect to the state of freedom
and religious inquiry in these kingdoms, it was, as it were,
a new creation. Before that period darkness, in a manner,
hung over the spacious field of knowledge and divine truth,
and the path to it was guarded by a flaming sword. That
act said, " Let there be light, and light there was." "The
bounds of free inquiry were enlarged; the volume, in which
are the words of eternal life, was laid open to examination."
And the state of knowledge and liberty has been, ever since,
progressive and improving.
To this general view of the effects of the Revolution, it is
proper to add ; " that it drew considerable consequences
after it all over Europe. It kept the reformed interest
from sinking, secured the liberty of the British and the
Netherlands, and disappointed the French of that universal
monarchy, which they had been eagerly expecting, and had
great hopes of reaching. And among other happy fiuits of
it, it was not the least considerable, that it was the means
of saving the poor Vandois of Piedmont from utter ruin, and
of their re-establishment in their own country. These people
vrcre the remains of the primitive Christians, who were
never tainted with the Papal corruptions and impurities.
In the year 1686, the duke of Savoy, at the instigation of
Lewis XIV. because they would not forsake their religion,
drove them from their houses and possessions, forced them
out of the valleys, and obliged them to take shelter among,
the Switzcrs and others that would afford them an asylum.
* h'lH Mansfield.
A N 1> T H E A CT O F T O LE R A T lO N , , . 2^^
But, in September 1689, eight or nine hundred of them as-
sembled together in the woods of Nion, not far from Geneva,,
crossed the lake Leman in the night, and entered Savoy
under the conduct of their minister M. Arnold. They
marched through that country, fourteen or fifteen days*
journey, in which march they were obliged to ciinib up
high mountains, force divers strait passes, well guarded by
soldiers, with swords in their hands, till at length they
reached their valleys, of which they took possession, and in
which, under the singular protection of Providence, they
maintained themselves, successfully encountering their ene-
mies who at any time assaulted them."*
Here seems to be a proper place, before the history ot"
this period is closed, to notice a noble and generous exertion
of a few dissenters, which has with great good effect been
resumed and perpetuated to the present times. It was the
founding a school in Gravel-lane, Southwark, for the in-
struction of children in reading, writing, and arithmetic,
and the girls in sewing and knitting, and furnishing them
with books for their instruction in these arts, and with
Testaments, catechisms, and Bibles. One Poulton had
opened a school in these parts, and given public notice that
he would teach the children of the poor gratis. To counter-
act his designs, and to afford the poor an easy opportunity
of having their children educated in Protestant principles,
three worthy gentlemen, Mr. Arthur Shallet, Mr. Samuel
Warburton, and Mr. Ferdinando Holland, members of MK
Nathaniel Vincent's church, instituted this seminary, which
has continued ever since, maintained by voluntary subscrip-
* Calam3''s History of his Own Times, MS. Dr. Calainy was told several re-
markable particulars coucerning liiis march by Mr. Arnold, who came afterward to
England to solicit tlie assistance of king William. One was, that when they were
come pretty near to their valleys, they were in such straits for provisions, that they
were in great fear of starving. But there came a sudden thaw, which in a night's
time melted the snow, and in the morning they discovered a considerable quantity of
wheat standing in the earth, ready for the sickle, which had been left there from the
preceding summer, and had been covered all winter by the snow ; the sudden fall
prevented the proprietors from reaping it at the proper season. These destitute
people beheld it with admiration and thankfulness, reaped it with joy, and were sup*^
ported by it after their return into their valleys, where, without such a supply, the«
might have perished. Another resource, especially for their ministers and sclioof-
inasters, was derived from the overplus of the collections made for them in England'
during the protectorship of Cromwell, which had been lodged by them, when their
wants had been effectually relieved, in the hands of the magistrates of Geneva, on
condition of receiving such an allowance from year to year as was agreed on. Calamv^
ut fivpra. -^
286 REFLECTIONS ON THE REVOLUTION,
tions, annual collections, and legacies. The number of
scholars at first was forty; afterward it increased to fifty ;
then to one hundred and forty; and has since been two
hundred. It was the first institution of the kind wherein
the Protestant dissenters were concerned ; and into it objects
are received without distinction of party. Such an institu-
tion has the merit of being a rational, fair, and benevolent
mode of opposing superstition and bigotry, abridging no
one's security and rights, and leaving the event to the ope-
ration of knowledge and understanding; and it reflects ho-
nour on the spirit and resolution of its first founders, who
set it on foot in the reign of the tyrannical and bigoted
prince, James II. when the dissenters had scarcely emerged
out of a state of persecution.
It will not, it is presumed, be thought beneath the im-
portance and dignity of general history, to mention here two
small publications which the press produced at this period;
especially as the history, through which the reader has been
led, records the virtuous and manly struggles made to secure
the liberty of writing and publishing on the subject of reli-
gion, according to the views any might entertain, and
exhibits memoirs of the progress of theological inquiries.
The importance of publications is also to be estimated, not
by the number of pages, but by the nature of the subject,
the ability with which they are executed, and the efi^ect they
produced, or the impression they were calculated to leave
on the public mind.
One of the pieces, both anonymous, to which we refer,
was entitled, " A brief History of the Unitarians, called
also Socinians : in four Letters to a Friend." The publisher,
to whom they were written, having left them some time
with a gentleman, a person of excellent learning and worth,
they were returned to him with a letter, expressing great
approbation of them, which was printed with each edition.
The first of these letters represented the Unitarian doc-
trine concerning the unity of God, the humanity of Christ
and the Holy Spirit, as the power and inspiration of God;
aimed to confirm and prove it by a series of scriptural argu-
ments, and closed with a concise history of it. The design
of the three following letters, was to reply to the arguments
of the orthodox ; and, that the answer might be full and
AND THE ACT OF TOLERATION. 287
satisfactory, they were occupied in the illustration of all the
texts usually alleged as proofs of the Trinitarian doctrine.
The passages out of the Old Testament are first explained,
then those out of the Gospels and Acts, and lastly those
out of the Epistles and the Revelations. This mode of dis-
cussing a question, which depends purely on divine revela-
lation, will be admitted to be proper and fair. It shewed
that the author was not afraid to lodge his appeal with the
Scriptures, and it was adapted to lead the reader into an
investigation of their meaning according to the rules of
sober criticism and just explanation. It went particularly,
to obviate a reflection cast upon the Unitarians, as exalting
their reasonings above the plain and express revelation of
the Scriptures. The first edition of this tract was in 12mo,
in 1687. It was afterward reprinted in a collection of
Unitarian Tracts, in quarto, 1691.
The other tract published at this period, which I have
mentioned as worthy of particular notice, was entitled, " A
Rational Catechism.'' It was distinguished, not only by the
good sense, and the vein of close but familiar reasoning
which ran through it, but by the peculiar method in which
it was drawn up. Catechisms, in general, have consisted
principally, if not solely, of speculative points, drawn from
the theological systems of the day, and of the country where
they are published. These are conveyed in an authoritative
manner, as absolutely necessary to salvation ; and are to be
committed to memory, without any attempt to prove them
by reasoning level to the capacity of the learner. The au-
thor of this tract, conceiving that neglecting to examine
into the bottom of things, was the cause of that variety of
opinions from whence arose rash judgments, animosities,
hatreds, and persecution, began his piece with the first
principles discernible in human nature; and, avoiding all
sentiments controverted amongst Christians, confined him-
self to those truths only as all agree in, and which lead
directly unto practice, professing not to advance every thing
that he might think useful, but only what he judged most
useful. The dialogue, into which form the work is thrown,
divides itself into three parts ; the principles of natural
religion; those of Christianity, or the great advantages
derived from the gospel ; and the rules of conduct which
288^ REFLECTIONS, &C.
ft supplies. The instructions and conclusions which the
catechumen is led, in a great degree, to draw for himself,
and by his own reflections, arise in a chain of reasoning
from this principle, "that every man seeks happiness;"
which happiness must be, principally, mental and spiritual.
The means of attaining to it in the knowledge of God
and the practice of his will are hence gradually developed.
This piece is ascribed to Mr. Popple. It was first printed
by licence, in 1688; another edition of it appeared 1690,
12mo. And it was reprinted at Amsterdam in 1712.*
. * Preface to the work. Hollis's Memoirs, p. 263 ; and a Critical Review of it
in the Bibliotheque Universelle et Hislorique, torn. 9. p. 93, &c.
END OF THE SUPPLEMENT.
APPENDIX.
VOL. V.
APPENDIX.
No. I.
A declaration of certain principal articles of religion, set out
hy order of both archbishops, metropolitans, and the rest
of the bishops, for the iiniti/ of doctrine to be taught and
holden of all parsons, vicars, and curates : as well in testifi-
cation of their common consent in the said doctrine, to the
stopping of the tnouths of them that go about to slander the
ministers of the church for diversiti/ of judgment, and as neces-
sari/ for the instruction of their people, to be read by the said
parsons, vicars, and curates, at their possession taking, or
first entry into their cures; and also, after that yearly, at two
several times ; that is to say, the Sunday next following
Easter-day, and St. Michael the Archangel, or on some other
Sunday within one month after those feasts, immediately
after the Gospel.
Forasmuch as it appertaineth to all Christian men, but es-
pecially to the ministers and pastors of the church, bein^
teachers and instructors of others, to be ready to give a rea-
son of their faith when they shall be thereunto required ;
I, for my part, now appointed your parson, vicar, or curate,
having before mine eyes the fear of God, and the testimony
of my conscience, do acknowledge for myself, and require
you to assent to the same ;
J . " That there is but one living and true God, of infinite
power, wisdom, and goodness ; the maker and preserver of
all things ; and that in unity of this Godhead, there be three
persons of one substance, of equal power and eternity, the
Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost.
2. *' 1 believe also whatsoever is contained in the holy ca-
nonical Scriptures, in the which Scriptures are contained
all things necessary to salvation; by the which, also, all errors
and heresies may sufficiently be reproved and convicted ;
and all doctrines and articles necessary to salvation are es-
a 2
IV APPENDIX.
tablished. I do also most firmly believe and confess all the
articles contained in the three creeds ; the Nicene creed,
Athanasius's creed, and our common creed, called the Apo-
stles' creed ; for these do briefly contain the principal arti-
cles of our faith, which are at large set forth in the Holy
Scriptures.
3. " I do acknowledge also that church to be the spouse
of Christ, wherein the word of God is truly taught, the sa-
craments orderly ministered according to Christ's institu-
tion, and the authority of the keys duly used : and that
every such particular church hath authority to institute, to
change, and clean to put away, ceremonies, and other eccle-
siastical rites, as they be superfluous or abused ; and to con-
stitute others, making more to seemliness, to order, or
edification.
4. '' Moreover I confess, that it is not lawful for any man
to take upon him any office or ministry, either ecclesiastical
or secular, but such only as are lawfully thereunto called
by the high authorities, according to the ordinances of the
realm.
5. *' Furthermore, I do acknowledge the queen's majes-
ty's prerogative, and superiority of government of all es-
tates, and in all causes, as well ecclesiastical as temporal,
within this realm and other her dominions and countries, to
be agreeable to God's word, and of right to appertain to her
highness, in such sort as in the late act of parliament ex-
pressed, and since then by her majesty's injunctions declared
and expounded.
6. •' Moreover, touching the bishop of Rome, I do ac-
knowledge and confess, that by the Scriptures and word of
God, he hath no more authority than other bishops have in
their provinces and diocesses, and therefore the power which
he now challengeth, that is, to be the supreme head of the
universal church of Christ, and so to be above all emperors,
kings, and princes, is a usurped power, contrary to the
Scriptures and word of God, and contrary to the example
of the primitive church ; and therefore is for most just causes
taken away and abolished in this realm.
7. " Furthermore, I do grant and confess that the book
ofcommon prayer and administration ofthe holy sacraments,
sot forth by the authority of parliament, is agreeable to the
Scripturen; and that it is catholic and apostolic, and most
APPENDIX. V
for the advancing of God's glory, and the edifying of God's
people ; both for that it is in a tongue that may be under-
stood of the people, and also for the doctrine and form of
administration contained in the same.
8. " And although in the administration of baptism there
is neither exorcism, oil, salt, spittle, or hallowing of the
water, now used ; and for that they were of late years abused
and esteemed necessary, whereas they pertain not to the
substance and necessity of the sacrament, and therefore be
reasonably abolished ; yet is the sacrament full and per-
fectly ministered, to all intents and purposes, agreeable to
the institution of our Saviour Christ.
9. " Moreover, 1 do not only acknowledge, that private
masses were never used amongst the fathers of the primitive
church, 1 mean, public ministration and receiving of the sa-
crament by the priest alone, without a just number of com-
municants, according to Christ's saying, * Take ye, and eat
ye,' Sic. but also that the doctrine that maintaineth the mass
to be a propitiatory sacrifice for the quick and the dead,
and a mean to deliver souls out of purgatory, is neither
agreeable to Christ's ordinance, nor grounded upon doctrine
apostolic, but contrariwise most ungodly, and most injurious
to the precious redemption of our Saviour Christ, and his
only sufficient sacrifice, offered once forever upon the altar
of the cross.
10. " I am of that mind also, that the holy communion or
sacrament 6f the body and blood of Christ, for the due obe-
dience to Christ's institution, and to express the virtue of
the same, ought to be ministered unto the people under
both kinds : and that it is avouched by certain fathers of the
church to be a plain sacrilege, to rob them of the mystical
cup, for whom Christ has shed his most precious blood, see-
ing he himself hath said, ^ Drink ye all of this;' considering
also, that in the time of the ancient doctors of the church,
as Cyprian, Jerome, Augustine, Gelasius, and others, six
hundred years after Christ, and more, both the parts of the
sacrament were ministered to the people.
Last of all, "As I do utterly disallow the extolling of
images, relics, and feigned miracles ; and also all kind of
expressing God invisible, in the form of an old man, or the
Holy Ghost in the form of a dove ; and all other vain wor-
shipping of God, devised by men's fantasy, besides or con-
VI APPENDIX.
trary to the Scriptures ; as wandering on pilgrimages, setting
up of candles, praying upon beads, and such-like supersti-
tion ; which kind of works have no promise of reward in
Scripture ; but contrariwise threatenings and maledictions :
so I do exhort all men to the obedience of God's law, and to
the works of faith, as charity, mercy, piety, alms, devout and
fervent prayer, with the affection of the heart, and not with
the mouth only ; godly abstinence and fasting, chastity, obe-
dience to the rulers and superior powers, with such-like
works, and godliness of life commanded by God in his word ;
which, as St. Paul saith, * hath the promise both of this
life, and of the life to come ;' and are works acceptable only
in God's sight.
" These things above rehearsed, though they be ap-
pointed by common order, yet do I, without all compulsion,
with freedom of mind and conscience, from the bottom of
my heart, and upon most sure persuasion, acknowledge to
to be true, and agreeable to God's word. And therefore I
exhort you all to whom I have care, heartily and obediently
to embrace and receive the same ; that we all joining to-
gether in unity ofspirit, faith, and charity, may also at length
be joined together in the kingdom of God, and that through
the merits and death of our Saviour Jesus Christ ; to whom,
with the Father and the Holy Ghost, be all glory and em-
pire, now and for ever. Amen."
No. II.
A copy of the letter sent to the bishops and pastors of Ejtg-
land, who have renounced the Roman antichiist, and pro-
fess the Lord Jesus Christ in sinceritif.
The superintendent ministers, and commissioners of char-
ges within the realm of Scotland, to their brethren the
bishops and pastors of England, who have renounced
the Roman antichrist, and do profess with them the
Lord Jesus in sincerity, desire the perpetual increase of
the Holy Spirit.
By word and. writ, it is come to our knowledge, reverend
pastors, that divers of our dearest brethren, among whom
APPENDIX. XVII
are some of the best learned within that realm, are deprived
from ecclesiastical function, and forbidden to preach, and so
by you, that they are straight to promote the kingdom of
Jesus Christ, because their consciences will not suffer to take
upon them (at the commandment of authority) such gar-
ments as idolaters, in time of blindness, have used in their
idolatry, which bruit cannot be but most dolorous to our
hearts, mindful of that sentence of the Apostle, saying, ** If
ye bite and devour one another, take heed, lest ye be con-
sumed one of another." We purpose not at this present
to enter into the ground of that question which we hear of,
either part to be agitate with greater vehemency than well
liketh us ; to wit, whether that such apparel is to be ac-
counted amongst things that are simply indifferent or not ;
but in the bowels of the Lord Jesus we crave that Christian
charity may so prevail in you, we say, the pastors and leaders
of the flock within that realm,
That ye do not to others that which ye would not others
should do to you. Ye cannot be ignorant how tender a
thing the conscience of man is. All that have knowledge
are not alike persuaded ; your consciences reclaim not at
wearing of such garments, but many thousands, both godly
and learned, are otherwise persuaded, whose consciences
are continually stricken with these sentences : "What hath
Christ Jesus to do with Belial ?" " What fellowship is there
betwixt darkness and fight?" If surplice, corner cap, and
tippet, have been badges of idolaters in the very act of
their idolatry, what have the preachers of Christian liberty,
and the open rebukers of all superstition, to do with the
dregs of the Romish beast? Our brethren, that of conscience
refuse that unprofitable apparel, do neither damn yours, or
molest you that use such vain trifles: if ye shall do the like
to them, we doubt not but therein ye shall please God, and
comfort the hearts of many which are wounded with ex-
tremity, which is used against those godly, and our beloved
brethren. Colour of rhetoric, or manly persuasion, will
we use none, but charitably we desire you to call that sen-
tence of pity to mind: — "Feed the flock of God which is com-
mitted to your charge, caring for them, not by constraint,
but willingly ; not as though ye were lords over God's he-
ritage, but that ye may be examples to the flock." And
farther also, we desire you to meditate that sentence of the
vni APPENDIX.
apostle, saying, "Give none offence, neither to the Jews
nor to the Grecians, nor to the church of God." In what
condition of time ye and we both travel in the promoting of
Christ's kingdom, we suppose you not to be ignorant. And
therefore we are more bold to exhort you to walk more cir-
cumspectly, than that for such vanities the godly should be
troubled. For all things that may seem lawful, edify not.
If the commandment of authority urge the conscience of
yours and our brethren, more than they can bear ; we un-
feignedly crave of you, that ye remember, that ye are called
the light of the world and the earth.
All civil authority hath not the light of God always
shining before their eyes in their statutes and command-
ments ; but their affections oft-time savour too much of the
earth, and of worldly wisdom.
And therefore we think that ye should boldly oppone
yourselves to all power, that will or dare extol itself, not
only against God, but also against all such as do burden the
consciences of the faithful, farther than God hath burdened
them by his own word. But herein we confess our offence,
in that we have entered farther in reasoning than we pur-
posed and promised at the beginning : and therefore we
shortly return to our former humble supplication, which is,
that our brethren, who among you refuse the Romish rags,
may find of you, the prelates, such favours as our Head and
Master commands every one of his members to shew one to
another, which we look to receive of your gentleness, not
only for that ye fear to offend God's majesty, in troubling
of your brethren for such vain trifles ; but also because ye
will not refuse the humble requests of us your brethren, and
fellow-preachers of Christ Jesus, in whom, albeit there ap-
pear no great worldly pomp, yet we suppose ye will not so far
despise us, but that ye will esteem us to be of the number of
those that fightagainstthat Roman antichrist, and travel, that
the kingdom of Christ Jesus universally maybe maintained
and advanced. The days are evil; iniquity abounds; Christian
charity, alas ! is waxen cold ; and therefore we ought the
more diligently to watch; for the hour is uncertain when
the Lord Jesus shall appear, before whom we your brethren,
and ye, may give an account of our administration.
And thus, in conclusion, we once again crave favour to
our brethren, which granted, ye in the Lord shall command
APPENDIX. IX
US in things of double more importance. The Lord Jesus
rule your hearts in his true fear to the end, and give unto
us victory over that conjured enemy of all true religion ;
to wit, over that Roman antichrist, whose wounded head
Satan, by all means, labours to cure again, but to destruc-
tion shall he and his maintainers go, by the power of the
Lord Jesus : to whose mighty power and protection we
heartily commit you.
Subscribed by the hands of superintendents^, one part
of ministers, and scribed in our general assemblies, and
fourth session thereof. At Edinburgh, the 28th day of De-
cember, 1566.
Your loving brethren, and fellow-preachers,
in Christ Jesus.
Jo. Craig, Rob. Pont,
Da. Lyndesay, Jo. Wirara,
Guil. Gislisomus, Jaco. Mailvil,
Jo. Spottiswood, Jo. Erskin,
Jo. Row, Nic. Spital.
No. in.
John Fox^s letter to queen Elizabeth, to dissuade her from
burning two Dutch Anabaptists for heresi/ in Smithfield.
1575.
Serenissima beatissima princeps, regina illustrissima, pa-
triae decus, saeculi ornamentum! Ut nihil ab animo meo
omnique expectatione abfuit longius quam ut majestatis
tuae amplissimam excellentiam molesta interpellatione ob-
turbarem ; ita vehementer dolet silentium hoc, quo hac-
tenus constanter sum usus, non eadem constantia perpetuo
tueri ita ut volebam licuisse. Ita nunc praeter spem ac
opinionem meam nescio qua infelicitate evenit, ut quod
omnium volebam minime, id contra me maxime faciat hoc
tempore. Qui cum ita vixerim hucusque, ut molestus fue-
rim nemini, invitus nunc cogor contra naturam principi
etiam ipsi esse importunus, non re ulla aut causa mea, sed
aliena inductus calamitate. Quae quo acerbior sit et luc-
X APPENDIX.
tuosior, hoc acriores mi hi addit ad deprecandum stimulos.
Nonnullos intelligo in Anglia hie esse non Anglos, sed ad-
Tentitios, Belgas quidem opinor, partim viros, partini femi-
nas, nuper ob improbata dogmata in judicium advocatos.
Quorum aliquot feliciter reducti publica luerunt pcenitentia ;
complures in exilium sunt condemnati, idque rectissime
meo judicio factum esse arbitror. Jam ex hoc numero
unum esse aut alterum audio, de quibus ultimum exustionis
supplicium (nisi succurrat tua pietas) brevi est statuendum.
Qua una in re duo contineri perspicio, quorum alterum a<#
errorum pravitatem, alterum ad supplicii acerbitatem atti-
net. Ac erroribus quidem ipsis nihil possit absurdius esse,
sanus nemo est qui dubitat, mirorque tam faeda opinionum
portenta in quosquam potuisse Christianos cadere. Sed ita
habet humanae infirmitatis conditio, si divina paululum luce
destituti nobis relinquimur, quo non ruimus praecipites ?
Atque hoc nomine Christo gratias quam maximas habeo,
quod Anglorum hodie neminem huic insaniag video. Quod
igitur ad phanaticas istas sectas attinet, eas certe in repub-
lica nullo modo fovendas esse, sed idonea comprimendas
correctione censeo. Verum enim vero ignibus ac flammis
pice ac sulphure aestuantibus viva miserorum corpora tor-
refacere, judicii magis ccecitate quam impetu voluntatis
errantium, durum istud ac Romani magis exempli esse
quam evangelicae consuetudinis videtur, ac plane ejusmodi,
ut nisi a Romanis pontificibus, authore Innocentio tertio,
primum profluxisset, nunquam istum Perilli taurum quis-
quam in mitem Christi ecclesiam importavisset. Non quod
maleficiis delecter, aut erroribus cujusquam faveam, dicta
haec esse velim ; vitas horainum, ipse homo cum sim, faveo;
ideoque faveo, non ut erret, sed ut resipiscat: ac neque ho-
minum solum, utinam et pecudibus ipsis opitulari possem.
Ita enim sum (stulte fortassis base de meipso, at vere dico),
macellum ipsum, ubi mactantur etiara pecudes, vix prae-
tereo, quin tacito quodani doloris sensu mens refugiat.
Atque equidem in eo Dei ipsius valde admiror, venerorque
toto pectore clementiam, qui in jumentis illis brutis et ab-
jectis, quae sacrificiis olim parabantur, id prospexerat, ne
prius ignibus mandarentur quam sanguis eorum ad basim
altaris effunderetur. Unde disceremus, in exigendis sup-
pliciis, quamvis justis, non quid omnino rigori liceat, sed ut
dementia simul adhibita rigoris temperet asperitatem.
APPENDIX. XI
Quamobrem si tantam mihi apud principis tanti majesta-
tem audere liceret supplex pro Christo rogarem clementis^-
simam banc regiae sublimitatis excellentiam, prae authori-
tate hac mea (lege tua) qua ad vitam multorum consecran-
dum pellere (l. conservaiidam pollere) te divina voluit ele-
inentia^ ut vita si fieri possit, (quid enim non posset iis in
rebus authoritas tua?) niiserorum parcatur, saltern ut hor-
rori obsistatur, atque in aliud quodcunque commutetiir
supplicii genus. Sunt ejectiones, inclusiones retrusae, sunt
vincula, sunt perpetua exilia, sunt stigmata et TrXTj-y/xara aut
etiara patibula ; id unum valde deprecor, ne piras ac flam-
mas Smithfieldianas jam diu faustissimis tuis auspiciis hue
usque sopitas, sinas nunc recandescere. Quod si ne id qui-
dem obtineri possit, id saltern omnibus supplicandi modis
eflSagito, tovto to TrfXapyiKov pectoris tui implorans, ut men-
sem tamen ununi aut alterum nobis concedas, quo interim
experiamur, an a periculosis erroribus dederit dominus ut
resanescant, ne cum corporum jactura, animae pariter cum
corporibus de aeterno periclitentur exitio.*
No. IV.
A directory of church- government, anciently contended for,
and, as far as the times would suffer, practised hy the firU
Nonconformists in the days of queen Elizabeth, found in
the study of the most accomplished divine Mr. Thomas
Cartwright, after his decease.
The sacred Discipline of the Church described in
the Word of God,
The discipline of Christ's church, that is necessary for all
times, is delivered by Christ, and set down in the Holy
Scriptures ; therefore the true and lawful discipline is to
be fetched from thence, and from thence alone. And that
which resteth upon any other foundation ought to be es-
teemed unlawful and counterfeit.
Of all particular churches, there is one and the same
right, order, and form : therefore also no one may challenge
* Fuller's Church History of Britain, p. 104, 105.
XU APPENDIX.
to itself any power over others : nor any right which doth
not alike agree to others.
The ministers of public charges, in every particular
church, ought to be called and appointed to their charges
by a lawful ecclesiastical calling, such as hereafter is set
down.
All these, for the divers regard of their several kinds, are
of equal power amongst themselves.
No man can be lawfully called to public charge in any
church, but he that is fit to discharge the same. And none
is to be accounted fit, but he that is endued with the common
gifts of all the godly ; that is, with faith, and a blameless
life : and farther also, with those that are proper to that
ministry wherein he is to be used, and necessary for the
executing of the same ; whereupon, for trial of those gifts,
some convenient way and examination are to be used.
The party to be called must first be elected ; then he is
to be ordained to that charge whereunto he is chosen, by
the prayers of that church whereunto he is to be admitted ;
the mutual duties of him and of the church being before
laid open.
The ministers of the church are, first, they that are mi-
nisters of the word. In their examination, it is specially to
be taken heed unto, that they be apt to teach, and tried
men, not utterly unlearned, nor newly planted and con-
verted to the faith.
Now these ministers of the word are, first, pastors, which
do administer the word and sacraments; then teachers,
which are occupied in wholesome doctrine.
Besides, there are also elders, which watch over the life
and behaviour of every man ; and deacons, which have care
over the poor.
Farther, in every particular church there ought to be a
presbytery, which is a consistory, and, as it were, a senate
of elders. Under the name of elders here are contained,
they who in the church minister doctrine, and they who are
properly called elders.
By the common counsel of the eldership, all things are
directed that belong to the state of their church. First,
such as belong to the guidance of the whole body of it in
the holy and common assembly, gathered together in the
name of the Lord, that all things maybe done in them duly,
APPENDIX. Xm
orderly, and to edification. 2. Then also such as pertain
to particular persons. First, to all the members of that
church, that the good may enjoy all the privileges that be-
long unto them ; that the wicked may be corrected with
ecclesiastical censures, according to the quality of the fault,
private and public, by admonishing and by removing either
from the Lord's supper by suspension (as it is commonly
called), or 6ut of the church by excommunication. The
which belong specially to the ministers of public charge in
the church to their calling, either to be begun or ended,
and ended either by relieving or punishing them, and that
for a time by suspension, or altogether by deposition.
For directing of the eldership, let the pastors be set over
it ; or if there be more pastors than one in the same church,
let the pastors do it in their turns.
But yet in all the greater affairs of the church, as in ex-
communicating of any, and in choosing and deposing of
church-ministers, nothing may be concluded without the
knowledge and consent of the church.
Particular churches ought to yield mutual help one to
another ; for which cause they are to communicate amongst
themselves.
The end of this communicating together is, that all things
in them may be so directed, both in regard of doctrine,
and also of discipline, as by the word of God they ought
to be.
Therefore the things that belong hereunto are determined
by the common opinion of those who meet so to communi-
cate together ; and whatsoever is to be amended, furthered,
or procured, in any of those several churches that belong
to that assembly. Wherein albeit no particular church
hath power over another, yet every particular church of
the same resort, meeting and counsel, ought to obey the
opinion of more churches with whom they communicate.
For holding of these meetings and assemblies, there are
to be chosen, by every church belonging to that assembly,
principal men from among the elders, who are to have their
instructions from them, and so to be sent to the assembly.
There must also be a care had, that the things they shall
return to have been godly agreed on by the meetings, be
diligently observed by the churches.
Farther, in such assemblies there is also to be chosen
KIV APPENDIX.
one that may be set over the assemblies, who may moderate
and direct them. His duty is to see that the assemblies be
held godly, quietly, and comely : therefore itbelongeth unto
him to begin and end the conference with prayer ; to know
every man's instructions ; to propound in order the things
that are to be handled ; to gather their opinions, and to
propound what is the opinion of the greater part. It is
also the part of the rest of the assembly, to speak their opi-
nions of the things propounded godly and quietly.
The si/nodical discipline gathered out of the si/nods and use
of the churches which have restored it according to the word
of Gody and out of sundry/ books that are written of the
same, and referred unto certain heads.
Of the Necessity of a Calling.
Ijet no man thrust himself into the executing of any part
of public charge in the administration of the word, sacra-
ments, discipline, or care over the poor. Neither let any
such sue or seek for any public charge of the church : but
let every one tarry until he be lawfully called.
'JChe Manner of entering and determining of a Calling, and
against a Ministry/ of no certain Place ; and the Desertion
of a Church.
Let none be called but unto some certain charge ordained
of God, and to the exercising of the same in some particular
congregation : and he that is so called, let him be so bound
to that church, that he may not after be of any other,
or depart from it without the consent thereof. Let none be
called, but they that have first subscribed the confession of
doctrine and of discipline : whereof let them be admonished
to have copies with themselves.
In the examination of ministers, the testimony of the
place from whence they come is to be demanded, whereby it
may be understood what life and conversation he hath been
of, and whether he hath been addicted to any heresy, or to
the reading of any heretical books, or to curious and strange
questions, and idle speculations : or rather, whether he be
accounted sound and consenting in all things to the doctrine
received in the church. Whereunto if he agree, he is also
to expound some part of the HolyScriptures twice or oftener,
APPENDIX e XV
as it shall seem meet to the examiners, and that before the
conference, and that church which is interested. Let him
also be demanded of the principal heads of divinity : and
whether he will diligently execute and discharge his minis-
try; and in the execution thereof propound unto himself,
not his own desires and commodities, but the glory of God
and edification of the church. Lastly, whether he will be
studious and careful to maintain and preserve wholesome
doctrine, and ecclesiastical discipline. Thus let the minis-
ter be examined, not only by one eldership, but also by some
greater meeting and assembly.
Of Election,
Before the election of a minister, and the deliberation of
the conference concerning the same, let there be a day of
fast kept in the church interested.
Of the Place of exercising this Calling.
Albeit it be lawful for a minister, upon just occasion, to
preach in another church than that whereof he is minister;
yet none may exercise any ordinary ministry elsewhere, but
for a certain time, upon great occasion, and by the consent
of his church and conference.
Of the Office of the Ministers of the Word; and first of the
Order of Liturgy or Common Prayer.
Let the minister that is to preach, name a psalm, or a part
of a psalm, beginning with the first, and so proceeding, that
may be sung by the church, noting to them the end of their
singing, to wit, the glory of God and their own edification.
After the psalm, let a short admonition to the people follow, of
preparing themselves to pray duly unto God : then let there
be made a prayer containing a general confession ; first of
the guilt of sin, both original and actual ; and of the punish-
ment which is due by the law for them both: then also of
the promise of the gospel, and in respect of it, supplication
of pardon for the said guilt and punishment, and petition
of grace promised, as for the duties of the whole W^e.^ so
especially for the godly expounding and receiving of the
word. Let this petition be concluded with the Lord's prayer.
After the sermon, let prayer be made again ; first for grace
to profit by the doctrine delivered, the principal heads thereof
XVI APPENDIX.
being remembered ; then for all men, but chiefly for the
universal church, and for all estates and degrees of the
people; which is likewise to be ended with the Lord's
prayer and the singing of a psalm, as before. Last of all,
let the congregation be dismissed with some convenient
form of blessing taken out of the Scripture ; such as is
Numb. vi. 24. 2 Cor. xiii. 14.
Of Preaching.
Let him that shall preach choose some part of the canoni>
cal Scripture to expound, and not of the Apocrypha. Far-
ther, in his ordinary ministry, let him not take postils, as
they are called, but some whole book of the Holy Scripture,
especially of the New Testament, to expound in order: in
choice whereof regard is to be had both of the minister's
ability, and of the edification of the church.
He that preacheth must perform two things ; the first,
that his speech be uncorrupt ; which is to be considered both
in regard of the doctrine, that it be holy, sound, wholesome
and profitable to edification ; not devilish, heretical, leaven-
ed, corrupt, fabulous, curious, or contentious; and also in
respect of the manner of it, that it be proper to the place
which is handled, that is, which either is contained plainly
in the very words; or if it be gathered by consequent, that
the same be fit and clear, and such as may rise upon the
property of the word, grace of speech, and suit of the mat-
ter; and not be allegorical, strange, wrested, or far fetched.
Now let that which is such, and chiefly which is fittest for
the^tiraes and occasions of the church, be delivered. Far-
ther, let the explication, confirmation, enlargement, and
application, and the whole treatise and handling of it, be in
the vulgar tongue ; and let the whole confirmation and
proof be made by arguments, testimonies, and examples,
taken only out of the Holy Scriptures, applied filly, and
according to the natural meaning of the places that are
alleged.
The second thing to be performed by him that preacheth,
is a reverend gravity ; this is considered first in the style,
phrase, and manner of speech, that it be spiritual, pure,
proper, simple, and applied to the capacity of the people ;
nor such as human wisdom teacheth, nor savouring of new -
fan^'ledness, nor either so afi'ectate as it may serve for pomp
APPENDIX. XVll
and ostentation, or so careless and base, as becometh not
ministers of the word of God. Secondly, it is also to be re-
garded as well in ordering the voice, in which a care must
be had, that (avoiding the keeping always of one tune) it
may be equal, and both rise and fall by degrees : as also in
ordering the gesture, wherein (the body being upright) the
guiding and ordering the whole body is to follow the voice,
there being avoided in it all unseemly gestures of the head,
or other parts, and often turning of the body to divers sides.
Finally, let the gesture be grave, modest, and seemly, not
utterly none, nor too much neither, like the gestures of
plays or fencers.
These things are to be performed by him that preacheth ;
whereby, when need requireth, they may be examined who
are trained and exercised to be made fit to preach : let there
be, if it may be, every sabbath-day, two sermons, and let
them that preach always endeavour to keep themselves
within one hour, especially on the week-days. The use of
preaching at burials is to be left as it may be done conveni-
ently ; because there is danger that they may nourish the
superstition of some, or be abused to pomp and vanity.
Of the Catechism.
Let the catechism be taught in every church. Let there
be two sorts. One more large applied to the delivering of
the sum of religion by a suit and order of certain places
of the Scriptures, according to which some point of the
holy doctrine may be expounded every week. Another of
the same sort, but shorter, fit for the examination of the
rude and ignorant before they be admitted to the Lord's
supper.
Of the other parts of Liturgy or divine Service.
All the rest of the liturgy or divine service consisteth in
the administration of the sacraments, and, by the custom of
the church, in the blessing of marriage : the most commo-
dious form thereof is that which is used by the churches
that have reformed their discipline according to the
word of God.
Of Sacraments.
Let only a minister of the word, that is, a preacher, minis-
VOL. V. . b
xnn APPENDIX.
ter the sacraments, and that after the preaching of the word,
and not in any other place than in the public assemblies of
the church.
Of Baptism.
Women only may not offer unto baptism those that are
to.be baptized, but the father, if it may be, or in his name
some other. They which present unto baptism, ought to be
persuaded not to give those that are baptized the names of
God, or of Christ, or of angels, or of holy offices, as of Bap-
tist, Evangelist, &c. nor such as savour of paganism or Po-
pery; but chiefly such whereof there are examples in the
Holy Scriptures, in the names of those who are reported in
them to have been godly and virtuous.
Of the Communion.
Let the time of celebratingthe communion be made known
eight days before, that the congregation may prepare them-
selves, and that the elders may do their duty in going to and
visiting whom they ought.
Of signifying their Names that are to communicate.
Let them which before have not been received to the
Lord's table, when they first desire to come to it, give their
names to the minister seven days before the communion,
that care of inquiring of them may be committed to the
elders; that if there be any cause of hinderance, there may
be stay made betime ; but if there be no such thing, let them
proceed (where need may be) to the examining of their
faith, before the communion. Let this whole treatise of
discipline be read in the consistory; and let the ministers,
elders, and deacons, be censured one after another ; yet so
that the minister concerning doctrine be censured of minis-
ters only.
Let thejn only be admitted to the communion, that have
made confession of their faith, and submitted themselves to
the discipline; unless they shall bring letters testimonial of
good credit from some other place, or shall approve them-
selves by some other sufficient testimony.
Children are not to be admitted to the communion before
they be of the age of fourteen years, except the consistory
shall otherwise determine.
APPENDIX. XIX
On the sabbath-day next before the communion, let men-
tion be made in the sermon of the examination, whereunto
the apostle exhorteth, and of the peace that is by faith ; in
the day of the communion, let there be speech of the doc-
trine of the sacraments, and especially of the Lord's supper.
Of Fasting,
Let the day of fasting be published by the pastor accord-
ing to the advice of the consistory, either for supplication,
for turning away of calamities present, or for petition of
some special grace. Let the sermons upon the same day,
before and after noon (as on the Lord's day), be such as
may be fit for the present occasion.
Of Holidays,
Holidays are conveniently to be abolished.
Of Marriage.
Let espousing go before marriage. Let the words of
espousing be of the present time, and without condition,
and before suflScient witnesses on both sides. It is to be
wished, that the minister, or any elder, be present at the
espousals, who having called upon God, may admonish both
parties of their duties. First, may have care of avoiding
the degrees forbidden both by the law of God and man ;
and then they may demand of them, whether they be free
from any bond of marriage ; which if they profess and be
sh^angers, he may also require sufficient testimony. Far-
ther also, they are to be demanded, whether they have been
married before, and of the death of the party with whom
they were married, which if they acknowledge and be
strangers, he may demand convenient testimony of the
death of the other party. Finally, let them be asked if
they be under the government of any ? whether they whom
it concerneth have consented ?
The espousals being done in due order, let them not be
dissolved, though both parties should consent. Let the
marriage be solemnized within two months after. Before
the marriage let the promise be published three several
sabbath-days ; but first, let the parties espoused, with their
parents or governors, desire the publishing thereof, of the
minister and two elders at the least, that they may be de-
b2
XX APPENDIX.
manded of those things that are needful ; and let them re-
quire to see the instrument of the covenant of the marriage,
or at least sufficient testimony of the espousals. Marriage
may be solemnized and blessed upon any ordinary day of
public prayer, saving upon a day of fast.
Of Schools.
Let children be instructed in schools, both in other learn-
ing, and especially in the catechism, that they may repeat
it by heart, and understand it : when they are so instructed,
let them be brought to the Lord's supper, after they have
been examined by the minister, and allowed by him.
Of Students of Divinity , and their Exercises.
In every church where it may conveniently be done, care
is to be had that some poor scholars, studious of divinity,
being fit for theological exercises, and especially for ex-
pounding of Holy Scripture, may, by the liberality of the
godly rich, be taught and trained up to preach.
Let that exposition, as often as it shall be convenient to
be had, be in the presence at least of one minister, by whose
presence they may be kept in order, and in the same sort
(as touching the manner of preaching) that public sermons
are made; which being ended, let the other students (he
being put apart that was speaker) note wherein he hath
failed in any of those things that are to be performed by him
that preacheth publicly, as is set down before: of whose
opinion let the minister that is present, and is moderator of
their exercise, judge and admonish the speaker as he shall
think meet.
Of Elders.
Let the elders know every particular house and person of
the church, that they may inform the minister of the con-
dition of every one, and the deacons of the sick and poor,
that they may take care to provide for them : they are not
to be perpetual ; neither yet easily to be changed.
Of Consistories.
In the consistory the most voices are to be yielded unto.
In it only ecclesiastical things are to be handled. Of them,
first they are to be dealt with such as belong to the common
APPENDIX. XXI
direction of the public assembly, in the order of liturgy, or
divine service, sermon, prayers, sacraments, marriages, and
burials. Then with such also as pertain to the oversight of
every one, and their particular deeds. Farther, they are to
cause such things as shall be thought meet, to be registered
and written in a book. They are also to cause to be written
in another book, the names of them that are baptized, with
the names of their parents and sureties : likewise of the
communicants. Farther also are to be noted, their names
that are married, that die, and to whom letters testimonial
are given.
Of the Censures,
None is to be complained of unto the consistory, unless
first the matter being uttered with silencing the parties'
names, if it seem meet so to be done by the judgment of the
consistory.
In private and less faults, the precept of Christ, Matt,
xviii. is to be kept.
Greater and public offences are to be handled by the con-
sistory. Farther, public offences are to be esteemed, first,
Such as are done openly before all, or whomsoever, the
whole church knowing of it. Secondly, Such as be done in
a public place, albeit few know it. Thirdly, That are made
such by pertinacy and contempt. Fourthly, That for the
heinousness of the offence are to be punished with some
grievous civil punishment.
They that are to be excommunicated, being in public
charge in the church, are to be deposed also from their char-
ges. They also are to be discharged that are unfit for the
ministry, by reason of their ignorance, or of some incurable
disease; or by any other such cause, are disabled to per-
form their ministry : but in the rooms of such as are disabled
by means of sickness or age, let another be placed without
the reproach of him that is discharged ; and farther, so as
the reverence of the ministry may remain unto him, and he
may be provided for, liberally and in good order.
When there is question concerning a heretic complain-
ed of to the consistory, straight let two or three neighbour
ministers be called, men godly and learned, and free from
that suspicion, by whose opinion he may be suspended, till
such time as the conference may take knowledge of his cause.
XXn APPENDIX.
The obstinate^ after admonition by the consistory, though
the fault have not been so great, are to be suspended from
the communion; and if they continue in their obstinacy, this
shall be the order to proceed to their excommunication.
Three several sabbath-days after the sermon, publicly let
be declared the offence committed by the offender. The
first sabbath let not the offender's name be published : the
second let it be declared, and withal a certain day of the
week named, to be kept for that cause in fasting and prayer :
the third let warning be given of his excommunicating to
follow the next sabbath after, except there may be shewed
some sufficient cause to the contrary : so upon the fourth
sabbath-day, let the sentence of excommunication be pro-
nounced against him, that his spirit may be saved in the day
of the Lord.
He that hath committed great offences, opprobrious to
the church, and to be grievously punished by the magistrate's
authority ; albeit he profess his repentance in words, yet
for the trial thereof, and to take away the offence, let him
for a time be kept from the communion ; which how often
and how long it is to be done, let the consistory, according
to their discretion, determine ; after which, if the party re-
pent, he is brotherly to be received again, but not until he
have openly professed his repentance before the church, by
consent whereof he should have been excommunicated.
If the ministers of any public charge of the church com-
mit any such thing, they are to be deposed from their charge.
Of the Assemblies of the Church,
» :i*articular churches are to communicate one with another,
by common meetings and resorts : in them only ecclesiastical
matters are to be handled, and of those, only such as pertain
to the churches of that resort; concerning other churches,
unless they be desired, they are to determine nothing farther
than to refer such matters to their next common and great
meeting.
Let the order of proceeding in them be this : first, let the
survey be taken of those that are present, and the names of
those that are absent, and should be there, be noted, that
they may give a reason at their next meeting of their ab-
sence, or be censured by the judgment of the assembly.
Next, let the acts of the last assembly of that kind be read,
APPENDIX. XXIll
that if any of the same remain unfinished, they may be dis-
patched : then, let those things be dealt in that are properly
belonging to the present assembly ; where first the instruc-
tions sent from the churches are to be delivered by every
one in order, as they sit together, with their letters of cre-
dence. Secondly, Let the state of the churches of that re-
sort be considered; to wit, how they are instructed and
guided: whether the holy doctrine and discipline be taught
and exercised in them ; and whether the ministers of pub-
lic charges do their duty, and such-like. Furthermore, they
shall determine of those things that do appertain to the
common state of all the churches of that resort, or unto any
of the same ; which way may be sufficient for the oversight
of the churches. Lastly, if it seem meet, the delegates
present may be censured.
They that are to meet in such assemblies, are to be chosen
by the consent of the churches of that assembly and confe-
rence to whom it may appertain.
Let such only be chosen that exercise public function in
the church, of ministry or eldership, and which have sub-
scribed to the doctrine and discipline, and have promised to
behave themselves according to the word of God: notwith-
standing, it maybe lawful also to be present for other elders
and other ministers; and likewise (if the assembly think it
meet) for deacons, and for students in divinity, especially
those that exercise themselves in expounding the Holy
Scriptures in the conferences, and be asked their opinion ;
which in students is to this end, that their judgment, in
handling matters ecclesiastical, may be both tried and
sharpened. But they only are to give voice which are
chosen by the churches, and have brought their instructions
signed from them.
If there fall out any very weighty matter to be consulted
of, let notice of it be given to the moderator of the assembly
next going before, or to the minister of that church where
the next meeting is to be : the same is to send word of it in
due time to theminister of every church of that assembly,
they they may communicate it aforehand with those to whom
it appertaineth, that the ^lelegates resorting to the next
meeting may understand and report their judgments.
In appointing of the place for the assembly, regard must
be had of the convenient distance, and other commodities,
XXIV APPENDIX.
that no part may justly complain that they are burdensome
above others.
In every such ecclesiastical assembly, it is meet there be
a moderator : he is to have charge of the assembly, to see
it kept in good order. He is always, if it may be conveni-
ently, to be changed. The choice is to be in this manner :
The moderator of the former assembly of that kind, or,
in his absence, the minister of the church where they meet,
having first prayed fitly to that purpose, is to move the as-
sembly to choose a moderator. He being chosen, is to pro-
vide that the things done in the assembly may be written,
that the delegates of every church may write them out,
and communicate them with the conferences from whence
they came.
The moderator is also, by the order and judgment ef the
assembly, to give answer, either by speech or by letters, to
such as desire any answer ; and to execute censures, if any
be to be executed. Farther, he is to procure all things to
be done in it, godly and quietly; exhorting to meekness,
moderation of spirit, and forbearing one of another where
need shall be, and referring it to the assembly to take order
for such as are obstinate and contentious. Lastly, he is to
remember them of the next meeting following, with thanks
for their pains, and exhortation to proceed cheerfully in
their callings ; and so courteously to dismiss the assembly.
Before such time none may depart without leave of the
assembly.
Those assemblies, according to their kinds, have great
authority, if they be greater, and less if they be less. There-
fore, unless it be a plain act, and manifest unto all, if any
think himself injured by the less meeting, he may appeal
still unto a greater, till he come to a general council ; so
that he ascend orderly from the less to the next greater.
But it is to be understood, that the sentence of the assem-
blies be holden firm, until it be otherwise judged by an as-
sembly of greater authority.
Assemblies or Meetings are either Conferences or Synods.
Conferences are the meetings of the elders of a few
churches, as for example of twelve. There are to meet in
a conference, chosen of the eldership of every particular
APPENDIX. XXV
church, one minister, and one elder. The conferences are
to be kept once in six weeks.
They are specially to look into the state of the churches
of that resort and conference ; examining particularly these
several points : Whether all things be done in them accord-
ing to the holy doctrine and discipline of the gospel ; to wit,
whether any questions be moved concerning any point of
doctrine ? Whether the ecclesiastical discipline be duly ob-
served ? Whether any minister be wanting in any of those
churches, that a sufficient one in due time may be procured ?
Whether the other ministers of public charge in the church
be appointed in every congregation ? Whether care be had
of schools, and for the poor ? Finally, they are to be de-
manded wherein any of them needeth the advice of the con-
ference, for the advancement of the gospel amongst them.
Before the end of the meeting, if it shall be so thought
good by them, let one of the ministers assembled in confer-
ence, either chosen by voice, or taking it by turn, preach
publicly. Of his speech, let the rest judge among them-
selves, the elders being put apart, admonish him brotherly,
if there be any cause, examining all things according to
those rules that are before declared in the chapter con-
cerning the things that are to be performed by those that
preach.
Of Synods.
A synod is the meeting of chosen men of many confer-
ences : in them let the whole treatise of discipline be read :
in them also, other things first being finished, as was said
before, let all those that are present be censured, if it may
be done conveniently, and let them also have a communion
in and with the church where they were called. ,
There are two sorts of synods ; the first is particular,
which comprehendeth both the provincial and national
synod. A provincial synod is the meeting of the chosen
men of every conference within the province. A province
containeth four- and- twenty conferences.
A fit way to call a provincial council may be this : the
care thereof, except themselves will determine of it, may
be committed to the particular eldership of some conference
within the province ; which, by advice of the same confer-
XXVI APPENDIX.
ence, may appoint the place and time for the meeting of the
provincial synod.
To that church or eldership are to be sent the matters
that seemed, to the particular conferences, more difficult for
th,em tp take order in, and such as belong to the churches
of the whole province; which is to be done diligently, and
in good time, that the same may, in due season, give notice
of the place and time of the synod, and of the matters to be
debated therein, that they which shall be sent may come the
better prepared, and judge of them according to the advice
of the conferences. ii^;. | v^ r 'inrffi lofvio '>fiJ
Two ministers, and as many elders, are to be sent from
every conference unto the provincial synod. The same is
to be held every half year, or oftener, till the discipline be
settled. It is to be held three months before every national
synod ; that they may prepare and make ready those things
that pertain to the national. The acts of the provincial
synod are to be sent unto the national, by the eldership of
that church in which it was holden; and every minister is
to be furnished with a copy of them, and with the reasons
of the same. A national synod, or convocation, is a meet-
ing of the chosen men of every province, within the do-
minion of the same nation and civil government. The way
to call it, unless it shall determine otherwise, may be the
same with the provincial, that is, by the eldership of some
particular church, which shall appoint the time and place
of the next national convocation ; but not otherwise than
by the advice of their provincial synod.
Out of every provincial synod there are to be chosen
three ministers, and as many elders, to be sent to the na-
tional. They are to handle the things pertaining to the
churches of the whole nation or kingdom, as the doctrine,
discipline, ceremonies, things not decided by inferior meet-
ings, appeals, and such-like. By the order of the same, one
is to be appointed which may gather into one book the notes
of every particular church.
Thus much for particular meetings; the universal fol-
loweth, which is called a general, or oecumenical council ;
which is a meeting of the chosen men of every national
synod. The acts of all such councils are to be registered
and reported in a book.
APPENDIX. XXVll
The discipline, entitled, "The Discipline of the Church,"
described in the word of God, as far as we can judge, is
taken and drawn from the most pure fountain of the word
of God ; and containeth in it the discipline of the church
that is necessary, essential, and common to all ages of
the church.
The synodical also adjoined, as it resteth upon the same
foundations, is likewise necessary and perpetual ; but as far
as it is not expressly confirmed by authority of the Holy
Scripture, but is applied to the use and times of the church
as their diverse states may require, according to the analogy
and general rules of the same Scripture, is to be judged
profitable for the churches that receive it, but may be
changed in such things as belong not to the essence of the
discipline upon a like godly reason, as the diverse estates
of the church may require.
The Form of the Subscription,
The brethren of the conference of N. whose names are
here underwritten, have subscribed this discipline after this
manner: — This discipline we allow as a godly discipline,
and agreeable to the word of God ; yet so as we may be
satisfied in the things hereunto noted, and desire the same
so acknowledged by us, to be furthered by all lawful means ;
that by public authority of the magistrate, and of our church,
it may be established.
Which thing, if it may be obtained of her right excellent
majesty, and other the magistrates of this kingdom, we pro-
mise that we will do nothing against it, whereby the public
peace of the church may be troubled. In the mean time we
promise to observe it, so far as may be lawful for us so to do,
by the public laws of this kingdom, and by the peace of our
church.
No. V.
A Letter of the Puritan Ministers imprisoned^ to her Majesti/^
in Vindication of their Innocence ; dated April 1592.
" May it please your excellent majesty,
" There is nothing, right gracious sovereign, next to the
XXVIII APPENDIX.
saving mercy of Almighty God, that can be more comfort-
able than your highness's favour, as to all other your faith-
ful and dutiful subjects, so to us your majesty's most humble
suppliants, who are by our calling ministers of God's holy
word ; and by our present condition now, and of long time,
prisoners in divers prisons in and about the city of London ;
for which cause our most humble suit is, that it may please
your most excellent majesty, graciously to understand our ne-
cessary answer to such grievous charges as we hear to be in-
formed against us, which, if they were true, might be just
cause of withdrawing for ever from us your highness's gra-
cious protection and favour, which, above all other earthly
things, we most desire to enjoy. The reason of our trouble
is, a suspicion that we should be guilty of many heinous
crimes ; but these supposed crimes we have not been charged
with in any due and ordinary course of proceeding, by open
accusation and witnesses. But being called up to London
by authority of some of your majesty's commissioners in
causes ecclesiastical, we have been required by them to take
an oath of inquisition, or office, as it is called ; for not
taking whereof we were first committed to prison, and since
have continued there a long time, notwithstanding that all
of us, save one, have been deprived of our livings, and de-
graded of our ministry.
" Wherefore, for that the oath is the next and immediate
cause of our trouble, we have made our answer first to that,
and then after also to the crimes that are suggested, and se-
cretly informed against us.
The Oath.
*' As for the oath, the reason why we took it not, is because
it is without limitation of any certain matter, infinite and
general, to answer whatsoever shall be demanded of us. Of
this kind of oath we find neither rule nor example in the
word of God; but contrariwise, both precepts and prece-
dents of all lawful oaths reported in the same tend to this,
that an oath ought to be taken with judgment, and so as he
that sweareth may see the bounds of his oath, and to what
condition it does bind him, &c. But this oath is to inquire
of our private speeches and conferences, with our dearest
and nearest friends ; yea, of the very secret thoughts and
intents of our hearts, that so we may furnish both matter of
APPENDIX. XXIX
accusation and evidence of proof against ourselves, which
was not used to be done in causes of heresy or high-treason;
for these are the words of the statutes of your most noble
father, Henry VIII.* ' For that the most expert and best
learned cannot escape the danger of such captious interroga-
tories (as the law calleth them) which are accustomed to be
administered by the ordinaries of this realm ; as also that
it standeth not with the right order of justice, or good
equity, that any person should be convicted, or put to the
loss of life, good name, or goods, unless it be by due accusa-
tion and witness, or by presentment, verdict, confession, or
process of outlawry : — and farther, for the avoiding untrue
accusations and presentments which might be maliciously
conspired, and kept secret and unrevealed, till time might
be espied to have men thereof by malice convicted,' it was
ordained, that none should be put to answer but upon accu-
sation and presentments taken in open and manifest courts,
by the oath of twelve men.f
Schism.
" As to the charge of schism, and that we so far con-
demned the state of the church, that we hold it not for any
true, visible church of God, as it is established by public au-
thority within the land, and therefore refuse to have any
part or communion with it in public prayers, or in the
ministry of the word and sacraments : if this were true, we
were of all men living the most unthankful, first to Almighty
God, and next, to your excellent majesty, by whose blessed
means we are partakers of that happy liberty of the profes-
sion of the gospel, and of the true service of God, that by
your highness's gracious government we do enjoy. We ac-
knowledge unfeignedly, as in the sightof God, that this our
church, as it is by your highness's laws and authority es-
tablished among us, having that faith professed and taught
publicly in it, that was agreed of in the convocation of 1562,
and such form of public prayers and administration of the
sacraments, as in the first year of your most gracious reign
was established (notwithstanding any thing that may need
to be revised and farther reformed) is a true visible church
of Christ, from the holy communion whereof, by way of
schism, it is not lawful to depart.
* An. 25 Hen. VIII. cap. 14. t An. 55 Hen. VIII. cap. 15. $. 3.
XXX APPENDIX.
"Our whole life may shew the evident proof hereof; for
always before the time of our trouble, we have lived in the
daily communion of it, not only as private men, but at the
time of our restraint (as many years before) preached and
exercised our ministry in the same; and at this present,
most earnestly beseech all in authority that is set over us,
especially your excellent majesty, that we may so proceed
to serve God and your highness all the days of our life.
Rebellion,
" Another crime suggested against us is, that we should
practise or purpose rebelliously to procure such farther re-
formation of our church as we desire, by violent and undu-
tiful means. Whereunto our ans\yer is, that as we think it
not lawful to make a schism in the church for any thing that
we esteem needful to be reformed in it, so do we, in all sim-
plicity and sincerity of heart, declare, in the presence of
Almighty God, to whom all secrets are known, and of your
excellent majesty, to whom the sword is given of God for
just vengeance and punishment of transgressors, that for
procuring reformation of any thing that we desire to be re-
dressed in the state of our church, we judge it most unlaw-
ful and damnable by the word of God to rebel, and by force
of arms or any violent means to seek redress thereof: and
moreover, that we never intended to use or procure any
other means for the furtherance of such reformation, than
only prayer to Almighty God, and most humble suit to your
excellent majesty, and others in authority, with such-like
dutiful and peaceable means as might give information of
this our suit, and of the reasons moving us thereunto.
Supremacy,
'* The third crime misinformed against us is, that we im-
peach your majesty's supremacy. For answer whereunto
we unfeignedly protest (God being witness, that we speak
the truth herein from our hearts), that we acknowledge your
highness's sovereignty and supreme power, next and imme-
diately under God, over all persons, and in all causes, as
well ecclesiastical as civil, in as large and ample manner
as it is agnized by the high court of parliament in the sta-
tute of recognition, and is set down in the oath of supre-
macy enacted by the same; and as it is farther declared in
APPENDIX. XXXI
your niajes<y*s' injunctions, and also in the articles of reli-
gion agreed in the convocation, and in sundry books of
learned men of oiir nation, published and allowed by pub-
lic authority. We add yet hereunto, that we acknowledge
the same as fully as ever it was in old time acknowledged
by the prophets to belong to the virtuous kings of Judah ;
and as all the reformed churches in Christendom acknow-
ledge the same to their sovereign princes, in the confessions
of their faith exhibited unto them, as they are set down in
a book named the Harmony of Confessions, and the obser-
vatioTis annexed thereunto.
*' And besides the protestation, we appeal to the former
whole course of our lives, wherein it cannot be shewed,
that we ever made question of it; and more particularly by
our public doctrine, declaring the same; and by our taking
the oath of supremacy as occasion hath required.
Excommunication.
"It hath been odiously devised against us, concerning
the persons subject to excommunication, and the power
thereof, how far it extendeth; touching the former — we
judge not otherwise herein, than all the reformed churches
that are this day in the Christian world, nor than our own
English church, both always heretofore hath judged, and
doth still at this present, as may appear by the articles of
religion agreed by the convocation, and by a book of homi-
lies allowed by the same, and also by sundry other books of
greatest credit and authority in our church ; which is, that
the word of God, the sacraments, and the power of binding
and loosing, are all ordinances of Almighty God, graciously
ordained for the comfort and salvation of the whole church ;
and that therefore no part or member of it is to be denied
the comfortable, wholesome aid and benefit thereof, for the
furtherance of their faith, and (as need may require) of
their repentance, &c.
" For the other part, how far this censure extendeth, we
profess that it depriveth a mau only of spiritual comforts,
as of being partaker of the Lord's table, and being present
at the public prayers of the church, or such-like, without
taking away either liberty, goods, lands, government pri-
vate or public whatsoever, or any other civil or earthly com-
modity of this life. Wherefore, from our hearts we detest
XXXll APPENDIX.
and abhor that intolerable presumption of the bishop of
Rome, taking upon him, in such cases, to depose sovereign
princes from their highest seats of supreme government, and
discharging their subjects from that dutiful obedience, that
by the laws of God they ought to perform.
Conferences,
'^ Concerning our conferences, we have been charged to
have given orders, and made ministers, and to have admi-
nistered the censures of the church, and finally to have ex-
ercised all ecclesiastical jurisdiction. To which suggestion
we answer, that indeed of long time we have used, as other
ministers have done (as we think in most parts of the land),
to meet sometimes and confer together ; which being granted
to all good and dutiful subjects upon occasion to resort and
meet together, we esteem it is lawful for us to do so.
'* For besides the common affairs of all men, which may
give them just cause to meet with their acquaintance and
friends, mutually to communicate for their comfort and help
one with another ; men professing learning have more ne-
cessary and special use of such conferences, for their fur-
therance in such knowledge as they profess. — But such as
are professed ministers of the word have sundry great
and necessary causes so to do more than others, because of
the manifold knowledge both of divinity, and also of divers
tongues and sciences, that are of great use for the better
enabling them for their ministry ; in which respect the con-
ferences of the ministers were allowed by many bishops with-
in their diocesses, and to our knowledge never disallowed
or forbidden by any. Some late years also have given us
more special cause of conferring together, where Jesuits,
Seminaries, and other heretics, sought to seduce many ; and
wherein also some schismatics condemned the whole state
of our church, as no part of the true visible church of Christ,
and therefore refused to have any part or communion with
it : upon which occasion, it is needful for us to advise of
the best way and means we could, to keep the people that
we had charge to instruct from such damnable errors.
" Farther also particularly, because some reckoned us to
have part with their schism, and reported us to agree in no-
thing, but to differ one from another in the reformation we
desire ; we have special cause to confer together, that we
APPENDIX. XXXIU
nii^ht set down some things touching such matters, which
at all times, whensoever we should be demanded, might be
our true and just defence, both to clear us from partaking
with the schism, and to witness for us that we agreed in the
reformation we desire.
" But as touching the thing surmised of our meetings, that
we exercise in them all ecclesiastical jurisdiction, in making-
ministers, in censuring and excommunicating, in ordaining
constitutions and orders upon such censures to bind any ;
we protest before God and the holy angels, that we never
exercised any partof such jurisdiction, nor had any purpose
agreed among us to exercise the same, before we should by
public law be authorized thereunto.
*' Farther also, touching such our meetings, we affirm that
they were only of ministers (saving in some parts where a
schoolmaster, two or three, desirous to train themselves to
the ministry joined with us), and the same, but of six or
seven, or like small number in a conference, without all
deed of appearance that might be offensive to any.
Singularity.
" Which though it be not subject to any punishment of
law, yet is suggested against us by such as favour not our
most humble desire of a farther reformation, to disgrace us,
and make us odious with others, and chiefly with your ex-
cellent majesty ; whereunto our answer is, that the disci-
pline of the primitive church is ancient and so acknowledged
by the book of Common Prayer — in these words, *' that there
was a godly discipline in the primitive church; instead
whereof, until the said discipline may be restored again
(which thing is much to be wished), it is thought convenient
to use such a form of commination as is prescribed.
'* Farther also, if it please your majesty with favour to
understand it from us, we are ready to shew, that in such
points of ecclesiastical discipline of our church, which we
desire most humbly may be reformed, we hold no singular
or private opinion, but the truth of the word of God, ac-
knowledged to be such by all the best churches and writers
of ancient time, and of this present age.
" Thus have we declared, right gracious sovereign, truly
and sincerely, as we will answer it before God, and to your
majesty upon our allegiance, what judgment we are of con-
TOL. v. c
XXXIV APPENDIX.
cerning the matters informed against us ; and farther testify,
that no minister within this land desiring a farther reforma-
tion, with whom we have had any private acquaintance or
conference of these matters (whosoever may be otherwise
informed), is of an-y other mind or opinion in these cases
that have been named; by which declaration, if (according
to our earnest prayers to Almighty God) your majesty shall
clearly discern us to stand free from all such matters as we
are charged with, our most humble suit is, that your ma-
jesty's gracious favour (which is more dear and precious to
us than our lives) may be extended to us, and that by means
thereof we may enjoy the comfortable liberty of our per-
sons and ministr}^, as we did before our troubles; which if
by your highness's special mercy and goodness we may ob-
tain, we promise and vow to Ahuighty God, and your ex-
cellent majesty, to behave ourselves in so peaceable and du-
tiful sort in every respect, as may give no just cause of your
highness's offence, but according to our callings, both in
doctrine and example as heretofore, so always hereafter, to
teach due obedience to your majesty among other parts of
holy doctrine ; and to pray for your majesty's long and
blessed reign over us," &c.*
No. VI.
Articles of religion agreed upon bt/ the archbishops and bi-
shops, and the rest of the clergy of Ireland, in the convoca-
tion holden at Dublin, in the year of our Lord I6lb, for
the avoiding of diversities of opinions, and the establishing
of consent touching true religion.
N. B. In these articles are comprehended, almost word for
word the nine articles, agreed on at Lambeth the 20th of
November, 1395. This mark * points at each of them,
and their number.
Of the Holy Scriptures and the Three Creeds.
\. The ground of our religion, and the rule of faith, and
all saving truth, is the word of God, contained in the Holy
Scripture.
• Strrp*'* Ann. vol. ult. p. 8,S, 5ic.
APPENDIX. XXXV
2. By the name of Holy Scripture we understand all the
canonical books of the Old and New Testament, viz.
Of the Old Testament,
Tb^ five books of Moses, The first and second of Ecclesiastes,
Joshua, Chronicles,
The Song of Solomon,
Judges, Ezra,
Isaiah,
Roth, Nehemiah,
Jeremiah, his prophecy and
The first and second of Sa- Esther,
Lamentation,
muel. Job,
Ezekiel,
The first and second of Psalms,
Daniel,
Kings, Proverbs,
The twelve less prophets.
Of the New Testament.
The Gospels according to Galatians,
Hebrews,
Matthew, Ephesians,
The Epistle of St. James,
Mark, Philippiaus,
The two Epistles of St. Pe-
Luke, Colossians,
ter,
John, The First and Second Epis-
The three Epistles of St.
The Acts of the Apostles, tie to the Thessalonians,
John,
The Epistle of St. Paul to The First and Second Epis-
St.Jude,
the Romans, tie to Timothy,
The Revelation of St. John.
The First and Second Epis- Titus,
e
tie to the Corinthians, Philemon,
All which we acknowledge to be given by the inspiration
of God, and in that regard to be of most certain credit and
highest authority.
3. The other books, commonly called Apocryphal, did
not proceed from such inspiration, and therefore are not of
sufficient authority to establish any point of doctrine ; but
the church doth read them as books containing many worthy
things for example of life and instruction of manners.
Such are these following ;
The third book of Esdras,
The fourth book of Esdras,
The book of Tobias,
The book of Judith,
Additions to the book of
Esther,
The book of Wisdom,
The book of Jesus the Son Susannah,
of Sirach, called Eccle- Bell and the Dragon,
siasticos. The Prayer of Manasses,
Baruch, with the epistle The first book of Macca-
of Jeremiah, bees.
The Song of the Three Chil- The Second book of Mao«
dren, cabees.
4. The Scriptures ought to be translated out of the ori-
ginal tongues into all languages, for the common use of all
men. Neither is any person to be discouraged from read-
ing the Bible in such a language as he doth understand, but
seriously exhorted to read the same with great humility
and reverence, as a special means to bring him to the true
knowledge of God, and of his own duty.
c2
XXXVI APPENDIX.
5. Although there be some hard things in the Scripture
(especially such as have proper relation to the times in
which they were first uttered, and prophecies of things which
were afterward to be fulfilled), yet all things necessary to
be known unto everlasting salvation, are clearly delivered
therein; and nothing of that kind is spoken under dark mys-
teries in one place, which is not in other places spoken more
familiarly and plainly to the capacity both of learned and
unlearned.
6. The Holy Scriptures contain all things necessary to
salvation, and are able to instruct sufficiently in all points
of faith that we are bound to believe, and all good duties
that we are bound to practise.
7. All and every the articles contained in the Nicene
creed, the creed of Athanasius, and that which is commonly
called the Apostles' creed, ought firmly to be received and
believed, for they may be proved by most certain warrant
of Holy Scripture.
Of Faith in the Holy Trinity,
8. There is but one living and true God, everlasting,
without body, parts, or passions, of infinite power, wisdom,
and goodness; the maker and preserver of all things, both
visible and invisible. And in unity of this Godhead there
be three persons of one and the same substance, power, and
eternity, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost.
9. The essence of the Father doth not beget the essence
of the Son; but the person of the Father begetteth the
person of the Son, by communicating his whole essence ta
the person begotten from eternity.
10. The Holy Ghost, proceeding from the Father and
the Son, is of one substance, majesty, and glory, with the
Father and the Son, very and eternal God.
Of God's eternal Decree and Predestination.
11. God from all eternity did, by his unchangeable coun-
sel, ordain whatsoever in time should come to pass; yet so,
as thereby no violence is offered to the wills of the reason-
able creatures, and neither the liberty nor the contingency
of the second cause is taken away, but established rather.
* J2. " By the same eternal counsel God hath predesti-
nated some unto life, and reprobated some unto death ;
APPENDIX. XXXVII
of both which there is a certain number, known only to
God, which can neither be increased nor diminished."
IS. Predestination to life is the everlasting purpose of
God, whereby, before the foundations of the world were
laid, he hath constantly decreed in his secret counsel, to de-
liver from curse and damnation, those whom he hath cho-
sen in Christ out of mankind, and to bring them by Christ
unto everlasting salvation, as vessels made to honour.
* II. 14. "The cause moving God to predestinate unto
life, is not the foreseeing of faith, or of perseverance, or
of good works, or of any thing which is in the person pre-
destinated, but only the good pleasure of God himself"
For all things being: ordained for the manifestation of
Oct
his glory, and his glory being to appear, both in the works
of his mercy and of his justice, it seemed good to his heavenly
wisdom to choose out a certain number, towards whom he
would extend his undeserved mercy, leaving the rest to be
spectacles of his justice.
15. Such as are predestinated unto life be called accord-
ing unto God's purpose (his Spirit working in due season),
and through grace they obey the calling; they be justified
freely; they be made sons of God by adoption; they be
made like the image of his only-begotten Son Jesus Christ ;
they walk religiously in good works, and at length by God's
mercy they attain to everlasting felicity.
* IV. *' But such as are not predestinated to salvation,
shall finally be condemned for their sins."
16. The godly consideration of predestination, and our
election in Christ, is full of sweet, pleasant, and unspeak-
able comfort to godly persons, and such as feel in themselves
the working of the Spirit of Christ, mortifying the works of
the flesh, and their earthly members, and drawing up their
minds to high and heavenly things, as well because it doth
greatly confirm andestablish their faith of eternal salvation
to be enjoyed through Christ, as because it doth fervently
kindle their love towards God; and on the contrary side,
for curious and carnal persons, lacking the Spirit of Christ,
to have continually before their eyes the sentence of God's
predestination, is very dangerous.
17. We must receive God's promises in such wise as they
be generally set forth unto us in Holy Scripture ; and in our
XXXVlll APPENDIX.
doings, that will of God is to be followed, which we have
expressly declared unto us in the word of God.
Of the Creation and Government of all Things,
18. In the beginning of time, when no creature had any
being, God by his word alone, in the space of six days, cre-
ated all things ; and afterward by his Providence doth con-
tinue, propagate, and order them, according to his own
will.
19. The principal creatures are angels and men.
20. Of angels, some continued in that holy state wherein
they were created, and are by God's grace for ever esta-
blished therein ; others fell from the same, and are reserved
in chains of darkness unto the judgment of the great day.
21. Man being at the beginning created according to the
image of God (which consisted especially in the wisdom of
his mind, and the true holiness of his free-will), had the co-
venant of the law ingrafted in his heart, whereby God did
promise unto him everlasting life, upon condition that he
performed entire and perfect obedience unto his command-
ments, according to that measure of strength wherewith he
was endued in his creation, and threatened death unto him
if he did not perform the same.
Of the Fall of Man, Original Sin, and the State of Man
before Justification.
22. By one man sin entered into the world, and death by
sin, and so death went over all men, forasmuch as all have
sinned.
2S. Original sin standeth not in the imitation of Adam
(as the Pelagians dream), but is the fault and corruption of
the nature of every person that naturally is engendered and
propagated from Adam, whereby it cometh to pass, that man
is deprived of original righteousness, and by nature is bent
unto sin ; and therefore in every person born into the world,
it deserveth God's wrath and damnation.
24. This corruption of nature doth remain even in those
that are regenerated, whereby the flesh always lusteth
against the Spirit, and cannot be made subject to the law of
God. And howsoever, for Christ's sake, there be no con-
demnation to such as are regenerate and do believe ; yet
APPENDIX. XXXIX
doth the apostle acknowledge, that in itself this concupi-
scence hath the nature of sin.
* IX. 25. " The condition ofman, after the fall of Adam,
is such, that he cannot turn and prepare himself, by his
own natural strength and good works, to faith, and
calling upon God." .;
Wherefore we have no power to do good works, pleasing
and acceptable unto God, without the grace of God pre-
venting us, that we may have a good will, and working with
us, when we have that good will.
26. Works done before the grace of Christ, and the inspi-
ration of his Spirit, are not pleasing unto God, forasmuch
as they spring not of faith in Jesus Christ, neither do they
make men meet to receive grace (or, as the school authors
say, deserve grace of congruity); yea rather, for that they
are not done in such sort that God hath willed and com-
manded them to be done, we doubt not but they are sinful.
27. All sins are not equal, but some far more heinous
than others ; yet the very least is of its own nature mortal,
and without God's mercy maketh the offender liable unto
everlasting damnation.
28. God is not the author of sin : howbeit he doth not
only permit, but also by his providence govern and order
the same, guiding it in such sort by his infinite wisdom, as
it turneth to the manifestation of his own glory, and to the
good of his elect.
Of Christy the Mediator of the second Covenant,
29. The Son, which is the Word of the Father, begotten
from everlasting of the Father, the true and eternal God,
of one substance with the Father, took man's nature in the
womb of the blessed Virgin, of her substance; so that two
whole and perfect natures, that is to say, the Godhead and
manhood, were inseparably joined in one person, making
one Christ, very God and very man.
SO. Christ, in the truth of our nature, was made like unto
us in all things, sin only excepted, from which he was
clearly void, both in his life and in his nature. He came
as a lamb without spot to take away the sins of the world,
by the sacrifice of himself once made, and sin (as St. John
saith) was not in him. He fulfilled the law for us per-
Xl APPENDIX.
fectly ; for our sakes he endured most grievous torments
immediately in his soul, and most painful sufferings in his
body. He was crucified, and died to reconcile his Father
unto us ; and to be a sacrifice not only for original guilt,
but also for all our actual transgressions. He was buried,
and descended into hell, and the third day rose from the
dead, and took again his body, with flesh, bones, and all
things appertaining to the perfection of man's nature, where-
with he ascended into heaven, and there sitteth at the right
hand of his Father, until he return to judge all men at the
last day.
Of the communicating of the Grace of Christ.
31. They are to be condemned that presume to say, that
every man shall be saved by the law or sect which he pro-
fesseth, so that he be diligent to frame his life according to
that law, and the light of nature ; for Holy Scripture doth
set out unto us only the name of Jesus Christ whereby men
must be saved.
32. * Vin. " None can come unto Christ unless it be
given unto him, and unless he draw him. And all men
are not so drawn by the Father, that they may come
unto the Son ; [*VII.] neither is there such a sufficient
measure of grace vouchsafed unto every man, whereby
he is enabled to come unto everlasting life."
33. All God's elect are in their time inseparably united
unto Christ, by the effectual and vital influence of the Holy
Ghost, derived from him, as from the head, unto every true
member of his mystical body. And being thus made one
with Christ, they are truly regenerated, and made partakers
of him and all his benefits.
Of Justification and Faith.
34. We are accounted righteous before God, only for the
merit of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, applied by
faith, and not for our own works or merits. And this righ-
teousness, which we so receive of God's mercy and Christ's
merits, embraced by faith, is taken, accepted, and allowed
of God, for our perfect and full justification.
3b, Although this justification be Uee unto us, yet it
Cometh not so freely unto us, that there is no ransom paid
therefore at all. God shewed his mercy in delivering us
APPENDIX. xli
from our former captivity, without requiring any ransom to
be paid, or amends to be made, on our parts, which thing
by us had been impossible to be done. And whereas all the
world was not able of themselves to pay any part towards
their ransom, it pleased our heavenly Father, of his infinite
mercy, without any desert of ours, to provide for us the
most precious merits of his own Son, whereby our ransom
might be fully paid, the law fulfilled, and his justice fully
satisfied ; so that Christ is now the righteousness of all them
that truly believe in him : he for them paid their ransom by
his death ; he for them fulfilled the law in his life ; that now
in him, and by him, every true Christian man may be called
a fulfiller of the law; forasmuch as that which our infirmity
was notable to eflect, Christ's justice hath performed; and
thus the justice and mercy of God do embrace each other,
the grace of God not shutting out the justice of God in the
matter of our justification, but only shutting out the justice
of man (that is to say, the justice of our own works) from
being any cause of deserving our justification.
36. When we say, that we are justified by faith only, we
do not mean, that the said justifying faith is alone in man
without true repentance, hope, charity, and the fear of God
(for such a faith is dead, and cannot justify); neither do we
mean, that this our act to believe in Christ, or this our faith
in Christ, which is within us, doth of itself justify us, or de-
serve our justification unto us (for that were to account
ourselves to be justified by the virtue or dignity of some-
thing that is within ourselves) : but the true understanding
and meaning thereof is, that although we hear God's word,
and believe it ; although we have faith, hope, charity, re-
pentance, and the fear of God, within us, and add never so
many good works thereunto, yet we must renounce the me-
rit of all our said virtues, of faith, hope, charity, and all
our other virtues and good deeds, which we either have
done, shall do, or can do. as things that be far too weak,
and imperfect, and insufficient, to deserve remission of our
sins, and our justification ; and therefore we must trust only
in God's mercy, and the merits of his most dearly beloved
Son, our only Redeemer, Saviour and Justifier,Jesus Christ.
Neverthelesss, because faith doth directly send us to Christ
for our justification, and that by faith, given us of God, we
Xlii APPENDIX.
embrace the promise of God's mercy, and the remission of
our sins (which thing none other of our virtues or works
properly doth), therefore the Scripture useth to say, that
faith without works, and the ancient fathers of the church
to the same purpose, that only faith doth justify us.
37. By justifying faith we understand, not only the com-
mon belief of the articles of the Christian religion, and a
persuasion of the truth of God's word in general, but also
a particular application of the gracious promises of the gos-
pel to the comfort of our own souls, whereby we lay hold
on Christ with all his benefits, having an earnest trust and
confidence in God, that he will be merciful unto us for his
only Son's sake.
* VI. " So that a true believer may be certain, by the
assurance of faith, of the forgiveness of his sins, and of
his everlasting salvation by Christ."
S8. * V. ''A true, lively, justifying faith, and the sancti-
fying Spirit of God, is not extinguished, nor vanisheth
away in the regenerate, either finally or totally."
Of Sancttfication and Good Works,
39. All that are justified are likewise sanctified, their
faith being always accompanied with true repentance and
good works.
40. Repentance is a gift of God, whereby a godly sorrow
is wrought in the heart of the faithful for offending God,
their merciful Father, by their former transgressions, toge-
ther with a constant resolution for the time to come to
cleave unto God, and to lead a new life.
41. Albeit that good works, which are the fruits of faith,
and follow after justification, cannot make satisfaction for
our sins, and endure the severity of God's judgment; yet
are they pleasing to God, and accepted of him in Christ,
and do spring from a true and lively faith, which by them is
to be discerned as a tree by the fruit.
42. The works which God would have his people to walk
in, are such as he hath commanded in his Holy Scripture,
and not such works as men have devised out of their own
brain, of a blind zeal and devotion, without the warrant of
the word of God.
43. The regenerate cannot fulfil the law of God per-
APPENDIX. xliii
fectly in this life, for in many things we offend all ; and if
we say we have no sin, we deceive ourselves, and the truth
is not in us.
44. Not every heinous sin willingly committed after bap-
tism, is sin against the Holy Ghost and unpardonable ; and
therefore, to such as fall into sin after baptism, place for re-
pentance is not to be denied.
45. Voluntary works, besides over and above God's com-
mandments, which they call works of supererogation, can-
not be taught without arrogancy and impiety ; for by them
men do declare, that they do not only render unto God as
much as they are bound to do, but that they do more for his
sake than of bounden duty is required.
Of the Service of God.
46. Our duty towards God, is to believe in him, to fear
him, and to love him, with all our heart, with all our mind,
and with all our soul, and with all our strength : to worship
hira, and to give him thanks, to put our whole trust in him,
to call upon him, to honour his holy name and his word, and
to serve him truly all the days our life.
47. In all our necessities we ought to have recourse unto
God by prayer, assuring ourselves, that whatsoever we ask
of the Father in the name of his Son (our only mediator
and intercessor) Christ Jesus, and according to his will, he
will undoubtedly grant it.
48. We ought to prepare our hearts before we pray, and
understand the things that we ask when we pray, that both
our hearts and voices may together sound in the ears of
God's majesty.
49. When Almighty God smiteth us with affliction, or
some great calamity hangeth over us, or any other weighty
cause so requireth, it is our duty to humble ourselves in
fasting, to bewail our sins with a sorrowful heart, and to
addict ourselves to earnest prayer, that it might please God
to turn his wrath from us, or supply us with such graces as
we greatly stand in need of.
50. Fasting is a withholding of meat, drink, and all natu-
ral food, with other outward delights, from the body, for
the determined time of fasting. *' As for those abstinences
which are appointed by public order of our state, for eating
offish, and forbearing of flesh at certain times and days ap-
xHv APPENDIX,
pointed, they are uo ways meant to be religious fasts, nor
intended for the maintenance of any superstition in the
choice of meats, but are grounded merely upon politic con-
siderations, for provision of things tending to the better
preservation of the commonwealth."
51. We must not fast with this persuasion of mind, that
our fasting can bring us to heaven, or ascribe outward ho-
liness to the work wrought; for God alloweth not our fast
for the work's sake (which of itself is a thing merely indif-
ferent), but chiefly respecteth the heart, how it is affected
therein ; it is therefore requisite, that first before all things
we cleanse our hearts from sin, and then direct our fast to
such ends as God will allow to be good ; that the flesh may
thereby be chastised, the spirit may be more fervent in
prayer, and that our fasting may be a testimony of our hum-
ble submission to God's majesty, when we acknowledge
our sins unto him, and are inwardly touched with sorrow-
fulness of heart, bewailing the same in the affliction of our
bodies.
52. All worship devised by man's fantasy, besides or con-
trary to the Scriptures (as wandering on pilgrimages, setting
up of candles, stations, and jubilees, pharisaical sects, and
feigned religions, praying upon beads, and such-like super-
stition), hath not only no promise of reward in Scripture,
but contrariwise threatenings and maledictions.
53. All manner of expressing God the Father, the Son,
and the Holy Gliost, in an outward form, is utterly unlaw-
ful; as also all other images devised or made by man to the
use of religion.
54 All religious worship ought to be given to God alone,
from whom all goodness, health, and grace, ought to be
both asked and looked for, as from the very author and
giver of the same, and from none other.
55. The name of God is to be used with all reverence
and holy respect, and therefore all vain and rash swear-
ing is utterly to be condemned; yet notwithstanding,
upon lawful occasions, an oath may be given and taken,
according to the word of God, justice, judgment, and
truth.
56. The first day of the week, which is the Lord's day,
is wholly to be dedicated to the service of God, and there-
fore we are bound therein to rest from our common and
APPENDIX. Xlv
daily business, and to bestow that leisure upon holy exer-
cises, both public and private.
Of the Civil Magistrate.
57. The king's majesty under God hath the sovereign
and chief power, within his realms and dominions, over all
manner of persons, of what estate, either ecclesiastical or
civil, soever they be, so as no other foreign power hath or
ought to have any superiority over them.
58. We do profess, that the supreme government of all
estates within the said realms and dominions, in all causes,
as well ecclesiastical as temporal, doth of right appertain
to the king's highness. Neither do we give unto him hereby
the administration of the word and sacraments, or the power
of the keys, but that prerogative only which we see to have
been always given unto all godly princes in Holy Scripture
by God himself; that is, that he should contain all estates
and degrees committed to his charge by God, whether they
be ecclesiastical or civil, within their duty, and restrain the
stubborn and evil-doers with the power of the civil sword.
59. The pope, neither of himself, nor by any authority of
the church or see of Rome, or by any other means with any
other, hath any power or authority to depose the king, or
dispose of any of his kingdoms or dominions, or to authorize
any other prince to invade or annoy him, or his countries,
or to discharge any of his subjects of their allegiance and
obedience to his majesty, or to give licence or leave to any
of them to bear arms, raise tumult, or to offer any violence
or hurt to his royal person, state, or government, or to any
of his subjects within his majesty's dominions.
60. That princes which be excommunicated or deprived
by the pope may be deposed or murdered by their subjects,
or any other whatsoever, is impious doctrine.
61. The laws of the realm may punish Christian men with
death for heinous and grievous offences.
62. It is lawful for Christian men, at the commandment
of the magistrate, to bear arms, and to serve in just wars.
Of our Duty towards our Neighbours.
63. Our duty towards our neighbours, is to love them as
ourselves, and to do to all men as we would they should do
to us ; to honour and obey our superiors, to preserve the
Xlvi APPENDIX.
safety of men's persons, as also their chastity, goods, and
good names ; to bear no malice nor hatred in our hearts ;
to keep our bodies in temperance, soberness, and chastity;
to be true and just in all our doings; not to covet other
men's goods, but labour truly to get our own living, and to
do our duty in that estate of life unto which it pleaseth God
to call us.
64. For the preservation of the chastity of men's persons,
wedlock is commanded unto all persons that stand in need
thereof. Neither is there any prohibition by the word of
God, but that the ministers of the church may enter into the
state of matrimony, they being no where commanded by
God's law, either to vow the state of single life, or to ab-
stain from marriage ; therefore it is lawful also for them, as
well as for all other Christian men, to marry at their own
discretion, as they shall judge the same to serve better to
godliness.
65. The riches and goods of Christians are not common,
as touching the right, title, and possession, of the same, as
certain Anabaptists falsely affirm ; notwithstanding every
man ought, of such things as he possesseth, liberally to give
alms to the poor, according to his ability.
66. Faith given is to be kept, even with heretics and in-
fidels.
67. The Popish doctrine of equivocation and mental re-
servation is most ungodly, and tendeth plainly to the sub-
version of all human society.
Of the Church and outward Ministry of the Gospel.
68. There is but one catholic church (out of which there
is no salvation), containing the universal company of all the
saints that ever were, are, or shall be, gathered together in
one body, under one head, Christ Jesus; part whereof is
already in heaven triumphant, part as yet militant here
upon earth. And because this church consisteth of all those,
and those alone, which are elected by God unto salvation,
and regenerated by the power of his Spirit, the number of
whom is known only unto God himself, therefore it is called
the catholic or universal, and the invisible church.
69. But particular and visible churches (consisting of
those who make profession of the faith of Christ, and live
under the outward means of salvation) be many in number ;
APPFNDrx. xlvii
wherein, the more or less sincerely, according to Christ's
institution, the word of God is taught, the sacraments are
administered, and the authority of the keys used is, the
more or less pure as such churches to be accounted.
70. Although in the visible church the evil be ever min-
gled with the good ; and sometimes the evil have chief au-
thority in the ministration of the word and sacraments, yet
forasmuch as they do not the same in their own name, but
in Christ's, and minister by his commission and authority,
we may use their ministry both in hearing the word, and
in receiving the sacraments. Neither is the effect of Christ's
ordinance taken away by their wickedness, nor the grace of
God's gifts diminished from such as by faith do rightly re-
ceive the sacraments ministered unto them, which are ef-
fectual, because of Christ's institution and promise, although
they be ministered by evil men. Nevertheless, it apper-
taineth to the discipline of the church, that inquiry be made
of evil ministers, and that they be accused by those that
have knowledge of their offences, and finally, being found
guilty by just judgment, be deposed.
71. It is not lawful for any man to take upon him the of-
fice of public preaching, or ministering the sacraments of the
church, unless he be first lawfully called, and sent to execute
the same. And those we ought to judge lawfully called
and sent, which be chosen and called to this work by men
who have public authority given them in the church to call
and send ministers into the Lord's vineyard.
72. To have public prayer in the church, or to administer
the sacraments in a tongue not understood of the people, is
a thing plainly repugnant to the word of God and the custom
of the primitive church.
73. That person which by public denunciation of the
church, is rightly cut off from the unity of the church, and
excommunicate, ought to be taken of the whole multitude
of the faithful as a heathen and publican, until by repent-
ance be be openly reconciled and received into the church,
by the judgment of such as have authority in that behalf.
74. God hath given power to his ministers not simply to
forg^ive sins (which prerogative he hath reserved only to
himself), but in his name to declare and pronounce unto
such as truly repent, and unfeignedly believe his holy gos-
pel, the absolution and forgiveness of sins. Neither is it
Xlviii APPENDIX.
God's pleasure that his people should be tied to make a par-
ticular confession of ail their known sins unto any mortal
man; howsoever, any person, grieved in his conscience
upon any special cause, may well resort unto any godly and
learned minister^ Co receive advice and comfort at his hands.
Of the Authoritj/ of the Churchy general Councils^ and
Bishop of Rome.
75. It is not lawful for the church to ordain any thing
that is contrary to God's word; neither may it so expound
one place of Scripture, that it be repugnant to another.
Wherefore, although the church be a witness, and a keeper
of holy writ, yet as it ought not to decree any thing against
the same, so besides the same ought it not to enforce any
thing to be believed upon necessity of salvation.
76. General councils may not be gathered together with-
out the commandment and will of princes; and when they
be gathered together (forasmuch as they be an assembly of
men not always governed with the Spirit and word of God)
they may err, and sometimes have erred, even in things per-
taining to the rule of piety ; wherefore things ordained by
them as necessary to salvation, have neither strength nor
authority, unless it may be shewed that they be taken out of
the Holy Scriptures.
77. Every particular church hath authority to institute,
to change, and clean to put away, ceremonies and other ec-
clesiastical rites, as they be superfluous, or be abused, and
to constitute other, making more to seemliness, to order, or
edification.
78. As the churches of Jerusalem, Alexandria, and An-
tioch, have erred, so also the church of Rome hath erred,
not only in those things which concern matters of practice
and point of ceremonies, but also in matters of faith.
79. The power which the bishop of Rome now chal-
lengeth, to be the supreme head of the universal church of
Christ, and to be above all emperors, kings, and princes, is
a usurped power, contrary to the Scriptures and word of
God, and contrary to the example of the primitive church,
and therefore is for most Just causes taken away and abo-
lished, within the king's majesty's realms and dominions.
80. The bishop of Rome is so far from being the supreme
head of the universal church of Christ, that his works and
APPENDIX. Xlix
doctrine do plainly discover him to be that man of sin fore-
told in the Holy Scriptures, ^' whom the Lord shall con-
sume with the spirit of his mouth, and abolish with the
brightness of his coming."
Of the State of the Old and New Testament.
81. In the Old Testament the commandments of the law
were more largely, and the promises of Christ more spa-
ringly and darkly propounded; shadowed with a multitude
of types and figures, and so much more generally and ob-
scurely delivered, as the manifesting of them was far-
ther off.
82. The Old Testament is not contrary to the New ; for
both in the Old and New Testament everlasting life is of-
fered to mankind by Christ, who is the only mediator be-
tween God and man, being both God and man ; wherefore
they are not to be heard, which feign that the old fathers
did look only for transitory promises, for they looked for all
the benefits of God the Father, through the merits of his
son Jesus Christ, as we now do; only they believed in
Christ which should come, we in Christ already come.
83. The New Testament is full of grace and truth, bring-
ing joyful tidings unto mankind, that whatsoever formerly
was promised of Christ is now accomplished; and so in-
stead of the ancient types and ceremonies exhibiteth the
things themselves, with a large and clear declaration of all
the benefits of the gospel. Neither is the ministry thereof
restrained any longer to one circumcised nation, but is in-
differently propounded unto all people, whether they be
Jews or Gentiles; so that there is now no nation, which can
truly complain that they be shut forth from the communion
of saints, and the liberties of the people of God.
84. Although the law given from God by Moses, as touch-
ing ceremonies and rites, be abolished, and the civil pre-
cepts thereof be not of necessity to be received in any
commonwealth; yet notwithstanding, no Christian man
whatsoever is freed from the obedience of the command-
ments which are called moral.
Of the Sacraments of the New Testament.
85. The sacraments ordained by Christ are not only
badges or tokens of Christian men's profession, but rather
VOL. v. d
1 APPENDIX.
certain sure witnesses, and effectual or powerful signs, of
grace and God's good-will towards us, by which he doth
work invisibly in us, and not only quicken, but also
strengthen and confirm our faith in him.
86. There be two sacraments ordained of Christ our
Lord in the gospel, that is to say, baptism and the Lord's
supper.
87. Those five which by the church of Rome are called
sacraments, to wit, confirmation, penance, orders, matri-
mony, and extreme unction, are not to be accounted sacra-
ments of the gospel, being such as have partly grown from
corrupt imitation of the apostles, partly are states of life
allowed in the Scriptures, but yet have not like nature of
sacraments with baptism and the Lord's supper, for that
they have not any visible sign or ceremony ordained of
God, together with a promise of saving grace annexed
thereunto.
88. The sacraments were not ordained of Christ to be
gazed upon, or to be carried about, but that we should duly
use them. And in such only as worthily receive the same,
they have a wholesome effect and operation ; but they that
receive them unworthily, thereby drawjudgment upon them-
selves.
Of Baptism.
89. Baptism is not only an outward sign of our profes-
sion, and a note of difference, whereby Christians are dis-
cerned from such as are no Christians; but much more, a
sacrament of our admission into the church, sealing unto us
our new birth (and consequently our justification, adoption,
and sanctification) by the communion which we have with
Jesus Christ.
90. The baptism of infants is to be retained in the church
as agreeable to the word of God.
91. In the administration of baptism, exorcism, oil, salt,
spittle, and superstitious hallowing of the water, are for
just causes abolished ; and without them the sacrament is
fully and perfectly administered to all intents and pur-
poses, agreeable to the institution of our Saviour Christ.
Of the Lord's Supper.
92. The Lord's supper is not only a sign of the mutual
1
APPENDIX. H
love which Christians ought to bear one towards another,
but much more, a sacrament of our preservation in the
church, sealing unto us our spiritual nourishment, and con-
tinual growth in Christ.
93. The change of the substance of bread and wine into
the substance of the body and blood of Christ, commonly
called transubstantiation, cannot be proved by holy writ,
but is repugnant to plain testimonies of the Scripture,
overthroweth the nature of a sacrament, and hath given
occasion to most gross idolatry and manifold supersti-
tions.
94. In the outward part of the holy communion, the body
and blood of Christ is in a most lively manner represented,
being no otherwise present with the visible elements than
things signified and sealed are present with the signs and
seals ; that is to say, symbolically and relatively. But in the
inward and spiritual part, the same body and blood is really
and substantially presented unto all those who have grace
to receive the Son of God, even to all those that believe in
his name. And unto such as in this manner do worthily
and with faith repair unto the Lord's table, the body and
blood of Christ is not only signified and offered, but also
truly exhibited and communicated.
95. The body of Christ is given, taken, and eaten, in the
Lord's supper, only after a heavenly and spiritual manner;
and the mean whereby the body of Christ is thus received
and eaten, is faith.
96. The wicked, and such as want a lively faith, although
they do carnally and visibly, as St. Augustine speaketh,
press with their teeth the sacrament of the body and blood
of Christ, yet in no wise are they made partakers of Christ,
but rather to their condemnation do eat and drink the sign
or sacrament of so great a thing.
97. Both the parts of the Lord's sacrament, according to
Christ's institution, and the practice of the ancient church,
ought to be ministered unto all God's people; and it is
plain sacrilege to rob them of the mystical cup, for whom
Christ hath shed his most precious blood.
98. The sacrament of the Lord's supper was not by
Christ's ordinance reserved, carried about, lifted up, or
worshipped.
99. The sacrifice of the mass, wherein the priest is said
d 2
lii APPENDIX.
to offer up Christfor obtaining the remission of pain or guilt
for the quick and the dead, is neither agreeable to Christ's
ordinance, nor grounded upon doctrine apostolic : but con-
trariwise most ungodly, and most injurious to that all-suffi-
cient sacrifice of our Saviour Christ, offered once for ever
upon the cross, which is the only propitiation and satisfac-
tion for all our sins.
100. Private mass, that is, the receiving the eucharist by
the priest alone, without a competent number of communi-
cants, is contrary to the institution of Christ.
Of the State of the Souls of Men, after they he departed out
of this Life, together with the general Resurrection and the
last Judgment.
101. After this life is ended, the souls of God's children
are presently received into heaven, there to enjoy unspeak-
able comforts ; the souls of the wicked are cast into hell,
there to endure endless torments.
102. The doctrine of the church of Rome concerning
limbus patrum, Urnbus puerorum, purgatory, prayer for the
dead, pardons, adoration of images and relics, and also in-
vocation of saints, is vainly invented, without all warrant of
Holy Scripture, yea, and is contrary to the same.
103. At the end of this world the Lord Jesus shall come
in the clouds with the glory of his Father; at which time,
by the almighty power of God, the living shall be changed,
and the dead shall be raised, and all shall appear both in
body and soul before his judgment-seat, to receive according
to that which they have done in their bodies, whether good
or evil.
104. When the last judgment is finished, Christ shall de-
liver up thekingdom to his Father,and God shall be all inall.
The Decree of the Synod.
If any minister, of what degree or quality soever he be,
shall publicly teach any doctrine contrary to these articles
agreed upon; if after due admonition he do not conform
himself, and cease to disturb the peace of the church, let
him be silenced, and deprived of all spiritual promotions he
^loth enjoy.
APPENDIX.
liii
No. VII.
THE ARTICLES
OF THE
CHURCH OF ENGLAND.
ARTICLES
OF THE
CHURCH OF ENGLAND,
Revised and altered by the
assembly of divines at
Westminster, in the year
1643, with Scripture re-
ferences.
ARTICLE I.
Of Faith in the Holy Trinity,
There is but one* living and
true God,'' everlasting,^ with-
out body, pai'ts,^or passions/
of infinite power/ wisdom,^
and goodness ;'' the maker
and preserver of all things,
both visible and invisible.^
And in unity of this Godhead
there be three persons, of
one substance, power, and
eternity; the Father, the
Son, and the Holy Ghost."
ARTICLE II.
Of the Word, or Son of God,
which was made very Man,
The Son, which is the
Word of theFather, begotten
from everlasting of the Fa-
ther,^ the very™ and eternal
God,°of one substance" with
a Isa. xlvi. 9. 1 Cor. viii. 4. 6. •» Jer. x. 10. 1 Thes. i. 9. c Psal. xc. 2.
Rom. xvi. 26. •• Deat. iv. 15, 16. John iv. 24, wilh Luke xxiv. 39. « Acts
xir. 15. James i. 17. f Jer. xxxii. 17. 27. Mark x. 27. t Psal. cxlvii. 5.
Bom. xi. 33. ^ Psal. cxix. 68, with Matt. xix. 17. » Neh. ix. 6. Col. i.
16, 17. . •' Matt. iii. J 6, 17. xxviii. 19. 1 John iv. 7. 2 Cor. xiii. 14.
i.Prov. viii. 22— 31. John i. 12. 14. "' 1 John v. 20. Rora.ix. 5. « John
xvii. 5. Heb. i. 8, with Psal. xlv. 6. " John x. 30. Heb. i. 3.
ARTICLE I.
Of Faith in the Holy Trinity.
There is but one living and
true God, everlasting, with-
out body, parts, or passions;
of infinite power, wisdom and
goodness, the maker and pre-
server of all things, both vi-
sible and invisible. And in
unity of this Godhead there
be three persons, of one sub-
stance, power, and eternity,
the Father, the Son, and the
Holy Ghost.
ARTICLE II.
Of the Word, or Son of God,
which was made very Man.
The Son, which is the
Word of the Father,begotten
from everlasting of the Fa-
ther, the very and eternal
God, of one substance with
liv
APPENDIX.
Articles revised.
the Father,^ took man's na-
ture in the womb of the
blessed Virgin, of her sub-
stance;" so that two whole
and perfect natures, that is
to say, the Godhead and the
manhood, were joined toge-
ther in one person, never to
be divided, whereof is one
Christ, very God and very
man,'! ^ho for our sakes truly
suffered most grievous tor-
ments in his soul from God/
was crucified, dead, and bu-
ried," to reconcile his Fa-
ther to us,* and to be a sa-
crifice, not only for original
guilt, but also for actual sins
of men."
Articles of the Church of
England.
the Father, took man's na-
ture in the womb of the
blessed Virgin, of her sub-
stance; so that two whole
and perfect natures, that is
to say, the Godhead and man-
hood, were joined together
in one person, never to be
divided, whereof is one
Christ, very God and very
man, who truly suffered, was
crucified, dead, and buried,
to reconcile his Father to
us, and to be a sacrifice, not
only for original guilt, but
also for all actual sins of men.
ARTICLE III.
Of the going down of Christ
into Hell.
As Christ died for us, and
was buried : so also is it to
be believed that he went
down into hell.
ARTICLE III.
As Christ died for us, and
was buried, so it is to be be-
lieved that he continued in
the state of the dead, and un-
der the power and dominion
of death,^ from the time of
his death and burial until his
resurrection ;'' which hath
been otherwise expresssed
thus: he went down into
hell.
ARTICLE IV.
Of the Resurrection of Christ.
Christ did truly rise again
P John i. 14. Isa. vii. 14. Luke i. 35. Gal. iv. 4. 1 Isa. vii. 14, with
Matt. i. 23. Rom. i. 3, 4. Heb. xiii. 8. ' Isa. liii. 10, 11. Mark xiv. 33, 34.
• 1 Pet. ii. 24. Phil. ii. 1. 1 Cor. xv. 3, 4. « Ezek. xvi. 63. Horn. iii. tiS.
« Cor. V. 12. « Isa. liii. 10. Eph. v. 2. 1 John i. 7. Heb. ix. 26 " PmI.
xri. 10, with Acts ii. 24—27. 31. ^ Rom. vi. 9. Matt. xit. 40.
ARTICLE IV.
Of the Resurrection of Christ.
Christ did truly rise again
APPENDIX.
Iv
Articles revised.
from death,y and took again
his body, with flesh, bones,
and all things appertaining
to the perfection of man's
nature,' wherewith he as-
cended into heaven, and
there* sitteth, until he return
to judge^ all men^ at the ge-
neral resurrection of the
body at the last day.^
ARTICLE V.
Of the Holy Ghost.
The Holy Ghost is very
and eternal God, of one sub-
stance,* majesty,^ and glory,
with the Father and the Son,s
proceeding from the Father
and the Son.''
Articles of the Church of
England.
from death, and took again
his body, with flesh, bones,
and all things appertaining
to the perfection of man's
nature, wherewith he as-
cended into heaven, and
there sitteth, until he return
to judge all men at the last
day.
ARTICLE v.
Of the Holy Ghost.
The Holy Ghost, proceed-
ing from the Father and the
Son, is of one substance, ma-
jesty, and glory, with the
Father and the Son, very and
eternal God.
ARTICLE VI.
Of the Sufficiency of the Holy
Scriptures for Salvation.
Holy Scripture' containeth
all things necessary to salva-
tion,'' so that whatsoever is
not read therein, nor may be
proved thereby, is not to be
believed as an article of faith,
or necessary to salvation.^
ARTICLE VI.
Of the Sufficiency of the Holy
Scriptures for Salvation.
Holy Scripture containeth
all things necessary to salva-
tion ; so that whatsoever is
not read therein, nor may be
proved thereby, is not to be
required of any man, that it
should be believed as an ar-
y 1 Cor. XV. 4. Rom. viii. 34. Psal. xvi. 10, with Acts ii. 31. Luke xxiv. 34.
« Lake xxiv. 39, with John xx. 25. 27. a Psal. Ixviii. 18, with Eph. iv. 8. Psal. ex.
1, with Acts ii. 34, 35. Markxix.lO. Rom. viii. 34. ^ Acts iii. 21. Psal. ex. 1,
with 1 Cor. XV. 25, 26. Acts i. 11. c g Cor. v. 20. Acts xvii. 31. d Exod.
iii. 6, with Luke xx. 37, 38. Acts xxiv. 14, 15. 1 Cor. xv. 12, to the end. John
V. 28, 29. e 2 Sam. xxiii. 2, 3. Isa. vi. 5. 8, with Acts xxviii. 25, and
v. 3, 4. 1 Cor. iii. 16, and vi. 19. ^ Job xxvi. 13. 33, 34. 1 Cor. xii.
Matt .xxviii. 19. 2 Cor. xiii. 14. ? 1 Cor. xii. 11. Eph. i. 17, and 1 Cor. ii. 8,
with 1 Pet. iv. 14. h Jojjn xv. 26, and Matt. x. 20, and 1 Cor. ii. 11, 12, with
Gal. iv. 6, and Rom. viii. 9, and Phil. i. 9. John xvi. 14. Isa. xi. 2. Isa. Ixi. 1.
Gen. i. 2. 2 Chron. xv. 1. > Rom. i. 2. 2 Tim. iii. 15. 2 Pet. i. 20, 21.
^ Psal. xix. 7. 2 Tim. iii. 15—17, James i. 21. 25. Acts xx. 32. i Prov,
XXX. 5, 6. Isa. viii. 20. Acls xxvi. 22, with ver. 20. 27. Gal. i. 8, 9. John v. S9.
Ivi
APPENDIX.
Articles revised.
By the name of Holy Scrip-
ture we understand all the
canonical Books of the Old
and New Testament which
follow :
Of the Old Testament.
Genesis, Exodus, &c.
Of the New Testament.
The Gospel of St. Matthew,
&c.
All which books, as they
are commonly received, we
do receive, and acknowledge
them to be given by the in-
spiration of God ; and in that
regard, to be of most certain
credit, and highest authority.
ARTICLE TII.
Of the Old Testament.
The Old Testament is not
contrary to the New, in the
doctrine contained in them ;•»
for both in the Old and New
Articles of the Church of
England.
tide of the faith, or be
thought requisite or neces-
sary to salvation. In the
name of the Holy Scripture,
we do understand those ca-
nonical books of the Old and
New Testament, of whose
authority was never any
doubt in the church.
Of the Names and Number
of the Canonical Books.
Genesis, Leviticus,
Exodus, Numbers, &c.
And the other books, as
Hierome saith, the church
doth read for example of life
and instruction of manners ;
but yet doth it not apply them
to establish any doctrine :
such are these following,
Third of Esdras, Book of
Tobias, Fourth of Esdras,
Judith, &c.
All the books of the New
Testament, as they are com-
monly received, we do re-
ceive, and account them for
canonical.
ARTICLE VII.
Of the Old Testament.
The Old Testament is not
contrary to the New ; for
both in the Old and New
Testament, everlasting life
» Actaxxvi.'il. iiS. 2 Fct. iii. 2.
23, 24.
Luke xxiv. 4'i. Horn. iii. o\. GaJ. iii,
APPENDIX.
Ivii
Articles revised,
Testament, everlasting Jife
is offered to mankind by
Christ," who is the only me-
diator between God and
man/ being both God and
man.P Wherefore they are
not to be heard which feign,
that the old fathers did look
only for temporary pro-
mises.'i
Although the law given
from God by Moses, as touch-
ing ceremonies and rites, do
not bind Christians ;'' nor the
civil precepts given by Mo-
ses, such as were peculiarly
fitted to the commonwealth
of the Jews, are of necessity
to be received in any com-
monwealth ;' yet notwith-
standing, no Christian man
whatsoever is free from the
obedience of the command-
ments which are called mo-
ral/ By the moral law, we
understand all the ten com-
mandments taken in their full
extent.
Articles of the Church of
England.
is offered to mankind by
Christ, who is the only me-
diator between God and man,
being both God and man.
Wherefore they are not to
be heard which feign, that
the old fathers did look only
for transitory promises. Al-
though the law given from
God by Moses, as touching
ceremonies and rites, do not
bind Christian men ; nor the
civil precepts thereof ought
of necessity to be received in
any commonwealth ; yet not-
withstanding, no Christian
man whatsoever is free from
the obedience of the com-
mandments which are called
moral.
ARTICLE VIII.
Of the three Creeds.
The three creeds, Nice
creed, Athanasius' creed, and
n Gen. iii. 15. xxii. 18, with Gal. iii. 8. 14. 1 Cor. x. 2 — 4. Luke i. 69, 70.
Acts iii. 24. Isa. liii. « Dan. ix. 17. Rom. viii. 34. 1 John ii. 1.
Heb. vii. 25. 1 Tim. ii. 5. John xiv. 6. P Gal. iv. 4, 5. Acts xx. 28. Phil.
ii. 7. 8. 1 Acts xxvi. 6, 7. Rom. iv. 11. Gal. iii. 9. Heb. xi. 10. 16. 35.
«• Gal. iv. 9, 10. Col. ii. 14. 16, 17. Heb. ix. 9, 10. • Acts xxv. 9, 10. 25,
with Dent. xvii. 8 — 13. Rom. xiii. 1. .5. Tit. iii. 1. 1 Pet. ii. 13, 14. *Matt.
V. 17, to the end. Rom. xiii. 8 — 10. Eph. vi. 1 — 3. James ii. 3— t12. Rom. vii. 25.
iii. 31. Matt. vii. 12.
Iviii
APPENDIX.
Articles revised.
Articles of tlie Church of
England.
that which is commonly
called the Apostles' creed,
ought thoroughly to be re-
ceived and believed ; for they
may be proved by most cer-
tain warrants of holy writ.
ARTICLE IX.
Of Original or Birth of Sin.
Original sin standeth not
in the following of Adam, as
the Pelagians do vainly talk,
but it is the fault and cor-
ruption of the nature of every
man that naturally is engen-
dered of the offspring of
Adam, whereby man is very
far gone from original righ-
teousness, and is of his own
nature inclined to evil, so
that the flesh lusteth always
contrary to the Spirit, and
therefore in every person
born into this world, it de-
serveth God's wrath and
damnation. And this infec-
tion of nature doth remain,
yea in them that are regene-
rated, whereby the lust of
the flesh, called in Greek
^povijjua (raoKogy which some
do expound the wisdom,
some sensuality, some the
affection, some the desire of
the flesh, is not subject to
the law of God. And al-
" Psal. li. 5. John iii. 5, 6. ^ Job xiv. 4. xr. 14. Rom. vi. 6. John HI.
3. 5. 7. » Rom. t. 12—19. Gen. ii. 17, with 1 Cor. xy. tt. T Col. ii. 13.
Rom. Tu. 18. Eccl, vii. 29. » Gen. vi. 5. viii. 21. Jer. XTii. 9. Rom.
Tii. 8. Janes i. 14. * Ron. viii. 7. 1 Cor. ii. 14. Col. i. ^1. *> Bph. ii. 3.
Rom. viii. 6, 7. <^ Prov. xx. 9. Rom. vii. 17. 20. 23. 25.
ARTICLE IX.
Of Original or Birth Sin.
Oriffinal sin" standeth not
in the following of Adam, as
the Pelagians do vainly talk:''
but together with his first sin
imputed, it is the fault and
corruption of the nature of
every man that naturally
is propagated from Adam ;''
whereby man is wholly de-
prived of original righteous-
ness,y and is of his own na-
ture inclined only to evil.^
So that the lust of the flesh,
called in Greek 0pov»]jua
trapKoc, which some do ex-
pound the wisdom, some sen-
suality, some the affection,
some the desire of the flesh,
is not subject to the law of
God ;'' and therefore in every
person born into this world
it deserveth God's wrath and
damnation.'' And this in-
fection of nature doth re-
main, yea, in them that are
regenerate,'^ whereby the
flesh lusteth always contrary
APPENDIX.
lix
Articles revised,
to the Spirit."^ And although
there is no condemnation for
them that are regenerate,
and do believe,^ yet the apos-
tle doth confess, that con-
cupiscence and lust is truly
and properly sin/
ARTICLE X.
Of Free Will
The condition of man after
the fall of Adam is such, that
he cannot turn or prepare
himself, by his own natural
strength and good works, to
faith and calling upon God ;^
wherefore we have no power
to do good works pleasing
and acceptable to God,'' with-
out the grace of God by
Christ, both preventing us,
that we may have a good
will, and working so effec-
tually in us, as that it de-
termineth our will to that
which is good,' and also
working with us when we
have that will unto good.''
ARTICLE XI.
Of the Justification of Man
before God,
We are justified, that is,
we are accounted righteous
Articles of the Church of
England.
though there is no condem-
nation for them that believe
and are baptized, yet the
apostle doth confess, that
concupiscence and lust hath
of itself the nature of sin.
ARTICLE X.
Of Free Will.
The condition of man after
the fall of Adam is such, that
he cannot turn and prepare
himself by his own natural
strength and good works, to
faith and calling upon God.
Wherefore we have no
power to good works plea-
sant and acceptable to God,
without the grace of God by
Christ preventing us, that
we may have a good-will,
and working with us, when
we have that good-will.
ARTICLE XI.
Of the Justification of Man.
We are accounted righ-
teous before God, only for
d Gal. V. 17. « Rom.viii. 1. 13. John Hi. 13. f Rom. viii. 17. 20. «fEph.
ii. 1. 5. 1 Cor. ii. 14. Eph. ii. 8—10. John vi. 44. 65. »> Rom. viii. 8. Heb.
xi. 6. »Ezek. xi. 19, 20. xxxvi. 26, 27. Jer. xxxi. 32, 33, with Heb. x.
11. Phil. ii. 12, 13. John vi. 45. Eph. i. 19, 20. 1 Cor. ir. 7. k Heb.
xiii. 21. Phil. viii. 1. 6. Heb* xii. 22. 1 Pel. v. 10. 1 Thei. y. 23, 24. 1 Kings
viii. 57, 58.
Ix
APPENDIX.
Articles revised.
before God, and have remis-
sion of sins,* not for nor by
our own works or deserv-
ings/but freely by his grace,"
only for our Lord and Sa-
viour Jesus Christ's sake,**
his whole obedience and sa-
tisfaction being by God im-
puted unto us,'^ and Christ
with his righteousness, being
apprehended and rested on
by faith only.'' The doctrine
of justification by faith only,
is a wholesome doctrine, and
very full of comfort,' not-
withstanding God doth not
forgive them that are im-
penitent, and go on still in
their trespasses."
ARTICLE XII.
Of Good Works,
Good works,' which are the
fruits of faith,' and follow
after justification," cannot
put away our sins,"* and en-
dure the severity of God's
judgment ;'' yet are they, not-
withstanding their imperfec-
tions, in the sight of God
pleasing and acceptable unto
him in and for Christ,^ and
Articles of the Church of
England.
the merit of our Lord and
Saviour Jesus Christ, by
faith, and not for our own
works or deservings. Where-
fore, that we are justified by
faith only, is a most whole-
some doctrine, and very full
of comfort, as more largely
expressed in the homily of
justification.
ARTICLE XII.
Of Good Works.
Albeit that good works,
which are the fruits of faith,
and follow after justification,
cannot put away our sins,
and endure the severity of
God's judgment, yet are they
pleasing and acceptable to
God in Christ, and do spring
out necessarily of a true
and lively faith, insomuch
J Rom. iv. 5—7. Psal. xxxii. 1, 2. " Rom. iii. 20. Gal. ii. 16. iii. 10, 11.
Phil. Hi. 9. " Rom. iii. 24. Tit. iii. 7. «> Rom. iii. 24, 25. v. 1.
2 Cor. V. 18, 19. p Rom. v. 9. 17—19. iii. 25, 26. iv. 6. 24. 2 Cor. v. 21.
q Rom. iii. 22. 25,26.28. Gal. ii. 16. Isa. xxviii. 16, with Rom. ix. 33, and
1 Pet. ii. 6. Pliil. iii. 9. ' 2 Tim. i. 13. Rom. v. 1,2. 8. 11. xr. 13.
1 Pet. i. 8. « P«al. Ixviii. 20, 21. Exod. xxxiv. 6, 7. Luke xiii. 3. 5. ' Gal.
▼. 6. James ii. 17, 18. 22. " Tit. ii. 14. iii. 7, 8. Epii. ii. 8, 9. 18. " Rom.
iii. 20, 21. iv. 4—9. Dan. ix. 18, 19. * Neb. xiii. 22. Psal. cxliii. 2.
Job ix. 14, 15. 19, 20. Exod. xxviii. 38. R^v. viii. 3, 4. y 1 Pel. ii. 5.
Heb. xiii. 16. 20, 21. Col. i. 10. Phil iv, 18.
APPENDIX.
Ixi
Articles revised.
do spring out necessarily of
a true and lively faith/ inso-
much that by them a lively
faith may be evidently known,
as a tree discerned by the
fruits.^
Articles of the Church of
England.
that by them a lively faith
may be as evidently known
as a tree discerned by the
fruit.
ARTICLE XIII.
Of Works before Justifi-
cation.
Works done before justi-
fication by Christ, and rege-
neration by his Spirit, are
not pleasing unto God,** for-
asmuch as they spring not of
faith in Jesus Christ :'' nei-
ther do they make men meet
to receive grace, or (as the
school authors say) deserve
grace of congruity ; yea,
rather, for that they are not
done as God hath willed and
commanded them to be done,
they are sinful.**
ARTICLE XIII.
Of Works before Justifi-
cation.
Works done before the
grace of Christ, and the in-
spiration of his Spirit, are
not pleasant to God, foras-
much as they spring not of
faith in Jesus Christ, neither
do they make men meet to
receive grace, or (as the
school authors say) deserve
grace of congruity; yea, ra-
ther, for that they are not
done as God hath willed and
commanded them to be done,
we doubt not but they have
the nature of sin.
ARTICLE XIV.
Of Works of Supererogation.
Voluntary works, besides
over and above God's com-
mandments, which they call
works of supererogation,
cannot be taught^ without
ARTICLE XIV.
Of Works of Supererogation^
Voluntary works, besides
over and above God's com-
mandments, which they call
works of supererogation,
cannot be taught without
^ James ii. 16. 1 John i. 4. » James ii. 18, 19. John xv. 4. 5. 1 John u.
3. 5. Matt. xii. 33. •> Tit. i. 15, 16. Matt. vii. 18. Rom. viii. 8. Prov. xv.
8. 26. xxi. 27. Rom. iii. 12. <= Heb. xi. 5, 6. Gal. v. 6. d 2 Tim.
i. 9. John i. 13. Rom. viii. 7, 8. Hag. ii. 14. Isa. Iviii. 1 — 5. Ixvi. 2, 5.
^Matt. V. 48. Mark xii. 30,31. Phil. ir. 8, 9.
Ixii
APPENDIX,
Articles revised.
arrogancy and impiety ;' for
by them men do declare, that
they do not only render unto
God as much as they are
bound to do ; but that they
do more for his sake than of
bounden duty is required ;
whereas Christ saith plainly,
" When ye have done all
those things that are com-
manded you, say. We are un-
profitable servants, we have
done that which was our
duty to do/"*
Articles of the Church of
England,
arrogancy and impiety. For
by them men do declare, that
they do not only render unto
God, as much as they are
bound to do, but that they
do more for his sake than of
bounden duty is required ;
whereas Christ saith plainly,
" When ye have done all that
are commanded to you, say.
We are unprofitable ser-
vants."
ARTICLE XV.
Of Christ alone without Sin.
Christ in the truth of our
nature was made like unto
us in all things, sin only ex-
cepted,* from which he was
clearly void both in his flesh
and in his spirit :^ he came
to be the Lamb without spot,*
who by sacrifice of himself"
once made,"should takeaway
the sins of the world ;** and
sin (as St. John saith) was
not in him.P But all we the
rest, although baptized and
regenerate, yet offend in
many things ; and " if we say
we have no sin, we deceive
ARTICLE XV.
Of Christ alone without Sin.
Christ in the truth of our
nature was made like unto
us in all things, sin only ex-
cept, from which he was
clearly void, both in his flesh
and in his spirit. He came
to be a Lamb without spot,
who by sacrifice of himself
once made, should take away
the sins of the world; and
sin (as St. John saith) was
not in him. But all the rest
(although baptized, and born
again in Christ) yet offend in
many things ; and " if we say
we have no sin, we deceive
SJob ix. 2, 3. 20, 21. Psal. cxliii. 2. ProT. xx. 9. Phil. iii. 8—15.
h Luke xvii. 10, with ver. 7 — 9. *Isa. liii. 3—5. Heb. ii. 17, with
T. 15. k Lake i. 35, with Acts iii. 14. John xiv. 30. 2 Cor. v. 21. Heb. vii. 26.
> 1 Pet i. 1 9. m Eph. ▼. 2. » Heb. ix. 26. 28. x. 10. 12. <> John i. 29.
V 1 John iii. 5.
APPENDIX. Ixiii
ourselves, and the truth is ourselves, and the truth is
not in us.^i not in us."
Charles Herle, prolocutor.
Henry Roborough, scribe.
Adoniram Byfield, scribe.
N. B. The assembly proceeded no farther in the revisal.
No. VIII.
THE DIRECTORY FOR THE PUBLIC WORSHIP OF GOD
Agreed upon hy the Assembly of Divines at Westminster ; ex-
amined and approved y Anno 1654, by the General Assembly
of the Church of Scotland ; and ratified by Act of Parlia-
ment the same Year,
THE FREFACE.
In the beginning of the blessed Reformation, our wise and
pious ancestors took care to set forth an order for redress
of many things, which they then by the word discovered to
be vain, erroneous, superstitious, and idolatrous, in the
public worship of God. This occasioned many godly and
learned men to rejoice much in the Book of Common
Prayer, at that time set forth ; because the mass, and the
rest of the Latin service, being removed, the public worship
was celebrated in our own tongue ; many of the common
people also received benefit by hearing the Scriptures read
in their own language, which formerly were unto them as a
book that is sealed.
Howbeit, long and sad experie^nce hath made it manifest,
that the liturgy used in the church of England (notwith-
standing all the pains and religious intentions of the com-
pilers of it) hath proved an offence, not only to many of
the godly at home, but also to the reformed churches
abroad. For not to speak of urging the reading of all the
prayers, which very greatly increased the burden of it: the
many unprofitable and burdensome ceremonies contained in
it, have occasioned much mischief, as well by disquieting
the consciences of many godly ministers and people, who
could not yield unto them, as by depriving them of the or-
♦1 Jaraes iii. 2. 1 John i. 8. 10.
Ixiv APPENDIX.
dinances of God, which they might not enjoy without con-
forming or subscribing- to those ceremonies. Sundry good
Christians have been, by means thereof, kept from the
Lord's tableland divers able and faithful ministers debarred
from the exercise of their ministry (to the endangering of
many thousand souls, in a time of such scarcity of ftiithful
pastors), and spoiled of their livelihood, to the undoing of
them and their families. Prelates and their faction have
laboured to raise the estimation of it to such a height, as
if there were no other worship or way of worship of God
amongst us, but only the service-book ; to the great hin-
derance of the preaching of the word, and (in some places,
especially of late) to the justling of it out, as unnecessary,
or, at best, as far inferior to the reading of common prayer,
which was made no better than an idol by many ignorant
and superstitious people, who, pleasing themselves in their
presence at that service, and their lip-labour in bearing a
part in it, have thereby hardened themselves in their igno-
rance and carelessness of saving knowledge and true piety.
In the mean time, Papists boasted, that the book was a
compliance with them in a great part of their service ; and
so were not a little confirmed in their superstition and idol-
atry, expecting rather our return to them, than endeavour-
ing the reformation of themselves : in which expectation
they were of late very much encouraged, when, upon the
pretended warrantableness of imposing the former ceremo-
nies, new ones were daily obtruded upon the church.
Add hereunto (which was not foreseen, but since hath
come to pass), that the liturgy hath been a great means, as
on the one hand to make and increase an idle and unedify-
ing ministry, which contented itself with set forms made to
their hands by others, without putting forth themselves to
exercise the gift of prayer, with which our Lord Jesus
Christ pleaseth to furnish all his servants, whom he calls to
that office : so on the other side it hath been (and ever
would be, if continued) a matter of endless strife and con-
tention in the church, and a snare both to many godly and
faithful ministers, who have been persecuted and silenced
upon that occasion, and to others of hopeful parts, many
of which have been, and more still would be, diverted from
all thoughts of the ministry to other studies; especially in
these later times, wherein God vouchsafeth to his people
APPENDIX. IXV
more and better means for the discovery of error and su-
perstition, and for attaining of knowledge in the mysteries
of godliness, and gifts in preaching and prayer.
Upon these, and many the like weighty considerations, in
reference to the whole book in general, and because of di-
vers particulars contained in it ; not from any love to no-
velty, or intention to disparage our first reformers (of whom
we are persuaded, that, were they now alive, they would
join with us in this work, and whom we acknowledge as ex-
cellent instruments, raised by God, to begin the purging
and building of his house, and desire they may be had of us
and posterity in everlasting remembrance, with thankful*
ness and honour), but that we may, in some measure, an-
swer the gracious providence of God, which at this time
calleth upon us for farther reformation, and may satisfy our
own consciences, and answer the expectation of other re-
formed churches, and the desires of many of the godly
among ourselves, and withal give some public testimony of
our endeavours for uniformity in divine worship, which we
have promised in our solemn league and covenant : we
have, after earnest and frequent calling upon the name of
God, and after much consultation, not with flesh and blood,
but with his holy word, resolved to lay aside the former li-
turgy, with the many rites and ceremonies formerly used in
the worship of God ; and have agreed upon this following
directory for all the parts of public worship, at ordinary
and extraordinary times.
Wherein our care hath been, to hold forth such things
as are of divine institution in every ordinance ; and other
things we have endeavoured to set forth according to the
rules of Christian prudence, agreeable to the general rules
of the word of God : our meaning therein being only, that
the general heads, the sense and scope of the prayers, and
other parts of public worship, being known to all, there may
be a consent of all the churches, in those things that contain
the substance of the service and worship of God ; and the
ministers may be hereby directed in their administrations,
to keep like soundness in doctrine and prayer; and may, if
need be, have some help and furniture ; and yet so, as they
become not hereby slothful and negligent, in stirring up the
gifts of Christ in them ; but that each one, by meditation,
by taking heed to himself, and the flock of God committed
VOL. v. e
Ixyi APPENDIX.
to him, and by wise observing the ways of Divine Provi-
dence, may be careful to furnish his heart and tongue with
farther or other materials of prayer and of exhortation, as
shall be needful upon all occasion?.
Of the assembling nf the Congregation^ and their Behaviour
in the Public Worship of God.
When the congregation is to meet for public worship,
the people (having before prepared their hearts thereunto)
ought all to come, and join therein ; not absenting them-
selves from the public ordinances through negligence, or
upon pretence of private meetings.
Let all enter the assembly, not irreverently, but in a
grave and seemly manner, taking their seats or places with-
out adoration, or bowing themselves towards one place or
other.
The congregation being assembled, the minister, after
solemn calling on them to the worshipping of the great
name of God, is to begin with prayer.
" In all reverence and humility acknowledging the in-
comprehensible greatness and majesty of the Lord (in
whose presence they do then in a special manner appear),
and their own vileness and unworthiness to approach so
near him, with their utter inability of themselves to so great
a work ; and humbly beseeching him for pardon, assistance,
and acceptance, in the whole service then to be performed;
and for a blessing on that particular portion of his word
then to be read : and all in the name and mediation of the
Lord Jesus Christ."
The public worship being begun, the people are wholly
to attend upon it, forbearing to read any thing, except what
the minister is then reading or citing: and abstaining much
more from all private whisperings, conferences, salutations,
or doing reverence to any persons present, or coming in ;
as also from all gazing, sleeping, and other indecent beha-
viour, which may disturb the minister or people, or hinder
themselves and others in the service of God.
If any, through necessity, be hindered from being present
at the beginning, they ought not, when they come into the
congregation, to betake themselves to their private devo-
tions, but reverently to compose themselves to join with
APPENDIX. Ixvii
the assembly, in that ordinance of God which is then in
hand.
Of Public Reading of the Holy Scriptures.
Reading of the word in the congregation, being part of
the public worship of God (wherein we acknowledge our
dependance upon him, and subjection to him), and one
means sanctified by him for the edifying of his people, is to
be performed by the pastors and teachers.
Howbeit, such as intend the ministry, may occasionally
both read the word, and exercise their gift in preaching in
the congregation, if allowed by the presbytery thereunto.
All the canonical books of the Old and New Testament
(but none of those which are commonly called Apocrypha)
shall be publicly read in the vulgar tongue, out of the best
allowed translation, distinctly, that all may hear and under-
stand.
How large a portion shall be read at once, is left to the
wisdom of the minister ; but it is convenient, that ordina-
rily one chapter of each Testament be read at every meet-
ing ; and sometimes more, where the chapters be short, or
the coherence of matter requireth it.
It is requisite that all the canonical books be read over in
order, that the people may be better acquainted with the
whole body of the Scriptures ; and, ordinarily, where the
reading in either Testament endeth on one Lord's day, it is
to begin the next.
We commend also the more frequent reading of such
scriptures, as he that readeth shall think best for edifica-
tion of his hearers, as the book of Psalms, and such-like.
When the minister who readeth shall judge it necessary
to expound any part of what is read, let it not be done
until the whole chapter or psalm be ended ; and regard is
always to be had unto the time, that neither preaching,
nor other ordinances, be straitened, or rendered tedious.
Which rule is to be observed in all other public perform-
ances.
Beside public reading of the Holy Scriptures, every
person that can read is to be exhorted to read the Scrip-
tures privately (and all others that cannot read, if not dis-
abled by age, or otherwise, are likewise to be exhorted to
learn to read), and to have a Bible.
e 2
Ixvii
APPENDIX.
Of Public Prayer before the Sermon.
After readingof the word (and singing- of the psalm), the
minister who is to preach, is to endeavour to get his own
and his hearers' hearts to be rightly affected with their sins,
that they may all mourn in sensethereof before the Lord,
and hunger and thirst after the grace of God in Jesus Christ,
by proceeding to a more full confession of sin, with shame
and holy confusion efface, and to call upon the Lord to this
effect :
" To acknowledge our great sinfulness ; first, by reason of
original sin, which (beside the guilt that makes us liable to
everlasting damnation) is the seed of all other sins, hath
depraved and poisoned all the faculties and powers of soul
and body, doth defile our best actions, and (were it not
restrained, or our hearts renewed by grace) would break
forth into innumerable transgressions, and greatest rebel-
lions against the Lord, that ever were committed by the
vilest of the sons of men. And, next, by reason of actual
sins, our own sins, the sins of magistrates, of ministers, and
of the whole nation, unto which we are many ways acces-
sory ; which sins of ours receive many fearful aggravations,
we having broken all the commandments of the holy, just,
and good law of God, doing that which is forbidden, and
leaving undone what is enjoined ; and that not only out
of ignorance and infirmity, but also more presumptuous-
ly, against the light of our minds, checks of our conscien-
ces, and motions of his own Holy Spirit, to the contrary,
so that we have no cloak for our sins ; yea, not only de-
spising the riches of God's goodness, forbearance, and long-
suffering, but standing out against many invitations and
offers of grace in the gospel ; not endeavouring as we ought,
to receive Christ into our hearts by faith, or to walk worthy
of him in our lives.
'* To bewail our blindness of mind, hardness of heart,
unbelief, impenitency, security, lukewarmness, barrenness;
our not endeavouring after mortification and newness of
life, nor after the exercise of godliness in the power thereof:
and that the best of us have not so steadfastly walked with
God, kept our garments so unspotted, nor been so zealous
of his glory, and the good of others, as we ought: and to
mourn over such other sins as the congregation is particu-
APPENDIX. Ixix
larly guilty of, notvvithstandinj^ tlie nianiibld and great mer-
cies of our God, the love of Christ, the light of the gospel,
and reformation of religion, our own purposes, prou^ises,
vows, solemn covenant, and other special obligations, to the
contrary.
*' To acknowledge and confess, that, as we are convinced
of our guilt, so, out of a deep sense thereof, we judge our-
selves unworthy of the smallest benefits, most worthy of
God's fiercest wrath, and of all the curses of the law, and
heaviest judgments inflicted upon the most rebellious sin-
ners ; and that he might most justly take his kingdom and
gospel from us, plague us with all sorts of spiritual and
temporal judgments in this life, and after cast us into utter
darkness, in the lake that burneth with fire and brimstone,
where is weeping and gnashing of teeth for evermore.
*' Notwithstanding all which, to draw near to the throne
of grace, encouraging ourselves with hope of a gracious an-
swer of our prayers, in the riches and all-sufficiency of that
one only oblation, the satisfaction and intercession of the
Lord Jesus Christ, at the right hand of his Father, and our
Father ; and in confidence of the exceeding great and pre-
cious promises of mercy and grace in the new covenant,
through the same Mediator thereof, to deprecate the heavy
wrath and curse of God, which we are not able to avoid or
bear ; and humbly and earnestly to supplicate for mercy,
in the free and full remission of all our sins ; and that only
for the bitter sufferings and precious merits of our only Sa-
viour Jesus Christ.
'* That the Lord would vouchsafe to shed abroad his
love in our hearts by the Holy Ghost; seal unto us, by the
same Spirit of adoption, the full assurance of our pardon
and reconciliation; comfort all that mourn in Zion, speak
peace to the wounded and troubled spirit, and bind up the
broken-hearted : and as for secure and presumptuous sin-
ners, that he would open their eyes, convince their consci-
ences, and turn them from darkness unto light, and from
the power of Satan unto God, that they also may receive
forgiveness of sin, and an inheritance among them that are
sanctified by faith in Christ Jesus.
"With remission of sins through the blood of Christ, to
pray for sanctification by his Spirit ; the mortification of sin
dwelling in, and many times tyrannizing over, us ; the quick-
IXX APPENDIX.
ening of our dead spirits, with the life of God in Christ;
grace to fit and enable us for all duties of conversation and
calling towards God and men ; strength against tempta-
tions, the sanctified use of blessings and crosses, and perse-
verance in faith and obedience unto the end.
" To pray for the propagation of the gospel and kingdom
of Christ to all nations, for the conversion of the Jews, the
fulness of the Gentiles, the fall of antichrist, and the hast-
ening of the second coming of our Lord: for the deliver-
ance of the distressed churches abroad from the tyranny of
the antichristian faction, and from the cruel oppressions
and blasphemies of the Turk; for the blessing of God upon
all the reformed churches, especially upon the churches and
kingdoms of Scotland, England, and Ireland, now more
strictly and religiously united in the solemn national league
and covenant ; and for our plantations in the most remote
parts of the world : more particularly for that church and
kingdom whereof we are members, that therein God would
establish peace and truth, the purity of all his ordinances,
and the power of godliness ; prevent and remove jheresy,
schism, profaneness, superstition, security, and unfruitful-
pess, under the means of grace; heal all our rents and divi-
sions, and preserve us from breach of our solemn covenant.
" To pray for all in authority, especially for the king's
majesty, that God would make him rich in blessings, both
in his person and government ; establish his throne in reli-
gion and righteousness, save him from evil counsel, and
make him a blessed and glorious instrument, for the con-
servation and propagation of the gospel, for the encourage-
ment and protection of them that do well, the terror of all
that do evil, and the great good of the whole church, and of
all his kingdoms ; for the conversion of the queen, the reli-
gious education of the prince, and the rest of the royal
seed ; for the comforting the afflicted queen of Bohemia,
sister to our sovereign : and for the restitution and esta-
blishment of the illustrious prince Charles, elector palatine
of the Rhine, to all his dominions and dignities; for a
blessing on our high court of parliament (when sitting in
any of these kingdoms respectively), the nobility, the sub-
ordinate judges and magistrates, the gentry, and all the
commonalty ; for all pastors and teachers, that God would
fill thera with his Spirit, make them exemplarily holy, so-
APPENDIX. IXXl
ber, just, peaceable, and gracious, in their lives ; sound,
faithful, and powerful, in their ministry ; and follow all their
labours with abundance of success and blessing ; and give
unto all his people pastors according to his own heart; for
the universities, and all schools and religious seminaries of
church and commonwealth, that they may flourish more and
more in learning and piety ; for the particular city or con-
gregation, that God would pour out a blessing upon the mi-
nistry of the word, sacraments, and discipline, upon the civil
government, and all the several families and persons there-
in ; for mercy to the afflicted under any inward or outward
distress. For seasonable weather, and fruitful seasons, as
the time may require ; for averting the judgments that we
either feel, or fear, or are liable unto, as famine, pestilence,
the sword, and such-like.
" And, with confidence of his mercy to his whole church,
and the acceptance of our persons, through the merits and
mediation of our high priest the Lord Jesus, to profess that
it is the desire of our souls to have fellowship with God,
in the reverend and conscionable use of his holy ordinances ;
and to that purpose, to pray earnestly for his grace and ef-
fectual assistance to the sanctification of his holy sabbath,
the Lord's day, in all the duties thereof, public and private,
both to ourselves, and to all other congregations of his peo-
ple, according to the riches and excellency of the gospel,
this day celebrated and enjoyed.
" And because we have been unprofitable hearers in
times past, and now cannot of ourselves receive, as we
should, the deep things of God, the mysteries of Jesus
Christ, which require a spiritual discerning ; to pray that
the Lord, who teacheth to profit, would graciously please
to pour out the Spirit of grace, together with the outward
means thereof, causing us to attain such a measure of the
excellency of the knowledge of Christ Jesus our Lord, and
in him, of the things which belong to our peace, that we
may account all things but as dross in comparison of him :
and that we, tasting the first-fruits of the glory that is to
be revealed, may long for a more full and perfect commu-
nion with him, that where he is, we may be also, and enjoy
the fulness of those joys and pleasures which are at his
right hand for evermore.
Ixxii APPENDIX.
" More particularly, that God would in special manner
furnish his servant (now called to dispense the bread of life
unto his household) with wisdom, fidelity, zeal, and utter-
ance, that he may divide the word of God aright, to every
one his portion, in evidence and demonstration of the Spirit
and power : and that the Lord would circumcise the ears
and hearts of the hearers, to hear, love, and receive with
meekness, the ingrafted word, which is able to save their
souls; make them as good ground to receive in the good
seed of the word, and strengthen them against the tempta-
tions of Satan, the cares of the world, the hardness of their
own hearts, and whatsoever else may hinder their profitable
and saving hearing ; that so Christ may be so formed in
them, and live in them, that all their thoughts may be
brought into captivity to the obedience of Christ, and their
hearts established in every good word and work for ever."
Wejudge this to be a convenient order, in the ordinary
public prayers ; yet so, as the minister may defer (as in pru-
dence he shall think meet) some part of these petitions, till
after his sermon, or offer up to God some of the thanksgiv-
ings hereafter appointed, in his prayer before his sermon.
Of the Preaching of the Word.
Preaching of the word being the power of God unto sal-
vation, and one of the greatest and most excellent works be-
longing to the ministry of the gospel, should be so perform-
ed, that the workman need not be ashamed, but may save
himself, and those that hear him.
It is presupposed (according to the rules for ordination),
that the minister of Christ is in some good measure gifted
for so weighty a service, by his skill in the original lan-
guages, and in such arts and sciences as are handmaids unto
divinity; by his knowledge in the whole body of theology,
but most of all in the Holy Scriptures, having his senses
and heart exercised in them above the common sort of be-
lievers; and by the illumination of God's Spirit, and other
gifts of edification, which (together with reading and study-
ing of the word) he ought still to seek by prayer, and an
humble heart, resolving to admit and receive any truth not
yet attained, whenever God shall make it known unto him.
All which he is to make use of, and improve in his private
APPENDIX. Ixxiii
preparations, before he deliver in public what he hath pro-
vided.
Ordinarily, the subject of his sermon is to be some text
of Scripture, holding forth some principle or head of reli-
gion, or suitable to some special occasion emergent ; or he
may go on in some chapter, psalm, or book of the Holy
Scripture, as he shall see fit.
Let the introduction to his text be brief and perspicuous,
drawn from the text itself, or context, or some parallel
place, or general sentence of Scripture.
If the text be long (as in histories and parables it some-
times must be), let him give a brief sum of it ; if short, a pa-
raphrase thereof, if need be : in both, looking diligently to
the scope of the text, and pointing at the chief heads and
grounds of doctrine which he is to raise from it.
In analysing and dividing his text, he is to regard more
the order of matter, than of words; and neither to burden
the memory of the hearers in the beginning with too many
members of division, nor to trouble their minds with obscure
terms of art.
In raising doctrines from the text, his care ought to be,
first, that the matter be the truth of God. Secondly, that
it be a truth contained in or grounded on that text, that
the hearers may discern how God teacheth it from thence.
Thirdly, that he chiefly insist upon those doctrines which
are principally intended, and make most for the edification
of the hearers.
The doctrine is to be expressed in plain terms ; or, if any
thing in it need explication, it is to be opened, and the con-
sequence also from the text cleared. The parallel places
of Scripture, confirming the doctrine, are rather to be plain
and pertinent, than many, and (if need be), somewhat in-
sisted upon, and applied to the purpose in hand.
The arguments and reasons are to be solid ; and, as much
as may be, convincing. The illustrations, of what kind
soever, ought to be full of light, and such as may convey
the truth into the hearer's heart with spiritual delight.
If any doubt, obvious from Scripture, reason, or prejudice
of the hearers, seem to arise, it is very requisite to remove
it, by reconciling the seeming differences, answering the
reasons, and discovering and taking away the causes of pre-
judice and mistake. Otherwise, it is not fit to detain the
Ixxiv APPENDIX.
hearers with propounding or answering with vain or wicked
cavils, which as they are endless, so the propounding and
answering of them doth more hinder than promote edifi-
cation.
He is not to rest in general doctrine, although never so
much cleared and confirmed, but to bring it home to special
use, by application to his hearers; which albeit it prove a
work of great difficulty to himself, requiring much pru-
dence, zeal, and meditation, and to the natural and corrupt
man will be very unpleasant; yet he is to endeavour to per-
form it in such a manner, that his auditors may feel the
word of God to be quick and powerful, and a discerner of
the thoughts and intents of the heart; and that, if any be-
liever or ignorant person be present, he may have the se-
crets of his heart made manifest, and give glory to God.
In the use of instruction or information in the knowledge
of some truth, which is a consequence from his doctrine, he
may (when convenient) confirm it by a few firm arguments
from the text in hand, and other places of Scripture, or from
the nature of that common-place in divinity whereof that
truth is a branch.
In confutation of false doctrines, he is neither to raise art
old heresy from the grave, nor to mention a blasphemous
opinion unnecessarily : but if the people be in danger of an
error, he is to confute it soundly, and endeavour to satisfy
their judgments and consciences against all objections.
In exhorting to duties, he is, as he seeth cause, to teach
also the means that help to the performance of them.
In dehortation, reprehension, and public admonition
(which require special wisdom), let him, as there shall be
cause, not only discover the nature and greatness of the sin,
with the misery attending it, but also shew the danger his
hearers are in to be overtaken and surprised by it, together
with the remedies and best way to avoid it.
In applying comfort, whether general against all tempta-
tions, or particular against some special troubles or terrors,
he is carefully to answer such objections, as a troubled heart
and afflicted spirit may suggest to the contrary.
It is also sometimes requisite to give some notes of trial
(which is very profitable, especially when performed by
able and experienced ministers, with circumspection and
prudence, and the signs clearly grounded on the Holy
APPENDIX. IXXV
Scripture), whereby the hearers may be able to examine
themselves, whether they have attained those graces, and
performed those duties, to which he exhorteth, or be guilty
of the sin reprehended, and in danger of the judgments
threatened, or are such to whom the consolations propound-
ed do belong; that accordingly they may be quickened and
excited to duty, humbled for their wants and sins, affected
with their danger, and strengthened with comfort, as their
condition upon examination shall require.
And, as he needeth not always to prosecute every doctrine
which lies in his text, so is he wisely to make choice of such
uses, as, by his residence and conversing with his flock, he
findeth most needful and seasonable ; and amongst these,
such as may most draw their souls to Christ, the fountain of
light, holiness, and comfort.
This method is not prescribed as necessary for every man,
or upon every text; but only recommended, as being found
by experience to be very much blessed of God, and very
helpful for the people's understandings and memories.
But the servant of Christ, whatever his method be, is to
perform his whole ministry,
1. Painfully, not doing the work of the Lord negligently.
2. Plainly, that the meanest may understand, delivering
the truth, not in the enticing words of man's wisdom, but in
demonstration of the Spirit and of power, lest the cross of
Christ should be made of none effect; abstaining also from
an unprofitable use of unknown tongues, strange phrases,
and cadences of sounds and words, sparingly citing sentences
of ecclesiastical or other human writers, ancient or modern,
be they never so elegant.
3. Faithfully looking at the honour of Christ, the con-
version, edification, and salvation, of the people, not at his
own gain or glory, keeping nothing back which may pro-
mote those holy ends, giving to every one his own portion,
and bearing indifferent respect unto all, without neglecting
the meanest, or sparing the greatest, in their sins.
4. Wisely framing all doctrines, exhortations, and espe-
cially his reproofs, in such a manner as may be most likely
to prevail, shewing all due respect to each man's person
and place, and not mixing his own passion or bitterness.
5. Gravely, as becometh the word of God, shunning all
Ixxvi APPENDIX.
such gesture, voice, and expressions, as may occasion the
corruptions of men to despise him and his ministry.
6. With loving affection, that the people may see all
coming from his godly zeal, and hearty desire to do them
good.
7. As taught of God, and persuaded in his own heart, that
all that he teacheth is the truth of Christ; and walking be-
fore his flock, as an example to them in it : earnestly, both
in private and public, recommending his labours to the
blessing of God, and watchfully looking to himself and the
flock, whereof the Lord hath made him overseer: so shall
the doctrine of truth be preserved uncorrupt, many souls
converted and built up, and himself receive manifold com-
forts of his labours, even in this life, and afterward the
crown of glory laid up for him in the world to come.
Where there are more ministers in a congregation than
one, and they of difi'erent gifts, each may more especially
apply himself to doctrine or exhortation, according to the
gift wherein he most excelleth, and as they shall agree be-
tween themselves.
Of Prayer after Sermon,
The sermon being ended, the minister is '* to give thanks
for the great love of God, in sending his Son Jesus Christ
unto us; for the communication of his Holy Spirit; for the
light and liberty of the glorious gospel, and the rich and
heavenly blessings revealed therein : as namely, election,
vocation, adoption, justification, sanctification, and hope of
glory ; for the admirable goodness of God, in freeing the
land from antichristian darkness and tyranny, and for all
other national deliverances : for the reformation of religion,
for the covenant ; and for many temporal blessings.
*' To pray for the continuance of the gospel, and all ordi-
nances thereof, in their purity, power, and liberty: to turn
the chief and most useful heads of the sermon into some
few petitions; and to pray that it may abide in the heart,
and bring forth fruit.
,".To pray for preparation for death and judgment, and a
watching for the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ: to en-
treat of God the forgiveness of the iniquities of our holy
things, and the acceptation of our spiritual sacrifice, through
APPENDIX. Ixxvii
the merit and mediation of our great High-Priest and Sa-
viour the Lord Jesus Christ.
And because the prayer which Christ taught his disciples
is not only a pattern of prayer, but itself a most comprehen-
sive prayer, we recommend it also to be used in the prayers
of the church.
And whereas, at the administration of the sacraments, the
holding public fasts, and days of thanksgiving, and other
special occasions, which may afford matter of special peti-
tions and thanksgivings, it is requisite to express somewhat
in our public prayers (as at this time it is our duty to pray
for a blessing upon the assembly of divines, the armies by
sea and land, for the defence of the king, parliament, and
kingdom), every minister is herein to apply himself in his
prayer, before or after sermon, to those occasions : but for
the manner he is left to his liberty, as God shall direct and
enable him, in piety and wisdom to discharge his duty.
The prayer ended, let a psalm be sung, if with conve-
nience it may be done. After which (unless some other or-
dinance of Christ, that concerneth the congregation at that
time, be to follow), let the minister dismiss the congregation
with a solemn blessing.
THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE SACRAMENTS.
AND FIRST, OF BAPTISM.
Baptism, as it is not unnecessarily to be delayed, so it is
not to be administered in any case by any private person,
but by a minister of Christ, called to be the steward of the
mysteries of God.
Nor is it to be administered in private places, or pri-
vately, but in the place of public worship, and in the face of
the congregation, where the people may most conveniently
see and hear, and not in the places where fonts, in the time
of Popery, were unfitly and superstitiously placed.
The child to be baptized, after notice given to the minis-
ter the day before, is to be presented by the father, or (in
case of his necessary absence) by some Christian friend in
his place, in professing his earnest desire that the child may
be baptized.
IxXviii APPENDIX.
Before baptism, the minister is to use some words of in-
struction, touching the institution, nature, use, and ends, of
this sacrament : shewing,
" That it is instituted by our Lord Jesus Christ; that it
IS a seal of the covenant of grace, of our ingrafting into
Christ, and of our union with him, of remission of sins,
regeneration, adoption, and life eternal. That the water in
baptism, representeth and signifieth, both the blood of
Christ, which taketh away all guilt of sin, original and ac-
tual ; and the sanctifying virtue of the Spirit of Christ
against the dominion of sin, and the corruption of our sin-
ful nature : that baptizing, or sprinkling and washing with
water, signifieth the cleansing from sin by the blood and
for the merit of Christ, together with the mortification of
sin, and rising from sin to newness of life, by virtue of the
death and resurrection of Christ : that the promise is made
to believers and their seed ; and that the seed and posterity
of the faithful, born within the church, have by their birth,
interest in the covenant, and right to the seal of it, and to
the outward privileges of the church under the gospel, no
less than the children of Abraham in the time of the Old
Testament ; the covenant of grace, for substance, being the
:\me; and the grace of God, and the consolation of be-
lievers, more plentiful than before : that the Son of God
admitted little children into his presence, embracing and
blessing them, saying, ' for of such is the kingdom of God :'
that children, by baptism, are solemnly received into the
bosom of the visible church, distinguished from the world,
and them that are without, and united with believers; and
that all who are baptized in the name of Christ, do renounce,
and by their baptism are bound to fight against, the devil,
the world, and the flesh: that they are Christians, and fe-
derally holy before baptism, and therefore they are baptized ;
that the inward grace and virtue of baptism is not tied to
that very moment of time wherein it is administered, and
that the fruit and power thereof reacheth to the whole
course of our life; and that outward baptism is not so ne-
cessary, that through the want thereof the infant is in dan-
ger of damnation, or the parents guilty, if they do not con-
temn or neglect tlie ordinance of Christ, when and where it
may be had."
In these, or the like instructions, the minister is to use
APPENDIX. Ixxix
his own liberty and godly wisdom, as the ignorance or
errors in the doctrine of baptism, and the edification of the
people shall require.
He is also to admonish all that are present,
'^ To look back to their baptism ; to repent of their sins
against their covenant with God; to stir up their faith; to
improve and make the right use of their baptism, and of the
covenant sealed thereby betwixt God and their souls."
lie is to exhort the Parent,
*' To consider the great mercy of God to him and his
child, to bring up the child in the knowledge of the grounds
of the Christian religion, and in the nurture and admonition
of the Lord ; and to let him know the danger of God's
wrath to himself and child, if he be negligent; requiring
his solemn promise for the performance of his duty."
This being done, prayer is also to be joined with the
word of instruction, for sanctifying the water to this spiri-
tual use ; and the minister is to pray to this or the like
effect.
" That the Lord, who hath not left us as strangers with-
out the covenant of promise, but called us to the privileges
of his ordinances, would graciously vouchsafe to sanctify
and bless his own ordinance of baptism at this time: that he
would join the inward baptism of his Spirit with the outward
baptism of water; make this baptism to the infant a seal of
adoption, remission of sin, regeneration, and eternal life,
and all other promises of the covenant of grace: that the
child may be planted into the likeness of the death and re-
surrection of Christ; and that the body of sin being de-
stroyed in him, he may serve God in newness of life all his
days."
Then the minister is to demand the name of the child,
which being told him, he is to say (calling the child by his
name), / baptize thee in the name of the Father, and of the
Son, and of the Holy Ghost,
As he pronounceth these words, he is to baptize the child
with water ; which, for the manner of doing it, is not only
lawful but sufficient, and most expedient to be, by pourino-
IXXX APPENDIX.
or sprinkling of the water on the face of the child, without
adding any other ceremony.
This done, he is to give thanks, and to pray, to this or
the like purpose :
*' Acknowledging with all thankfulness, that the Lord is
true and faithful in keeping covenant and mercy ; that he is
good and gracious, not only in that he numbereth us among
his saints, but is pleased also to bestow upon our children
this singular token and badge of his love in Christ: that, in
his truth and special providence, he daily bringeth some
into the bosom of his church, to be partakers of his inesti-
mable benefits, purchased by the blood of his dear Son, for
the continuance and increase of his church.
*' And praying, that the Lord would still continue and
daily confirm more and more this his unspeakable favour:
that he would receive the infant, now baptized, and so-
lemnly entered into the household of faith, into his fatherly
tuition and defence, and remember him with the favour that
he sheweth to his people : that, if he shall be taken out of
this life in his infancy, the Lord, who is rich in mercy,
would be pleased to receive him up into glory; and if he
live, and attain the years of discretion, that the Lord would
so teach him by his word and Spirit, and make his baptism
effectual to him, and so uphold him by his divine power and
grace, that by faith he may prevail against the devil, the
world, and the flesh, till in the end he obtain a full and
final victory, and so be kept by the power of God through
faith unto salvation, through Jesus Christ our Lord."
Of the Celebration of the Communion^ or Sacrament
of the Lord's Supper.
The communion, or supper of the Lord, is frequently to
be celebrated : but how often, may be considered, and de-
termined by the ministers, and other church-governors of
each congregation, as they shall find it most convenient for
the comfort and edification of the people committed to their
charge. And when it shall be administered, we judge it
convenient to be done after the morning sermon.
The iirnorant and the scandalous are not fit to receive
this sacrament of the Lord's supper.
Where this sacrament cannot with convenience be fre-
APPENDIX. iXXXr
qiiently administered, it is requisite that public warning be
given the sabbath-day before the administration thereof:
and that either then, or on some day of that week, some-
thing concerning that ordinance, and the due preparation
thereunto, and participation thereof, be taught, that by the
diligent use of all means sanctified of God to that end, both
in public and private, all may come better prepared to that
heavenly feast.
When the day is come for administration, the minister
having ended his sermon and prayer, shall make a short ex-
hortation,
'' Expressing the inestimable benefit we have by this sa-
crament ; together with the ends and use thereof: setting
forth the great necessity of having our comforts and strength
renewed thereby, in this our pilgrimage and warfare : how
necessary it is, that we come unto it with knowledge, faith,
repentance, love, and with hungering and thirsting souls
after Christ and his benefits : how great the danger to eat
and drink unworthily.
*' Next, he is, in the name of Christ, on the one part, to
warn all such as are ignorant, scandalous, profane, or that
live in any sin or offence against their knowledge or con-
science, that they presume not to come to that holy table;
shewing them that he that eateth and drinketh unworthily,
eateth and drinketh judgment unto himself: and on the
other part, he is in especial manner to invite and encourage
all that labour under the sense of the burden of their sins,
and fear of wrath, and desire to reach out unto a greater
progress in grace than yet they can attain unto, to come to
the Lord's table; assuring them, in the same name, of
ease, refreshing, and strength, to their weak and wearied
souls.'*
After this exhortation, warning, and invitation, the table
being before decently covered, and so conveniently placed
that the communicants may orderly sit about it, or at it,
the minister is to begin the action with sanctifying and
blessing the elements of bread and wine set before him (the
bread in comely and convenient vessels, so prepared, that
being broken by him, and given, it may be distributed
amongst the communicants: the wine also in large cups);
having first in a few words shewed, that those elements,
VOL. f. f
Jxxxii APPENDIX.
otherwise common, are now set apart and sanctified to this
holy use, by the word of institution and prayer.
Let the words of institution be read out of the evange-
lists, or out of the First Epistle of the apostle Paul to the
Corinthians, chap. xi. verse 23. " I have received of the
Lord," &c. to the twenty-seventh verse, which the minister
may, when heseeth requisite, explain and apply.
Let the prayer, thanksgiving^, or blessing, of the bread
and wine, be to this effect :
'* With humble and hearty acknowledgment of the great-
ness of our misery, from which neither man nor angel was
able to deliver us, and of our great unworthiness of the
least of all God's mercies ; to give thanks to God for all his
benefits, and especially for that great benefit of our redemp-
tion, the love of God the Father, the sufferings and merits
of the Lord Jesus Christ the Son of God, by which we are
delivered ; and for all means of grace, the word, and sacra-
ments ; and for this sacrament in particular, by which
Christ, and all his benefits, are applied and sealed up unto
us, which, notwithstanding the denial of them unto others,
are in great mercy continued unto us, after so much and
long abuse of them all.
*' To profess, that there is no other name under heaven
by which we can be saved, but the name of Jesus Christ, by
whom alone we receive liberty and life, have access to the
throne of grace, are admitted to eat and drink at his own
table, and are sealed up by his Spirit to an assurance of hap-
piness and everlasting life.
•' Earnestly to pray to God, the Father of all mercies,
and God of all consolation, to vouchsafe his gracious pre-
sence, and the effectual working of his Spirit in us, and so
to sanctify these elements, both of bread and wine, and to
bless his own ordinance, that we may receive by faith the
body and blood of Jesus Christ crucified for us, and so to
feed upon him, that he may be one with us, and we with
him; that he may live in us, and we in him, and to him,
who hath loved us, and given himself for us."
All which he is to endeavour to perform with suitable
affections, answerable to such a holy action, and to stir up
the like in the people.
The elements being now sanctified by the word and prayer.
APPENDIX. Ixxxiii
the minister, being at the table, is to take the bread in his
hand, and say, in these expressions (or other the like, used
by Christ, or his apostle, upon this occasion);
" According to the holy institution, command, and ex-
ample, of our blessed Saviour Jesus Christ, I take this bread,
and having given thanks, I break it, and give it unto you
[there the minister, who is also himself to communicate, is
to break the bread and give it to the communicants] : * Take
ye, eat ye ; this is the body of Christ which is broken for
you ; do this in remembrance of him/ "
In like manner the minister is to take the cup, and say,
in these expressions (or other the like, used by Christ, or
the apostle, upon the same occasion) ;
" According to the institution, command, and example, of
our Lord Jesus Christ, I take this cup, and give it unto you
{here he giveth it to the communicants]: ' This cup is the
New Testament in the blood of Christ, which is shed for
the remission of the sins of many ; drink ye all of it.' "
After all have communicated, the minister may, in a few
words, put them in mind,
" Of the grace of God, in Jesus Christ, held forth in this
sacrament; and exhort them to walk worthy of it."
The minister is to give ^emn thanks to God,
" For his rich mercy and invaluable goodness vouchsafed
to them in that sacrament ; and to entreat for pardon for the
defects of the whole service, and for the gracious assistance
of his good Spirit, whereby they may be enabled to walk in
the strength of that grace, as becometh those who have re-
ceived so great pledges of salvation."
The collection for the poor is so to be ordered, that no
part of the public worship be thereby hindered.
Of the Sanctifi cation of the Lord's Day.
The Lord's day ought to be so remembered beforehand,
as that all worldly business of our ordinary callings may be
so ordered, and so timely and seasonably laid aside, as they
may not be impediments to the due sanctifying of the day
when it comes.
The whole day is to be celebrated as holy to the Lord,
both in public and private, as being the Christian sabbath.
To which end it is requisite, that there be a holy cessation,
or resting all the day, from all unnecessary labours; and an
f 2
Ixxyiv APPENDIX.
abstaining, not only from all sports and pastimes, but also
from all worldly words and thoughts.
That the diet on that day be so ordered, as that neither
servants be unnecessarily detained from the public worship
of God, nor any other persons hindered from the sanctifying
that day.
That there be private preparation of every person and
family, by prayer for themselves, and for God's assistance
of the minister, and for a blessing upon his ministry; and
by such other holy exercises as may farther dispose them
to a more comfortable communion with God in his public
ordinances.
That all the people meet so timely for public worship,
that the whole congregation may be present at the begin-
ning, and with one heart solemnly join together in all parts
of the public worship, and not depart till after the blessing.
That what time is vacant, between or after the solemn
meetings of the congregation in public, be spent in reading,
meditation, repetition of sermons (especially by calling
their families to an account of what they have heard); and
catechising of them, holy conferences, prayer for a blessing
upon the public ordinances, singing of psalms, visiting the
sick, relieving the poor, and such-like duties of piety, cha-
rity, and mercy, accounting the sabbath a delight.
The Solemnization of Marriage,
Although marriage be na sacrament, nor peculiar to the
church of God, but common to mankind, and of public in-
terest in every commonwealth; yet because such as marry,
are to marry in the Lord, and have special need of in-
struction, direction, and exhortation, from the word of God,
at their entering into such a new condition; and of the
blessing of God upon them therein ; we judge it expedient,
that marriage be solemnized, by a lawful minister of the
word, that he may accordingly counsel them, and pray for a
blessing upon them.
Marriage is to be betwixt one man and one woman only;
and they such as are not within the degrees of consan-
guinity or affinity prohibited by the word cf God ; and the
parties are to be of years of discretion, fit to make their
own choice, or uj>on good grounds to give their mutual
consent.
APPENDIX. IXXXV
Before the soleninizingof marriage between any persons,
their purpose of marriage shall be published by the minis-
ter, three several sabbath-days, in the congregation at the
place or places of their most usual and constant abode re-
spectively. And of this publication, the minister who is to
join them in marriage shall have sufficient testimony, before
he proceed to solemnize the marriage.
Before that publication of such their purpose (if the
parties be under age), the consent of the parents, or others
under whose power they are (in case the parents be dead),
is to be made known to the church-officers of that congre-
gation, to be recorded.
The like is to be observed in the proceedings of all
others, although of age, whose parents are living, for their
first marriage. And in after marriages of either of those
parties, they shall be exhorted not to contract marriage
without first acquainting their parents with it (if with con-
veniency it may be done), endeavouring to obtain their
consent.
Parents ought not to force their children to marry with-
out their free consent, nor deny their own consent without
just cause.
After the purpose or contract of marriage hath been thus
published, the marriage is not to be long deferred. There-
fore the minister, having had convenient warning, and no-
thing being objected to hinder it, is publicly to solemnize it
in the place appointed by authority for public worship, be-
fore a competent number of credible witnesses, at some
convenient hour of the day, at any time of the year,, except
on a day of public humiliation. And we advise that it be
not on the Lord's day.
And because all relations are sanctified by the word and
prayer, the minister is to pray for a blessing upon them to
this effect :
" Acknowledging our sins, whereby we have made our-
selves less than the least of all the mercies of God, and
provoked him to imbitter all our comforts; earnestly, in
the name of Christ, to entreat the Lord (whose presence
and favour is the happiness of every condition, and sweetens
every relation) to be their portion, and to own and accept
them in Christ, who are now to be joined in the honourable
estate of marriage, the covenant of their God : and that.
Ixxxvi APPENDIX.
as he liath brought them together by his providence, he
would sanctify them by his Spirit, giving them a new frame
of heart, fit for their new estate; enriching them with all
graces, whereby they may perform the duties, enjoy the
comforts, undergo the cares, and resist the temptations,
which accompany that condition, as becometh Christians."
The prayer being ended, it is convenient that the minis-
ter do briefly declare unto them out of the Scripture,
" The institution, use, and ends, of marriage, with the
conjugal duties, which, in all faithfulness, they are to per-
form each to other ; exhorting them to study the holy word
of God, that they may learn to live by faith, and to be con-
tent in the midst of all marriage-cares and troubles, sancti-
fying God's name, in a thankful, sober, and holy use of all
conjugal comforts; praying much with and for one another;
watching over and provoking each other to love and good
works ; and to live together as the heirs of the grace
of life."
After solemn charging of the persons to be married be-
fore the great God, who searcheth all hearts, and to whom
they must give a strict account at the last day, that if either
of them know any cause, by precontract or otherwise, why
they may not lawfully proceed to marriage, that they now
discover it: the minister (if no impediment be acknowledged)
shall cause first the man to take the woman by the right
hand, saying these words,
" I N. do take thee N. to be my married wife, and do, in
the presence of God, and before this congregation, promise
and covenant to be a loving and faithful husband unto thee,
until God shall separate us by death.'*
Then the woman shall take the man by his right hand,
and say these words,
" 1 N. do take thee N. to be my married husband, and I
do, in the presence of God, and before this congregation,
promise and covenant to be a loving, faithful, and obedient
wife unto thee, until God shall separate us by death."
Then, without any farther ceremony, the minister shall,
in tfie face of the congregation, pronounce them to be hus-
band and wife, according to God's ordinance; and so con-
clude the action with prayer to this effect ;
" That the Lord would be pleased to accompany his own
APPENDIX. IxXXvii
ordinance with his blessing, beseeching him to enrich the
persons now married, as with other pledges of his love, so
particularly with the comforts and fruits of marriage, to
the praise of his abundant mercy, in and through Christ
Jesus."
A register is to be carefully kept, wherein the names of
the parties so married, with the time of their marriage, are
forthwith to be fairly recorded in a book, provided for that
purpose, for the perusal of all whom it may concern.
Concerning Visitation of the Sick.
It is the duty of the minister, not only to teach the people
committed to his charge, in public ; but privately and par-
ticularly to admonish, exhort, reprove, and comfort them,
upon all seasonable occasions, so far as his time, strength,
and personal safety, w ill permit.
He is to admonish them, in time of health, to prepare for
death ; and for that purpose, they are often to confer with
their minister about the estate of their souls; and in times
of sickness, to desire his advice and help, timely and season-
ably, before their strength and understanding fail them.
Times of sickness and affliction are special opportunities
put into his hand by God, to minister a word in season to
weary souls, because then the consciences of men are or
should be more awakened to bethink themselves of their
spiritual estates for eternity ; and Satan also takes advantage
then, to load them more with sore and heavy temptations :
therefore the minister being sent for, and repairing to the
sick, is to apply himself with all tenderness and love, to admi-
nister some spiritual good to his soul to this effect.
He may, from the consideration of the present sickness,
instruct him out of Scripture, that diseases come not by
chance, or by distempers of body only, but by the wise and
orderly guidance of the good hand of God, to every parti-
cular person smitten by them. And that, whether it be
laid upon him out of displeasure for sin, for his correction
and amendment, or for trial and exercise of his graces, or
for other special and excellent ends, all his sufferings shall
turn to his profit, and work together for his good, if he
sincerely labour to make a sanctified use of God's visita-
tion, neither despising his chastening, nor waxing weary of
his correction.
IxXXViii APPENDIX.
If he suspect him of ignorance, he shall examine him in
the principles of religion, especially touching repentance
and faith ; and as he seeth cause, instruct him in the nature,
use, excellency, and necessity, of those graces ; as also touch-
ing the covenant of grace, and Christ the Son of God, the
mediator of it, and concerning remission of sins by faith
in him.
He shall exhort the sick person to examine himself, to
gearch and try his former ways, and his estate towards God.
And if the sick person shall declare any scruple, doubt,
or temptation, that is upon him, instructions and resolutions
shall be given to satisfy and settle him.
If it appear that he hath not a due sense of his sins, en-
deavours ought to be used to convince him of his sins, of
the guilt and desert of them ; of the filth and pollution
which the soul contracts by them ; and of the curse of the
law, and wrath of God, due to them : that he may be truly
affected with and humbled for them : and withal to make
known the danger of deferring repentance, and of neglect-
ing salvation at any time offered ; to awaken his conscience,
and rouse him up out of a stupid and secure condition, to
apprehend the justice and wrath of God, before whom none
can stand, but he that, being lost to himself, layeth hold
upon Christ by faith.
If he have endeavoured to walk in the ways of holiness,
and to serve God in uprightness, although not without
many failings and infirmities; or if his spirit be broken
with the sense of sin, or cast down through want of the
fense of God's favour, then it will be fit to raise him up,
by setting before him the freeness and fulness of God's
grace, the sufficiency of righteousness in Christ, the gracious
offers in the gospel, that all who repent and believe with
all their heart in God's mercy through Christ, renouncing
their own righteousness, shall have life and salvation in
\iim : it may also be useful to shew him, that death hath in
it no spiritual evil to be feared by those that are in Christ,
because sin, the sting of death, is taken away by Christ,
who hath delivered all that are his, from the bondage of
the fear of death, triumphed over the grave, given us vic-
tory, is himself entered into glory, to prepare a place for
his people: ho that neither lile nor death shall be able to
separate them from God's love in Christ, in whom such are
APPENDIX. Ixxxix
sure, though now they must be laid in the dust, to obtain a
joyful and glorious resurrection to eternal life.
Advice also may be given, as to beware of an ill-ground-
ed persuasion on mercy, or on the goodness of his condi-
tion for heaven, so to disclaim all merit in himself, and
to cast himself wholly upon God for mercy, in the sole
merits and mediation of Jesus Christ, who hath engaged
himself never to cast off them, who in truth and sincerity
come unto him. Care also must be taken, that the sick
person be not cast down into despair, by such a severe re-
presentation of the wrath of God due to him for his sins,
as is not mollified by a seasonable propounding of Christ
and his merit, for a door of hope to every penitent believer.
When the sick person is best composed, may be least
disturbed, and other necessary offices about him least hin-
dered, the minister, if desired, shall pray with him, and for
him, to this effect;
" Confessing and bewailing of sin original and actual,
the miserable condition of all by nature, as being children
of wrath, and under the curse; acknowledging that all
diseases, sicknesses, death, and hell itself, are the proper
issues and effects thereof; imploring God's mercy for the
sick person through the blood of Christ; beseeching that
God would open his eyes, discover unto him his sins, cause
him to see himself lost in himself, make known to him th6
cause why God smiteth him, reveal Jesus Christ to his soul
for righteousness and life, give unto him his Holy Spirit to
create and strengthen faith, to lay hold upon Christ, to work
in him comfortable evidences of his love, to arm him against
temptations, to take off his heart from the world, to sanc-
tify his present visitation, to furnish him with patience and
strength to bear it, and to give him perseverance in faith
to the end.
*' That if God shall please to add to his days, he would
vouchsafe to bless and sanctify all means of his recovery,
to remove the disease, renew his strength, and enable him
to walk worthy of God, by a faithful remembrance and
diligent observing of such vows and promises of holiness
and obedience, as men are apt to make in times of sick-
ness, that he may glorify God in the remaining part of
his life.
'' And if God have determined to finish his days by the
XC APPENDIX.
present visitation, he may find such evidence of the pardon
of all his sins, of his interest in Christ, and eternal life by
Christ, as may cause his inward man to be renewed, while
his outward man decayeth ; that he may behold death with-
out fear, cast himself wholly upon Christ without doubting,
desire to be dissolved and be with Christ, and so receive the
end of his faith, the salvation of his soul, through the only
merits and intercession of the Lord Jesus Christ, our alone
Saviour, and all-sufficient Redeemer."
The minister shall admonish him also (as there shall be
cause) to set his house in order, thereby to prevent incon-
veniences; to take care for the payment of his debts, and
to make restitution or satisfaction where he hath done any
wrong, to be reconciled to those with whom he hath been
at variance, and fully to forgive all men their trespasses
against him, as he expects forgiveness at the hand of
God.
Lastly, the minister may improve the present occasion to
exhort those about the sick person, to consider their own
mortality, to return to the Lord and make peace with him ;
in health to prepare for sickness, death, and judgment; and
all the days of their appointed time so to wait until their
change come, that when Christ, who is our life, shall appear,
they may appear with him in glory.
Concerning Burial of the Dead.
When any person departeth this life, let the dead body,
upon the day of burial, be decently attended from the house
to the place appointed for public burial, and there imme-
diately interred, without any ceremony.
And because the customs of kneeling down, and praying
by or towards the dead corpse, and other such usages, in
the place where it lies, before it be carried to burial, are
superstitious; and for that, praying, reading, and singing,
both in going to, and at the grave, have been grossly abused,
are no way beneficial to the dead, and have proved many
ways hurtful to the living, therefore let ail such things be
laid aside.
Howbeit, we judge it very convenient, that the Christian
friends, which accompany the dead body to the place appoint-
ed for public burial, do apply themselves to meditations,
and eonferences suitable to the occasion : and that the mi-
APPENDIX. XCl
uister^ as upon other occasions, so at this time, if he be pre-
sent, may put them in remembrance of their duty.
That this shall not extend to deny any civil respects or
deferences at the burial, suitable to the rank and condition
of the party deceased while he was living.
Concerning public solemn Fasting.
When some great and notable judgments are either in-
flicted upon a people, or apparently imminent, or by some
extraordinary provocations notoriously deserved ; as also,
when some special blessing is to be sought and obtained,
public solemn fasting (which is to continue the whole day)
is a duty that God expecteth from that nation or people.
A religious fast requires total abstinence, not only from
all food (unless bodily weakness do manifestly disable from
holding out till the fast be ended, in which case somewhat
may be taken, yet very sparingly, to support nature, when
ready to faint), but also from all worldly labour, discourses,
and thoughts, and from all bodily delights (although at
other times lawful), rich apparel, ornaments, and such-like,
during the fast; and much more from whatever is, in the
nature or use, scandalous and offensive, as gaudish attire,
lascivious habits and gestures, and other vanities of either
sex ; which we recommend to all ministers, in their places,
diligently and zealously to reprove, as at other times, so
especially at a fast, without respect of persons, as there
shall be occasion
Before the public meeting, each family and person apart
are privately to use all religious care to prepare their
hearts to such solemn work, and to be early at the con-
gregation.
So large a portion of the day, as conveniently may be, is
to be spent in public reading and preaching of the word,
with singing of psalms, fit to quicken affections suitable
to such a duty, but especially in prayer, to this or the like
effect :
" Giving glory to the great majesty of God, the creator,
preserver, and supreme ruler, of all the world, the better
to affect us thereby with a holy reverence and awe of him ;
acknowledging his manifold, great, and tender mercies,
especially to the church and nation, the more effectually to
soften and abase our hearts before him ; humbly confessing
XCll APPENDIX.
of sins of all sorts, with their several aggravations ; justi-
fying God's righteous judgments, as being far less than our
sins do deserve; yet humbly and earnestly imploring his
mercy and grace for ourselves, the church, and nation, for
our king, and all in authority, and for all others for whom
we are bound to pray (according as the present exigence
requireth), with more special importunity and enlargement
than at other times; applying, by faith, the promises and
goodness of God, for pardon, help, and deliverance from
the evils felt, feared, or deserved; and for obtaining the
blessings which we need and expect ; together with a giving
up of ourselves wholly and for ever unto the Lord."
In all these, the ministers, who are the mouths of the
people unto God, ought so to speak from their hearts, upon
serious and thorough premeditation of them, that both
themselves and the people may be much affected, and even
melted thereby ; especially with sorrow for their sins, that
it may be indeed a day of deep humiliation and afSicting of
the soul.
Special choice is to be made of such scriptures to be read,
and of such texts for preaching, as may best work the hearts
of the hearers to the special business of the day, and most
dispose them to humiliation and repentance ; insisting most
on those particulars, which each minister's observation and
experience tell him, are most conducing to the edification
and reformation of that congregation to which he preacheth.
Before the close of the public duties the minister is, in
his own and the people's names, to engage his and their
hearts to be the Lord's, with professed purpose and resolu-
tion to reform whatever is amiss amongst them, and more
particularly such sins as they have been more remarkably
guilty of; and, to draw nearer unto God, and to walk more
closely and faithfully with him in new obedience, than ever
before.
He is also to admonish the people with all importunity,
that the work of that day doth not end with the public duties
of it, but that they are so to improve the remainder of the
day, and of their whole life, in reinforcing upon themselves
and their familes in private, all those godly aflections and
resolutions which they professed in public, as that they may
be settled in their hearts for ever, and themselves may more
sensibly find, that God hath smelt a sweet savour in Christ
APPENDIX. XCm
from their performances, and is pacified towards them, by
answers of grace, in pardoning of sin, in removing- of judg-
ments, in averting or preventing of plagues, and in conferring
of blessings, suitable to the conditions and prayers of his
people by Jesus Christ.
Besides solemn and general fasts enjoined by authority,
we judge, that at other times congregations may keep days
of fasting, as Divine Providence shall administer unto them
special occasions. And also, that families may do the same,
so it be not on days wherein the congregation to which they
do belong, is to meet for fasting, or other public duties of
worship.
Concerning the Observation of D at/ s of Public Thanksgiving.
When any such day is to be kept, let notice be given of
it, and of the occasion thereof, some convenient time before,
that the people may the better prepare themselves thereunto.
The day being come, and the congregation (after private
preparations) being assembled, the minister is to begin with
a word of exhortation, to stir up the people to the duty for
which they are met, and with a short prayer for God's
assistance and blessing (as at other conventions for pub-
lic worship), according to the particular occasion of their
meeting.
Let him then make some pithy narration of the deliver-
ance obtained, or mercy received, or of whatever hath
occasioned that assembling of the congregation, that all
may better understand it, or be minded of it, and more
affected with it.
And because singing of psalms is of all other the most
proper ordinance for expressing of joy and thanksgiving,
let some pertinent psalm or psalms be sung for that purpose,
before or after the reading of some portion of the word,
suitable to the present business.
Then let the minister who is to preach, proceed to far-
ther exhortation and prayer before his sermon, with special
reference to the present work : after which, let him preach
upon some text of Scripture pertinent to the occasion.
The sermon ended, let him not only pray, as at other
time after preaching is directed, with remembrance of the
necessities of the church, king, and state (if before the
sermon they were omitted), but enlarge himself in due and
XCIV APPENDIX.
solemn thanksgiving for former mercies and deliverances,
but more especially for that which at the present calls them
together to give thanks: with humble petition for the con-
tinuance and renewing of God's wonted mercies, as need
shall be, and for sanctifying grace to make k right use
thereof. And so, having sung another psalm suitable to the
mercy, let him dismiss the congregation with a blessing, that
they may have some convenient time for their repast and re-
freshment.
But the minister (before their dismission) is solemnly to
admonish them, to beware of all excess and riot, tending to
gluttony or drunkenness, and much more of these sins them-
selves, in their eating and refreshing ; and to take care that
their mirth and rejoicing be not carnal, but spiritual, which
may make God's praise to be glorious, and themselves hum-
ble and sober; and that both their feeding and rejoicing
may render them more cheerful and enlarged, farther to ce-
lebrate his praises in the midst of the congregation, when
they return unto it, in the remaining part of that day.
When the congregation shall be again assembled, the like
course in praying, reading, preaching, singing of psalms,
and offering up of more praise and thanksgiving, that is be-
fore directed for the morning, is to be renewed and conti-
nued so far as the time will give leave.
Atone or both of the public meetings that day, a collec-
tion is to be made for the poor (and in the like manner upon
the day of public humiliation), that their loins may bless
us, and rejoice the more with us. And the people are to
be exhorted, at the end of the latter meeting, to spend the
residue of that day in holy duties, and testificat ons of
Christian love and charity one towards another, and of re-
joicing more and more in the Lord, as becometh those who
make the joy of the Lord their strength.
Of Singing ofPsa Ims.
It is the duty of Christians to praise God publicly, by
singing of psalms together in the congregation, and also
privately in the family.
In singing of psalms the voice is to be tunably and
gravely ordered ; but the chief must be, to sing with un-
derstanding, an;! with grace in the heart, making melody
imto the Lord.
APPENDIX. XCV
That the whole congregation may join herein, everyone
that can read is to have a psalm-book ; and all others, not
disabled by age, or otherwise, are to be exhorted to learn
to read. But for the present, where many in the congrega-
tion cannot read, it is convenient that the minister, or some
other fit person appointed by him, and the other ruling
officers, do read the psalm line by line, before the singing
thereof.
An Appendix, touching Days and Pinces of public Worship,
There is no day commanded in Scripture to be kept holy
under the gospel but the Lord's day, which is the Christian
sabbath.
Festival days, vulgarly called holidays, having no war-
rant in the word of God, are not to be continued.
Nevertheless, it is lawful and necessary, upon special
emergent occasions, to separate a day or days for public
fasting or thanksgiving, as the several eminent and extraor-
dinary dispensations of God's providence shall administer
cause and opportunity to his people.
As no place is capable of any holiness, under pretence of
whatsoever dedication or consecration ; so neither is it sub-
ject to such pollution by any superstition formerly used, and
now laid aside, as may render it unlawful or inconvenient
for Christians to meet together therein for the public wor-
ship of God. And therefore we hold it requisite, that the
places of public assembling for worship amongst us, should
be continued, and employed to that use.
THE CONTENTS OF THE DIRECTORY FOR THE PUBLIC
WORSHIP OF GOD.
The preface.
Of the assembling of the coagregation.
Of public reading of ihe Holy Scripture.
Of public prajer before sermon.
Of preaching of the word.
Of prayer after the sermon.
Of the sacrament of baptism.
Of the sacrament of the Lord's supper.
Of the sanctification of the Lord's day.
Of the solemnization of marriage.
Of the visitation of the sick.
Of burial of the dead.
Of public solemn fasting.
Of the observation of days of public thanksgiying.
Of singing of psalms.
An Appendix, touching days and places of public v«rorsbip.
XCVl API'KNDIX.
No. IX.
THE FORM OF PRESBYTERIAL CHURCH GOVERNMENT
Agreed upon by the Assembly of Divines at Westminster ;
examined and approved^ Anno 1645, by the General Assem-
bly of the Church of Scotland, Sfc.
THE PREFACE.
Jesus Christ, upon whose shoulders the government is,
whose name is called Wonderful, Counsellor, the mighty
God, the everlasting Father, the Prince of peace,* of the
increase of whose government and peace there shall be no
end, who sits upon the throne of David, and upon his king-
dom, to order it, and to establish it with judgment and jus-
tice, from henceforth even for ever, having all power given
unto him even in heaveji and in earth by thQ Father, who
raised him from the dead, and set him at his own right hand,
far above all principalities, and power, and might, and do-
minion, and every name that is named, not only in this
world, but also in that which is to come, and put all things
under his feet, and gave him to be the head over all things
to the church, which is his body, the fulness of him that
filleth all in all : he being ascended up far above all hea-
vens, that he might fill all things, received gifts for his
church, and gave offices necessary for the edification of his
church, and perfecting of his saints.
Of the Church.
There is one general church visible held forth in the New
Testament, I Cor. xii. 12, 13. 28, together with the rest of
the chapter.
The ministry, oracles, and ordinances, of the New Testa-
ment, are given by Jesus Christ to the general church vi-
sible, for the gathering and perfecting of it in this life,
until his second coming, 1 Cor. xii. 28. Eph. iv. 4, 5, com-
pared with ver. 10 — 16, of the same chapter.
Particular visible churches, members of the general
church, are also held forth in the New Testament, Gal. i.
21, 22. Rev. i. 4. 20, and Rev. ii. 1. Particular churches,
• r». Ix. 6,7.
APPENDIX. XCVli
in the primitive times, were made up of visible saints, viz.
of such as, being of age, professed faith in Christ, and obe-
dience unto Christ, according to the rules of faith and life
taught by Christ and his apostles; and of their children.
Acts ii. 3S. 41 ; and ver. last, compared with v. 14. 1 Cor.
i. 2, compared with 2 Cor. ix. 13. Acts ii. 39. 1 Cor. vii. 14.
Rom. ix. 16, and so forward ; Mark x. 14, compared with
Matt. xix. 13, 14. Luke xviii. 15, 16.*
Of the Officers of the Church.
The officers which Christ hath appointed for the edifica-
tion of his church, and the perfecting of the saints, are,
Some extraordinary, as apostles, evangelists, and pro-
phets, which are ceased.
Others ordinary and perpetual, as pastors, teachers, and
other church-governors, and deacons.
Pastors.
The pastor is an ordinary and perpetual officer in the
church. Jer. iii. 15 — 17; prophesying of the time of the
gospel. 1 Pet. V. 2—4. Eph. iv. 11—13.
First, it belongs to his office,
To pray for and with his flock, as the mouth of the peo-
ple unto God. Actsvi. 2 — 4. Acts xx. 36; where preaching
and prayer are joined as several parts of the same office.
James v. 14, 15. The office of the elder, that is, the pas-
tor, is to pray for the sick, even in private, to which a bless-
ing is especially promised : much more therefore ought he
to perform this in the public execution of his office, as a
part thereof 1 Cor. xiv. 15, 16.
To read the Scripture publicly ; for the proof of which,
1. That the priests and Levites in the Jewish church
were trusted with the public reading of the word, as is
proved, Deut. xxxi. 9—11. Neh. viii. 1,2. 13.
2. That the ministers of the gospel have as ample a
charge and commission to dispense the word as well as other
ordinances, as the priests and Levites had under the law,
proved, Isa. Ixvi. 21, and Matt, xxiii. 34, where our Saviour
entitleth the officers of the New Testament, whom he will
send forth, by the same names as the teachers of the Old.
Which propositions prove, that therefore (the duty being
* Matt, xxviii. 18—20. Eph. i. 20— 22, compared with iv. 8—11, and P.<alm
)xviii. 18.
VOFu. V. g
XCVfll APPENDIX.
of a moral nature) it folio weth by just consequence, that
the public reading of the Scriptures belongeth to the pas-
tor's office.
To feed the flock, by preaching of the word, according
to which he is to teach, convince, reprove, exhort, and com-
fort. 1 Tim. iii. 2. 2 Tim. iii. 16, 17. Tit. i. 9.
To catechise, which is a plain laying down the prst prin-
ciples of the oracles of God, Heb. v. 12; or of the doctrine
of Christ, and is a part of preaching.
To dispense other divine mysteries, 1 Cor. iv. 1, 2.
To administer the sacraments, Matt, xxviii. 19,20. Mark
xvi. 15, 16. 1 Cor. xi. 23 — 25, compared with x. 16.
To bless the people from God, Numb. vi. 23 — 26, com-
pared with Rev. xiv. 5. (where the same blessings, and per-
sons from whom they come, are expressly mentioned), Isa.
Ixvi. 21, where, under the names of priests and Levites to
be continued under the gospel, are meant evangelical pas-
tors, who therefore are by office to bless the people, Deut.
X. 8. 2 Cor. xiii. 14. Ephl i. 2.
To take care of the poor. Acts xi. 30. iv. 34—37. vi. 2
—4. 1 Cor. xvi. 1—4. Gal. ii. 9, 10.
And he hath also a ruling power over the flock as a pas-
tor, I Tim. V. 17. Acts xx. 17. 28, 1 Thess. v. 12. Heb.
xiii. 7. 17.
Teacher or Doctor.
The Scripture doth hold out the name and title of teacher,
as well as of the pastor, 1 Cor. xii. 28. Eph. iv. 11.
Who is also a minister of the word as well as the pas-
tor, and hath power of administration of the sacraments.
The Lord having given different gifts, and divers exer-
cises according to these gifts, in the ministry of the word,
Rom. xii. 6—8. 1 Cor. xii. 1. 4 — 7, though these different
gifts may meet in, and accordingly be exercised by, one and
the same minister, 1 Cor. xiv. 3. 2 Tim. iv. 2. Tit. i. 9;
yet, where be several ministers in the same congregation,
they may be designed to several employments, according to
the diff*erent gifts in which each of them doth most excel.
Rom. xii. 6—8. 1 Pet. iv. 10, 11. And he that doth more
excel in exposition of Scriptures, in teaching sound doc-
trine, and in convincing gainsayers, than he doth in appli-
cation, and is accordingly employed therein, may be called
« teacher, or doctor (the places alleged by the notation of
APPENDIX. XCIX
the word do prove the proposition), nevertheless, where is
but one minister in a particular congregation, he is to per-
form, so far as he is able, the whole work of the minis-
try, as appcareth in 2 Tim. vi. 2. Tit. i. 9, before alleged.
1 Tim. vi. 2.
A teacher or doctor is of most excellent use in schools
and universities: as of old in the schools of the prophets,
and at Jerusalem, where Gamaliel and others taught as
doctors.
Other Church Governors.
As there were in the Jewish church, elders of the people
joined with the priests and Levites in the government of
the church, (as appeareth in 1 Chron xix. 8 — 10.) so Christ,
who hath instituted a government and governors ecclesias-
tical in the church, hath furnished some in his church, be-
side the ministers of the word, with gifts for government,
and with commission to execute the same when called there-
unto, who are to join with the minister in the government
of the church, Rom. xii. 7, 8. 1 Cor. xii. 28. Which officers
reformed churches commonly call elders.
Deacons.
The Scripture doth hold out deacons as distinct officers
in the church. Phil. i. 1. 1 Tim. iii. 8.
Whose office is perpetual. 1 Tim. iii. 8, to verse 15. Acts
vi. 1 — 4. To whose office it belongs not to preach the
word, or administer the sacraments, but to take special care
in distributing to the necessities of the poor. Acts vi.l — 4,
and the verses following.
Of particular Congregations.
It is lawful and expedient that there be fixed congrega-
tions, that is, a certain company of Christians to meet in
one assembly ordinarily for public worship. When believers
multiply to such a number that they cannot conveniently
meet in one place, it is lawful and expedient that they
should be divided into distinct and fixed congregations, for
the better administration of such ordinances as belong unto
them, and the discharge of mutual duties. 1 Cor. xiv. 26.
*' Let all things be done unto edifying ;" and 33 and 40.
The ordinary way of dividing Christians into distinct
congregations, and most expedient for edification, is by the
respective bounds of their dwellings.
C APPENDIX.
1st. Because thpy who dwell together, being bound to all
kind of moral duties one to another, have the better oppor-
tunity thereby to discharge them ; which moral tie is per-
petual, for Christ came not to destroy the law, but to fulfil
it. Deut. XV. 7. 11. Matt. xxii. 39. v. 17.
2dly. The communion of saints must be so ordered, as
may stand with the most convenient use of the ordinances,
and discharge of moral duties, without respect of persons.
1 Cor. xiv. 26. '* Let all things be done unto edifying."
Heb. x. 24, 25. James ii. 1, 2.
Sdly. The pastor and people must so nearly cohabit toge-
ther, as that they may mutually perform their duties each
to other with most coiiveniency.
In this company some must be set apart to bear offifce.
Of the Officers of a particular Congregation.
For officers in a single congregation, there ought to be
one at the least, both to labour in the word and doctrine,
and to rule. Prov. xxix. 18. 1 Tim. v. 17. Heb. xiii. 7.
It is also requisite that there should be others to join in
government. 1 Cor. xii.28.
And likewise it is requisite that there should be others to
take special care for the relief of the poor. Acts vi. 2, 3.
The number of each of which is to be proportioned ac-
cording to the condition of the congregation.
These officers are to meet together at convenient and set
times, for the well ordering the affairs of that congregation,
each according to his office.
It is most expedient that in these meetings, one whose
office is to labour in the word and doctrine, do moderate
in their proceedings. 1 Tim. v. 17.
Of the Ordinances in a particular Congregation,
The ordinances in a single congregation are, prayer,
thanksgiving, and singing of psalms, (1 Tim. ii. 1. 1 Cor.
xiv. 15, 16.) the word read (although there follow no im-
mediate explication of what is read), the word expounded
and applied, catechising, the sacraments administered, col-
lection made for the poor, dismissing the people with a
blessing.
Of Church- Government, and the several Sorts of
Assemblies for the same.
Christ bath instituted a government; and governors eccle-
APPENDIX. CI
siastical in the church; to that purpose, the apostles did im-
mediately receive the keys from the hand of Jesus Christ,
and did use and exercise them in all the churches of the
world, upon all occasions.
And Christ hath since continually furnished some in his
church with gifts of government, and with commission to
execute the same, when called thereunto.
It is lawful and agreeable to the word of God, that the
church be governed by several sorts of assemblies, which
are congregational, classical, and synodical.
Of the Power in common of all these Assemblies.
It is lawful and agreeable to the word of God, that the
several assemblies before mentioned have power to convene,
and call before them, any person within their several bounds
whom the ecclesiastical business which is before them doth
concern; proved by Matt, xviii.
They have the power to hear and determine such causes
and differences as do orderly come before them.
It is lawful and agreeable to the word of God, that all
the said assemblies have some power to dispense church-
censures.
Of Congregational AssemhlieSj that is, the Meeting (f the
ruling Officers of a particular Congregation for the Go-
vernment thereof
The ruling officers of a particular congregation have
power, authoritatively, to call before them any member of
the congregation, as they shall see just occasion.
To inquire into the knowledge and spiritual estate of the
.several members of the congregation.
To admonish and rebuke.
Which three branches are proved by Heb. xiii. 17. I
Thess. V. 12, 13. Ezek. xxxiv. 4.
Authoritative suspension from the Lord's table, of a
person not yet cast out of the church, is agreeable to the
Scripture ;
1st. Because the ordinance itself must not be profaned.
2dly. Because we are charged to withdraw from those
that walk disorderly.
Sdly. Because of the great sin and danger, both to him
Cll APPENDIX.
that comes unworthily, and also to the whole church. Matt,
vii. 6. 2 Thess. iii. 6. 14, 15. 1 Cor. xi.27, to the eud of the
chapter, compared with Jude 23. 1 Tim. v. 22. And there
was power and authority, under the Old Testament, to
keep unclean persons from holy things. Levit. xiii. 5.
Numb. ix. 7. 2 Chron. xxiii. 19.
The like power and authority, by way of analogy, conti-
nues under the New Testament.
The ruling officers of a particular congregation have
power, authoritatively, to suspend from the Lord's table a
person not yet cast out of the church.
1st. Because those who have authority to judge of and
admit such as are fit to receive the sacrament, have autho-
rity to keep back such as shall be found unworthy.
2dly. Because it is an ecclesiastical business of ordinary
practice belonging to that congregation.
When congregations are divided and fixed, they need all
mutual help one from another, both in regard of their in-
trinsical weaknesses, and mutual dependance ; as also, in
regard of enemies from without.
Of Classical Assemblies.
The Scripture doth hold out a presbytery in the church,
both in the First Epistle to Timothy, iv. 14, and in Acts
XV. 2. 4. 6.
A presbytery consisteth of ministers of the word, and such
other public officers as are agreeable to, and warranted by,
the word of God, to be church-governors, to join with the
ministers in the government of the church; as appeareth,
Rom. xii. 7, 8. 1 Cor. xii. 2S.
The Scripture doth hold forth, that many particular con-
gregations may be under one presbyterial government.
This proposition is proved by instances.
I. First. Of the church of Jerusalem, which consisted of
more congregations than one, and all these congregations
were under one presbyterial government.
This appeareth thus :
1. First. The church of Jerusalem consisted of more con-
gregations than one, as is manifest,
1st. By the multitude of believers mentioned in divers
places : both before the dispersion of the believers there by
the persecution (mentioned in the Acts of the Apostles, chap.
APPENDIX. cm
viii. in the beginning thereof), witness chap. i. verse 11. ii.
41.46,47; iv. 4, V. 14, and vi. of the same book of the Acts,
verses 1 and 7 ; and also after the dispersion, ix. SI, xii.
24, and xxi. 20, of the same book.
2dly. By the many apostles and other preachers in the
church of Jerusalem : and if there were but one congrega-
tion there, then each apostle preached but seldom ; which
will not consist with chap vi. verse 2 of the same book of
the Acts of the Apostles.
Sdly. The diversity of languages amongst the believers,
mentioned both in the second and sixth chapters of the
Acts, doth argue more congregations than one in that
church.
2. Secondly. All those congregations were under one
presbyterial government; because, 1st. They were one
church. Acts viii. 1. ii. 47, compared with v. 11, xii. 5, and
XV. 4, of the same book.
Sdly. The elders of the church are mentioned, Acts xi.
SO, XV. 4. 6. "2."^^ and xxi. 17, 18, of the same book.
Sdly. The apostles did the ordinary acts of presbyters, as
presbyters in that kirk ; which proveth a presbyterial church
before the dispersion. Acts vi.
4thly. The several congregations in Jerusalem being one
church, the elders of that church are mentioned as meeting
together for acts of government, Acts xi. SO. x v. 4. 6. 22, and
xxi. 17, 18, and so forward : which proves that those several
congregations were under one presbyterial government.
And whether these congregations were fixed, or not fixed,
in regard of officers or members, it is all one as to the truth
of the proposition.
Nor doth there appear any material difference betwixt
the several congregations in Jerusalem, and the many con-
gregations now in the ordinary condition of the church, as
to the point of fixedness required of officers or members.
S. Thirdly. Therefore the Scripture doth hold forth, that
many congregations may be under one presbyterial govern-
ment.
II. Secondly. 6y the instance of the church of Ephesus;
for,
1. That they were more congregations than one in the
church of Ephesus, appears by Acts xx. 31, where is men-
tion of Paul's continuance at Ephesus in preaching for the
CIV APPENDIX.
space of three years ; and Acts xix. 18 — 20, where the
special effect of the word is mentioned ; and verses 10 and
17 of the same chapter, where is a distinction of Jews and
Greeks ; and 1 Cor. xvi. 8, 9, where is a reason of Paul's
stay at Ephesus until Pentecost; and verse 19, where is
mention of a particular church in the house of Aquiila and
Priscilla then at Ephesus ; as appears. Acts xviii. 19. 24.
26. All which laid together doth prove, that the multitude
of believers did make more congregations than one in the
church of Ephesus.
2. That there were many elders over these many congre-
gations, as one flock, appeareth Acts xx. 17. 25. 28. SO.
36, 37.
3, That these many congregations were one church, and
that they were under one presbyterial government, appear-
eth Rev. ii. the first six verses, joined with Acts xx. 17, 18.
Of Si/nodical Assemblies.
The Scripture doth hold out another sort of assemblies,
for the government of the church, beside classical and con-
gregational, all which we call synodical. Acts xv. Pastors
and teachers, and other church-governors (as also other fit
persons, when it shall be deemed expedient), are members
of those assemblies which \s/e call synodical, where they
have a lawful calling thereunto.
Synodical assemblies may lawfully be of several sorts, as
provincial, national, and oecumenical.
It is lawful and agreeable to the word of God, that there
be a subordination of congregational, classical, provincial,
and national assemblies, for the government of the church.
OF THE ORDINATION OF MINISTERS.
Under the head of ordination of ministers is to be con-
sidered, either the doctrine of ordination, or the power
of it.
Touching the Doctrine of Ordination.
No man ought to take upon him the office of a minister
of the word, without a lawful calling. John iii. 27. Rora.
X. 14, 15. Jer. xiv. 14. Heb. v. 4.
Ordination is always to be continued in the church. Tit.
i. 5. 1 Tim. v. 21, 22.
APPENDIX. CV
Ordination is the solemn setting apart of a person to
some public church-office. Numb. viii. 10, 11. 14. 19. 22,
Acts vi. 3. 5, 6.
Every minister of the word is to be ordained by imposi-
tion of hands, and prayer, with fasting, by those preaching
presbyters to whom it doth belong. 1 Tim. v. 22. Acts iv.
23, and xiii. 3.
It is agreeable to the word of God, and very expedient,
that such as are to be ordained ministers, be designed to
some particular church, or other ministerial charge. Acts
xiv. 23. Tit. i. 5. Acts xx. 17. 28.
He that is to be ordained minister, must be duly quali-
fied, both for life and ministerial abilities, according to the
rules of the apostle. 1 Tim. iii. 2 — 6, and Tit. i. 5 — 9.
He is to be examined and approved by those by whom he
is to be ordained. 1 Tim. iii. 7. 10, and v. 22.
No man is to be ordained a minister for a particular con-
gregation, if they of that congregation can shew just cause
of exception against him. 1 Tim. iii. 2. Tit. i. 7.
Touching the Power of Ordination.
Ordination is the act of a presbytery, 1 Tim. iv. 14. The
power of ordering the whole work of ordination, is in the
whole presbytery, which when it is over more congregations
than one, whether those congregations be fixed or not fixed,
in regard of officers or members, it is indifferent as to the
point of ordination. 1 Tim. iv. 14.
It is very requisite that no single congregation, that can
conveniently associate, do assume to itself all and sole power
in ordination.
1. Because there is no example in Scripture, that any
single congregation, which might conveniently associate,
did assume to itself all and sole power in ordination ; neither
is there any rule which may warrant such a practice.
2. Because there is in Scripture, example of an ordina-
tion in a presbytery over divers congregations : as in the
church of Jerusalem, where were many congregations, these
many congregations were under one presbytery, and this
presbytery did ordain.
The preaching presbyters orderly associated, either in
cities or neighbouring villages, are those to whom the ira-
CVl APPENDIX.
position of hands doth appertain, for those congregations
within their bounds respectively.
CONCERNING THE DOCTRINAL PART OF ORDINATION
OF MINISTERS.
1. No man ought to take upon him the office of a minis-
ter of t!ie word, without a lawful calling. John iii. 27.
Rom. X. 14, 15. Jer. xiv. 14. Heb. v. 4.
2. Ordination is always to be continued in the church.
Tit. i. 5. 1 Tim. v. 21, 22.
3. Ordination is the solemn setting apart of a person to
some public church-office. Numb. viii. 10, 11. 14. 19.22.
Acts. vi. 3. 5, 6.
4. Every minister of the word is to be ordained by im-
position of hands and prayer, with fasting, by those preach-
ing presbyters to whom it doth belong. 1 Tim. v. 22. Acts
xiv. 23. xiii.3.
5. The power of ordering the whole work of ordination
is in the whole presbytery, which, when it is over more
congregations than one, whether those congregations be
fixed or not fixed, in regard of officers or members, it is
indifferent as to the point of ordination. 1 Tim. iv. 14.
6. It is agreeable to the word, and very expedient, that
such as are to be ordained ministers, be designed to some
particular church, or other ministerial charge. Acts xiv.
23. Tit. i.5. Acts XX. 17. 28.
He that is to be ordained minister, must be duly qualified,
both for lifo and ministerial abilities, according to the rules
of the apostle. 1 Tim. iii. 2—6. Tit. i. 5-9.
8. He is to be examined and approved of by those by
whom he is to be ordained. 1 Tim. iii. 7. 10. v. 22.
9. No man is to be ordained a minister for a particular
congregation, if they of that congregation can shew just
cause of exception against him. 1 Tim. iii. 2. Tit. i. 7.
10. Preaching presbyters orderly associated, either in
cities or neighbouring villages, are those to whom the im-
position of hands do appertain, for those congregations
w itliin their bounds respectively. 1 Tim. iv. 14.
1 1. In extraordinary cases, something extraordinary may
be done, until a settled order may be had, yet keeping as
APPENDIX. evil
near as possible may be to the rule. 2 Chron. xxix. S4-— 36.
XXX. 2 — 5.
12. There is at this time (as we humbly conceive) an ex-
traordinary occasion for a way of ordination for the present
supply of ministers.
The Directory for the Ordination of Ministers.
It being manifest, by the word of God, that no man ought
to take upon him the office of a minister of the gospel, until
he be lawfully called and ordained thereunto ; and that the
work of ordination is to be performed with all due care,
wisdom, gravity, and solemnity; we humbly tender these
directions as requisite to be observed.
1. He that is to be ordained, being either nominated by
the people, or otherwise commended to the presbytery for
any place, must address himself to the presbytery, and bring
with him a testimonial of his taking the covenant of the
three kingdoms ; of his diligence and proficiency in his
studies; what degrees he hath taken in the university, and
what hath been the time of his abode there ; and withal of
his age, which is to be twenty-four years; but especially of
liis life and conversation.
2. Which being considered by the presbytery, they are
to proceed to inquire touching the grace of God in him,
and whether he be of such holiness of life as is requisite in
a minister of the gospel ; and to examine him touching his
learning and sufficiency, and touching the evidences of his
calling to the holy ministry, and in particular, his fair and
direct calling to that place.
THE RULES FOR EXAMINATION ARE THESE.
1. That the party examined be dealt withal in a brotherly
way, with mildness of spirit, and with special respect to the
gravity, modesty, and quality, of every one.
2. He shall be examined touching his skill in the original
tongues, and his trial to be made by reading the Hebrew
and Greek Testaments, and rendering some portion of some
into Latin; and if he be defective in them, inquiry shall be
made more strictly after his other learning^ and whether he
hath skill in logic and philosophy.
3. What authors in divinity he hath read, and is best
acquainted with. And trial shall be made in his knowledge
CVIll APPENDIX.
of the grounds of religion, and of his ability to defend the
orthodox doctrine contained in them, against all unsound
and erroneous opinions, especially those of the present age;
of his skill in the sense and meaning of such places of
Scripture as shall be proposed unto him, in cases of con-
science, and in the chronology of the Scripture, and the
ecclesiastical history.
4. If he hath not before preached in public, with appro-
bation of such as are able to judge, he shall, at a competent
time assigned him, expound before the presbytery such a
place of Scripture as shall be given him.
b. He shall also, within a competent time, frame a dis-
course in Latin, upon such a common-place or controversy
in divinity as shall be assigned him, and exhibit to the
presbytery such theses as express the sum thereof, and
maintain a dispute upon them.
6. He shall preach before the people, the presbytery, or
some of the ministry of the word appointed by them, being
present.
7. The proportion of his gifts, in relation to the place
unto which he is called, shall be considered.
8. Beside the trial of his gifts in preaching, he shall
undergo an examination in the premises two several days,
and more, if the presbytery shall judge it necessary.
9. And as for him that hath formerly been ordained a mi-
nister, and is to be removed to another charge, he shall
bring a testimonial of his ordination, and of his abilities
and conversation, whereupon his fitness for that place shall
be tried by his preaching there (if it shall be judged ne-
cessary) by a farther examination of him.
3. In all which he being approved, he is to be sent to the
church where he is to serve, there to preach three several
days, and to converse with the people, that they may have
trial of his gifts for their edification, and may have time
and occasion to inquire into, and the better to know his life
and conversation.
4. In the last of these three days appointed for the trial
of his gifts in preaching, there shall be sent from the pres-
bytery to the congregation, a public intimation in writing,
which shall be publicly read before the people, and after
alTixed to the church-door, to signify that such a day, a
APPENDIX. CIX
competent number of the members of that congregation,
nominated by themselves, shall appear before the presby-
tery, to give their consent and approbation to such a man
to be their minister; or otherwise to put in, with all Chris-
tian discretion and meekness, what exceptions they have
against him; and if, upon the day appointed, there be no
just exception against him, but the people give their con-
sent, then the presbytery shall proceed to ordination.
5. Upon the day appointed for ordination, which is to be
performed in that church, where he that is to be ordained
is to serve, a solemn fast shall be kept by the congregation,
that they may the more earnestly join in prayer for a bless-
ing upon the ordinance of Christ, and the labours of his
servant for their good. The presbytery shall come to the
place, or at least three or four ministers of the word shall
be sent thither from the presbytery; of which one, appoint-
ed by the presbytery, shall preach to the people concerning
the office and duty of ministers of Christ, and how the
people ought to receive them for their work's sake.
6. After the sermon, the minister who hath preached
shall, in the face of the congregation, demand of him who
is now to be ordained, concerning his faith in Christ Jesus,
and his persuasion of the truth of the reformed religion
according to the Scripture; his sincere intentions and ends
in desiring to enter into this calling ; his diligence in prayer,
reading, meditation, preaching, ministering the sacraments,
discipline, and doing all ministerial duties towards his
charge ; his zeal and faithfulness in maintaining the truth of
the gospel, and unity of the church against error and schism ;
his care that himself and his family may be unblamable, and
examples to the flock ; his willingness and humility, in meek-
ness of spirit, to submit unto the admonitions of his brethren
and discipline of the chuich ; and his resolution to continue
in his duty against all trouble and persecution.
7. In all which having declared himself, professed his
willingness, and promised his endeavours, by the help of
God; the minister likewise shall demand of the people,
concerning their willingness to receive and acknowledge
him as the minister of Christ ; and to obey, and submit unto
him, as having rule over them in the Lord ; and to maintain,
encourage, and assist, him in all the parts of his office.
8. Which being mutually promised by the people, the
ex APPENDIX.
presbytery, or the ministers sent from them for ordination,
shall solemnly set him apart to the office and work of the
ministry, by laying their hands on him, which is to be ac-
companied with a short prayer or blessing, to this effect:
" Thankfully acknowledging the great mercy of God^ in
sending Jesus Christ for the redemption of his people ;
and for his ascension to the right hand of God the Father,
and thence pouring out his Spirit, and giving gifts to men,
apostles, evangelists, prophets, pastors, and teachers, for
the gathering and building up of his church ; and for fitting
and inclining this man to this great work;* to entreat him
to fit him with his Holy Spirit, to give him (who in his name
we thus set apart to this holy service) to fulfil the work of
his ministry in all things, that he may both save himself,
and his people committed to his charge."
9. This, or the like form of prayer and blessing being
ended, let the minister who preached briefly exhort him,
to consider of the greatness of his office and work, the
danger of negligence both to himself and his people, the
blessing which will accompany his faithfulness in this life,
and that to come ; and withal exhort the people to carry
themselves to him, as to their minister in the Lord, accord-
ing to their solemn promise made before; and so by prayer
commending both him and his flock to the grace of God,
after singing of a psalm, let the assembly be dismissed with
a blessing.
10. If a minister be designed to a congregation who hath
been formerly ordained presbyter, according to the form or
ordination which hath been in the church of England, which
we hold for substance to be valid, and not to be disclaimed
by any who have received it: then there being a cautious
proceeding in matters of examination, let him be admitted
without any new ordination,
11. And in case any person already ordained minister in
Scotland, or in any other reformed church, be designed to
another congregation in England, lie is to bring from that
church to the presbytery here, within which that congrega-
tion is, a sufficient testimonial of his ordination, of his life
and conversation while he lived with them, and of the causes
of his rcnjoval; and to undergo such a trial of his fitness
and Hufficiency, and to have the same course held with him
* Flere Wl them iropote hands on liis head.
APPENDIX. CXI
in other particulars, as is set down in the rule immediately
going before, touching- examination and admission.
12. That records be carefully kept in the several presby-
teries, of the names of the persons ordained, with their testi-
monials, the time and place of their ordination, of the pres-
byters who did impose hands upon them, and of the charge
to which they are appointed.
13. That no money or gift of what kind soever shall be
received from the person to be ordained, or from any on his
behalf, for ordination, or aught else belonging to it, by any
of the presbytery, or any appertaining to any of them, upon
what pretence soever.
Thus far of ordinary rules, and course of ordination in the
ordinary way ; that which concerns the extraordinary tcay,
requisite to be now practised, foUometh,
1. In these present exigencies, while we cannot have any
presbyteries formed up to their whole power and work, and
that many ministers are to be ordained for the service of
the armies and navy, and to many congregations where
there is no minister at all ; and where (by reason of the
public troubles) the people cannot either themselves in-
quire, and find out one who may be a faithful minister for
them, or have any with safety sent unto them, for such a
solemn trial as was before mentioned in the ordinary rules,
especially when there can be no presbytery near unto them,
to whom they may address themselves, or which may come
or send to them a fit man to be ordained in that congrega-
tion, and for that people; and yet, notwithstanding, it is
requisite that ministers be ordained for them, by some, who
being set apart themselves for the work of the ministry, have
power to join in tlie setting apart others who are found fit
and worthy. In those cases, until, by God's blessing, the
aforesaid difficulties may be in some good measure removed,
let some godly ministers, in or about the city of London, be
designed by public authority, who, being associated, may
ordain ministers for the city and the vicinity, keeping as near
to the ordinary rules forementioned as possibly they may ;
and let this association be for no other intent or purpose but
only for the work of ordination.
2. Let the like association be made by the same authority
in great towns, and the neighbouring parishes in the several
CXll APPENDIX.
counties, which are at the present quiet and undisturbed, to
do the like for the parts adjacent.
3. Let such as are chosen, or appointed for the service of
the armies or navy, be ordained as aforesaid, by the associ-
ated ministers of London, or some others in the country.
4. Let them do the like when any raan shall duly and
lawfully be recommended to them for the ministry of any
congregation, who cannot enjoy liberty to have a trial of
his parts and abilities, and desire the help of such ministers
so associated, for the better furnishing of them with such a
person, as by them shall be judged fit for the service of that
church and people.
THE CONTENTS OF THE FORM OF PRESBYTERIAL
CHURCH-GOVERNMENT.
The preface.
Of the chorch.
Of the officers of the church.
Pastors.
Teacher or doctor.
Other church-governors.
Deacons.
Of particular congregations.
. Of the officers of a particular congregation.
Of tlie ordinances in a particular congre'i:ation.
Of church-government, and the several s«irts of assemblies for the same.
Of the power in coraihon of all these assemhlies.
Of congregational assemblies, that is, the meetuig- of the ruling officers of a
particular congregation, for the government thereof.
Of classical assemblies.
Of sjnodical assemblies.
Of ordination of ministers.
Touching the doctrine of ordination-
Touching the power of ordination.
Concerning the doctrinal part of the origination of ministers.
The directory for the ordination of ministers.
No. X.
The Assemhlj/'s Declaration of the Falsehood and Forgery of
a li/ins^ scandalous Pamphlet^ put forth wider the Name of
their Reverend Brother Master Alexander Henderson, after
his Death,
The general assembly of this kirk having seen a printed
paper, entitled, " The Declaration of Mr. Alexander Hen-
derson, principal minister of th« word of God at Edinburgh,
APPENDIX. CXIII
and chief-commissioner for the kirk of Scotland to the par-
liament and synod of England, made upon his death-bed ;
and taking into their serious consideration how many gross
lies and impudent calumnies are therein contained ; out of
the tender respect which they do bear to his name (which
ought to be very precious to them and all posterity, for his
faithful service in the great work of reformation in these
kingdoms, wherein the Lord was pleased to make him emi-
nently instrumental); and lest through the malice of some,
and ignorance of others, the said pamphlet should gain be-
lief among the weaker sort, they have thought fit to make
known and declare, concerning the same, as followeth ;
That, after due search and trial, they do find, that their
worthy brother Master Alexander Henderson did, from the
time of his coming from London to Newcastle, till the last
moment of his departure out of this life, upon all occasions
manifest the constancy of his judgment touching the work
of reformation in these kingdoms; namely, in all his dis-
courses and conferences w ith his majesty, and with his bre-
thren, who were employed with him in the same trust at
Newcastle : in his letters to the commissioners at London,
and particularly in his last discourse to his majesty, at his
departing from Newcastle, being very weak, and greatly
decayed in his natural strength. When he was come from
Newcastle by sea to this kingdom, he was in such a weak,
worn, and failed condition, as it was evident to all who saw
him, that he was not able to frame any such declaration :
for he was so spent, that he died within eight days after his
arrival ; and all that he was able to speak in that time, did
clearly shew his judgment of, and affection to, the work of
reformation, and cause of God, to be every way the same
then that it was in the beginning and progress thereof; as
divers reverend brethren, who visited him, have declared
to this assembly, and particularly two brethren who con-
stantly attended him from the time he came home till his
breath expired. A farther testimony may be brought from
a short confession of faith under his hand, found amongst
his papers, which is expressed as his last words, wherein,
among other mercies, he declareth himself most of all ob-
liged to the care and goodness of God, for calling him to
believe the promises of the gospel, and for exalting him to
be a preacher of them to others ; and to be a willing, though
VOL. V. M
CXIV APPENDIX.
a weak instrument in this g^reat and wonderful work of re-
formation, which he earnestly beseeched the Lord to bring
to a happy conclusion. Other reasons may be added from
the levity of the style, and manifest absurdities contained
in that paper. Upon consideration of all which, this as-
sembly doth condemn the said pamphlet as forged, scandal-
ous, and false. And farther declare the author and contriver
of the same, to be void of charity and a good conscience, and
a gross liar and calumniator, led by the spirit of the accuser
of the brethren.
August 7, 1648. Ante meridiem. Sess. 31.
No. XI.
A Confession of Faith of Seven Congregations, or Churches
of Christ in London, which are commonly but unjustly
called Anabaptists ; published for the Vindication of the
Truth, and Information of the Ignorant : likezcise for the
taking off those Aspersions, which are frequently, both in
Pulpit and Print, unjustly cast upon them. Printed at
London, Anno 1646.
I. The Lord our God is but one God, whose subsistence
is in himself; whose essence cannot be comprehended by
any but himself; who only hath immortality, dwelling in
the light which no man can approach unto; who is in him-
self most holy, every way infinite, in greatness, wisdom,
power, love ; merciful and gracious, long-suftering, and
abundant in goodness and truth : who giveth being, moving,
and preservation, to all creatures.*
IL In this divine and infinite Being there is the Father,
the Word, and the Holy Spirit; each having the whole di-
vine essence, yet the essence undivided ; all infinite without
any beginning, therefore but one God ; who is not to be
divided in nature and being, but distinguished by several
peculiar relative properties.t
III. God hath decreed in himself, before the world was,
• 1 Cor. viii. 6. Isa. xliv. 6 ; and xlvi. 9. Exod. iii. 14. 1 Tim. vi. 16. Is*, xliii.
15. Psalm cxJvii. 5. Denl. xxxii. 3. Job xxxvi. 5. Jcr. x. 12. Exod. xxxir. 6, 7.
4ct8 xvii. 2U. Koq). xi. 36.
t I Cor. i. 3. Joho. i. 1 ; aod xt. 26. Exod. iii. 14. 1 Cor. vlii. C.
APPENDIX. CXV
concerning all tliing^s, whether necessary, accidental, or
voluntary, with all the circumstances of them, to work,
dispose, and bring about, all things according to the counsel
of his own will, to his glory (yet without being the author
of sin, or having fellowship with any therein): in which ap-
pears his wisdom in disposing all things, unchangeableness,
power, and faithfulness in accomplishing his decree: and
God hath, before the foundation of the world, foreordain-
ed some men to eternal life, through Jesus Christ, to the
praise and glory of his grace : leaving the rest in their sin,
to their just condemnation, to the praise of his justice.*
IV. In the beginning God made all things very good:
created man after his own image, filled with all meet per-
fection of nature, and free from all sin : but long he abode
not in this honour; Satan using the subtlety of the serpent
to seduce first Eve, then by her seducing Adam ; who,
without any compulsion, in eating the forbidden fruit, trans-
gressed the command of God, and fell, whereby death came
upon all his posterity: who now are conceived in sin, and
by nature the children of wrath, the servants of sin, the
subjects of death, and other miseries in this world, and for
ever, unless the Lord Jesus Christ set them free.t
V. God, in his infinite power and wisdom, doth dispose all
things to the end for which they were created ; that neither
good nor evil befals any by chance, or without his provi-
dence ; and that whatsoever befals the elect, is by his ap-
pointment, for his glory, and their good.J
VI. All the elect, being loved of God with an everlasting
love, are redeemed, quickened, and saved, not by themselves,
nor their own works, lest any man should boast, but only
and wholly by God, of his free grace and mercy, through
Jesus Christ, who is made unto us by God, wisdom, righte-
ousness, sanctification, and redemption, and all in all, that
he that rejoiceth might rejoice in the Lord.§
* Isa. xlvi. 10. Eph. i. 11. Rom. xi. 33. Psalm xxxiii. 15 j cxv. 3; cxxxv.
6 ; and cxiiv. 1 Sam. x. 9. 26, Prov. xvi. 4. S3 j and xxi. 6. Exod. xxi. 13.
Isa. xlv. 7. Matt. vi. 28. 30. Col. i. 16, 17. Numb, xxiii. 19, 20. Rom. Hi. 4.
Jer. X. 10 ; xiv. 22. Eph. i. 4, 5. Jude 4. 6.
t Gen. i. 1; and iii. 1. 4,5. Col. i. 16. Isa. xlv. 12. 1 Cor. xv. 45, 46. Eccles.
vii. 29. 2 Cor. xi. 3. 1 Tim. ii. 14. Gal. iii. 22. Rom. v. 12 ; vi. 22 ; and xviii. 19.
Eph. ii. 3.
t Job xxxviii. 11. Isa. xlvi. 10, 11. Eccles. iii. 14. Mark x. 29, 30. Exod, xxi.
13. PiK)v. xvi. 33. Rom. viii. 28.
§ Jer. xxiii. 6 ; and xxxi. 2. Eph. i. 3. 7 ; and ii. 8, 9. 1 Thess. v. 9. Acts xiii. 38.
2 Cor, v. 5J1, Jer. ix. 23, -^U 1 Cor. i. ."0, 31.
h 2 ^
CXVl APPENDIX.
VII. And this is life eternal, that we might know him
the only true God, and Jesus Christ whom he hath sent.
And on the contrary, the Lord will render vengeance, in
flaming fire, to them that know not God, and obey not the
gospel of Jesus Christ *
VIII. The rule of this knowledge, faith, and obedience,
concerning the worship of God, in which is contained the
whole duty of man, is (not men's laws, or unwritten tradi-
tions, but) only the word of God contained in the Holy
Scriptures; in which is plainly recorded whatsoever is
needful for us to know, believe, and practise; which are the
only rule of holiness and obedience for all saints, at all
times, in all places, to be observed.f
IX. The Lord Jesus Christ, of whom Moses and the
prophets wrote, the apostles preached, he is the Son of
God, the brightness of his glory, &c. by whom he made the
world; who upholdeth and governeth all things that he
hath made; who also, when the fulness of time was come,
was made of a woman, of the tribe of Judah, of the seed
of Abraham and David; to wit, of the Virgin Mary, the
Holy Spirit coming down upon her, the power of the Most
High overshadowing her ; and he was also tempted as we
are, yet without sin. J
X. Jesus Christ is made the mediator of the new and
everlasting covenant of grace between God and man, ever
to be perfectly and fully the prophet, priest, and king, of the
church of God for evermore.^
XI. Unto this office he was appointed by God from ever-
lasting; and in respect of his manhood, from the womb
called, separated, and anointed, most fully and abundantly
with all gi£ts necessary, God having without measure poured
out his Spirit upon him.||
XII. Concerning his mediatorship, the Scripture holds
forth Christ's call to his office; for none takes this honour
upon him, but he that is called of God, as was Aaron, it
* John vi. 36 ; and xvii. 3. Heb. v. 9. 1 Thess. i. 0. , ^
t Col. ii. y3. Malt. XV. 9. 6. John v. 39. '2 Tim. iii. 15—17. Isa. *iii. 20. G»I. i.
8, 9. Acts iii. 22, 23.
t Gen. iii. 15; xxii. 18; and xlix. 9, 10. Dan. vii. 13 ; and ix. 24, &c. Pror. tiii.
23. Johni. 1— 3. Ileb. i. » ; ii. 16 ; iv. 15: and vii. 14. Gal. iv. 4. Rev.v. 1. Rom.
i.,J; and i.\. 10. Matt. i. 16. Luke iii. 23. 26. I»a, liii. 3—5.
<S 1 Tim, ii. 5. Heb. ix. 15. John xiv. 6. Isa. ix. 6, 7.
Il Pfov. viii.23. Isa. xi. ^— .">. xlii, 6; xlix. 15; and Ixi. 1, 2. I.ukeiv. 17. 22.
Jouni. 14. 26 ; and iii. :>1.
APPENDIX. CXVll
being an action of God, whereby a special promise being
made, he ordains his Son to this office; which promise is,
that Christ should be made a sacrifice for sin ; that he should
see his seed, and prolong his days, and the pleasure of the
Lord shall prosper in his hand ; all of mere free and abso-
lute grace towards God's elect, and without any condition
foreseen in them to procure it.*
XIII. This office to be mediator, that is, to be prophet,
priest, and king, of the church of God, is so proper to Christ,
that neither in whole, or any part thereof, it cannot be trans-
ferred from him to any other.f
XIV. This office, to which Christ is called, is threefold ;
a prophet, priest, and king: this number and order of offi-
ces is necessary, for in respect of our ignorance, we stand in
need of his prophetical office ; and in respect of our great
alienation from God, we need his priestly office to reconcile
us; and in respect of our averseness and utter inability to
return to God, we need his kingly office, to convince, sub-
due, draw, uphold, and preserve, us to his heavenly kingdom. J
XV. Concerning the prophecy of Christ, it is that whereby
he hath revealed the will of God, whatsoever is needful for
his servants to know and obey ; and therefore he is called
not only a prophet and doctor, and the apostle of our pro-
fession, and the angel of the covenant, but also the very
wisdom of God, in whom are hid all the treasures of wisdom
and knowledge, who for ever continueth revealing the same
truth of the gospel to his people.^
XVI. That he might be a prophet every way complete,
it was necessary he should be God, and also that he should
be man : for unless he had been God, he could never have
perfectly understood the will of God ; and unless he had
been man, he could not suitably have unfolded it in his own
person to men.|l
That Jesus Christ is God, is wonderful clearly expressed
in the Scriptures. He is called the mighty God, Isa. ix. 6.
That Word was God, John i. 1. Christ, who is God over
» Heb. V. 4—6. Isa. lii. 10, 11. John iii. 16. Rom. viii. 32.
+ 1 Tim. ii. 5. Heb. vii. 24. Dan. vii. 14. Acts iv. 12. Luke i. 33. Jolm xiv. 6.
+ Deut. viii. 15. Acts iii. 22, 23 ; and xxvi. 18. Heb. iii. 3 ; and iv. 14, 15.
Psalm ii. 6. 2 Cor. v. 20. Col. i. 21. John xvi. 8. Psalm ex. 3. Cant. i. 3. John vi.
'44. Phil. iv. 13. 2 Tim. iv. 18.
§ Johni. 18; xii. 49, .50; and xvH. 8. Matt, xxiii. 10. Deut. xviii. 15. Heb. iii.
1. Gal. iii. 1. 1 Cor. i. 24. Col. ii. 3. Mai. iii. 2.
Ii John i. Id. Acts iii. 22. Deut. xviii. 15. Heb. i. 1.
CXVIIl APPENDIX.
all, Rom. ix. 5. God manifested in the flesh, 1 Tira. iii. 16.
..The same is very God, John v. 20. He is the first. Rev. i.. 8.
I He gives being to all things, and without him was nothing
made, John i. 2. He forgiveth sins, Matt. ix. 6. He is be-
fore Abraham, John viii. 58. He was, and is, and ever will
be the same, Heb. xiii. 8. He is always with his to the end
of the world, Matt, xxviii. 20. Which could not be said
of Jesus Christ, if he were not God. And to the Son he
saith, Thy throne, O God, is for ever and ever, Heb. i. 8.
John i. IS.
Also, Christ is not only perfectly God, but perfect man,
made of a woman. Gal. iv. 4. Made of the seed of David,
Rom. i. 3. Coming out of the loins of David, Acts ii. SO.
Of Jesse and Judah, Acts xiii. 23. In that the children
were partakers of flesh and blood, he himself likewise took
part with them, Heb. ii. 14. He took not on him the nature
of angels, but the seed of Abraham, ver. 16. So that we
are bone of his bone, and flesh of his flesh, Eph. v. SO. So
that he that sanctifieth, and they that are sanctified, are
all of one, Heb. ii. II. See Acts iii. 22, Deut. xviii. 15.
Heb. i. 1.
XVn. Concerning his priesthood, Christ, having sancti-
fied himself, hath appeared once to put away sin by that
one offering of himself a sacrifice for sin, by which he hath
fully finished and suffered all things God required for the
salvation of his elect, and removed all rites and shadows,
&c. and is now entered within the veil into the holy of
holies, which is the presence of God. Also, he makes his
people a spiritual house, a holy priesthood, to offer up
spiritual sacrifice acceptable to God through him. Neither
doth the Father accept, or Christ off'er to the P^ather, any
other worship or worshippers.*
>{^Vni. This priesthood was not legal or temporary,
but according to the order of Melchisedeck, and is stable
and perfect, not for a time, but for ever, which is suitable
to Jesus Christ, as to him that ever liveth. Christ was the
priest, sacrifice, and altar; he was a priest according to
Ijoth natures; he was a sacrifice according to his human
nature ; whence in Scripture it is attributed to his body, to
his blood; yet the effectualness of this sacrifice did depend
• John xvii. 19. Heb. v. 7—10. 12. lloiii. v. ly. Epii. v. 2. Col. i. 20. Epii.ii.
14, &c. Rom. Tui. 31. Heb. viii. 1 j and ix. 24. 1 Pet. ii. i). John iv. 23, 24.
APPENDIX. CXIX
upon liis divine nature ; therefore it is called the blood of
God. He was the altar according to his divine nature, it
belonging to the altar to sanctify that which is offered upon
it, and so it ought to be of greater dignity than the sacri-
fice itself.*
XIX. Concerning his kingly office, Christ being risen
from the dead, and ascended into heaven, and having all
power in heaven and earth, he doth spiritually govern his
church, and doth exercise his power over all, angels and
men, good and bad, to the preservation and salvation of the
elect, and to the overruling and destruction of his enemies.
By this kingly power he applieth the benefits, virtue, and
fruits, of his prophecy and priesthood to his elect, subduing
their sins, preserving and strengthening them in all their
conflicts against Satan, the world, and the flesh, keeping
their hearts in faith and filial fear by his Spirit: by this his
mighty power he ruleth the vessels of wrath, using, limit-
ing, and restraining them, as it seems good to his infinite
wisdom. +
XX. This his kingly power shall be more fully manifest-
ed when he shall come in glory to reign among his saints,
when he shall put down all rule and authority under his
feet, that the glory of the Father may be perfectly rnani*
fested in his Son, and the glory of the Father and the Son
in all his members. J
XXI. Jesus Christ by his death did purchase salvation
for the elect that God gave unto him ; these only have in-
terest in him, and fellowship with him, for whom he makes
intercession to his Father in their behalf, and to them alone
doth God by his Spirit apply this redemption ; as also the
free gift of eternal life is given to them, and none else.§
XXII. Faith is the gift of God, wrought in the hearts
of the elect by the Spirit of God ; by which faith they come
to know and believe the truth of the Scriptures, and the
excellency of them above all other writings, and all things
* Heb. V. 6; vii. 16, &c. ; ix. io, 14; x. 10; and xiil. 10. 12. 15. 1 Pet. i.
18, 19. Col. i. 20. 21». Acts xx. 28. Matt, xxiii. 17. John xvii. 19.
t 1 Cor. XV. 4. 1 Pet. iii. 21, 22. Malt, xxviii. 18, 19. Lukexxiv. 51. Acts i. 1 ;
and V. 30, 31. John v. 26, 27 ; xix. 36 ; and xvi. 15. Rom. i. 21 ; v. 6—8 ; xiv. 9.
17 ; and xvii. 18. Gal. v. 22, 23. Mark i. 27. Heb. i. 14. Job ii. 8 ; and xvii. 18.
Eph.iv. 17,18. 2 Pet. ii.
t 1 Cor. XV. 24. 28. Heb. ix. 28. 1 Thess. iv. 15—17. 2 Thess. i. 9, 10. John
xii. 21. 26.
§ Eph. i. 14. Heb. v. 9 ; and vii. 25. Mall. i. 21. John xvii. 6. 1 Cor. ii. 12.
Rom. viii. 29, 30. 1 John v. 12. John xv. 13: and iii. 16.
CXX APPENDIX.
in the world, as they hold forth the glory of God in his
attributes, the excellency of Christ in his nature and offices,
and of the power and fulness of the Spirit in his workings
and operations; and so are enabled to cast their souls upon
this truth thus believed.*
XXIII. All those that have this precious faith wrought
in them by the Spirit, can never finally nor totally fall away;
seeing the gifts of God are without repentance; so that he
still begets and nourisheth in them faith, repentance, love,
joy, hope, and all the graces of the Spirit, unto immortality;
and though many storms and floods arise, and beat against
them, yet they shall never be able to take them off that
foundation and rock, which by faith they are fastened upon ;
notwithstanding, through unbelief, and the temptations of
Satan, the sensible sight of this light and love be clouded
and overwhelmed for a time ; yet God is still the same, and
Ihey shall be sure to be kept by the power of God unto
salvation, where they shall enjoy their purchased posses-
sion, they being engraved upon the palms of his hands, and
their names having been written in the book of life from all
eternity.+
XXIV. Faith is ordinarily begotten by the preaching of
the gospel, or word of Christ, without respect to any power
or agency in the creature ; but it being wholly passive,
and dead in trespasses and sins, doth believe and is con-
verted by no less power than that which raised Christ from
the dead. J
XXV. The preaching of the gospel to the conversion of
sinners, is absolutely free ; no way requiring, as absolutely
necessary, any qualifications, preparations, or terrors of the
law, or preceding ministry of the law, but only and alone
the naked soul, a sinner, and ungodly, to receive Christ
crucified, dead, and buried, and risen again; who is made
a prince and saviour for such sinners as through the gospel
shall be brought to believe on him.^
XXVI. The same power that converts to faith in Christ,
• Eph. ii. 8. Joljn iv. lO ; vi. 29. 63', and xvii. 17. Pbil. i. 29. Cal. v. Heb. ir.
11,12.
t MaU. vii. 24, 25. John xiii. 10; and x. 28, 29. 1 I'et. i. 4—6. Isa. xllx.
13—16.
t Rom. X. 17. 1 Cor. i, 28. Rom. i. 16; iii. 12; and ix. 16. Ezek. xvi. 16.
Epii. i. 19. Col. ij. 12.
i John i. 12; and iii. 14, 15. Isa. Ir. 1. John vii. 37. 1 Tim. i. 15. Rom. iv. 5 ;
and T. 8. Acts v. 30, 31 : ami ii. 36. 1 Cor. i. 22. 24.
APPENDIX. CXXl
carrieth on the soul through all duties, temptations, con-
flicts, sufferings ; and whatsoever a believer is, he is by
grace, and is carried on in all obedience and temptations
by the same.'^
XXVII. All believers are by Christ united to God ; by
which union, God is one with them, and they are one with
him ; and that all believers are the sons of (iod, and joint
heirs with Christ, to whom belong all the promises of this
life, and that which is to come.t
XXVIII. Those that have union with Christ, are justi-
fied from all their sins by the blood of Christ, which justifi-
cation is a gracious and full acquittance of a guilty sinner
from all sin, by God, through the satisfaction that Christ
hath made by his death for all their sins, and this applied
(in the manifestation of it) through faith.:}:
XXIX. All believers are a holy and sanctified people,
and that sanctification is a spiritual grace of the new cove-
nant, and an effect of the love of God manifested in the
soul, whereby the believer presseth after a heavenly and
evangelical obedience to all the commands which Christ,
as head and king in his new covenant, hath prescribed
to them.§
XXX. All believers, through the knowledge of that
justification of life given by the Father, and brought forth
by the blood of Christ, have, as their great privilege of that
new covenant, peace with God, and reconciliation, whereby
they that were afar off are made nigh by that blood, and
have peace passing all understanding ; yea, joy in God
through our Lord Jesus Christ, by whom we have received
the atonement. II
XXXI. All believers, in the time of this life, are in a
continual warfare and combat against sin, self, the world,
and the devil ; and are liable to all manner of afflictions,
tribulations, and persecutions, being predestinated and ap-
pointed thereunto; and whatsoever the saints possess or
* 1 Pet. i. b. 1 Cor. xv. 10. 2 Cor. xii. 9. Phil. ii. 12, 13. John xv. 5. Gal. ii.
19, 20.
t 1 Thess. i. 1. John xvii. 21 ; and xx. 17. Heb. ii. 11. 1 John iv. 16. Gal. ii.
39,20.
t iJohni. 7. Heb. X. 145 andix.26. 2 Cor. v. 19. Rom. iii. 23. 25. 30 j and y. 1.
Acts xiii. 38, 39.
§ 1 Cor. xii. 1 Pet. ii. 9. Eph. i. 4. 1 John iv. 16. Matt, xxviii. 20.
Ij 2 Cor. V. 19. Rom. v. 9, 10. Isa. xx ; and liv. 10. Eph. ii. 13, 14; and iv. 7.
Rom. V. 10, 11.
CXXIl AIPENDIX.
enjoy of God spiritually, in by faith ; and outward and
temporal things are lawfully enjoyed by a civil right by
them who have no faith.*
XXXII. The only strength by which the saints are en-
abled to encounter with all oppositions and trials, is Only
by Jesus Christ, who is the captain of their salvation, being
made perfect through sufferings ; who hath engaged his
faithfulness and strength to assist them in all their afflictions,
and to uphold them in all their temptations, and to preserve
them by his power to his everlasting kingdom. t
XXXIII. Jesus Christ hath here on earth a spiritual
kingdom, which is his church, whom he hath purchased
and redeemed to himself as a peculiar inheritance; which
church is a company of visible saints, called and separated
from the world by the word and Spirit of God, to the visible
profession of the faith of the gospel, being baptized into
that faith, and joined to the Lord, and each to other, by
mutual agreement in the practical enjoyment of the ordi-
nances commanded by Christ their head and king.J
XXXIV. To this church he hath made his promises, and
giveth the signs of his covenant, presence, acceptation, love,
blessing, and protection. Here are the fountains and springs
of his heavenly graces flowing forth to refresh and strengthen
them.§
XXXV. And all his servants of all estates are to ac-
knowledge him to be their prophet, priest, and king ; and
called thither to be enrolled among his household servants,
to present their bodies and souls, and to bring their gifts
God hath given them, to be under his heavenly conduct and
government, to lead their lives in this walled sheepfold, and
watered garden, to have communion here with his saints,
that they may be assured that they are made meet to be
partakers of their inheritance in the kingdom of God; and
to supply each other's wants, inward and outward (and
although each person hath a property in his own estate, yet
they are to supply each other's wants, according as their
♦ Rom. Til. 23, 24 ; and viii. 29. Eph. vi. 10, 1 1, &c. Heb. ii. 9, 10. 2 Tim. iii.
13. 1 Thess. iii. 3. Gal. ii. 19, 20. 2 Cor. v. 7. Deut. ii. 3.
t Johuxv.5; andxvi.33. Phil. iv. 11. Heb. ii. 9, 10. 2 Tim. iv. 10.
X Matt. xi. 11 ; xviii. 19, 20. 2 Tliess. i. 1. 1 Cor. i. 2. Epli. i. 1. Rom. i. 7.
ActK xix. 8, 9 ; and xwi. 18. 2 Cor. vi. 17. Rev. xviii. 4. Acts ii. 37. 42 ; ix. 26;
and X. 37. Iloni. x. 10. 1 Pet. ii. .5.
j Malt, xxviii. 10, &C0. 1 Cor. iii. 21 ; and xi. 24. 2 Cor. vi. 18. Rom. ix. 4, 5.
Psalm c.xxxiii. 3. Rum. iii. 7. 10. Ezck. xlvii. 2.
APPENDIX. CXXlll
necessities shall require, that the name of Jesus Christ may
not be blasphemed through the necessity of any in the
church); and also being come, they are here by himself to
be bestowed in their several order, due place, peculiar use,
being fitly compact and knit together, according to the ef-
fectual working of every part, to tlie edifying of itself in
love.*
XXXVI. Being thus joined, every church hath power
given them from Christ, for their well-being, to choose
among themselves meet persons for elders and deacons,
being qualified according to the word, as those which
Christ hath appointed in his Testament, for the feeding,
governing, serving, and building up, of his church : and
that none have any power to impose on them either these
or any other.f
XXXVII. That the ministers lawfully called, as afore-
said, ought to continue in their calling and place, according
to God's ordinance, and carefully to feed the flock of God
committed to them, not for filthy lucre, but of a ready
mind 4
XXXVIII. The ministers of Christ ought to have what-
soever they shall need, supplied freely by the church, that,
according to Christ's ordinances, they that preach the gospel
should live of the gospel by the law of Christ. §
XXXIX. Baptism is an ordinance of the New Testa-
ment, given by Christ, to be dispensed upon persons pro-
fessing faith, or that are made disciples; who, upon pro-
fession of faith, ought to be baptized, and after to partake
of the Lord's supper. ||
XL, That the way and manner of the dispensing this
ordinance, is dipping or plunging the body under water;
it being a sign, must answer the things signified, which is,
that interest the saints have in the death, burial, and re-
surrection, of Christ: and that as certainly as the body is
buried under water, and risen again ; so certainly shall the
* Acts ii. 41. 44, 45. 47. Isa. iv. 3. 1 Cor. xii. 6, 7, &c. Kzek. xx. 37. 40.
Cant. jv. 12. Eph.ii. 19. Rom. xii. 4— 6. Col. i. 12 ; and ii. 5, 6. 19. Acts iv. 34,35 j
V. 4; and xx. 32. Luke xiv. 26. 1 Tim. vi. 1. Epii. iv. 16.
t Acts i. To. 26; vi. 3 ; and xv. 22. 25. Rom. xii. 7, 8. 1 Tim. iii. 2. 6, 7. 1 Cor.
xii. 8. 28. Heb. xiii. 7. 17. 1 Pel. v. 1—3; and iv. 15.
i Heb. V. 4. Joiin x. 3, 4. Aos xx. 28, 29. Rom. xii. 7. 8. Heb. xiii. 7. 17.
1 Pet. V. 1—3.
§ 1 Cor. ix. 7. 14. Gal. vi. 8. Pliil. iv. 15, 1 6. 2 Cor. x. 4. 1 Tim. i. 2. Psalm ex. 3.
II MaU. xxviii. 18, 19. Joiin iv. 1. Mark xvi. 15, 16. Acts ii. 37, 38; and viii.
36, 37, &c.
CXXIV APPENDIX.
bodies of the saints be raised by the power of Christ, in the
day of the resurrection, to reign with Christ.*
The word bapiizo signifies to dip or plunge (yet so as
convenient garments be both upon the administrator and
subject with all modesty).
XLI. The person designed by Christ to dispense bap-
tism, the Scripture holds forth to be a disciple; it being no
where tied to a particular church-officer, or person extraor-
dinarily sent, the commission enjoining the administration
being given to them as considered disciples, being men able
to preach the gospel.f
XLI I. Christ hath likewise given power to his church
to receive in, and cast out, any member that deserves it;
and this power is given to every congregation, and not to
one particular person, either member or officer, but in re-
lation to the whole body, in reference to their faith and
fellouship.J
XLIIl. And every particular member of each church,
how excellent, great, or learned soever, is subject to this
censure and j ndgment ; and that the church ought not, with-
out great care and tenderness, and due advice, but by the
sj-ule of faith, to proceed against her members. §
XLIV. Christ, for the keeping of this church in holy and
orderly communion, placeth some special men over the
church; who, by their office, are to govern, oversee, visit,
watch; so likewise for the better keeping thereof, in all
places by the members, he hath given authority, and laid
duty upon all to watch over one another.||
XLV. Also such, to whom God hath given gifts in the
church, may and ought to prophesy, according to the pro-
portion of faith, and so to teach publicly the word of God,
for the edification, exhortation, and comfort, of the church.^
XLVl. Thus, being rightly gathered, and continuing in
the obedience of the gospel of Christ, none are to separate
• Matt. iii. 6. 16. Mark xv. 9, reads [into Jordan] in Greek. John ili. 23. Acts
viii. 38. Rev. i. 5 ; and vii. 14. Heb. x. 22. Roin. vi. 3 — 6. 1 Cor. xv. 20, 29.
t l»a. viii. 16. Kph. ii. 7. Matt, xxviii. 19. John iv. 2. Acts xx. 7 j and xi. 10.
1 Cor. xi. 2 ; and x. 16, 17. Rom. xvi. 2. Matt, xviii. 17.
X Rom. xvi. 2. Matt, xviii. 17. 1 Cor. v. 4. 11. 13; xii. 6; and ii. 3. 2 Cor. ii. 6,7.
i Maw. xviii. 16 ; and xvii. 18. Acts xi. 2, 3. 1 Tim. v. 19, &c. Col. iv. 17.
Act» XV. 1—3.
II Act* XX. 27, 28. Heb. xiii. 17. 24. Matt. xxiv. 45. 1 Thess. v. 2. 14. Jade 3.
20. Heb. X. 34, 35 ; and xii. 15.
If 1 Cor. xiv. 3, ftc. Roui. xii. 6. 1 Pet. iv. 10, 11. 1 Cor. xii. 7. 1 Tbcss. v.
19, 6vc.
APPENDIX. CXXV
for faults and corruptions (for as long as the church consists
of men subject to failings, there will be difference in the true
constituted church) until they have in due order and tender-
ness sought redress thereof.*
XLVII. And although the particular congregations be
distinct, and several bodies, every one as a compact and knit
city within itself: yet are they all to walk by one rule of
truth: so also they (by all means convenient) are to have
the counsel and help one of another, if necessity require it,
as members of one body, in the common faith, under Christ
their head.f
XLVllI. A civil magistracy is an ordinance of God, set
up by him for the punishment of evil-doers, and for the
praise of them that do well ; and that in all lawful things,
commanded by them, subjection ought to be given by us in
the Lord, not only for wrath, but for conscience' sake ; and
that we are to make supplications and prayers for kings, and
all that are in authority, that under them we may live a
quiet and peaceable life, in all godliness and honesty.J
The supreme magistracy of this kingdom we acknowledge
to be the king and parliament (now established) freely
chosen by the kingdom, and that we are to maintain and
defend all civil laws and civil officers made by them, which
are for the good of the commonwealth. And we acknow-
ledge with thankfulness, that God hath made this present
king and parliament honourable in throwing down the pre-
latical hierarchy, because of their tyranny and oppression
over us, under which this kingdom long groaned, for which
we are ever engaged to bless God, and honour them for the
same. And concerning the worship of God; there is but
one lawgiver, which is able to save and destroy, James iv.
12, which is Jesus Christ, who hath given laws and rules
sufficient in his word for his worship; and for any to make
more, were to charge Christ with want of wisdom, or faith-
fulness, or both, in not making laws enough, or not good
enough for his house: surely it is our wisdom, duty, and
privilege, to observe Christ's laws only. Psalm ii. 6. 9, 10.
♦ Rev. ii. and iii. Ads xv. 12. 1 Cor. i. 10. Heb. x. 25. Jude l9. Rev. ii. *20,
21. 27. Acts XV. 1, 2. Rom. xiv. 1 ; and xv. 1 — 3.
t 1 Cor. iv. 17; xiv. 33. 36; and xvi. 1. Psalm cxxii. 3. Epli. ii. 12. 19. Rev.
xxi. 1 Tim. iii. 15; vi. 13, 14. 1 Cor. iv. 17. Acts xv. 2, 3. Cant. viiL. 8, 9. 2 Cor.
viii. 1.4; and xiii. 14.
* Rom. xiii. 1, 2, &c. 1 Pet. ii. 13, 14. 1 Tim.li. 1—3.
CXXVl APPENDIX.
12. So it is the magistrates' duty to tender the liberty of
men's consciences, Eccles. viii. 8. (which is the tenderest
thing to all conscientious men, and most dear unto them,
and without which all other liberties will not be worth the
naming, much less enjoying), and to protect all under them
from all wrong, injury, oppression, and molestation ; so it is
our duty not to be wanting in any thing which is for their
honour and comfort, and whatsoever is for the well-beinffof
the commonwealth wherein we live; it is our duty to do,
and we believe it to be our express duty, especially in mat-
ters of religion, to be fully persuaded in our minds of the
lawfulness of what we do, as knowing whatsoever is not of
faith is sin. And as we cannot do any thing contrary to our
understandings and consciences, so neither can we forbear
the doing of that which our understandings and consciences
bind us to do. And if the magistrates should require us to
do otherwise, we are to yield our persons in a passive way
to their power, as the saints of old have done, James v. 4.
And thrice happy shall he be, that shall lose his life for
witnessing (though but for the least tittle) of the truth of
the Lord Jesus Christ, 1 Pet. v. Gal. v.
XLIX. But in case we find not the magistrate to favour
us herein ; yet we dare not suspend our practice, because we
believe we ought to go in obedience to Christ, in professing
the faith which was once delivered to the saints, which faith
is declared in the Holy Scriptures, and this our confession of
faith a part of them, and that we are to witness to the truth
of the Old and New Testament unto the death, if necessity
require, in the midst of all trials and afflictions, as his saints
of old have done; not accounting our goods, lands, wives,
children, fathers, mothers, brethren, sisters; yea, and our
own lives, dear to us, so we may finish our course with joy;
remembering always, that we ought to obey God rather
than men, who will, when we have finished our course, and
kept the faith, give us the crown of righteousness ; to whom
we must give an account of all our actions, and no man
being able to discharge us of the same.*
L. It is lawful for a Christian to be a magistrate or civil
officer; and also it is lawful to take an oath, so it be in
• Acts ii. 40, 41 -, ,iv. 19 ; v. 28, 29 ; and xx. 23. 1 Thess. iii. 3. Phil. i. 28, 29.
Dan. iii. 16, 17 ; and vi. 7. 10. 22, 23. 1 Tim. vi. 13, 11. Rom. xli. 1. 8. 1 Cur.
xiv. 37. Re*, ii. 20. 2 Ti«i. iv. 6—8. Rom. xiv. 10. 12. 2 Cor. v. 10. Psalm xlix.
7 ; and 1. 22.
APPENDIX. CXXVli
truth, and in judgment, and in rig^hteousness, for confirma-
tion of truth, and ending- of all strife; and that by rash
and vain oaths the Lord is provoked, and this land mourns.*
LI. We are to give unto all men whatsoever is their due,
as their place, age, estate, requires; and that we defraud
no man of any thing, but to do unto all men as we would
they should do unto us.f
LII. There shall be a resurrection of the dead, both of
the just and unjust, and every one shall give an account of
himself to God, that every one may receive the things done
in his body, according to that he hath done, whether it be
good or bad 4
THE CONCLUSION.
Thus we desire to give unto Christ that which is his ;
and unto all lawful authority that which is their due; and
to owe nothing to any man but love ; to live quietly and
peaceably, as it becometh saints, endeavouring in all things
to keep a good conscience, and to do unto every man (of
what judgment soever) as we would they should do unto us,
that as our practice is, so it may prove us to be a con-
scionable, quiet, and harmless people (no ways dangerous
or troublesome to human society), and to labour and work
with our hands, that we may not be chargeable to any, but
to give to him that needeth, both friends and enemies, ac-
counting it more excellent to give than to receive. Also we
confess, that we know but in part, and that we are ignorant
of many things which we desire and seek to know ; and if
any shall do us that friendly part, to shew us from the word
of God that we see not, we shall have cause to be thankful
to God and them ; but if any man shall impose upon us any
thing that we see not to be commanded by our Lord Jesus
Christ, we should in his strength rather embrace all re-
proaches and tortures of men, to be stripped of all outward
comforts, and if it were possible, to die a thousand deaths,
rather than to do any thing against the least tittle of the
truth of God, or against the light of our own consciences.
And if any shall call what we have said heresy, then do we
Hi ■
: * Acts viii. 38 ; and x. 1. 2. 35. Rom. xri. 23. Deut. vi. 13. Rom. i. 9. 2 Cor. x.
tl. Jer. iv. 2. Heb. vi. 16.
t 1 Thess. iv. 6. Rom. xiii. 5—7. Malt. xxii. 21. Titus iii. 1 Pet. ii. 15. 17;
and V. 5. Epb. v. 21. 23 ; and vi. 1. 9. Titus iii. 1—3.
$ Acts xxiv. 15. 1 Cor. v. 10. Rom. xiv. 12.
CXXVlll APPENDIX.
with the apostle acknowledge, that after the way they call
heresy, worship we the God of our fathers, disclaiming all
heresies, rightly so called, because they are against Christ,
and to be steadfast and immoveable, always abounding in
obedience to Christ, as knowing our labour shall not be in
vain in the Lord.*
Arise, O God, plead thine own cause ; remember how
the foolish man blasphemeth thee daily. O let not the
oppressed return ashamed, but let the poor and needy praise
thy name.
Come, Lord Jesus, come quickly.
No. xn.
A CONCISE VIEW OF THE CHIEF PRINCIPLES OF THE
CHRISTIAN KGLIGION; AS PROFESSED BY THE PEO-
PLE CALLED QUAKERS.— BY ROBERT BARCLAY.
THE FIRST PROPOSITION.
Concerning the true Foundation of Knowledge.
Seeing the height of all happiness is placed in the true
knowledge of God, (this is life eternal, to know thee the
only true God, and Jesus Christ whom thou hath sent+):
the true and right understanding of this foundation and
ground of knowledge, is that which is most necessary to be
known and believed in the first place.
THE SECOND PROPOSITION.
Concernitig immediate Revelation.
Seeing no man knoweth the Father but the Son, and he
to whom the Son revealeth him ;X and seeing the revelation
of the Son is in and by the Spirit ; therefore the testimony
of the Spirit is that alone by which the true knowledge of
God hath been, is, and can be, only revealed ; who as, by
the moving of his own Spirit, he converted the chaos of this
world into that wonderful order wherein it was in the be-
ginning, and created man a living soul, to rule and govern
it, so by the revelation of the same Spirit he hath manifested
himself all along unto the sons of men, both patriarchs,
• Psalm Ixxir. 21, 22. t John xvii. 3. J Mall. xi. 27.
APPENDIX. CXXIX
prophets, and apostles ; which revelations of God by the
Spirit, whether by outward voices and appearances, dreams,
or inward objective manifestations in the heart, were of
old the formal object of their faith, and remain yet so to be ;
since the object of the saints' faith is the same in all ages,
though set forth under divers administrations. Moreover,
these divine inward revelations, which we make absolutely
necessary for the building up of true faith, neither do nor
can contradict the outward testimony of the Scriptures, or
right and sound reason. Yet from hence it will not follow,
that these divine revelations are to be subjected to the ex-
amination either of the outward testimony of the Scriptures,
or of the natural reason of man, as to a more noble or cer-
tain rule or touchstone ; for this divine revelation, and
inward illumination, is that which is evident and clear of
itself, forcing, by its own evidence and clearness, the well-
disposed understanding to assent, irresistibly moving the
same thereunto ; even as the common principles of natural
truths move and incline the mind to a natural assent ; as
that the whole is greater than its parts ; that two contradic-
tory sayings cannot be both true, nor both false : which is
also manifest according to our adversaries' principle ; who
(supposing the possibility of inward divine revelations) will
nevertheless confess with us, that neither Scripture nor
sound reason will contradict it : and yet it will not follow,
according to them, that the Scripture, or sound reason,
should be subjected to the examination of the divine reve-
lations in the heart.
THE THIRD PROPOSITION.
Concerning the Scriptures.
From these revelations of the Spirit of God to the saints,
have proceeded the Scriptures of truth, which contain,
1. A faithful historical account of the actings of God's peo-
ple in divers ages, with many singular and remarkable pro-
vidences attending them. S. A prophetical account of se-
veral things, whereof some are already past, and some yet
to come. 3. A full and ample account of all the chief prin-
ciples of the doctrine of Christ, held forth in divers precious
declarations, exhortations, and sentences, which, by the mov-
ing of God's Spirit, were at several times, and upon sundry
occasions, spoken and written unto some churches and their
VOL. V. i
CXXX APPENDIX.
pastors : nevertheless, because they are only a declaration
of the Fountain, and not the Fountain itself, therefore they
are not to be esteemed the principal ground of all truth
and knowledge, nor yet the adequate primary rule of faith
and manners. Nevertheless, as that which giveth a true
and faithful testimony of the first foundation, they are and
may be esteemed a secondary rule, subordinate to the Spi-
rit, from which they have all their excellency and certainty :
for as by the inward testimony of the Spirit we do alone
truly know them, so they testify, that the Spirit is that
guide by which the saints are led into all truth ;* there-
fore, according to the Scriptures, the Spirit is the first and
principal leader. And seeing we do therefore receive and
believe the Scriptures, because they proceeded from the
Spirit ; therefore also the Spirit is more originally and
principally the rule, according to that received maxim in
the schools, *' Propter quod unumquodque est tale, illud
ipsum est magis tale." Englished thus : That for which a
thing is such, that thing itself is more such.
THE FOURTH rROPOSITION.
Concerning the Condition of Man in the Fail.
All Adam's posterity (or mankind^), both Jews and Gen-
tiles, as to the first Adam or earthly man, is fallen, degene-
rated, and dead, deprived of the sensation or feeling of
this inward testimony or seed of God : and is subject unto
the power, nature, and seed, of the serpent, which he sows
in men's hearts, while they abide in this natural and cor-
rupted state ; from whence if comes, that not their words
and deeds only, but all their imaginations, are evil perpe-
tually in the sight of God, as proceeding from this depraved
and wicked seed. Man therefore, as he is in this state, can
know nothing aright ; yea, his thoughts and conceptions
concerning God and things spiritual, until he be disjoined
from this evil seed, and united to the divine light, are un-
profitable both to himself and others. Hence are rejected,
the Socinian and Pelagian errors, in exalting a natural
light; as also those of the Papists, and most Protestants,
who affirm, that man, without the true grace of God, may
be a true minister of the gospel. Nevertheless, this seed
• John XV i. 13. Rom. viii. 14. t Rom. v. i'i. 1 >
APPENDIX. CXXXl
is not imputed to infants, until by transgression they actually
join themselves therewith : for *' they are by nature the
children of wrath, who walk according to the power of the
prince of the air."*
THE FIFTH AND SIXTH PROPOSITIONS.
Concerning the Universal Redemption hy Christy and also
the Saving and Spiritual Light, wherewith every Man is
enlightened.
THE FIFTH PROPOSITION.
God, out of his infinite love, who delighteth not in the
death of a sinner, but that all should live and be saved,
hath so loved the world, that he hath given his only Son a
light, that whosoever believeth in him should be saved ;
who enlighteneth every man that cometh into the world,
and maketh manifest all things that are reprovable, and
teacheth all temperance, righteousness, and godliness :t
and this light enlighteneth the hearts of all in a day,} in
order to salvation, if not resisted. Nor is it less universal
than the seed of sin, being the purchase of his death, who
" tasted death for every man ;" " for as in Adam all die,
even so in Christ shall all be made alive."§
THE SIXTH PROPOSITION.
According to which principle, or hypothesis, all the ob-
jections against the universality of Christ's death are easily
solved ; neither is it needful to recur to the ministry of
angels, and those other miraculous means, which, they say,
God makes use of to manifest the doctrine and history of
Christ's passion unto such who (living in those places of the
world where the outward preaching of the gospel is un-
known) have well improved the first and common grace :
for hence it well follows, that as some of the old philoso-
phers might have been saved, so also may now some (who
by providence are cast into those remote parts of the world,
where the knowledge of the history is wanting) be made
partakers of the divine mercy, if they receive and resist not
that grace, a manifestation whereof is given to every man
» Eph. ii. 1.
t Ezek. xviii. 23. Isa. xlix. 6. John iii. 16 ; and i. 9. Titos ii. 11. Eph. v. 13.
Heb. ii. 9.
X Pro tempore, for a time. $ 1 Cor. xv. 22.
. i 2
CXXXll APPENDIX.
to profit withal.* This certain doctrine then bein^f received,
to wit, that there is an evangelical and saving light and
grace in all, the universality of the love and ?nercy of God
towards mankind, both in the death of his beloved Son, the
Lord Jesus Christ, and in the manifestation of the light in
the heart, is established and confirmed, against all the ob-
jections of such as deny it. Therefore Christ " hath tasted
death for every man ;"t not only for all kinds of men, as
some vainly talk, but for every one, of all kinds ; the bene-
fit of whose offering is not only extended to such who have
the distinct outward knowledge of his death and sufferings,
as the same is declared in the Scriptures, but even unto
those who are necessarily excluded from the benefit of this
knowledge by some inevitable accident ; which knowledge
we willingly confess to be very profitable and comfortable,
but not absolutely needful unto such, from whom God him-
self hath withheld it: yet they may be made partakers of
the mystery of his death, though ignorant of the history, if
they suffer his seed and light, enlightening their hearts, to
take place, in which light, communion with the Father and
Son is enjoyed, so as of wicked men to become holy, and
lovers of that power, by whose inward and secret touches
they feel themselves turned from the evil to the good, and
learn to do to others as they would be done by ; in which
Christ himself affirms all to be included. As they then have
falsely and erroneously taught, who have denied Christ to
have died for all men ; so neither have they sufficiently
taught the truth, who, aflSrming him to have died for all,
have added the absolute necessity of the outward know-
ledge thereof, in order to the obtaining its saving effect ;
among whom the remonstrants of Holland have been chiefly
wanting, and many otherassertorsof universal redemption,
in that they have not placed the extent of this salvation in
that divine and evangelical principle of light and life,
wherewith Christ hath enlightened every man that comes
into the world ; which is excellently and evidently held
forth in these scriptures : Gen. vi. 3. Deut xxx. 14. John
i. 7— 9. Rom. x. 8. Tit. ii. 11.
THE SEVENTH PROPOSITION.
Concerning Justification.
As many as resist not this light, but receive the same, in
• 1 Cor. xii. 7. t Heb. ii. 9.
APPENDIX. CXXXIII
^hem is produced a holy, pure, and spiritual birth, bring-
ing forth holiness, righteousness, purity, and all those other
blessed fruits which are acceptable to God, by which holy
birth (to wit, Jesus Christ formed within us, and working
his works within us), as we are sanctified, so are we justified
in the sight of God, according to the apostle's words : " But
ye are washed, but ye are sanctified, but ye are justified, in
the name of the Lord Jesus, and by the Spirit of our God/*
Therefore it is not by our works wrought in our will, nor
yet by good works, considered as of themselves, but by
Christ, who is both the gift and the giver, and the cause
producing the efi^ects in us : who, as he hath reconciled us
while we were enemies, doth also in his wisdom save us,
and justify us after this manner, as saith the same apostle
elsewhere. " According to his mercy he saved us, by the
washing of regeneration, and the renewing of the Holy
Ghost.^t
THE EIGHTH PROPOSITION.
Concerning Perfection,
In whom this holy and pure birth is fully brought forth,
the body of death and sin comes to be crucified and removed,
and their hearts united and subjected to the truth, so as
not to obey any suggestion or temptation of the evil one,
but to be free from actual sinning, and transgressing of the
law of God, and in that respect perfect.^ Yet doth this
perfection still admit of a growth ; and there remaineth a
possibility of sinning, where the mind doth not most dili-
gently and watchfully attend unto the Lord.
THE NINTH PROPOSITION.
Concerning Perseverance, and the Possibilitj/ of falling
from Grace.
Although this gift, and inward grace of God, be suffi-
cient to work out salvation ; yet in those in whom it is re-
sisted, it both may and doth become their condemnation.
Moreover, in whom it hath wrought in part, to purify and
sanctify them, in order to their farther perfection, by dis-
obedience such may fall from it, and turn it to wantonness,
• iCor. vi. 11. t Ttt.iii.5.
t Rom. vi. 2. 14. 18 ; and Tiii. 13. 1 John iii. 6.
CXXXIV APPENDIX.
making shipwreck of faith; and after having tasted of the
heavenly gift, and been made partakers of the Holy Ghost,
again fall away.* Yet such an increase and stability in the
truth may in this life be attained, from which there cannot
be a total apostacy.
THE TENTH PROPOSITION.
Concerning the Ministry,
As by this gift, or light of God, all true knowledge in
things spiritual is received and revealed ; so by the same,
as it is manifested and received in the heart, by the strength
and power thereof, every true minister of the gospel is or-
dained, prepared, and supplied, in the work of the ministry :
and by the leading, moving, and drawing, hereof, ought
every evangelist and Christian pastor to be led and ordered
in his labour and work of the gospel, both as to the place
where, as to the persons to whom, and as to the times when,
he is to minister. Moreover, those who have this authority
may and ought to preach the gospel, though without human
commission or literature ; as, on the other hand, those who
want the authority of this divine gift, however learned or
authorized by the commissions of men and churches, are to
be esteemed but as deceivers, and not true ministers of the
gospel. Also, who have received this holy and unspotted
gift, as they have freely received, so are they freely to give,t
without hire or bargaining, far less to use it as a trade to
get money by it : yet if God hath called any from their em-
ployments or trades, by which they acquire their livelihood,
it may be. lawful for such, according to the liberty which
they feel given them in the Lord, to receive such temporals,
to wit, what may be needful to them for meat and clothing,
as are freely given them by those to whom they have com-
municated spirituals.
THE ELEVENTH PROPOSITION.
Concerning Worship,
All true and acceptable worship to God is offered in the
inward and immediate moving and drawing of his own Spi-
rit, which is neither limited to places, times, or persons : for
though we be to worship him always, in that we are to fear
* t Tim. i. 6. Hcb, vi. 4— f . t M«tt. x. >i.
APPENDIX. CXXXV
before him ; yet as to the outward signification thereof in
prayers, praises, and preachings, we ought not to do it
where and when we will, but where and when we are
moved thereunto by the secret inspirations of his Spirit in
our hearts ; which God heareth and accepteth of, and is
never wanting to move us thereunto, when need is, of which
he himself is the alone proper judge. All other worship then,
both praises, prayers, and preachings, which man sets about
in his own will, and at his own appointment, which he can
both begin and end at his pleasure, do or leave undone as
himself sees meet ; whether they be a prescribed form, as a
liturgy, or prayers conceived extemporarily, by the natural
strength and faculty of the mind ; they are all but super-
stitions, will-worship, and abominable idolatry, in the sight
of God;* which are to be denied, rejected, and separated
from, in this day of his spiritual arising; however it might
have pleased him, who winked at the times of ignorance,
with respect to the simplicity and integrity of some, and of
his own innocent seed, which lay as it were buried in the
hearts of men, under the mass of superstition, to blow upon
the dead and dry bones, and to raise some breathings, and
answer them, and that until the day should more clearly
dawn and break forth.
THE TWELFTH PROPOSITION.
Concerning Baptism.
As there is one Lord and one faith, so there is one baptism ;
which is not the putting away the filth of the flesh, but the an-
swer of a good conscience before God, by the resurrection of
Jesus Christ.t And this baptism is a pure and spiritual thing,
to wit, the baptism of the Spirit and fire, by which we are
buried with him, that being washed and purged from our
sins, we may walk in newness of life ;J of which the bap-
tism of John was a figure, which was commanded for a
time, and not to continue for ever. As to the baptism of
infants, it is a mere human tradition, for which neither pre-
cept nor practice is to be found in all the Scripture.
* Ezek. xiii. Mark x. 20. Acts ii. 4; and xviii. 5. John iii. 6 ; and iv. 21. Jude 19.
Acts xvii. 2.S.
t Eph. iv.o. 1 Pet. iii. 21. Roin. vi. 4. Gal. iii. 27. Col. ii. 12. John iii. 30.
X 1 Cor. i. 17.
CXXXVl APPENDIX.
THE THIRTEENTH PROPOSITION.
Concerning the Communion, or Participation of the Body
and Blood of Christ,
The communion of the body and blood of Christ is in-
ward and spiritual,* which is the participation of his flesh
and blood, + by which the inward man is daily nourished in
the hearts of those in whom Christ dwells ; of which things
the breaking of bread by Christ with his disciples was a
figure, which they even used in the church for a time, who
had received the substance, for the cause of the weak ; even
as abstaining from things strangled, and from blood, the
washing one another's feet, and the anointing of the sick
with oil ;J all which are commanded with no less autho-
rity and solemnity than the former ; yet seeing they are
but the shadows of better things, they cease in such as have
obtained the substance.
THE FOURTEENTH PROPOSITION.
Concerning the Power of the Civil Magistrate, in Matters
•purely religious^ and pertaining to the Conscience.
Since God hath assumed to himself the power and domi-
nion of the conscience, who alone can rightly instruct and
govern it, therefore it is not lawful for any whatsoever, by
virtue of any authority or principality they bear in the go-
vernment of this world, to force the consciences of others ;§
and therefore all killing, banishing, fining, imprisoning, and
other such things, which men are afflicted with, for the
alone exercise of their conscience, or difference in worship
or opinion, proceedeth from the spirit of Cain the murderer,
and is contrary to the truth : provided always, that no man,
under the pretence of conscience, prejudice his neighbour
in his life or estate ; or do any thing destructive to, or in-
consistent with, human society ; in which case the law is for
the transgressor, and justice to be administered upon all,
without respect of persons.
• 1 Cor. X. 16, IT. t John yi. 32, 33. 35. 1 Cor. t. 8.
t Acts XT. 20. Jobnxiii. 14. Jaroes ▼. 14.
§ Lake ix. 5.'>, 56. Matt. vii. 12. 29. Titos Hi. 10.
APPENDIX. CXXXYU
THE FIFTEENTH PROPOSITION.
Concerning the Salutations and Recreations^ S^c.
Seeing the chief end of all religion is to redeem man from
the spirit and vain conversation of this world, and to lead
into inward communion with God,* before whom if we
fear always, we are accounted happy; therefore all the vain
customs and habits thereof, both in word and deed, are to
be rejected and forsaken by those who come to this fear ;
such as the taking off the hat to a man, the bowings and
cringings of the body, and such other salutations of that
kind, with all the foolish and superstitious formalities at-
tending them ; all which man has invented in his degenerate
state, to feed his pride in the vain pomp and glory of this
world ; as also the unprofitable plays, frivolous recreations,
sportings and gamings, which are invented to pass away
the precious time, and divert the mind from the witness of
God in the heart, and from the living sense of his fear, and
from that evangelical spirit wherewith Christians ought
ta be leavened, and which leads into sobriety, gravity, and
godly fear ; in which as we abide, the blessing of the Lord
is felt to attend us in those actions in which we are neces-
sarily engaged, in order to the taking care for the suste-
nance of the outward man.
No. XIIL
The toleration act^ entitled, " An act for exempting their ma-
jesties* Protestant subjects dissenting from the church of
England from the penalties of certain laws,"
Forasmuch as some ease to scrupulous consciences, in the
exercise of religion^ may be an effectual means to unite
their majesties' Protestant subjects in interest and affec-
tion,t
I. Be it enacted by the king and queen's most excellent
• Eph. y. 11. iPet. i. 14. John v. 44. Jer. x. 3. Acls x. 26. Mall. xv. 13.
Col. ii. 8.
t 1 Will, and Mary, cap. 18.
CXXXVIU APPENDIX.
majesties, and with the advice and consent of the lords spi-
ritual and temporal, and commons in this present parliament
assembled, and by the authority of the same, that neither
the statute made in the twenty-third year of the reign of
the late queen Elizabeth,* entitled, " An act to retain the
queen majesty's subjects in their due obedience ;" nor that
statute made in the twenty-ninth year of the said queen,t
entitled, " An act for the more speedy and due execution of
certain branches of the statute, made in the twenty-third
year of the queen's majesty's reign," viz. the aforesaid acts ;
nor that branch or clause of a statute made in the first year
of the reign of the said queen, entitled, *' An act for the
uniformity of common-prayer and service in the church and
administration of the sacraments ;"J whereby all persons,
having no lawful or reasonable excuse to be absent, are re-
quired to resort to their parish-church or chapel, or some
usual place where the common-prayer shall be used, upon
pain of punishment by the censures of the church ; and
also, upon pain that every person so offending shall forfeit
for every such offence twelve-pence. Nor that statute made
in the third year of the late king James the First,§ entitled,
"An act for the better discovering and repressing Popish
recusants." Nor that after statute made in the same year,||
entitled, " An act to prevent and avoid dangers which may
grow by Fopish recusants." Nor any other law or statute
of this realm made against Papists or Popish recusants,
except the statute made in the twenty-fifth year of king
Charles IL^f entitled, " An act for preventing dangers
which may happen from Popish recusants." And except
also the statute made in the thirtieth year of the said king
Charles II.** entitled, *' An act for the more effectual pre-
serving the king's person and government, by disabling
Papists from sitting in either house of parliament," shall be
construed to extend to any person or persons dissenting
from the church of England, that shall take the oaths men-
tioned in a statute made this present parliament, entitled,
'^An act for removing and preventing all questions and
disputes concerning the assembling and sitting of the pre-
sent parliament," shall make and subscribe the declaration
• 23 Rliz. cap. 1. t 29 Eliz.cap. 6. t ^bW- op- 2.
$ S Jar. I. cap. 4. H Ibid. cap. .^. % lb Car. II. cap. '2.
•♦ ;J0 Car. II. slal. 2. cap. 1.
APPENDIX. CXXXIX
mentioned in a statute made in the thirtieth year of the
reign of king Charles II.* entitled, '* An act to prevent
Papists from sitting in either house of parliament." Which
oaths and declaration the justices of peace, at the general
sessions of the peace to be held for the county or place
where such person shall live, are hereby required to tender
and administer to such persons as shall offer themselves to
take, make, and subscribe, the same, and thereof to keep a
register. And likewise none of the persons aforesaid shall
give or pay, as any fee or reward, to any officer or officers
belonging to the court aforesaid, above the sum of six-pence,
nor that more than once, for his or their entry of his taking
the said oaths, and making and subscribing the said decla-
ration ; nor above the farther sum of six-pence for any cer-
tificate of the same, to be made out and signed by the officer
or officers of the said court.
II. And be it farther enacted by the authority aforesaid,
that all and every person and persons already convicted,
or prosecuted in order to conviction of recusancy, by in-
dictment, information, action of debt, or otherwise grounded
upon the aforesaid statutes, or any of them, that shall take
the said oaths mentioned in the said statutes made this present
parliament, and make and subscribe the declaration afore-
said, in the court of exchequer, or assize, or general or
quarter-sessions, to be held for the county where such per-
son lives, and to be thence respectively certified into the
exchequer ; shall be thenceforth exempted and discharged
from-all the penalties, seizures, forfeitures, judgments, and
executions, incurred by force of any of the aforesaid sta-
tutes, without any composition, fee, or farther charge what-
soever.
III. And be it farther enacted by the authority aforesaid,
that all and every person and persons that shall, as afore-
said, take the said oaths, and make and subscribe the de-
claration aforesaid, shall not be liable to any pains, penal-
ties, or forfeitures, mentioned in an act made in the thirty-
fifth year of the reign of the late queen Elizabeth,t entitled,
" An act to retain the queen majesty's subjects in their due
obedience." Nor in an act made in the twenty-second year
of the reign of the late king Charles II. J entitled, "An act
to prevent and suppress seditious conventicles." Nor shall
* 30 Car. II. stat. 2. chap. 1. t 35 Eliz. cap. 1. :}: 22 Car. II. cap. 1.
Cxl APPENDIX.
any of the said persons be prosecuted in any ecclesiastical
court, for or by reason of their nonconforming to the church
of England.
IV. Provided always, and be it enacted by the authority
aforesaid, that if any assembly of persons, dissenting from
the church of England, shall be held in any place for reli-
gious worship, with the doors locked, barred, or bolted,
during any time of such meeting together, all and every
person or persons that shall come to and be at such meet-
ing, shall not receive any benefit from this law, but be liable
to all the pains and penalties of all the aforesaid laws re-
cited in this act, for such their meeting, notwithstanding his
taking the oaths, and his making and subscribing the decla-
ration aforesaid.
V. Provided always, that nothing herein contained shall
be construed to exempt any of the persons aforesaid from
paying of tithes, or other parochial duties, or any other
duties, to the church or minister ; nor from any prosecution
in any ecclesiastical court, or elsewhere, for the same.
VI. And be it farther enacted by the authority aforesaid,
that if any person dissenting from the church of England,
as aforesaid, shall hereafter be chosen, or otherwise ap-
pointed to bear the office of high-constable, or petit-con-
stable, churchwarden, overseer of the poor, or any other
parochial or ward office, and such person shall scruple to
take upon him any of the said offices, in regard of the oaths,
or any other matter or thing required by the law to be taken
or done, in respect of such office, every such person shall
and may execute such office or employment by a sufficient
deputy, by him to be provided, that shall comply with the
laws on this behalf; provided always, the said deputy be
allowed and approved by such person or persons, in such
manner, as such officer or officers respectively should by
law have been allowed and approved.
VII. And be it farther enacted by the authority afore-
said, that no person dissenting from the church of England,
in holy orders, or pretended holy orders, or pretending to
holy orders, nor any preacher or teacher of any congrega-
tion of dissenting Protestants, that shall make and sub-
scribe the declaration aforesaid,'^ and take the said oaths,
at the general or quarter-sessions of the peace to be held
• 17 Car. II. cap. 2. 13 and 14. Car. II. cap. 4.
APPENDIX. CXli
for the county, town, parts, or division, where such person
lives, which court is hereby empowered to administer the
same ; and shall also declare his approbation of, and sub-
scribe the articles of religion mentioned in the statute made
in the thirteenth year of the reign of the late queen Eliza-
beth,* except the 34th, S3th, and S6th, and these words of
the 20th article, viz. " the church hath power to decree rites
or ceremonies, and authority in controversies of faith, and
yet/' shall be liable to any of the pains or penalties men-
tioned in an act made in the seventeenth year of the reign of
king Charles Il.f entitled, *' An act for restraining Non-
conformists from inhabiting in corporations ;'* nor the pe-
nalties mentioned in the aforesaid act made in the twenty-
second year of his said late majesty's reign, for or by reason
of such persons preaching at any meeting for the exercise
of religion. Nor to the penalties of 100/. mentioned in an
act made in the thirteenth and fourteenth of king Charles
II. J entitled, '' An act for the uniformity of public prayers,
and administering of sacraments, and other rites and cere-
monies ; and for establishing the form of making, ordaining,
and consecrating, of bishops, priests, and deacons, in the
church of England," for officiating in any congregation for
the exercise of religion permitted and allowed by this act.
VIII. Provided always, that the making and subscribing
the said declaration, and the taking the said oaths, and mak-
ing the declaration of approbation and subscription to the
said articles, in manner as aforesaid, by every respective
person or persons herein before mentioned, at such general
or quarter-sessions of the peace as aforesaid, shall be then
and there entered of record in the said court, for which six-
pence shall be paid to the clerk of the peace, and no more;
provided that such person shall not at any time preach in
any place but with the doors not locked, barred, or bolted,
as aforesaid.
IX. And whereas some dissenting Protestants scruple
the baptizing of infants, be it enacted by the authority
aforesaid, that every person in pretended holy orders, or
pretending to holy orders, or preacher, or teacher, that shall
subscribe the aforesaid articles of religion, except as before
• 13. Eliz. cap. 12. t 1? Car. II. cap. 2.
i 13 and 14 Car. II. cap. 4.
CXlii APPENDIX.
excepted : and also except part of the 27th article teaching
infant-baptism, and shall take the oaths, and make and
subscribe the declaration aforesaid, in manner aforesaid ;
every such person shall enjoy all the privileges, benefits, and
advantages, which any other dissenting minister, as afore-
said, might have or enjoy by virtue of this act.
X. And be it farther enacted by the authority aforesaid,
that every teacher or preacher in holy orders, or pretended
holy orders, that is a minister, preacher, or teacher, of a
congregation, that shall take the oaths herein required,
and make and subscribe the declaration aforesaid ; and also
subscribe such of the aforesaid articles of the church of
England, as are required by this act in manner aforesaid,
shall be thenceforth exempted from serving upon any jury,
or from being chosen or appointed to bear the office of
churchwarden, overseer of the poor, or any other parochial
or ward office, or other office in any hundred, or any shire,
city, town, parish, division, or wapentake.
XI. And be it farther enacted by the authority aforesaid,
that any justice of the peace may at any time hereafter re-
quire any person that goes to any meeting for exercise of
religion, to make and subscribe the declaration aforesaid,
and also to take the said oaths, or declaration of fidelity
herein after mentioned, in case such person scruple the
taking of an oath; and upon the refusal thereof, such jus-
tice of the peace is hereby required to commit such person
to prison, without bail or mainprize, and to certify the
name of such person to the next general or quarter-sessions
of the peace to be held for that county, city, town, part, or
division, where such person then resides ; and if such per-
son so committed shall, upon a second tender at the general
or quarter-sessions, refuse to make and subscribe the decla-
ration aforesaid, such person refusing shall be then and
there recorded, and shall be taken thenceforth to all intents
and purposes for a Popish recusant convict, and suffer ac-
cordingly, and incur all the penalties and forfeitures of the
aforesaid laws.
XII. And whereas there are certain other persons, dis-
senters from the church of England, who scruple the tak-
ing of any oath, be it enacted by the authority aforesaid,
that every such person shall make and subscribe the afore-
APPENDIX. cxliii
said declaration ; and also this declaration of fidelity fol-
lowing.*
I A. B. do sincerely promise, and solemnly declare, be-
fore God and the world, that I will be true and faithful
to king William and queen Mary. And I solemnly pro-
fess and declare, that I do from my heart abhor, detest, and
renounce, as impious and heretical, that damnable doctrine,
and position, that princes excommunicated, or deprived by
the pope, or any authority of the see of Rome, may be de-
posed or murdered by their subjects, or any other what-
soever. And I do declare, that no foreign prince, person,
prelate, state, or potentate, hath, or ought to have, any
power, jurisdiction, superiority, pre-eminence, or authority,
ecclesiastical or spiritual, within this realm.
And shall subscribe a profession of their Christian belief
in these words :
I A. B. profess faith in God the Father, and in Jesus
Christ his eternal Son, the true God, and in the Holy
Spirit, one God blessed for evermore ; and do acknowledge
the Holy Scriptures of the Old and New Testament to be
given by divine inspiration.
Which declaration and subscription shall be made and
entered of record at the general quarter-sessions of the
peace for the county, city, or place, where every such per-
son shall then reside. And every such person that shall
make and subscribe the two declarations and profession
aforesaid, being thereunto required, shall be exempted
from all the pains and penalties of all and every the afore-
mentioned statutes made against Popish recusants, or Pro-
testant Nonconformists ; and also from the penalties of an
act made in the fifth year of the reign of the late queen
Elizabeth,t entitled, " An act for the assurance of the
queen's royal power over all estates and subjects within her
dominions," for or by reason of such persons not taking or
refusing to take the oath mentioned in the said act. And
also from the penalties of an act made in the thirteenth
and fourteenth years of the reign of king Charles Il.f enti-
tled, *' An act for preventing mischiefs that may arise by
certain persons called Quakers refusing to take lawful oaths,
and enjoy all other the benefits, privileges, and advantages,
* 8 Geo. T. cap. 6. t 6 Eiiz. cap. 1. t 13 and 14 Car. II. cap. 1.
Cxliv APPENDIX.
under the like limitations, provisoes, and conditions, which
any other dissenters should or ought to enjoy by virtue of
this act.
XIII. Provided always, and be it enacted by the autho-
rity aforesaid, that in case any person shall refuse to take
the said oaths when tendered to them, which every justice
of the peace is hereby empowered to do, such person shall
not be admitted to make and subscribe the two declarations
aforesaid, though required thereunto, either before any jus-
tice of the peace, or at the general or quarter sessions,
before or after any conviction of Popish recusancy, as afore-
said, unless such person can, within thirty-one days after
such tender of the declaration to him, produce two suffi-
cient Protestant witnesses to testify upon oath, that they
believe him to be a Protestant dissenter, or a certificate
under the hands of four Protestants who are conformable
to the church of England, or have taken the oaths, and
subscribed the declaration above named, and shall produce
a certificate under the hands and seals of six or more suffi-
cient men of the congregation to which he belongs, owning
him for one of them.
XIV. Provided also, and be it enacted by the authority
aforesaid, that until such certificate, under the hands of six
of his congregation, as aforesaid, be produced, and two
Protestant witnesses come to attest his being a Protestant
dissenter, or a certificate under the hands of four Protest-
ants, as aforesaid, be produced, the justice of peace shall,
and hereby is required to, take a recognizance, with two
sureties, in the penal sum of 50/. to be levied of his goods
and chattels, lands and tenements, to the use of the king's
and queen's majesties, their heirs and successors, for his
producing the same ; and if he cannot give such security,
to commit him to prison, there to remain until he has pro-
duced such certificate, or two witnesses as aforesaid.
XV. Provided always, and it is the true intent and mean-
ing of this act, that all the laws made and provided for the
frequenting of divine service on the Lord's day, commonly
called Sunday, shall be still in force, and executed against
all persons that offend against the said laws, except such
persons come to some congregation, or assembly of religious
worship, allowed or permitted by this act.
XVI. Provided always, and be it farther enacted by the
APPENDIX. CXiv
authority aforesaid, that neither this act, nor any clause,
article, or thing, herein contained, shall extend, or be con-
strued to extend, to give any ease, benefit, or advantage,
to any Papist or Popish recusant whatsoever, or any per-
son that shall deny, in his preaching or writing, the doctrine
of the blessed Trinity, as it is declared in the aforesaid arti-
cles of religion.
XVII. Provided always, and be it enacted by the autho-
rity aforesaid, that if any person or persons, at any time or
times after the 10th day of June, do, and shall willingly,
and of purpose, maliciously, or contemptuously, come into
any cathedral, or parish-church, chapel, or other congrega-
tion, permitted by this act, and disquiet or disturb the same,
or misuse any preacher or teacher ; such person or persons,
upon proof thereof before any justice of the peace, by two
or more sufficient witnesses, shall find two sureties to be
bound by recognizance in the penal sum of 50/., and in
default of such sureties shall be committed to prison, there
to remain till the next general or quarter-sessions, and
upon conviction of the said offence, at the said general or
quarter-sessions, shall suffer the pain and penalty of 20/.
to the use of the king's and queen's majesties, their heirs
and successors.*
XVIII. Provided always, that no congregation, or as-
sembly for religious worship, shall be permitted or allowed
by this act, until the place of such meeting shall be certified
to the bishop of the diocess, or to the archdeacon of that
archdeaconry, or to the justices of the peace, at the general
or quarter-sessions of the peace for the county, city, or
place, in which such meeting shall be held, and registered
in the said bishop's or archdeacon's court respectively, or
recorded at the said general or quarter-sessions, the register
or clerk of the peace whereof respectively is hereby required
to register the same, and to give certificate thereof to such
person as shall demand the same, for which there shall be
no greater fee or reward taken than the sum of six-pence.
* See Geo. I. slat. 2. cap. 5. §. 4.
VOL. V.
CXliri APPENDIX.
■ ■ ■ ■'*■' ' ' ,['. ilitir
No. XIV.
The occasional conformity act, entitled, ''An act for preserv-
ing the Protestant religion, by better securing the church of
England, as by law established ; and for confirming the
toleration granted to Protestant dissenters by an act, enti-
tled, * An act for exempting their majesties' Protestant sub-
jects, dissenting from the church of England, from the pe-
nalties of certain laws,' and for supplying the defects thereof;
and for the farther securing the Protestant succession, by
requiring the practisers of the law in North-Britain to take
the oaths, and subscribe the declaration therein mentioned."
Whereas an act was made in the thirteenth year of the
reign of the late king Charles II. entitled, " An act for the
well-governing and regulating of corporations."* And an-
other act was made in the five-and-twentieth year of the
reign of the said late king Charles II. entitled, " An act
for the preventing dangers which may happen from Popish
recusants. Both which acts were made for the security
of the church of England, as by law established. Now
for the better securing the said church, and quieting the
minds of her majesty's Protestant subjects dissenting from
the church of England, and rendering them secure in the
exercise of their religious worship ; as also for the farther
strengthening the provision already made for the security
of the succession to the crown in the house of Hanover ; be
it enacted by the queen's most excellent majesty, by and
with the advice and consent of the lords spiritual and tem-
poral, and commons in parliament assembled, and by the
authority of the same, that if any person or persons, after
the five-and-twentieth day of March, which shall be in the
year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and twelve,
either peers or commoners, who have or shall have any
office or offices, civil or military, or receive any pay, salary,
fee, or wages, by reason of any patent or grant from or
under her majesty, or any of her majesty's predecessors, or
of her heirs or successors, or shall have any command or
• lOth of queen Ann*.
APPENDIX. Cxlvii
place of trust from or under her majesty, her heirs or iuc-
cessors, or from any of her majesty's predecessors, or by
her or their authority, or by authority derived from her or
them, within that part of Great Britain called England, the
dominion of Wales, or town of Berwick-upon-Tweed, or in
the navy, or in the several islands of Jersey or Guernsey,
or shall be admitted into any service or employment in the
household or family of her majesty, her heirs or successors ;
or if any mayor, alderman, recorder, bailiff, town-clerk,
common-council-man, or other person bearing any office of
magistracy, or place of trust, or other employment relating
to or concerning the government of any of the respective
cities, corporations, boroughs, cinque-ports, and their mem-
bers, or other port towns within that part of Great Britain
called England, the dominion of Wales, town of Berwick,
or either of the isles aforesaid, who by the said recited acts,
or either of them, were or are obliged to receive the sacra-
ment of the Lord's supper, according to the rites and usage
of the church of England, as aforesaid, shall, at anytime
after their admission into their respective offices or employ-
ments, or after having such patent or grant, command or
place of trust, as aforesaid, during his or their continuance
in such office or offices, employment or employments, or
having such patent or grant, command or place of trust, or
any profit or advantage from the same, knowingly or will-
ingly resort to, or be present at, any conventicle, assembly,
or meeting, within England, Wales, Berwick-upon-Tweed,
or the isles aforesaid, for the exercise of religion in other
manner than according to the liturgy and practice of the
church of England, in any place within that part of Great
Britain called England, dominion of Wales, and town of
Berwick-upon-Tweed, or the isles aforesaid, at which con-
venticle, assembly, or meeting, there shall be ten persons
or more assembled together, over and besides those of the
same household, if it be in any house where there is a family
inhabiting, or if it be in a house or place where there is no
family inhabiting, then where any such ten persons are so
assembled, as aforesaid ; or shall knowingly and willingly
be present at any such meeting, in such house, or place, as
aforesaid, although the liturgy be there used, where her
majesty, whom God long preserve, and the princess Sophia ^
or such others as shall from time to time be lawfully ap-
k 2
Cxlviii APPENDIX.
pointed to be prayed for, shall not there be prayed for in
express words according to the liturgy of the church of
England, except where such particular offices of the liturgy
are used, wherein there are no express directions to pray
for her majesty and the royal family, shall forfeit 40/. to be
recovered by him or them that shall sue for the same, by
any action of debt, bill, plaint, or information, in any of her
majesty's courts at Westminster, wherein no essoin, pro-
tection, or wager of law, shall be allowed, or any more than
one imparlance.
And be it farther enacted, that every person convicted in
any action to be brought, as aforesaid, or upon any infor-
mation, presentment, or indictment, in any of her majesty's
courts at Westminster, or at the assizes, shall be disabled
from thenceforth to hold such office or offices, employment
or employments, or to receive any profit or advantage by
reason of them, or of any grant, as aforesaid, and shall be
adjudged incapable to bear any office or employment what-
soever within that part of Great Britain called England,
the dominion of Wales, or the town of Berwick-upon-
Tweed, or the isles of Jersey or Guernsey.
Provided always, and be it farther enacted by the autho-
rity aforesaid, that if any person or persons who shall have
been convicted as aforesaid, and thereby made incapable to
hold any office or employment, or to receive any profit or
advantage by reason of them, or of any grant as aforesaid,
shall, after such conviction, conform to the church of Eng-
land, for the space of one year, without having been pre-
sent at any conventicle, assembly, or meeting, as aforesaid,
and receive the sacrament of the Lord's supper, according
to the rites and usage of the church of England, at least
three times in the year, every such person or persons shall
be capable of the grant of any the offices or employments
aforesaid.
Provided also, and be it farther enacted, that every such
person so convicted, and afterward conforming, in manner
as aforesaid, shall, at the next term after his admission into
any such office or employment, make oath in writing, in
some one of her majesty's courts at Westminster, in public
and open court, or at the next quarter-sessions for that
county or place where he shall reside, between the hours of
nine and twelve in the forenoon, he hath confohned to the
APPENDIX. Cxiix
church of England for the space of one year before such his
admission, without having been present at any conventicle,
assembly, or meeting, as aforesaid, and that he hath received
the sacrament of the Lord's supper at least three times in
the year ; which oath shall be there enrolled and kept upon
record.
Provided, that no person shall suffer any punishment for
any olTence committed against this act, unless oath be made
of such offence before some judge or justice of the peace
(who is hereby empowered and required to take the said
oath), within ten days after the said offence committed, and
unless the said offender be prosecuted for the same within
three months after the said offence committed, nor shall
any person be convicted for any such offence, unless upon
the oaths of two credible witnesses at the least.
Provided always, that this act, or any thing therein con-
tained, or any offence against the same, shall not extend or
be judged to take away or make void any office of inherit-
ance, nevertheless, so as such person having or enjoying
any such office of inheritance, do or shall substitute and
appoint his sufficient deputy (which such officer is hereby
empowered from time to time to make or change, any
former law or usage to the contrary notwithstanding), to
exercise the said office, until such time as the person having
such office shall conform as aforesaid.
And it is hereby farther enacted and declared by the
authority aforesaid, that the toleration granted to Protest-
ant dissenters, by the act made in the first year of the reign of
king William and queen Mary, entitled, "An act for exempt-
ing their majesties' Protestant subjects, dissenting from the
church of England, from the penalties of certain laws," shall
be, and is hereby ratified and confirmed, and that the same
act shall at all times be inviolably observed, for the ex-
empting of such Protestant dissenters as are thereby in-
tended, from the pains and penalties therein mentioned.
And for rendering the said last-mentioned act more effec-
tual, according to the true intent and meaning thereof, be
it farther enacted and declared by the authority aforesaid,
that if any person dissenting from the church of England
(not in holy orders, or pretended holy orders, or pretending
to holy orders, nor any preacher or teacher of any congre-
cl APPENDIX.
gation), who should have been entitled to the benefit of the
said last-mentioned act, if such person had duly taken, made*
and subscribed, the oaths and declaration, or otherwise
qualified him or herself, as required by the said act, and
now is or shall be prosecuted upon or by virtue of any of
the penal statutes, from which Protestant dissenters are
exempted by the said act, shall, at any time during such
prosecution, take, make, and subscribe, the said oaths and
declaration, or, being of the people called Quakers, shall
make and subscribe the aforesaid declaration, and also the
declaration of fidelity, and subscribe the profession of their
Christian belief according to the said act, or before any two
of her majesty's justices of the peace (who are hereby re-
quired to take and return the same to the next quarter-ses-
sions of the peace, to be there recorded), such person shall
be and is hereby entitled to the benefit of the said act, as
fully and effectually as if such person had duly qualified
himself within the time prescribed by the said act, and shall
be thenceforth exempted and discharged from all the penal-
ties and forfeitures incurred by force of any of the aforesaid
penal statutes.
And whereas it is or may be doubted whether a preacher
or teacher of any congregation of dissenting Protestants,
duly in all respects qualified according to the said act, be
allowed, by virtue of the said act, to officiate in any con-
gregation, in any county, other than that in which he so
qualified himself, although in a congregation or place of
meeting duly certified and registered as is required by the
said act ; be it declared and enacted by the authority afore-
said, that any such preacher or teacher, so duly qualified
according to the said act, shall be and is hereby allowed to
officiate in any congregation, although the same be not in
the county wherein he was so qualified ; provided that the
said congregation, or place of meeting, hath been, before
such officiating, duly certified and registered or recorded
according to the said act : and such preacher or teacher
shall, if required, produce a certificate of his having so qua-
lified himself, under the hand of the clerk of the peace for
the county or place where he so qualified himself, which
certificate such clerk of the peace is hereby required to
make ; and shall also, before any justice of the peace of
APPENDIX. Cli
such county or place where he shall so officiate^ make and
subscribe such declaration, and take such oaths as are men-
tioned, in the said act, if thereunto required.
And be it farther enacted by the authority aforesaid, that
on or before the fifteenth day of June next, all advocates,
writers to the signet, notaries public, and other members
of the college of justice, within that part of her majesty's
kingdom of Great Britain called Scotland, shall be and are
hereby obliged to take and subscribe the oath appointed by
the act of the sixth year of her majesty's reign, entitled,
" An act for the better security of her majesty's person and
government," before the lords of session of the aforesaid
part of her majesty's kingdom, except such of the said per-
sons who have already taken the same : and if any of the
persons aforesaid do or shall neglect or refuse to take and
subscribe the said oath, as aforesaid, such person shall be
ipso facto adjudged incapable, and disabled in law to have,
enjoy, or exercise, in any manner his said employment or
practice.
And be it farther enacted by the authority aforesaid,
that in all time coming, no person or persons shall be ad-
mitted to the employment of advocate, writer to the signet,
notary public, or any office belonging to the said college of
justice, until he or they have t^en and subscribed the
aforesaid oath, in manner as is above directed.
No; XV.
The schism act, entitled, " An act to prevent the growth of
schism, and for the farther security of the churches of Eng-
land and Ireland, as by law estahlishedy*
Whereas by an act of parliament made in the thirteenth
and fourteenth years of his late majesty king Charles II.
entitled, " An act for the uniformity of public prayers,
and administration of sacraments, and other rites and cere-
monies ; and for establishing the form of making, ordain-
ing, and consecrating, bishops, priests, and deacons, in the
church of England ;" it is amongst other things enacted,
• l?th of qaeen Aun^.
cUi APPENDIX.
that every schoolmaster keeping any public or private
school, and every person instructing or teaching any youth
in any house or private family, as a tutor or schoolmaster,
should subscribe, before his or their respective archbishop,
bishop, or ordinary of the diocess, a declaration or ac-
knowledgment, in which, amongst other things, was con-
tained as follows, viz. " 1 A. B. do declare, that I will con-
form to the liturgy of the church of England, as it is now
by law established ;" and if any schoolmaster or other per-
son, instructing or teaching youth in any private house
or family, as a tutor or schoolmaster, should instruct or
teach any youth as a tutor or schoolmaster, before licence
obtained from his respective archbishop, bishop, or ordi-
nary of the diocess, according to the laws and statutes of
this realm, for which he should pay twelve-pence only, and
before such subscription and acknowledgment made as
aforesaid, then every such schoolmaster and other, instruct-
ing and teaching, as aforesaid, should, for the first offence,
suffer three months' imprisonment without bail or main-
prize : and for every second and other such offence, should
suffer three months imprisonment without bail or main-
prize, and also forfeit to his majesty the sum of five pounds.
And whereas, notwithstanding the said act, sundry Papists,
and other persons dissenting from the church of England,
have taken upon them to instruct and teach youth, as tutors
cr schoolmasters, and have for such purpose openly set up
schools and seminaries, whereby, if due and speedy remedy
be not had, great dan«:er rai«j:ht ensue to this church and
state : for the making the said recited act more effectual,
and preventing the danger aforesaid, be it enacted by the
queen's most excellent majesty, by and with the advice
and consent of the lords spiritual and temporal, and com-
mons in this present parliament assembled, and by the au-
thority of the same, that every person or persons who shall,
from and after the first day of August next ensuing, keep
any public or private school or seminary, or teach and in-
struct any youth, as tutor or schoolmaster, within that
part of Great Britain called England, the dominion of
Wales, or town of Berwick-upon-Tweed, before such per-
son or persons shall have subscribed so much of the said
declaration and acknowledgment as is before recited, and
shall havehad and obtained a licence from the respective arch-
APPENDIX. cliii
bishop, bishop, or ordinary of the place, under his seal of
office (for which the party shall pay one shilling and no
more, over and above the duties payable to her majesty
for the same), and shall be thereof lawfully convicted, upon
an information, presentment, or indictment, in any of her
majesty's courts of record at Westminster, or at the assizes,
or before justices of oyer and terminer, shall and may be
committed to the common jail of such county, riding, city,
or town corporate, as aforesaid, there to remain, without
bail or mainprize, for the space of three months, to com-
mence from the time that such person or persons shall be
received into the said jail.
Provided always, and be it hereby enacted, that no li-
cence shall be granted by any archbishop, bishop, or ordi-
nary, unless the person or persons who shall sue for the
same, shall produce a certificate of his or their having re-
ceived the sacrament according to the usage of the church
of England, in some parish-church, within the space of one
year next before the grant of such licence, under the hand of
the minister and one of the churchwardens of the said pa-
rish, nor until such person or persons shall have taken and
subscribed the oaths of allegiance and supremacy, and abju-
ration, as appointed by law^, and shall have made and sub-
scribed the declaration against transubstantiation, con-
tained in the act made in the twenty-fifth year of the reign
of king Charles II. entitled, '' An act for preventing dan-
gers which may happen from Popish recusants," before
the said archbishop, bishop, or ordinary ; which said oaths
and declarations the said archbishop, bishop, or ordinary,
is hereby empowered and required to administer and re-
ceive ; and such archbishops, bishops, and ordinaries, are
required to file such certificates, and keep an exact register
of the same, and of the taking and subscribing such oath
and declarations.
And be it farther enacted by the authority aforesaid, that
any person who shall have obtained a licence, and subscribed
the declarations, and taken and subscribed the oaths, as
above appointed, and shall any time after, during the time
of his or their keeping any public or private school or semi-
nary, or instructing any youth as tutor or schoolmaster,
knowingly or willingly resort to or be present at any con-
venticle, assembly, or meeting, within England, Wales, or
cliv APPENDIX.
town of Berwick-upon-Tweed, for the exercise of religion
in any other manner than according to the liturgy and
practice of the church of England, or shall knowingly and
willingly be present at any meeting or assembly for the
exercise of religion, although the liturgy be there used,
where her majesty (whom God long preserve), and the
elector of Brunswick, or such others as shall from time to
time be lawfully appointed to be prayed for, shall not there
be prayed for in express words, according to the liturgy of
the church of England, except where such particular offices
of the liturgy are used, wherein there are no express di-
rections to pray for her majesty and the royal family, shall
be liable to the penalties in this act, and from thenceforth
be incapable of keeping any public or private school or
seminary, or instructing any youth as tutor or schoolmaster.
And be it farther enacted by the authority aforesaid, that
if any person licensed as aforesaid, shall teach any other
catechism than the catechism set forth in the Book of Com-
mon Prayer, the licence of such person shall from thence-
forth be void, and such person shall be liable to the penal-
ties of this act.
And be it farther enacted by the authority aforesaid, that
it shall and may be lawful, to and for the bishop of the
diocess, or other proper ordinary, to recite any person or
persons whatsoever, keeping school or seminary, or teach-
ing without licence as aforesaid, and to proceed against
and punish such person or persons by ecclesiastical censure,
subject to such appeals as in cases of ordinary jurisdiction :
this act or any other law to the contrary notwithstanding.
Provided always, that no person offending against this
act shall be punished twice for the same offence.
Provided also, that where any person shall be prose-
cuted without fraud or covin in any of the courts aforesaid,
for any offence contrary to this act, the same person shall
not afterward be prosecuted for the same offence in any of
the said courts, whilst such former prosecution shall be
pending and carried on without any wilful delay ; and in
case of any such after-prosecution, the person so doubly
prosecuted may allege, plead, or shew forth in his defence
against the same, such former prosecution, pending, or judg-
ment, or sentence thereupon given, the said pleader first
making oath before the judge or judges of the court, where
APPENDIX. clv
such after-prosecution shall be pending, and which said oath
he or they are hereby empowered and required to adminis-
ter, that the said prior prosecution was not commenced or
carried on by his means, or with his consent or procurement,
or by any fraud or collusion of any other person to his
knowledge or belief.
Provided always, that this act, or any thing therein con-
tained, shall not extend, nor be construed to extend, to any
tutor, teaching or instructing youth in any college or hall,
within either of the universities of that part of Great Britain
called England, nor to any tutor who shall be employed by
any noblemen or noblewomen, to teach his or her own chil-
dren, grandchildren, or great-grandchildren only, in his or
her family ; provided such tutor so teaching any nobleman
or noblewoman's family, do in every respect qualify himself
according to this act, except only in that of taking a licence
from the bishop.
Provided also, that the penalties in this act shall not
extend to any foreigner or alien of the foreign reformed
churches, allowed or to be allowed by the queen's ma-
jesty, her heirs or successors, in England, for instructing or
teaching any child or children, or any such foreigner or
alien only, as a tutor or schoolmaster.
Provided always, and be it farther enacted by the autho-
rity aforesaid, that if any person who shall have been con-
victed as aforesaid, and thereby made incapable to teach or
instruct any youth as aforesaid, shall, after such conviction,
conform to the church of England for the space of one
year, without having been present at any conventicle, as-
sembly, or meeting, as aforesaid, and receive the sacrament
of the Lord's supper, according to the rites and usage of
the church of England, at least three times in that year,
every such person or persons shall be again capable of
having and using a licence to teach school, or to instruct
youth as a tutor or schoolmaster, he or they also perform-
ing all that is made requisite thereunto by this act.
Provided also, and be it farther enacted, that every such
person so convicted, and afterward conforming in manner
as aforesaid, shall, at the next term after his being admitted
to, or taking upon him to, teach or instruct youth as afore-
said, make oath in writing, in some one of her majesty's
courts at Westminster, in public and open court, or at the
Clvi APPENDIX.
next quarter-sessions for that county or place where he
shall reside, between the hours of nine and twelve in the
forenoon, that he hath conformed to the church of England,
for the space of one year before such his admission, without
having been present at any conventicle, assembly, or meet-
ing, as aforesaid, and that he hath received the sacrament
of the Lord's supper at least three times in the year, which
oath shall be there enrolled, and kept upon record.
Provided always, that this act shall not extend, or be
construed to extend, to any person who, as a tutor or school-
master, shall instruct youth in reading, writing, arithmetic,
or any part of mathematical learning only, so far as such
mathematical learning relates to navigation, or any me-
chanical art only, and so as such reading, writing, arithme-
tic, or mathematical learning, shall be taught in the English
tongue only.
And whereas by act of parliament made in Ireland, in
the seventeenth and eighteenth years of his said late ma-
jesty king Charles II. entitled, '* An act for the uniformity
of public prayers, and administration of the sacraments,
and other rites and ceremonies ; and for establishing the
form of making, ordaining, and consecrating, of bishops,
priests, and deacons, in the church of Ireland;" it is en-
acted, concerning schoolmasters, and other persons instruct-
ing youth in private families, in Ireland, as in and by the
above-recited act is enacted concerning schoolmasters and
others instructing youth in private families, in that part of
Great Britain called England. And whereas it is reason-
able, that where the law is the same, the remedy and means
for enforcing the execution of the law should be the same;
be it therefore enacted, by the authority aforesaid, that all
and every the remedies, provisions, and clauses, in and by
this act given, made, and enacted, shall extend, and be
deemed, construed, and adjudged to extend, to Ireland, in
as full and effectual manner as if Ireland had been ex-
pressly named and mentioned in all and every the clauses.
in this act.
APPENDIX. Clvii
No. XVI.
The Repealy entitled^ " An act for strengthening the
Protestant interest in these kingdoms''
Whereas an act of parliament* was made in the tenth
year of the reign of the late queen Anne,t entitled, " An
act for preserving the Protestant religion by better securing
the church of England as by law established, and for con-
firming the toleration granted to Protestant dissenters, by
an act entitled, * An act for exempting their majesty's Pro-
testant subjects dissenting from the church of England from
the penalties of certain laws ;' and for supplying the de-
fects thereof, and for the farther securing the Protestant
succession, by requiring the practisers of the law in North
Britain to take the oaths, and subscribe the declaration
therein mentioned." And whereas part of the said act, as
also another act herein after mentioned, have been found
to be inconvenient ; be it therefore enacted by the king's
most excellent majesty, by and with the advice of the lords
spiritual and temporal, and commons in parliament as-
sembled, and by the authority of the same, that the said
recited act passed in the tenth year of the late queen Anne,f
from the beginning thereof to these words, ** And it is hereby
farther enacted and declared, by the authority aforesaid,
that the toleration granted to Protestant dissenters;" and
also one act made in the twelfth year of the reign of the
late queen Anne, entitled, " An act to prevent the growth
of schism, and for the farther security of the churches of
England and Ireland as by law established," shall be and
are hereby repealed, annulled, and made void.
Provided always, and be it enacted by the authority
aforesaid, that if any mayor, bailiff, or other magistrate, in
that part of Great Britain called England, the dominion of
Wales, or town of Berwick-upon-Tweed, or the isles of
Guernsey or Jersey, shall knowingly or willingly resort to,
or be present at, any public meeting for religious worship,
* 5th of king Geo. I. cap. 4. t 10 Anna', cap. 2.
% 10 Annan, cap. 2; and 12 Anna?, stat. 2. cap. 7.
Clviii APPENDIX.
other than the church of England as by law established, in
the gown, or other peculiar habit, or attended with the en-
sign or ensigns of or belonging to such his office, that every
such mayor, bailiff, or other magistrate, being thereof con-
victed by due course of law, shall be disabled to hold such
office or offices, employment or employments, and shall be
adjudged incapable to bear any public office or employment
whatsoever within that part of Great Britain called Eng-
land, the dominion of Wales, and town of Berwick-upon-
Tweed, or isles of Jersey and Guernsey.
END OF THE APPENDIX.
THE INDEX.
<iy' The letters n. and ns. stand for note and notes.
Abbey lands, given to coiirliers, or sold
to geutr}', vol. 1. p. 17.
Abbot, Dr. his mild governroent, vol. 2.
author's preface, p. xii. Made archbishop
of Canlerbary ; and lord Clarendon's ac-
count of him, p. 78. His zeal for the Pro-
testant cause in Bohemia, p. 108. Acci-
dtntallj kills a man, and retires from
court, p. 118. VV^ rites to the king against
the articles of the Spanish match, p. 121.
Is suspended for refusing to license Sib-
thorp's sermon, &c. p. 151. He favours
the lecturers, p. 180. His death and cha-
racter, p. 209, &c.
Abhorrers. Refer to Petitioners.
Abjuration oath, for discovering Pa-
pists, vol. 3. p. 33.
Abstract of certain acts, injunctions,
and canons; a book published in 1584,
against the discipline of the church, vol. 1 .
p. 359.
Accommodation, the committee of,
vol. 2. p. 395, &c. A grand one between
the Presbyterians and Independents, and
their proceedings, vol. 3. p. 255, &c.
Aconlius on progressive reformations,
vol. 2. p. Ill, n.
Act of supremacy, the substance of,
vol. 1. p. 10. Against appeals, p. 11.
For subscribing articles of faith only,
p. 216.
Acts and Monuments, and Book of
Martyrs, by Fox ; their character and
effects, vol. 1. p. 153. 394.
Adams, Mr. burnt, vol. 1. p. 32.
Adamson, Mr. Patrick, his confession,
vol. 2. p. 74.
Address of the Puritans to the queen
and council, answering all objections
against them, vol. 1. p. 429.
Adiapborists in Germany, who, vol. 1.
p. .56.
Admonition to Christians, a work
written by Mr. Knox ; occasions his being
forbid to stay at Frankfort, vol. 1. p. 96.
Admonition to the parliament for a re-
formation, vol. 1. p. 51. The presenters
imprisoned, ibid. The second adraonitlon,
p. 232. The heads of it, p. 231, 235, n.
236. It occasions a famous controversy
between Cartwright and Whitgift, ibid.
It is called in by proclamation, p. 239.
Conclusion of the controversy, p. 242.
Advertisement to the People, &c. a
work in answer to Martin Mar-Prelate,
vol. 1. p. 404.
Advertisements, or injunctions of the
bishops, for uniformity, vol. 1. p. 156.
The queen urged to enforce them, ibid.
For due order of preaching, p. 167, n.
For uniformity, p. 167.
Afternoon sermons, of suppressing
them, vol. 3. p. 185, 186.
Agitators in the army, vol. 3. p. 334.
Agreement of the people, vol. 3.
p. 417. 447.
Ainsworth, Rev. Mr. an account of
him, his writings, and death, vol. 2.
p. 40 — 42, and ns.
Ainsworth, Mr. one of the heads of
the Brow nists, vol. 1. p. 428. 451.
Allein, Mr. J. of Taunton ; his suffer-
ings, death. Sec. vol. 4. p. 390.
Allen, Mr. his case, vol. 1. p. 460.
Allegiance, oath of, vol. 2. p. 46.
Altars ordered to be taken down, and
tables placed in their stead, vol. l.p. 53.
Opinions of the learned on them, p. 54.
Altars again adopted by Laud, vol. 2.
Author's preface, p. 13. Of consecrating
them, vol. 3. p. 164. 167. Antiquity, &c.
p. 170, 171. Of their furniture, bowing
to them, &c. p. 172.174.
Ames, Rev. Dr. W. settles at the
Hague, vol. 2. p. 40. His death and cha-
racter, p. 230, 231, and n. Of his works,
ibid.
Anabaptists. Refer to Baptists.
Anagram on the word Puritan; with
proposals for a Round-heads' feast, vol. 3.
p. 38, n.
Anderson, judge, his fury against the
Nonconformists, and particularly against
Mr. Allen, vol. l.p. 460.
clx
INDEX.
Annates, or first-fruits, taken from the
pope, vol. 1. p. 10. 14. Given to the king,
ibid. Again to queen Elizabeth, p. 108,
109.
Anneslev, Dr. his sufferings, vol. 4.
p. 479.
Annotations, that go under the name
of the assembly of divines, vol. 3. p. 414.
Answer of llie vice-chancellor of Ox-
ford, to Ujc petition of the ministers for
reform ; a work published about 1603.
Some account of it, vol. ti. p. 6.
Answer to the reasons of the London
clergy, containing a censure on the Pres-
byterians, and defending universal liberty
of conscience, vol. 3. p. 263.
Antapologia (a quarto volume) against
the Independents, vol. 3. p. 120.
Antiquitates Britannicae, a work writ-
ten by Parker archbishop of Canterbury,
vol. l.p. i274.
Ancient historians, new editions, by
archbishop Parker, vol. 1. p. 275, n.
Antinomiauism censured by the assem-
bly of divines, vol. 3. p. 55.
Anti-toleration, a pamphlet, vol. 3.
p, 265.
Anti-popes in Wickliffe's time, vol. 1.
p. 4.
Antrim, marquis of, his case, vol. 2.
p. 433. Charles II.'s letter to the duke
of Onnond about him, p. 435.
Aphorisms of Dr. Whichcote, publish-
ed by Dr. Sailer, 1753, vol. 4. p. 492.
Apologetical narration of the Indepen-
dents, with remarks, vol.3, p. 118. 120.
ApocryphiJ writings, the Puritans
against reading them in the church, vol. 2.
p. 49.
Apology, bishop Jewel's, a book of
great repute, vol. 1. p. 224, ^^5, n.
Apology for the ecclesiastical pro-
ceedings, a work by Dr. Cosins, vol. 1.
p. 421.
Appeal to parliament, or Zion's plea
against prelacy, a treatise, vol.2, p. 188.
Appeals to Rome forbid, vol, 1. p. 11.
13. 108.114.
Apprentices' petition, vol. 2. p. 447.
Arbitrary methods of government,
vol. 2. p. 177.
Archbishops of England, their power
before the Reformation, vol. 1. p. 2. Ordi-
nances for abolishing them, bishops, &c.
and for the sale of their lands, vol. 3.
p. 306, 307.
Archbishops of Canterbury and York,
tlieir power before the Reformation, vol.
l.p. 2.
Archy, his jest upon prince Chailes's
going to Spain, vol. 2. p. 122. IJponarcli-
biibop Laud, for which he is discharged
fhe king's service, p. 279, and n.
Arians, behaviour of two in prison,
vol. l.p. 91.
Arianism, its rapid spread, vol. 1.
p. 61, «.
Arminians, their state under James I.
vol. 2. author's preface, p. xii. Progress
of the Arminian controversy in Holland,
p. 95. Its state at Charles's accession,
p. 138. Restraint of the press in favour
of it, p. 148. Jesuit's letter about its
growth, p. 157. Protestation of the
commons against it, p. 168. Ministers
expelled the university for preaching
against it, p. 196. Rise of the Arminians
at court, p. 112. Conferences between
tliem and the C dvinists, p. 148. Death
and character of Arminius, p. 67. Armi-
nianisra and popery encouraged by Laud,
vol. 3. p. 178. Discussed in the note to,
p. 178.
Army, parliament vole the raising one,
vol. 2. p. 501. Character of it, p. 507.
Character of the king's, p. 515. Farther
characier,and the ravages they committed,
vol. 3. p. 90. Of the parliament's, their
character, and good discipline, p. 92.
New modelled, p. 228. Rise of enthusi-
asm in it, p. 229. 3l3. Tiieir strict dis-
cipline, ibid. Hicir separate views,
p. 331. Controversy between the parlia-
ment and them, p. 333. They seize the
king al Holmby, p. 335. Their declara-
tion, p. 336. They impeach eleven mem-
bers of the house of commons, p. 337.
' Several members retire to them, p. 339.
They march to London, p. 341. Reasons
of their deserting the king, p. 345. Their
proposals, p. 347. They unite with the
parliament, p. 355. Tiiey are dissatisfied
with the treaty of Newport, p. 444. Their
proceedings, p. 445. Their remonstrance,
ibid. They seize the king a second time,
ibid* They march to London, and purge
the parliament, p. 446. Resolve to im-
peach the king, J). 443. Remonstrance of
the Presbyterian ministers and others
against Ihem, p. 419, kc. Part of them,
with the remainder of the parliament,
proceed against the king, and put him to
death, p. 454. Scots army enter England,
p. 88. Again under duke Hamilton, p. 408.
of vol. 3. — See Scots. Progress of the
English army in Scotland, vol. 4. p. 46.
Quarrel between them and the parlia-
ment, p. 58. Ren>arks, ib. They depose
Richard Cromwell, j). 192. And restore
the rump-parliament, ib. Their petition,
p. 196. IJeliaviour of the officers, j). 221.
(Origin <»f a standing army, p. 279, «.
Arrowsmith, Dr. some account of him,
aiid of his Tnctica Sucra, vol. 3. p. 103.
Arrow against Idolatry ; and liiti Com-
munion of Sainis; two treatises repub-
INDKX.
clxi
llshed at Edinburgh, 1789. Written by
Ainsworth.vol. ii. p. 40, n. 42.
Articles of religion devised by Henry
VIII. vol. i. p. 19. The forty-two articles
in king Edward's reign, p. 62. Articles
set forth by the bii^hops in Elizabeth's
reign, p. 127. The thirty-nine agreed on
in convocation, and the controverted
clause of the twentieth considered, 147.
They are subscribed, p. 149. Act for sub-
scribing articles of faith only, 216. Re-
marks thereupon, ib.&c. Many deprived
for not subscribing them, 226. Whitgift's
three articles, 320, 321. Ministers sus-
pended for not subscribing them, 323.
His twenty-four articles for the court of
high-commission, 337, &c. v. Lambeth
articles, 454. Articles to be subscribed
by the clergy, and in what form, ii. 33.
Lincolnshire ministers' reasons against
them, 48. Occasion a second separation,
54. Articles of the church of Ireland,
91. Remarks upon them, ibid. At large
in Appendix, No. VI. The five of Perth,
101. Ratified in parliament, 102. Articles
of the Spanish match, 120. Sworn toby
the king and prince, 121. The king's
declaration before the thirty -nine, 163.
Are received in Ireland, 231. Articles
of visitation by the bishops, 246. 248.
Mischief of them, 249. Alterations made
in the articles of the church of England,
by the assembly of divines, iii. 55. See
also Appendix, No. VII. Articlesof disci-
pline in the assembly's confession re-
jected by the parliament, 320. and Ap-
pendix, No. VIII.
Ascanio licensed to import Popish
books, i. 385. Remarks on this licence,
ibid. n.
Ash, Mr. Simeon, his death and cha-
racter, iv. 343.
Askew, Mrs. Anne, burnt, i. 3^2.
Assembly of divines, steps towards
calling it, iii. 43. Ordinance for calling
it, 44. Names of the lay assessors, 46. A
list of the divines, ib. The king forbids
their meeting, 48. Episcopal clergy's
reasons against the assembly, with the
answers to them, 49. Their character, 50.
They meet, 51. Rules agreed on by them,
ib. Their vow or protestation, ib. Regu-
lations sent them by the parliament, 52.
Their petition to the parliament for a fast,
&c. 53. Their alterations in the thirty-
nine articles, 55. They censure Antino-
raianism, ibid. Scots commissioners ap-
pointed to join them, b6. Mr. Marshall
and Mr. Nye's letter to them, ib. Their
debates on the solen)n league and cove-
nant, 57. Their exhortation to the taking
it, 63. Their letter to foreign churches,
71. Episcopal divines leave them, 78.
The examination and approbation of mi-
VOL. V. 1
nisters referred to them, 80. An account
of the several parties amongst thera,
116, &c. Their farther proceedings, 124.
Ordered to confer about discipline, ibid.
Their proceedings and advice about ordi-
nation, 125, 126. They compose a direc-
tory for public worship, 127. Debate*
about ordination, 234. The power to
ordain given them pro tempoi'e, 235.
They debate about the divine right of
Presbytery, 236. About the power of
the keys, 242. Tliey petition against the
ordinance for presbyteries, 252. Are
threatened with a preniunire, 253. Ques-
tions propounded to them about the di-
vine right of Presbytery, ib. Are terrified,
and appoint a fast, 255. They recommend
a new version of the Psalms, 266. Their
sentiments of the jus diciiium, 278. Their
proceedings upon their confession of
faith, 318. Their larger and shorter
catechisms, 392. Scots commissioners
take leave of them, ibid. Conclusion of
the assembly, 413. Their works, ib. Of
the Annotations which go under their
name, 414. A farther account of their
character, ib. The confession, Appendix
No. VIII. Assembly of Episcopal and
Presb3^terian divines, to peruse the king's
declaration, iv. 259.
Associations of the Presbyterian mi-
nisters in the country, iii. 418. iv. 75.
Good effects, 76. Not countenanced by
the London Presbyterians, ib. To stand
by the prince of Orange, v. 67.
Assurance, act of, i. 146.
Asty, Mr. preaches for Mr. Tomkins,
and the consequence, i. 17, 71. of Neal's
memoirs ; again discussed, ii. p. vii, viii,
of Advertisement prefixed. Some account
of Mr. Ast}', vii.
Augmentations, court of, i. 1.7.
Auricular confession, expediency of
maintained, ii. 262.
Axton, Mr. his remarkable examina-
tion, i. 209. 211, n. He is deprived,
ibid. n.
Aylmer, Dr. made bishop of London,
and from a favourer, becomes a persecu-
tor, of the Puritans, vol. i. p. 275. The
queen's letter to him for suppressing the
prophes3'ings, and his order thereon,
p. 284, 285, n. His persecuting zeal,
p. 293. A proof of his rigour, ib. n. His
farther severities against the Puritans,
p. 345. List of those whom he deprived,
ib. n. His answer to the privy-council's
letter, in behalf of Mr. Benison, p. 351.
His ill language to Mr. Merbury, at his
examination, p. 352. His different senti-
ments before he was made a bishop,
p. 353. His inhuman treatment of Mr.
Gardiner, p. 376- His death and cha-
racter, p. 449, 450. Anecdotes of hiro»
crlxii
INDF.X.
450, n. His description of the female
sex, p. 478.
Bagshaw's readings against the bi-
shops, ii. ^93. His speech against the
order, 362, 363.
Bailey, William, memoirs of him and
his wife, V. 263, «.
Bainham, James, knt. burnt, i. 16.
Ball, Rev. Mr. his death and character,
ii. 309.
Bali, Stephen, some account of, v. 96.
Ballard, a Popish priest, executed for
a plot ; his judgment of the Puritans,
and of Whitgift's writings, i. 386.
Bampfield, Mr. his sufferings, iv. 487,
and 7J.
Bancroft, Dr. first advances the notion
of the divine right of episcopacy in a
sermon, i. 596. Dr. Ra^'nolds's remarks
upon it, ibid. n. He is made bishop of
London, 451. His behaviour at the
Hampton-court conference, ii. 13. He
answers Raynolds's objections, ibid. Is
against a preaching ministry, 15. Flat-
ters king James, 17. Is president of the
convocation, '^5. Made archbishop of
Canterbury, 34. His temper and furious
proceedings, 35. He revives the persecu-
tion of the Puritans, ib. His letter to the
bishops about conformity and subscrip-
tion, 38. His death and character, 77.
The latter discussed, ib. «. Satire on his
death, ibid.
Band of defence of the Scots nation,
ii. 276.
Baptism of infants, on what founda-
tion adopted by the reformers, i. 147, n.
Treatise on baptism, iv. 371. v. 117.122,
123.
Baptists, their history, v. 93. How far
their sentiments agree with those of
Wickliffe, 95. Articles devised by
Henry VIII. pointed against them, 98.
Their persecutions in the reign of Ed-
ward VI. iOlfCt seq. And of queen Mary,
103. A proclamation against their wri-
tings, 104. How persecuted in the reign
of Elizabeth, 107, &c. Form of the abju-
ration-oath tendered them, 108. Some of
them burnt in Smithfield, 112. Many of
them go into exile, 113. Excellent senti-
ments charged upon them by their ene-
mies, 114. Plead for liberty of con-
science, 116, &c. Vindicate their princi-
ples, 117. Number of their congregations
in 164^1, p. 118. Their first congregation
in London ascertained, ibid. Various
churches in the country mentioned, 121.
How abused by Dr. Featlcy, 127. In-
stances of their mLnisters who were cruelly
persecuted, 133, ef seq. Their state during
the protectorship, 145. Many of them in
tJie army of the parliament, 153. Their
bold remonstrance with Cromwell, p. 152,
n. A sketch of their history by major-
general Harrison, 156. Their condition
after the Restoration, 165. From the
declaration of indulgence to the Revolu-
tion, 187.
Barber, Mr. Edward, his sufferings,
V. 1.33.
Barber, i\Ir. suspended, i. 328.
Barclay, Robert, intercedes for friends
in Scotland, v. 260. Of his Apology,
and other works, 269, &c. Of his father,
274.
Bare-bones ; of this appellation, as
applied to parliament ; and other quaint
terms applied to persons' names, iv. 65,
and n.
Barnadiston, Giles, memoirs of, v. 264.
Barnes, Dr. burnt, i. 28.
Barnes, Dr. succeeds Pilkington as
bishop of Durham, i. 290. Is for severe
measures, ib. His usage of Whittingham,
291.
Barnstaple plundered, and the mayor
hung by the king's soldiers, iii. 91.
Taken by the parliament forces, 272.
Barker, Mr. John, xxiv of life of Neal,
prefixed to vol. i. n.
Baro, Dr. his case in the predestinarian
controversy, i. 455.
Baronets, their institution, ii. 87.
Barret, Mr. begins the predestinarian
controversy at Cambridge, i. 453.
Barrowe,Mr. the Brownist, his suppli-
cation to the parliament,!. 430. His sup-
plication for a conference, 432. Reasons
for refusing it, 433. His first examina-
tion, 434, 435. His second, ibid. His
trial, sentence, and execution, 436. His
letter against archbishop Whitgift, 437.
Barrowists. See Brownists.
Barwick, Dr. his mention of a parti-
cular oath for the university, iii. 97. A
curious quotation from his Querela Can-
tabrigiensis, 107. Account of, iv. 209. «.
Bastwick, Dr. his sufferings, ii. 228.
253.
Bates, Dr. G. an eminent royalist;
some observations of his, iv. 92. 97, 98.
Bayes, Mr. J. p. xxv of the life of
Neal, prefixed to vol. i. «.
Bayly, Dr. some account of hiro, iii.
389.
Baynes, Rev. Mr. his death and cha-
racter, ii. 94. Anecdote of him, ibid. n.
Baxter, Mr. Josiah, strange prosecu-
tion in this name, v. 172.
Baxter, IVFr. his character of the par-
liament party, ii. 508. Of the Puritan
clergy, 509. Keeps his people from
taking the solemn league and covenant,
iii. 67. His account of the sectaries in
the army, 313. His sentiments about the
authors of the king's death, 465. He re-
INDEX.
Gixiii
fuses the bishoprick of Hereford, iv. 269.
His behaviour in the Savoy conference,
:i01. 303. He and others imprisoned,
386. Apprehended again, 426. His
farther sufferings, 444. He is severely
prosecuted, 478. Again in prison, 494.
His trial, and scurrilous treatment from
Jefferies, v. 5. Long's characteristical
epitaph, and observations on, 6, ns.
Beaie, Mr. writes against the proceed-
ings of the bishops, i. 342. His speech
in parliament against them, 424.
Beale, Dr. some account of him, iii.
100.
Bedford, earl of, his character, ii. 315.
Beckington, sufferings of the cliurch-
wardens there, ii. 237.
Belenian, Mr. burnt, i. 32.
Benefices, how the vacant ones were
filled up, iii. 33. Parliament nominates
to them, 79.
Benison, Mr. his sufferings, i. 350.
The council's letter in his favour, ibid.
The bishop's answer to it, 351.
Bennet, William, his death, &c. v. 266.
Bernard, Rev. Mr. his sufferings, ii.
180.
Berry-street lectures, an account of,
p. xxiii of the memoirs of Neal, prefixed
to vol. i.
Best, Paul, proceedings against him,
iii. 266.
Beza, his character of Cartwright, i.
212. 241. His letter to the lord- treasurer
for a farther reformation and lenity, 228.
Bible translated into English, i. 18.
Burnt by the bishops, ib. Reviewed and
corrected by Cranraer, 19. Introduced
for the benefit of the public into churches,
24. Its reading afterward forbidden, 33.
Again burnt by the Papists, 101. An-
other translation of it at Geneva. 135.
Another, called the Bishops' Bible, 204.
Account of English translations, ii. 79,
&c. Bishops' BUjIe, 81.
Bid ales, ii. 215.
Bidding of prayers, rise of, i. 39.
Biddle, Mr. John, a great oppuguer of
the doctrine of the Trinity, an account
of, iv. 122, 123, and ns.
Bilney, Mr. burnt, i. 16.
Bilson, bishop, his opinion of Christ's
sufferings, i. 457. Account of him, ibid.
Birchet's madness and execution, i.
247, 248.
Birkenhead, Mr. some account of him,
iii. 390.
Bishops to be chosen by congt d'elire,
i. 12. burn Tyndal's Testament, 18. To
be appointed by letters patent during
pleasure, 40. The opinions of the re-
formers about the orders of bishops,
priests, &c. 30, n. 52. 68. Bishops' pro-
ceedings about the habits, 156. The
difference between those and the primi-
tive ones according to Mr. Deering, 252.
Their answer to the Puritans' proposals
for farther reformation, 361. Their own
proposals, 363. Bishops' Bible, 204.
Bancroft's new doctrine about them, 417.
Debates in parliament about their power,
424, &c. Their cruelty set forth bj the
Brownists, in their petition to the council,
431, &c. n. Their earl}' application to
king James 1. ii. 4. Endeavour to pre-
possess him against the Puritans, 8, 9.
Entreat against alterations in the church,
and reasons for it, 13. Are for making
the king absolute, 25. 67. Speech in
parliament against them, and their courts,
75. Dr. Leightou writes against thenj,
188. Their articles of visitation illegal,
245. Their uninterrupted succession
maintained, 261. Their power attacked
by Bagshaw, 293. They press the et ce-
tera oath in the canons, 306. They
become odious, 308. Lord Digby's
speech against them, 318. Others, 361,
&c. Bill for depriving them of their
votes in parliament, 383, &c. Whether
they are one oS the three estates, 386.
Thirteen of them impeached, 410. They
fall into neglect, ibid. Issue of the im-
peachment, 446. Petitions for and
against them, 447, 448. They are in-
sulted, 452. Their protestation, ib. Are
impeached, 454. Apology for them, 455.
Not brought to trial, but deprived of
their votes in parliament, 461. The act
for that purpose, 462. Remarks upon it,
463. Ordinance for abolishing bishops,
&c. and for the sale of their lands, iii.
306, 307. They send to the king at
Breda with instructions, iv. 232. The
old surviving ones at the restoration,
243. Translations of, ibid. New ones
created, 244. Their views, 248. Abstract
of their reply to the proposals of the
Presbyterians for a comprehension, 255.
Their behaviour, 270. They are restored
to their seats in parliament, p. 290. Their
farther behaviour, 347. S79. Several of
them refuse to publish James's declara-
tion, V. 55. Their address, and the king's
answer, 55, 56. Seven of them sent to
the Tower, 57. But acquitted, ib. They
court the dissenters, 58, 59. Remarks,
60. Their advice to James, 63. Some
refuse the oaths to William and Mary, 74.
Bishops and presbyters, of the dis-
tinctions between them, ii. 350. Of the
sole right of ordination by the former,
351. Of their right of jurisdiction, 353.
Bishopricks, new ones erected, i. 17.
Blacklock, Mr. Samuel, becomes a
Baptist, V. 106.
Blackwood, Dr. his slavish position,
ii. 67.
12
clxiv
INDEX.
Blackwood, Mr. some account of, v.
195.
Blake, bishop, his opinion of the tend-
ency of the doctrines of the church uf
England, i. 31, n.
Blake, admiral, his actions in the
Mediterranean, iv. 120. Destroys the
Spanish galleons, 159. Death, character,
and anecdotes, of him, 159, 160, ns. His
body dug up, 318.
Blasphemy and heresy < ordinance
against, iii. 419. iv. 27.
Bloody statute. See Six Articles.
Blount, Mr. Richard, goes to Holland
to be baptized, v. 116. '
Bohemia, queen of, king James's
daughter, the delight of the Puritans, ii.
86. State of the Protestant religion in
Bohemia, 106, &c. She is reduced with
her family to great necessity, 109. The
long-parliament zealous in her interest,
forwhichshe thanks them,p.409. Neg-
lected b}' her brother king Charles I.
and by archbishop Laud and his party,
SJ34, 235 : vide Palatine.
Bolton, Rev. Robert, his death and
character, ii. 198, 199, and ns.
Bolton, Dr. Samuel, his death and
character, iv. 117.
Bonner, bishop of London, submits to
king Edward's injunctions, i. 40, and to
the new service-book, 47. But being at
last suspected, is deprived, 51. Is re-
stored by queen Mary, 73. His unheard-
of cruelties to the Protestants, 84, 85.
87. Deprived again, and imprisoned by
queen Elizabeth, 121.
Books first published, the revival of
learning, i. 15. The Bishops' Book, a re-
markable one set forth, 23. Another, 29.
burnt and forbid, 33. None to be prhUed
without licence, 129. Prohibited and
castrated by Laud, iii. 181. Popish ones
licensed, and their importation connived
at by him, 182. Books for and against
king Charles's death, 460.
Book of sports published, ii. 104.
Substance of it, 105. Remarks, 106.
Enforced anew, 213. 215. Burnt by the
hangman, iii. 37. Encouraged by Laud,
177.
Booksellers, their complaints, ii. 149.
Booth, sir George, his insurrection, iv.
198.
Booth, Mr. Ab. his animadversions on
Baxter's calumnies, v. 150.
Boston, Joan, of Salcombe ; her hard
usage, iv. 427.
Bothwell, earl of, his infamous mar-
riage with the queen of Scots, and
miserable end, i. 190.
Boucher, Joan, narrative of, v. 100.
Bound, Dr. his treatise on the Sabbath,
i. 451. Supprc«scd, but it prevails, 452.
Bourne, Dr. occasions a tumult by
preaching against the reformation, i. 72.
Bowing at the name of Jesus,
opinion of the Puritans of it, i. 195. En-
forced, ii. 221. Bowing towards the altar,
223. iii. 173, 174. At the name of Jesus,
174. Antiquity of bowing to the altar,
175.
Bowles, Mr. Edward, his death and
character, iv. 344.
Bradbourne's Defence of the Sabbath-
day, ii. 216. Answers to this work by
White, and Dr. Pocklington's Sunday
no Sabbath, ib.
Bradford, Mr. John, suffers martyr-
dom, i. 85. His charitable temper, 89.
He was against the habits, 158.
Bradshaw, Rev. Mr. publishes his
English Puritanism, ii. 55. His death
and character, 103, 104.
Bradshaw, sergeant, his declaration to
Cromwell, about his dissolving the par-
liament, iv. 61. His death, 201.
Bramhall, bishop, his account of the
Papists in the parliament army, iii. 314,
466.
Brandt's, Gerard, remarks on the exe-
cution of two Dutch Anabaptists, i. 274,
n. On persecution, ii. 85, n.
Brayne, Mr. suspended, i. 336.
Brent, sir Nat. account of him, iii.
386.
Brentford, taken by the king, iii. 2.
Brethren of the second separation, ii.
54.
Bridge, Rev. William, retires to Hol-
land, ii. 288. His death and character,
iv. 403, and h.
Bridgeraan, sir O. his generosity, v.
249.
Bridges, Dr. writes against the Puri-
tans, and is answered by Fenner, i. 389.
Brief Discovery of False Churches, a
work by Mr. H. Barrowe, printed in
1590. Reprinted in 1707, i. 433.
Brightman's,Rev. Mr. death and cha-
racter, ii. 66. Anecdote of him, ib. n.
Brindholme and Buttolph, two Papists,
hanged, i. 28.
Brook, lord, his death and character,
iii. 17. His favourable opinion of the
Baptists, v. 124.
Brook, lord, his Treatise of Episco-
pacy, V. 125. IMilton's eulogiura on hb
character and principles, 126.
Broughton, Mr. Hugh, explains Chrbt'i
descent into hell, i. 457.
Browne, Robert, deprived, i. 227.
History of him, 301, 303.
Browne, Samuel, esq. a manager in
Laud's trial, iii. 202.
Brownists, their rise, i. 301. W'ith
them commences the third |>eriod of
Puritanism, ib. n. Their principles, 50S.
INDEX.
clxv
Reasons of their separation from the
church, 304. Severities against them,
S05. Two of their ministers executed for
nonconformity, 313. Their numbers in-
crease, 4t^7.' Their church-settlement,
and administration of the sacraments,
428. Their examination, and petition to
the council, 428, 429, n. Their suiFerings,
430. The petition of those who were in
the London prisons to the lord-treasurer,
431. 433, n. Several of them fly to Hol-
land, and there plant churches, 451.
Their history' carried on, ii. 40. Their
opinion of tlie church of England, 44.
55.
Brownrigge, Dr. some account of, iii.
101. His death, iv, 222, and us.
Brute, Waiter, some account of, v.
95.
Bucer, Martin, comes to England, and
is made divinity professor at Cambridge,
i. 42. His opinion about the habits, 57.
168. His sentiments about ecclesiastical
discipline, 67. His bones dug up and
burnt by the Papists, 89.
Buckingham, duke of, a bad minister,
ii. 134. Stabbed by Felton, 163.
Buckingham, duke of, his speech for
a toleration, iv. 432.
Bulkley, Rev. Mr. removes to New-
England, ii. 239.
Boleyn, Anne, her marriage with
Henry A'lII. i. 12. A friend to the re-
formation, 15. Is beheaded, 19.
BuUinger, liis opinion of the habits and
ceremonies, i. 163.
Burgess, Rev. Dr. his speech against
cathedrals, ii. 392. His death, &c. iv.
369, and n.
Burleigh, lord-treasurer, his excellent
letter to archbishop Whitgift, about his
twenty-four articles, i. 339, 340.
Burnet, bishop, his opinion of the civil
magistrate's power to reform religion con-
sidered, i. 35. On the antiquity of litur-
gies, ii. 348, ». Quoted, iii. 57, «. &c.
&c. His character of Laud, 208. Of
Charles I. 458. Of the authors of tlie
king's death, 466. Of the parties in
Charles IL's time, iv. 349, 350.
Burroughs, Mr. J. p. xxvi of life of
Neal,prefixed to vol. i. ii.
Burroughs, Mr. Jerera. retires to Hol-
land, ii. 288. His declaration in the
name of the Independents, iii. 260. His
death and character, 317, 318.
Burrough, Edward, his death, &c. v.
241.
Burton, Mr. his sufferings, ii. 228. 253.
Burry, Mr. Edward, his sufferings, iv.
474.
Bushnell, Mr. ejected, iv. 103. His
narrative, and the coniraissioners' an-
swer, ib.
Butler, major, his report of Cromwell's
last prayer, iv. 181.
Button, Mr. some account of him, iii.
397.
Byfield, Mr. burnt, i. 16.
Byfield, Rev. his death and character,
ii. 118, 119.
Cabal, their character, iv. 401. Their
projects to make the king absolute, 405.
Are attacked by parliament, 428.
Calais lost from the English, i. 103.
Calamy, Mr. a passage in his sermon
about Christmas, iii. 141. Sent to New-
gate, iv. 355. His death, character, &c.
S73, 374, n.
Calvin's judgment of the English
liturgy, i. 96. Of the English ceremo-
nies, 97.
Calvinism discountenanced at court,
ii. 117, 118.
Cambridge (see University) address,
iv. 470. Privileges invaded, v. 27.
Caraeroniansin Scotland, iv. 500.
Campion the Jesuit, &c. executed, i.
307.
Canne, Mr. ii. 42. 341. Of the editions
of his Bible, ib. n.
Canons, act for revising them, i. 14.
Never done, ib. Another act for it, 51.
Which also comes to nothing, ib. New
ones, 363. Abstract of those of 1603, ii.
30, &c. Conclusion and ratification of
them, 34. Bishops obliged to relax their
rigour for a time, 38. Book of canons for
Scotland, 241. Remarks, 242. Canons
of 1640, 299, &c. Unacceptable to the
clergy, 305. Execution of them sus-
pended, 307. Speeches in parliament
against them, 319. Resolutions of par-
liament thereupon, ib. Remarks, 320;
Objections of the commons against them,
324. They are justified by Laud, 326.
Canterbury cathedral, its decorations,
ii. 194. Furniture of its altar consecrated,
224.
Capel, Mr. Richard, his death and
character, iv. 149.
Careless, Mr. an eminent martyr, his
disputes in prison, and confession of
faith, i. 90.
Carew, Mr. his snfierings, i. 345, 346.
Caroline, princess of Wales, her inter-
view with Mr. Neal ; see his memoirs,
i. xix.
Carter, Rev. J. his death and cha-»
racter, ii. 236.
Carter, Mr. William, his death, ir.
190.
Cartwright, Mr. his sentiments of the
ecclesiastical supremacy, i. 115. He op-
poses the hierarchy of the church, 212.
His positions, ib. He writes to the secre-
tary, 214. He 13 expelled the university,
clxvi
INDEX.
and retires beyond sea, 214. Being re-
turned, he draws up the Puritans' second
admonition to the parliament, 232. His
famous dispute with Whitgiff, and his
standard of discipline and church-go-
vernment, 237. His hard usage, 239.
His second reply to Whitgift, 241. A
proclamation against him, 250. He as-
sists in framing a discipline for Guernsey
and Jersey, 271. Is chosen preacher to
the English factory at Antwerp, 289.
Returns to England, and settles at War-
wick, .S71. Forbid by the archbishop to
answer the Rhemist Testament, 376. Ex-
amination of him and his brethren before
the high-commissioners, 415. Articles
exhibited against him, which he refuses
to answ^er on oath, 416. He is released,
and restored to his hospital at Warwick,
but his brethren continue in suspension,
419. He defends himself and his brethren
from being concerned w ith Hacket, 423.
His death and character, ii. 20. His
Confutation of the Rhemist Testament,
and other works, 21.
Caryl, Mr. Joseph, his death, &c. iv.
415. His exposition on Job, ib. «.
Case, Mr. Thomas, his death, &c. iv.
477, 478, n.
Cases of Conscience, by Perkins,
mentioned, iv. 486,)/.
Castaires, Mr. tortured, iv. 482.
Castlemain, earl of, his censure of the
church's persecuting the dissenters, iv.
497.
Catechisms, Assembly's larger and
shorter, approved and allowed by the
parliament, iii. 322. Catechising recom-
mended, iv. 132.
Cathedral worship disliked by the
Puritans, i. 192. Request against them,
384. Decorations of them, ii. 194.
Hacket's defence of them, 391. Burgess's
speech against them, 392. Memorandum
for reforming them, 398. Their state at
the beginning of the civil war, 504. Or-
dinance for seizing their revenues, iii.
i66. Vacancies filled, iv. 242.
Cavaliers. Refer to Royalists.
Cawdery, INIr. his sufferings, i. 394.
His farther suft'erings, and appeal to the
court of exchequer, 420.
Cawton, Mr. Tbomas, Charles's letter
to him, iv. 213. His death, 223, 224, n.
Censures of the church, Puritans' opi-
nion concerning them, ii. 57.
Ceremonies of the church, debates in
convocation about them, i. 149. A con-
siderable number of the clergy that were
for amending them, 152. Several of them
scrupled by the Puritans, 169. Objected
against by the Puritans, ii. 15.48. De-
fended by bishop Morclon, Hcc. 53. See
Ritci.
Cliadderlon, Rev. Dr. his death and
character, ii. 309. '"
Chambers, Dr. Humphrey, his death,
iv. 343.
Chancellors, patents, and censures,
canons about them, ii. 304.
Chandler, Dr. p. xxiv of the life of
Neal, prefixed to vol. i.n.
Charles I. when prince of Wales, his
oath to observe the articles of the Spanish
match, ii. 121. His journey to Madrid,
and letter to the pope, 122. His accession
and character, 131, &c. His marriage,
and character of his queen, 133. Cha-
racter of his ministers, 134, Sec. His
speech to his first parliament, 139. His
answer to the commons' petition, 140.
He favours the Papists, 142. Contributes
to the loss of Rochelle, ib. Dissolves the
parliament, 144. Raises money by ar-
bitrary methods, 145. 150. His corona-
tion, 145. His second parliament, 146.
Dissolved, 147. His proclamation for
putting an end to the disputes of the
Calvinists and Arrainians, 148. Enters
into a war with France, 154. His third
parliament, and speech to them, 155.
Passes the petition of right, ib. Prorogues
the parliament, and answers their remon-
strance, 156, 157. His declaration before
the thirty -nine articles, 163. His arbitrary
proceedings, 169. 177. Speech at dis-
solving his third parliament, 171. Rea-
sons for dissolving them, 172. His pro-
clamations against prescribing a time for
calling parliaments, 173. His instructions
about lectures, 178. His progress into
Scotland, 206. His usage of the Scots
parliament, 207. Revives the book of
sports, 215. Forbids the Puritans to
transport themselves, 260. His reasons
for corapiHng the Scots liturgy, 270. He
threatens the Scots, 278. Resolves on a
war with the Scots, 284. Marches against
them, but agrees to a pacification, 289.
His instructions to bis high-commissioner,
290. Refuses to confirm the Scots acts
of parliament, 291. Calls au English
parliament, but dissolves them in anger,
p. 294, 295. Continues to raise money
by the prerogative, 296. Marches a se-
cond time against the Scots, but is unsuc-
cessful, 307. Opens the long-parliament,
317. His speech infavour of the hierarchy,
361. Favours the Papists, 372. His an-
swer to the remonstrance of the commons
against them, 373. Remarks on it, ib.
His design of bringing the army to Lon-
don, 376. His ministers terrified, 379.
Passes the act for continuing the parlia-
ment, 380. His conduct at passing the
bills for the abolition of the high-com-
mis^ionand star-chamber, 406. Resolves
on a progress to Scotland, 111. Hi? con-
INDEX.
clxvii
cfssions there, 415. He repents of them,
ib. His imprudent conduct, 437. His
letter in favour of the hierarchy, 438.
Fills up the A'acant bishopricks, ib. The
grand remonstrance of the commons pre-
sented to him, 440. His answer to their
petition, 443. And to the remonstrance,
444. Goes to the house to seize five of
the members, 457. Leaves Whitehall,
459. Passes the act to take away the
votes of the bishops, 4G2. Resolutions of
his cabinet council at Windsor, 465.
Refuses the Scots mediation, 474. His
high language to his parliament, 476.
Denied entrance into Hull, and his pro-
ceedings in the north, ib. Orders the
courts of justice to follow him, 477. His
answer to the parliament's memorial, 479.
And to their proposals, 48^. His prepara-
tion for war, 486. His proposals for bor-
rowing money, &c. 487. Applies to the
Papists, 492. His letter to the council of
Scotland, 497. Sets up the standard at
Nottingham, 502. Of his clergy, 513.
Of his army, 514. His proclamation for
the better government of it, 515. His
evil counsellors, 517.
Charles I. king, pursues his march to
London after the battle of Edge-hill, iii.
1. Takes Reading and Brentford, 2. Re-
treats again, 3. Motives of his march, ib.
Remarks, 4. His letter to duke Hamil-
ton, ib. Encouraging prospect of his af-
fairs, 6. His truce with the Irish rebels,
7. Parliament's propositions to him at
the treaty of Oxford, 9. His own pro-
posals, 13. His answer to the parliament
commissioners, 14. Which breaks off
the treaty, 16. His proclamations against
the city of London, &c. 19. Success of
his aflfairs, 20, 21. Makes reprisals on
the parliamentarians in relation to the
clergy, 34. Dissolves their monthly fast,
and appoints another, 38. Prohibits the
assembly of divines, 48. Forbids the
taking of the covenant, 67. Brings over
.forces from Ireland, 69. Ill consequences
of it to his affairs, 70. His protestations,
71. His reply to the assembly's letter to
foreign Protestants, 76. Remarks upon
it, 78. He holds a parliament at Oxford,
which comes to nothing, 86 — 88. His
letter to the queen, 88. Character of his
army, 91. Bad state of his affairs, 93.
He forbids the use of the directory, 132.
Some arbitrary clauses in his speeches
and proclamations, 148. His conduct in
the treaty of Uxbridge, 209, &c. More
letters of his to the queen, 210. 213.
223, 224. 272. His instructions to the
commissioners on the head of religion,
214. His concessions, 219. Remarks
upon them, 220. His letter to the duke
of Orraond, TM. Queen's ascendant over
him, ib. His warrant to the earl of Gla-
morgan about the Irish Papists, 225.
Progress of his forces, and his defeat in
the battle of Naseby, 230. He foments
the divisions between the Presbyterians
and Independents, 265. His melancholy
condition at Oxford, 271. He escapes to
the Scots army, and surrenders himself
to them, 272. Commissions the marquis
of Ormond to conclude a peace with the
Irish Papists, 274. The Scots behaviour
towards him, 282. Conference between
him and Mr. Henderson, about episco-
pacy, &c. 283. His first paper upon it,
284. His second, 285. His third, 289.
His last papers, 291. Remarks upon his
principles, 292. Parliament's propositions
to him at Newcastle, 296. Great inter-
cession made with him to comply, and
the lord-chancellor of Scotland's speech
to him, 298. He refuses, 299. His an-
swer, 300. His conference with the Scots
commissioners, ib. Scots kirk will not
trust him, 301. Their solemn warning
declaration about him, 302. Proceedings
of the Scots parliament in relation to him,
ib. They deliver him up to the English
parliament, 304. Whose commissioners
receive him, and convey him to Holmby-
house, ib. and n. His pressing letter for
a personal treaty, ib. Remarks, 305. In
what manner he lived at Holmby,ib. His
separate views, 331. His farther answer
to the propositions of Newcastle, 335.
He is seized and carried to the arra^^ib.
His motions with them, 344. Cromwell
and Ireton confer with him, 345. His
mistaken conduct, ib. Which proves his
ruin, 346. Reasons of the array's desert-
ing him, 347. He escapes from Hamp-
ton-court, ib. And is confined in the Isle
of Weight, ib. Motive of his escape, 350.
His private treaty with the Scots, ib.
His concessions from the Isle of Wight,
352. Remarks, 353. He disapproves of
the ordinance for abolishing Christmas,
&c. 356. His clergy petition to be re-
stored to their livings, 357. Treaty of
Newport between him and the parlia-
ment, 422. A prayer drawn up by his
direction on that occasion, 423. His re-
ply to the parliament's propQsals, 424.
His concessions on the article of religion,
425. Conference between him and the
parliament divines about episcopacy, ib.
His first paper, 426. His second, 427
His last, 431. His final concessions, 434.
Arguments and motives to gain his con-
sent, 435. States of Scotland press him
to consent, 437. His speech to the com-
missioners, 438. His letter to the prince,
443. He is seized by the array a second
time, 445. His trial resolved on, 448.
Voice of the nation against it, &c. ib.
clxviii
INDEX.
His trial and execution^ 455, 456, and n.
His character, ib. His works, and par-
ticularly' of Eikoou Basilike, 458, 459.
Books published for and against his
death, 4(')1. Who were the authors of
his death, k")4, &c.
Charles II. his letter about the mar-
quis of Antrim, ii. 435. Scots treaty
with him in Holland, iv. I'J. Condi-
tions of it, 19. He arrives in Scotland,
ib. Is crowned there, 36. His oath,
ib. He signs the covenant and a decla-
ration, 37. Remarks, 58. He marches
to England with the Scots army, 47.
Preparations of the parliament against
him, 48. Marches his army to Wor-
cester, ib. Is defeated by Cromwell,
49. Escapes into France, ib. Neglects
the Presbyterians, and turns his eyes
towards the Papists. 50. Plots in his fa-
vour, 82. 86. 170. Address of the Ana-
baptists to him, 179. The truth of which
is questioned, ib. He abjures the Pro-
testant religion at the Pyrenees, 211.
Proofs of his being a Papist before, 212.
But he denies it to foreign Protestants,
213. His letter to the Rev. Mr. Caw-
ton, ib. French ministers employed to
write that he is a Protestant, 214. Ex-
tract from his letter to the house of
commons, 215. Steps towards his resto-
ration, 224. Terms on which the Scots and
English Presbyterians would restore hira,
226. Remarks, 227. Monk corresponds
with him, 228. His declaration from
Breda, 229. He is invited home without
any terms, 230. Owing in part to lord
Clarendon, 231. A deputation of lords
and commons, with some ministers, wait
on him at Breda, ib. The bishops send
to him with instructions, 232. He lands,
and rides through the city to Whitehall,
236. His views, 248. Abstract of his
declaration concerning ecclesiastical af-
fairs, 260. Opinion of some churchmen
concerning it, 267. Acceptable to most
of the Presbyterians, ib. Rejected by
the house of commons, 269. Remarks,
ib. His marriage, 287. Made a prerau-
nire to call him Papist, &c. 290. His
speech to his parliament, 289. His pre-
tended zeal for the hierarchy, 315. His
concern for the Papists, 316. His decla-
ration concerning indulgence, :>51. His
speech to parliament in support of it,
353. He moves for a general toleration,
378. His management with the dissent-
ers, 387. His design of governing ab-
solutely, 402. His new declaration of
indulgence, 407. He gives it up, 418.
Is displeased with his parliament, 425.
And publishes a severe order against
th« dissenters, 426. His arbitrary go-
rernmcnt, and dcclarsiion about parlia-
ments, 469. His order for persecuting
the dissenters, 593. His death and cha'
racter, 501, and n.
Charnock, Mr. Stephen, his death
and character, iv. 461, 465, n.
Charke, Mr. expelled the university
for preaching against the hierarchy, i.
230.
Charters taken away, iv. 477. Re-
marks, ib.
Chaunccy, Rev. Mr. his sufferings, ii.
181. His recantation, 237. Repents of
it, and retires to New-England, ib. Some
account of him, 286, and n. Of his
works, 287, n.
Chauntries, &c. given to the king, i,
18,41.
Chear, Mr. Abraham, memoirs of, v.
196.
Cheney's Collectiones Tbeologicae li-
censed, while Twisse's Answer to Armi-
nius was suppressed, ii. 149.
Cheynel, Dr. his behaviour at Mr.
Chillingworth's interment, iii. 83, and 7/.
Some farther account of him, 395. His
death, iv. 370. Dr. Johnson's account
of, ib. n.
Chillingworth, Mr. his observations on
the Bible, i. 197. iii. 82. His death and
character, 81.
Christmas, order for laying aside the
observation of it, iii. 140. Remarks,
141. Ordinance for abolishing it, &c.
355.
Church, the Puritans' opinion con-
cerning it, ii. 55. King James declares
Hgainst the service of the church of Eng-
land, when in Scotland, 2. What the
Puritans wanted to have reformed in it,
4. 14, 15, &c. Conformity to it enfor-
ced, 20. Its canons, 29. Lawfulness of
separation from it argued, 44. Persons
obliged under a penalty to come to it,
47. Second separation from it, 54.
Laud's scheme for governing it, 178, and
;/. Its splendour, 194. 249. Its ap-
proaches towards Popery, 260. Design
of uniting it to the church of Rome, ib.
Its service neglected, 339. Condition of
it at the beginning of tlie civil war, 503.
Church ales, 214. Church-government,
oath to prevent alterations in it, 302.
Several schemes of it, 397, &c. Church
livings, what the Puritans would have
reformed concerning them, 5. Church-
ornaments, ministers suffer for preaching
against them, 201. Churchwardens' oath,
246. Proclamation for repairing churches,
193. Its discipline and hierarchy dis-
solved, iii. 79. 94.306. Of the conse-
cration of them, 164— 166. Of church-
music, 173, 174. Questions respect-
ing the divine right of church-govern-
ment, 255. Sentiments of the assembly
INDEX.
els is
of divines upon it, 278. And of the
London ministers, 279. Whetlier the
church of Rome is a true church, 192.
Laud's design of reconciling the church
of England to it, 193.
Church of England becomes indepen-
dent of the pope and foreign jurisdic-
tion, i. 13. By what authority and in
what way reformed, 34. Reformation of
its offices, 43. Of its doctrine, 62, Far-
ther reform of its public offices, 63. A
more complete reform designed by Ed-
ward VI. 67. Reconciled to Rome in
Queen Mary's reign, 81. Reformed
again under Elizabeth, 118, &c. The
mischiefs occasioned by the act of uni-
formity, 119. 134. The first separation
of the Nonconformists from it, 188. Some
of her ministers disguised Papists, 244.
Statute to oblige persons to attend
church, 300. A survey of its ministers,
382. A most severe act to punish those
who refused to go to it, 426. Another
act of the same kind that does not pass,
464. Its low condition, iv. 50. 178. 208.
Restored, 240. 245. It applies to the
dissenters for assistance in James's reign,
V. 37. 58, 59. Remarks, 37. 60.
Church-lands alienated, i. 65. Re-
stored by queen Mary, 81.
Churchwardens, conclusions of the
Puritans concerning thera, i. 278.
Civil magistrate, Puritans' opinion
concerning him, ii. 59. Civil liberties of
England destroyed, 267. Whether reli-
gion may be reformed without the civil
magistrate, iii. 287, &:c.
Civil war, preparations for it, ii. 486.
It opens, 500. Authors of it, 516.
Grounds and reasons on which it pro-
ceeded, 522. Miseries and desolation of
that between the king and parliament,
iii. 90, &c. Conclusion of the first, 273.
Views of the parties, 331. The second
civil war, 406. Remarks on the conse-
quent confusion, 412.
Claphara, Enoch, some account of a
small piece he published in 1608, on the
different sects of religion at that period,
V. 115.
Clarendon, lord, his history quoted, i.
preface viii. His account of the Papists,
ii. 265. His representation of the times,
267. Remarks upon it, 268. His high
principles, and attachment to the bi-
shops, iv. 248. His speech to the par-
liament, 289. Promotes the act of uni-
formity, 332. His speech against the
Nonconformists, 365. His fall, 375. Vin-
dicated, ib. n. His character, &c.j 376,
377, and ns.
Clarke, Mr. Matthew, some account of
him, p. XX. of Neal's life prefixed to vol.
i. V.
Clarke, Rev. Hugh, his death and cha-
racter, ii. 235.
Clarke, the name adopted by Richard
Cromwell for some years, during his re-
sidence near Romsey, iv. 235. «.
Clarke, Mr. Samuel, his death, &c.
iv. 478, and n.
Clarkson, Mr. his recantation, iii. 136,
and 71.
Clarkson, Mr. David, his death and
character, v. 44, and »<.
Classes, &c. conclusions of the Puri-
tans concerning them, i. 279. Their pro-
ceedings in them, 393.
Clayton, Dr. some account of him, iii.
387.
Clergy, their rights surrendered into
the pope's hands, i. 1. Their tyranny
and cruelties, 5 — ■?, and n. 13. 15.
110. Brought under the statute of pre-
munire, and on what conditions par-
doned by Henry VIII. 9, 10. Their
submission, 13. A stop put to their
cruelties for a time, by the rupture be-
tween the king and the pope, 16. The
king's injunctions to them, 22. The ma-
jority of them for Popery, 41 . Yet com-
ply with the new service-book, 47.
Their marriages legitimated, 64. Are for
restoring Popery in queen Mary's reign,
75. Numbers ejected for being married,
&c. 77. Many for the reformation that
recanted under queen Mary, and after-
ward turn again, 91. In convocation
they were against the reformation in the
beginning of queen Elizabeth's reign,
121. The inconsiderable number that
quitted their livings on that account,
133. The sad state of those that remain-
ed in the church, 142. 145. 382. 391.
Hardships of the country clergy, 353.
Selden's character of them, ii. 128.
Their pride and ambition, 250. Their
approach towards Popery, 261. Canon
concerning their conversation, 304. Pro-
ceedings against the clergy for malig-
nancy, &c. iii. 27. Quality of those
ejected, 31. Sequestration of their es-
tates, 32. Their hardships, 34. Quality
of those who succeeded them, 35, 36.
Their hardships from the solemn league
and covenant, 68. Numbers ejected,
112. Compared with the ejected minis-
ters at the restoration, 113. Hardships
on both sides, 115. Laud charged with
attempting to set up an independent
power in them, 157. Parliament's care
for a regular clergy, 232. Bill for pu-
nishing scandalous clergymen, 11. — See
Committee and Scandalous. SuiTerings
olxx
INDEX.
of the episcopal clergy, iii. 21, 22. How-
far they contributed to ihe king's death,
463. Their forwardness, iv. 23'i. Se-
questered clergy restored, 239. Act for
it, 271. Their behaviour and character,
347. 348. 379. Clergymen belonging to
cathedrals whose offices were abo-
lished, provision for their maintenance,
28.
Clerk-ales, ii. 21 1.
Clubmen, their rise, iii. 90.
Coale, Josiah,his death, &c. v. 245.
Colchester, siege of, iii. 407.
College, Stephen, executed, iv. 471.
Collins, Mr. Anthony, publishes
Priestcraft in Perfection, and other
works,which excite controversy.!. 148, n,
Collins, Dr. some account of, iii. 99.
Collins, Mr. Jolin, his death and cha-
racter, V. 45.
Colraan, Mr. his death and character,
iii. 316.
Comber, Dr. sonjc account of him, iii.
100.
Commentary on the Epliesians, and
Dioclesian's trial, two treatises by Mr.
Baynes, a divine of uncommon learning,
ii. 94.
Commentaries on the Colossians and
St. Peter, published by Mr. By field, a
divine of great piety, capacity, and
learning, ii. 119.
Commissioners, ecclesiastical. See
High-commission.
Commitments illegal, charged upon
archbishop Laud, iii. 154.
Committee of accommodation, ii. 395.
The sub-committee, 396. Their names,
ib. Their propositions and queries, 397.
They break up, 402. Remarks, ib.
Committee for preaching ministers, and
for scandalous ones, 418, and n. One for
scandalous ministers, iii. 23. Their pro-
ceedings, 24, &c. One for plundered
ministers, 27. Their proceedings, ib.
United with that for scandalous minis-
ters, 28. Censures on their proceedings,
ib. and 29. Country committees, 30.
Their instructions, ib. Their proceed-
ings, 31, &c. Committee to examine
clergymen, 80. Their method of exami-
nation, ib. Committee of sequestrations,
9.5. Another for scandalous ministers,
with the earl of Manchester's warrant to
them, 107. His instructions to them,
108. His letter to them, 109. Their me-
thod of proceeding, 110. Remarks, 111.
Committee of accommodation between
the Presbyterians and Independents,
255, &c. Committee of safety, iv. 200.
Common Prayer-book, revised, i. 63.
Kstablishcd by act of iiarliamcnt, 64.
[See ser\'ice-book.] Puritans' objections
to it, ii. 48. Queries concerning it, 398.
Commonwealth government set up,
iv. 1. Remarks; an anecdote on their
motto ; opposed by the levellers, 2, and
V. And by the Scots, 3. Scotland united
to it, 51. Their power and wise con-
duct, 57. Farther account of their cha-
racter, 61.
Communion-tables placed instead of
altars, reasons for it, i. 53. 131. Refor-
mation in the communion-service, 43. 63.
Canon about them, ii. 35. Turned into
altars, 221. Arguments for and against
it, 222. Votes about them, 419.
Con)mutation of penance, ii. 304. iii.
156.
Comprehension attempted between
the Presbyterians and Independents, in
vain, iii, 255. Presbyterians' address for
it, iv. 250. Their proposals towards it,
251. They are disappointed, 254, &c.
Another project for it, 381. Abstract of
the proposals, 382. Quashed by the bi-
shops, 385. Farther fruitless attempts
for it, 425. Attempt in parliament for it,
460, &c. V. 78. Remarks, 84.
Cornpton, bishop, his character and
conduct, V. 26 and 27, ns. Suspended,
&c. 27, and n.
Concealments, commission of, i. 307.
Conference at Lambeth, i. 343. Heads
of it, 344. Issue of it, 345.
Conferences, the two between the
Romish priests and Protestant divines,
p. xxvi life of Neal, prefixed to vol. i. n.
Conferences of the Puritans, vindicated
by them, i. 415.
Confession of faith of the authors of
the Admonition to Parliament, i. 234, n.
Assembly of divines' proceeding upon a
confession of faith, iii. 319. Presented
to parliament, who debate on it, ibid.
Articles of discipline rejected, but the
whole received by the Scots, 320. Cen-
sures upon it, 321.
Confession of faith. Baptists'; when
published, v. 124. Its design, ibid. Of
Dr. John Rippon's, and other editions,
190, 191.
Confirmation, what the Puritans dis-
liked in it, i. 194.
Conformity, terms of, disliked by
many, and remarks thereon, i. 134. The
queen requires full conformity, 299.
Severe act to enforce it, 300. 426. Pro-
clamation for enforcing it, ii. 20. Ban-
croft's letter about pressing it, 38. Low
terms of under the commonwealth, iv. 55.
'J'ermsof it by the act of uniformity, a^Q.
Higher than before the civil wars, 330.
Conformists, difference betw*''!' «'"•
INDEX.
clxxt
old ones and many of the present, i. 160.
No difference in points of doctrine be-
tween the Puritans and Conformists, 196.
Editor's note of elucidation, ibid.
Cong^ d'elire, bishops appointed to
be chosen by, i. 12. 108. 113.
Connecticut colony founded, ii. 285.
Constitution given up and destroyed,
iv. 493. Anecdote, ibid. n.
Conventicle-act, iv. 357. Sad conse-
quences of it to ministers and people,
358. The act revived, 391. Additional
clauses, 392. Remarks, 394.
Convention-parliament, their senti-
ments as to the authors of the king's
death, iii. 467. Convention in 1660, iv.
229. Invite the king home without terms,
230. Are turned into a parliament, 236.
Avow the justice of the civil war, ibid.
Give up every thing the court desire,
237. Remarks, ib. Are dissolved, ib.
Their acts, 271. Convention in 1688. v.
69. Offer the crown to the prince and
princess of Orange, 70. Turned into a
parliament, 74. Their proceedings, 76,
&c. "
Convocations, how held formerly, and
their power, i. 2, Restrained by Henry
VIII. 13^ Original of them, 68. They
have all their powers from the king, 1 14.
In queen Mary's reign subscribe to
transubstantiation, 75. In ttie beginning
of queen Elizabeth's reign against the
reformation, 121. They next agree upon
the thirty-nine articles, 147. But are
divided about the ceremonies, 149.
Another increases the hardships of the
Puritans, 220. Defends pluralities and
nonresidence, 363. Continues sitting
after the parliament, 385. Address the
queen against the bill to prevent plurali-
ties, 398. Make some regulations in spi-
ritual courts, 464. Proceedings of the
convocation of 1603, ii. 25, &c. Their
book of canons, 29. Denounce excom-
munication on all who reflect on them,
or question their authority, 33. Pro-
ceedings of that of 1640, 297, &c. Con-
tinued after the dissolution of the parlia-
ment, 298. Remarks upon it, ib. Their
book of canons, 300. Objections of the
commons to them, 324, 325. The last
in Charles's time, 321. They disperse,
323. Of the sitting of the convocation
after the parliament, iii. 159. Meeting
of convocation, iv. 305. Ordered to re-
view the liturgy, 306. Alterations they
made in it, 307, &c. Proceedings of the
convocation in king William's reign, v.
83. Their disaffection, ibid.
Cooke, Mr. secretary, ii. 167.
Copes, of their use, iii. 174. 176.
Coppc, Rev. Mr. his sufferings, v. 134.
Copping, Mr. the Brownist, executed,
i. 314.
Corbet, Mr. Edward, his death, &c.
iv. 168.
Corbet, Mr. John, his death, character,
and works, iv. 465, 466.
Cornish, Rev. Mr. suspended for
preaching on the evening of the Lord's
day, and Mr. Devenish of Bridgwater,
ii. 249.
Cornish, Mr. alderman, executed, v. 9.
Cornwall, petition of the inhabitants
of, to the parliament, for better ministers,
i. 294.
Cornwell, Francis, his history, publi-
cations, &c. V. 193, 194, &c.
Coronation-oath, alterations in it, ob-
jected to Laud, iii. 156. The king's
scruples about it, with regard to the
church, 284, 285. 288. 432.
Corporation- act, iv." 292. Remarks,
293.
Cosins, Rev. Dr. his book favouring
Popery, ii. 262. Censured in parliament,
336, and ns. Some account of him, iii.
99. His behaviour at the Savoy-confer-
ence, iv. 302. Remarkable passage in his
will, 348.
Cotton, Rev. Mr. removes to New-
England, ii. 228.
Covenant. See Solemn League.
Covenant or vow to stand by the par-
liament, iii. 19.
Coverdale, Miles, assists in translating
the Bible, i. 18. Made coadjutor, and
then bishop of Exeter, 61. Retires out
of the kingdom, 74. His sufferings and
death, 152. Much followed by the Puri-
tans, 187.
Council-table, its arbitrary proceed-
ings, ii. 136. Council of officers and agi-
tators, iii. 334. Council of state, a new
one,iv. 53. Dismissed by Cromwell, 61.
Country clergy, their hardships, i.
3o3.
Countryman's catechism, or the
church's plea for tithes, iv. 55.
Court of Charles II. their views with
respect to a comprehension or toleration,
iv. 248. 346. Their behaviour, 269.
Their licentiousness, 388. Their proceed-
ings to establish arbitrary power, 430. A
bill in the house of lords for that purpose,
ib. It is dropped, 431. Secret History
of this Court and Reign, a work quoted
in vol.ii. 19, n. 25, «. 130, «. and in many
other parts of these volumes.
Coward, William, esq. institutes the
lectures in Berry-street, p. xxiii of life of
Neal, prefixed to vol. i.
Cowel, Dr. his extravagant positions
concerning the prerogative, ii. 67.
('o\, Dr. brings in king Edward's scr-
c]\xii
INDEX.
vice-book at Frankfort, J. 97. Which
breaks up the old congregation, ibid.
Cox, Mr. B. his sufferings, v. 133.
Cox, Mr. Benjamin, some particulars
of, V. 196.
Cranford, Mr. James, his death, iv.
168.
Cranmer, archbishop, gives sentence
of divorce for Henry Vllt. i. 12. Pro-
motes the reformation, 15. Reviews and
corrects Tyndal's Bible, 19. Appointed
to dispute against Lambert the martyr,
25. His power declines, 32. His judg-
ment concerning the episcopal jurisdic-
tion, 41. His persecuting principles, 48.
Causes Joan of Kent and George Van
Paris to be burnt as heretics, 49, 50. He
is zealous for the habits, 58. But relaxes
his opinion about them, 59. His senti-
ments about discipline, 68. Not satisfied
with the liturgy, though twice reformed,
ib. He is sent to the Tov.er, 73. Tried
for high-treason, 75. Declared a heretic,
79. Degraded, and recants, 86. Re-
tracts his recantation, and is burnt, 87.
Was utterly against the Popish habits at
last, 157. Cranmer's Bible, ii. 81.
Creed-church, manner of its consecra-
tion by Laud, ii. 190.
Crisp, Dr. of London, his death and
character, iii. 16.
Crofton, Mr. his sutFerings, iv. 271.
Cromwell, lord, a friend to the refor-
mation, i. 15. Made visitor-general of
the monasteries, 16. Arrested, and be-
headed without trial, 28. Cause cf his
fall discussed, ibid, and 7i.
Cromwell, Oliver, designs to go to
New-England, ii. 287. 440. 492. 507.
His character, iii. 228. His bravery
and conduct in the battle of Nascby,
230. He and Ireton confer with the king
about his restoration, 345. Reasons of
his deserting him, 346. His speech in
parliament, 354. He reduces the Welsh,
407. Defeats the Scots under duke
Hamilton, 410. Returns to London, 447.
His speech on the motion for trying the
king, 448. Reduces Ireland, iv. 4. His
rapid success, 5. He and his army petition
for a toleration, 8. Marclies against the
Scots, 19. Defeats them Ht Dunbar, 21.
Invites the Scots ministers to return to
their churches, ibid. His letter to the
governor of Edinburgh-castle, 22. Minis-
ters' reply, and his answer, ib. Reply to
the governor's complaint, 23. Extracts of
more letters, 24. Remarks, ib. Chosen
chancellor of Oxford, 25. His letter to
the university thereon, ib. Progress of
}iis army in Scotland, 46. Defeats the
king at Worcester, 49. His letter to the
parliament, ib. He and his army quarrel
with parliament, o8. Remarks, ib. Ad-
vises about a new form of government,
59. His ambitious designs, ib. Forcibly
dissolves the long- parliament, 60. Dis-
misses the council of state, 61. Remarks,
ib. He and his council of officers assume
the government, 63. His form of sum-
mons for a new parliament, 64. His first
(called the little) parliament, 65. De-
clared protector by the council, 68. His
instalment and oath, 69, 70, Remarks,
71. Mr. Baxter's testimony to his govern-
ment, 73. His first council, ib. State of
the nation at his assuming the protector-
ship, 77. His grandeur, and wise manage-
ment, 78. Gives peace to the Dutch, ib.
High reputation among foreign nations,
ib. French ambassador's speech to him,
79. His domestic enemies, ibid. His
management of the cavaliers, presbyte-
rians, and republicans, 79, 80. His
friends, 81. Remarks, ib. Incorporates
Scotland and [reland with England, ib.
Royalists' plot against him, 82. Executes
the Portuguese ambassador's brother, 83.
Calls a new parliament, goes in state,
and his speech, ib. Second speech ; ap-
points a recognition of the government,
84, 85. He dissolves them, 86. Plots
against him, 87. His vigilance, ibid. Se-
verity to the royalists, by decimation,
88. For universal liberty of conscience,
91. His speech to parliament for that
purpose, 92. Bates's testimony to it, ib.
Is for encouraging learning, 110. Ap-
points new visitors for the universities,
ib. His zeal for the Protestant religion,
112. His letter to the prince of Tarente,
ib. Appoints major-generals, 119. Enters
into an alliance with France, ib. Sends
Blake to the Mediterranean, 120. Pub-
lishes a severe ordinance against the old
sequestered clergy, 124. But is willing
to dispense with it, 125. Reasons of the
severities against the Papis's, ib. Is for
encouraging the Jews, 126. Assists the
Protestants inine valleys, 128. His letter
to the duke of Savoy, 129. Calls a new
parliament, 134. Assists the Protestants
at Nismcs, 146. His letter to cardinal
Mazarine, ib. Debates about giving hira
the title of king, 150. His reasons for
declining it, 1.52. Remarks, ib. His title
of protector confirmed, 153. His second
instalment, 156. His grandeur, and wise
adminstration, 157. His treaty with
France, 158. Constitutes an upper house
of parliament, 160. His speech at their
dissolution, 161, 162. Purges the army,
1 63. And projects a union of the whole
reformed interest, ib. Resigns his chan-
cellorship of Oxford, 165. Appoints his
?on Henry lord-lieutenant of Ireland, ib.
INDEX.
clxxiii
His only remaining descendants, 166.
Success of his arms abroad, 169. Plots
against him, 170. His sickness, 180. His
last prayer, 181. His death, burial, and
character, 181, 182. As a soldier and
statesman, 183. His public, religious,
and moral character, 184, 185. His en-
thusiasm, 186. Objections against him
considered, ib. In regard to his dissimu-
lation, ambition, &c. 187. Sum of his
character, 188. Poems on, ib. His body
taken up after the Restoration, 273.
Cromwell, Henry, appointed by his
father lord-lieutenant of Ireland, iv. 165.
Some account of him and his family,
166. His letters to his brother, 193.
His letter to Fleetwood, 194. Others,
196. 275.
Cromwell, Richard, chosen chancellor
of Oxford, iv. 165. Proclaimed pro-
tector, 190. Calls a parliament, 191.
Obliged by the army to dissolve them,
192. Deposed by the army, ib. Quietly
resigns the protectorship, 197, and n.
Resigns his chancellorship, and ab-
sconds, 234. His character, 235. Death
and character of his wife, 437, n.
Crosby's History of English Baptists,
quoted by the editor, i. 16, n. and in a
variety of other places in the course of
the work. See an account of this work,
editor's advertisement to vol. iii.
Cross in baptism, objections of the
Puritans against it, i. 193. Bishop
Rudd's moderating speech about it, ii.
26. Puritans' objections, 48. 51.
Cross of the, in baptism, a learned
treatise, by Mr. R. Parker; conse-
quences to the author, ii. 65.
Cross, Dr. some account of him, iii.
397.
Crosses, several pulled down, iii. 39.
Pamphlet on it, ib. n.
Crowder, Mr. his hard treatment, ii.
197.
Crowly, Mr. bis sufferings, i. 181.
Cud worth, Dr. some account of him,
iii. 101, 102, n.
Daill6, of Paris, his letter on the king's
constancy in religion, iv. 215.
De L'Angle on the same, ib.
Damplln, a Papist, hanged, i. 28.
Danger of the church, cry of, iv.
434.
Dangerfield's plot, iv. 573. Proceed-
ings against him in James's reign, v. 4.
D' An vers, an eminent minister and
v^riter, an account of, v. 200.
Darrel, Mr. his sufferings for pretend-
ing to cast out unclean spirits, i. 459.
His protestation, ib.
Davenant, bishop, censured, ii. 187.
Death and character, 427. His benefac-
tions to Qiicen's-coUege, Cambridge,
ib. n,
Davenport, Rev. Mr. removes to
New-England, ii. 229.
Davenport, Christopher, some account
of the work he wrote under the title oif
Franciscus de Clara, and of himself, ii.
263, and n.
Day, bishop, deprived, i. 55. Resto-
red, 73.
Deacons, conclusions of the Puritans
concerning them, i. 279.
Dead bodies of considerable persons
in Cromwell's and parliament times dug
up, iv. 318.
Dead, praying for them, i. 37.
Deans and chapters, &c. bill for abo-
lishing them, ii. 390. Dr. Hackett's de-
fence of them, 391. Several speeches
against them, 393, &c. Origin of them,
ib. Resolutions of the commons against
them, 395.
Declaration of faith, by the reformers
in prison, i. 79. Of articles of religion,
set forth by the bishops, 127.
Declaration of the Doings of those
Mnisters, &c. a work published in 1566,
to justify those who refused the gar-
ments ; an abstract from it, an account
of the answers it produced, and the mi-
nisters' reply, i. 183 — 185.
Declaration to encourage sports on the
Lord's day ,a curious one issued by James
1. an extract and account of, ii. 105.
Deering, Mr. articles of his examina-
tion, i. 250. Deprived and restored,
251. Deprived again, 252. His death
and character, 283.
Deering, sir Edw. his speech against
the hierarchy, ii. 389.
Defence of the ministers' reasons for
refusal of subscription to the Book of
Common Prayer, against the cavils of F.
Hutton, B. D. Dr. Covel, and Dr.
Sparkes, a work published in 1607 ; an
extract from it, ii. 54.
Defender of the faith, the origin of
that title, i. 7.
Defenders in Bohemia, some account
of, ii. 107.
Delaune, Mr. his sufferings, iv. 485
— 487, and notesl
Delegates, rise of the court of, i. 14.
Delinquents, ordinance for seizing
their estates, iii. 32.
Dell, William, a Baptist minister,
some account of, v. 191.
Demonstration of Discipline, a book
so called ; proceedings against the sup-
posed author, i. 408, &c.
Denne, Mr. Henry, his disputation in
prison with Dr. Featly, iii. 268, n. His
sufferings, v. 134. His death and charac-
ter, iv. 322, n.
clxxiv
INDEX.
Derby, earl of, defeated, iv. 48.
Descent of Christ into bell, contro-
versy about it, i. 457.
Design of this work, i. preface, p. i.
xiv, XV.
Detestation of the Errors of ihe Times ;
a book published by the assembly of di-
vines about 1643, against the sectarians,
iii. 310.
Devon and Cornwall ministers' pro-
testation of their loyalty, ii. 62.
De Wits murdered, iv. 413.
Dewsbury, William, his death and
character, v. 275.
Digby, lord, his speech against the
bishops and new canons, ii. 318. An-
other for reforming the hierarchy, 367.
Another against the earl of Strafford,
378.
Diodati of Geneva, his temperate an-
swer to the letter of the assembly of di-
vines, iii. 76, n.
Dippers Dipt, by Dr. Featley ; a cele-
brated piece against the Baptists, iii.
268, n.
Directory for public worship esta-
blished, iii. 127. Preface to it, ib. Its
variations from the Book of Common
Prayer, 129. Success of it, 131. Ordi-
nance for enforcing the use of it, ib. Re-
# marks, ib. The king forbids the use of
it, 132. University of Oxford's objec-
tions, 371. The king's objection to it,
436. See Appendix, No. VIII.
Directory for ordination of ministers,
iii. 232. See Appendix, No. IX.
Disciplina Ecclesiae ; a book in high
esteem, written by Mr. Travers, pub-
lished in English by Mr. Cartwright, i.
358.
Discipline of the church, reformers'
opinion of, i 29, n. 68, 69. Puritans' ob-
jections, and complaints of the want of
it, 192. The commons address the queen
to reform it, 219. Rules for it, agreed
upon by the ministers, &c. of Northamp-
ton, 221. Associations of the Puritans
for restoring it, 277. Their book of dis-
cipline, 358. Another treatise, called
the Abstract, 359. Bill to reform it, ib.
Form of subcription to the book of dis-
cipline, 387. Persons who subscribed it,
ib. What the Puritans wanted reformed
in it, ii. 5. Innovations in it. 397. Bi-
shop Williams's scheme of it, 400.
Disney, Dr. bis life of Jortin quoted,
iii. 419, n.
Dispensing power, arguments for and
against it, iv. 416. The commons vote
against it, 417. The dissenters renounce
it, 418, and v. 33. Exercised by James
II. 15. Declared legal by the judges,
ib. and 16.
Disputation at Oxford l>eiween the
reformers and Papists, i. 78. Another
appointed by queen Elizabeth, 117.
Dissenters, Protestant, friends to their
country, i. preface ix. Grievances on
them, ib. See more under Nonconform-
ists. Bill for their ease, iv. 419. It mis-
carries, 420. Severity of the court
against them revived, 426. Their suffer-
ings, 426, 427. Bill for easing them
withdrawn by the clerk, 462. Proceed-
ings thereon in the next parliament, 467.
Their persecution revived by order of
king and council, 471. Treatises in
favour of them, 472. Their farther suf-
ferings, 474. I'heir persecution com-
pared with the reformers in Mary's reign,
497. Persecution revived in James's
reign, v. 3. Some turn from the church
to them, 1 0. Progress of the persecution
against them, ib. Their methods to con-
ceal their meetings, 11. Reasons for
their not writing against Popery, 13.
Have liberty by means of the dispensing
power, 15. Are caressed by the court,
16. The end of their prosecution by the
penal laws, 37. Computation of suffer-
ers, and estimation of damages, 19, 20, n.
Reasons of their numbers not decreas-
ing, 20. Commission of inquiry into
their losses by the church-party, 22.
They are courted by the king and
church, 29. Admitted to serve offices,
32. But will not generally acknowledge
the dispensing power, 33, and n. Ad-
dresses of some of them, 34, 35, and ns.
Are jealous of the king's conduct, 36.
The ciiurch applies to them for assist-
ance, with assurances of favour in better
times, 37. Prince of Orange's advice to
them, ib. Remarks, ib. Letter to them,
38. Reasons for their not being for abro-
gating the penal laws at this crisis, 41.
Are courted by the bishops in their dis-
tress, with fair promises, 58, 59. Re-
marks, 60. Conduct of the tories towards
them since the Revolution, 88.
Distractions in the state, ii. 425.
Divine Beginning and Institution of
Christ's true,visible,and material Church ;
asmalltreatise,by Mr. Jacob, 1610. Ex-
plication and confirmation of ditto, an-
other treatise, ii. 92. Otherworksofhisib.
Divisions between the first reform-
ers that fled to Frankfort and Geneva,
i. preface vi.
Doctrinal Puritans, i. preface vii, and
453.
Doctrine of the church, reformers*
opinions on, i. 29, n. Doctrines reform-
ed, 62. Reformation of it desired in the
conference at Hampton-court, ii. 13.
Innovations in it, 397.
Dod, Mr. l)is death and character, iii.
270. Of bis sayings, ib. w.
INDEX.
clxxv
Dorislaus, Dr. circumstances of liis
murder, iv. 3. Anecdotes of him, ib. «.
Dorset, Devon, Somerset, and Hamp-
shire, ravaged by the king's troops, iii.
91.
Downer, Ann, a woman of eminent
strength of piety and intellect, v. '273.
Downing, Dr. and Mr. Marshall, de-
fended against a charge of Dr. Grey, iii.
3, «.
Downing, Dr. his death and charac-
ter, iii. 142.
Drelincourt, his letter on the king's
constancy^ in religion, iv. 214.
Drop of Honey, &c. a popular little
tract, V, 201.
Dublin university founded, ii. 88.
Du Moulin, Dr. Lewis, some account
of him, iii. 397. His sentiments about the
authors of the king's death, 465.
Dunbar, battle of, iv. 21.
Dunkirk delivered to the English, iv.
169. A story of Cromwell, in relation to
it, ib. Sold to the French by Charles II.
and lord Clarendon's hand in it, 322,
323, n,
Dury, Mr. writes against the Jews, iv.
126.
Dutch and French churches, their ad-
dress to James I. and his answer, ii. 4.
Address to the bishop of London, and
his answer, 34, 35. Laud obliges them
to conformity, 232. His injunctions to
them, 233. They are broken up, 234.
See German and Dutch church. Dis-
turbed by archbishop Laud, iii. 194.
Dutch war, under the long parliament,
iv. 57. Cromwell puts an end to it, 78.
In Charles II. 360. The second, 406.
Ended, 427. Overrun by the French,
413.
Duppa, Dr. an account of, iv. 243,
and n. His charities, ib. n.
Dyke, Mr. suspended, i. 348. His pa-
rishioners and the lord-treasurerintercede
for him, but in vain, 349.
Earle, Dr. J. an account of, p. xxv of
life of Neal, prefixed to vol. i. n.
Eaton, Rev. John, his death and cha-
racter, ii. 428. Of his work entitled
The Honevcomb of Free Justification,
ib.
Ecclesiastical courts, their power ex-
tended by Laud, ii. 244. Held in the
bishops' own names, 245. Ecclesiastical
commission erected, v. 23. To prepare
materials for a bill of comprehension, 78.
Names of commissioners, 79. Their
powers, ib. Dispute about the legality
of their commission, 80. Reasons against
alterations in the liturgy, ib. And for
them,ib. Proceedings, 81. Ecclesiastical
laws : see Canon».
Ecclesiastical historians, remarks on, i.
preface, xv.
Edge-hill fight, ii. 502.
Edmund's, St. church in Salisbury,
some particulars relating to it, and to its
painted windows, ii. 202, 203.
Edinburgh-castle surrendered, iv. 24.
Edward VI. born, i. 24. Succeeds his
father, 37. The regency appointed dur-
ing his minority, ib. The reformation ad-
vances, ib. His injunctions about reli-
gion, &c. 39, n. His first service-book,
44. Prohibits all preaching, and why,
42. Insurrections in his reign, and on
what account, 47. Severities on account
of religion in his time, 48, 49. His re-
luctance to sign the -warrant for Joan
Boucher's execuiion for heresy, 49. An
instance of his piety, 56. His letter to
the archbishop to dispense with the ha-
bits in Hooper's consecration, 58. His
patent for establishing the German chnrch
in London, 60, His book of articles, 62.
His second service-book, 63, 64. Ap-
points a royal visitation about the church
plate, &c. 64. How far the reformation
proceeded, and the king's desire of pro-
ceeding farther, 66, 67. He laments that
he could not restore the primitive disci-
pline, 67. His death and character, 68,
69. Remarks on the sentiments of the
reformers in this reign, 69. By his will
appoints lady Jane Grey his successor,
71. His laws about religion repealed, 75.
But revived by queen Elizabeth, 108.
His service-book re-established, with al-
terations, 118, 119.
Edwards, Dr. some account of him, iii.
391.
Edwards's Antapologia, against the
Independents, iii. 120. His Gangraena,
310. Remarks upon it, 312.
Ejected ministers, their sufferings, ir.
340. Names of those who survived the
Revolution, v. 89. See Ministers.
Eikoon Basilike, a spurious book, iii.
459.
Elders, Puritans' opinion concerning
them, ii. 57.
Elector palatine takes the covenant,
and sits in the assembly of divines, iii.
66. 137. His answer to the committee of
lords and commons, 138.
Elenchus Religionis Papisticae, with
an appendix by Dr. Bastwick ; this work
denies the divine right of the order of
bishops, &c. ii. 228. Other works as-
cribed to him, 252. Extract from the
Elenchus of Dr. George Bates, an emi-
nent royalist, 513.
Elizabeth, queen, on her accession
wishes to restore king Edward's liturgy,
i. preface, vii. Objected to by many, but
enforced by her, and subscription urged
clxxvi
INDEX.
by the bishops to the liturgy, ceremo-
nies, and discipline, of the church, vii.
Erects a court of high-commission, viii.
Carries her prerogative as high as
Charles Lib. Illegitimated by her father,
19. Her danger and sufferings in her
sister's reign, 101. Her accession to the
crown, 104. State of the nation and of
religion at that time, 103. She forbids
all preaching for a time, ib. The su-
premacy restored to her by parliament,
108. She appoints ecclesiastical com-
missioners, 1 10. Is afraid of reforming
too far, 118. 146. Her injunctions about
religion, 127. She retains images, and
several Popish ceremonies in her chapel,
132. Assists the confederate Protestants
in Scotland, 139. The pope writes to
her, 142. She is averse to the married
clergy, 146. Her supremacy confirmed,
ib. She writes to the archbishops to en-
force the act of uniformity, 1.^4. Refuses
to ratify the bishops' advertisements,
156. 168. 173. She visits the university
of Cambridge, 179. A remarkable in-
stance of her stretching the prerogative,
197. Her dangerous sickness, and the
hazard of the reformation at that time,
204. She assists the confederate Pro-
testants of France and Holland, 20.).
Rebellion of her Popish subjects, 206.
She is excommunicated by the pope, ib.
Proceedings of her parliament there-
upon, 207. She is very arbitrary with
her parliament, 215. 220. 229. And
stops their attempts for a farther refor-
mation, 239. Her inveteracy against
the Puritans, and attempt to suppress
them, 246. 250. She was favourable to
the Papists, 271. Persecutes the Ana-
baptists, 273. Her reasons for putting
down the religious exerci^esof the clergy,
284, n. 288. Her letter to the bishop of
London for that purpose, 284, //. Grin-
dal's honest advice to her, 287. For
which she sequesters and confines him,
288. Her designed marriage with the
duke of Anjou, 'J96. She forbids a fast
appointed by the commons, 297. And
the private fastings of the clergy, ib.
She requires full conformity, 298. Con-
tinues to assist foreign Protestants, 307.
Grants a commission of concealments, ib.
But revokes it, 308. Grants a new ec-
clesiastical commission, 330. Again stops
the parliament's proceedings for a far-
ther reform, 366. A plot of the Papists
against her life, 369. Rejects the bill for
the better observation of the sabbath,
371. Stops other bills for reform, 385.
Another plot of the Papists against her,
S86. Puritans petition her, but in vain,
.$90. Her conduct in the Spanish inva-
sion, 398. She again stops the proceed-
ings of parliament, 399. Prohibits the
books against the church, 404. Her arbi-
trary messages to the parliament, 423.
425. She repents of putting Barrowe
and Greenwood, twoBrownists, to death,
437. Dislikes the predestinarian con-
troversy, 455. She again stops the par-
liament's proceedings, 461. 464. Her
death and character, 471. The editor's
supplemental reflections on her reign,
473—479.
Elizabeth, princess, married to the
elector palatine, ii. 86.
Elliot, sir John, his speech in parlia-
ment, ii. 167. He dies in prison, 171.
Of his portrait, ib. n.
Elliot, Rev, Mr. removes to New-
England, ii. 197.
Elliston, Mr. his sufferings, 7.353.
Engagement, a new oath established
to the commonwealth, iv. 2. Enforced,
8. To be taken by the whole nation, ib.
Refused by the Presbyterians, 9. Cava-
liers and sectarians take it, ib. Reasons
for and against it, 10. Tendered to the
universities, 25.
England's Complaint, &c. a pamphlet
against the canons, ii. 305.
English Pope, a work printed in 1643.
A smart quotation from it, ii. 262.
English Puritanism, a treatise by Mr.
Bradshaw, abstract from it, ii. 55.
Enthusiasm, rise of it in the army,
iii. 229. A farther account of it, 313.
Episcopacy, rise of the controversy
about its divine right, i. 395. The con-
troversy carried on, 446. Restored in
Scotland, ii. 75, &c. Pamphlets for and
against, 344. Bishop Hall's defence of
it, and answer by Smectymmuis, 345.
Remarks, 351. Bill for its abolition,
498. Remarks, 500, Debated in the
treaty of Uxbridge, iii. 216. Between
the king and Mr. Henderson, 284. Abo-
lished by parliament, 306. Debated in
the treaty of Newport, 426. Remarks,
432. Archbishop Usher's sentiments
about it, 441. State of, before the Re-
storation, iv. 208. Restored in Scotland,
against the king's mind, 311, 312. Re-
stored in Ireland, 314. Abolished in
Scotland, v. 85. Which excites disaffec-
tion to the government, and to the Eng-
lish dissenters, 86. Cromwell tolerates
episcopalians, iv. 72.
Erastians, their opinion of church-go-
vernment, iii. 116. Their chief patrons
in the assembly of divines, and in the
parliament, 117. Their objections to
the divine rigi)t of presbytery, 236.
Their conduct, 240. Their opinion
about suspension and excommunication,
242.
Erasmus's Paraphrase on the Gospels
INDEX.
clxxvii
in English, ordered to be set up in
churches, i. 127.
Erastus's famous book De Excom-
niunicatione, anecdote of it, i. 465, n.
His principles, ii. author's preface, ix.
Erudition of a Christian Man, a re-
markable book, called the King's Book,
an account of, i. 29, and n. Remarks
upon it, 31.
Essex, earl of, his character, ii. 314.
Character of his party, 3l5. Arrives in
London after the battle of Edge-hill, iii.
1. Is defeated in Cornwall, 89. He is
removed, 228. His death and character,
315.
Essex, petitions for their deprived mi-
nisters, i. 328, 349. Names of those that
were suspended, 345, n.
Et cetera oath, ii. 302. Objections
against it, 325.
Evans, Dr. John, some account of, p.
xxi of memoirs of Neal prefixed to vol.
i. n.
Evans, Catherine, ice. travels and
history of, v. 234.
Ewins, Mr. some particulars of him,
V. 199, and n.
Exchequer shut up, iv. 405.
Exclusion bill brought in, iv. 452.
Brought in again, 458. 467.
Excommunication, Puritans' notion of
it, i. 427, and n. Terrible consequences of
it in spiritual courts, ii. 32. Canon about
it, 304. Opinions of the Presbyterians,
Independents, and Erastians, on it, iii.
242. Ordinance for it, 244.
Executions for Treason, a book so
called, quoted, i. 88.
Exercises, religious. — See Prophesy-
ings.
Exeter besieged by a Popish faction,
in Edward VI.'s time, i. 48. The inha-
bitants relieved by lord Russel, ib. It
surrenders to the parliament-army, and
the princess Henrietta, the king's
daughter, made prisoner there, but
escapes to France, iii. 272.
Exhortation to the Governors, &c. a
book published by Mr. Penry in 1588,
i. 438.
Exhortation to the taking of the solemn
league and covenant, iii. 63. Answered,
64.
Exiles for religion in queen Mary's
days, i. 74. 93. Their petition to her in
behalf of the sufferers at home, 84. Dis-
putes among them about the ceremonies
and service-book, which gave rise to the
Puritans, 93. They appeal to Calvin,
96. Some of them set up the Geneva dis-
cipline, 97. Their reasons for laying
aside the rites and ceremonies, 98. Re-
marks upon the breach between them,
ib. Farther difference among them, 100.
VOL. V.
They return home on queen Elizabeth's
accession, and with what temper, 105.
Their good resolutions, 107. — See Re-
formers.
Factories, English, in Holland, regu-
lations of them projected by Laud, ii.
205.
Fagius comes to England, i. 42. His
bones dug up and burnt by the Papists,
89.
Fairfax, general, his character, iii. 228.
King's clergy's petition to him, 358.
Counter- petition of the Presbyterian
clergy to him, 359. He suppresses the
cavaliers in Kent and Essex, 407.
Faith, the first reformers' opinion about
it,i. 29, n.
Falkland, lord, his speech for reform-
ing the hierarchy, ii. 365. Against the
earl of Stratford, 379.
False news, proclamation against
spreading, iv. 414.
Family of love, an enthusiastic sect, i.
273.
Farmer, Richard, some account of, v.
198.
Fast, voted by the commons, i. 297.
Forbid by the queen, ib. Parliament's
monthly one, iii. 37. The king's in op-
position, 38. Parliament's kept on Christ-
mas-day, 140. Occasional fasts, 38.
Fastingsof the clergy put down, i. 297.
Feasts of dedication, ii. 214. iii. 164.
Their rise, 168.
Featley, Dr. expelled the assembly of
divines, and taken into custody as a spy,
iii. 79. His death, 267. An account of
his book against the Baptists, 268, v.
His challenge in defence of the church of
England, 268. His character, and last
praj-er, 269.
Fell, Dr. vice-chancellor of Oxford,
treats the parliament's visiters with con-
tempt, iii. 374, 375. Is deprived of his
vice-chancellorship, and taken into cus-
tody, 377. Some farther account of him,
388. His death, &c. v. 47, 48.
Fell, xMrs. M. persecuted, v. 224.
Fellows, form of inducting the new-
ones at Cambridge, iii. 106.
Felton, stabs the duke of Buckingham,
ii, 163.
Fenner, Mr. defends the Puritans, i.
389, 390.
Feoffees, censured in the star-cham-
ber, ii. 201.
Ferrars, bishop, burnt, i. 84. He was
against the Popish gar.aients, 157.
Field, Mr. suspended, i. 328.
Field and Wilcox imprisoned for the
admonition to the parliament, i. 231.
Their apology, 2.32. Their supplication,
235. Their confession of faith, and pre-
m
dxxviii
INDEX.
face to it, 234, n. &c. Their conference
with the archbishop's chaplain, 235.
And hard usage, ib.
Field conventicles, act against, iv.
500.
Fifth-monarchy men, theur plot against
Cromwell, iv. 170. Their insurrection
after the Restoration, 278, 279, n. Con-
sequences of it, 279. Disowned by the
Independents, 280. By the Baptists,
281, and«. By the Quakers, 282, and n.
Fifths of estates allowed wives and
children of delinquents, iii. 33. And of
ejected clergymen, 114.
Finch, lord-chief-justice, his character,
ii. 135.
Finch, Rev. Mr. his case, iii. 26.
Finch, Dr. sent to invite the prince
of Orange, by the heads of colleges, to
Oxford, V. 66.
Fire of London, iv. 372. Produces a
sort of liberty to the Nonconformists,
373.
Firmin, Mr. George, his character of
Mr. Marshall, iv. 134.
First-fruits and tenths. — See Annates.
Fisher, bishop, refuses to take the
oath of succession and supremacy, i. 14.
Beheaded for it, 15, and 22.
Fisher, Mr. Samuel, his death, &c. iv.
371.
Fitz-Harris's sham plot, iv. 467. He is
executed, 468.
Five members, king goes to seize, ii.
457. Authors of that project, 458, and n.
Five-mile act, against Nonconformist
ministers, iv. 366, 367, n.
Five points, a declaration forbidding
to preach on them, iii. 179, 180.
Fleetwood, lieutenant-general, for de-
posing Richard Cromwell, iv. 192. Hen-
ry Cromwell's letter to him, 194. His
death, 196.
Fletcher, Dr. made bishop of London,
and persecutes the Puritans, i. 4.50. The
queen displeased at his second mar-
riage; his death, 451.
Ford, Mr. and others expelled the
university for preaching against Arraini-
anism and the new ceremonies, ii. 196.
Foreign Protestants take sanctuary in
England, i. 42. Their sentiments about
the habits and ceremonies, 163, &c.
Foreign Protestant churches disowned,
ii. 235. Laud discourages them, iii. 187.
189. 193.
Forma, promissionis et ohjurationis, i.
253.
Forms, &c. a variety of them in dif-
ferent churches, allowed oven by the
Papists, i. 44. This complained of in the
churcli of England, 154.
Fownes, Mr.George, history of, v. 199,
2(M>.
Fox, ]Mr. John, his letter to Ift. Hum-
phreys,i. 145. His Acts and 3Ionunients,
153. Neglected by the church for scru-
pling the habits, ib. Summoned before
the commissioners, but refuses to sub-
scribe, 173. Intercedes with the queen
to spare some Anabaptists that were con-
demned to be burnt, 273. His death and
character, 394, 395.
Fox, George, an account of him and
his parents, iv. 29, &c. and ns. His suf-
ferings, 31, 32, and ns. Is joined by
others, 33. A farther account of him, v.
206. 222, 223. 228. 253, &c.
Foxes and Firebrands, authors of, iv.
435, n.
France, war with it, ii. 154. French
ambassador's speech to the protector, iv.
79. Their conquests, 360. Declare war
with the Dutch, and overrun their coun-
try, 413. Their ministers employed to
enforce the idea of king Charles's being
a Protestant, 214, &c. Their conduct
after the Restoration, 315.
Frankfort, the congregation there, and
their manner of worship, i. 94. Inter-
rupted by Dr. Cox and his party, 96.
Remarks on that affair, 98. The congre-
gation divided again, 100. Their new
book of discipline, ib.
Frederick elector palatine marries the
princess ElizabeUi, ii. 86. Chosen king
of Bohemia, 108. Defeated, and dri-
ven out of his kingdom, 109.
Freemen of London to be disfran-
chised for not going to church, i. 197.
Free-will, the first reformers' opinion
about it, i. 29, n. Rise of the contro-
versy about it, 89. — See Predestina-
tion.
Freke, Dr. made bishop of Norwich,
i. 280. His severity against the Puritans,
292. And against the Brownists, 305.
His articles against the justices, ib.
French church in London restored, i.
137.— See Dutch.
French match, ii. 125. Completed,
and the consequences of it, 133, 134.
Frewen, Dr. an account of, iv. 243,
and 71.
Frith, John, burnt, i. 16.
Frith, Simon, publishes a book against
friars, i. 15.
Fuce, Joseph, his sufferings, v. 226,
227.
Fuller, Mr. his sufferings, ii. 39.
Fuller and Grey's idea of supersti-
tion, ii. 427, n.
Fundamentals in religion, attempts
to settle them, iv. 89. Committee to
draw them up, ib. The articles, 89, &c.
Remarks, 91.
Gag, k new for ihc old Go«{>el, some
INDEX,
clxxix
account of this work, ii. 127. And of
the work, Apcllo Cesarem, 127. 143.
146.
Gale, Mr. Theophilus, his death and
character, iv. 4ol, 452, n.
Galloway, Mr. P. his account of the
Hampton-court conference, ii. 12.
Gangraena, Mr. Edwards's, iii. SlO.
Remarks, 312.
Gaping Gulf, a treatise against the
designed French match with the queen,
for which the author, &c. had their hands
cut off, i. 296.
Gardiner, bishop, sent to the Fleet
prison for protesting against the injunc-
tions and homilies, i. 40. His farther per-
secution, 47. Deprived of his bishop-
rick, 61. Restored by queen Mary, 73.
Commissioned to persecute the Protest-
ants, 83. His cruelty to Dr. Taylor the
martyr, 84. His farther cruelties, 85.
His remarkable illness and death, 86.
Gardiner, Mr. his melancholy case,
and hard usage, i. 377.
Garments, Popish. — See Habits.
Gataker, Mr. Thomas, his death, &c.
iv. 115.
Gatches, Raymond, his letter to Mr.
Baxter, on the king's constancy in reli-
gion, iv. 214.
Gatford's treatise for the vindication
of the use of the common prayer men-
tioned, iv. 101.
Gauden, Dr. his protestation against
trying the king, iii. 448. The author of
Eikoon Basilike, 459. His behaviour in
the Savoy conference, iv. 303.
Gaunt, Mrs. burnt, v. 9.
Gawton, Mr. his bold letter to the
bishop of Norwich, i. 280.
General assembly in Scotland, their
protestation against setting up bishops
there, ii. 74. General assembly at Glas-
gow, 280. Dissolved, but continues sit-
ting, and their reasons for it, 281. Their
acts, 283. They depose the bishops, ib.
General assembly at Edinburgh, 290.
Their reasons to induce the convention
of states to assist the English parHament,
iii. 56.
General and particular Baptists, iii.
132.
Geneva discipline set up by some of
the English exiles at Geneva, i. 97.
Geneva divines, their opinion of the
habits, Sec. i. 164.
Geneva Bible, account of it, i. 135.
ii. 80.
Gerhard and Vowel executed, iv. 82.
Lord Clarendon's account of their dving
behaviour, ib. n.
German and Dutch church establish-
ed in London, i. 60. Put down by
queen Mary, 74. Restored under queen
Elizabeth, 136. Forbid to admit Puri-
tans to their communion, 261. — See
Dutch.
Germany kindly shelters the reformers
who fled from queen Mary's persecution,
i. preface, vi. Disputes there occasioned
by the Interim, 55.
Gerrard, Mr. burnt, i. 28.
Gibson, William, history of, v. 267.
Gilford, Mr. his sufferings, i. 347.
Giles's, St. church, consecrated by
Laud, ii. 192.
Gillibrand's almanack, iii. 181. 183.
Gilpin, Mr. Bernard, his death and
extraordinary character, i. 315, &c.
Glamorgan, earl of, his treaty with the
Irish Papists, iii. 225.
Gloria patri, of standing up at it, iii.
175.
Gloucester, city of, besieged by
Charles 1. but relieved by the earl of
Essex, iii, 20.
Godfathers and godmothers, opinion
of the Puritans about them, i. 194.
Godfrey, sir Ed. particulars of his
murder, iv. 448, and »;.
Good, Mr. of Exeter, prevails with
the ministers to enter into an association
of concord, &c. iv. 75.
Goodman, a priest, reprieved by the
king, ii. 372, 373.
Goodwin, Dr. Thomas, retires to Hol-
land, ii. 288.
Goodwin, Mr. John, some account of
him and his writings, iii. 330. His reply
to Mr. Jenkins, ib. Writes in defence of
the king's death, 461. His book burnt,
iv. 277.
Goodwin, Dr. Thomas, his death and
character, iv. 455, and h.
Good works, our first reformers' opi-
nion about them, i. 30, n.
Goodyear, Thomas, his ill treatment,
V. 216.
Goring, lord, his character, iii. 91.
Gosnold, Mr. John (a friend of Tillot-
son's),some account of, v, 201. His trea-
tise on baptism and laying on of hands,
202,
Gospellers, congregations of reformers
so called in queen Mary's reign, their
places of meeting, their discovery, and
fate, i. 92.
Gouge, Dr. William, his death and
character, iv. 76.
Gouge, Mr. Thomas, his death, &c. iv.
474, 475, n.
Gough's history of the Quakers, ab-
stracted in this edition, see vol. v. 203.
Govan, captain, executed in Scotland,
iv. 313.
Government, remarks on the change
of it on Cromwell's turning out the long-
parliament, iv, 62.
m 2
clxxx
INDEX.
Governmeat of women, abook against,
i. 227.
Granger, remarks from hira, ii. 228, n.
Grearseal, a new one ordered by par-
liament, iii. 86.
Greaves, Mr. some account of him,
iii. 391.
Greenham, Mr. suspended, i. 281.
Greenville, sir Rich, his character and
behaviour in the v^ar, iii. 90.
Greenwood, the Brownist minister,
tried with Barrow, &c. and executed, i.
436.
Greenwood, Dr. some account of hira,
iii. 393.
Greenwood, Dr. D. a Presbyterian
divine, vice-chancellor of Oxford, iv. 25.
Grenville, sir John, brings letters
from the king at Breda to the house of
lords, &c. and his reward for it, iv. 229,
and n. 230.
Grey, lady Jane, proclaimed queen,
i. 72. Tried for high-treason, 75. Exe-
cuted with her husband, 76.
Grey, Dr. some account of him, and of
his examination of Mr. Neal's history,
vol. ii. editor's advertisement, p. v. vi.
Quoted, and observed on in notes of p.
2. 29. 55, &c. 130. 162. 181. 208. 220.
225. 22b. 245. 261. 330. 355. 418.
Quoted, and observed on also in tlie
notes of vol. iii. p. 2—5. 41. 48. 69. 92,
93. 124. 147. 175. 204. 223. 299, 300.
345. 361. 411. 435, 436. 439. Refe-
rences, &c. to him, iv. 156, 157. 160.
168. 203. 276.311. 376, 377.443,444.
Grievances complained of by the Pu-
ritans, i. 380. In the state, ii. 68. Peti-
tions about them, 70, &c. In religion, 441.
Grimstone, sir Harbottle, his speech
against Laud, ii. 330.
Grindal, Dr. made bishop of London,
i. 123. Was against the habits, though
he conformed, 159. Of a mild temper,
168. 183. Several Puritans examined
before hira, 198. White's smart letter to
hira, 202. Is made archbishop of York,
215. Suppresses a letter to the queen
from the elector palatine in favour of the
Puritans, 221. Cannot go the lengths of
archbishop Parker, 226. Sampson's plain
dealing with him, 267. He is made arch-
bishop of Canterbury, 275. Petitions to
bim in behalf of Mr. Stroud, 281. He
regulates the prophesyings, 283. Re-
fuses to put them down, and writes to
the queen in their behalf, 286. For which
he is sequestered and confined, 288. He
submits in part, ib. Licenses Puritan
ministers to preach, 292. Admits of
Prt'sbylerian ordination, 3l0. His death
and character, 318.
Grosvenor, Dr. B. p. xxv of life of
Neai prefixed to vol. i. n.
Growth of Power, and Argument to
Grand Juries; a pamphlet, supposed bj
Andrew Marvel, great rewards offered
for the author, &c. iv. 434.
Gualter, his advice to the English re-
formers, i. 106. Their answers, 107. His
letters against the habits, 163.
Guernsey and Jersey, reduced to con-
formity, ii. 63, &c.
Guest, Dr. bishop of Rochester, his
opinion of the ceremonies, i. 160.
Guise, Dr. John, p. xxiii of the life of
Neal prefixed to vol. i. n.
Gunning, bishop, his behaviour in the
Savoy conference, iv. 300. 303. His zeal
against the Nonconformists, 396.
Gunpowder-plot, ii. 45. To be fathered
on the Puritans, 46.
Guthrie, Mr. executed in Scotland,
iv. 312.
Habernfield's plot, archbishop Laud's
conduct in relation to it, iii. 195.
Habits or vestments, the reformers'
opinions of then), i. 45. Who were the
heads of the two parties.. 46. Rise of the
controversy about them, 55. Hooper re-
fuses them, 56. Judgment of foreign di-
vines about them, 57. And of the reform-
ing clergy at home, 59, 60, n. The
Puritans write to the courtiers against
pressing them, 155. But the bishops are
for enforcing them, 156. More sentiments
of the first reformers about them, 157,
&c. State of the question, 161. Farther
sentiments of foreign divines on them,
163, &c. The English laity averse to
them, 166. 187. The bishops' injunctions
for enforcing them, 167. Dr. Humphreys
and Sampson cited, and examined about
them, 168. Their arguments against
them, 169, 170, u. Reasons of the de-
prived London clergy for refusing them,
174, &:c. n. They are scrupled by the
university of Cambridge, 180. Abstract
of the reasons of the deprived ministers
against them, 183. And of the Puritans
in general, 195.
Hacket executed, and the Puritans
not concerned with him,i. 422, 423.
Hackett, Rev. Dr. his defence of deans
and chapters, ii. 392.
Hackstone, his execution, and invin-
cible courage, iv. 500.
Hctretico comburendo de, act repealed,
iv. 443, and v.
Hakewell, Dr. some account of hiro,
iii. 386.
Hale, sir Matthew, made lord-chief-
justice by Cromwell, iv. 78. His upright
conduct, v. 255.
Hales, judge, his hard usage, i. 74.
Hales, John, of Eton, his death, cha-
racter, and works, iv, 149, 150, u.
INDEX,
clxxxi
Hall, bishop, bis divine right of epis-
copacy, ii. 292. Revised and altered by
Laud, 293. His defence of liturgies, 345.
Answered by Smectymnuus, ib. His
concessions about liberty of prayer, 348.
His farther defence of episcopacy, 349.
His death and character, iv. 148, n.
Hall, William, of Congleton, perse-
cuted, V. 260.
Hamilton, marquis of, sent high-com-
missioner into Scotland, ii. 278. De-
claims against lay-elders, 281. Duke
Hamilton enters England with the Scots
army, iii. 408. Is defeated by Crom-
well, 410.
Hammond, Dr. his vindication, iii.
329. Farther account of him, 392. His
protestation against trying the king and
putting him to death, 449. His death
and character, iv. 287.
Hampden, Mr. his character, ii. 316.
His death, &c. iii. 83.
Hampton-Court conference, procla-
mation for it, ii. 8. Persons concerned
in it, 9. Partial accounts of it, 10 — 18.
First day's conference, 10. Remarks
upon it, 12. Second day's conference,
ib. Remarks upon it, 17. Third day's
conference, 18. Remarks on the whole,
18. Puritans refuse to be concluded by
it, and their reasons, 19.
Happiness, on, a celebrated work, by
Mr. Bolton, ii. 199, 200, w.
Harbour for Faithful Subjects, a trea-
tise against the wealth, &c. of bishops,
by Aylmer, before his own advancement,
i. 276. 353.
Hardcastle, Mr. Thomas, some ac-
count of, V. 199.
Harman, Mr. some account of him, iii.
398.
Harris, Dr. William, some account of
him, p. XXV of life of Neal prefixed to
vol. i. n.
Harris, Dr. of Honiton, his history
quoted, vol. ii. notes to p. 9 and 10. 101,
131. 384, and in other places ; iii. 291,
292, &c. ns. &c.
Harris, Dr. of Trinity-college, some
account of, iii. 394.
Harris, Dr. John, his death, iv. 188.
Harris, Dr. Robert, his death, &c. iv.
189, 190, n.
Harsnet, bishop, and others, grounds
of his and their rise at court, ii.l26, and n.
Harve}^ Mr. suspended, i. 280.
Hai-wood,Dr. his character of Fell's
Greek Testament, 12mo. v. 47.
Hayden, Rev. Mr. of Devonshire, his
sufferings, ii. 201.
Heads of colleges in Oxford that sub-
mitted to the parliament, and kept their
places, iii. 385. Their characters, ib.
List of those wlio were 'ejected, and of
those who succeeded, S8B. Character
of the former, ib. &c. Of the latter, 392.
Tneir behaviour, 398. Heads and fel-
lows of colleges restored, iv. 240, &c.
Heath, bishop, deprived, i. 55. 64.
Restored, 73. His speech against the
act of uniformity, 119. Deprived again,
121.
Heavens, Elizabeth, and Elizabeth
Fletcher, their cruel treatment, v. 213,
and n.
Helwise, Mr. Thomas, an account of
him and his works, v. 142 — 144.
Henchman, bishop, character of, iv.
444, and n.
Henderson, Mr. his speech against
bishops in the treat}' of Uxbridge, iii.
216. His conference with the king about
episcopacy, &c. 283. His first reply,
284. His second, 287. His third, s;90.
Plis pretended recantation, 293. The
falseness of it, 294, and n. See also the
papers in the Appendix, No. X.
Henry VIII. his birth and character,
i. 7. Obtains the title of defender of the
faith, by the pope, for writing against
Luther, ib. Moves the pope to be di-
vorced from his queen Catherine, and
appeals to the principal universities of
Europe, 8. Breaks with the pope for
not granting the divorce, 9. Assumes the
title of supreme head of the church, 10.
Is divorced, and marries Ann Boleyn,
12. The clergy submit to him, 13. Ob-
tains the first-fruits and tenths, 14.
Monasteries surrendered to him, and
suppressed, 16, 17. Articles of religion
devised by bin), 19. He is excommuni-
cated by the pope, 21. His injunctions
in consequence, for regulating the beha-
viour of the clergy, 22. Obstacles to a
farther reformation in his reign, 24. He
persecutes the Protestants and Papists,
28. 32. State of the reformation at his
death, 33. His death, 34.
Henry, prince, his death and charac-
ter, ii. 86. His death by poison discuss-
ed, 86, iu
Henry, Mr. Philip, his sufferings, iv.
474.
Henshaw's, bishop, persecuting spirit,
iv. 396, n.
Heretics, rise of the penal laws
against, i. 5. Reflections thereon, ib.
Some of those laws repealed, 13. 40..
Revived in queen Mary's reign, 82..
Again repealed, 108. Several burnt, 49.
Herle, Mr. Charles, one of the as-
sembly of divines, iii. 47. His opinion
of the apologetical narration of the In-
dependents, &c. 120. Prolocutor, and
one of the committee of the assembly of
divines, for forming the confession of
faith and catechism, iii. 3f8. His speech
clxxxii
INDE]^.
at the cqiiclusion, S2S. His death, iv.
Hertford, earl of, chosen protector
and governor of Edward VI. i. 37.
Hertford, marquis of, his declaration
concerning church-government, with a
remark from Warburton, iii. 218, and 7?.
Hewet, a poor apprentice, burnt, i. 16.
Hewet, Dr. liis trial, iv. 171. He is
condemned and executed, ib.
Plejiin, his unreasonable reflection
upon Edward VI. i. 69.
Hey wood, justice, stabbed by a Pa-
pist, ii. 371.
Hierarchy of the church, objections of
the Puritans against it, i. 191. Opposed
by Cartwright, 212. The Brownists'
opinion of it, 429, n. Petitions against
it, ii. 355, &c. In favour of it, 358, &c.
Slinisters' petition for reforming it, 360.
The king interposes in favour of it, ib.
Speeches against it, 361, &c. Speeches
for reforming it, 365. Otliers, for and
against it, 389, &c.
High-church clergy, their character,
iv. v347. Their conduct, 473.
High-coraniission-court, erected by
(jueen Elizabeth, i. preface, viii. The rise
of it, 109. A great grievance to the
$]ibject, 110. Tlie first in queen Eliza-
beth's reign, 131. Their proceedings, ib.
167. 170. 172. Their new injunctions,
with the consequences of them, 177.
Their arbitrary doings, 235. 255. Their
farther proceedings, 247, 248. A new
one appointed, and the preamble to the
commission, 330, and 7J. Copy of it, ib.
The reason of the name, and their juris-
diction, 331, &c. Their powers debated,
332. Their power of imprisonment, 334.
Of their fines, and power to frame arti-
cles for the clergy, ib. Manner of their
proceeding, and form of citation, 335,
dec. Their interrogatories framed by
Whitgift, .337, n. Their prohibition to
preach in tlie city without a licence, 392.
Their powers debated in Mr. Cawdery's
case, 420. Their cruelty set forth by
the Brownists, 431. Their proceedings
against the Puritans, ii. 37. Petition
of the parliament against it, 71. Griev-
ances in its execution, 73. Summary
account of their arbitrary proceedings,
137. Farther account of them, 284. Act
for its abolition, 406.
High court of justice for the trial of
Charles I. iii. 454.
Hildersham, Mr. his form of recanta-
tion and sufferings, i. 394. His death
and character, ii. 197,
Hill, Dr. some account of, iii. 103.
His death, iv. 77, and //.
Hill, Mr. called Consul, Bibulus by
Laud, and why, iii. C03.
History of Nonconformity, octavo,
1708, mentioned, iv. 296, ii. An account
of their meetings; a pamphlet, 437.
Conformist's Plea, 473. Nonconform-
ists' Plea, 485.
Histriomatrix, a book against plays,
&c. by Mr. Prynne ; some account of
this and his other works, and of the con-
sequences, ii. 226, and n. 227.
Hitton, Mr, burnt at Smithfield, i. 16.
Hoadley, bishop, a reflection of his,
iii. 83, 11.
Holdswortli, Dr. some account of, iii.
100.
Holgate, archbishop of York, sent to
the Tower, i. 73.
HoHis, Denzil, esq. his character, ii.
316.
HoHis, the cosmopolite, his memoirs
quoted, iii. 189, jj.
Holmby-house, Charles I. carried thi-
ther, iii. 304. How he lived there, 305.
Holt, in Norfolk, the religious exer-
cises tliere, commended by the privy-
council, i. 263.
Homilies, first book of, i. 38. A se-
cond book, 135.
Honiton magistrates, at its quarter-
sessions act with great severity towards
some Quakers, v. 204. Others at differ-
ent towns act witli great injustice and
cruelty to them, ib. and 205, «Scc.
Hood, Dr. some account of, iii. 385.
Hooker's Ecclesiastical Polity, ac-
count of that book, i. 446. General
principles contained in it, ib. Remarks
upon them, 447.
Hooker, Rev. Mr. removes to New-
England, ii. 230.
Hooper, bishop, his character, i. 55.
Refuses the habits, and his reasons for
it, 56. Ill treated for it, 58. Complies a
little, and is made bishop of Gloucester,
ib. His character as a bishop and a
preacher, 59. Imprisoned by queen
Mary, 73. His martyrdom, 83. His ex-
cellent letters to Bullinger, 6cc. ib.
Horn, Dr. flies beyond sea, i. 74.
Made bishop of Winchester, 123.
Preaches for the habits, 156. But was
not fond of them at first, 158.
Hornbeck, professor, translates into
Latin the Independents* declaratlou of
faith, iv. 174.
Hotham, sir John, his character, ii.
316. Proclaiiued a traitor by the king,
476.
House and field conventicles in Scotr
land, iv. .500.
Howe, Mr. his conversation with
archbishop Tillotson, on his sermon
preached 1680, vol. i. preface, xiii, n.
Howe, INIr. Samuel, some account of
him, ii. 341, and u. Of his trcalifce,«a-
INDEX.
•Ixxxiii
titled, The Sufficiency of the Spirit's
Teaching, ib.
Howe, Rev. John, chaplain to the
young protector, one of the synod of the
Independents, iv. 173. Imprisoned,
271. Against the dispensing power,
V. 33. Anecdote, &c. 36, and 7i. 37.
Howgill, Francis, his sufferings, v.
225. Death, &c. 246.
Hoyle, Dr. account of, iii. 393.
Hubbard, Mr. p. xxiii of life of Neal
prefixed to vol. i. n.
Hubberthorn, Richard, his death, &c.
V. 240.
Hubbock, Mr. his sufferings, i. 419.
Hubert, a man who suffered for the
fire of London, iv. 373, and n.
Huddlestone's treatise, A Short and
Plain Way, &c. mentioned iv. 50.
Hughes, Dr. O. p. xxv of the life of
Neal prefixed to vol. i. n.
Hughes, Rev. George, prevails on mi-
nisters to enter into an association of con-
cord, &c. iv. 75. His death and cha-
racter, 380, and n.
Hull, the king denied entrance there,
ii. 476.
Humble petition and advice, iv. 153.
Article relating to religion in it, ib. Re-
marks, 155.
Humphreys, Dr. his letter against the
habits, i. 161. Cited with Mr. Sampson
before the ecclesiastical commissioners,
168. Their letter to them, ib. Their an-
swers to the archbishop's questions, 169,
n. Humphreys's letter to the queen, 171.
He obtains a toleration, and at last con-
forms, ib. His death, 399.
Hunt, Dr. J. p. xxv of life of Neal
prefixed to vol. i. n.
Hutchinson, colonel, adopts the prin-
ciples of the Baptists, v. 158. Some ac-
count of his family, 160. Is violently
persecuted, 162. Chosen member of par-
liament, 163. His death and character,
164.
Jacob, Mr. Henry, ii. 44. Sets up In-
dependency in England, 92.
Jacomb, Dr. Thomas, his death, &c.
V. 45, and n.
Jackson, Mr. Arthur, his death, iv.
374. Anecdotes of him, 375, n.
Jamaica, taken from the Spaniards, iv.
120.
James I. bom, i. 190. Writes to queen
Elizabeth in favour of Mr. Udal, 414.
Writes to her again in favour of Mr.
Cartwright and his brethren, 418. From
a rigid Calvinist becomes an Arminian,
and an enemy to the Puritans, ii. au-
thor's preface, p. xi. His children, ii. 2.
His behaviour previous to his coming to
England, and his declaration in the gene-
ral assembly in favour of the kirk, ib.
His sudden change on coming, 3. Appli-
cation of the Papists, bishops, French and
Dutch churches to him, 3, 4. His answer
to the latter, ib. Application of the Puri-
tans to him, 4. Proclamation for the Hamp-
ton-court conference, 8. His behaviour in
it, 9, 10. 13 — 19,n. His speech at the first
day's conference, 10. Is satisfied about
some little scruples, 11. His reason for
permitting Popish books, 14. His speech
about uniformity, 16. And against Pres-
bytery, ib. Is flattered by the bishops,
&c. 17. His letter to Mr. Blake about
the Puritans, ib. He resolves to enforce
conformity, and publishes a proclama-
tion for that purpose, 18. 20. Proclama-
tions against the Jesuits and Puritans,
23. His speech to his parliament, ib.
Remarks on it, 24. His arbitrary pro-
ceedings, ib. and 67. 73. Ratifies the
canons, 34. Demands the opinion of the
twelve judges in regard to proceedings
agahist the Puritans, 36. His solemn
protestation against favouring Popery,
37. How the gunpowder-plot was dis-
covered to him, 46. His severe speech
against the Puritans, ib. His tenderness
and respect to the Papists, 47. Confirms
the church-government of Guernsey and
Jersey, but afterward destroys it, 63, 64.
His prerogative advanced above all law,
by the bishops' creatures, ib. Summons
the parliament to Whitehall, and makes
an arbitrary speech to them, 69. Their
remonstrance thereon, 70. Their petition
to him in favour of the Puritans, ib.
And against the high-commission, 71.
Dissolves them in anger, 73. Project for
restoring episcopacy in Scotland, &c.
74, &c. Translation of the Bible in his
reign, 79. His zeal against Vorstius, 84.
State of his court, 85, 86. Marries his
daughter to the elector palatine, 86.
Calls a parliament, and dissolves them
in anger, 88. His discourse in the star-
chamber, 93. His progress into Scotland ,
and behaviour there, 100. His weak
management in the affair of Bohemia,
109. Of a zealous Calvinist he becomes
a favourer of the Arrainians, 112. His
speech to his parliament, 113. He ad-
journs them, 1 14. Writes to the speaker,
and dissolves them, ib. Relaxes the laws
against Papists, 115. 125. His injunc-
tions to restrain preaching of Calvinism,
117. His proceedings in the Spanish
match, 119, &c. Speech to his parlia-
ment, 124. His remarkable answer to
their petition, ib. His letter to the pope,
125. He dies, 126. Summary state of
religion in his reign, ib. Character of him
and his court, 128. Supplemental re-
marks to his reign, by the editor, v. 114.
clxxxiv
INDEX.
• James II, His first speech to the
privv-council, v. 1. Universities' ad-
dresses to him, 2. And the Quakers', ib.
Begins with arbitrary and severe me-
thods, 3. His severity towards his ene-
mies, ib. Meets his parliament, 4. His
severe prosecution of the whigs, 7. His
speech to his parliament, 10. An open
war between him and tlie church, 15.
He caresses the dissenters, 16. Erects an
ecclesiastical commission, 23. His stand-
ing army, 24. Invades the privileges of
the universities, 27, 28. He courts the
dissenters, 28 and 29, n. His speech in
council for liberty of conscience, 29, and
w. His declaration for indulgence, 30
and 31, n. Remarks, 32. Goes a pro-
gress, 40, and u. Changes the magistrates
in corporations, 41. Goes into rash and
violent measures, 42. Attempts to con-
vert the princess of Orange to Popery,
48. Attempts the prince, 50. His queen
declared to be with child, 51. His se-
cond declaration for liberty of conscience,
52. His answer to the bishops, 56, and
«. Remark, ib. Sends the bishops to the
Tower, 57, and n. Suspected birth of
the prince of Wales, 60. He has intelli-
gence of the prince of Orange's expedi-
tion, 62. His proceedings upon it, ib.
He applies to the bishops, but wavers,
63. His preparations against the prince
of Orange, 65. He leaves the kingdom,
67. Outlines of a memorial presented to
him by a Jesuit, for entirely rooting out
the Protestant religion, v. 280.
James, Mr. J. his sufferings, iv. 478.
484. v. 173. 178.
Janeway, Mr. James, his death, &c.
iv. 426.
January 30th, act for its observation,
iv. 272. Remark, ib. n.
Jeanes, Mr. Henry, his death, &c. iv.
343.
Jenkyn, Mr. William, his sufferings,
death, &c. iv. 496, and t?.
Jefferies, judge, his scurrilous treat-
ment of Mr. Baxter, v. 5. His cruelties
in the west of England, 8. He is taken
and sent to the Tower, 66.
Jennings, Dr. p. xxiii of life of Neal
prefixed to vol. i. «.
Jerome, Mr. burnt, i. 28.
Jersey and Guernsey, reformation
there, and their book of discipline, i.
270. Reduced to conformity, ii. 63, &c.
Jessey, Henry, memoirs of, iv.361 , &c.
His great kindness to the Jews, 363.
Jesuits, proclamation against them, ii.
23. Jesuits' letter about the growth of
Arminianisni, 158.
Jewel, Mr. (afterward bishop) sub-
scribes in queen Mary's reign, but after-
,.ar'i r"- -r-t. . oi "hj, |,.(t,.r f,, Bui-
linger about a thorough reformation, lOT.
He preaches for the habits, 156. But in-
veighed against them before, 159. His
death, character, and writings, 224, 225.
Jews, the lord-protector Cromwell is
for encouraging and admitting them, iv.
126. Arguments for and against it, 127.
Remarks, 128. Mr. Jessey 's goodness to
them, 363.
Images in part taken from churches, i.
24. Taken wholly away, 37. 42. Set up
again, 77. Pulled down again, 142, &e.
Images and crucifixes countenanced by
Laud, iii. 161. Their antiquity, ib.
Impropriations, of buying them up, iii.
186, 187.
Indemnity, act of, published by th«
long-parliament, iv. 53.
Independent church-government, its
rise, i. 447, &c. Independents, who was
the first of them, ii. 43. Rise of them in
England, 92. Their manner of erecting a
church, ib. Their history continued, 340.
They appear in public, 342.
Independents in the assembly of di-
vines, iii. 117. Their apologetical nar-
ration, 118. Vindication of them, 121.
Debates with them about ordination, 234.
Their objections to the divine right of
presbytery, 236. They complain of their
usage in the assembly, 240. Their opi-
nion about suspension and excommuni-
cation, 243. Design of a comprehension
for them defeated by the Presbyterians,
256. Their proposals for a toleration, 2.57.
Their reply to the Presbyterians, 258.
Their second reply, 260. Their declara-
tion at the end of the debate, ib. They
were for a limited toleration, 263. They
are courted by the king, 265. Oppose
the Presbyterians' remonstrance against
sectaries, 277. Their separate views, 331 .
Their behaviour with regard to the king's
death, 453. How far they were concerned
in it, 465. Friends to the protector, iv.
81. Hold a synod, and agree upon a
confession of faith, 172, and 7j. 173. Ab-
stract of it, 174. Of their discipline, in-
dependency of churches, their opinions,
6cc. 174, 175, and n. Their sentiments
on liberty, 176. Remarks, 177. Monk'.«!
letter to them, 216. Their behaviour
against Monk and the Presbyterians,
220. Their rise, and resolute progress
through the Avar, ib. Their state at the
Restoration, 245. They disown Venner's
insurrection, 280. Their address to king
James, v. 34.
Indians, corporation for propagating
the gospel among them, iv. 15. Progress,
&c. of it, ib.
Indulgences granted by the church to
Protestant Nonconformists, not prejudi-
' i;il t(^ it, i. preface ix. Nonconforniisi.s'
INDEX.
rlxxxT
petition for it, iv. S50. Charles's decla-
ration concerning it, 351. Supported by
his speech to the parliament, 353. Ad-
dress of the commons against it, ib. Re-
marks, 354. The king moves for a gene-
ral indulgence, 378. The parliament pe-
titions against it, 379. Another project
for it, and how it was resented, 406. A
new declaration of indulgence, 407.
The Nonconformists not forward to ac-
cept it by the dispensing power, 409.
King James's declaraton of indulgence,
V. 30. His second, 5*2. Appointed to be
read in all churches, 54. With which
some of the bishops comply, 55. But
others refuse, ib. Consequences, 56, 57.
Infant baptism, ou what ground it was
founded by the reformers, i. 147, n.
Informers, ii. 238. iv. 437. Their me-
thod, 438. Their infamous lives and
death, ib. Are encouraged by the court
and bishops, 439.
Ingoldsby, colonel, his case, iv. 273,n.
Injunctions of Henry VIII. on the
clergy, i. 22. Of Edward VI. 39, «. Of
queen Mary, 76. Of Elizabeth, 127. Of
icing James to restrain the preachino- of
Calvinism, ii. 117, Remarks, ib. In-
junctions against lecturers, 225.
Innovations in the church, ii. 190.
Authors of them censured in parliament,
327. Votes against them, 343. Commit-
tee for considering them, 395, &c. Bili
against them, iii. 11. Laud charged with
countenancing them, 160.
Institution of a Christian Man, a re-
markable book set forth, i. 23.
Instrument of government for the pro-
tector, abstract of it, iv. 68. Articles re-
lating to religion, 69. Remarks, 71,
Insurrections, i. 22. 47. 206. iv. 198.
278, 279.
Intellectual System, by Cudworth,
some account of this excellent work,, iii.
102, n.
Interim in Germany, what, and its
consecjuences, i. 55,
Interrogatories. Whitgift's twenty-four,
i, 337, 71, The lord-treasurer' .s remarks on
them, 339. Whitgift justifies them, 340.
Invocation of saints favoured by the
clergy, ii. 261,
Invocation to saints, and Mr. Monta-
gue's other writings, commented on, ii,
143. 146, 147. 149. 261.
Joan of Kent burnt, i. 50. Cranmer
the occasion of it, ib. Her character dis-
cussed, ib. n.
Johnson, Mr. a rigid Brownist, ii.
40,41.
Johnson, Mr. suspended, i. 227. His
farther sufferings and death, 254.
Johnston, Mr. his address to the Pro-
testant officers in James's army, and
his sufferings on that account, v. 25,
and 71.
Jones, lord -chief-justice, his observa-
tion to the king, with his reply, v.
15, n.
Joy, George, translates the Psalter,
Jeremiah, and the Song of Moses, ii. 79.
Ireland, abstract of the reformation
there, ii. 88. Scots settlements there, 89.
State of religion there, 160. The thirty-
nine articles received there, 231. Re-
duced by Cromwell, iv. 4, 5. Summary
account of its state, 6. Ordinance for
encouraging religion and learning there,
14. Incorporated with England, 82.
Popery revives there, 278. Episcopacy
restored, 314. Condition of it in James's
reign, v. 26.
Ireton confers with the king, iii. 345.
His speech in parliament, 354. Burnet's
opinion of the hand he had in the king's
death, 466. His death and character, iv.
53, n. and 54.
Irish forces brought over by the king,
iii. 69. Ill consequences of it, 70. The
affair debated in the treaty of Uxbridge,
213. Earl of Glamorgan concludes a
treaty with the Irish Papists, 225. As
also does the marquis of Ormond, 274.
Articles of it, ib. Parliament's commis-
sioners protest against it, 275.
Irish insurrection and massacre, ii.
429. Spreads terror over England, 430.
Authors of it, ib. Concern of the English
court in it, 432. Earl of Essex's account
of it, 433. And the marquis of Antrim's,
ib. Proceedings of the parliament upon
it, 435. Remarks, 437.
Judges, their opinion about depriva-
tions, prohibitions, and petitions, ii. 36,
37 Remarks thereon, ib. Their charac-
ter, 135, 136. Their opinion of the con-
vocation's sitting after the dissolution of
the parliament, 298.
Julian, the apostate, a book published
in 1682, some account of, v. 25, u.
Junius succeeded in the divinity
chair of Leyden by Arminins, ii. 67.
Jurisdiction of bishops and presbyters,
ii. 350.
Jury, judges of law as well as fact, iv.
18, v. A curious return of one for Sus-
sex, 65, 7i. A practice before this period,
ibid. n.
Jus divinum, Mr. Glyn speaks on this
point, iii, 241. Questions about it, 253,
254. 278, 279. A treatise on the divine
right of an evangelical ministry, iv. 88.
Justices of Norfolk, Suffolk, &c. their
answer to the bishops' articles of im-
peachment against them, i. 306. Their
supplication to the council in behalf of
the Puritans, and the effect of it, 312,
313.
clxxxvi
INDEX.
Justification, our first reformers' opi-
nion about it, i. 30.
Juxton, bishop, made lord-high-trea-
surer, ii. 250. Of the nature and grounds
of his rise, 250, ns. His death, iv. 361.
Calendar reformed, i. 143.
Catherine, queen, divorced from
Henry VIII. i. 8. 12.
Keach, Mr. B. his suflferings, his pub-
lications, &c. V. 173—179.
Kennet, bishop, his remark on the
ordinance exhorting to repentance, iii. 8.
On the breaking off the treaty of Oxford,
1€.
Kentish ministers, their supplication
to the council, i. 326,327. Numbers sus-
pended, 323.
I^ey to open Scripture Metaphors, a
celebrated work, iv. 485, n.
Keys, on the power of, contention
about, iii. 242, 243.
Keyser, John, committed to jail on a
charge of heresy, i. 7, n.
Ket, a tanner, heads a Popish faction
in Norfolk, i. 48. Dispersed by the earl
of Warwick, and the leaders, with Ket,
executed, ibid.
KiJlingworth, Mr. G. his tract on bap-
tism, &c. p. xxvii of the life of Neal in
vol. i. n.
Kimbohon, lord, his character, ii.315.
Kingly power of reforming the church
debated, i. 34. Canons about it, ii. 300.
King's Book in Henry VIlI.'s time,
and abstract of it, i. 29, and n.
King's inauguration-day, canon about
it, ii. 300. Debates about the title of
king, iv. 150. The protector's reasons
for declining it, 152. Remarks, ib. At-
tainder of the king's judges, 272. Trials
and execution, 273. Remarks, 274. Exe-
cution of more, 323.
Kingsraill, Mr. Andrew, his death and
character, i. 208.
Kirk of Scotland, James I. declares
solemnly in favour of it, ii. 2. But after-
ward deserts it, 3. Kirk-discipline, an
account of, iii. 323, w. Its low condition,
iv, 51. Insulted, 52. Courted byMonk,
218.
Kirk's cruelties in the west of England,
V. 8.
Kneeling at the sacrament, by what
authority enjoined, i. 119. Exceptions
of the J^uritans against it, 194. ii. 50. 53.
Knight, Mr. his sutfcringp, i. 346.
Knight, Rev. Mr. his sermon against
the prerogative, ii. 116. His bold an-
swer, upon being questioned by the
court, ib.
Knollys, Rev. H. his sufferings, v.
iS.'i— l.'J9.
Knox, Mr. banibhed from Fiankfuit,
i. 97. Chosen pastor by the English
exiles at Geneva, ib. Begins the refor-
mation in Scotland, 137. His death and
character, 245, &c.
Lactantius, and others, their opinion
of images, as parts of divine worship,
iii. 163.
Lad, Mr- his sufferings, ii. 39.
Laity, English, their zeal against Po-
pery and the habits, i. 166. Form of sub-
scription for them, 255.
Lambert, John, burnt in Smithfield,
i. 25.
Lambert, colonel, imprisoned in Jer-
sey, iv. 273. 323.
Lambeth articles, i. 454. Disliked by
the court, 455. Lambeth chapel, super-
stitious pictures in it, ii. 195.
Lancashire provincial assembly, iii.
416.
Laney, Dr. some account of, iii. 99.
Langbain, Dr. some account of, iii.
385.
Langley, Mr. John, bis death, iv. 167,
and n.
Langley, Dr. some account of, iii.
395.
Lascels and others burnt, i. 32.
Lasco, John, obtains a patent for
establishing a church of foreign Protest-
ants in London, i. 60. His book De
Ordinatione Ecclesiarum Peregrinarum
in Anglia, 66. Commanded by queen
Mary to leave the kingdom, 74. Re-
turns in Elizabeth's time, 136. Resigns
as minister of the Dutch church, 137.
Lathorp, Mr. account of him, ii. 340.
Latinjcr, bishop, promotes the refor-
mation, i. 15. Resigns his bishoprick on
account of the six articles, and is im-
prisoned, 26. Complains of the aliena-
tion of church- revenues, 65. Is sent to
the Tower, 73. Burnt at Oxford, 85.
Was against the habits, 157.
Laud, bishop, of his temper, princi-
ples, and conduct, ii. author's preface, p.
xiii. and 135. 138. Made bishop of
London, 163. Becomes prime minister,
ib. His answer to the commons' remon-
strance, and remarks upon it, 168, 169.
Libels against him, 172. His scheme for
governing the church, 178. His beha-
viour at passing sentence on Dr. I>eigh-
ton, 18'.>. His consecration of Creed-
church, &:c. 190. His care of the press,
205. His behaviour in Scotland, 208.
His regulation of the king's chapel at
Edinburgh, 209. His letter about wakes
and revels, 2 13. Makes alterations in the
service-book, 220. His account of the
state of his province, 225, 226. He
obliges the French and Dufeli churches
to conformity, t233. His exceptions to thq
INDEX.
clxxwii
brief for the Palatine ministers, 235.
Farther account of his province, 238.
Increases the power of the ecclesiastical
courts, 243. Makes new statutes for
Oxford, 244. His speech in the star-
chamber, 254. More libels against him,
259. He complains against the king's
jester, 279. Stirs up the king to hasten
his preparations against the Scots, 282.
Excites the clergy to contribute towards
the war, 284. Revises and alters bishop
Hall's book of episcopacy, 293. Is in-
sulted by the populace, 296. The secre-
tary's letter to him against pressing the
et-cetera oath in the canons, 307. Justi-
fies the canons, 326. Is impeached of
high-treason, 327. The Scots charge
against him, 328. His repl^^, 329, tj. Sir
H. Grimstone's speech against him, 330.
Committed to the black rod, 331. Heads
of his impeachment, 332. He speaks for
himself, 333. Is sent to the Tower, ib.
Suspended from his jurisdiction, 424.
His superstitious remarks on lord
Brooke's death, iii. 18. Suspended by
parliament, 79. Trial for high-treason,
142. Articlesof impeachment, 143. His
answer, 145. Order and raetliod of trial,
ib. Summary of the charge, 146. Im-
peachment opened by serjeant Wild.ib.
The archbishop's speech, 147. First
branch of the charge, subverting the
rights of parliament; with the arcii-
bishop's reply, 147, &c. Arbitrary
speeches made by him for the king, 148.
Arbitrary speeches of his own, 149. Se-
cond charge, viz. attempting to set aside
the laws; with his reply, 152—161. Of
ship-money, tonnage, and poundage,
&c. 152. Of pulling down houses for the
repair of St. Paul's, &c. ib. Illegal com-
mitments and prohibitions in the spiritual
courts, 154. Bribery, 155. Commutation
of penance, 156. Alterations in the coro-
nation-oath, ib. Attempt to set up an
independent power in the clergy, 157.
Sitting of the convocation after the par-
liament, 159. Remarks, ib. Third gene-
ral charge, viz. attempting to alter re-
ligion, and introduce Popish innovations;
with his answers, and the managers' re-
plies, 160 — 196. Images and crucifixes,
161. Consecrationof churches and altars,
and feasts of dedication, 164. His letter
to sirN. Brent, 169. Introducing divers
superstitions into divine worship, 173.
&c. Promoting the book of sports, 177.
Remarks, 178. Encouraging Arrainian-
ism and Popery, ib. &c. Prosecuting
Puritans, &c. 186. Reconciling the
church of England with Rome, assuming
Papal tides, discouraging foreign Protest-
ants, corresponding with Popish priests,
&c. J87,&c. Managers' conclusion, 196.
His speech at the close of Jiis trial, ib.
Points of law debated, 197. Censures of
his behaviour, 199. His character of the
witnesses, 200. His censure of the mana-
gers, 201. Petitions for justice against
him, 203. Condemned by bill of attain-
der, 204. His last speech, 205. His
prayer, ib. His execution, and Mrs.
Macaulay's reflections on this event,
206, and n. His character, ib.
Laurence, Mr. suspended, i. 292.
Lawrence, Dr. account of him, iii.
S87.
Laws, Popish, repealed, i. 40.
Laws, motion for translating them into
English, iv. 28. Lawsuits, attempts to
regulate them, 56.
Lay-assessors in the assembly of di-
vines, iii. 46. Lay-elders. 240. Causes
of the increase of lay-preachers, 401.
Rise of it in the army, 229. Discouraged
by the parliament, 309. See Appendix,
No. IX.
Lajdng on of hands, controversy
about, V. 187. Gosnold's treatise about,
202.
Leavesly, Mr. T. p. xxvi of life of
Neale, i. n.
Lecturers, an account of those in
Berry-street and Salters'-hall, p. xxiii to
xxvii of life of Neal prefixed to vol, i.
King's instructions about lecturers, ii.
179. Character and proceedings against
tliem.ib. Injunctions against them, 225.
Bishop Montague's articles of inquiry
concerning them, 248. Bishop Pierce's
usage of them, 249.
Legate Bartholomew burnt for Arian-
ism, ii. 85. Copy of the writ for burning
him, ib. n.
Legate's court in England under Wol-
sey, i. 8.
Legenda Lignea, a work published by
the Papists, some mention of, iv. 50.
Leicester taken by storm, by Charles
1. and the inhabitants used cruelly, iii.
230.
Leighton, Dr. writes against the bi-
shops, ii. 188. His sentence, sufferings,
and character, 189. His petition to the
long-parliament, and release, 334.
Lenthal, William, esq. his character,
ii. 315. Reprimanded by the speaker,
iv. 236.
Lessons, the order of them settled, i.
144.
L'Estrange, sir Roger, an account of,
iv. 434, 435, and n. 449, and n.
Letter of the assembly of divines to
foreign Protestants, iii. 71. The king's
reply to it, 76. Letter to a dissenter, by
lord Halifax, abstract of it, v. 38.
Levellers oppose the new common-
wealth, iv. 2. Are dispersed, 3.
elxxxviii
INDEX.
Lever, Mr. Thomas, his letter to the
Puritans in prison, i. 204. He resigns
his prebend, 227. His death, 288.
Lewis, John, burnt for denying the
divinity of Cluist, i. S'iG, n.
Ley, Mr. John, his death and charac-
ter, iv. 342.
Libellers, seditious, to suffer death,
5. 299. Libellous books, ii. 475. Or-
dinance against seditious libels, iv.
16.
Dberty of prayer, defence of it, ii.
346. Bisliop Hall's concessions about it.
S48. Liberty of conscience settled in
Scotland, iv. 51. Voted by Cromwell's
little parliament, 66. Established by his
instrument of government, 69. James's
speech in council for it, v. 29. — See
Indulgence.
Licences for preaching, to be renewed,
i. 167, 7j. On what condition, ib. ii.
178. To be renewed again, 2^6. 276.
Licences to marry, ii. 304. Ordinance
for appointing licencers of books, iii.42.
Copy of Charles's licence for a Noncon-
formist minister to preach, iv. 410, ri.
Partiality of licencers, v. 14, n. Licence-
office, 16. 29, n.
Life and Manners of True Christians,
&c. a book published in 1582 by Ro-
bert Brown, i. 302.
Lightfoot, Dr. account of hira, iii.
104.
Lilburne, Mr. his sentence and suffer-
ings, ii. 258. His history and character,
iv. 17 and 18, n.
Lilburne, colonel, his trial, character,
&c. iv. 18, n.
Limborch quoted on persecution, ii.
85, n.
Lincolnshire ministers' reasons for not
subscribing, answers, &c. ii. 48, 53.
Lindsey, Mr his representation of
Wigbtman's opinions, ii. 85, n.
Lisle, lady, her case, v. 8.
List of the assembly of divines, iii. 46.
Litchfield and Coventry, bishop of,
his sermon quoted and observed on, vol.
i. preface, p. xi, xii.
Litchfield and Coventry, bishop of,
his letter for putting down the prophe-
syings, i. 286.
Little parliament, called by Cromwell,
iv. 64. Their proceedings, 65, &c.
They resign their authority to Crom-
well, 68.
Liturgy, king Edward's first, i. 44. —
See also Service-book. — The first ages
used none, ib. Exceptions of the Puri-
tans against it, 192. New liturgy con-
firmed by parliament, 46. 64. Reasons
for amending it, 324. Abstract of the
controversy on the antiquity of liturgies,
ii. 345. Reasons for melting it aside, iii.
127. Restored, iv. 238. Reviewed, 306.
Altered, 307, &c. Additions to it, 309,
and n. Sent amended to king, council,
and peers, ib. Farther alterations pro-
posed in it, 382.
Livings, the augmentation of poor
ones, by tithes and first-fruits, iv. 13.
Ordinance for uniting small ones, and
dividing greater, 109, 110.
Loan, a method of raising money, ii.
145. Persons imprisoned on account oC
it, 150.
Loe, Thomas, his death, &c. v. 244.
Lollards, Wickliffe's followers so call-
ed, i. 5. Statutes against them, 5, 6, and
n. Repealed, 13. 40.
London, lines of circumvallationdrawn
round it, iii. 3. King's proclamations
against it, 19. Commotions there, 338.
Submits to the army on their approach,
341. Provincial assemblies there, 325,
326. 413.
London clergy, proceedings of the ec-
clesiastical commissioners against them, i.
173. Reasons of those who were depri-
ved for refusing the habits, 174, n. Sad
consequences of these proceedings, 183.
Abstract of their reasons for nonconform-
ity, 184. Answered, and their replies,
185, 186. Their petition to convocation
to be restored, 327. Classical division of
the province of London, iii. 280, &c.
London ministers assert the divine
right of presbytery, iii. 278. Their paper
of considerations and cautions, 279.
Their testimony to truth, and against
error, 327. Their aversion to a tolera-
tion, 328. Their vindication of them-
selves, 3t2.
London, citizens of, their petition to
the parliament for better ministers, i.
294. Sad condition for want of preach-
ers, 183. Its charter taken away, iv.
477. London cases published, 485. Bi-
shop of London suspended, v. 26, 27,
and 715.
Londonderry built, ii. 89.
Long-parliament. — See Parliament.
Lord's day, public sports on it, i. 315.
The bill for the better observance of it,
rejected by the queen, 371. Wakes, &c.
on it countenanced, ii. 213. Declara-
tion for sports on it, 215. Of its morali-
ty, 216. Votes for the strict observance
of it, 419. It was strictly observed by
the parliament party, 504. Ordinance
for a stricter observance of it, iv. 27.
Another, 144.
Lords disagree with the commons; ii.
420. House of, laid aside, iii. 448. 454.
Lords of the council dissatisfied with
the bishops' proceedings against the Pu-
ritans, and write to (hem about it, r.
341.
INDEX.
clxxxtx
Love, Mr. his sermon at Uxbridge,
lii. 212. His trial, iv. 39. Evidence
against him, 40. His defence, 41. A re-
markable incident, 44. Intercessions for
him, ib. n. His speech on the scaffold,
45. His execution and character, 46.
His history, ib. n.
Love, alderman, renounces the dis-
pensing power in the name of the dis-
senters, iv. 418.
Low-church clergy, their character,
iv. 349.
Lower, Thomas, and George Fox,
particulars of their persecution, &c. v.
2.53.
Lowman, Mr. Moses, an account of,
p. XXV of life of Neal, i. n.
Ludlow, major-general, taken into
custody, iv. 135.
Lushington, Mr. Thomas, an account
of, iv. 321, n,
Lutherans, their uncharitableness, i.
93.
Macauley's History of England quo-
ted, ii. 23, u. &c. iii. 173. 176. 205—
209, &c. ns. and in various other
places.
Maccail, Mr. his sufferings and last
words, iv. 499.
M'Gill's prosecution for his Essay on
the Death of Christ, adduced as a proof
of the intolerance of Scotch presbjfte-
rianism ; and some reflections on the
principles of the English Presbyterians,
iii. 344.
Maddox, bishop, bis opinion of the
habits, i. 60, n. Replied to by the edi-
tor, 62. 179. 229. 247. 387. A remark
of his, 312, ?(S.
Madje, Rev. Mr. and others, cen-
sured for preaching on predestination,
ii. 188.
Magdalen-college, Oxford, its privi-
leges invaded, v. 28.
Magistrates, contests about their
election, iv. 476.
Major-generals appointed, iv. 119.
Man, isle of, bishop of, has no ba-
rony, but is equally a bishop, as to ju-
risdiction and ordination, but has no
place in parliament, ii. 387.
Manchester, earl of, his character, iii.
96. His proceeding in reforming the
university of Cambridge, ib. His war-
rant to the committee for scandalous mi-
nisters, 107. His instructions to them,
108. His letter to them, 109. His me-
thod of ejecting the scandalous or ma-
lignant minister, and filling the vacant
benefice, 110.
Mansel, Dr. some account of him, iii.
390.
Manton, Dr. his death and character,
iv. 445, and n.
Manwaring, Dr. his sermon, ii. 151.
His severe sentance, 155. Is pardoned
and preferred, 156.
Marcus Antoninus, Gataker's valuable
edition of, iv. 115, 7i
Marriages of the clergy legitimated,
i. 64. Queen Elizabeth averse to them,
146. Ordinance relating to marriages, iv.
66. Act for confirming them, 272.
Marriage ring, forbidding it at certain
times, and licensing it for money, dis-
liked by the Puritans, i. 195.
Marshall, Mr. S. his death, &c. iv.
133, and n. His body dug up, 3l9.
Marston-Moor, battle of, iii. 89.
Martin Mar-Prelate, a satirical pain>
phlet, i. 401.
Martin, Dr. some account of, iii. 99.
Martyr, Peter, invited to England,
and had the divinity-chair at Oxford, i.
42. His opinion about the habits, 57.
163. 168. Ordered to leave the king-
dom in queen Marjf's reign, 74. His
wife's body dug up, 101.
Marvel, JMr. Andrew, writes against
Parker, iv. 388.
Mary, queen, her accession to the
crown, i. 72. Her declarations about re-
ligion, ib. Her treatment of the Suffolk
men, 73. She restores Popery, 75. 77.
Her injunctions to the bishops, 76. Her
marriage with Philip of Spain, 78. She
restores the church-lands, 81. Rases out
whatever was done against the monks,
82. Burnings of the Protestants in her
reign, 83, 84, &c. Her fiery zeal, 88.
Number of those who were put to death
for religion in her time, 88, and «. Ca-
lamities under her government, her
sickness, death, and character, 103, 104.
Mary, queen of Scots, her bigotry
and ill conduct, i. 189. Her favourite
and husband murdered. 190. She is
obliged to resign her crown to her son,
and is put to death by queen Elizabeth,
ib.
Mary, queen, dissenting ministers'
address to her, v. 73. Her answer, 74.
Mass-books called in, i. 53. Mass
and real presence asserted, ii. 262.
Mass-houses pulled down, v. 66.
Massachusett's-bay colony, rise of it,
ii. 182. Their church-covenant, 183.
Hardships, 184. Earewell request to the
church of England, 185. Numbers that
went over, 186.
Massacre at Paris, a terrible one, i.
245.
Masters turned out of the university
of Cambrige, their character, iii. 99.
Character of their successors, 101. Of
their induction, 105.
Mather, Rev. Richard, removes to
New-England, ii. 239.
Mather's, Dr. Increase, his voyage to
TNDEX.
England with addresses, and his recep-
tion at court, V. 31, n. The queen's re-
ply to him, 74, n.
• Matthews's Bible, i. 19, ii. 79.
Maunsel, Mr. his siiiferings, ii. 39,
Mav 29th, act for its observation, iv.
276. "
May, Thomas, esq. his body dug up,
iv. 318.
Maynaid, Serjeant, one of the ma-
nagers of fraud's trial, his handsome reply
to king William, iii. 201.
Meal-tub plot, iv. 453.
Mede, Mr. Joseph, his character,
works, and death, ii. 310, 311.
Meetings, pamphlets in favour of sepa-
rate, iv. 437.
Members of parliament committed to
prison, ii. 88. 115.171.295. They are
fined, 170.
Merbury, Mr. his examination and
imprisonment, i. 352.
Merchants, committee of, appointed
by Cromwell for promoting trade, iv. 126.
Merchants' lecture at Pinners'-hall,
beginning of, 414.
Merit, maintained, ii. 262.
Mercurius Aulicus, a paper by J.
Berkenhead, against the parliament, iii.
390.
Mercuries and diurnals printed in Ox-
ford, and dispersed, notwithstanding the
restraints on the press, iii. 43. Their na-
ture, 361.
Midwife's oath, ii. 11.
Miles, Dr. Henry, some account of
him,p. xxxiof thelife ofjNeal invol.i.'jj.
Militia, debates about it, ii. 466. Or-
dinance of both houses for disposing^ of
it, 469. Debated at the treaty of Ux-
bridge, iii. 211.
Millenary petition of the Puritans,
ii. 4.
Milton, John, his books burnt, iv.
^77. His death and character, 428.
Ministers suspended and deprived for
nonconformity, i. 172, &c. 227. 230.
239. 253. 280. 292. 323. 328. 345.348.
353. 387. 394. 419; ii. 35. 38, n. 237.
248. 251. 286. Ministers retire to Hol-
land,^. 40.288. Puritans'opinion of mini-
sters of the word, 56. Ministers' petition
for reforming the hierarchy,360. Speeches
on it, 361, &c. Quality of those ejected
by parliament, iii. 31. Of their successors,
35. Committee for examining them, 80.
Ministers sent to reform the university of
Oxford, 361. Their conduct and suc-
cess, ib.
Ministers, Nonconformist, see vol. i.
preface, p. vii. Queen Elizabeth's aversion
to them, instituting a new court to de-
prive them of their livings, ib. Some of
them quit their livings, iv. 335. Ejected
by the act of uniformity, ib. Their har<l-
ships greater than the Papists' at the re-
formation, 336. And than the loyalists
in the time of the civil war, ib. Com-
pared with the new preachers, 338. The
conditionof others, 339. Dr. Bates's ac-
count, ib. Their sufferings, 340. Mr.
Baxter's account, ib. Other accounts,
341. They venture to preach during the
plague, which brings them under farther
hardships, 365. Some few take the oath
in the five-mile act, 368. The generality
refuse, and go into banishment, ib. Their
names registered in the bishops' courts,
369. Their distress, 386. Their address
to the prince of Orange, v. 68. Their ad-
dress to him after he was king, 72. And
to queen Mary, 73.
Ministry, Puritans' complaint of the
abuse of it, i. 192. Their conclusions for
regulating it, 278. What the Puritans
wanted to have reformed concerning
ministers, ii. 5. 15. Ministers forbid to
meddle in politics, iv. 16. Commissioners
for the approbation of ministers, 93. —
See Triers. — Ordinance for ejecting
scandalous ministers, 99. Instructions of
the commissioners, 100. Objections
against it, 101. Commissioners for Wales,
103. Presbyterian ministers wait on the
king at Breda, 231. Their address and
reception, ib.
Minshull, Dr. some account of, iii. 104.
Mischief and Hurt of the Mass, a
book so called, written by the firm re-
formers, against those who temporized in
queen Mary's reign, i. 91.
Rlobbings, ii. 296. 339. 420. 449,
450.
Monarchy turned to a commonwealth,
iv. 1.
Monasteries visited, i. 16. And sup-
pressed, ib. Revenues, 17.
Money, new methods of raising it, ii.
86. 145. 296.
Monk, general, reduces Scotland, iv.
51. Marches to England for a free par-
liament, 201. Continues his march, ib.
Abjures the king, and swears to be true
to the commonwealth, ib. He enters the
city, 202. Pulls down the gates, but is
reconciled, 203. Restores the secluded
members, ib. His character, 206. His
letter to the Independents, 216. To the
parliament, 218. Courts the Presby-
terians, ib. And the Scots kirk, 219. He
corresptmds with the king, 228. His pro-
tection of the Quakers, v. 214.
Monks and priors executed by Henry
VIII. i. 22. One directs an insurrec-
tion, ib.
Monmouth's rebellion, v. 8. Affects
dissenters, 9. Executions in the west of
England, on account of it, 9, 10, and «.
Monopolies, grievances by them, ii.
67. 7.'>.
INDEX.
exolr
Montague, Dr. his book favouring
Popery, ii. 127. Cited before the com-
mons, 143. Censured, and a letter by
several bishops in his favour, 143, 144.
Articles against him, 146. Made bishop
of Chichester, 156. His articles of in-
quiry concerning lectures, 248. Hisfar-
ther'favouring of Popery, 261. His death
and character, 427.
Monthly fast, ii. 505.
Montrose, marquis of, executed, iv.
18.
Monuments of superstition, removal of
them, iii. 39. Ordinance for that purpose,
40. Manner of its execution, 41.
Moore, Mr. Stephen, ii. 342.
Moore and Philly, their travels, &c.
V. 236, &c.
More, sir Thomas, refuses the oath of
succession and supremacy, i. 14. Be-
headed for it, ib. and 22.
Moreland, Samuel, esq. sent by Crom-
well to the duke of Savoy, in behalf of
the oppressed Protestants, iv. 129.
Moreton, bishop, his vindication, iv.
179.
Morgan, a priest, executed, iii, 314.
Morley, bishop, his behaviour in the
Savoy conference, iv. 302,
Morning lecture, the rise of it, ii.
506.
Morrice, Mr. attorney, his arguments
against the oath ex qffido, i, 421. He
moves the house of commons against it,
and against the spiritual courts, 424.
He suffers for it, and is imprisoned,
425.
Morton, Mr. John, some account of,
v. 144.
Musgrave, sir C, his saying on the
severe treatment of the Quakers, v, 253.
Nag's-Head consecration, a fable, i.
122. iv. 178, 179.
Naseby, battle of, iii. 230.
Nation, distracted state of it, ii. 425.
465. Petitions to the parliament to pro-
vide for the safety of it, 466. State of
when Cromwell assumed the government,
iv. 77. Unhappy state of it in Charles
II. 's time, 393. 442. State of at James
II.'s accession, v. 1.
Nature and properties of God, a very
exceptionable work, written by Conra-
dus Vorstius, ii. 83. — See also the edi-
tor's note, as to the author's characteri-
zing it in this mode.
Nay lor, James, account of, iv. 139.
His sufferings, 142, and ns.
Neal, Daniel, his life, prefixed to vol.
i, censured, 49, n. 116, ii. Animadverted
on, 50, n. His Review quoted, 67, 68, «.
468, n. Vindicated against bishop War-
burton, 76, n. 161, Tj. 314, «. Corrected
and vindicated, 99, n. Defended against
bishop Maddox, 179, n. 387, n. His let-
ter to Dr. Francis Hare quoted, with an
extract from it, ii. v, vi, of editor's ad-
vertisement. His view in writing this his-
tory, X, &c. of author's preface to vol.
ii. Vindicated, corrected, &c. in notes
of p. 2, 3. 35. 76. 81. 83. 115. 123. 127,
128, 132. 142. 145, 155. 161—163. 181,
182. 208. 218, 219, &c. 235, 236, 245.
265. 274, 290. 295. 326, &c, 338. 341.
381, 432, 437, &c. 485, &c. 500, 501.
503, of vol. ii. Defends himself from
some charges, preface to vol. iii. 23.
26, &c. Vindicated, supported, or ani-
madverted on, &c. in the notes to p.
2. 4. 5, 6. 90. 155. 210. 223. 275. 299.
389, 439. 444. Extent of his design in
this history, p, 513 of vol. iii. Apolo-
gized for, &c. ib. A cursory view of
some circumstances of the period of
which he writes, preface of vol. iv. p. iii.
And of the design of this history, iv.
His sentiments on uniformity of opinion
in religion, v,vi. Ofthe persecution of all
parties when in power, vi. Ofthe clergy
being invested with civil power, ib. That
reformation in religion has not arisen
from the clergy, vii. Of freedom in reli-
gion, in subordination to the civil power,
ib. Of the present times, in contrast to
the former turbulent ones, viii. Correct-
ed or vindicated in the notes to p. 3,
4. 6, 18. 30. 32, 33, &c. 102. 1^3, 206.
283. 309. 311. 324. 394. 443, 444, &c.
of vol. iv.
Negative oath, ii. 475. University of
Oxford's objection to it, iii. 371.
Negus, Mr. deprived, i. 346.
Neile, archbishop, his death and cha-
racter, ii, 310.
Newbury, battle of, iii. 21. The se-
cond, 92.
Newcastle, parliament's propositions
to the king there, iii. 296. Which he
refuses to consent to, 299. His answer
to them, 335.
Newcoraen, Mr. Matthew, his death,
iv. 389. His concern in the assembly's
catechism, 390, n.
New-England, the foundation of that
colony, i. 451. Puritans settle there, ii.
Ill, &c. 182, &c. 197. 228. 232. 239.
285,
Newhaven colony, ii. 229.
Newlin, Dr. some account of him, iii.
389.
Newman, Mr. J. an account of, p.
XXV of the life of Neal prefixed to vol.
i. n.
Newman. Rev, Samuel, author of the
Concordance, removes to New-England,
ii, 286.
New Orders, a pamphlet in ridicule
fo the piety of the parliamentary party
in Charles I.'s time, an extract, with
CXCll
INDEX.
an anagram on the word Puritan, iii. 37,
n. 39, n.
New- Plymouth colony, ii. 112.
Newport, treaty of, iii. 422.
New Testament, first translated into
English by WicklifFe, i. 4. Then by
Tyndal, with the whole Bible, 15. 18, 19.
Tyndal's Testament burnt by the bishops,
18.— See Bible.
Nicolas, Robert, esq. one of the ma-
nagers of Laud's trial, iii. 202.
Nimeguen, peace of, iv. 447.
Nismes, the protector assists the Pro-
testants there, iv. 146.
Nonconformists, friends to their coun-
try, vol. i. preface, p. ix. Abstract of
their reasons for nonconformity, 174, 7t.
&c. — See Puritans. — Curious description
of them by archbishop Parker, i. 478.
Suflferings for nonconformity, ii. 236,
237. The beginning of their persecution,
iv. 271. Methods for that purpose, ib.
Their hardships before the act of unifor-
mity, 310. Their sufferings afterward,
341. Their views, 345. They petition
for indulgence, 3.50. Their hardships
from the conventicle act, 358. Their
cautious conduct, ib. They set up meet-
ings, 373. Project of a comprehension
for them, 378. Proposals of indulgence
for such as could not be comprehended,
385. Their persecution revived, 386.
Methods of it, 395. Are not forward to
accept indulgence by the dispensing
power, 409. Summary of the penal laws
against them, 423. Attempts for an ac-
commodation frustrated by the bishops,
429. People compassionate their suffer-
ings, 430. Their principles and practices,
436. Pamphlets in their defence, 437.
— See Dissenters.
Nonconformist ministers. — Refer to
Ministers, ministry.
Non-subscribers to Whitgift's articles,
their compassionate case, and supplica-
tions to the council, i. 323, &c. Petitions
of gentlemen and parishioners in their
behalf, 328. Nonsubscribers, number of
them, ii. 38. Nonsubscribing loyalists,
act for their relief, iv. 356.
Nonjurors, their rise, v. 74. Their
practices, 81.
Northampton, rules for discipline
agreed upon there, i. 221. The prophe-
syings there, 223. Scarcity of preachers
there, 293.
Northumberland, earl of, his rebellion,
i. 206.
Norton, Rev. Mr. removes to New-
England, ii. 232.
Norwicli, visitation of that diocess. i.
249. Prophesy iiigssuppressed there, 264.
Novice Presbyter lustructed, a pam-
phlet in answer to one entitled the Busy
Bikliop, extract from, iii. 3:30.
Noy, Mr. attorney-general, his cha-
racter, ii. 136.
Nye, Rev. Philip, removes to Hol-
land, ii. 288. His death, &c. iv. 416,
. and 71.
Oak of reformation, whence so called,
i. 48.
Gates, Mr. Samuel, tried for the death
of Ann Martin, iii. 136. This aflFair more
fully discussed, with hissufFerings, v. 140.
Gates, Titus, proceedings against him
for perjury, v. 3, and n.
Gath, ex officio, what, and the un-
reasonableness of it, i. 333, 334. 339.
379. The Puritans' objections to it, 416.
Mr. attorney Maurice's arguments against
it, 421. Many of the Puritans take it,
and discover their synods, ib. Their rea-
sons for it, 422. Their opinion of it, ii. 58.
Gath for churchwardens, ii. 246. The
oath called et ccEttrra, 302.
Gccasional conformity bill, v. 88.
Appendix, No. XIV.
. Gchinus comes to England, i. 42.
(Ecolampadius, with other foreigners,
against altars, i. 54.
Offices of the church reformed, i. 43,
&c.
Ogilby, Mr. a Scots baron, sent to
Spain by James I. and for what purpose,
ii. 130.
Okey, colonel, one of the regicides,
iv. 275. Brought from Holland, with
others, and executed, 323.
Olave's, St. and St. Saviour's churches
in Southwark, tumults in them, and on
what account, ii. 421.
Oldenbarnevelt takes the side of the
Arminians, in the disputes in Holland,
ii. 95.
Oliver, Dr. some account of, iii. 389.
Grange, prince of, made stadtholder,
iv. 413. His bravery, and success against
the French, ib. His marriage with the
princess Mary, 443. His advice to the
dissenters, v. 37. His reply to James
about the penal laws and test, .oO. His
expedition, 61. His declaration, 64. His
progress, 66. His answer to the dissent-
ing ministers' address, 69. He and his
princess proclaimed king and queen, 70.
Remarks, ib. — See William HI. — King
James endeavours to convert the prin-
cess of Orange to Popery, v. 48. Her re-
ply, 49. — See Mary.
Ordinal, a new one in king Edward's
time, i. 52. 64.
Ordinance of parliament, exhorting to
repentance, iii. 8. Bishop Kennet's re-
mark upon it, 9. Ordinance for seques-
tration of benefices and estates of the
clergy, &c. 30. 32. A farther explana-
tion of it. 33. The effects of it, 34. For
removing monuments of superstition, -k).
INDEX.
cxcii
Manner of executing it, 41. For licensing
books, 42. For calling an assembly of
divines, 44. For the committee of se-
questrations, 95. For enforcing the use of
the directory, 131. For the bettei ob-
servation of the Lord's day, 139. For
the ordination of ministers, 232. For
stispension from the sacrament, 244.
Provisos in it, 246. For erecting pres-
byteries, 248. Which does not satisfy,
250. The Scots exceptions to it, ib.
English Presbyterians petition against it,
252. Another ordinance for that pur-
pose, 422. For abolishing archbishops,
bishops, &c. 306. And fur the sale of
their lands, ib. For abolishing Cliristmas,
and other holidays, 3b5. The king dis-
likes it, 356. It occasions tumults, 357.
A terrible ordinance against blasphemy
and heresy, 419. Remarks, 421. Ordi-
nance against seditious libels, iv. 16.
For taking away the penal laws, 25. For
suppressing vice, &c. 26, 27. For the
stricter observation of the Lord's day,
28. 144. In regard to marriage, 66. For
commissioners for approbation of public
preachers, 92. For ejecting scandalous
ministers, 99. Objections against it, 101.
For uniting small livings, and dividing
greater, 109. Against the old seques-
tered clergy, 124. Against Papists, 144.
Ordination of ministers. — See Ordinal.
Ordination in foreign churches, and
not episcopal, allowed to be valid by our
first reformers, i. 69. Admitted by arch-
bishop Griiidal, 310. Of episcopal and
presbyterian, ii. 351. Assembly of di-
vines consult about ordination, iii. 124.
Their advice about it, 126. Ordinance
of parliament in pursuance thereof, ib.
Directory for it, 232. Debates about it,
234. Power of it given to the assembly
of divines pro tempore, 235.
Orleans, father, his confession of some
resolutions of the queen and cabinet at
Windsor, ii. 516. His opinion of general
Monk, with others, iv, 207. About the
debates in parliament, 316.
Ormond, marquis of, his treaty with
the Irish Papists, iii. 274.
Osbaldeston, Mr. his sentence, ii. 257.
Released by the long-parliament, 335.
Osborne, Mr. his opinion as to the
discovery of the powder-plot, ii. 46..
Osbourne, sir John, presents Mr.
Brightman with the rectory of Haunes
in Bedfordshire, ii. 66- Who dies while
riding with him, ib.
Owen, sir Hugh, appointed by Crom-
well one of the commissioners for Wales,
iv. 103.
Owen, Dr. bishop of St. Asaph, and Dr.
Owen of Landatr, impeached with other
bishops, ii. 410.
VOL. V.
Owen, Dr. John, his death, character,
&c. iv. 489, and 490, n.
Oxenbridge, Mr. his name, with many
others, who subscribed the book of disci-
pline, i. 387.
Oxford, transactions of. — See Univer-
sity.— Treaty of, iii. 9, &c. Broke off,
16. Oxford parliament, 86. Their pro-
ceedings, 87. Visitation of, 360. Oxford
decree, iv. 484, and t?. Oxford parlia-
ment, 466. Heads of colleges send to
the prince of Orange, and sign the asso-
ciation, V. 66.
Oyer and Terminer, the penal laws
put in execution by way of, i. 246.
Paget, Mr. Eusebius, his sufferings, i.
354. Articles against him, and his an-
swer, 354, 355. Causes of his depriva-
tion argued, 355. His farther sufferings,
356.
Palatine, elector, marries James I.'s
daughter, to the satisfaction of the Puri-
tans, ii. 86. Is chosen king of Bohemia,
108. Is beaten, and turned out of his
kingdom and electorate, being basely
deserted by his father-in-law, 109. Mani-
festo in favour of the Palatine family,
408. Brief for the Palatine ministers,
with Laud's exceptions, 234, 235. Pala-
tine family great favourites of the Puri-
tans, iii. 137.
Palmer, Dr. some account of him, iii.
396.
Palmer, Mr, Herbert, some account of
him, iii. 102, 103, n. His death and
character, 403.
Papists rise for the old religion in king
Edward's reign, i. 47. Their demands,
ibid. They are suppressed, 48. Their
numbers formidable in Elizabeth's time,
and their expectations from her death,
205. They rise in the north, but are sup-
pressed, 206. Their first open separation
from the church, ib. Penal laws against
them, 208. 369. 468. Their expectations
from king James, ii. 3. His tenderness
towards them, and offers to meet thera
halfway, 23, 24. Remonstrance of the
parliament against them, 114. Laws
against them relaxed, 115. Articles in
their favour in the Spanish match, 120.
Laws against them suspended, and they
are favoured and promoted at court, 264.
Their numbers and influence, and lord
Clarendon's account of them, 264, 265.
Proceedings against them, 372. The
king favours them, ib. Ajiplies to thera
to assist him in the war, 492. Two thirds
of their estates seized, iii. S3. Oath for
discovering them, ib. Some in the par-
liament army, 314. Stories of their hav-
ing a hand in the king's death, 466.
Papal titles assumed by Laud, 187,
^XCIV
INDEX.
Reasons for the protector's severity
-against Papists, iv. 125. Ordinance
against them, 144. Their oath, ib. Their
expectations at the Restoration, 245.
Their views, 250. They declare their
principles, 316. Their farther views, 346.
The commons address the king against
them, 420. 428. Their insolence, 432.
Act to disqualify them from sitting in
parliament, 449. Many of them in king
James's army, v. 43.
Parker, archbishop, publishes the ec-
clesiastical laws, under the title of Re-
formatio Legura Anglicanim, &c. in
1571 , i. 52. His consecration, 122, and n.
Confirmed by parliament, 123. Visits
his diocess, 142. Settles the order of
lessons, 143. His zeal against the Puri-
tans, 156. 168. 178. Was not fond of the
liabits at first, 158. His questions to
Humphreys and Sampson at their exami-
nation, 169, JJ. His violent proceedings,
170.177. His complaints. 182.269. His
zeal for uniformity, 244. His letter upon
Mr. Deeriiig's being restored by the coun-
cil, 252. He incenses the queen against
the religious exercises of the clergy,
262. And suppresses them in the diocess
of Norwich, 264. His conduct in a sham
plot, 268. Which he defends, 269.
Visits the Isle of Wight, ib. His severe
proceedings there disliked by the queen,
and his angry letter thereon, 270. His
death and character, 274.
Parker,Rev. Robert, retires to Amster-
dam, ii. 40. His sufferings before, and
wonderful preservation, 65.
Parker, bishop, writes for the court,
V.43.
Parkhiirst, bishop of Norwich, in-
veighs against the habits, i. 160. His
timorousiiess, 249. Laments the perse-
cution of the Puritans, 261. His appro-
bation 'of the religious exercises of the
clergy, 263. He is forced to suppress
them, 264. His death, character, &c.
265.
Paris gardens, in Southwark, the scat
of public sports on the Lord's day, i.
315.
Paris, George Van, burnt, i. 50. Cran-
mer the cause, ib.
Parisian massacre, i. 245.
Parliament, attempts in it towards a
farther reformation, i. 215. 219. 228.
559, &c. 364. 383. 424. First session of
James I. his speech, and remarks, ii. 23.
Proceedings, 25. 68, &c. King's speech,
petitions of grievances, 69. Dissolved,
73. Another called, and dissolved, 88.
Another, with the king's speech, 113,
Their declaration, remonstrance against
Papists, 114. Petition and protestation,
116. Dissolved, ibid. Another, with the
king's speech, 124. Petition against Pa-
pists, king's answer, ib. The first of
Charles L 139. Petition against Papists,
king's answer, ib. Dissolved, 144. His
second, 146. His third, 154. Remon-
strance, king's answer, 156. Proceedings,
165. Keep the speaker in the chair whilst
they make a protestation, 170. Dissolved,
171. The short parliament, 294. Sad
condition of the court at calling of the
long one, 308. Character generally, and
of the leaders of both houses, 312, &c.
Opens, appoints committees, 317, 318.
Speeches, :kc. against the late canons,
318, 319. Objections to them, 324.
Proceedings against Laud, 327, 6cc. Set
prisoners of the prerogative free, 333.
Censure the authors of the church inno-
vations, o36. Vote the innovations
down, 343. Petitions for and against
the hierarchy, 355, &c. King's and other
speeches on them, 360, 361, &c. Reso-
lutions thereon, 370. Proceedings, &c.
against Papists, 370. 372. Against the
earl of Strafford, 574. Court plot against
them, 376. Act for its continuance, 380.
Solemn vow, &c. ib. Debate on depriv-
ing the bishops of their votes, 383, &c.
On abolishing deans and chapters, &c.
390, &c. Abolish the high-commission
court, and star-chamber, 406. Lupeach
thirteen bishops, 410. Declaration on
silting on a Sunday, 411. Proceedings
on the Irish insurrection, 435. Grand,
remonstrance, 439. 441. Declaration of
their intentions, 442. Petition presented
with remonstrance, 443. King goes to
seize five members, 457. City of Lon-
don for them, 459. The}' take away the
bishops' votes, 462. King resolves to
break with them, 466. Petitions to them,
ib. Proceedings, &c. 469, 470. King's
reply, their answer, and remarks, 471,
&c. Accept the Scots mediation, their
declaration concerning reformation, 474,
Appoint a negative oath, 475. Proceed-
ings, 477. ]Memorial,478. Their nine-
teen propositions, 481. Preparations for
war, borrow money and plate, 485, 486.
Confederate with the Scots, 495. Re-
ply to the general assembly's letter, 496.
Abolish episcopacy, 498. Vote the rais-
ing of an arn)y, oOl. Character of those
who took part with it, 507. Some warm
spirits among them, 508. Whether the
king may adjourn parliaments, ii. 171.
Parliament sue for peace, iii. 1. The
nice point of their treating with the
Scots, 5. Their ordinance exhorting to
repentance, 8. Their propositions at the
treaty of Oxford, 9. Their five bills, 10.
Plots against thera, 18, 19. Low state
of their affairs, 20. Their proceedings
with regard to the clergy, 32— 3(J.
INDEX.
cxcv
With regard to the sabbath, 36. Month-
ly and occasional fasts, 37, 38. Ordi-
nance for removing monuments of su-
perstition, 39. Orders for restraining the
press, 42. They call an assembly of di-
vines, 44. And send them regulations,
52. They call in the Scots, 55. Agree
to the solemn league and covenant, 59.
And take it, 62. Order the taking it
throughout the nation, 63. Their pro-
ceedings on the king's bringing over the
Irish forces, 69, 70. They order a new
great seal to be made, 86. They nominate
men to livings, 79. Character of their
army, 92. Division among their gene-
rals, 94. They order the assembly of di-
vines to confer about church-govern-
ment, 123. They establish and enforce
the use of the directory, 127.131. En-
force the observation of the Lord's day,
139. Abolish Christmas, 140. 355. Pass
a bill of attainder against Laud, 203.
Their instructions to their commissioners
in the treaty of Uxbridge upon religion,
215. Their reply to the king's conces-
sions, 220. Their army new modelled,
227. Character of their generals, 228.
Their care for a regular clergy, 231.
They reject the clause of the divine
right of presbytery, 241. 'J'heir ordi-
nance for suspension from the sacra-
ment, 244. And for erecting presbyte-
ries, 248. Their reply to the Scots ex-
ceptions, 251. Their questions propoun-
ded, to the assembly about the Jhs div'i'
vum in matters of church-government,
253. They attempt an accommodation
between the Presbyterians and Indepen-
dents, 255. Obtain a complete conquest
over the king, 272, 273. Their manage-
ment with the Presbyterians, 277. Their
propositions to the king at Newcastle,
296. Their commissioners receive the
king from the Scots, and convey him to
Holmby, 304. They abolish archbishops
and bishops, &c. and dispose of their
lands, 306, 307. Their proceedings to
please the Presbyterians, 308. They
debate on the assembly's confession of
faith, and reject the articles of discipline)
320, 321. Approve and authorize their
catechisms, 322. Controversy between
them and the army, 337. Eleven of
their members impeached, ib. Tumults
in the house, 339. Upon which several
of the members retire to the arm}'^, ib.
Proceedings of the remainder, 340.
Which were annulled upon the army's
inarching to London, 341. Remarks,
342. They agree to the proposals of the
army, 347. Their votes of non-addresses
to the king, 354. Their remonstrance,
355. They send ministers to reform the
university of Oxford, 360. They resolve
on a visitation of it, and pass an ordi-
nance for that purpose, 362, 363. They
resolve to support their visitors, 375.
Presbyterians prevail amongst them in
the absence of the army, 411. They
make a terrible ordinance against blas-
phemy and heresy, 418. Their ordi-
nance for the farther establishment of
presbytery, 421. Their proposals to the
king in the Isle of Wight, 424. Reply
of their divines to the king's papers
about episcopacy, 426. 429. Their com-
missioners press his consent, 435. Their
proceedings upon the army's marching to
London, 446. They are purged by the
armj-^, ib. Votes of the remainder, who
resolve to try the king, 448. And esta-
blish a high court of justice for that pur-
pose, 454.
Parliament called the Rump, and
why, set up a commonwealth, iv. 1, and
«. Their measures to support their au-
thority, 10. Vindicate themselves, 11.
State of religion under them, 17. Their
preparations against the king and Scots
army, 48. Publish an act of indemnity,
and choose a new council of state, 53.
Their Dutch war, 57. Quarrel with the
army, 58. Cromwell dissolves them by
force, 60. Their character, 61, and n.
New model of parliament in Cromwell's
instrument, 68. Cromwell's first parlia-
ment. See Little parliament. His second,
83. His speech to them, ib. Their pro-
ceedings 84. His second speech, ib. A
test or recognition appointed them, 85»
Farther proceedings, ib. Dissolved, 86.
Speech at their dissolution, 92. His
third, 134. Obliged to recognise the
government, 135. Their acts, 136. Pro-
ceedings, 150, &c. Upper house appoint-
ed, 160. Bad consequences of it, 161.
Dissolved, ib. Richard Cromwell's parlia-
ment, 191. Array compel him to dissolve
them, 192. The rump restored, ib. Turn-
ed out again, 200. Restored again, 201.
Secluded members restored by Monk,
203. Proceedings of the parliament
hereon, ^04. Restore presbjtery, 205.
Dissolve themselves, 206.
Parliament, king Charles's first. — See
Convention. His second, and character of,
iv. 288, and??. Their acts, 290. A farther
account of their passing the act of uni-
formity, 324. 332. Begin to open their
eyes, and votje against the dispensing
power, 417. They address the king
againstPapists, 420. 428. Are dissolved,
450. His third, 452. Bring in the bill of
exclusion, and are dissolved, ib. Pro-
ceedings of the fourth, 459. Bring in the
bill of exclusion a second time, ib. Their
votes, and dissolution, 462, &c. The
fifth, at Oxford, 466. Revive the exclu-
n2
cxcn
sion bill, Sec 468. Suddenly dissolved,
469. James tbe Second's parliament, v.
4. Their proceedings, ib. They are dis-
solved, 10. For king William's, see
Convention.
Parsons. Mr. his sufferings, iv. 271.
Paske, Ur. some account of, iii. 99.
Passive obedience, Sec. revived, iv.
«ro.
Patrick. Dr. his friendly debate, iv.
387. A remarkable instance of his can-
dour, 388.
Paul's, St. church repaired, ii. 19.S.
Of pulling down its cross, iii. 39. Of
pulling down houses for its repair, 152.
Comunitaliun of penance for it, lod. A
proverb on this attair, '^07".
Pearson, Dr. John, his death, &c. v.
46. . . . ,
Pelagians, their opinions pointed out
as obnoxious, in tbe articles devised by
Henry VIII. i. VO.
Pembroke, earl of. made chancellor of
Oxford, and visits in person, iii, 379,
380. His proceedings, .S«0. Reports the
behaviourof the university to parliament,
381.
Penn and Mead, their trial, iv. 598.
Injustice and cruelty of the court, 399.
Jury threatened, 400. Acquitted, ib.
Recorder's speech, ib. n.
Penal laws taken away by the rump-
parliament, iv. 25. King Ciiarles's par-
liament petition to put them in execution,
S79. A summary account of them, 4SJ3.
Consequences of them, 424.
Penn, William, his grant, and conse-
quences, v. 261, 262. His prognostica-
tions verified, ib. Of his writings, &c.
188. 230. 268, &c.
Pennington, Isaac, memoirs of, r.
263, 264.
Penry, Mr. the Brownist, his history,
i. 437. Proclamation against him, 438.
Is taken, 440. His petition to thc(iueen
unfini.shed, 438, r.. His trial, condennia-
tion, declaration, and complaints to the
treasurer, 440, &c. His protestation, 441,
442. Is executed in a hurry, 443.
Perkius, Mr. William, lus death, cba-
tacter, and writings, i. 464.
Pern, Mr. A. his death, &c. iv. 116.
Persecution of the Protestants under
Henry VIII. i. 15. 27, 28.33. Of those
called heretics in Edward VI.'s time, 49,
60. Of the Protestants in queen Mary's
reign, 82, &c. Of the Protestants in
France and the Low Countries, 205. Of
tbe Anabaptists in England, 273. Of
tlie Brownists, 305- 427,&c.— Sec Ana-
baptists, Brownists, Puritans.
Ferthj five articles of. ii. 101.
Petitions of the ministers in several
counties against subscription, i. 326, 327.
INDEX.
Of gentlemen, and parishioners for their
ministers, 328 319. Their petitions to
parliament, 359. 360. 378. To the con-
vocation. 367. To the queen, 391.419.
— SeeSupplication. — Pftition for liberty
of conscience for the Puritans, ii. 6U.
Petition of the parliament intheir, .^.,11,
70. And against the ecclesiastical com-
mission, 71. Against the growth of
Popery, 139. Of the Ciilvinisfs against
the king's declaration, 164. Of the Scots
against the liturgy, 274. Of Dr. Leigh-
ton to the long-parliament, 334. Of that
puiliament to the king, 443. Of the
lord-mayor, &c. to the parliament, 447.
Of the London apprentices, ib. Of the
Puritan clergy fur reformation, 448. Pe-
titions for and against the hierarchy,
355, &c. 447. Petition of right, 155. Of
the city ministers, for settling discipline
and worship, iii. 1^5. Petition for un-
ordained pre.icliers, 401.
Petitioners and abhorrers, iv. 457,
458.
Peyton, sir John, a zealous churchman,
appointed governor of Jersey and Guern-
sey, with secret instructions to root out
the Geneva discipline, and plant the
English liturgy and ceremonies, ii. 64.
His proceediijtis and success, 64, 65.
Philip, king, marries queen Mary, L
78. His riches, and view In the con-
nexion, ib. and »i.
Philips, Mr. Arthur, professor of mu-
sic, iii. 387.
Philpot, a Papist, hanged, i. 28.
Philpot, Mr. his martyrdom, i. 86.
His intolerant spirit, ib. n.
Piedmont, sufferings of the Protestants
there, iv. 128. Are assisted by Crom-
well, 129.
Pierce's Vindication of the Dissenters,
a learned work, referred to, i. 3. and in
a variety of other places in the course of
the work.
Pierc", bishop, his usage of the lec-
turers, ii. 249.
Pilkingtt)n. bishop of Durham, writes
to the earl of Leicester against pressing
the habits, i- 155, 159. His death and
character, 283.
Pinfold, Dr. notice of, v. 11, and n.
Pitt, Dr. some account of, iii. 389.
Plague, the great one, iv. 364. Anec-
dote relative to it, ib. n.
Plays, &c. put down, ii. 505. iii. 40?.
Plot against the long-parliament, ii.
376. Consequences of it, 577. Plot*
against jiarliamcnt, iii. 18.
Plumbers'-hall, the Puritans meeting
there apprehended and examined,!. 197.
They are imprisoned, ti^OO.
Plundered ministers, committee for,
iii. 27.
INDEX.
Pluralities and nonresidence, the bill
against them opposed by the convoca-
tion, i. 363. Rejected by the lords,
S64. Another bill to prevent iheni,
•which the convocation also addresses )he
queen against, 39f^. Puritans complain
of them, ii. 15. Bill against them, iii.
12.
Pocock, Dr. some account of, iii. 387.
Anecdote of him, ib. n.
Pocklington, Dr. censured in parlia-
ment, ii. 338. Occasion of his works of
" Sunday no Sabbath," and " Christian
Altar," ib.
Foley, Mr. his receipts for money and
plate of St. John's, Cambridge, for the
king's use, ii. 490, 491.
Polyglot Bible, in 6 vols, folio, pub-
lished, iv. 164. Encouraged by Mr.
Cawton, 224, ?j.
Pole, cardinal, arrives from the pope,
and reconciles the kingdom to Rome, i.
€0. Loses his influence, because not se-
vere enough against heretics, 10 1. His
death, W3.
Pool, Mr. Matt, his death, &c. iv.
454, and v.
Pope's power and extortions in Eng-
land, i. 1. Kestrained b^ the statutes
of provirors and preu)tmire, ib. and !?.
Henry VIII. quarrels wi:h him, and for
what, 9. His authority in England abo-
lished by parliament, 10 — ^"2, Oath
to be taken against it, 14. He excora-
nmnicatesHenr^VIII 21. Laws against
him repealed in queen Mary's tin)e, 81.
Revived by queen Elizabeth, 109. 146.
His authorit3' abolished in Scotland. 140.
190. He admoni.shcs queen Elizabeth,
142. And cxcomnuinicates her, 206.
Pope's nuncios in England, iii. 190. 195.
J*opery revived under queen Mary,
penal laws against the reformers put info
execution, numbers fly to Germany,
Switzerland, and Geneva, i. preface, vi.
Sad picture of it, 71. It is restored by
parliament, 75. A bloody religion, 87,
88. 155. The people of England's aver-
sion to it, 166. It gains ground in queen
Elizabeth's time, 244. 271. 306. 444.
Statute against seducing her subjects to
it, 300. Advances to it in James I.'s.
reign, ii. 126. In Charles I.'s. reign, and
cause, 134. Increase in Ireland, 160,
&c. Advances of the church of England
towards it, 261. Its L'reat increase, 264.
Canons against it, 301. Popery Cun-
nived at, and encour?iged by Laud, iii.
178, &c. His correspondence wiili Popish
priests, and countenancing ihem, 1 94, &c.
Popery revives in England, iv. "277,
317. And in Ireland, 278. Its growth in
England, 403. Causes of it, 404. Re-
medies proposed by parliament against
it, ib. Its progress, v. 19. Clergy forbid
to preach against it, 13. But write
against it, ib. Reasons for the dissenters
not writing against it, 13, 14.
Popish laws repealed, i. 40.
Popish books licensed, i. 385.
Popish bishops deprived, i. 121. Their
behaviour to queen Elizabeth, 142.
Popish lords petitioned against, ii. 447.
Popish confederacy to extirpate the
Protestant religion, i. 205.
Popish plot, iv. 447. Alarms the na-
tion, but not credited at court, 449. Re-
marks, 450.
Pordage. Dr. ejected, iv. 102, and n.
His pamphlet, and answer, ib.
Potter, Dr. some account of, iii.S89.
Portuguese ambassador's brother exe-
cuted, iv. 83.
Powel, Mr. V. of his case, his vindi-
cations, &c. iv. 108, and n. Of his suf-
ferings, death, &c. 411, 412, n. v. 128
—133.
Powers, civil and ecclesiastical, ob*
serrations concerning their just bounda-
ries, i. 115, 116.
Poynet, Dr. translated to the see of
Winchester, i. 61. His death, 101.
Practice of Prelates, a pamphlet pub-
lished by the Puritans, i. 325.
Prayers for the dead, opinion of the
reformers about them, i. 30, n. Of bid-
ding prayer, 39.
Preachers, the great scarcity of good
ones formerly in the church, i. 134. 142.
145. 182,183. 293, &c. The reasons of it.
295.337,?j.378.380,iic.391. Diligence
of the Puritan preachers, 276. Preaching
ministers desired by the Puritans, ii. 15.
Preaching on conformity, 303. Votes
for encouraging it, 418. Petition for un-
ordained ones, iii. 401. Committee for
preaching ministers, 23.
Preaching forbid, i. 19. 42. 73. 105.
Predestination and free-will, rise of
the controversy about them, i. 89. Re-
vived in the university of Cambritlge,
453. Sentiments of the church on this
head, 454. 457.
Premunire, the statute of, i. 2.
Prerogative, acts in favour of, i. 27.
Advances of it, ii. 67. S.bihorpe and
Manwarii'g's sermons for it, l51.
Preshyierians, their ordination ad-
mitted by archbishop Grindal, i. 310.
Their first church in England established
at Wandsworth, 243. Presbyterians in
the ass^embly of divines, and their chief
patrons in the parliament, iii. 116. Their
severity in enforcing uniformity in the
use of the directory, 131. Their reply
to the Independents abnut the divine
right of presbytery, 236. Their zeal to
have that right established, 241. Are
CXCVUl
INDEX.
offended at the provisos in the ordinance,
about suspension from the sacrament,
247. Petition against the ordinance for
presbyteries, because it gave them not
power enough, 252. Defeat the design
of a comprehension for the Independents,
256. Their reply to the proposals for a
toleration, 257. Argue against the law-
fulness of a separation, 259. Their high
notions of uniformity, and against liberty
of conscience, 259, &c. Censured in a
pamphlet, 263. Petition against secta-
ries, &c. 276. Seconded by the Scots, ib.
Petition again against sectaries, &c. 308.
Their aversion to a toleration, 328. Their
separate views, 331. Their proposals, 350.
Counter-petition of their clergy, and an
ordinance in their favour, 359. Their
provincial assemblies, 325. 416. Their
country associations, 418. A terrible or-
dinance passed by their influence against
blasphemy and heresy, 419. Remon-
strance of their ministers against the
proceedings of their array in relation
to the king, &c. 449. Their farther
vindication, 452. Whether they are
chargeable with the king's death, 463.
Their conduct towards the common-
wealth government, iv. 7. Refuse the en-
gagement, 9. Proceedings against them,
24. A plot against parliament, 38. Their
state under Cromwell, 73. Copies of tes-
timonials to ministers, 74. Enemies to
Cromwell's government, 79. Are for re-
storing the king, 198. Are in full pos-
session of the nation, 204. 224. Are
courted by Monk, 218. Terms on which
they would restore the king, 226. Their
vain expectations from the court, 227.
A deputation of their ministers wait on
the king at Breda, 231. Their ministers
made king's chaplains, 238. Address for
a comprehension, 251. Abstract of their
first proposals, ib. Their reception, 254.
Abstract of a defence of these proposals
against the bishops, 257. The beginning
of their sufferings, 258. They apply to
the king, ib. Abstract of their second
paper of exceptions and requests, 264.
The king's declaration acceptable to
most of them, 267. Some accept prefer-
ments, 269. Are in despair on the com-
mons rejecting the king's declaration, ib.
Their troubles, 283. Sham plots fathered
on them, 2'jO. 357. 447. 467. Their
hardships in the Savoj conference, 296.
They descend to entreaties, 301. Beha-
viour of their divines at the conference,
303. Their hardships before the act of
uniformity, 310. Their conduct after the
act, 333. Their difficulties, 334. — See
Nonconformists and Dissenters.
Presbyterian government, &c. Pres-
bytery ebtabliibed by law in Scotland,t
i. 444. English Presbyterian churches in
Holland, ii. 40. Ordination by presby-
ters defended, 385. Their jurisdiction,
387. Propositions for establishing it in
the treaty of Uxbridge, iii. 215. Divine
right of it debated, 236. Carried in the
assembly of divines, 240. But dropped in
parliament, 241. Petitions to admit the
divine right of it, ib. Established by
way of probation, 249. Remarks, 250.
Exceptions of the Scots, and their
amendments to it proposed, ib. Parlia-
ment's reply, 251. Questions sent to the
assembly of divines, about its divine
right, 253. Remarks, 254. Attempts for
a farther establishment of it, 276, &c.
London ministers assert it to be jure di-
vino, 279. How far the establishment of
it prevailed, 282. 421. A description of
it as settled in Scotland, 323, n. Uni-
versity of Oxford's objections to it, 365.
It is established without limitation of
time, 421. Presbyterian government esta-
blished, iv. 13. Endeavours to support
it, 88. Restored, 205. Abolished at the
Restoration, 238. 244. Restored in Scot-
land, V. 86.
Press restrained, i. 186. 369. A pri-
vate one set up by the Puritans, 401.
Discovered, and its promoters punished,
405. Restraint of it, in favour of Armi-
nianism and Popery, ii. 148, 149. Lauds
care of it, 205. Farther restraint of it,
259. Orders for restraining it, iii. 42.
Abuse of by Laud, 181. Again fettered,
iv. 344, 345.
Preston, Dr. John, ii. 124. 128. 138.
His death, &c. 173. 175, n.
Price, Mr. Samuel, p. xxiii of memoirs
of Neal prefixed to vol. i. n.
Prince of Wales, king's letter to him,
iii. 443. Remarks, ib.
Prisoners of the prerogative released
by the long-parliament, ii. 333.
Proclamation for the Hampton-court
conference, ii. 8. To enforce conformity,
20. Against Jesuits and Puritans, 23.
Against Papists in Ireland, 161. Against
prescribing a time for calling parliaments,
173. For repairing churches, 193. For
preventing the emigration of the Puri-
tans, 260. For the better government of
the king's army, 515.
Proclamations, acts concerning them,
i. 27. Repealed, 40.
Professors in the university of Oxford
who submitted to the parliament, iii.
387. Of those who were ejected, 390.
Of those who succeeded, 392. Their be-
haviour, 398.
Prohibitions granted to stop proceed-
ings in the bishops' courts, i. 462, 463.
Prohibitions in the spiritual courts, iii.
154.
INDEX.
CXCIX
Prophesyings, what, the rise of ihem,
and orders about them, i. 222, 223.
Confession of faith signed by the mem-
bers, ib. They increase, ^G"-!. Are sup-
pressed in the diocess of Norwich, ib.
The council's letter to continue them,
963. But to no purpose, 264. They are
regulated in other dioceses, 283. Queen's
reasons for putting them down, 284.
Her letter to the bishop of London, &c.
for that purpose, 284, n. Letter of the
bishop of Litchfield and Coventry to his
archdeacon, in compliance therewith,
286. Grindal refuses to put them down,
and writes to the queen in their favour,
ib. They are totally suppressed, 288. At-
tempt to revive them to no purpose, 370.
Protestants unhappily adopt the per-
secuting conduct of the Papists, i. 49.
Burnt in queen Mary's time, 88. Private
congregations of them, 92. A mixed exe-
cution of Protestants and Papists, 28.
Protestants in France and the Low
Countries, &c. cruelly persecuted, 203.
205. — See Persecution and Reformers.
— Protestant interest in Germany ruined
by king James, ii. 109. Union of it pro-
tected by Cromwell, iv. 163. Protestants
turned out, and Papists put into office,
by king James, v. 43.
Protestation of Puritan ministers on
the king's supremacy, ii. 59. Oflo^^alty,
from the Devon and Cornwall ministers,
62. Of the general assembly in Scot-
land, against episcopacy, 74. Of the
commons, against Arminianism, 168.
Against that, and tonnage and pound-
age, 170. Of the Scots, against im-
posing the liturgy, 273. 275. Of the
long-parliament, 380. Of the bishops,
452. Objections against it, 455.
Protestation of the king's supremacy,
made in the name of the afflicted minis-
ters, and opposed to the shameful calum-
niations of the prelates, a pamphlet, ex-
tract from it, ii. 59 — 61.
Provincial assembly of London, the
first, iii. 325. General rules for it, ib.
The second, and their petition to parlia-
ment, 326. The third, 415. The fourth,
416. Lancashire assembly, ib. Assem-
bly of London, their proceedings, iv.
121.
Provisors, the statute of, i. 1.
Prowd, Mr. his letter to lord Bur-
leigh, i. 298.
Prynne, his sentence with Bastwick
and Burton, in the star-chamber, ii.
226—228, and ns. Their second sen-
tence, 252, 253. Disgusts the nation,
255. Released by the long-parliament,
334. His memento against the king's
death, iii. 449.
Psalms, a new Tcrsion of, iii. 'ZCS,
Puritans, origin of that term, i. pre-
face, vii. An account of the rise and pub-
lication of the present work in 1732,
p. xxi of memoirs of Neal prefixed to
vol. i. and editor's advertisement im-
mediately following. .J!heir doctrines
agreeable to Wicklitfe(^i. '3. Their rise
also, 93. Their sentinients concerning,
the supremacy, 114. They were for uni-
formity in religion in their way, as well
as the other reformers in theirs, 126.
"When and on what account they began
to be called Puritans, 118. Several of
them refuse bishopricks, 122. Their
principles compared with those of the
other reformers, 123, &c. Some of them
refuse livings, and otliers comply for the
present, 143. Their proposals in convo-
cation for a farther reformation, 150,
151. They write to the courtiers against
pressing the habits, 155. Their reasons
against them, 161. 169, n. 174, n.
Other things in the church d/sliked by
them, 162. Deprived for refusing the
habits, 172. Farther severities against
them, 178. University of Cambridge fa-
vourable to them, 179, and n. 181. Sad
consequences of their deprivation t»
themselves and the church, 182. The
hardships they were under, 187. Some
continue in the church, others separate,,
ib. Their objections against the hierar-
chy, &c. 192. Agree with the conform-
ists in doctrine, 196. A meeting of
them broke up at Plumbers'-hall, and
their examination before the bishop of
London, &c. 197, v^'vc. Their sufferings,
200. Their zeal, 201. Their loyalty,
208. The laws against the Papists turn-
ed against them, ib. Their courage and
integrity in confessing what they be-
lieved to be the truth, 209, and n. The-
ditficulties they laboured under in their
ordinations, 217. 280. Farther hard-
ships put upon them by the clergy in
convocation, 220. And by archbishop
Parker, 226. More of them suspended,
227. They apply to parliament, 231.
Their admonitions to them, 232. They
gain ground, 243. Erect a presbytery at
Wandsworth, 243. A severe persecu-
tion began against them, 246. They
offer a public disputation, 250. Depriv-
ed for refusing to subscribe two forms
of the ecclesiastical commissioners, 253.
New forms of subscription, 255. Their
ministers caressed by the people, 257.
Their separate communions, and the pro-
testation of the members, 259. Dutch
and French churches forbid to admit
them to their communion, 260. A sham
plot fathered on them, 268. Diligence
of their preachers, 276. Their associa-
tions, 277. And conclusions therein, 278.
ce
INDEX.
More of their ministers suspended, 280.
Several of them ordained at Antwerp,
289. Farther severities against them,
293. 298—300. The third period
of Puritanism commences with the
Brownists, 301, n. They are re-
ceived into gentlemen's houses, 306.
Supplication of the justices in their fa-
vour, 312. A great many more of their
ministers suspended, 3i:3. The hard-
ships they were under from Whitgift's
articles, 323, 324. Petitions in their
favour, 326. The lord-treasurer and the
council write to the archhishop in their
favour, 338. 341. They obtain a kind
of conference at Lambeth, 34.3. Bishop
Ayhner's severities against them, 345,
&c. More of their ministers suspended,
346. 348. Their farther hardships, 353,
&c. Their book of discipline, 368.
Apply to parliament, 359. Their propo-
sals for reform, 360. Their supplication,
361. Bishops' answer to their proposal,
S6'i. They apply to convocation, 367.
Their apology to the church, and pro-
posals to the archbishop, ib. Supplicate
parliament again, 378. Bill fur farther
reform, 383. Ballard's judgment of
them, 386. They remove farther from
the church ; their form of subscription
to the book of discipline, 387. Names
who signed the book of discipline, ib.
n. Fariher sufi'erings, 388. Their quiet
behaviour, 390. Petition the queen,
S91. Apply t.0 the court of aldermen,
but in vain, ib. Proceedings in their
classes, 393. Apply again to parliament,
398. Fariher sutferings, 415. The mi-
nisters address the queen, and vindicate
themselves from all charges, &c. 419 ;
and Appendix, No. V. vol. v. Some
of them take the oath ex officio, and
discover their synods, -121. Their
opinion of the nature of Christ's suf-
ferings, 457. They are turned over to
the assizes, 460. The controversy be-
tween them and the church ceases for
a time, 463. Sun)mary of the controversy
•with them in the reign of queen Eliza-
beth, 465. Their principles and charac-
ter, 466, 467. Sir Francis VValsingham's
account of the queen's conduct towards
them, 468. Remarks upon it, 470.
King James I. an enemy to them, vol.
ii, author's preface, p. vii. They in-
crease under his reign, and the cause,
ib. and viii. Combined against by the
Arminians, ^c. ib^,^^ Their expecta-
tions from Janjes IJ^i^2. Millenary pe-
tition, 4. AnswcreciEy the university of
Oxford, 6. Conference with tlie bishops
at Hampton-court, 9, &c. How they
were treated, 16, &c. Refuse to be con-
cluded by it, and reasons, 19. Offer an
answer in writing, 20. Proclamation
against them, 23. Struggles in convoca-
tion to no purpose, 26. Bishop Rudd
speaks in their favour, ib. &c. Canons
against them, 30, &c. To suffer excom-
munication, 33. Persecution of them
revived, 37. Furiously carried on, 39.
Many retire to Holland, 40. Differ
about the lawfulness, &c. of separation
from the church, 44. Gunpowder-plot
to be fathered on them, 46. Their argu-
ments returned upon that of the bi-
shops against tolerating them, 48. Of-
fer a public disputation, ib. Arguments
against subscribing the Book of Com-
mon Prayer, 49. Against the ceremo-
nies, and particularly the surplice, 49.
51. Against the cross in baptism, 50,
51. Against kneeling at the sacrament,
50. 53. Against ceremonies, 50. Re-
move farther from the church, and the
occasion, 53. Their principles about re-
ligion in general, the church, ministers
of the word, elders, and church-cen-
sures, and concerning the civil magis-
trate, 55 — 59. Their protestation on the
king's supremacy, 59. And |)etition for
liberty of conscience, 61 . They protest
their loyalty, ib. The unreasonableness
of persecuting them, 62. Petition of
parliament in their favour, 70. Several
emigrate to Ireland, 89. Rejoice at the
elector palatine being chosen king of
Bohemia, 108. They settle in New-
England, 112. Distinction of church
and state Puritans, 113. Doctrinal Pu-
ritans, 118. Gain ground, 126, Bishop
"Williamsfavourable to them, 152. More
emigrate to New-England, 182. 228.
232. 239. 285. Hardships in relation to
the book of sports, 217. Indiscreet zeal,
238. Their courage, 258. Forbade to
leave the kingdom, 2ti0. Remarks on
that severity, ib. They increase, ib.
What they aimed at in Charles I.'s
time, 40^. Their petition for reforma-
tion, 4J7. Character of the Puritan
clergy, 509.' Their political behaviour,
510. Their vindication, ib, &c. Suffer-
ings of the Puritan clergy, iii. 21. 27.
Of those who were ejected at the Re-
storation, 112. Severely prosecuted by
Laud, 185, 186. The name of Puritans
is sunk, and they are spoken of under
other titles, 116, n. Changed to that
of Protestant Nonconformists, iv. 345.
Pury, alderman, his speech against
deans and chapters, ii. 394.
Pym, Mr. his speech in parliament,
ii. 166. Character, 31 5. Death, &c. iii.
84. His vindication of himself, 85' His
body dug up, iv. 318.
Quakers, their rise, iii. .^1S. iv 29—
INDEX.
cd
36. First called by that name, and why,
S3, and n. Their behaviour, 34. Their
doctrines, 35, and n. Their forgiving
temper under injuries illustrated by-
facts, 60, n. Their history continued,
138. Their extravagances, 139. Vindi-
cation, 138, n. They address king
Charles, and avow their innocency, 282.
Publish a declaration also, ib. Petition
for a toleration, 319. Act against ihem,
ib. and «. Their sutFeriiigs, S'zO, and «.
339. The effect of the act of uniformity
and corporation act on them, 328, «.
Their courage, &c. 397, 398, and n.
Publish an account of their sufferings,
474. They address, 483. In vain, 484.
Address king James on his accession,
V. 2. Of the reality of this address, 2, n.
Summary account of their sufferings, 17,
18. On their petition, 17, n. The penal
laws on which they suffered, 18, n.
Their address of thanks for James's in-
dulgence, 32, and n. Their history con-
tinued from the protectorship of Crom-
well to the declaration of indulgences,
1674, 203, &c. Their situation under
Cromwell, 203. Many persecuted in the
west, &ic. 204, &c. Remarks, 20.). 206.
General Monk's kindness towards them,
214. Remarks, ib. Their monthly and
yearly meetings, 232. Their general cha-
racter, 239, &c. Their history continued
from the declaration of indulgence to
the Revolution, A. D. 1674—1688, p.
248, &c. Avail themselves of the de-
claration of indulgence, ib. Their charity
to other dissenters, 249. Their perse-
cutions, particular sufferings, &c. 250
— 259, &c. Exert themselves to promote
liberty of conscience, 259. Grant of
William Penn, 262. Consequences, ib.
Memoirs of principal members, men and
women, 240—248.26.3—278. They ab-
rogate sexual distinctions, 277.
Queen of Charles I. her character,
and influence over the king, ii. 134.
516. Her negotiations in Holland, 465.
484. A chief means of bringing on the
civil war, 516. Sends arms, &c. to
the king, iil. 7. And men and money,
20. On which the commons impeach
her of high-treason, ib. King's letter to
her, 88. Laud forbids the clergy to pray
for her conversion, 192. Letters of the
king to her, 210, 211. 213. 272.
Queen's letters, with his answers, 223,
224. She presses him to comply with
the Presbyterians, 299.
Queen-mother, her Catholic court at
Somerset-house, iv. 322.
Queen of Bohemia. — Refer to Bo-
hemia.
Querela Cantabrigiensis, by Dr. Bar-
wick, extract from, iii, 107.
Radcliffe, Dr. some account of, iii.
389.
Ralphson, Mr. his sufferings, iv. 488.
Rapin, some remarks on him, ii. 40,'5.
Rawlin, Mr. mentioned p. xx of Neal's
life prefixed to vol. i. v.
Reading taking by the king, iii. 1.
Retaken by the earl of Essex, 20.
Reasons taken out of God's Word,
&c. a treatise by Mr. Jacob, a zealous
Puritan, printed in 1604, ii. 44.
Rebellion, the Puritans vindicate
themselves from the charge, i. 423.
Recognition of the government im-
posed by Cromwell on his parliament,
iv. 85.
Reformation, state of religion in Eng-
land before it, i. 1. VVicklitie's attempts
towards it, 2 — 5. Rise of it in Hen-
ry VlIL's time, 11. A remarkable cir-
cumstance at this period, 12. Its farther
progress, and by whom favoured, 15.
The body of inferior clergy against it,
ib. And also the monks and friars, 16.
A farther account of the state of it in
this reign, 19—24.26.29.33. Obstacles
to its progress, 24. State of it at the
king's death. So. The parties for and
against it, on Edward VL's succession,
37, V.
The beginning and progress ofitia
this reign, 38, &c. Reformation of the
communion, and other offices, 43, 44.
63. Of the ecclesiastical laws, which do
not take place, 52. Of the doctrines of
the church, 62. Blemishes of the Re-
formation, 65. It was left imperfect, 67.
Farther progress of it intended, 68, &c.
Reflections by the editor, on the princi-
ples upon which it was founded, in op-
position to the conduct of the reformers,
69. Hopes of the progression of the Re-
formation done away by queen Mary,
76 — 78. Revives under queen Eliza-
beth, 104, &c. Adviceof foreign divines
about it, 106. The clergy in convoca-
tion against it, 121. The populace for it,
131. Goes on but slowly, 145. Attempts
in convocation for a farther reformation,
150. Unsuccessful but by a single proxy,
151. It is in great danger by the queen's
sickness, 204. Popish confederacy to
banish it out of the world, 205. Parlia-
ment f(tr a farther reform, 215.219.228.
Stopped by tlie queen, 215. Farther pro-
ceedings in parliament in favour of it,
378. 384, &c. Again stopped by the
queen, 385: see also 399. ileformaiion
of doctrine required in the Hampton-
court conference, ii. 13. Reforn) in the
manners of people retnarkable in the
parliament-times, and in their army, 507,
508.
Reformers in Henry VIII.'s tirae, their
ecu
INDEX.
sentiments in sundry points, i. i?9, n.
Their fatal mistake about uniformity, 44.
120. Are divided about the habits or
vestuients, 45. Many of them of perse-
cuting principles, 49. Which gave great
advantage to the Papists, 50. Several fly
beyond sea in queen Mary's reign, 74. —
See Exiles. The declaration of faith, of
those that were imprisoned, 79. Divided
about discipline and ceremonies in queen
Elizabeth's time, 12'2. Their declaration
of faith in the beginning of her reign,
140.
Refugees return in Edward VI.'s reign,
i. 37. In queen Elizabeth's, 106, 107.—
See Exiles.
Regency appointed during the mi-
nority of Edward VI. i. 37.
Regicides tried, and many executed,
jy. 272—274. Remarks, 275, and
n. Three more executed, 323.
Relics and images destroyed, i. 16.
Religion, sad state of it, i. 244. 287,
288. Religious assemblies broke up, 265.
The occasion of them, 266. Puritans'
opinion of religion, ii. 55. Unsettled
state of it, 420."'425. Parliament's pro-
positions relating to it, 482. Debated at
the treaty of Uxbridge, iii. 214. Propo-
sitions relating to it sent to the king at
Newcastle, 296. State of it, 402. Under
the rurap-parliament, iv. 16. Articles re-
lating to it in Cromwell's instrument of
government, 69. Affairs of it in his time,
88. Committee draw up the funda-
mentals of it, 89. Article relating to it
in the humble petition and advice,
153. State of it after the Restoration,
320.
Religion of Protestants a Safe Way to
Salvation, an excellent treatise by Chil-
lingworth, iii. 81.
Religious Peace, a pamphlet by L.
Busher, published in 1614 ; a defence of
general toleration, v. 286.
Remonstrance of parliament against
Papists, ii. 114. Of king Charles's third
parliament, 156.160. Of the long-par-
liament, against Papists, 372. Their
grand remonstrance, 439. 441. Petition
presented with it, 443.
Removal of certain Imputations, &c.
a pamphlet published by the ministers
of Devon and Cornwall, to vindicate their
loyahy.ii. 62. An animated extract, ib.
Republicans, two sorts of, and Crom-
well's management of lhera,iv. 80. They
plot against him, 86.
Responses, first adopted at the Refor-
mation, i. preface, vi.
Restoration of Charles II. iv. 224, &c.
Of the times preceding, 246. Of the
tiroes that followed, ib.
R«vels.— Refer to Wakea.
Revolution, reflections on, and on the
act of toleration, V. 279, &c.
Reynolds, Dr. his remarks on Ban-
croft's sermon about the divine right of
episcopacy, i. S96, n. His part in the
Hampton-court conference, ii.. 13, &c.
His death and character, remarkable case
of him and his brother, 65.
Reynolds, Dr. Edward, some account
of him, iii. 392. His behaviour in the
Savoy conference, iv. 303. His death,
&c. 439, 440, n.
Rhemist Testament, Cartwright forbid
to answer it, i. 376 ; ii. 81.
Ridley, Dr. preaches against images
in churches, i. 37. Succeeds Bonner in
the bishoprick of London, 51 . Is very
zealous about the habits, 56. Relaxes in
his opinion of them, 59. Burnt with
bishop Latimer at Oxford, 85. Was ut-
terly against the Popish garments at last,
157. 184.
Ring in rnarringe, why the Puritans
disliked it, i. 195.
Rippon, Mr. the Brownist, inscription
on his coffin, i. 431.
Rippon, treaty of, ii. 308.
Rippon, Rev. Dr. his edition of the
Baptists' confession of faith, noticed with
others, v. 191.
Rites and Ceremonies, of retaining the
Popish ones, i. 45. Reasons of the Eng-
lish exiles at Geneva against them, 98. —
See also Ceremonies. — Canon about
them, ii. 303.
Roberts, Dr. some account of, iii. 395.
Robinson, Rev. John, the first Inde-
pendent, ii. 43. His parting speech to
his congregation at their going to New
England, 110. He takes leave of them,
111.
Robinson's Plan of Lectures, 5th edit,
a quotation from it, on the various de-
gress of religious tyranny, iii. 276, n. On
the directory, 322, n.
Rochelle, siege of, ii. 143.
Rockrey, Mr. expelled the university
for nonconformity to the habits, i. 281.
Rogers, John, assists in translating
the Bible, i. 18. Preferred, 57. His mar-
tyrdom, 83. Was against the Popish ha-
bits. 157.
Rogers, Rev. John, his sufferings, ii.
251. Mr. N. Rogers retires to New-Eng-
land, 252. Mr. Ezekiel Rogers retires
also. 285.
Romish missals, the foundation of the
morning and evening services of the
Common Prayer-book, i. 43.
Root and Branch petition, ii. 356.
Counter petition, 358. Speeches for the
former, 361.
Rosewell, Mr. his trial, iv. 494. He i«
condemned^ but pardoned, 496.
INDEX.
CClll
Roundhead and Cavalier, origin of
those appellations, ii. 450.
Rouse, Mr. his speech in parliament,
ii. 166.
Rowe, Mr. John, his death, &c. iv.
446, and n.
Royal. — State of the royal family, iv.
113. Origin of the Royal Society, 166.
Cromwell's management of the royalists,
79. Their plots against him, 82. 87. 170.
His severity against them by decima-
tion, 88.
Rudd, bishop, his speech in convoca-
tion on the cross in baptism, and in fa-
vour of the Puritans, ii. 26.
Rupert, prince, his character and be-
haviour in the war, iii. 90. His bad con-
duct in the battle of Naseby, 230. The
king displeased with him, 231.
Russel, lord, beheaded, iv. 480.
Rye-house plot, iv.480. Nonconform-
ists charged with it, 482. Quakers ex-
onerate themselves from it, 483.
Sabbath, controversy about it, i. 451.
— See Lord's day. — Strict observation
of it, iii. 36. Ordinance for that purpose,
139.
Sacrament, act for administering it in
both kinds, i. 40. Sacramentaries, who,
25. Reformation of the service, 43. 63.
Sacramental test, a national blemish,
Tol. i. preface, p. xi; vol. ii. preface,
p. xi.
Sacramentaries persecuted, and who,
i. 25.
Sadler, Rev. Mr. his case published,
and answered, iv. 98.
Saints-days, &c. disliked by the Pu-
ritans, i. 193. Abolished, iii. 355.
Salisbury entered by a party of armed
horse during the assizes, and the judges
seized by the royalists, iv. 87. They
proclaim the king, but being unsupport-
ed, march into Dorset and Devon, are
defeated, and the leaders executed, ib.
Salkield, Mr. his sufferings, iv. 488,
and n.
Sale of bishops' lands, ordinance for
it, iii. 306. Whether sacrilege, 436.
Salters'-hall lectures, an account of,
p. xxiv of life of Neal prefixed to vol. i.
Saltmarsh, Mr. his death, and the ex-
traordinary circumstances attending it,
iii. 405.
Samaritan Bible, some particulars of
it, iv. 133, «.
Sampson, Mr. his letter against the
habits, i. 161. Proceedings of the eccle-
siastical commissioners against him and
Dr. Humphreys, 169, n. He is deprived,
170, Resigns his lecture, 266. His plain
dealing with Grindal, 267. His death
and character, 399.
Bancroft, archbishop, his circular letter
to his clergy, v. 58.
Sanderson, Dr. some account of, iii.
390, and n. His sentiments concerning
the act of uniformity, iv. 333, n.
Sandys, bishop of Worcester, inveighs
against the habits, i. 160. Reminds the
queen of the great scarcity of preachers,
177. Translated to London, and his
charge to the clergy, 215. His letter to
the treasurerforsuppressingthe Puritans,
239. Made archbishop of York, 275.
His proceedings against dean Whitting-
ham, 290. And other Puritans, 389.
His death, 400. Remarkable passage in
his will, ib.
Saville, lord, his letter to encourage
the Scots, ii. 294.
Savoy confession, iv. 173, &c.
Savoy conference, iv. 293. Names of
the divines on bothsides, 294,295. Open-
ing of the conference, ib. Hardships of
the Presbyterians in it, 296. Proceed-
ings of the commissioners, 297. A dis-
putation proposed, 298. The subjects of
it, ib. Remarks, 300. The Presbyterians
descend to entreaties, 301. Behaviour of
the commissioners, 302. Of the dispu-
tants, 303. Of the auditors, ib. Censures
of the conference, 304.
Saunders, Mr. burnt at Coventry.i. 84.
Saunders, Dr. some account of, iii.
385.
Scandalous ministers, committee for
them, iii. 24. White's publication, called
the First Century of them, 28. Other tes-
timonies of their character, 29. Another
committee for them, and the earl of
Manchester's warrant empowering it to
act, 107.
Schism, Puritans vindicate themselves
from this and other charges, i. 419.
Schism bill, V. 88. Repealed by GeorgeL
89.— See Appendix, No. XV. XVL
Scholars of the university of Oxford,
their insolence, iii. 383. They are ex-
pelled, 384.
School in Gravel-lane, Southwark, an
account of, v. 285, &c.
Schoolmasters restrained, i. 372.
Scotland, the reformation there, i.
137, &c. Their confession of faith, and
kirk-discipline, 140. Farther account of
affairs there, 189. Their kirk-discipline
established, 1 91 . A summary of the kirk-
affairs there, 444. Scots divines write to
the bishops against imposing the habits,
165. Behaviour of James L before his
accession to the English crown, ii. 2.
Episcopacy restored there against the
sense of the nation, 76. His progress and
proceedings there, 100, 101. Charles's
progress there, 207. Laud's behaviour
there, 208. Book of canons for that king-
CCIT
1NDKX.
dom, 241. And liturgy, 270. Charles's
second progress, 41 4. Progress of the
English army there, iv. 18. 46. Reduced
by Monk, and united to the common-
wealih,.Tl. Low condition of (he kirk. ib.
Liberty of conscience settled, 5'2. The
kirk insulted, ib. State of Scotland then,
and afterward, ib. Incorporated with
England, 81. Episcopacy restored, 310,
&c. Summary of the persecution there,
433. Proceedings of the government,
499. Which occasions an insurrection,
ib. Of house and field conventicles, 500.
EiFectsof the persecution,. 501. ItsafFriirs
in James's reign, v. 2o. His declaration
there, di. Presbytery restored, 86.
Scots l)isl)ops consecrated, ii. 76.
Their declinator against the general as-
sembly, 280. They are deposed, 283.
Scots liturgy, 270. Imposed by the pre-
rogative, 271. Occasions tunmlts, 272.
Reasons against it, 273. Petitions against
it, !?74. And a protestation, 27.5. Scots
parliament. 291. Scots settlements in Ire-
land, 89. Their disci|)rme, 90. Theiror-
dinations, 91. Scots tables, 275. Solenni
league, &c. 276. Band of defence, 277.
King's Concession to them, 278, 279.
Preparations of the English court against
them, 282. Are encouraged by the Eng-
lish, 294. Their charge against Land,
328. Abstract of the pacification with
then), 412. Declared faithful subjects,
417. Offer their niediation between the
king and English parliament, 473. Their
letter to the parliament, 495. First Scots
war, 284. 289. The second, 307. Scots
called in by the English parliantent and
assembly of divines, iii. 55. Their rea-
sons for assisting the parliament, 56.
They appoint a solemn league and cove-
nant, 57. Their unbounded zeal in im-
posing it, 63. Their army enters Eng-
land, 88. Their exceptions to the ordi-
nance for erecting presbyteries in Eng-
land, 250, And the parHanient's reply,
251. Their declaration against tolera-
tion, 262. The king surrenders himself
to their army, 273. Their zeal agaiitst
sectaries, 276. Their behaviour to the
king, 282. Their kirk will not trust him,
and publisli a solemn warning and de-
claration, 301 . Proceedings of their par-
liament in relation to him, 302. 'Jhey
deliver him up, and publish their rea-
sons, 303. They receive the whole West-
minster confession of faiih, 320. Their
commissioners take leave of the assem-
bly, 322. They appoint a fast for the
distractions of England, 3'23. Account
of the discipline in their kirk, 323, m.
King's private treaty with (hem, 3.50.
Their army enters England under duke
Hamilton, 408. And is defeated by
Cromwell, 410. They press the king's
consent in the treaty of Newport, 437.
They protest against putting him to
death, 454. Their declaration against
the English, iv. 11. Their treaty with
the king in Holland, 12. Conditions of
it, 19. Cron)well marches against them,
ib. Defeats them at Dunbar, 21. He in-
vites their ministers to return, ib. &c.
Remarks, 24. Their army under the king
niarches to England, 47. Are defeated
at Worcester, 49. Low state of (he kirk,
51. Terms on which (he^' would restore
the king, 226. New Scots bishops made,
311. Their character, 314. 498. Cha-
racter of the Scots Presbyterians, 313.
Their sufferings, 498.
Scripture, whether to be interpreted
by antiquity and tradition, iii. 290.
Scriptures, debates about translating
them, i. 18.— See Bible.
Scruple-shop, an appellation of con-
tempt, by some of the scholars, on the
Conference held by the divines sent by
parliament to reform the university of
Oxford, iii. 362.
Seaman, Dr. some account of, iii. 101,
and ». iv. 432, and ??.
Se- Baptist, a title given to Mr. Smith,
and \\hy, ii. 42.
Secret History of the Court and Reign
of Charles IL this work quoted, ii. 19, «.
25, n. 130, II. and in other places.
Sectaries, canon against tliein, ii. 301.
Presbyterians* remonstrance against
them,' iii. 276. The Independents op-
pose it, 277. Presbyterians' petition
against them, 308. Farther account of
then), 309. Edwards's Gangrjena written
against then), 310. Mr. Baxter's account
of them, 313. Lord Clarendon's, and
bishop Braujhall's, .314.
Sedgwick, Mr. O. liis death, iv. 167.
Sees, vacant ones, debates about filling
them, iv. 209. Difficulties that attended
it, ib. Expedients proposed, 210. Re-
marks, 211.
Selden, Mr. his recantation, ii. 103.
His character of the clergy, 128, and n.
His sentiments concerning convocations,
iii. 50, t?. On the parliament at Oxford,
86, f/. His speech againstsuspensions and
excommunications, 242. His death and
character, iv. 113, 1 14, and hs.
Self-denying ordinance, iii. 228.
Self entployment in Secret, by Corbet,
an excellent work, iv. 466.
Seminaries, Popish, erected, i. 571.
The oath taken by the students, 272.
Separation frou) the church of P'ng-
land, the rise and sad conscqtiences of it,
i. 188. Remarks thereon, ib. 1 he chief
leaders of it, 197. It increases, 298.
Protestation of the members of those
INDEX.
CCT
that joined the separate church, 259.
Their assemblies broke up, 265. Arch-
bibhop Laud's sentiments of it, ii. 45. A
second separation from the church, 54.
Debates about the lawfuhiess of it, iii.
269.
Sequestrations, committee of, iii. 95.
Servants, time allotted for their recrea-
tion, iii. 3r>6.
Service-book, or liturgy, kingEdward's
first, i. 44. 46. Occasions insurrections,
47. His second service-book, 63, 64. A
better designed by Cranmer, 68. Dis-
putes about it an)ong tiie English exiles,
94. Calvin's judgment of it, 96. Re-
viewed and established under queen
Elizabeth, 118. The pope offers to con-
firm it, 14'i. Motives for amendments in
it, S'24. Service of ihe church, what the
Puritans wanted amended, ii. 5. 15.
Laud's alteration in the service-book,
220. Of reading the second service, iii.
175.
Settle, Mr. his examination and
troubles, i. 388, 389.
Seward, Dr. his reply to Mr. Hender-
son about bishops, iii. 217.
Sexual distinct ion^ wisely abrogated
by Quakers, v. 277.
Shaftesbury, carl of, deserts the ca-
bal, iv. 419. *He is sent to the Tower,
471.
Shaxton, bishop, a friend to the Refor-
mation, i. 15. Resigns his bishoprick,
but turns apostate and prosecutor, 26.
Sheldon, archbishop, some account of,
iii. 388. His muniticent deeds, ib. n.
Promotes the act of uniformity ; his
character, iv. 332. The proceedings at
the opening of his theatre, 389, n. His
letter to the bishops against the Noncon-
formists, 395. Another, 429. His death,
443. and ns.
Sheppard, Rev. Mr, removes to New-
England, ii. 232.
Slierfield, Mr. tried in the star-chara-
ber, for demolishing son)e painted win-
dows in St. Edmund's church, SalisbHr3%
ii>^02. His defence, 203. His sentence,
2D4. Noticed in vol. iii. 162, ^6S. ,
Ship. money, tonnage, &c. promoted
by Laud, iii. 152.
Shorter, sir J. lord-mayor, his beha-
viour, V. 42.
Shower, Mr. John, his reception at
Geneva, iv. 479, n.
Sibbs, Dr. his death and character, ii.
242. Of his works, 243, »/.
Sibthorpe's sermon, ii. 151. He is pre-
ferred, 156.
Sidney, Algernon, executed, iv. 481,
and 71.
Sims, Rev. John, his sufferings, iv.
527.
Simpson, Mr. Cuthbert, put to the rack
and burnt, i. 92.
Singleton, Dr. John, account of him,
p. xviii, n. of Neal's memoirs prefixed
to vol. i.
Singularity, the Puritans vindicate
themselves from that, and other charges,
i. 419.
Six articles, statute of, and sad effects
of, i. 26, 27. Their rigour abated, 32.
Repealed, 40.
Skippon, major-general, encourages
his soldiers, iii. 2. His bravery in the
battle of Naseby, 230.
Smallbrook.Dr.extract from his charge
to his clergy, on the danger of the church,
on dissenters, 6ic. preface to vol. iii. p.
viii, ix.
Smart, Rev. Mr. his sufferings, ii. 181.
His character, &c. ib. n.
Sraecty nnuius, who, ii. 345. They reply
to bishop Hall's defence of liturgies, 346.
And of the English liturgy, 348. They
are for ordination by presbyters, 352.
Their petition about episcopacy and li-
turgy, 355.
Smith, Mr. George, p. xxiv of the life
of Neal prefixed to vol. i. «.
Smith, Mr. John, examined with other
Puritans by archbishop Grindal, i. 198,
&c.
Smith, Mr. and other Brownists, their
sufferings, 1. 430, &c. An account of
him, ii. 42, 43, and n.
Snape, Dr. the spirit of his writings,
iii. 83, V.
Snelling, Mr. his sufferings, ii. 219.
Society for propagating the gospel,
some account of, iv. 360. For distributing
Bibles, &c. in Wales, 429, n.
Socinianism, canon against it, ii. 301.
Solenm league and covenant renewed,
ii. 275. Solemn vow, &c. of the long
parliament, 380. Ordered to be generally
taken, 382. Remarks, ib. Drawn up,
and passed by the Scots, iii. 57. Debates
upon it in England, 58. Where it is
agreed to, ib. A copy of it, o9. Manner
of taking it, 62. An exhortation to the
taking it, 63. Unreasonableness of im-
posing it, 65. 68. Instructions for taking
it in the country, 65. The king forbids
the taking it, 67. The influence it had
on the clergy, ib. Ordered to be read
and hung up in churches, 140. Presby-
terians' petition to have it imposed on the
whole nation, 308. Abstract of the uni-
versity of Oxford's reasons against it.
365. Exceptions against the preface, ib.
Against the coven.mt in general, 365.
Against the first article, ib. Against the
second, 366. Against the third, 367. The
fourth, fifth, and sixth, 368. Contradic-
tions and doubtful expressions in the
INDEX.
covenant, 369. Absurdities in pursuing
the ends of it, ib. Of the salvos for
taking it, 370. The solemn league, &c.
declared illegal, iv. 290.
Song of Solomon and the Revelations,
commentaries on, published by Mr. T.
Brightman, ii. 66.
Sons of the clergy, origin of the society
for, iv. 130.
Spanish invasion, i. 398.
Spanish match, ii. 119. Articles of it,
120. Broken off, 124.
Spanish Plate fleet taken, iv. 137.
Another destroyed, 159.
Sparke, Dr. his part in the conference
at Lambeth, i. 343.
Speeches of James I. to his parliament,
ii. 23. 69. 113. 124. Of bishop Rudd,
about the cross in baptism, and in favour
of the Puritans, 26. Speech against
bishops and their courts, 68. Speeches
in parliament, 166, &c. 318. 339. 361,
&c. 39 1 , 392, &c. 406. Of king Charles I.
at dissolving his third parliament, 171.
In favour of the hierarchy, 360.
Spiritual courts, on what ground their
authority now stands, and how limited,
i. 13, 14. Objections of the Puritans
against them, i99. Their extortion and
rigorous proceedings, 209. 256. Debates
in parliament about them, 424. 461. 463.
Prohibitions to stop proceedings in them,
462, 463.
Spratt'sHistorjof the Rye-house Plot,
iv. 480, n.
Spurstow, Dr. some account of, iii.
104.
Spurstow, Dr. William, his death and
character, iv. 375.
Squire, Rev. Mr. his case, iii. 26.
Standing army, origin of, iv. 279, n.
James's, v. 24. Mr. Johnson's letter to
them, 25. New-modelled by the admis-
sion of Papists, 43.
Star-chamber court, an account of it,
i. 416. A great grievance, 417. Account
of it, ii. 137. Act fur abolishing it, 406.
Statutes of Oxford, iii. 173, 174.
Staunton, Dr. some account of,iii.396.
His death, &c. iv. 411, and n.
Stay against Stra^'ing, the last work
ofMr. J. Ball, ii.309.
Stern, Dr. some account of, iii. 100.
Sternhold and Hopkins's obsolete ver-
sion of the Psalms complained of by the
assembly of divines, and Rouse's version
adopted by both houses of parliament,
iii. 266.
Stillingfleet's Irenicum, extracts from
it, iv. 284. On his change of sentiments,
286, n. Writes against dissenters, 463.
Various answers to him, ib.
Stordy, Thomas, history of, v. 267.
-Strafford, earl of, advises a second
war with the Scots, ii. 284. His impeach-
ment and trial, 374. His execution and
character, 378. Several speeches against
him, ib.
Stretten, Mr. R. his sufferings, iv. 489^
Strickland, ■\Ir. forbid the house of
commons by the queen, i. 215.
Stringer, Dr. an account of, iii. 390.
Strong, Mr. William, liis death, &c.
iv. 116. His body dug up, 319.
Stroud, Mr. his sufferings, i. 239. His
farther troubles, and petitions in his fa-
vour, 281, 282.
Strype, Blr. his errors in the memo-
rials of archbishop Cranmer, p. xxxv in
editor's advertisement prefixed to vol. i.7i.
Stubbs, INIr. writes against the queen's
designed French match, for which his
right hand was cut off, i. 206.
Stuarts, character of the house of, ii.
1. End of the male line of, v. 67.
Subscriptions to human forms, the un-
reasonableness of imposing them, and
the difficulties the clergy labour under
therefrom, i. 218, 219.— See Articles.
Form of subscription for the clergy and
laity, 255, 256. Subscription required
by Whitgift, 320. His reasons for it, 325.
Subscription required of the clergy, ii.
33. 35. Numbers that refuse, 38. Lin-
colnshire ministers' reasons against it,
48. Occasions a second separation, 54.
Succession and supremacy, the oath
of, i. 14. Uninterrupted succession of
the bishops maintained, ii. 261.
Sufferings of Christ, dispute about the
nature of them, i. 457.
Suffolk men, how treated by queen
Mary, i. 73.
Supplication of the Puritans to the
parliament, with their survey and bill
annexed, i. 378, &c. — See Petitions.
Supplication of the Beggars, a book,
i. 15.
Surplice. — See Habits. — Puritans* ob-
jections to it, ii. 49. 51.
Supremacy, act of, i. 10. Oath adroi-^
nistered, 14. Executions for refusing it,
22. 28. It may as well be prejudicial as
serviceable to religion, 70. An act for
restoring it under Elizabeth, 108. Powers
vested in the crown thereby, 110, &c.
An act to confirm it, 146. Puritans'
sentiments about it, 420. Protestation
about it, ii.59. Reasons for amending the
act of, 71.
Survey of the state of the church, as
to its ministers, in the years 1585,1586,
i. 381,382. 391.
Suspension from the sacrament, de-
bates about it, iii. 242. Ordinance for it,
244. Rules for it in case of ignorance,
245. In case of scandal, ib. Provisos in
the ordinance about it, 246.
Swaffield,Mr. J. of Salisbury, his suf-
ferings, iv. 427.
Switzerland, &c. entertain with great
humanity the early reformers of England,
■who fled from the cruel persecutions of
queen Mary, vol. i. preface, p. vi.
Swinton, Mr. some account of, v. 274,
275, and n.
Symmonds, Rev. Mr. of Essex, his
case, iii. 25. Vindicates himself in a
pamphlet, 26.
S3 mpson, Rev. S. removes to Holland,
ii. 288. His death, &c. iv. 189.
Syndercombe's plot, iv. 137.
Synod of Dort, ii. 95, &c. Oath, 97.
Conclusion, and behaviour of the remon-
strants, 98. And of the English divines,
ib. Censures on the synod, 100. De-
bates about the subordination of synods,
iii. 239.
Synods of the Puritans, conclusions in
them, i. 278. 393. 416. 422. 428.— See
Classes.
Synopsis Criticorum, 5 vols, folio, by
Pool, some account of, iv. 454, and n.
His commentary, &c. 455.
Tables ordered in the room of altars,
i. 53.
Table-talk, by Selden, the edition of
1777 quoted, iii. 50, n. 86, «.
Tarente, prince of, Cromwell's letter
to him, iv. 112.
Taxes, grievous ones on the people,
iii. 20.
Taylor, Dr. his martyrdom, i. 84. He
derided the Popish garments, 157.
Taylor, Mr. Francis, his death, &c.
iv. 247, 248, n. His valuable works, ib.
Taylor, Thomas, memoirs of, v. 265.
Temple, sir William, sent to Holland,
and concludes a triple alliance, iv.
381.
Templers received the sacrament sit-
ting, i. 358.
Test-act quoted, vol. i. preface, p. x.
Original design of it, ib. Its hardship,
ii. preface, p. xi — xiii.
Test-act brought into the house, iv.
420. Debated, 421. Receives the royal
assent, ib. The act itself, 422. Remarks,
ib. King William for taking it off, v.
76.
Testimonials to ministers, copies of,
iv. 74.
Thacker, Mr. executed, i. 313.
Theodosius's law, a usurpation on
conscience, i. 35.
Theses Martinianae, a satirical work,
published in 1589, i. 402.
Thirty-nine articles. — See Articles.
Thomas, Mr. serjeant, his speech
against the bishops, ii. 362. Against
deans and chapters, 393.
INDEX. ccvii
Thompson, Mr. John, his suflferings,
iv. 427.
Tillotson, archbishop, his sermon
quoted, vol. i. preface, p. xiii. Anecdote
relating to this quotation, ib. n. Remarks
on a passage of his reflecting on the dis-
senters, 126. Some account of, iv. 304.
429, His answer to archbishop Sheldon,
407, 71.
Timothy and Titus not called bishops
in the Alexandrian copy of the Bible, ii.
351, 71.
Titchbourne, alderman, one of the lay-
commissioners for the approbation of
ministers, iv. 93.
Tithes, Mr. Selden's History of, an ac-
count of, ii. 103, and n. Petitions against
tithes, iv. 55. Mr. Boreman maintains
their divine right in a treatise, ib.
Titles of pamphlets, several for and
against episcopacy, ii. 344, 345. Of seve-
ral, against visitors of the university of
Oxford, iii. 383. For and against king
Charles's death, 460, 461. 465. iv. 185.
Controversial, 188, 189, &c.
Toleration, proposals for it by the In-
dependents, iii. 257. The Presbyterians*
answer to them, ib. Independents' re-
ply, 258. Presbyterians' second reply,
259. Independents' second reply, 260.
Conclusion of the Presbyterians, ib. Con-
clusion of the Independents, ib. Remarks,
261. Debates about toleration, ib. The
Scots declare against it, 262. Indepen-
dents for a limited one, 263. Defence of
a general one, in answer to the reasons of
the London clergy, ib. Presbyterians*
remonstrance against toleration, 276.
Seconded by the Scots, ib. London mi-
nisters declare against it, 323. Petitioned
for by Cromwell and his array, iv. 8.
Debates on tbe reasonableness of tolera-
tion, 387. Attempted in parliament, and
the duke of Buckingham's speech for it,
432. Act of toleration brought in and
passed, v. 77, and n. — See the act. Ap-
pendix, No. XIII. Reflections on this
act, &c. 279, &c. &c.
Tonibes, Mr. some account of, iii. 1 35,
His death, &c. iv. 440, 441. Triers ad-
mit him, and acknowledge the Baptists,
V. 197.
Tomkins, Mr. Martin, an account of
his works, p. xvii of Neal's memoirs pre-
fixed to vol. i. 71. The alFair between Mr.
Asty and him discussed, vol. ii. adver-
tisement, p. iv, V.
Tomkins's plot, iii. 18.
Tonnage and poundage, ii. 170.
172.
Tonstal, bishop, deprived, i. 64. Re-
storedj 73. Deprived again, 121.
Tories, account of them, iv. 458.
King William made uneasy by them, v.
ccvlit
INDEX.
87. Their conduct to the dissenters since
the Revolution, 88.
Towle, Rev. Thomas, his request to
the editor, respecting an assertion rela-
tive to Mr. Asty replied to, vol. ii. ad-
rertisenient, p. iv, v.
Tracts in three vols, folio, against
Popery, noticed, v. 13, and n.
Travers, Mr. lestiinonial of his ordina-
tion at Antwerp, i. '.r89. Concerned in
the Lambeth confen^nce, 3iS. His trou-
bles, 357. Suspended, 373. Supplicates
the council, ib. Hooker's answer to it,
37.5. He is silenced for life, 376.
Travis, Rebecca, a rational and vir-
tuous woman, some account of, v. 277.
Treaty of Rippon, ii. 308. Of New-
port, iii. 4'22. Parliament's proposals,
and the king's reply, 424, 425. Confe-
rence between the king and the parlia-
ment-divines about episcopacy, 4-^6.
King's final concessions, 434, &c. Re-
marks, 438. Conclusion of the treaty,
441. Treaty of Oxford, iii. 9, &c.
Broke off, 1(3. Of Uxbridge, 209. The
commissioners, 211. Treaty begins, ib.
Debates abont the militia, 213. About
Ireland, ib. About religion, 21 4. Breaks
off, and the reasons, 22'.:?. Remarks, 223.
Triers appointed for the approbation
of ministers, iv. 93. Thcirnames and in-
structions, ib. Remarks, 94. Copy of
their presentation, 95. Complaints and
objections to them, ib. and 96. Their
proceedings, 97. Reniarks, with Mr.
Baxter's opinion of them, 98. Of tlieir
admission of Mr. Tombes, and acknow-
ledgment of the Baptists, v, 197.
Trigg, Hannah, her sutfcrings, v. 226.
Trigland, Dr. the Dutch minister at
the Hague written to by Dr. INlorley, to
prove the king's steadfastness in the re-
formed (irnh, iv. 214.
Tucknt'y. Dr. some account of, iii.
lO.j. His death, &c. iv. 402. and »;.
Tunmlts about the parlianKMit-house,
ii. 449. And in the city, 450. Attejupts
to suppress tliem, 451.
Turner, Dr. some account of, iii. 391.
Tutchin, Mr. sentenced to such whip-
ping that he petitions to be hanged, v. 8.
Twisse, Dr. prolocutor to the assem-
bly of divines, iii. 46. His death and
character, .316.
'J'^ndal's translation of the New Tes-
tament, i. 1.'). Of the whole Bible, 18,
19. He suffers martyrdom, ib. ii. 7 9.
Vacancies in the university of Oxford
filled up, iii. 400.
Vak-ntine, Mr. committed with others
to the'l"<mer,ii. 171. Their sentences, ib.
Van Paris, George, burnt for a here-
tic, i. 50. His character, ib.
Vane, sir H. sen. his character, ii.
316. Sir H. Vane, jun. his speech in
parliament, 361. His trial, iv. 323. His
execution and behaviour on the scaffold,
324.
Vanists, a sect of people during the
parliament-times, of a short duration, iii.
31.3.
A'arije Lectioncs, an unfinished pam-
phlet against the church, seized with
many others, i. 403.
Vassal, Mr. and other merchants, have
their goods seized, ii. 169.
Vanghan, bishop, translated to Lon-
don, asid his answer to the French and
Dutch churches, ii. 34.
Vaughan, sir J. his character and con-
duct, iv. 401, n.
Faux, Guy, his plot discovered, ii. 45.
His lantern taken by Mr. Hey wood, and
preserved at Oxford, 371.
Venables and Penn take Jamaica, iv.
120.
Venner's insurrection, iv. 278.
Vestments of the priests. — See Habits.
Vezey, bishop, resigns, i. 62.
Vexatious citations, canon about them,
ii. 305.
Vincent, Mr. Thomas, his death, &c.
iv. 451, and h. 479.
Vices, ordinances against, iv. 26, 27.
Increase after the Restoration, 320.
Vickris, Richard, his case, v. 257.
View of Public Wants and Disorders,
&c. a book written by Mr. Penry in
1588, i. 438.
A'illiers, Barbara, Charles II. spends
on her most of tlie money tliat the sale
of Dunkiik produced, iv. 323, n.
Vines, Dr. some account of, iii. 102.
iv. 118, 119, n.
Vindication of the Presbyterian Go-
vernment and Ministr3% some remarks
on this work, iii. 262, ».
Virginia, a bishop designated for it,
iv. n02, »/.
Visitation Royal, in Edward VI.'s time,
for promoting tlie reformation, i. 38. To
examine the church-plate, &c. 64. Ano-
ther in queen Elizabeth's reign, 127. 131.
Vitalian, pope, first introduced music
and chatUing of prayers into the church,
A. D. 666. iii. 176.
Voltaire censured, i. 122, n.
Vorstius, his opinions, and James I.*t
zeal against him, ii. 83, 84, and ».
Votes of no nu)re addresses to the
king, 111.354. Revoked, 412. Resumed,
447.
Vowel and Gerliard executed, iv. 82,
and u.
Udal, Mr. his examination about writ-
ing the Demonstratioo of Discipline, &c.
INDEX
i. 406. His iiuprihonment in the gate-
liOHse,4()7. His trial, 408. He is convict-
ed, 409. The judges ofter him a submis-
sion, which he refuses, but offers one of
his own, 410, 411. His petitions, ib. His
reasons for arrest of judgment, 412. His
sentence, 413. His confession of faith, ib.
Petitions to be banished, 414. His death
in prison, and character, ib. 415.
Undertree's sham plot, i. 268.
Uniformity in religion, the unreasot)-
ableness of forcing it, i. 36. 196. The
reformers' mistaken opinion of its neces-
sity, 44. 116. 120. Debates about it, iii.
259- Act of uniformity brought into par-
liament, iv. 324. And pasfeed, 325. Ab-
stract of it, 326. Remarks, 328, &c.
Authors or promoters of it, 332. Con-
duct of the Presbyterians upon it, 3.33.
Remarks, 335. Ministers quitting their
livings, and ejected by this act, ib. Dif-
ficulty of filling the vacancies, 337. Far-
ther consequences of the act, 339.
Uniformity, act of, i. 119. Remarks
upon it, 120. Complaint made of the
nonobservance of it, 154. The queen's
order to enforce it, ib.
Universities visited, i. 101. Their
sad state, 145. — See universities of Ox-
ford and Cambridge. — New visitors for
them, iv. 111. Their influence, 112.
Heads of colleges, &c. restored at the
Restoration, 240, &c. New creations in
the universities, 242. A general licen-
tiousness prevails in them, 389. Their
addresses to king James upon his acces-
sion, v. 2.
University of Oxford visited by the
Papists, who burn all the English Bibles,
and all the heretical works they could
find, i. 101. Their answer to the Puri-
tans' millenary petition, ii. 6. Their fa-
mous decree, 116. Their new statutes,
244. Address in favour of the hietarchy,
391. Their loyalty, 487. Vice-chancel-
lor's letter in behalf of it, 488. Thechan-
celior's answer, 490. Condition of the
university, iii. 360. Ministers sent to re-
form it, 361. Ordinance for visiting it,
363. Abstract of their reasons against
the covenant, &c. 365, &c. Remarks,
372. "J'he visitation opened, 374. They
use the visitor^ ill, and will not submit,
375. Visitation revived, but the uni-
versity will not yet submit, 376. Arc
heard by their counsel, but cast, 377.
Their ease, in a letter to Mr. Selden,
378. Their stubborn behaviour, 379.
Earl of Pembroke, being made chan-
cellor, visits ihem in person, 380. And
reports their behaviour to the parlia^
nient, 381. Numbers ejected, 382. In-
solence of the scholars, 383. Garrison
search (he collcgcii loiainis, ib. Scholars
VOL. V. O
expelled, .JBl. Characters of heads of
colleges, fccc. ^\ ho i^ubmiltod, 385. Heads
of colleges, &c. rjected, listof them, and
their successors, 388. ( Characters of those
who were ejected, ib. Of their succes^sors,
392. Their behiiviour, 398. Remarks,
399. A acancies in the universities filled
up, 400.
University of Cambridge, tlieir privi-
lege of licensing preachers debated, i.
178. They scruple the habits, 180. Pe-
tition of some of the students for better
ministers, 295. The predestin.irian con-
troversy begins there, 453. Declare high-
ly for the church, ii. 6. 'Jhank the Oxo-
nians for their ftnswer to the Piiritaiis, 7,
Votes of parliament agnin^t >4iib>,criptions
there, 3l3. Address in favunr of the
hierarchy, 391. Their loyalty, 490. De-
liver up their plate to the king, 491.
'I'heir behaviour, iii. 94. Visitation of
it, 95. Procet dings therein, 96. Cove-
nant not tendered to all of Ihenj, 97.
Numbers ejected, 98. Reasonableness of
it, ib. Characters of the ejected profes-
sors, 99. And of their successors, 101.
Remarks, 104. Form of induction of the
new masters, 105. And of the fellows,
106. State of the university afterward,
107. Their revenues prseervcd, 267.
Usher, archbishop, ii. 88. 91. His
notion of episcopacy, 345. 352, n. His
reduction of it to a synodical govern-
ment, 400. His sentiments about episco-
pacy, and scheme for reducing it to the
form of presbytery, iii. 441. His death
and character, i v. 131, 132, and i,$.
Utenhovius, mentioned with respect,
ii. 35 and it.
Utrecht and other places sought as an
asylum from the abuse of church-power,
ii. 40.
Uxbridge, treaty of, iii. 209.
Wakes and revels on the Lord's day
countenanced, ii. 212. Laud's letter, and
the bishop of i3ath and Wells's answer
about Ihem, 2 J 3, 214. Their origin and
use. 214.
Waldron, IMr. of Exeter, bis memo-
randum in Mr. Neal's history, iv. 493, n.
Wales, act for propagating the gospel
there, iv. 14. 104. Its good effects, 56.
Cou)missioners for Wales, 103. Sad state
of that principality, 104. Numbers of
ministers ejected there, 105. Theircrimcs,
106. Method of supplying the vacancies,
ib. Petitions against connnissioncrs, 107.
Against them, 108.
Walker, Dr. Thomas, some account
of, iii. 390.
Walker, Mr. George, his death, iv. 54.
Walker, Dr. of Exeter, some account
cf hib wviL vn the builtiin-s of the clti-
ccx
IXDEX.
gy, -preface to vol. iii. p'.*v ; also in vol. iv.
:>36, n.
Wallingford-house party, iv. 191.
Depose Richard, 19^.
. Wallis, Dr. account of, iii. .'>97, and
ij. His letter to Mr. Boyle, on the open-
ing of archbishop Sheldon's theatre, iv.
Sii9, V.
Walloon chnrch, in Threadneedle-
ftreet, origin of, and to whom its insti-
tution was owing, i. 319, n.
- Wandsworth, the first presbyterj held
there, i. 243.
Warburton, bishop, replied to by the
editor, for his censures on Mr. Neal's his-
lorv, i. 76. 161. 196. 293. 296. 299. 306.
:Ui. 314. 327. 373. 383. 393. 406, ns.
A remark of his in favour of the dissent-
ers, ii. preface, xii, 7j. Quoted and ob-
served on, in notes of p. 3. 17. 102,
303. 107. 128. 160. 181. 250. 256.
370. 374. 432. 437. 439. 485.500, 501.
Remarks, corrections, &c. of him, vol.
iii. notes to p. 65. 76. 88. 344. 414
—416. 456. 458—465.
W^arcup, Mrs. of Berkshire, shelters
Dr. Humphreys, and other persecuted
Protestants, i. 171.
Ward, Dr. Samuel, some account of,
iii. 101.
Ward, Dr. Seth, account of, iii. S96.
and n.
Waring, Mr. some account of, iii. 391.
Warmistre, Rev. Mr. his speech in
convocation, ii. 322.
Warner, H. arrested on a charge of
heresy, i. 7, v.
Warner, Dr. his sentiments on the
King's Book, i. 31, n. Other remarks of
his in the notes of p. 83. 86. 131. 142.
146. 177. 424, 425. 427. 453. vol. ii.
notes of p. 7. 18.22.25. 37. 111.217.
Warwick, earl of, hischaracter, ii. 315.
Welsh Bibles, 6cc. eight thousand
printed by Mr. Gouge, iv. 475.
Wenlworth, sir Peter, his warm an-
swer to the archbishop, i. 216. His bold
speech to parliament, 229.
Westminster bishoprick erected, i. 17.
Suppressed, 64.
Westlield, bishop, his death and cha-
racter, iii. 141.
West of England, Kirk and Joil'cries'
cruelties there, v. 8.
WMiig and Tory, their rise, &c. iv.458.
Sufferings of the whigs, 492. Severely
prosecuted by king .Tames, v. 8, 9.
Whichcote, Dr. some account of, iii.
102, andn. iv. 491.
Whitaker,.Mr. Jeremiah, liis death,
&c. iv. 117, 118. Mr. William Whit-
aker, 425.
While, William, his bold and nmart
letter 10 archbishop Grindal, i. 202.
White, Mr. hiv remarkable examina-
tion, i. 256, 11.
White, Mr. his publication entitled
Century of Scandalous, Malignant
Priests, iii. 28. His death and charac-
ter, 226, 7J. 227.
White, T. a Ronian Catholic, his letr
ter about the growth of Popery, ii. 3.54.
Mr. White's speech against the order of
bishops, 363.
White, Jeremy, some account of bis
manuscript list of dissenters' suffering!,
v. 19, 20.
Whitehead, Mr. his death and cha-
racter, i. 225.
WHiitehead, George, and T. Burr, their
persecution, v. 256, 257.
Whiteing, Rev. Mr. removes to Newr-
England, ii. 252.
Whitgift, Dr. writes for dispensing
with the habits at Cambridge, i. 180.
But afterward defends them, 181. Is
Cartwright's great antagonist, 212. An-
swers the admonition to the parliament,
236. His standard of discipline and
church-government, 237. His severe
usage of Cartwright, 238. His defence
of his answer against Cartwriglit's reply,
240. His ungenerous treatment of his
adversary, 241, 242. Made arclibishop
of Canterbury, 319. His three articles,
320. His power of imposing them exa-
mined, ib. His primary visitation, 322.
His reasons for subscribing his articles,
.325. Remonstrates to the council against
the petitions of the people for their de-
prived ministers, 329. Petitions the
queen for a new ecclesiastical commis-
sion, 330. His twenty-four articles of
inquiry, 337. Which he justifies, 340.
His reasons for the oalh ex officio, ib.
His complaint of Mr. Beale in the star-
chamber, 3 12. His behaviour in the Lam-
beth conference, 343, 344. His letter to
the queen against the bills for farther re-
form, 365. His reasons against marrying
at ail times in the year, 366. He rejects
the proposals of the Puritans, 368. Gets
the press restrained, 369. Licenses Po-
pish books, 385. His treatment of Mr.
Settle, 388. His new articles of visitation,
405. Sir F. Knollys's letter to the trea-
surer about his arbitrary proceedings,
420. His examination of Barrow the
Brownist, 435. Barrow's saying of him,
ib. And letter against him, 437. He
complains of prohibitions being granted,
462. But in vain, ib. He sends express
to James L in Scotland, upon the death
of queen Elizabeth, ii. 4. His letter to
Cecil about the Puritans, 8. His beha-
viour in the Hampton-court conference,
10, 11. His fiatiering speech to king
James, 18. Ui» death and character, 22.
INDEX.
- WhUelock, Bulitrode, esq. his speech
ill the assembly of divhies, about the dU
vi«e right of presbytery, iii. '^36. About
suspension and excommunication, 243.
Jlis speech on the motion for translating
the laws into English, iv. 28. His con-
ference with Cromwell about altering the
government, 59.
Whittingham, dean of Durham, writes
to the earl of Leicester against pressing
the habits, i. 155. His troubles, 290.
Validity of his ordination disputed, 291.
His death and character, 292. Had a
share in translating the Geneva Bible,
and Psalms in metre, ib.
Wickliffe, account of him, his doc-
trines and writings, i. 2. Agreed in some
poiflts with the Baptists, 3, n. And with
the Puritans, ib. His doctrines con-
deujned at Rome and London, ib. He
first translated the New Testament into
English, ib. His followers termed Lol-
lards, and persecuted, 5 — 7. His New
Testament, ii. 79.
Wigglngton, Mr. liis sufferings, i.377.
Wightnian, Edward, burnt for heresy,
ii. 8.>. Remarks, ib. «.
Wightwick, Mr. some account of,
iii. 390.
Wilcox, Mr. Thomas, his death, &c.
V. 201.
Wild, Serjeant, opens the impeach-
ment against Laud, iii. 146. Laud's cha-
racter of him, 202.
Wilkin, IMr. writes to the treasurer in
favour of the Puritans, i. 311.
Wilkins, Dr. some account of, iii. 392.
His character, and his smart reply to
the dutchess of Newcastle, 393, «. His
reply to king Charles, iv. 391. His
death, &c. 414, 415.
Wilkinson,Dr. John and Henry, some
account of them, iii. 394. Death of
Henry, 404.
Wilkinson and Story, leading separa-
tists, V. 271.
William III. the dissenting ministers'
address to him, v. 72. His answer, 73.
Recommends to parliament to qualify
all his Protestant subjects for serving the
government, 75. Is made uneasy by the
tories, 87.
Williams, bishop, favourable to the
Puritans, ii. 152. His trial and cruel
sentence, 256. .Set at liberty by the long-
parliament, 333. Chairman of the com-
mittee for innovations, his letter to the
sub-coiinnittee, 396. His scheme of
church-discipline, 400. His visitation,
425. Made archbishop of York, 438.
Williams, Dr. Daniel, his firm stand
against the d is [)ensing power, v.. 33, and n.
Wilmot, lieutenant-general, his cha-
racter, iii. 90.
WiUan, Mr. suspended and ill-treated,
i. 394.
W^ilson.Rev.Mr. hissufferlngs,ii.218.
Wilson, Mr. Thomas, his death, &c.
iv. 54.
Windsor, resolutions of the cabinet-
council there, ii. 465.
Withers, George, deprived for object-
ing to the habits, but is reinstated on hit
complying, which he did in hopes of do-
ing good, and promoting the cause of
Protestantism, i. 172.
Women, bishop Aylmer's character of
them, i. 478. A sketch of them from
Histriomalrix, ii. 227, n. Better traits of
them, 466, «. Their zeal fo'r peace, iii. 19.
Baptism by women, &c. ii. 11. First in-
troduced as actresses, iv. 246. A sexual
distinction properly disregarded, v. 277.
Woodbridge, Mr. Benjamin, his death,
&c. iv. 498.
Woodcock, Mr. Francis, his death,
iv. 54.
Woodhouse, in Devonshire, fourteen
west-country clothiers hung there by the
king's party of soldiers, though they were
not in arms, iii. 91.
Wolsey, cardinal, his legatine power,
i. 8. His fall and death, 9.
W^orcester, battle of, iv. 49.
Workman, Mr. his suflferings, ii. 204.
Worship, primitive manner of it, ii.
346, &c.
Wren, bishop, his articles of visitation,
ii. 247. He is censured by the parliament,
337.
Wright, Dr. S. p. xxiv of the life of
Ncal prefixed to vol. i. n.
W^right, Mr. his sufferings, i. 308. His
ordination denied, 310.
Wright, Robert, history of, v. 186.
Writ, de hceretico combureTido, i. 7. l3.
Put in execution, 273.
Wyat's rebellion, i.76. Falsely accuses
the princess Elizabelli as being concern-
ed, but denies it on the scaffold, 102.
Wyke, Mr. Andrew, his sufferings, v.
1.39.
Yarmouth, the most ancient church of
the Independents, iv. 172, n.
Yarrington, Capt. committed to prison
on a false charge, iv. 291.
Yates, Mr. and others, their books
suppressed, and the publishers questioned
by the star-chamber, ii. 165.
York, duke of, his views at the Resto-
ration, iv. 250. He abjures the Protestant
religion, 405. His second marriage, 425.
Bill for excluding him the succession,
449. 456. 467. See James II.
York and Lancaster, contentions be-
tween the houses, i. 5. Improved by the
Catholic clergy to their advantage, ib.
CGXIl
INDEX.
Young, Mr. justice, his severity to the
Brownists, i. 4o0.
Younge, Dr. some account of him, iii.
103.
Zanchius, and other divines, their
opinions attacked, i. 4.i3.
Zanchy, professor, writes by order of
the elector palatine to queen Elizabeth
in favo'ir of the Puritans, i. 221. Is
against ceremonies, ii. 49.
Zealand, the pastors and elders of, ad-
dressed by the assembly of divines, iii.
75. The king removes into Zealand, iv.
87.
Zion'» Plea against Prelacy, by Dr.
I^ighton, some account of him, ii. 18B,
189.
Zouch, Dr. some account of, iii. 386,
His concern in the manifesto against the
Covenant, &c. 36i, n.
Zuinglius, with other learned foreign-
ers, against altars, i. 54.
Zurich, divines written to by the Non-
conformists on the subject of wearing the
habits, i. 161. Opinions of those learned
foreigners on the habits and ceremonies,
163, 164.
Zuylestein, Mr. gives the prince of
Orange the strongest assurances of the
English Protestants appearing in his fa-
vour on his landing, v. 62.
ERRATA.
Vol. I. page 86, line 2, for pay, read day.
319,-25, for 1558, read 1588.
Vol.. III. page 93, line 4 of the notes, for honour read humoui
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