Voyage Of Pedro Alvares Cabral To Brazil And India

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WORKS ISSUED BY

XLhc IbaMust Society

THE VOYAGE OF
PEDRO ALVARES CABRAL
TO

ISSUED FOR 1937

THE VOYAGE OF
PEDRO ALVARES CABRAL

TO

BRAZIL AND INDIA

FROM

CONTEMPORARY DOCUMENTS AND
NARRATIVES

TRANSLATED

WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES
BY

WILLIAM BROOKS GREENLEE

LONDON

PRINTED FOR THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY
MCMXXXVm

PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN

COUNCIL

OF

THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY
1937

Sir William Foster, c.i.e.. President.

The Right Hon. The Earl Baldwin op Bewdley, p.c., k.g., Vice-
President.

Admiral Sir William Goodenough, g.c.b., m.v.o., Vice-President.
James A. Williamson, Esq., d.lit., Vice-President.

E. W. Bovill, Esq.

Sir Richard Burn, c.s.i.

G. R. Crone, Esq.

Vice-Admiral Sir Percy Douglas, k.c.b., c.m.g.

E. W. Gilbert, Esq., b.litt.

Prof. V. T. Harlow, d.litt.

A. R. Hinks, Esq., c.b.e., p.r.s.

T. A. Joyce, Esq., o.b.e.

Malcolm Letts, Esq., f.s.a.

Prof. A. P. Newton, d.lit.

N. M. Penzer, Esq.

Prof. Edgar Prestage, d.litt.

S. T. Sheppard, Esq. '

Brigadier-General Sir Percy Sykes, k.c.i.e., c.b., c.m.g.

Roland V. Vernon, Esq., c.b.

R. A. Wilson, Esq. *

Edward Heawood, Esq., Treasurer.

Edward Lynam, Esq., m.r.i.a., f.s.a., Hon. Secretary (. British
Museum , IV. C.)

The President
The Treasurer
Whliam, Lutley Sclater

| Trustees

CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION

The Voyage ....

•

. xi

The Sources ....

. XXXV

The Life of Pedro Alvares Cabral

. xxxix

The Discovery of Brazil

• xlvi

The Discovery of Madagascar

. Ixvix

DOCUMENTS

Letter of Pedro Vaz de Caminha to King Manuel,
i May 1500 ...... 3

Letter of Master John to King Manuel, i May 1500 . 34

Letter of King Manuel to Ferdinand and Isabella,

29 July 1501 ...... 41

The Anonymous Narrative . . . -53

The Account of Priest Joseph . . .95

The Letters sent to Venicb . . . .114

Letter of Giovanni Matteo Cretico, 27 June 1501 . 119

Extracts from the Letters of Angelo Trevisan to
Domenico Malipiero .... 123

Letter of Giovanni Francesco de Affaitadi to Domenico
Pisani, 26 June 1501 .... 124

The Venetian Diarists . . . .130

Extracts from the Diary of Girolamo Priuli . . 13 1

Extracts from the Diary of Marino Sanuto . .138

Extract from the Report of Ca’ Masser . . 142

Letters of Bartolomeo Marchioni to Florence, 27 June
1501 and July 1501 ..... 145

Letter of Amerigo Vespucci to Lorenzo de’ Medici,

4 June 1501 ...... 151

b

viii CONTENTS

Official Documents . . . . .162

Letter of Authorization .... 162

Instructions ...... 163

Letter of King Manuel to the Zamorin of Calicut, 1 March
1500 ...... 187

APPENDIX

Ships and Personnel . . . . .191

BIBLIOGRAPHY 203

INDEX 213

MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS

Tupinamba Feather Bonnets .... facing p. 8
(In National Museum, Copenhagen)

Tupinamba Ceremonial Dance .... facing p. 16
(From Jean de Lery, Navigatio in Brasiliam Antericae , in de Bry,
Americae Tertia Pars . . . , Frankfort, 1592)

Tupinamba Feather Mantle .... facing p. 26
(Musee Ethnographique du Trocadero, Paris)

The Letter of Master John .... facing p. 34
(Original in the Torre do Tombo, Lisbon)

Master John’s Diagram, showing the Southern
Cross facing p. 38

The King of Cochin in 1505 . . . . facing p . 86

(From Die Reyse va Lissebone , Antwerp, 1508)

World Map of Henricus Martellus Germanus, 1492

(British Museum, Add. MSS. 15760) in pocket at end

A Portion of the World Map of Alberto Cantino, 1502
(Original in Biblioteca Estense, Modena) in pocket at end

Chart showing the Route taken by the Fleet of
Pedro Alvares Cabral in pocket at end

PREFACE

T he voyage of Pedro Alvares Cabral has usually been
thought of only in connexion with the discovery of Brazil.
It is the purpose of this volume, therefore, to consider the
voyage as a whole, including the influences which preceded it
and the results which followed. With this general view in
mind the voyage appears of greater importance, and some
light is thrown on the question of the westward diversion of
Cabral’s fleet during which Brazil was visited.

I have outlined in the introduction the events relating to the
voyage. An opportunity has thus been afforded for interpreta-
tion. This survey has been followed by more detailed discus-
sions of special subjects. The conclusions reached express my
opinions and may not be final. Few of the contemporary sources
which I have here translated have hitherto been available in
English. These translations are perhaps more literal than would
seem necessary, because an endeavour has been made to retain
so far as possible the spirit of the times and to ensure accuracy,
though sometimes at the sacrifice of more modem usage.

The names of places in the texts have usually been retained in
their original forms but have been given their English equiva-
lents elsewhere. The names of persons, however, have not been
translated, except in a few instances.

The sources used in the preparation of this volume have
been chiefly from my own collection, supplemented by the
resources of the Newberry Library of Chicago and particularly
of its Edward E. Ayer Collection.

Acknowledgement is due to the works of the historians
Antonio Baiao, Jaime Cortesao, Duarte Leite, Henrique Lopes
de Mendoza, C. Malheiro Dias, Luciano Pereira da Silva, and
particularly to their contributions in the Historia da Coloniza-
gao Portuguesa do Brasil, and to the works of Joaquim Bensaude,
A. Fontoura da Costa, and to others whose writings I have
consulted.

For courtesies in the collection of material from Italian
archives I wish to thank the librarians of the Biblioteca

X

PREFACE

Nazionale Marciana, the Archivio di Stato di Venezia, the
Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, and the Vatican libraries. I
take this opportunity also to express my obligation to Dr.
Alfred Metraux of the Musee Trocadero, and to M. Charles
de la Ronciere of the Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris, to the
Rev. Georg Schurhammer, S.J., of the Gregorian College in
Rome, and to Dr. Pierce Butler of the University of Chicago,
for encouragement and suggestions.

To Sir William Foster, President of the Hakluyt Society,
and to Professor Edgar Prestage, of the Council, I am especially
indebted for friendly assistance and advice, and to Mr. Edward
Lynam, the Hon. Secretary, for many kindnesses and for
seeing this volume through the press.

W. B. GREENLEE

Chicago, January 1937

INTRODUCTION

THE VOYAGE

F rom a very early period the desire of Europeans for the
luxuries of the East, especially for spices and drugs, de-
veloped a lucrative commerce in those commodities. The
period of the Crusades coincided with a renewed demand for
them in Europe, and as this trade developed it centred in
Venice, which secured its cargoes from the ports of Egypt and
the Levant and distributed them throughout Europe. 1 The fall
of Constantinople in 1453 and the closing of the Persian Gulf
routes by the Turks restricted the spice trade to the routes of
the Red Sea and gave the Arabs and Egyptians practically a
monopoly. 2 During the latter half of the fifteenth century they
exacted a large revenue in the form of taxes and presents from
the caravans of Indian products which came continually to the
ports of Egypt and Syria from the head of the Red Sea, or from
Jidda and Mecca in Arabia, over which they had control.

At this time Venice had become the richest state in Europe,
partly through her geographical position and partly through the
avoidance of costly wars, but chiefly because of her commerce
in oriental commodities. Her most lucrative trade was in spices,
which had become almost a necessity throughout Europe for
perfumes, for condiments, and for flavouring wines. The in-
cense gums were needed for religious ceremonies, and for
medical purposes the drugs could hardly be dispensed with.
The profit which Venice obtained notwithstanding the tre-
mendous intermediate costs was known in Lisbon, and since
Portugal was a poor country the people and their king were
willing to make any sacrifice in order to secure this wealth.

1 The search for spices was one of the greatest impelling forces in medieval dis-
covery. To it was due the discovery of America, and the rounding of the Cape of
Good Hope, to obtain a sea route to India and the East Indies. It was lure of spices
which, at a later date, sent English and Dutch fleets to the East, and was the cause of
the beginning of their colonial empires in Asia.

z The Portuguese, however, had begun to affect the trade of Alexandria in a small
way before Cabral reached India. The importation of ivory and Ashanti pepper from
Guinea and the cultivation of sugar in Madeira and Sao Thomd had taken some of the
trade from Egypt.

xii INTRODUCTION

Although Portugal was one of the smallest nations in Europe,
there were many reasons for her being the only one which
could secure the monopoly of the Eastern trade at the beginning
of the sixteenth century. Her geographical position isolated her
to a large extent from the rest of the Iberian peninsula and
developed a people which differed in many respects from their
neighbours. A frugal life and the struggles against their enemies
caused them to be hardy and courageous. The position of
Portugal on the shores of the Atlantic developed able sailors
and an interest in matters pertaining to the sea. When these
people broke away from the loose federation of Spanish states
in the twelfth century they began a struggle to maintain their
isolation, which built up a strong feeling of nationalism. The
relations with the English Crusaders who paused on their way
to the Holy Land, the wars for the expulsion of the Moors, and
the prominence of the religious orders of knighthood, all tended
to inculcate in the Portuguese people the ideas of chivalry
and a desire for the conversion or destruction of the infidels.
With the powerful Spanish kingdom to the north and east it
was but natural that they should look to the sea to the west
and south for their development. Portugal had no political
aspirations in Europe, and made few alliances. She sought only
to retain her independence. England had been her friend since
the days of the expulsion of the Moors; France could not be
relied upon, but friendly relations were maintained with that
country to prevent aggression and to protect Portugal from
her real danger, the ambition of Spain. But Portugal and
Spain were then closely allied.

The capture of Ceuta, the stepping-stone to Spain from
North Africa, in 1415, marked a new era in Portuguese
history. There was then opened to the people of Portugal a
vista of future territorial expansion in Morocco, an outlet for
their religious zeal, and perhaps also an opportunity to reach
Prester John, the Christian King of Abyssinia beyond the
desert, who might aid Christendom, and incidentally the
Portuguese, in driving the Moors from North Africa. The
plans for expansion, both religious and commercial, were
developed by Prince Henry the Navigator, the Governor
of the Order of Christ. His efforts to conquer Morocco

THE VOYAGE jdii

showed that it wotild he difficult and cosdy. His energies
and the resources of his Order were then diverted to explora-
tion towards the south along the African coast, to reach the
countries from whence, he had learned, came gold, ivory,
slaves, and pepper across the Sahara.

The little caravels which were sent out from Lagos crept
slowly down the coast of Africa, past Cape Non and Cape
Bojador, past the desert coasts, until they found a country rich
with tropical vegetation. Prince Henry spent the greater part of
his life in carrying out his plans for voyages along the African
coast and into the Adantic, where he rediscovered the Azores
and Madeiras, and in developing the barren soil of Algarve
with African slaves. He was, above all, guided by his faith and
his opposition to the growing power of Islam, but he also
sought the commercial development of his country. He hoped
to reach Prester John by rounding Africa, and to secure his aid,
but the voyage was long and difficult and die resources at his
command were inadequate. He never found Prester John,
although an ambassador of that potentate visited him in
Lisbon. 1 He initiated Portuguese trade in West Africa, the
colonization of the Azores, and die cultivation of sugar in
Madeira. Henry obtained a bull from Pope Nicolas IV in
1454 granting to Portugal, and more specifically to the Order
of Christ, authority to trade and spiritual jurisdiction along the
west coast of Africa, usque ad Indos. This bull was confirmed
from time to time by others of a similar nature.

After the death of Prince Henry in 1460 less consideration
was given to African discoveries, for Bring Afonso ‘the African’
was more concerned with conquests in Morocco. It was
Afonso’s son, John II, both as prince and as king, who saw the
possibilities of the circumnavigation of Africa to secure for
Portugal the wealth of die East. 2

To John II the acquisition of the trade in spices by means
of this route became a fixed aim. The visionary proposal of

1 For the relations between Abyssinia and Europe during the fifteenth and sixteenth
centuries, see Charles de la Ronciere, La DScouverte de VAfrique an moyen age (Cairo,
1924-7).

2 Neither John II nor his successor, Dom Manuel, had discovery in mind when
they sent their fleets to the East. Their purpose was to obtain great riches from India
for immediate gain.

xiv INTRODUCTION

Columbus to reach far-off Cathay by a western route did not
appeal to him. The discovery of America was at first a shock,
not because of the new land which was found, but because
it gave to Spain the right to navigate the Atlantic, which
Portugal had come to feel was her own. The outcome, how-
ever, of the Spanish discoveries was not without political
and commercial benefit to Portugal, for the papal bulls of 1493
gave her a sphere of influence in Indian seas to which she could
not previously lay claim. The Treaty of Tordesillas in 1494
between Portugal and Spain was in fact a triumph for the Portu-
guese ruler. The moving of the line of demarcation from one
hundred leagues to three hundred and seventy leagues to the
westward of the Cape Verde Islands was a definite gain. While
John knew from the map of Ptolemy that this change would
deprive him of part of Cathay, he also knew that it would
enable him to navigate freely in the South Atlantic on the way
to India.

John II had three definite aims: peace in Portugal and the
aggrandizement of die House of Aviz through the marriage of
his only son with a princess of Castile, the continuation of the
policy of religious and commercial expansion in Africa, and
the attainment of the all-sea trade route to die Indies. The first
objective was almost reached through the marriage of his son,
Afonso, with Dona Isabel, eldest daughter of Ferdinand and
Isabella. But Afonso met an untimely death in 1491. Towards
the second objective John II continued the work of his father.
The third of his aims came nearer to realization. During John’s
reign the African discoveries were pushed farther and farther
to the south. A fort and factory were established on the Guinea
coast at Sao Jorge da Mina by Diogo de Azambuja in 1482.
Diogo Cao discovered the Congo, and in 1488 Bartolomeu
Dias, who had been sent to reach Prester John and India,
rounded the Cape of Good Hope. 1 Dias did not reach India
or even Prester John, but he demonstrated that this voyage was
feasible, and he discovered fourteen hundred miles of previously
unknown coast. Because of affairs at home and poor health
John didnothing further regarding the voyage to India. Perhaps

1 For the history of these voyages along the coast of West Africa, see Edgar Prestage,
The Portuguese Pioneers (London, 1933).

XV

THE VOYAGE

he felt that it would be unwise to do so during the negotiations
with Spain which developed after the discovery of America
and also that the resources of his country were insufficient. But
his mind was fixed on this enterprise and, had he lived, a fleet
would shordy have gone to India in die ships he had begun to
build. John II died the 25th of October 1495, and was suc-
ceeded by Dom Manuel, then twenty-six years of age. Credit
for the future success of the Portuguese in reaching India is
due to John II, ‘the Perfect’; his successor Dom Manuel, ‘the
Fortunate’, but carried out his plans.

With peace assured with Spain, Dom Manuel lost no time
in preparing for a new expedition to India under the command
of Vasco da Gama. 1 Dias had learned during his voyage along
the African coast that the sailing conditions were difficult and
that the Portuguese caravels were not entirely satisfactory
because they had not the carrying capacity or the sailing qualities
for so long a voyage. The Guinea calms, the violent local storms,
and the constant watchfulness necessary to avoid shoals he be-
lieved could he avoided by taking a route farther from shore.
Here steadier winds might be anticipated, and now that the
coastline was known a course could be steered with greater
certainty. Dias advised da Gama to take this new route, and he
recommended for his voyage square-rigged ships with a broad
beam and of small draft to enter the shallow harbours of the
coast, instead of lateen-rigged caravels. Two ships, the Sao
Raphael and the Sao Gabriel, each of about 120 tons, were com-
pleted. Another smaller ship, the Berrio, of 50 tons, purchased
from a rich merchant, Ayres Correia, the future factor of
Cabral’s fleet, was placed under the command of Nicolau
Coelho. With a store-ship of 200 tons, which was later to be
abandoned, the fleet was complete. When, on the 29th of
August 1499, da Gamaretumed he was accorded many honours.

1 ‘In the month of December 1495 [Dom Manuel] held a council at Monte Mor
ho Novo in which some were of the opinion that they should not continue farther in
this voyage beyond what had already been discovered, because it would cause much
envy of all kings and republics as well as the Sultan of Babylonia and also those kings
and lords of India; because they would have to undergo great labour and expense to the
kingdom; and because the pacific trade of Guinea and the honourable conquest of
places in Africa sufficed to gain merchandise and profit of rent to the kingdom and
exercise for its nobility. But the king voted with those who believed to the contrary,
(Damiao de Goes, Chronica de D. Mattoel , part 1, ch. 23.)

xvi INTRODUCTION

The dream of King John had become a reality. India had been
reached, and the Portuguese were also encouraged, because the
I ndia n people were understood to be Christians, who would
undoubtedly prefer to trade directly with Europeans rather than
withinfidels. Vasco da Gama had not brought back a rich cargo
from India but he had reached Calicut, the goal of his prede-
cessor, Bartolomeu Dias, and had visited ports along the coast of
Africa which, though they were not destined to be of great
commercial value to Portugal in the future, provided convenient
stopping-places on the route to India. He had traversed the
South Atlantic for the first time and had obtained valuable
information for future navigation and map-making, and he
had brought with him interpreters and Arab pilots . 1 Da Gama
had met several of the native rulers on his voyage, had returned
with samples of the commodities for which trade was desired, and
had secured information regarding trade conditions in the East.
The Portuguese may have previously had some idea of the cost
of spices on the Malabar coast, but these were ascertained more
exactly by da Gama, and it was realized what enormous profits
the Portuguese could derive from this trade. He had learned
also the value of Portuguese artillery on shipboard in encounters
with the Arab and Indian fleets, for guns like those of the
Portuguese had never before been seen in Eastern seas.

The voyage of Vasco da Gama may be considered one of
reconnaissance and the last and culminating voyage of those
begun by Prince Henry. That of Bartolomeu Dias which pre-
ceded it had almost attained its goal, and, in the discovery of the
sea route to India, Dias deserves at least equal credit. The
voyages which followed were for commerce and conquest.

To the Portuguese people da Gama’s voyage was accom-
plished by the will of God, who had destined them for the
control of the East, and, regardless of obstacles, they must con-
tinue. But there were those who in council still debated the
practical obstacles. Although Portugal had increased her wealth
with the gold from Mina on the Guinea coast, she was still
poor and the possibilities of loss were great. With a population

1 From the standpoint of discovery da Gama’s voyage was of importance because
of his voyage on the South Atlantic and because he visited a portion of the coast of
South Africa hitherto unknown. From this standpoint the voyage of Cabral was of
greater value.

XVII

THE VOYAGE

estimated at 1,100,00c 1 they proposed to throw down the
gauntlet to the Arab traders, who for centuries had held the
monopoly of the Eastern seas; they were to encounter many
millions of intelligent Asiatics who had been led to believe that
the Portuguese were corsairs; and they were to lose many lives
through shipwreck, disease, and batde. These were questions
which they might well pause to consider; but Dom Manuel did
not hesitate and quickly decided to continue. It was not entirely
a matter of greed for wealth. It was also an expression of that
courage which the Portuguese had shown in their defeat of
the Moors, in the defence of their frontiers against Castile, and
in their voyages on the Atlantic. There existed, too, much zeal
for the conversion of the heathen and for the guidance of the
Christians, whom da Gama thought he had found in Calicut, to
the true Catholic Faith.

Preparations were made at once for assembling a new fleet
to sail the following March. The desire of the Portuguese to
hasten these preparations was partly to prevent the Arabs from
arming for defence and still further inciting the Hindus against
them. Soon the shipyards and arsenals were busy making
ready one of the largest and certainly the most imposing fleet
which had hitherto sailed the high seas of the Adantic. Pro-
visions and supplies for twelve hundred men for a year and a
half must be provided, and a cargo with which to trade. The
selection of the officers and crew was made with great care.
There was no difficulty in securing them. They were to go
with pay and not subject to the reward of the king as were
those of da Gama. The captains were chosen to impress the
rulers of India with the greatness of Portugal, and for this
reason members of noble families commanded many of the
ships. There went also Franciscan friars and clergy, some of
whom were to remain in India. The cargo was in the charge
of a factor with assistants, for a factory was to be permanently
established at Calicut. The chief command of tins new fleet

1 This is the estimate made by Costa Lobo, who believes that Lisbon at this time had
a population of 50,000 (Historia da Sodedade em Portugal no seculo XV, Lisbon, 1903,
p. 32). Other estimates give Portugal a larger population, some as high as 2,500,000,

The populations of other European states at the beginning of the sixteenth century
are estimated as follows: France, 16,000,000; Spain, 7,000,000; Venice (with posses-
sions), 1,700,000; Naples, 2,000,000; Milan, 1,250,000; Papal States, 2,000,000;
Florence, 700,000. (C. P. Higby, History of Europe, 1492-1815, Boston, 1927, ch. i.)

xviii INTRODUCTION

was given to Pedro Alvares Cabral, a young nobleman who
belonged to an old though not one of the most prominent
families in Portugal. The selection met with general approval.

On the 8th of March 1500 the fleet of thirteen vessels was
assembled in the Tagus, some three miles below Lisbon, near
the small hermitage of Restello, where the monastery of the
Jeronimos now stands. Some of these were the ‘round’ ships
of the period, so called because of their wide bulging sails,
others were the lateen-rigged caravels, or perhaps a combina-
tion of the two types called caravelas redondas. One of these
ships belonged to Bartolomeo Marchioni, a Florentine, and to
other Italian merchants, another to a Portuguese nobleman,
but all the rest had been provided at the expense of the Crown.
Some of the best navigators and pilots of the day accompanied
the fleet, among them the veteran Bartolomeu Dias, who had
first rounded the Cape, Pero Escolar, Joao de Sa, and Nicolau
Coelho, who had gone with Vasco da Gama, and many others.

Before their departure pontifical mass was said with great
solemnity. 1 The king was there, and gave his last instructions
orally to the young commander and presented him with a
banner carrying the royal arms. The ships were decked with
many coloured flags. Musicians with their bagpipes, fifes,
drums, and horns added to the gaiety. The people, both those
who were to sail and those on shore, were dressed as for a fete.
All Lisbon had come to see them off and to wish them good
fortune, for this was the first commercial fleet to sail for India.
The way had been found, and it was this voyage which was to
bring back a rich reward in jewels and spices and pave the way
for even greater wealth to follow. On the folio-wing day,
Monday the 9th of March, the fleet left the mouth of the Tagus
and departed from the Bay of Cascaes. All sails were set, and
on them was displayed the red cross of the Order of Christ, for

1 Bishop Dom Diogo Ortiz, who officiated, was, besides his prominence as a prelate,
one of three experts, including Masters Jose Vizinho and Rodrigo, who possessed sound
astronomical knowledge both theoretical and practical, obtained largely from their
master, Zacuto (Fontoura da Costa, A Marinharia dos Descobrimentos , Lisbon, 1934,
p. 87). De Barros states that Dom Diogo Ortiz, then Bishop of Ceuta, Master Joseph,
and Master Rodrigo were the three cosmographers to whom the proposal made by
Columbus was submitted when he insisted on a hearing. According to this author,
Dom Joao II considered Columbus a man who talked a great deal, boasted of his
abilities, and had fantastic ideas about his island of Cipangoj hence he gave little credit
to his words. (Dec. 1, vol. iii, ch. xi.)

THE VOYAGE xix

Cabral’s fleet also went to bring the true Faith to the people of
India. 1 The voyage thus begun was to be the longest in his-
tory up to this time.

The fleet sailed with the steady north-east trade wind and a
favourable current over a course well known to the pilots, who
had followed it many times to the coast of Guinea. On the fol-
lowing Saturday, the 14th, they passed in sight of the Canary
Islands and on Sunday the 22nd they reached Sao Nicolau of
the Cape Verde Islands. No stop was made here, since it was
not felt that supplies were needed. At daybreak the next morn-
ing the ship of Vasco de Ataide was missing. The fleet searched
for it for two days, but it was not found. Caminha, our most
reliable authority, states that the weather was clear, although
other authorities have claimed that there was a storm. This
ship probably did not return to Lisbon, but the contempor-
ary writers are at variance on this point. The fleet then con-
tinued its course, taking advantage of the north-east trade
winds, and, in the hope of rounding the doldrums and the
south-east trades, steered somewhat to the west of south. As
the ships proceeded, the currents carried them farther west. We
do not know the exact course followed, but apparently the
equator was crossed at about the thirtieth meridian. The fleet
then resumed its route to the south-south-west and followed the
coast of Brazil at a distance because of better sailing conditions
until Tuesday the 21st of April, when signs of land were en-
countered. The fleet continued its course, and Mount Pascoal
on the coast of Brazil was sighted the next day.

The question why Cabral steered to the westward after
leaving the Cape Verde Islands has been much discussed and
various theories have been advanced. These and the claims
for the discovery of Brazil prior to Cabral’s voyage will be

1 The conversion of the heathen was not only the desire of Dom Manuel, but it
was an obligation imposed by the Pope. The bulls of 1493, granted by Alexander VI
as the head of the Church, had given spheres of influence over non-Christian
countries with the implied duty of bringing them under the guidance of Rome. This
was shown in the bull Ineffabilts et swnmi addressed to Dom Manuel in June 1497,
In it the Pope granted the request of the king and permitted him to possess the lands
conquered from the infidels, provided no other Christian kings had rights to them, and
prohibited all other rulers from molesting him. At the end he requested him to en-
deavour to establish the dominion of the Christian religion in the lands which he might
conquer. This may explain the religious tone of the king's letter to the Zamorin of
Calicut (Algms Documentos da Torre do Tornbo , Lisbon, 1892, p. 90.)

XX INTRODUCTION

presented elsewhere in this volume. The evidence seems to
indicate that the Brazilian coast had not previously been
visited and that the westerly course was taken chiefly for pur-
poses of navigation.

Soon after land was discovered the fleet cast anchor. On
Thursday the 23rd of April, the smaller vessels went directly
towards shore and a landing was made. This was probably the
first time the Portuguese had set foot on American soil within
their sphere. On the shore they encountered strange people with
bodies painted and tattooed, and decorated with coverings of
brilliant feathers. Their appearance and customs were entirely
unlike any that the Portuguese had seen before. The new land
was named Terra da Vera Cruz. That night there was a storm,
and the next day the fleet proceeded to the north to seek a safe
harbour. This was found within a reef and was named Porto
Seguro.

The fleet remained here until the 2nd of May, trading with
the natives and replenishing its supply of water and wood.
No effort was made to explore the coast, and it was not learned
whether it was an island or the mainland. Cabral sent back to
Portugal a supply-ship under the command of Gaspar de Lemos,
carrying letters to inform the king of the new discovery. Two
of these letters have been preserved, one written by Pedro Vaz
de Caminha, who tells of what occurred while they were on
shore, and another, which is of a more scientific nature, by
Master John, an astronomer. This supply-ship probably re-
turned direcdy to Lisbon and did not follow the coast, as
claimed by the Portuguese historian Gaspar Correa. There is
no record of the date of its arrival in Portugal.

When Cabral’s fleet left the coast of Brazil it took its course
to the Cape of Good Hope, with the evident intention of making
a stop at Sao Bras. This sea had never been sailed previously,
and this voyage from Brazil to the African coast may have been
longer than any which had hitherto been made without sighting
land. Thefleet continued with light winds, and 4 comet was seen
on the I2di of May which was in view for ten days. This was to
the crew an ill omen. On the 24th they apparently entered the
high-pressure area of the South Atlantic which has since become
noted for bad weather. Here a storm suddenly overtook them.

THE VOYAGE xxi

and four of the fleet sank. The seven remaining ships, with tom
sails and at the mercy of the elements for many days, became
separated into three divisions, two of three ships each, and one
alone. Cabral’s ship with two others, passing the Cape of Good
Hope, and ascertaining their position through indication of land,
turned to the north. A landing was made near the Ilhas Primeiras,
located north of Sofala on the East African coast. Here two
Moorish ships, belonging to a cousin of the King of Malindi,
who had so cordially welcomed da Gama, were encountered.
The Moors, fearing capture, ran their ships ashore and threw
overboard some gold which they carried before it was realized
that Cabral was a friend. The other three ships joined
Cabral at Mozambique on the 20th of July. The re maining
ship which had lost company during the storm was com-
manded by Diogo Dias. This lost its way and, sailing too far
beyond the Cape and then turning north, sighted Madagascar,
which had probably not been previously visited by Europeans.

The main fleet remained at Mozambique for ten days repair-
ing the damage which it had suffered during the storm.
They found the king of that place well disposed, because he
feared the Portuguese guns, which da Gama had caused him to
respect. Water and other supplies were secured here, and a
pilot was obtained to guide them past the islands and shoals
along the coast. They reached Kilwa on the 26th. This was
the principal city of East Africa and one of considerable
wealth. Here Afonso Furtado went on shore to negotiate a
treaty with the king. Furtado had been appointed as factor
to go with Bartolomeu and Diogo Dias to Sofala, but he
evidently sailed on the flagship and was thus saved from the
misfortunes which overcame their ships. Arrangements were
made for Cabral and the king to meet in boats at sea. Here a
letter from Dom Manuel was presented. The king, how-
ever, was suspicious of the intention of the Portuguese and
resented the enmity shown towards his religion. Kilwa occu-
pied an independent position on the East African coast, and
derived a large revenue from the traders who came to Sofala
and to other ports under its control. There was no reason,
therefore, for welcoming the Portuguese, who could but be
rivals in the trade which these Arabs enjoyed, and the attitude of

xxii INTRODUCTION

superiority assumed by the Europeans caused additional hosti-
lity. Kilwa, like Mombasa, had nodiing to gain from the
advent of the Europeans and much to lose. While Cabral was
received in an ostentatious and apparently friendly manner,
ill feeling towards the Portuguese became increasingly apparent.
Without being able to make a treaty Cabral decided to con-
tinue his voyage. No stop was made at Mombasa, because of
the treachery which had been displayed there towards da Gama
and because of the warfare existing between that city and
Malindi. Malindi was reached on the 2nd of August. They
were received here in a most friendly manner, and a meeting
was arranged between the king and Cabral in boats before the
city, as had been done at Kilwa. Gifts were exchanged, and a
letter from Dom Manuel was presented to the king. The King
of Malindi was the only Arab ruler with whom the Portuguese
were on friendly terms during this voyage. It is apparent that
the friendship on the part of the Arabs was not disinterested.
One cannot but note the difference in the attitude shown by the
Portuguese towards the Arab merchants of Malindi and their
king, where they had a common interest, and that shown to-
wards the Arab infidels whom they encountered on the sea.
At Malindi other pilots were secured and the fleet proceeded to
India. Land was reached at Anjediva, an island frequented by
ships to obtain supplies when on their way to Calicut. Here the
ships were careened and painted, and preparations were made
for meeting the Zamorin of Calicut. Cabral’s instructions pro-
vided that Arab ships should be captured if found at sea or at
places other than friendly ports. He therefore hoped that
some might be encountered at Anjediva, but in this he was dis-
appointed.

Leaving Anjediva, the fleet of six ships anchored before
Calicut on the 13 th of September. All were gaily decked with
banners, and a salute was fired. Merchants came to visit them,
but Cabral, in accordance with his instructions, could not open
negotiations until after certain prescribed preliminaries had been
fulfilled. The most explicit of these pertained to the securing of
hostages for those who went on shore. Several days elapsed be-
fore Cabral could land. The lengthy details of the negotiations
regarding the obtaining of these hostages, which are given by

THE VOYAGE xxiii

the historians, are perhaps intended to absolve Cabral from any
accusation of timidity, and to show that he was only obeying
the instructions formulated for his guidance. Some of the
details of what followed at Calicut are given in the narratives
which are included in this volume. They tell of the nwriti g of
Cabral and Iris officers with the Zamorin, of the antagonism
shown by the Arab merchants, and of the conclusion of an
agreement after a long delay. To please the Zamorin an Indian
ship was captured, without provocation, so as to obtain for him
a coveted elephant. Because of the opposition of their Arab
competitors it was impossible for the Portuguese to secure
adequate cargo, and only two of the ships, probably the largest
ones, were loaded . 1 The intrigues of the Arabs finall y caused
an uprising, and the small factory which the Portuguese had
established on shore was stormed and all but twenty of the
seventy who were there were killed or captured. Among these
were the chief factor, Ayres Correia, Pedro Vaz de Caminha,
and three of the Franciscan fathers. Those who escaped,
although wounded, did so by swimming to the boats, which
were unable to reach the shore. Cabral waited a day in the hope
that an apology might be received from the Zamorin; but none
came. Angered by the death of their countrymen and the loss
of their property, the Portuguese took vengeance on the
Arabs by seizing ten of their ships which were in the harbour.
After killing most of the crews they removed the cargoes and
burned the ships, together with those of the Arabs who had
hidden themselves in the holds. Because it was felt that the
Zamorin had had a part in the uprising and had favoured the
Moors, the city of Calicut was bombarded for a whole day and
great damage done. An enmity was thus caused which went
down in the history of that city, and the bombardment was
never forgiven by its inhabitants.

From the Portuguese point of view these acts seemed
justifiable. They had come to secure the commerce of India

1 The flagship and that of Simao de Miranda or of Sancho de Tovar. This would be
done because it would be desirable for the largest vessels to return to Portugal before
the change of the monsoon. The caravels and small ships could find protection in the
backwaters, if necessary, and return the following season. From the commerdal
standpoint, therefore, the departure from Calicut was opportune, since it permitted
all the ships to be loaded and to return together.

d

xxiv INTRODUCTION

with the permission of the Pope and they felt that it was theirs
by the will of God. In its acquisition they had been opposed
by infidels and heathen whom they considered inferiors. The
Portuguese had the crusading spirit from centuries of war with
the Moslems. The intrigues of the Arabs and the vacillation of
the Zamorin were treachery and an affront to the honour and
prestige of their king. The riot instigated by the Arabs, and,
as they believed, sanctioned by the ruler, demanded the most
severe punishment which they were able to inflict. They realized
also that they were few in number and that those who would
come to India in the future fleets would always be at a numerical
disadvantage; so thatthis treachery must be punished in a manner
so decisive that the Portuguese would be feared and respected in
the future. It was their superior artillery which would enable
them to accomplish this end. A decisive blow at the chief ruler
of the Malabar coast would demonstrate their superiority and
win for them the friendship of the subject states whose allegiance
they sought. This bombardment of Calicut was the beginning
of a policy of armed aggression to secure for the Portuguese
the domination of the Indian seas. It was the first step in an
active warfare against the Arab merchants in India.

The attitude of the Arab traders can easily be understood.
They and their ancestors had won a large part of the com-
merce of the Indian Ocean from Sofala to China. This had
been obtained by peaceful means through the spread of their
faith and in fair competition with the native merchants. When
recourse was had to war, on land or sea, their methods of com-
bat were the same. Their trade had been threatened by the
Chinese, whose junks also had come from a distance, but these
had little by little retreated and the meeting-point had been
pushed back from Cambay, Calicut, and Ceylon to Malacca.
Through Egypt and from pilgrims to Mecca they had learned
of the people of Europe, and had seen some of them in the
renegades who wandered occasionally to their shores. To the
Arab merchants the arrival of the Portuguese by the long sea
route to take from them their trade could only have been
understood as the beginning of a commercial war. They had
driven back the Chinese by fair means and they may have felt
that the P ortuguese could be similarly treated. The Portuguese,

THE VOYAGE xxv

however, had no intention of sharing this trade with the Arab
and Hindu merchants. They came to monopolize it, and this
was shown in every act. Nor would the Arabs share trade with
the Portuguese, for the Arabs were also monopolists. With
arrogance and presumption the Portuguese demanded that
their ships be loaded first, and that they be given every prefer-
ence. The letter which Dorn Manuel sent to the Zamorin,
which was interpreted to him by Arabs, requested that he
should exclude the Arabs from his trade. The Arabs must have
realized that, while they were tolerated in friendly ports, at sea
the Portuguese were to treat them and the pilgrims to Mecca as
enemies to whom no quarter was to be shown. Not only was
their trade at stake but their fives as well. The letters which
Cabral carried to the Arab rulers also condemned their religion,
although the attitude of the Mohammedans towards Christi-
anity had usually been one of tolerance. It was not surprising
then that with war openly declared against them the Arabs
fought hack. This was not done with arms, because they
realized that here they were deficient, but with strategy.
The incident at Calicut was to them but a counter-attack in
war . 1

So far as the Hindu merchants were concerned, they traded

1 When the news of the destruction of the Arabs* ships in the harbour of Calicut
reached Egypt it caused great excitement. Hostile feeling towards the Christians had
been aroused by the expulsion of the Moors from Spain and had increased when
Portugal had driven out the Jews, many of whom had gone to Egypt. There had been
repeated threats to destroy the holy places of the Christians in Palestine. Under the
pretext that captured Venetians had revealed that they had been sent on a diplomatic
mission to Shah Ismail of Persia, Bayazid II of Turkey had insisted that Venetian mer-
chants in Egypt be imprisoned. The Circassian slave Kansuh al-Ghuri was proclaimed
Sultan of Egypt the 20th of April 1501. He found a depleted treasury, and at once
levied heavier taxes. The threatened loss of the Indian trade added to his displeasure.
At this juncture Peter Martyr, the friend of Columbus, was selected by the Spanish
sovereigns to proceed to Cairo to endeavour to pacify its ruler. Pisani, the Venetian
ambassador, suggested that he proceed to Venice by land to avoid the corsairs. Here
he joined a Venetian embassy and sailed with them to Alexandria. The Venetians
were able to placate Kansuh, and Peter Martyr alone concluded a peace in which,
while giving nothing in return, he secured the safety of the Christian sites. His letter
to Ferdinand and Isabella written from Alexandria in April 1502, although it contains
little of political interest, gives an interesting picture of Cairo at that period ( Legatio
Babilonica, Seville, 1511), As the common interest of Venice and Egypt in the diversion
of the spice trade to the Cape route became apparent, a proposal was made for the
construction of a Suez Canal (R. Fulin, *11 canale di Suez e la Rep. di Ven.’, Arch . Ven. t
vol. i, p. 175). This undertaking was not found to be practicable, so fleets were built
at Suez to drive the Portuguese from the Indian seas. In the decisive naval encounter
with the Egyptians which occurred ofFDiu in 1509, Francisco de Almeida showed
that Portugal was able to protect her rights.

xxvi INTRODUCTION

chiefly with their own people , 1 but for the sale of commodities
needed by Europe and the Mohammedan world they relied on
the foreign Arabs. These spoke their languages, knew their
customs and commodities, and through centuries of friendly
intercourse had built up commercial relations which, in general,
were satisfactory. The Hindus knew nothing of Europe and
had seen few of its people. They saw little difference between
the European commodities which the Portuguese brought
them and those which came from Mohammedan sources. To
the Hindus the arrival of da Gama and Cabral was but the
coming of new merchants to buy their wares, and so long as
they conformed to their customs they were welcome. That
they were Christians did not exclude them, because in Malabar
there were many Christians as well as Jews who lived there as
an inferior caste. The attitude of the Indian rulers towards
the Portuguese, therefore, was friendly. They were mystified
by the arrival of da Gama and Cabral. These strangers had
come by a route they could not understand. They did not
speak their language, and the Arab merchants did what they
could to belittle and malign them. Had there been a Portu-
guese interpreter on Cabral’s fleet who could speak Malayalam
fluently, the relations of the chief captain with the Zamorin
would have been much closer. As it was, every move was
watched with mutual suspicion. Cabral’s attitude seemed
unnecessarily belligerent, and in his treatment of the Zamorin
there was an air of condescension. The Zamorin knew the
Arab traders and believed much that they told him. He did
not know these new foreigners, and was not sure that they had
not come to dispossess him of his kingdom. He was also led to
believe that the Portuguese were not as strong as they claimed
and that he would gain more through taking the property
which they left on shore than he could in future trade . 2

1 Hindu craft engaged in the coastal carrying trade. Their ships carried on extensive
commerce with Ormuz, with Aden and the ports of East Africa. They had even
reached the Cape of Good Hope prior to 14.57, as shown on the celebrated map of
fra Mauro. To the east they reached Bengal, Burma, and Malacca. Though their
relations with Siam, Indo-China, and Java had dwindled, communications still
existed between the people of Ceylon and their Buddhist co-religionists in those parts.

t 2 For the attitude of the Hindus towards the Portuguese, as well as much informa-
tion of interest regarding the people of Malabar at the time of Cabral’s voyage, see
K. M. Panikkar, Malabar and the Portuguese (Bombay, 1929).

THE VOYAGE xxvii

The true story of the events which led to the massacre at
Calicut will never be known. The Zamorin may not have
been able to control the mob which attacked the Portuguese
factory. After it occurred he probably could not have called
Cabral back, to apologize, without making a definite break with
the Arab merchants and placing himself in the power of these
new foreigners, whom he did not understand or trust. The
Zamorin was not greatly concerned with the burning of the
Arab ships. The bombardment of his city, however, he must
have felt was unwarranted and a vital affront to himself and to
his people. The rage which Cabral felt because of the massacre
was equalled by that of the Zamorin at the damage done to his
city. The bombardment of Calicut was a turning-point in the
history of the Portuguese in India. The people of Calicut never
trusted the Portuguese again nor could they be trusted by them.

Unable to do further damage at Calicut, Cabral’s fleet sailed
for Cochin, which was reached on the 24th of December.
Dom Manuel had heard through Gaspar da Gama that another
port lay farther along the coast, but he was not sure of its value.
In his instructions Cabral had orders to proceed there in case he
was unable to secure satisfactory treatment at Calicut. When
Cabral arrived at Cochin he learned that the king of that city
was aware of the treatment he had received at Calicut. This
knowledge had spread as well along the coast of India. The
Zamorin of Calicut, as overlord of the smaller kingdoms of the
coast of Malabar, including Cochin, was much feared and hated,
so that when word was received of the damage done to his city
it was welcome. The rulers of these minor kingdoms felt that
in the Portuguese they might have an ally who could re-estab-
lish their independence and also pay well for their products.
Messengers came to Cabral from Cananore and from Quilon,in
Travancore, inviting him to trade at those ports. Cabral replied
that he would do so at some future time. The relations with the
King of Cochin were amicable. Spices were taken on here and
at Cranganore, a town on the backwaters inland from Cochin,
during the two weeks that the Portuguese stayed there. 1 The

x This portion of the coast of Malabar has a low shore covered with coco-nut palms.
Behind this is a long lagoon, into which several small rivers flow from the steep ghats
behind. During both monsoons the rains or evaporation keep the atmosphere in a

xxviii INTRODUCTION

smaller ships of the fleet took their cargoes at Cranganore; the
larger ones, which had already been laden at Calicut, probably
remained at Cochin, because Cabral, in spite of the apparent
friendly attitude of the king, would hardly have taken the risk
of having his whole fleet in the backwaters at the king’s mercy.

Meanwhile the Zamorin of Calicut had hurriedly assembled
a fleet of some eighty ships, many of them large, to inter-
cept the return of Cabral. The King of Cochin offered the
latter his aid, but it was not accepted because the Portuguese
felt that with their artillery they could defeat even this number.
On second thought, however, they decided to return at once to
Portugal. With them went two Christians from Cranganore,
and, on account of their unexpected departure, the Portuguese
took two hostages home with them. The Portuguese in the
factory which had been established on shore were deserted. On
the return voyage a stop was made at Cananore, where the king
insisted on furnishing whatever cargo they might need. He
offered to sell this on credit until the next voyage, but Cabral
still had money for its purchase. Taking with him an ambas-
sador from this king, Cabral crossed to the African shore.
On the way he detained a ship from Cambay. Cabral, as has
been said, carried instructions which required him to capture
Moorish ships at sea whenever possible, to secure loot, part of
which was to go to the king and the remainder to be divided
among the members of the fleet. The ship was richly laden,
and it was with evident regret that it was released when it was
ascertained that it was an Indian ship and did not belong to the
Arabs. As the fleet approached the opposite shore the pilots
advised caution, but the Spanish captain, Sancho de Tovar,
insisted on taking the lead, and his ship ran aground. Because
it could not be got off, it was deserted and burned, and only
those on board were saved. Unable to call at Malindi, the fleet

condition of great humidity which favours the cultivation of pepper, ginger, and other
spices. There are two inlets to these backwaters, one at the north, formerly the mouth
of the Peragar which at the time of Cabral’s visit was almost silted up; the other, as then,
is at Cochin. In earlier days when the Romans visited this coast it was the former
inlet which was used to reach Muziris, later known as Kodungalur, the Cranganore of
the Portuguese. Here an extensive trade had been carried on for many centuries. Its
location on the backwaters made it a desirable harbour for the protection of ships dur-
ing the monsoon. It was here also that a Christian setdement had existed since early
days, and also a setdement of black and of white Jews.

THE VOYAGE xxix

then proceeded to Mozambique to take in supplies and to
put the ships in order for the long voyage around the Cape.
Sancho de Tovar was here given command of a caravel and
instructed to proceed to Sofala to investigate conditions there.
This was probably the first time Sofala had been visited by Euro-
peans in modern times. No landing was made, and Sancho de
Tovar continued his voyage to Portugal. Another caravel,
belonging to Italian merchants, the Anunciada, since it had been
found to be the fastest, was placed under the command of
Nicolau Coelho and sent ahead of the others to advise the king
of the results of the voyage. This arrived at Lisbon on the eve of
Saint John’s Day, the 23rd of June 1501, nearly a month before
the other ships of the fleet. After leaving Mozambique on the
homeward journey, another vessel, that of Pedro de Atafde,
became separated from the fleet. This went to Sao Bras,
apparently with the idea that Cabral might stop there to wait
for it. Here a note was left for the benefit of later ships, telling
of what had occurred in India. This note was subsequently
found by Joao da Nova, who departed from Portugal in four
small ships three months before Cabral’s first ship returned.
Cabral’s flagship and that of Simao de Miranda, both heavily
laden, continued alone on their homeward voyage.

Before the ships became separated it had evidently been
arranged that they should stop at Beseguiche, a harbour near
Cape Verde, after their long voyage from the Cape. Here they
could secure wood, water, and fresh fish, the sick could be
cared for, and the ships put in order for their return to Lisbon.
Diogo Dias seems to have arrived first, after a voyage from the
Gulf of Aden which was almost miraculous. He was found there
by Nicolau Coelho in the Anunciada. While these two vessels
were apparently awaiting the arrival of the flagship for instruc-
tions, the three ships of Amerigo Vespucci arrived. These left
Lisbon on the 13th of June on a voyage to Brazil to explore the
coast which Cabral had found, and for trade. Vespucci took
advantage of this encounter to send a letter to Florence telling
of what he had learned regarding the voyage of Cabral. His
fleet evidently continued its voyage before the arrival of the
ships of Cabral and Simao de Miranda. When these ships
reached Beseguiche, Cabral sent the Anunciada to Lisbon and

XXX INTRODUCTION

with it the remaining crew of the caravel of Diogo Dias. The
three vessels then remained until the arrival of Sancho de Tovar
from Sofala and of Pedro de Ataide. Shortly after these reached
Beseguiche, the two large ships departed for Lisbon and were
soon foEowed by those of Sancho de Tovar, Pedro de Ataide,
and Diogo Dias. Cabral and Simao de Miranda probably
arrived at Lisbon on the 21st ofjuly 1501, Sancho de Tovar and
Pedro de Ataide on the 25th, and Diogo Dias on the 27th.

The return of Cabral’s fleet had been awaited for weeks,
not only by the people of Portugal but by those in other parts
of Europe, and particularly by the merchants of Venice. When
on the 23rd of June 1501 the Anunciada sailed up the Tagus and
anchored at Belem, the news spread rapidly and people hurried
to inquire for relatives or friends and to learn the results of the
voyage. There was great sadness because of the loss of five
ships at sea with aE on board and of the death of many others
through sickness or in the massacre at Calicut. The commer-
cial results of the voyage were gratifying because, while Cabral’s
ships had not aE returned laden with spices, a sufficient number
would soon arrive to show that future trade with India was
possible by the aE-sea route and that Portugal might look for-
ward to more fortunate voyages.

Letters were immediately sent to other cities as soon as
couriers were available. Bartolomeo Marchioni was eager to
inform his friends in Florence of the success of bis venture and
wrote them three days after the Anunciada arrived. At the
same time, and possibly by the same messenger, the Venetian
emissary Giovanni Matteo Cretico, caEed ‘II Cretico’, and the
Cremonese merchant Giovanni Francesco de Aflaitadi, wrote
to Venice concerning its commercial results.

Castanheda teEs us that Cabral had sailed with three objec-
tives in mind: to make peace and friendship with the King of
CaEcut, to establish a factory in that city, and to instruct the
Christians of India. Cabral, in fact, so antagonized the Zamo-
rin of Calicut that no factory could be left there, and he found
that the people were idolaters and not Christians, as da Gama
had supposed. AE of the Franciscan fathers who went to in-
struct them and who survived the massacre returned with the
fleet. Even though a portion of Brazil within the Portuguese

THE VOYAGE xxxi

sphere was discovered and Madagascar was probably first
visited, these at the time were popularly considered as har dly
more than incidents of the voyage. They were believed to be
valuable only as places where wood and water could be
obtained. The fact that Sofala, celebrated for its gold, was first
visited by a Portuguese ship during Cabral’s voyage seemed of
greater importance. The voyage was of evident value to the
cartographers. Da Gama had brought back much of interest
for them, but further information was sought and seems to have
been obtained by members of Cabral’s fleet . 1 It is possible that a
map was made during this voyage which is now lost, but which
formed the basis for much that is given in the Cantino map of
1502.

The loss of ships had been great. Of thirteen which de-
parted from Lisbon but five returned from India with cargo,
six were lost at sea, and two returned empty. The large loss
of property was pardy compensated for by the profits, but the
loss of life during the voyage because of shipwreck and disease
shed a gloom over the nation. There was thus reason for the
king and the people to be disappointed. But the losses and the
inability of Cabral to attain his objectives were not his fault;
they were his misfortune. His achievements, as viewed at that
time, consisted in the establishment of friendly relations with
two minor kingdoms on the Malabar coast. Cochin and Cana-
nore, where spices could be obtained in the future, in the estab-
lishment of a factory at the former place, the first permanent
factory in India, in finding an early Christian setdement at
Cranganore , 2 in visiting Sofala, and in ascertaining a practical
sea route to the Cape.

1 In the letter said to have been mitten by Dom Manuel to King Ferdinand in 1505
there is a statement that the Portuguese king had a map showing Cabral’s voyage. The
Cantino map shows a Portuguese standard at Sofala as well as at Mozambique, Kilwa,
and Malindi. Since Vasco da Gama did not visit Sofala, this flag probably indicates
that the map was made, in part, from information obtained during the voyage of
Cabral.

* It was during the voyage of Cabral that the Portuguese had the first authentic in-
formation regarding the Christians in India. That Christians were to be found there
had been known previously in Europe through the writings of Marco Polo and of
Friar Jordanus, Marignolli, and others, but accurate knowledge regarding them had
not hitherto been available. During Cabral’s voyage. Cochin and Cranganore were
visited for the first time by the Portuguese, and at the latter place Christian and Jewish
settlements were found. They were not known either to Pedro da Covilhan or to
Vasco da Gama, neither of whom went south of Calicut.

xxxii INTRODUCTION

In. Europe the voyage of Cabral added greatly to the prestige
and credit of Portugal. What Portugal gained in securing the
spice trade of India was chiefly a loss to Venice . 1 In that city the
return of Vasco da Gama had been known, but its full import
was not realized. It was received by the people, then distraught
with many problems, as news of interest, but they wished to
believe that this new-found route, because of the long and
dangerous voyage, the loss of life by disease, and the antagon-
ism of the Arab traders, could not work to their disadvantage.
When, however, news reached Venice through the letter of
II Cretico that Cabral’s fleet had succeeded in bringing back
a cargo, consternation spread among its merchants, to whom
the monopoly of the trade in spices was an important source
of income, and among the people because it touched their
daily lives. From Venice the spices had been distributed
through Europe by her galleys to Flanders or to Aigues-
Mortes for the markets in France, or by land to the cities
and fairs beyond the Alps. The news of the return of Cabral’s
fleet was, therefore, a matter of general concern to the rest of
Europe, since the opening of this trade route might mean
the shifting of the market for spices and drugs from Venice
to Lisbon . 2

1 ‘Before the Portuguese discoveries about half of the galleys which left Venice each
year went to the Levant. In the return cargo of these nine or ten galleys spices formed
the largest item, and in the last years of the fifteenth century they brought back about
3, $00,000 English pounds of spices a year, of which about 2,500,060 pounds came from
Alexandria, and of which forty to fifty per cent, was pepper. The commercial effects
of the discovery of the Cape route to India were first felt in the Levant in 1502. In the
four years 1502-5 the Venetians imported on an average not more than 1,000,000
pounds of spices a year. The first large cargoes arrived in Portugal in 1503, and in the
four years 1503-6 the Portuguese imported an average of about 2,300,000 pounds a
year, of which eighty-eight per cent, was pepper. The average yearly import of the
two countries combined was at this time, therefore, a little less than the total Venetian
imports before the discoveries — a comparison which suggests that for the first few
years at least the Portuguese were more successful in disorganizing the Alexandrian
spice market than in supplying the needs of Europe/ (F. C. Lane, ‘Venetian Shipping
during the Commercial Revolution’, in Am. Hist. Rep., Jan. 1933, vol. xxxviii,
pp. 226-9,)

z The all-sea route really changed the sources from which Venice could secure the
Indian spices and drugs from the Levant and Egypt to Portugal. Venice could still
secure these commodities at Lisbon; but so could other nations, and her monopoly no
longer existed. Although the trade in the commodities of the East was of great im-
portance to Venice in the year 1500, there were other sources of wealth in her industries,
which included silk goods, gold brocade, silverware, leather goods, wax candles in
which incense gums of the Orient were used, and glassware from Murano, including
mirrors and glass beads.

THE VOYAGE xxxiii

After four centuries, the voyage of Pedro Alvares Cabral
occupies an even more important place in history than it did at
that time. In the discovery of Brazil for Portugal Cabral added
to his native land a country which has exceeded in area, wealth,
and opportunity that of Portugal itself, to which, though
politically independent, it is still tied by bonds of kinship and
affection. It is true that the Portuguese would have discovered
America in the course of their voyages to India, probably
within a decade, had Columbus not crossed the Atlantic, but
this does not lessen the importance of the voyage of Cabral as
the first chapter in the history of Brazil.

In the long voyage to the Cape of Good Hope Cabral’s fleet
covered seas never before navigated and determined the prac-
tical course for sailing ships to the Cape which is still followed.
The discovery of Madagascar, though considered of little im-
portance at the time, brought that island to the attention of
Europe, which had hitherto been unaware of its existence
except in a most mythical way. The attack on the Arab ships
at Calicut began a war to expel the Arabian Moors from Indian
seas. During Cabral’s voyage the advantage was clearly seen
of a policy of taking the part of the petty rulers against their
overlords in order to obtain favourable trade conditions and
a basis for domination. This policy, continued by da Gama
during his second voyage, was definitely formulated by Fran-
cisco de Almeida and put into execution by Afonso de Albu-
querque. During Cabral’s voyage the system of establishing
fortified factories where merchandise could be accumulated
was begun, and thus the delay of the fleet until purchases could
be made was obviated. These policies of controlling the seas,
of developing friendly relations with the petty rulers, and of
establishing factories rather than undertaking territorial con-
quests, were continued during the Portuguese period. They
were subsequently followed by the English and the Dutch in
the seventeenth century.

The attainment of the commerce with India by sea, com-
menced during die voyage of Cabral, was the result of a number
of conditions which were particularly fortunate. Perhaps in
no other period of the world’s history could this have been
accomplished with equal success. The discoveries along the

xxxiv INTRODUCTION

west coast of Africa, confirmed by bulls of the Church, gave
to Portugal a prior claim to the route by way of the Cape.
The discovery of America led to a division of the whole non-
Christian world between Spain and Portugal, a division which
was confirmed by the Pope and in general accepted by the
nations of Europe. The close bonds between the crowns of
Spain and Portugal favoured the aims of Portugal. In East
Africa and in India the petty jealousies and the weakness of the
native rulers made the arrival of the Portuguese at this time
opportune.

"When the Portuguese entered Eastern waters the relations
between Egypt, Persia, Venice, and Portugal were complex.
Politically Venice, Egypt, and Persia had much in common
because of the danger threatened to their several interests by
the aspirations of Turkey, and Venice for this reason sought
Portuguese aid. From that standpoint also, both Venice and
Persia were glad to see a European power in Indian seas.

The superiority of Portuguese ships, the practical experience
of their navigators, and the greater efficiency of their artillery
made the future control of the Indian seas possible. The lower
cost of transportation enabled the Portuguese to overbid the
Arab merchants for spices. It also enabled them to bring, to the
East, European commodities not hitherto available there. The
elimination of intermediate expense decreased the flow of pre-
cious metals to the East. The development of better trade con-
ditions, the establishment of factories, and the encouragement
of the proper cultivation of saleable spices rapidly developed
a Portuguese monopoly in India.

Cabral’s voyage is of importance not only because of its
position in die history of geography but because of its influence
on the history and economics of the period. Few voyages have
been of greater importance to posterity and few have been less
appreciated in their time. This voyage was the beginning of
the commercial relations between Europe and the East by an
all-sea route. The diversion of the commerce of India from the
Red Sea route to that by way of the Adantic was one of the
chief causes for the decline of the prosperity of Venice and for
the fall of the Mamelukes of Egypt. It was also responsible
for the development of Portugal from an unimportant state

THE VOYAGE xxxv

to a nation which for a few years was one of the richest in
Europe. 1

After the departure of Cabral’s fleet plans were mark f or
future expeditions. These were to be sent to India each year in
March. On the 5th of March 1501 Joao da Nova departed with
a fleet of four vessels. In this expedition Italian merchants
participated. On Cabral’s return preparations were also im-
mediately made for another and larger fleet for India. Cabral
was at first selected as its commander, but was superseded by
da Gama. The rapid development of the trade with India, the
driving out of competitive Arab traders, the establishment of
factories and forts, die ultimate Portuguese monopoly of
European commerce in Eastern seas, and the religious conver-
sions of natives belong to the history of the Portuguese in the
East during the hundred years which followed. 2

THE SOURCES

A complete narrative of Cabral’s voyage cannot be obtained
from a single source; it is therefore necessary to bring together
many documents to reconstruct the story. Cabral himself does
not seem to have made any written report. The only original
records of this voyage which now exist in Portugal are Cabral’s
letter of appointment, portions of his instructions, and two letters,
one from Pedro Vaz de Caminha and the other from Master
John, which were sent back from Brazil after its discovery. 3

1 The Portuguese court, from the simple austerity of John II, became more like that
which later existed in France under Louis XIV. ‘The epoch of D. Manuel, which may
perhaps be considered the most brilliant in the life of Portugal, had been an interrupted
series of splendours and magnificence in which the luxury and waste practised by the
sovereign extended to all classes of society, causing the court to become one of the
most ostentatious in Europe’ (A. Danvila, Don Cristobal de Moura y Madrid, 1900,
pp. 33, 34). The court became austere again under John HI.

2 Later voyages brought spices to Portugal in increasing quantities. Not only were
the needs of Europe satisfied, but the warehouses in Lisbon were bulging with an over-
supply. Recourse was then had to a policy of the restriction of production. This was
most satisfactorily employed in the Moluccas, where the cultivation of cloves was con-
fined to the small island of Amboyna. When the Dutch and English disputed the
monopoly of the Spanish and Portuguese in the East Indies at the beginning of the
seventeenth century, it was the spice trade of the Moluccas which they sought.

3 The preservation of these letters is probably due to the fact that they do not con-
tain information regarding the navigation to India. The logs and charts of the pilots
and the routine letters of other members of the fleet would be deposited in the India
House, where they may have been destroyed soon after Cabral’s return because of the
policy of secrecy which was maintained. If preserved they may have been lost during
the earthquake of 1755. They do not seem to have been known to the historians of the

xxxvi INTRODUCTION

To complete our knowledge of the voyage, material must be
found elsewhere.

Of first importance is a letter which Dom Manuel wrote to
Ferdinand and Isabella immediately after the return of the
fleet, in which he tells them what occurred during the whole
voyage. The original of this letter probably does not exist, but
there are copies in Portuguese, in Spanish, and in Italian.

As has been previously stated, there was great interest in
Italy when Cabral’s fleet returned. The reports which were
sent there from Lisbon after the fleet arrived therefore contain
information, particularly of a commercial nature, not to be
found in Portuguese sources. Few of the original documents
which came to Italy are now in existence. Some are available
either in manuscript copies or in printed form; others are to be
found in the celebrated diaries which were kept in Venice,
especially in those of Marino Sanuto and Girolamo Priuli.
Those which came to Venice were chiefly in the form of letters
from diplomatic representatives and from merchants; they tell
not only of the cargo which was brought back but also of many
incidents of the voyage, though no Venetians seem to have
gone in Cabral’s fleet, and their information was not always
reliable. 1 Besides letters there also came to Venice the only
complete account of the whole voyage by one who parti-
cipated in it. This was originally written in Portuguese, but
translated into Italian. The name of the Portuguese author is
not known, so for identification it is referred to as the ‘Anony-
mous Narrative’. This account, the letter of Giovanni Matteo
Credco, who was in diplomatic service, and of Giovanni
Francesco de Aflfaitadi, a merchant, as well as of others relating
to this period, appeared in a small volume which was printed
in Vicenza in 1507 with the title Paesi Nouamente retrouati
Et Nouo Mondo da Alberico Vesputio intitulato. This is one of

sixteenth, century, who give little information regarding the landing in Brazil which
is not contained in Caminha’s letter. Indications of the records and charts of the pilots
are shown on the world maps of Cantino, Canerio, and Hamy. The Esmeraldo
de Situ Orbis and later roteiros are excellent coast pilots, but do not give the ocean
passages.

1 The Venetian merchants, through their relations with the Arabs, and because
Europeans went occasionally to India as traders or renegades, knew something of the
products and customs of the East. Their chief interest, therefore, was in what cargoes
Cabral's ships were able to bring to Lisbon.

XXXV11

THE SOURCES

the first printed, collections of voyages 1 and owes its origin
at this particular time largely to the interest which Cabral’s
voyage aroused in Italy and elsewhere. This interest con-
tinued in other parts of Europe even more than in Portugal
because of the dissemination of accounts of the voyage, particu-
larly those in this collection, which within twenty years had
been translated and published in Latin, French, German, and
Spanish. Because of a policy of secrecy in Portugal there was
little popular knowledge of subsequent Portuguese voyages,
except in the commercial world. This added to the public
interest in that of Cabral. In the literature of Europe during the
first half of the sixteenth century the voyages of Cabral and of
Varthema to the East acquired prominence similar to those of
Columbus and Vespucci to the West. It is also of interest that
Paesi is the first of a series of collections of voyages which were
the pattern for that of Richard Hakluyt and his successors.

Another document of less importance found inltalyis a letter
which appeared in printed form at Rome in 1505 purporting
to have been written by Dom Manuel to King Ferdinand.
The genuineness of this letter is questionable, hut it is the earliest
printed account of Cabral’s voyage which is extant.

There should also be mentioned a report made by the Vene-
tian Ca’ Masser, who was sent to Lisbon in 1506 to investigate
secretly the growing trade of the Portuguese in the East. While
this report deals chiefly with the later voyages, an account of
that of Cabral is also given as obtained from the popular know-
ledge at that time.

The Florentine merchants residing in Lisbon also sent letters
home. Two were sent by Bartolomeo Marchioni, the most
important of these foreign residents and one who was finan-
cially interested in the expedition. Another letter, written by
Amerigo Vespucci to Lorenzo Pier Francesco de’ Medici, gives
an account of the voyage obtained from members of the fleet
whom he met near Cape Verde on their return voyage. These

1 It will probably never be known when and by whom the first collection of
voyages was printed. The oldest now extant seems to be that containing the voyages
of Marco Polo, Nicol 6 de Conti, and Hieronimo de San Stefano, which was printed in
Lisbon in 1502. The Libretto published at Venice in 1504 can hardly be considered a
collection of voyages; it is rather the account of several voyages. Paesi is often
considered the first collection because it is the best known and because it inspired
Grynaeus and Ramusio to make theirs, which are more famous.

xxxviii INTRODUCTION

Floren tin e accounts are to be found in a manuscript collection
of voyages now in the Riccardiana Library in Florence which,
were copied by Piero Vagliente with the evident intention of
publication.

The material from Indian sources adds something to our
knowledge of the voyage. The account of Priest Joseph
published in Paesi gives a description of Malabar and of die
Christian settlements there. Corroborating this and giving
additional insight into the Syrian Church, as well as telling of
the arrival of Cabral’s fleet, is a letter written by four bishops
to the head of their Church in Mesopotamia. From the stand-
point of the Arabs further information can be obtained from
the history of Zain al-Din, who wrote early in the seven-
teenth century.

After the contemporary accounts of Cabral’s voyage ap-
peared, nearly fifty years intervened before it was again
seriously mentioned. The first quarter of the sixteenth century
was an outstanding period in Portuguese history, but the
people were too occupied with accumulating and spending
the wealth which was coming from the Indies to write its
history. About the middle of the century, however, there
appeared the works of three prominent historians whose object
was to glorify the exploits of their countrymen. These his-
torians sought out the sources available in their time both in
Portugal and in India, and they add details regarding the voyage
of Cabral not to be found elsewhere. Of these, Femao Lopes de
Castanheda, whose history was the first to appear in print,
wrote in Portugal but spent many years in India. His work was
soon followed by those ofjoao de Barros and Damiao de Goes,
neither of whom had been to the East. These historians,
although covering the same period, supplement one another,
and because their points of view are different each presents a
different interpretation. Castanheda, after being in intimate
touch with Indian affairs, writes from practical experience;
de Barros, with his literary background and his position in the
Casa de Mina, views the voyage as a scholar; and Damiao de
Goes, the diplomat, interprets it in a broader manner and with
more human interest. The ecclesiastics, Bishop Jeronymo
Osorio and the Jesuit father Giovanni Pietro Maffei, who

THE SOURCES xxxix

wrote somewhat later, owe much to their predecessors, but
they also consulted original sources.

The work of the historian Gaspar Correa, who was contem-
poraneous with those above mentioned, was not accessible in
print until the nineteenth century. Correa did not have access
to the records in Portugal, but wrote voluminously about the
early voyages after a long residence in India. Unfortunately he
is not always accurate in his account of Cabral’s voyage and
confuses it with those of others which followed.

THE LIFE OF PEDRO ALVARES CABRAL

Pedro Alvares Cabral was probably bom in the year 1467,
at Belmonte, about twelve miles from the present town of
Covilhan; the exact date is not known. 1 He was thus two
years older than Dom Manuel, and was thirty-two years of age
when he was selected in 1499 as chief cap tain of the fleet which
was to go to India the following year. At an early age he went
to the court ofjohn II as a mogojxdalgo, since this was the custom

1 Wliile claims have been made that the known ancestors of Pedro Alvares Cabral
extend back to an early period, the family does not appear to have held a position of
importance until the fourteenth century. When John of Castile entered Portugal dur-
ing the time of Dom Fernando and the Master of Aviz, Alvaro Gil Cabral, governor of
the castle of Guarda on the Portuguese border, was one of the few noblemen who,
resisting all attempts of bribery, was loyal to the Crown. When John I ascended the
throne this loyalty was rewarded by the addition of the governorship of the castle of
Belmonte.

A daughter of Alvaro Gil Cabral, Brites Alvares Cabral, was the mother of Gon9alo
Velho. It was Gon9alo Velho who was sent by Prince Henry on several voyages some
seven hundred miles to the west and rediscovered the Azores, already known through
their being indicated on earlier Italian charts. He was a commander of the Order of
Christ. The family thus included two discoverers who occupy important places in
history.

In this rough frontier country die family lived for many generations, having, as
significant coat of arms, two purple goats on a field of silver. The purple colour was
an indication of loyalty, the goats represented the family name.

The father of Pedro Alvares Cabral was Femao Cabral, who married Izabel de
Gouvea in 1464. Femao Cabral was known as ‘the Giant of Beira\ He belonged to
the council ofjohn II and occupied an important position as a chief magistrate in Beira.
His wife had inherited valuable lands in her own right, some of which had previously
belonged to the Cabral family. Izabel de Gouv6a died in 1483 and Femao Cabral in
1493. By his will, published at Belmonte the 6th of May 1494, his property was to be
divided by lot among nine of the eleven children, two of the daughters having been
provided for previously in their dowries. Joao Fernandes Cabral, the eldest son,
remained at Belmonte.

For the genealogy of the Cabral family see Ayres de Si (Frei Gongalo Velho , Lisbon,
1899, 1900, 2 vols.) and Visconde Sanches de Baena (O Descohridor do Brazil Pedro
Alvares Cabral Acad, das Sciencias de Lisboa, Lisbon, 1897)* Unfortunately these two
authors do not always agree.

f

xl INTRODUCTION

among the young nobility of his day . 1 Here he studied the
humanities which were taught at that period. On the death of
John II he continued at the Court of Dom Manuel with the
position ofjidalgo of his council, and secured the habit of the
Order of Christ and an annuity. There is no portrait of Cabral , 2
but as the son of the ‘Giant of Beira’ he may have inherited his
father’s physique . 3 He was the second son and was therefore
not obliged to retain his father’s name. Before the voyage he
seems to have used that of his mother, and was known as
Pedro Alvares or Pedralvarez de Gouvea . 4 Little is definitely
known regarding the life of Cabral prior to this voyage. There
is no record of ms having been at sea previous to his voyage to
India, and it is certain that he never made a voyage subse-
quendy.

Vasco da Gama had returned from India and was received
with great honour. He was made Count of Vidigueira and
given an irrevocable commission to act as the chief of any
future fleet to India, should he so desire . 5 But da Gama was
tired. The voyage had been long and difficult, and he wished

1 He and his brother, Joao Fernandes, were mo$o$ fidalgos on the 30th of June 1484
( Alguns documents , p. 56).

2 The portrait which usually represents Cabral was first published in Retratos e Elo-
gios dos Vardes e Donas (Lisbon, 1817). The editors, however, do not state from whence
this was derived. In the monastery of the Jeronimos at Belem there are four medallions
representing busts of early navigators which adorn four of the main columns. They
have been supposed to represent Vasco da Gama and his brother Paulo, Nicoldu
Coelho, and Pedro Alvares Cabral, but none of them shows any individuality.

3 De Barros states that he was selected because ‘of the presence of his person’.

4 Cabral is given this name in a letter dated the 12th of April, 1497, in which Dom
Manuel confirms to Pedro Alvares de Gouveia and to his elder brother, Joao Fernandes
Cabral, an annuity of 13,000 reis each, and containing a statement that they had
thanked Dom Jo2o II, probably as master of the Order of Santiago (Sousa Viterbo,
Trabalhos Nauticos, Lisbon, 1898, vol. ii, p. 107). The name used in his appointment as
chief commander of the fleet for India is also Pedralvarez de Gouveia.

5 Alvard conceding to Dom Vasco da Gama the chief captaincy of all the ships de-
parting for India during his lifetime, the king not being able to intervene in this
matter, &c.r

‘We, the King, make known to all to whom this our alvard may come, that in con-
sideration of the very great and signal service which Dom Vasco da Gama of our
council did to us and to our kingdoms in the discovery of India, for which reason we
should give him all honour, increase and reward, and because of this, it pleases us that
we grant him by this present alvard that of all the armadas which in his life we shall
order made and shall make for the said parts of India, whether they be only for the
trade in merchandise or whether it is necessary to make war with them, he may
take and takes the chief captaincy of these, so that in the said armadas he has to go in
person, and in them to serve us, and when he thus wishes to take the said captaincy, we
may not place in them nor appoint another chief captain save him, because of his
honour, and we confide in him that he will know very well our service; it pleases us

THE LIFE OF PEDRO ALVARES CABRAL xli

leisure to recuperate. It was da Gama’s wish and that of the
king that the leader of the next expedition to the East should be
a man of a different type, who might be able to change to
friendship the hostility which the native rulers had shown
towards the Portuguese during the previous voyage. Perhaps
da Gama had in mind also that after a more sucessful voyage
by Cabral he himself might again return to show the Zamorin
the true position of his country. At this time da Gama and
Cabral were friends, and da Gama is said to have suggested
Cabral’s name for this office.

There were other reasons which induced Dom Manuel to
select Cabral as chief captain of the Indian fleet. He had
undoubtedly known him well at court. The standing of the
Cabral family, their unquestioned loyalty to the Crown, the
personal appearance of Cabral, and the ability which he had
shown at court and in the council were important factors. Two
of his brothers, Joao Fernandes Cabral and LuizAlvares Cabral,
were members of the council of Dom Manuel in 1499, and may
have had some influence in this selection before the return of da
Gama. The fact that Cabral was a collateral descendant of Gon-
^alo Velho, the honoured navigator to the Azores, may also have
added a sentimental reason. The conditions which existed at court
in those days are not recorded, but we know that there was much
intrigue and jealousy. Cabral may have belonged to a faction
which aided his choice. The selection of the chief captain for
this fleet required great care. Cabral, therefore, must have been
a man who was not only acceptable to Vasco da Gama and to
the king but who also had the confidence of the people of
Portugal and the respect of those who went with him.

Cabral went to India as the representative of the Portuguese
king, with full power to act in any emergency. He fulfilled his

that we grant and we in fact grant this reward and privilege as is said. Furthermore,
we order to be given to him this our alvara by us signed, which we order shall be in every
way kept and guarded, as in it is contained our reward, without impediment or any
embargo which might be placed upon it. And it pleases us, and we wish that it be as
valid as a letter by us signed and sealed with our seal, and passed by our Chancellery,
in spite of our ordinance, even though it may not be passed by the officers of the
Chancellery. Done.’ Torre do Tombo, ma$o 4, cartas missivas No. 36, published by
S. de Ba6na, op. cit., pp. 98-9; also in A. C.T. de Aragao, Vasco da Gama (Lisbon,
1898), pp. 221-2. The date given by Viterbo ( Trab . Naut, vol. ii, p. 199) is the 2nd
of October 1501.

xlii INTRODUCTION

obligation under difficult circumstances in a dignified and con-
scientious manner. In his treatment of the Indians of Brazil he
showed a humanitarian and sympathetic attitude, and there is
no suggestion that they might be used as slaves. The instruc-
tions which he carried were intended to cover whatever con-
ditions might arise. During the voyage along the east coast of
Africa he followed these closely and when he used his own
judgement there is nothing to criticize. The instructions for his
conduct in India were based on the assumption that the Zamo-
rin of Calicut was a Christian and on this account should be
friendly. "When Cabral found that this was not the case he
was obliged to formulate new policies. 1 He may be criticized for
the temerity which was shownregar ding thesecuring of hostages,
but suspicion was the attitude in Europe in his time. He realized
that treachery might be expected from the Moorish traders and
that they would do everything possible to make his relations with
the Zamorin difficult. He was far from home with a small fleet
and with little knowledge of the local conditions. His cruelty and
intolerance may similarly be condoned. The preparation of the
treaty was entrusted to the chief factor, Cabral being precluded
from participating in the negotiation because of his lack of
knowledge of either Arabic or Malayalam. An older and more
experienced man might have been able to counteract the in-
trigues of the Moors. Cabral’s youth and inexperience were
his most serious handicaps. The seizure of the Moorish ship at
Calicut was against his best judgement, and here he deferred to
the experience of Ayres Correia, in whom he had great confi-
dence. The destruction of the Moorish ships and the bombard-
ment of Calicut were decisive steps which may seem unduly
severe punishment for what was possibly an unauthorized
riot; but Cabral was ill and this decision was urged by his
council.

One of the duties assigned to Cabral was to impress the rulers
in the East with the importance and wealth of his country. He
seems to have had this much in his thoughts, but his method of

. 1 CaVn! h::? ‘V 'f;!.' fleet much at heart. He carried with him an

image r O :: ry I - V-: S:“.hora de Esperanto.), which, still exists. This
image was placed in a chapel near Belmonte after Cabral’s return, in care of the
Franciscans (Ayres de Si, op. dt, vol K, p, 489). It is shown in Histdria da Colanizacao
Portuguesa da Brasil (vol. ii, p . 25) .

THE LIFE OF PEDRO ALVARES CABRAL xliii

showing it was not always fitting. The ceremony with which
he received the two natives in Brazil seems somewhat out of
place, and the removal of the ships’ silverware to his temporary
lodgings when he landed in Calicut must have seemed strange
to a people unaccustomed to its use. During the greater part of
the voyage Cabral remained on board his ship, and the real
work and the negotiations with the native rulers were carried
out by the factors.

The voyage met with many disasters and losses in men and
ships; yet no Portuguese historian places any blame on Cabral.
He was certainly not responsible for the loss of the ship of
Vasco de Ataide near the Cape Verde Islands, nor for the sink-
ing of the four ships during the storms in the South Atlantic;
neither can he be blamed for the straying of the ship of Diogo
Dias, nor, according to the accounts of the later chronicles, for
the insubordination of Sancho de Tovar, which caused the loss
of his ship and cargo. Had Cabral not lost these ships on the
voyage and had he returned with a rich cargo from the East his
voyage would have a more prominent place in history.

On the return of the fleet Cabral was well received. Because
of the losses, less enthusiasm was aroused than that which
followed the voyage of da Gama. That he was not blamed,
however, is shown by the fact that he was appointed at once to
command the new fleet, which was being assembled as quickly
as possible to sail the following year. For eight months Cabral
worked to complete these preparations, but at the last moment
he was superseded by Vasco da Gama. Various reasons for
this change have been given by the historians. Castanheda
states that on Cabral’s return the king determined to send a
large armada to Calicut to avenge the massacre. Cabral was at
first selected to command this fleet, but ‘for some just reasons it
was given to Vasco da Gama’. De Goes states that Cabral was
offended and refused the position because the five ships of
Vicente Sodre were excluded from his command. Correa tells
us that it was the queen who insisted that Vasco da Gama be
given the chief captaincy. We know that there was an active
feud between the partisans of da Gama and those of Cabral, and
that Cabral left the court never to return. Whether Cabral com-
mitted some act which offended the king, or whether da Gama

adiv INTRODUCTION

finally persuaded Dom Manuel to live up to his agreement and
thus caused the enmity of Cabral, we do not know; but there
certainly existed a hostility between the two captains which
so annoyed the king that on one occasion, when it was dis-
cussed in his presence, a partisan of da Gama was banished to
Arzila for life. 1

Cabral did not again participate in public affairs but retired to
his small estate at Jardim, near Santarem. He seems to have
had some other interests as well, because in a long document
dated the 17th of December 1509 reference is made to a con-
troversy with Antao Gon^alvez regarding an exchange of
property. This states that Cabral was then living in Santarem. 2
Another document in the same year refers to military service
which was expected of Cabral and his retainers, the exact
nature of which is not disclosed. In 1518, or perhaps before, he
was made cavalheiro do Conselho . 3

About two years after his return from India Cabral married
Dona Izabel de Castro, who was related to some of the best
families in Portugal, and through her received some addition
to his income. She was descended from Dom Fernando of
Portugal and Henry of Castile. Her father was Dom Fernando
de Noronha, and her mother, Dona Constanta de Castro, was
a sister of Afonso de Albuquerque. Prior to her departure from
court with her husband, she was a lady-in-waiting to Queen
Maria, and she continued to retain her standing at court while

1 Afonso de Albuquerque had taken to India three of his nephews, the sons of his
sister, Constanta. All of these had died, so she was left only her daughter, the wife of
Pedro Alvares Cabral. On the 2nd of December 1514 the great Albuquerque besought
the king in a letter from Calicut to forgive Cabral his offence and reinstate him at court,
hi this letter he tells the king of Cabral’s loyalty, of the experience he had had, of his
honesty, and of his trustworthiness in anything which might be confided to him.
While his uncle admits his guilt, he asks the king to forgive him as a true cavalier and
jidalgo (Torre do Tombo, Corpo Chrotu , parti, ma^o 17, doc. I, published in Cartas de
Afonso de Albuquerque , vol. i, p. 253 et seq.). There is no indication in this letter as to
the nature of Cabral’s offence. There was nothing connected with his voyage to India
which would justify his expulsion from court, and we can only conclude that it was
some act of a personal nature in which Vasco da Gama was also involved. The strong
feekng which existed between the factions of Cabral and da Gama at court was un-
fortunate, but it seems to have reacted against both of them. Da Gama, too, was to
incur the displeasure of Dom Manuel, and did not sail again to India until 1524, after
the death of that monarch.

3 Chancellaria de Dom Manuel, vol. xxxvi, p. 40 (Ayres de Sa, op. cit, vol. i,
pp. 300-4).

i also exist two receipts, both dated the 4th of April 1502, in which he is
called fidalgo of the house of the king {AlgunsDoc., p. 132).

THE LIFE OF PEDRO ALVARES CABRAL sh-

in seclusion. Cabral had six children: Antonio Cabral, who
died in 1521, unmarried; Fernao Alvares Cabral, through
whom the line descended; Constanta de Castro e Noronha;
Guiomar de Castro, who died when prioress in the Convent
of the Rose in Lisbon; and Izabel and Leonor, who became
nuns.

That Pedro Alvares Cabral died prior to 1520 is known
through three letters registered in the Chancellaria of Dom
Manuel. These letters concede annuities to Fernao Alvares
Cabral, Antonio Cabral, and Izabel de Castro, sons and wife of
Pedro Alvares Cabral, ‘whom may God pardon’. The letter
referring to the eldest son is dated Evora,the 5 th of November
1520, indicating that his father had died a short time before,
although he was alive in 1518. 1 Cabral was buried with his wife
and one child in a chapel of the small church of the Convento
de Gra$a, now the Asylo de Sao Antonio, in Santarem. 2 The
grave was opened in 1882 to verify the remains. The resting-
place of the discoverer of Brazil has no adequate memorial, nor
can it be readily seen by the public.

Pedro Alvares Cabral appeared in history only for a few
months and there are few discoverers about whom we know so
little. From a position of comparative unimportance at the
Portuguese court he was selected to fill one of the greatest
moment in the history of his country. Since the Portuguese
people had expected too much from it, the voyage was not
regarded as a success, and this view has perhaps been adopted

1 ‘Dom Manuel, &c. To whomsoever this our letter shall come we make known
that, having regard for the many services which we have received and which we hope
to receive in the future from Fema dAlurz Cabrall, our mogo fidalgo, son of P° dAllrz
Cabrall, whom may God pardon [que D s perdoe ] and wishing to show him grace and
favour, we hold it for good and it pleases us that he receive and hold from us an annuity
from the ist of January coming, of the year 1521 thenceforth and as long as it shall be
our wish, 20,000 reis each year, wherefore we order the Comptrollers of our Exchequer
that they shall record it in our books and give concerning it each year a letter to a place
where there may be good payment, and for his protection and our remembrance, we
order this our letter given by us signed and sealed with our pendant seal. Given in our
city of Evora on the 5 th day of the month of November. Jorge Frz did it. The year of
1520.*

Torre do Tombo, Chanc. of Dom Manuel, bk. 39, p. 60; Sousa Viterbo, op. cit.,
vol, ii, p, 140; and Fr. Gon^alo Velho, op. cit., vol. i, pp. 449-5 0.

2 The tablet has the following inscription: ‘Here lies Pedralvarez Cabral and Dona
Isabel de Castro, his wife, to whom this chapel belongs and to all her descendants.
After the death of her husband she was camamra mot of the Infante Dona Maria,
daughter of the King Dom Joao, our Lord, the third of that name.’

xlvi INTRODUCTION

by historians. In the light of its results, however, it stands
out as one of the greatest of Portuguese voyages, though it
is the voyage rather than the commander which merits our
attention.

THE DISCOVERY OF BRAZIL

(a) Theories for the Westward Diversion

During the voyage of Cabral’s fleet to India the course was
diverted to the westward of a southerly course after leaving the
Cape Verde Islands, and because of this diversion the mainland
of South America was reached. 'While this course may have
seemed justified at the time for better navigation and was prob-
ably advised by da Gama, no reason for it is given in any of the
contemporary accounts of the voyage or by any of the reliable
historians of the period, with the exception of Joao de Barros,
who simply states that the fleet went westward to avoid the
Guinea calms. Many of the subsequent voyages to India fol-
lowed this route, some because a landing was desired on the
coast of Brazil to secure wood and water and additional supplies,
and others because this course, though longer, had the advan-
tage of better sailing conditions and because the destination
could be reached more quickly.

In the three centuries which followed the discovery of
America the science of navigation developed steadily, but the
narratives of voyages were considered chiefly as matter of
record or of popular interest. Ramusio, Hakluyt, and others
assembled the accounts of these voyages and incorporated
them in their celebrated collections. It was not until towards
the beginning of the nineteenth century that a serious study of
these documents and narratives was undertaken. Two factors
contributed to the better knowledge of early voyages and
navigation. One was a renewed interest in the voyages of dis-
covery, particularly in those to America, and die discovery and
critical examination of documents and maps relating to them;
the other was the scientific discovery of the great ocean cur-
rents chiefly through the studies of the English geographer
George Rennell, and of Alexander von Humboldt. It was at

THE DISCOVERY OF BRAZIL xlvii

this time that Munoz found the valuable documents relating to
the early Spanish voyages to America which were later pub-
lished by Navarrete, and that the accounts of the voyages of
Vespucci and others were first questioned and controversies
started which have continued to the present day. During this
period attention was given to the voyage of Cabral, and the
question arose as to why his course took him westward.
Humboldt answers this in his Examen Critique with the positive
statement that this occurred because the currents caused the
fleet to deviate towards the west of its intended course. The
authority of Humboldt and his brilliance as a scientist and
critic caused this solution to remain unquestioned in the
popular mind until comparatively recent years, but it was
not entirely satisfactory. The importance of the voyage of
Cabral in the history of Brazil brought about a discussion
of this problem by several historians of that country in 1854
under the patronage of Dom Pedro II. This produced a series
of studies which were published in the Revista do Instituto
Historico e Geogrdphico Brasileiro ; yet the answer was not
found. The question as to why Cabral went to the westward
and so discovered Brazil has resulted in the formation of two
schools, one of which claims that the voyage was made inten-
tionally owing to previous knowledge of this shore, and the
other that Brazil was discovered by chance. The former
theory supposes that the land was revisited during this voyage,
the latter that a real discovery was made. The uncertainty
as to the motives for Cabral’s westward diversion still exists,
and has been accentuated by prominence given recently to
a statement by a contemporary cosmographer, Duarte
Pacheco Pereira, who claimed in his Esmeraldo de situ orbis
that the King of Portugal had sent him to discover land to
die west in the year 1498, two years prior to the landfall of
Cabral.

The various theories for the westward diversion of the fleet
commanded by Cabral may be summarized as follows:

I. Fortuitous.

a. That the fleet lost its bearings in the vicinity of the
Cape Verde Islands, and went westward.

b. That it drifted westward because of the ocean currents.

g

xlviii INTRODUCTION

II. Intentional because of prior discovery.

a. To revisit land previously known, supposed to be in-
dicated on a map made by Andrea Bianco prior to
1448.

b. To revisit land to the westward, supposed to be shown
on a map of ‘Bisagudo’ referred to in the letter of
Master John.

c. To claim officially for Portugal this land, which was
believed to have been visited by Duarte Pacheco
Pereira in 1498, as interpreted from passages in Ms
Esmeraldo de Situ Orbis.

d. To substantiate the claim that land had been foimd
there during the reign of John II.

III. Intentional, for discovery.

a. To ascertain what land, if any, existed witMn the Portu-
guese sphere to the east of the line of demarcation
established by the Treaty of Tordesillas 370 leagues to
the west of the Cape Verde Islands.

b. To determine if the South American continent ended
in this parallel, so that a course could thus be taken to
India.

IV. Intentional, for reasons of navigation.

a. To endeavour to round the Guinea calms, as asserted by
de Barros.

b. To take advantage of the favourable north-east trade
winds and thus take a somewhat longer course west-
ward for better navigation to the Cape, with the hope,
perhaps, of discovering a western end of the equatorial
calms, and rounding the south-east trades.

Let us examine these suggestions in detail.

I. a. One of the earliest theories advanced was that the fleet
had lost its way while searcMng for the sMp of Vasco de
Ataide. TMs theory was suggested in an ambiguous way by
Antonio Galvao, 1 who here repeats a popular tradition but
without Hstorical basis. As a matter of fact there went with
the fleet the best navigators of that period, who were able to
locate the approximate positions of die sMps on their charts at

1 Antonio Galvao, The Discoveries of the World in the Year 1555 (Hakluyt Society,
1862, vol. xxx), pp, 95-6.

THE DISCOVERY OF BRAZIL xlix

any time, except for the influence of the ocean currents, which
were not then known to exist.

I. b. Humboldt, in his critical studies of the early voyages to
America, believed that he had solved the question from a
scientific standpoint. Benjamin Franklin had discovered the
Gulf Stream, and George Rennell the Agulhas Current. These
had led to further investigations which showed that there also
existed westward currents in the Atlantic, in the course fol-
lowed by Cabral’s fleet. While realizing the superiority of the
Portuguese navigators, Humboldt pointed out that as they did
not then have means for determining longitude at sea, these
currents caused the diversion. Humboldt was acquainted with
the contemporary documents, with the letter written by Dom
Manuel in 1 501 , with that of Caminha, and with the Portuguese
histories, and he agreed with them that Cabral reached the
Brazilian coast by chance. He says, ‘Pedro Alvarez Cabral,
whom Manuel sent on the track of Vasco da Gama to the
Indies, wishing to avoid the calms of the Gulf of Guinea (de Bar-

ros) . . . landed unexpectedly on the shores of Brazil The

intimate knowledge which we have to-day of the multiplicity
of these currents or pelagic streams of different temperatures
winch traverse the great longitudinal valley of the Atlantic
offers an easy explanationfor the extraordinary drift towards the
west which the little squadron of Cabral experienced.’ 1 The
desire on the part of Cabral’s pilots to attempt to round the
Guinea calms by taking a westward course seems plausible, and
the westward drift of the ocean to the north and south of the
‘doldrums’ is uncontestable. 2 While both of these explanations
may have had an influence on the diversion they do not explain
entirely the route followed by Cabral.

II. a. In the year 1894 Mr. Yule Oldham announced that he
had discovered on a chart made by Andrea Bianco in 1448
indications of an extensive land of a shape roughly similar to
that of South America, located to the south-west of the Cape
Verde Islands. On this was a legend in two lines which he
read, ‘Authentic island is distant 1,500 miles to the west.’ 3 This

1 Examett Critique , pp, 102 et seq.

2 The navigators and pilots on Cabral’s fleet were unaware of the extent of this

westward diversion, as is shown on the Cantino map, where Brazil is placed to the
east of its true position. 3 Geographical Journal, Nov. 1894, vol. iv, p, 364.

1 INTRODUCTION

map was also examined in the Marciana Library by Sig. Carlo
Errera, who corroborated, in the following year, the finding
of Mr. Yule Oldham, but read the distance 500 miles instead of
1,500.* The question was further discussed by Mr. J. Batalha-
Reis in 1897, who concluded that ‘somebody had certainly seen
an island and perhaps landed on it’, located south-west of Cape
Verde, probably at a distance of 1,500 miles. 1 2 3 There is no
reference elsewhere, however, to this discovery having been
made. Andrea Bianco helped Fra Mauro in the drawing of bis
celebrated map of the known world in 1457, and although Fra
Mauro was most exact in placing on this map all available
information which was known in his day, this land to the west
is not shown. From the time of Aristotle and Ptolemy land
was supposed to occupy at least half of the globe. While on
later maps this exaggerated land area was usually represented by
an hypothetical antarctic continent, it might easily on tins map
have been shown as land to the west. The theory of this early
discovery does not seem to have been proven, and there is no
indication that Cabral had any knowledge of it.

II. b. IntheletterwhichMasterJohnsentbacktoDomManuel
from Brazil in 1500 he states, ‘Your Highness should order a
mappa mundi to be brought which Pero Vaaz Bisagudo has, and
on it Your Highness will be able to see the location of tins land.
That mappa mundi, however, does not show whether this land
is inhabited or not. It is an old mappa mundi, and there Your
Highness will also find la Mina marked.’ This map was
thus known in Portugal at the time of Cabral’s departure. 3
He calls it a mappa antiga, which is but a relative term. Carto-

1 ‘Della carta di Andrea Bianco del 1448 e di una supposta scoperta del Brasile nd
1447^ in Memorie della Societa geografica italiana (Rome, 1895), vol. v, pt.i, pp. 202-25.

2 "The Supposed Discovery of South America before 1448, and the Critical Methods
of the Historians of Geographical Discovery’, in Geographical Journal , Feb. 1897,
vol. he, pp. 185-210. Photographic facsimiles of this map are given by Mr. Yule
Oldham and by Professor Theobald Fischer, Sammlung mittelalterlicher Welt- und See-
karten itaUenischen Ursprungs (Venice, 1886).

3 Da Costa believes that the reference of Master John to the map of Bisagudo shows
that this map had the latitudes marked, that is, had a meridian drawn on it graduated
m. degrees, since only thus could Dom Manuel verify the situation of this land which
Master John indicated was 17 degrees south. The oldest known Portuguese map
showing America is that of Cantino of 1502. The first marine map known which
mows a meridian with these conditions is that of the Portuguese cartographer Pedro
Kernel, which seems to have been made at Lisbon between 1502 and 1505. Fontoura
da Costa, A Marinharia dos Descobrimentos (Lisbon, 1935), p. 194.

THE DISCOVERY OF BRAZIL li

graphers had made charts of the Adantic on which several
mythical islands in the Atlantic were indicated. It may have
been to one of these that Master John referred. It has been
suggested that such a map, and perhaps this one, had been
used during the discussions prior to the signing of the Treaty
of Tordesillas in 1494. A map of this sort would naturally
show the Portuguese factory at Mina, on the Guinea coast,
which was then important for the shipment of gold, ivory,
and slaves. Batalha-Reis identifies the owner of this map
as Pero Vaz de Cunha, called the Bisagudo, who was sent
in 1488 byjohn II to build a fortress in the Senegal. There is
no reference to this map of Bisagudo except in this letter,
and it is difficult to believe, in the absence of other evidence,
that the map referred to indicated a prior discovery of
Brazil.

II. c. One of the most celebrated men in Portugal during
this period was Duarte Pacheco Pereira. He was bom in
Lisbon about the middle of the fifteenth century, of a good
family. He went to sea early and during the fourteen years of
the reign of John II he was one of the captains in his confidence.
With Diogo de Azambuja, Bartholomeu Dias, Diogo Cao, and
others he explored the coast of Africa. He was a witness to and
signed for Portugal the Treaty of Tordesillas in the capacity of
a cosmographer. Pereira probably did not go to India with
Cabral. 1 In 1505 he began to write a book for the king which
was to serve as a pilot of the African coast. This was probably
completed between that date and 1 520, a period during which he
remained on shore. To this book he gave the title Esmeralda de
Situ Orbis. The latter portion of the title had been used by
Pomponius Mela for his famous work. In chapter ii of the
first book he states that Dom Manuel had sent him to America
in 1498 for the purpose of discovery. This statement, which

1 Duarte Pacheco Pereira is not mentioned by any contemporary author as having
been with Cabral’s fleet. It was not until nearly fifty years later, when he became a
national hero, that his name was associated with it. It was then stated by Castanheda
and de Barros that a man by that name went in the caravel of Pedro de Ataide when it
sought the elephant for the Zamorin. On the other hand Vespucci states that no
mathematicians or cosmographers went with Cabral. The prominence of Duarte
Pacheco in these fields must have been known to all members of the fleet, and had he
gone with it he would probably have been mentioned by contemporary writers.
Master John and Pero Escolar gave the latitude of Porto Seguro as 17 0 , while Duarte
Pacheco locates it as 18 0 , the position assigned to it in 1501 and 1504.

lii INTRODUCTION

has given rise to the theory that Brazil was discovered at that
time and thus prior to the voyage of Cabral, is as follows:

‘And in addition to what is said, experience, which is the mother
of things, enlightens us and withdraws us from all doubt; and con-
sequently, Happy Prince, we have known and seen, how in the third
year of your reign of the year of Our Lord of 1498, whither Your
Highness sent us to discover the western part, passing beyond the
greatness of the ocean sea, where is found and navigated so great a
terra firma, with many and large islands adjacent to it, which extends
to seventy degrees of latitude from the equinoctial line against the
arctic pole, and although it may be somewhat distant, it is greatly
peopled; 1 and on the other side of the same equinoctial circle it goes
beyond to twenty-eight and one-half degrees of latitude against the
antarctic pole 2 and it expands so much its greatness and extends to
such great distance that of one part or of the other was not seen or
known the end and finish of it; by which, according to the order
which it carries, it is certain that it goes in a circle by all the round-
ness; so that we have learned that from the shores and coast of the
sea of these kingdoms of Portugal, and from the promontory of
Finis-terre and from whatever other place of Europe, and of Africa
and of Asia, traversing beyond all the ocean directly to the West,
where the west is according to the order of nautical art, a distance of
thirty-six degrees which would be six hundred and forty-eight
leagues of journey, counting eighteen leagues to a degree, and there
are some places still farther away, this land is found in the navigation
by the ships of Your Highness, and, by your order and licence, by

1 This statement shows that when this was written the North American coast-line
was recognized by some geographers as distinct from that of Cathay. The northern
extremity noted as about 4 0 within the Arctic Circle had been known for about 500
years and settlements established there. That the Norsemen had made settlements in
Greenland became a matter of interest to the Portuguese before the end of the fifteenth
century.

2 By coincidence the mouth of the Amazon is not only located on the equator but
also the fiftieth meridian passes through it. Harrisse ( The Diplomatic History of America,
London, 1897, vol. ii) gives the position of the line of demarcation on early maps in
the following longitudes:

Cantino, 1502

42° 30'

Oviedo, 1545 . . .45° i 7 '

Ferrer, 1495 . . . 45 0 3/

Enciso, 1518 . . .45° 38'

Badajoz Experts, 1524 . . 46° 36'

Ribeiro, 1529 . . 49 0 45'

In claiming the location of the shore where the line of demarcation crosses Brazil,
therefore, Duarte Pacheco Pereira but claimed for Portugal an arbitrary but very
definite northern boundary which was beyond question within the Portuguese sphere.
The southern boundary on the coast as defined by this line passing through the mouth
ofthe Amazon would be approximately 28 £° south.

THE DISCOVERY OF BRAZIL liii

those of your vassals and citizens; and going along this aforemen-
tioned coast from the same equinoctial circle beyond, for twenty-
eight degrees of latitude against the antarctic pole, there is found in
it much and fine brazil with many other tilings with which the
ships come greatly loaded to these kingdoms.’

In chapter iii he also says:

. . and other ancient cosmographers who went to the same
land for many years and other persons who have known that this is
true information, have divided it in three notable parts. And in the
third part which Your Highness sent to discover beyond the ocean,
as it was an unknown thing to them, they do not speak of.’

Pereira does not here state that he went to Brazil in 1498,
although he mentions the discovery of the coast of Brazil and
refers to its having been explored for a distance of 28-I 0 south.
It must be remembered that the Esmeraldo was written sub-
sequent to 1505, when the Brazilian coast was well known
through the third voyage of Vespucci.

The voyages to America for the year 1498 are somewhat
obscure. Harrisse mentions those of Vespucci, Cabot, Thirkill,
Coronel, and Columbus. 1 It is possible that there were others
and that this voyage of the Portuguese to America was
clandestine and that there are no records. The best-known
voyage to America in 1498 was the third voyage of Columbus.
This sailed from San Lucar on the 30th of May of that year.
Becoming frightened in the equatorial calms, or wishing to
return to Hispanola more quickly, Columbus steered north-
ward and after discovering the north coast of South America
reached that island. He did not return immediately, but a fleet of
five vessels left for Spain soon after his arrival, so that there was
ample time for word to reach Lisbon before Cabral sailed.
This voyage raises several questions. It was partly financed with
money set aside by Ferdinand and Isabella for the celebration
of the wedding of Dom Manuel. 2 It sailed from the Portuguese
islands of Cape Verde towards the equator and it proceeded
over seas hitherto unexplored, where islands or mainland
within the Portuguese sphere might be found. It is possible
that it was a joint expedition sent by Spain and Portugal for the

1 The Discovery of North America (London, 1892), pp. 675-6.
a William H. Prescott, Ferdinand and Isabella, part ii, ch. 8.

Ev INTRODUCTION

location, of the line of demarcation. This determination as pro-
vided for in the treaty had been deferred from time to time. If
the voyage had been made to the west for this purpose, Pereira,
a cosmographer who had signed the Treaty of Tordesillas for
Portugal, would naturally have been chosen to accompany it.
Had Pereira gone on any of the known voyages of 1498 he
would not have visited Brazil. These references in the Estner-
aldo do not seem to have any relation to the voyage of Cabral.

II. d. When Columbus presented the plan for his voyage to
John II it was refused by the junta of cosmographers, not because
of doubt that Cathay could be reached by navigating to the
west but because it was felt that India and its spices could be
attained by the African sea route with greater certainty and
the way was shorter. John II and his advisers probably knew
more than Columbus about the Atlantic. They had learned
all that was known of indications of land to the west from
those to whom they had granted permission for its discovery.
They also had able navigators who could make this voyage
without acceding to such exorbitant demands as those made
by Columbus.

Unfortunately few records of the early navigations now
remain. This is partly due to the neglect in their preservation
in the Torre do Tombo, 1 to their having been withdrawn for
official use and not returned because of the changing location
of the court, 2 but chiefly because of a policy of secrecy which
it was felt necessary to maintain. 3 Not only have almost all the
early records disappeared but also many of the chronicles.
Even the writings of the historians of the sixteenth century
were under such strict supervision that they cannot always be
trusted. The policy of secrecy had existed since the first
voyages of Prince Henry. It was due to two causes: first, to
prevent other nations from learning of the discoveries and,
second, because the voyages and trade were considered a royal
monopoly and could be engaged in only at the will of the
king, who usually received part of the profits. Except for
the navigation of the Norsemen to Greenland and of the

1 Some of them, may have survived in the India House, where they would have been

destroyed an 1755. 1

2 Pedro A. d’Azevedo and Antonio Baiao, O Archive da Torre do Tombo (Lisbon,

I9 ° 5 '* 3 See Jaime Cortesao in Lusitania (Lisbon, 1924), fasc, 1,

THE DISCOVERY OF BRAZIL lv

Spaniards to the Canary Islands, the Portuguese had claimed all
but the coastal navigation of the Atlantic. It became not only
the hope but the belief of John II that islands and probably
mainland existed to the west. We have indications of this in
the concession given to Femao Domingues do Arco of Madeira
in 1484, who evidently intended to explore in that direction.
It is evidenced also in a similar project approved in i486 in
favour of Fernao Dulmo of Terceira, and of Dulmo and Joao
Afonso do Estreito in 1487. 1 There are further indications that
other voyages were planned, but there is no record that any
discoveries were made in America. When the line of demarca-
tion was fixed by the bulls of 1493 John used every effort to
have this extended farther west. While he sought chiefly to
secure sea room for his ships to India he also sought an added
area to the west where he believed or knew that land was to be
found. There is no evidence that such a land had been dis-
covered by the Portuguese beyond the Atlantic during John’s
reign, and those who make this claim do so with the belief that
the documents which existed to prove it have disappeared.

If the Brazilian coast had been previously visited, or was even
believed to exist, it is reasonable to suppose that a small fleet
similar to that which was later sent with Amerigo Vespucci
would have gone there not only to claim officially that portion
within the Portuguese sphere, but also to continue the discovery
along the shore to the north, where mainland had been
touched by Columbus in 1498, and to go south to ascertain if
land existed there as well.

The belief that Cabral’s fleet was diverted to the westward to
revisit Brazil while on its voyage to India is open to several
objections.

Cabral did not immediately take possession for the king, and
no effort was made for further discovery. On the contrary, the
ceremony during which the royal arms were raised took place
during a mass which was said just before the fleet departed, and
it was not felt necessary for either the ship of Gaspar de Lemos
or the main fleet to ascertain whether tins new shore was an

1 For a discussion of these voyages see Edgar Prestage, The Portuguese Pioneers
(London, 1933), ch. xi, and C. E. Nowell, ‘The Discovery of Brazil— Accidental or
Intentional?’, in Hisp. Am. Hist. Rev., Aug- 193d; also Jaime Cortesao, ‘The Pre-
Columbian Discovery of America’, Geographical Journal , Jan. 1937.

h

lvi INTRODUCTION

island or mainlan d. It is hard to understand why it was decided
to send a ship back to Portugal to advise the king of this dis-
covery if the fleet had been diverted to revisit a land already
known to exist. It is also strange that, if this shore had been
previously visited, there was no knowledge among the mem-
bers of Cabral’s fleet of the natives and of the parrots which
they were so interested in finding there.

There is no contemporary account of his voyage either by
a Portuguese or an Italian author which does not state that
Cabral made this discovery. There is, furthermore, no his-
torian until recent years who has questioned it. Duarte
Pacheco Pereira himself, while he does not mention Cabral in
this connexion, does not definitely state that he visited the
Brazilian coast.

Dom Manuel had no reason for maintaining secrecy regard-
ing this or any prior voyage, particularly at a time when the
thrones of Portugal and Castile were almost united.

Pedro Vaz de Caminha states that Cabral’s fleet found it, and
he says further, ‘and God who brought us here did not do so
without reason’. Caminha would not have written this to the
king had he believed that this land had previously been visited.

While Master John does not mention the discovery of
Brazil, the wording of Iris letter gives no indication that he
believed that it had previously been visited. He says, ‘Yester-
day we almost understood by signs that this was an island and
that there were four.’

The land was named Vera Cruz by Cabral. This name was
changed to Santa Cruz by the king. Had the land been visited
earlier, a name would already have been chosen for it and the king
would not merely have modified that given to it by Cabral.

The Cantino map of 1502, which may be considered the
copy of one which was official, states that this coast was dis-
covered by the Portuguese in 1500. 1

Perhaps the strongest proof is that the King of Portugal

1 ‘The v&ra cruz so named, which pedraluares cabrall, fidalgo of the house of the
King of Portugal found; and he discovered it going as chief captain of 14 ships which
the said king sent to Caliqut. And on the outward voyage he came upon this land,
which land is believed to be mainland, in which there are many people, men and
women, whom they describe as going nude as when they were bom. They are more
white than brown and have very long hair. This land was discovered in the era of
1500.’

THE DISCOVERY OF BRAZIL lvii

himself wrote a letter in 1501 to his cousin and mother-in-law,
Queen Isabella, and to his father-in-law. King Ferdinand, with
both of whom he was on very friendly terms, in which he
states that this land had been discovered by Cabral.

In view of this contemporary evidence and of the fact that no
documents have been discovered which were not known at that
time, it would seem that more conclusive proof must be pro-
duced by those who challenge the discovery of Brazil by Cabral.

III. a. At the commencement of the reign of Dom Manuel
the best astronomers, mathematicians, and navigators in
Europe were in Portugal. Many of the scientists were Jews
who had been driven from Spain. They found asylum at
Lisbon, where they were glad to aid the Portuguese king
because they were bitterly resentful of the treatment which
their race had received from Ferdinand and Isabella. There
were also in Portugal Florentine merchants who, through their
commercial and banking relations, knew of the aspirations of
the Spanish to obtain wealth in their newly found islands to the
west. The results of the voyage of Columbus, during which
the north coast of South America had been reached and pearls
had been found, were undoubtedly known in Lisbon at the
time of the departure of Cabral’s fleet. The Portuguese were
also aware that other voyages were being made by the Spaniards
to this coast. They, in all probability, had obtained maps and
sailing directions of the Spanish voyages to America and had
undoubtedly during the eight years which followed the first
voyage of Columbus sent representatives on some of them.
It was opportune at this particular time to ascertain whether
land existed within the Portuguese sphere, and to anticipate
any Spanish voyages to lands which might be theirs. While
Cabral’s fleet was destined for India, there was a possibility of
combining in this voyage a westward divergence from the
1 Cape Verde Islands for this purpose. By following the route
commenced by Columbus in his third voyage, it might proceed
farther to the west than had da Gama in 3 ns voyage to the Cape.
By this route some of the Portuguese sphere to the west might
thus become known. The junta of cosmographers who
planned Cabral’s voyage might well have felt that by taking
advantage of the north-east trade winds and, if possible, by

Ivin INTRODUCTION

rounding the calms, this divergence for discovery could be
made without delaying the arrival in India. This might also
be a safer and more practical route . 1

The belief that Cabral’s fleet went to the south-west with the
hope of discovery has added weight since in the same year
Gaspar Corte-Real went to the north-west on a similar mission.
The presence in the fleet of the astronomer, Master John,
might thus be accounted for.

III. b. The theory that Cabral’s fleet was diverted westward
to reach India in that direction has nothing to commend it.
There are no indications of such an intent and neither at this
time nor later was there any desire on the part of Portugal to
encroach, from this direction, on the Spanish rights as defined
in the Treaty of Tordesillas.

IV. a. The theory suggested by de Barros, which is the only
one advanced by any authoritative writer during the sixteenth
century, was that the fleet steered to the westward to en-
deavour to round the equatorial calms . 2 These bend to the
south-east before reaching the African coast south of Guinea.
The Portuguese voyages to Mina were favoured by the strong
Guinea current on their outward voyage, but on their return
they were opposed by it. They thus had experience with this
calm belt, which hemmed in their course to the south and
made further voyages along the coast more difficult. Da
Gama had crossed it at some distance from the African coast.
Columbus on his third voyage, after steering to the south-west
from the Cape Verde Islands, had entered it and describes the
terrific heat and discomfort of the tropical seas in words which

f For die winds and currents of the South. Atlantic and the modem passages for
sailing ships, see Rear-Admiral Boyle T. Somerville, Ocean Passages for the World —
Winds and Currents (London, 1933); A. G. Finlay, Directory for the Navigation of the
South Atlantic Ocean (10th ed., London, 1920); and the meteorological charts for the
Atlantic Ocean published periodically by the Hydrographer of the Admiralty.

2 ‘In order to avoid the land of Guinea, where the calms would impede his course,
he sailed far off from land to be sure to double the Cape of Good Hope. And when he
had been a month on that long voyage he saw on the second day of the octave of
Easter, which was the 24th of April, that there was another coast of mainland which,
according to the estimation of the pilots, appeared to be distant to the west of the coast
of Guinea 450 leagues and in the height of the antarctic pole to the south ten degrees.
Regarding this land the men were so firm in the belief that there was not any mainland
west of all the coast of Africa that most of the pilots affirmed that it was a large island
such as Terceiras and those which were found by Christovao Colom, which belong to
Castile and which the Castilians commonly call Antilhas/ De Barros (Dec. 1, bk. v,
ch. 2).

THE DISCOVERY OF BRAZIL lix

must have been exaggerated . 1 While Cabral’s fleet would
wish to avoid these calms, it is doubtful whether this was the
only reason for the diversion.

IV. b. There were several ships in the fleet. These had
a length of about three times their beam. They were clumsy
and carried large sails which could not easily be adjusted to the
wind. Since the fleet had to be kept together its speed was
determined by the poorest sailer. The route for this reason
seems to have been taken with the north-west trade winds after
leaving the island of Sao Nicolau, following the suggestion of
da Gama and the experience of Columbus. When the region
of the equatorial calms was reached the course was taken to the
south. Beyond these calms the prevailing wind was from the
south-east, the direction which they were to take to the Cape.
It was evidently not felt desirable to sail against this wind with
the ships but to continue the course somewhat to the west for
better sailing in the hope that light favourable winds might be
found to carry them to the Cape, as da Gama had suggested.
This course would take them along the Brazilian shore. The
south-east trade-wind area extends in an approximate oval from
the Cape of Good Hope to Cape Saint Roque in Brazil. The
uniformity of this wind, like that of the north-east trade, was
well known to da Gama. On his outward voyage he had sailed
against it from the equatorial calms to the Cape, and he had
found that this head wind had made the sailing slow and
caused discomfort to the crew. In da Gama’s suggestion for the
route to be followed by Cabral’s fleet, therefore, a westward
diversion was advised, not only with the belief that the Guinea
calms might be rounded but even more so that the south-east
trade wind might also be avoided. The rounding of this con-
trary wind area in the hope of finding more favourable winds
to the west may have been the chief reason for Cabral’s course.
The voyage as far as Brazil was the correct course to the Cape . 2

1 The equatorial calms lie between the north-east and south-east trade winds. They
are narrowest in February and March particularly between 28° and 3 3 0 west. The most
favourable time for crossing the ‘doldrums* also is between December and June, when
the passage for sailing vessels will be less interrupted by calms, squalls, and variable
winds than at other times. (Somerville, op, cit., p. 32.)

2 According to Somerville the present route for sailing ships from the English
Channel to the Cape of Good Hope is the same as that to Rio de Janeiro. The Cape
Verde Islands should be sighted and passed to the westward, as the winds are stronger

lx INTRODUCTION

Unfortunately Cabral does not seem to have sailed far enough
to the south after leaving the Brazilian coast to obtain the bene-
fit of the westerly winds. This error was evidently recognized,
for subsequent voyages took their course eastward in the parallel
of the Tristao da Cunha Islands. They thus avoided the high
pressure area to the north which was so disastrous to Cabral’s
Beet.

It must not be forgotten that the fleet was destined for India.
It was large for the time and carried a valuable cargo. The
course to be followed, therefore, was the one which it was
believed would ensure the most favourable winds and the
greatest safety irrespective of any hopes of rounding the calms
or discovery. The discovery of Brazil according to this theory
was accidental.

From the foregoing it seems probable that Cabral’s fleet
was the first to reach the shores of Brazil under the Portuguese
flag. The westward diversion of the fleet, during which Brazil
was visited, seems to have been made not for one but for several
reasons. The chief motive was to follow the most practicable
and safest route to the Cape of Good Hope.

(b) Claims for the Prior Discovery of Brazil

The theories that Brazil had been visited by Europeans prior
to the voyage of Cabral may be divided into two classes: those
claiming that the voyage had been made by navigators in
early times who did not return, and those made in the fifteenth
century by others who brought back word of discoveries. To
the former class belong those theories which are based on
Biblical references, on allusions by classical writers, or on
evidences to be found on the South American continent. A
discussion of these belongs to a field which is not within the
scope of this volume . 1 In the second class are the theories based
on indications in the charts of Andrea Bianco and Pero Vaz
Bisagudo, on the belief that voyages had been made during the

on that side. The equator should be crossed as far west as possible so that there may be
less interval of doldrum to cross. ‘Having crossed the equator as recommended, a
vessel should stand across the south-east trade wind on the port tack, even should the
vessel fall off to W, by S., for the wind will draw more to the eastward as the vessel
advances, and finally to East at the southern limit of the trade* (op. cit, p. 443) .

1 See Paul GafFarel, Histoire de la decouverte de VAmerique (Paris, 189a), vol. i, and
Candido Costa, As Duas Americas (Lisbon, 1900).

THE DISCOVERY OF BRAZIL ki

reign, of John II and that Duarte Pacheco Pereira had visited
Brazil in 1498. These have already been discussed as reasons
for the diversion of Cabral’s fleet to the westward. There
remain to be mentioned other claims, probably unknown to
Cabral, which have been seriously advocated for the prior dis-
covery of Brazil. These in clu de the Spanish voyages, the voyage
of Jean Cousin, and the statements of three persons which, it is
believed, indicate that Brazil was previously known.

Columbus visited Trinidad and probably the coast of Paria
in 1498, and may be considered the first European to visit the
South American continent. The discovery of the mainlan d
during his third voyage was disputed by the Spanish Crown
in a celebrated trial during which testimony was taken in 1513
and 1515 by the Spanish Fiscal and Diego Columbus, the son of
the great admiral. 1 The question was not settled at that time;
but, in view of the evidence there produced and the research of
subsequent historians, it is almost certain that he did so. After
this discovery Columbus returned to Hispanola, where he
remained until his return to Spain in chains. Word was sent
back to Spain, however, that pearls had been found along the
South American coast. This news caused other fleets to be sent
to Paria to seek these new riches and to make further dis-
coveries. The advantage of following a more southerly route
from the Cape Verde Islands and thus to take advantage of the
north-east trade winds had been apparent during the voyage
of Columbus, so this course seems to have been chosen. It has
been claimed that during these voyages the coast of Brazil was
followed until Venezuela was reached, and that it was thus dis-
covered prior to the voyage of Cabral. Five Spanish fleets may
have sailed during the year 1499, under the commands of
Alonzo de Ojeda (who it is said was accompanied by Amerigo
Vespucci as a merchant and by Juan de la Cosa as pilot), Cris-
tobal Guerra, Vicente Yanez Pinzon (who had gone with
Columbus on his first voyage), and Diego de Lepe. Some
believe that there should be added the name of Alonso Veflez
de Mendoza. The information which remains concerning these
voyages is confused and conflicting. Much of it is to be found

1 F. de Navarrete, Collection de los Viajes y Descubrimkntos (2nded., Madrid, 1880),
vol. iii, pp. 541-628.

lxii INTRODUCTION

in the probanzas above mentioned. Ojeda there claims that on
his voyage he first sighted land 200 leagues (Vespucci says 300)
before reaching Park and would thus have visited the coast of
Brazil in 1499. The accounts of this voyage by Ojeda and Ves-
pucci have caused much controversy which is too involved to
be adequately given here, but it is reasonably certain that Brazil
was not visited by them at this time. The references to
other Spanish voyages are chiefly given in the probanzas and
cannot be considered confirmed, because of lack of sufficient
corroborating evidence. The voyage of Vicente Yanez Pinzon,
however, has documentary support in its favour. In his testi-
mony given in 1513 Pinzon states that he discovered ‘from the
Cape of Consolation which is in the part of Portugal and is now
called Cape S. Agustines’ and that he discovered the whole coast
to the west and north-west as far as the mouth of the Drago. In
an agreement signed by Ferdinand and Isabella at Granada the
5th of September 1501 1 his discoveries on the South American
mainland were recognized as from the places which he had
designated as Santa Maria de la Consolacion and Rostro Her-
mosa, along the coast to the north-west, past the large river
which he called Santa Maria de la Mar-dulce, and all the land as
far as the Cape of San Vicente. In this document he is named
as royal captain and governor of these lands from the first-
named place to the river of Santa Maria de la Mar-dulce and
the islands in the mouth of that river. 2

In the same year Angelo Trevisan, the secretary of the Vene-
tian ambassador to Spain, had access to the papers of Peter
Martyr relating to the voyages to America. After the departure
of Martyr for Egypt on the 14th of September, Trevisan sent
copies of these in Italian translation to his former employer,
Domenico Malipiero, at Venice. 3 These accounts of the
Spanish voyages were printed in 1504 in a collection known as
the Libretto de tutta la navigatione de Re de Spagna 4 and sub-
sequently reprinted in the Paesi of 1507. Among them was an

1 CollecciSn de Documentos Ineditos (Madrid, 1878), vol. xxx, pp. 535-42.

2 These names are not shown on the map of Juan de la Cosa.

3 Copies of these letters are now in the Sneyd Collection at Newcastle-upon-Tyne.

4 Two copies of the Libretto are extant, one in the John Carter Brown Library and
the other in the Marciana. The former was reproduced in facsimile and edited by
Lawrence C. Wroth (Paris, 1930), and the latter with facsimile and translation by J. B
Thacher in his Christopher Columbus (New York, 1903), vol. ii, pp. 439-5x4.

THE DISCOVERY OF BRAZIL lxiii

account of the voyage of Pinzon which was sent to Venice in
December 1501. All of this was unknown to Peter Martyr,
who included this account of Pinzon’s voyage in the first
edition of his First Decade in 1511 and also in the complete
Decades in 1516, both of winch were in Latin. In the Libretto
the statement is made that Pinzon’s fleet of four caravels de-
parted from Palos on the 18th of November 1499, and after
taking their course south-west from the Cape Verde Islands
came in sight of land on the 20th ofjanuary 1500. It then con-
tinued along the coast for 600 leagues, passing a gulf of fresh
water. The coast of Paria was reached, and on the 3rd of June
the fleet departed for Hispanola.

The account of the voyage, as given by Peter Martyr in the
Seville edition of 15x1 and in that of Alcala of 1516, agrees
substantially with that in the Libretto, but it states that the first
landing was on the 26th ofjanuary. Further evidence that the
Pinzon brothers visited the shore of Brazil is indicated on the
map of Juan de la Cosa. This map, which is dated 1500 (though
there is evidence that the only copy now known was drawn not
earlier than 1508 1 ), might provide proof that Cape Sao Agos-
tinho was reached by Pinzon and the coast followed to the
north-west as far as the coast of Venezuela. It was in fact
originally drawn expressly for this voyage, for on it are
prominently shown three Spanish flags along the shore, two
caravels, apparently those of the Pinzon brothers, and an in-
scription opposite Cape Sao Agostinho stating that it had been
discovered by Vicente Yanez in 1499. The coast shows some
resemblance to that of Brazil, and there is an indication of the
mouth of the Amazon. The map does not show Vespucci’s
voyage of 1501 or Cabral’s voyage to India, although an island
appears to the east of Brazil with the inscription ‘island dis-
covered for Portugal’. This map, therefore, contains informa-
tion collected after the return of Gaspar de Lemos and Pinzon
in the autumn of 1500 but before Vespucci reached Portugal in
1501. The voyage of the Pinzons in 1499 along the Brazilian
shore was accepted by the early Spanish historians. These
Spanish voyages were discussed during the nineteenth century
by Navarrete, Humboldt, Vamhagen, Harrisse, Vignaud, and

1 Nunn, George E., The Mappemonde of Juan de la Cosa (Jenkintown, 1934)*

hriv INTRODUCTION

others, and while no agreement was reached, the general
opinion has been that the voyages of Pinzon and Lepe, at least,
followed this shore. In 1921 Professor Duarte Leite made a
critical and unprejudiced examination of these Spanish voyages
which was published in chapter iii of the Historia da Colonizagao
Portuguesa do Brasil with the title ‘The False Precursors of
Alvares Cabral’. In 1931 he further discussed the questions
involved in his Descobridores do Brasil. As a result of his studies
Professor Leite concludes that ‘In 1499 Hojeda did not cross the
equator nor bring to view the Orinoco; Pinzon was not in the
Amazon in 1500, and was farther north, not passing beyond
Cape Orange; Diego de Lepe and Vellez de Mendoza visited
only the greatest of rivers when the splendours of history had
already displayed it in the sixteenth century.’ The claims of
these Spaniards to the discovery of the Brazilian coast are
according to this author false, and were made either for personal
ends or to exclude the Portuguese from possessions on the
South American continent. Professor Leite takes up each
voyage in succession, and with a full knowledge of the sources
and of subsequent criticisms challenges the claims that Brazil
had been visited by the Spaniards before the voyage of Cabral.
He asserts that these voyages may have been made to the
vicinity of Trinidad, but it was the Orinoco and not the
Amazon whose fresh waters extended far into the sea. The
descriptions of the natives and of the positions of the north
star are not correct in these narratives. The distances are greatly
exaggerated, and the landmarks given by Pinzon and other
navigators in the authentic contemporary documents may with
greater reason be located on the coast of Venezuela. The map
of Juan de la Cosa according to this criticism cannot be con-
sidered to be based upon authentic information regarding
Brazil, and either the original map has been altered or a copy
made on which the claims of Pinzon were inserted and the
line of demarcation shown to the east of Cape Sao Agostinho.
If these claims of Pinzon were fictitious the map was altered or
redrawn after 1500 ; indeed not earlier, as we know from other
evidence, than 1508. While these claims have not been accepted
by all historians, there has been no adequate attempt as yet to
refute them. In view of the present knowledge of the early

THE DISCOVERY OF BRAZIL Ixv

Spanish voyages there is thus a probability that Pedro Alvares
Cabral was not only the first Portuguese but also the first
European to visit the shores of Brazil.

Many French historians believe that Brazil was discovered
by a navigator from Dieppe prior to the voyage of Cabral.
The claim for this discovery is based on a tradition prevalent
in Dieppe that a certain Jean Cousin was selected by some pro-
minent merchants of that city to go on a voyage of exploration.
He accepted this offer, and set sail in the year 1488. In order to
avoid the storms and the sand-banks along the African coast he
decided to take a course well out to sea. Arriving at the latitude
of the Azores he was carried to the west by an ocean current.
This took him to an unknown land at the mouth of an im-
mense river. He claimed possession of this land and, instead of
returning directly to Dieppe, went to the south-east, that is,
towards South Africa. He discovered Cape Agulhas, and, after
noting die coast, returned, arriving home in 1499.

The Normans undoubtedly visited the Brazilian coast during
the first few years of the sixteenth century. They were not
welcomed by the Portuguese, and they are seldom mentioned
by them during this period. Nevertheless, they were not de-
terred from making these voyages by the fact that the world
had been divided between Spain and Portugal, for had not
Francis I made the statement: Je voudrais bien qu’on me mon-
trat 1 ’article du testament d’Adam qui partage le Nouveau-
Monde entre mes freres, l’Empereur Charles Quint et le roi de
Portugal, en m’excluant de la succession ?

There is no proof of this voyage, and the author who suggests
it, Desmarquets, is not considered reliable. Unfortunately
the public records at Dieppe were destroyed by the English
in 1694, so that the question can never be settled. While this
voyage may have been made, it seems more probably that the
tradition regarding it was derived from the account of some
voyage subsequent to that of Cabral, possibly that of de Gonne-
ville. If it took place it would not have been sufficiently well
known in Portugal to have influenced Cabral on his voyage. 1

It has been asserted that in a will signed before a notary on
the 3rd of May 1580, in the presence of a judge and witnesses,

1 See the works of La Rondure, Gaffarel, d’Avezac } Heulhard, and Anthiaume,

lxvi INTRODUCTION

one Joao Ramalho stated that he had been in Brazil since
1490, ninety years before. 1 This statement has caused some to
believe that Ramalho had arrived in Brazil on a clandestine
voyage prior to that of Cabral and had later taken up his resi-
dence in Sao Paulo. There seems to have been a man by that
name in Brazil as early as 1532, when Martim Afonso de Sousa
states that he lent him signal services. This Joao Ramalho was
associated with Antonio Rodrigues. Bodi of them married
Indian wives and had considerable influence with the natives.
Father Simao de Vasconcellos in his Chronica da Companhia de
Jesus (bk. i 3 No. 77) states that he was a man ‘infamous for grave
crimes and at that time excommunicated’. He is similarly
mentioned by Ulric Schmidel and others. The date of the
arrival of Joao Ramalho has given rise to much discussion,
particularly in Sao Paulo. It has also been suggested that he
might have been one of the convicts left by Cabral. It is more
probable that he arrived in Brazil with one of the later fleets.

Another claim to a knowledge of Brazil prior to Cabral’s
voyage has been based on a document recently found by
Jordao de Freitas in the Torre do Tombo, dated the 12th of
July 1537. In evidence produced at a trial the following state-
ment was made:

‘They hope to prove that in the year 1531 (or 1532), in the
said month, the ship and people who it is said belonged to the
audior went to Fernainbuquo , a port of Brazil, where was a castle and
fortress made by El Rey, our lord, and his Portuguese vassals thirty
years ago and more. In the said port the said castle was made, and
the port was inhabited by the Portuguese who had their dwelling-
houses there forty and more years ago [ Tinham ay suas casas de Morada
Avya Quarenta Anos e Mats] . And at the time when it is said that the
ship of the author arrived there, there was in the said casde a factory
[ Castelo feitoria ] of the said lord and of many Portuguese merchants
who had much merchandise there, as well from Portugal for trading
as that which they obtained from the land, namely, brazil-wood,
cottons, animal skins of different colours, parrots and monkeys and
oils and slaves and much other Portuguese merchandise of great
value. And they also had much artillery of copper and iron and
powder and lances and hestas espinguardes and other offensive and

1 See Candido Costa, op. cit„ pp. 221-4. Also various articles in Rev. Inst. Hist e
Geog. Brasiliero.

THE DISCOVERY OF BRAZIL lxvii

defensive arms for their protection and against their enemies.’
(Lusitania, ix, p. 322.)

Another claim is that indicated in a letter written to Dom
Manuel by Estevao Frois, a Portuguese, in 1514. In this he says
that he was held in a Spanish prison at Hispahola after a voyage
to Northern Brazil, and asks for intervention by the king. In the
course of the letter he states that the Spaniards were unw illing
to accept his proof that the Portuguese had possessed Brazil for
twenty years and more. 1

These claims are probably based on the reports of the early
French and Portuguese voyages made to Brazil as private enter-
prises during the thirty years which followed that of Cabral. 2

THE DISCOVERY OF MADAGASCAR

During the voyage of Cabral’s fleet to India the ship of Diogo
Dias became separated and, losing its bearings, went too far to
the east. When a northern course was taken the coast of
Madagascar was encountered, and a landing was made at its
northern extremity. This was the first known visit to this
island by Europeans in modem times. The Anonymous Narra-
tive, the letter of King Manuel, and most of the subsequent
historians state that this ship reached the African mainland
somewhat to the north of Malindi, and after an almost miracu-
lous voyage returned to Lisbon. Correa, alone, tells of the dis-
covery of Madagascar. While Correa cannot be relied on for
the early voyages to India, in this case the information which
he gives seems to be correct. After describing the storm in the
South Atlantic and the voyage of the other ships around the
Cape to Mozambique, Corr&a continues:

1 See Hist, da Colon. Port, do Brazil , vol. i, pp. xxxiii-xlix, where a facsimile and a
modem translation of the letter are given.

z These were undertaken by private French traders in search of brazil-wood, parrots,
and monkeys, or by the ‘New Christians’ or converted Jews from Portugal. ‘And the
King of Portugal leased the lands which were discovered for him [in Brazil] to certain
New Christians and they are obliged each year to send six small ships and to discover
each year three hundred leagues farther and to build a fortress in the land discovered
and to remain there three years, and die first year they are to pay nothing and the
second one-sixth and the third one-fourth, and they agree to carry enough brazil-wood
and slaves, and perhaps they will find here other profitable things/ See the letter of
Piero Rondinelli written from Seville the 3rd of October 1502 (Raccolta di Documenti e
Studi . . . della R. Comtnissione Colomhiana , part iii, vol. ii, pp. 120-1. From Riccardiana
Library MS. 1910).

lxviii INTRODUCTION

"Except Diogo Dias, who, not knowing where he was going, did
not arrive at land as soon as he should, and went on the other side
of the island of Sam Laurenzo. And because they saw it on his day, 1
they gave his name to it. And when they arrived at it, thinking that
it was the coast of Mozambique, they ran along it, keeping a sharp
lookout, seeking Mozambique, until they came to the end of the
island, which was turning back so that the wind was on the other
side, which was against them. On this account they then knew that
it was an island and that they erred. Then they went to the island
and cast anchor in a good port which made a harbour, protected
from the winds of the sea. And lowering a boat they went on shore,
where they found a spring of very good water. There were no
people, and there were very good fish. He then sent there a convict
whom he carried, because the king sent convicts in all the ships to
thus adventure in doubtful lands; and die king ordered that they
should be pardoned in the event of death or life. This one went in-
land and found some villages of straw houses, and the people were
black and nude. He spoke with them by signs, without any of them
doing him any harm. And he returned to die ship. And with him
came some of those people, who sold chickens and yams [inflames]
and fruit from bushes, good to eat. And diese diey exchanged for
knives and axes and things of iron, litde painted beads and caps and
small looking-glasses. Our people did very well there for several
days, but because the crew began to fall ill of fever and died, on
this account they departed and went with a side wind as much as
they could, to take the coast of Mozambique, and they reached the
coast beyond Melinde. And they ran along the coast seeking
Mozambique by the signs which the pilot carried in the instructions.
And they went so far that they passed Cacotora and went as far as the
Cape of Guardafii, since they did not know where they were. And
they continued along the shore within the strait until they arrived at
the city of Barbora.’

No historian who mentions the voyage of Diogo Dias states
that he stopped at any of the ports of East Africa south of
Mogadishu. His destination was Sofala, but because he became
separatedfromthe fleet he sought Mozambique, which seems to
have been the appointed meeting-place. It must be remembered
that Dias did not have an Arab pilot. He undoubtedly knew of
the difficult sailing along the coast, and with the feeling that the
main fleet had preceded him he may have hoped to join it

1 The 10th of August.

THE DISCOVERY OF MADAGASCAR bribe

before it crossed to India with, the favourable monsoon.
Bartholomeu and Diogo Dias had instructions independent of
those carried by Cabral, and the cargo which they carried was
for trade with the people of the coast of Africa. The contents
of these instructions are not known, but they may have directed
that these two ships should proceed north along the coast
before they returned, for discovery. In this case Diogo
Dias was but following his instructions. The discovery of
Madagascar seems not only probable but was a necessary result
of the course taken, for had not Madagascar intervened either
Mozambique or Malindi would have been reached. In sub-
sequent voyages to India the route to the east of Madagascar
was sometimes used and a landing made at the northern point
for messages and supplies as at Sao Bras and Mozambique. At
tins period the Portuguese were not interested in colonizing;
they wished only to purchase commodities raised by others.
Madagascar had little to offer in this respect, so its discovery
was not considered a matter of great importance. No other
claim is made by Portuguese navigators for the discovery of the
island prior to 1506, and no other author accounts for its name. 1

1 Madagascar was visited by the Arab and Hindu navigators in early times and was
known to the Greeks, who may also have been there. During the first centuries of
our era there was an Indonesian or Khmer migration, the results of which are still
evident in the natives of the eastern shore. It was mentioned by Marco Polo, who pro-
bably confused it with Zanzibar, but it was not definitely located and described until
the coming of the Portuguese in the sixteenth century. It is shown on the Cantino and
Canerio maps, which are supposed to have utilized a map brought back with Cabral’s
fleet. On these maps it has the shape of a rectangle. This configuration continued on
most of the maps of the island until the middle of the eighteenth century, although
that of the celebrated Portuguese geographer Pedro Kernel shows it more exactly.
Madagascar does not appear on the map of Juan de la Cosa.

For further data regarding the early history of Madagascar and the names applied to
it, see A. Grandidier, Histoire de la Geographic de Madagascar (Paris, 1885); G. Ferrand,
‘Le K’ouen-louen*, in Journal Asiatique , 1919, vol. xiii; M. Bittner, Die topographic
schen Capitel des Indischen Seespiegels Mohit, with thirty maps by W. Tomaschek
(Vienna, 1897).

DOCUMENTS

LETTER OF PEDRO VAZ DE CAMINHA TO
KING MANUEL

WRITTEN FROM PORTO SEGURO OF VERA CRUZ
THE 1ST OF MAY 1500

B efore Cabral’s fleet departed, from the new land which had
1 been found to the west, Pedro Vaz de Caminha wrote a
letter to the King of Portugal in which he related what hap-
pened during its sojourn there. This letter is the first and by far
the most important document which has come down to us
describing the discovery of that country. It has sometimes been
called the first page in the history of Brazil. In this letter
Caminha carefully wrote down each day what appeared to
him to be new and curious, as well as almost every act of the
members of the fleet in their dealings with the inhabitants. It is
very important as the first account of the natives of that coun-
try. Later investigations have shown nothing to discredit the
narrative from the standpoint of ethnology, and few subsequent
writers have given us a better idea of the customs of the people
inhabiting the coast of Brazil.

Unfortunately Caminha devotes but little space to that
portion of the voyage prior to the arrival in Brazil regarding
which there has been such uncertainty. When land was sighted,
however, he is most minute in his descriptions. Because he
recorded the events as they occurred, there can be no question
as to their correctness so far as Caminha knew them.

The letter was addressed to the king, and may thus be con-
sidered an official document, akhough written in the easy style
of a narrative. It may have been written either because of
instructions from the king before Cabral began his voyage or
by Caminha of his own volition, since his personal interest in
writing is shown at the end of the letter, where he asks a favour
from the king. Both his position and family gave him the
right to address a letter to Dom Manuel.

Master John states that Ayres Correia wrote a letter. As
chief factor, Correia would have little about which to write
to the king from Brazil, and it is possible that this letter, written

4 LETTER OF PEDRO VAZ DE CAMINHA

by Caminha, was the one referred to as having been written
by his superior. The authenticity of this letter cannot be
questioned, although it does not seem to have been known to
all sixteenth-century writers.

Pedro Vaz de Caminha was the son of Vasco Fernandes de
Caminha, a cavalier of the household of the Duke of Guima-
raes and mestre da balanga da moeda in the district of Oporto. He
inherited tins position from his father, 1 2 and after his death in
India it was given to his nephews, Rodrigo de Osouro and
Pedro Vaz. 3 The office was one of honour and responsibility
and was held by the family under four sovereigns, from
Afonso V to John III. Caminha’s career indicated that he was
a man who was more interested in trade than in politics or
navigation. He had a good education for the time, but appar-
ently had not studied Latin. When the fleet of da Gama re-
turned to Lisbon with the report of the riches and splendour of
India, Caminha accepted the position of writer in the fleet
which was to follow under the command of Pedro Alvares
Cabral. He was to go to Calicut, where he was to take part in
the commercial activities at the factory to be established there.
Caminha sailed in Cabral’s flagship with Ayres Correia, the
chief factor, in company with other writers. He was killed in
the massacre at Calicut in December 1500.

The chroniclers, Damiao de Goes and Fernao Lopes de
Castanheda, are the only authors of this period who mention
Pedro Vaz de Caminha, and they refer to him only as a writer
at the factory in Calicut. Our knowledge of C aminha is
obtained, therefore, almost entirely from his own statements,
and the only document we have is this letter.

The manuscript 3 was found by the Spanish historian Juan

1 By a royal letter of Afonso V dated the 8 th of March 1476, Pedro Vaz de Caminha
was named mestre da balanfa in the mint at Oporto on the death or resignation of his
father ( Chanc. de D. Afonso V, bk. 38, p. 99). This position was confirmed to him by
Dom Manuel in 1496 ( Corpo Chron „ parte i a , ma^o 18, no. 108).

2 In a letter of the 3rd of December 1501, in which the king appointed Caminha’s
nephew, Rodrigo de Osouro, to succeed him, he says, ‘Pedro Vaz de Caminha former
mes/re da balanfa of our city of Oporto who died in India where we sent him*. On the
death of Rodrigo de Osouro, his brother, Pedro Vaz, succeeded to the position on
the 17th of December 1536.

3 The original is written on seven sheets of paper, each with four pages, twenty-

seven pages in all. It is kept in the Torre do Tombo, and is classified as Corpo Chrono-
logico , gaveta 8, ma90 2, no. 8. r

TO KING MANUEL 5

Bautista Munoz, in the Archivo da Torre do Tombo at Lisbon
prior to 1790, and was first published in 1817 by Father Manuel
Aires de Casal in Corografia Brasileira from an inexact copy
found to exist in the Real Arquivo da Marinha at Rio de Janeiro.
It has been republished many times since, both in Portugal and
Brazil, and has been translated into French and German. The
best text is that given in Alguns Documentos do Archivo Nacional
(Lisbon, 1892, pp. 108-21), and it is from this that the transla-
tion has been made.

Senhor:

Although the chief captain of this your fleet, and also the
other captains, are writing to Your Highness the news of
the finding of this your new land which was now found
in this navigation, I shall not refrain from also giving my
account of this to Your Highness, as best I can, although I
know less than all of the others how to relate and tell it well.
Nevertheless, may Your Highness take my ignorance for good
intention, and believe that I shall not set down here any-
thing more than I saw and thought, either to beautify or to
make it less attractive. I shall not give account here to
Your Highness of the ship’s company and its daily runs,
because I shall not know how to do it, and the pilots must
have this in their charge.

And therefore, Senhor, I begin what I have to relate and
say that the departure from Belem, as Your Highness knows,
was on Monday, the 9th of March, 1 and on Saturday, the 14th
of the said month, between eight and nine o’clock, we found
ourselves among the Canary Islands, nearest to Grand Canary;
and there we remained all that day in a calm, in sight of them,
at a distance of about three or four leagues. On Sunday, the
22nd 2 3 of the said month, at ten o’clock, a little more or less, we
came in sight of the Cape Verde Islands, that is to say, of the

1 The departure of the fleet from the Tagus was Monday the 9th of March 1500,

All the writers of the period with the exception of Gaspar Correa give this date,
although there is some confusion, due to the fact that the ceremony for the departure
took place at Belem on the preceding day. Corr&a states that the fleet left on the 25th
of March, the Day of Nossa Senhora. His account of the voyage, however, was largely
from hearsay, and, with the belief that the fleet left on that feast-day, he assigned the
corresponding date to it.

3 Castanheda and de Goes agree with Caminha as to this date.

6 LETTER OF PEDRO VAZ DE CAMINHA

island of Sam Nicolao , 1 according to the assertion of Pero
Escolar , 2 the pilot. On the following night, on Monday at day-
break, Vasco d’Atayde with his ship was lost from the fleet 3
without there being there heavy weather or contrary winds to
account for it. The captain used all diligence to find him,
seeking everywhere, but he did not appear again. And so we
followed our route over this sea 4 until Tuesday of the octave of
Easter, which was the 21st of April, when we came upon some
signs of land, being then distant from the said island, as the
pilots said, some six hundred and sixty or six hundred and
seventy leagues; these signs were a great quantity of long weeds,
which mariners call botelho , 5 and others as well which they also
call rabo de asno . 6 And on the following Wednesday, in the
morning, we met with birds which they call fur a buchos. On
this day at the vesper hours we caught sight of land , 7 that is,
first of a large mountain, very high and round, and of other

1 The fleet was now in Portuguese waters. It had had a satisfactory voyage thus far
with the north-east wind behind it. The distance from Lisbon to the Cape Verde
Islands is 1,5x0 nautical miles. The fleet had therefore made an average run during the
thirteen days of 116 miles a day, or at the rate of about 5 knots. This rate was made
under favourable conditions, and probably was not exceeded on the voyage to Brazil.

2 Pero Escolar had gone to India with Vasco da Gama, sailing on the Berrio with
Nicol&u Coelho. Camxnha does not identify Escolar as a pilot on Cabral’s ship. Later
on in the letter he states definitely that Afonso Lopez was the pilot of the chief captain.

3 This ship was therefore in sight after ten o’clock Sunday morning and could not
be seen at day-break the following morning. The fleet did not stop at Sao Nicolau but
evidently continued its course with the north-east wind. Vasco de Ataide’s ship thus
lost convoy during the night 50 to 75 miles south-west from that island.

4 e asy segujmos nosso caminho per este mar de lomgo. The expression de lomgo is also
used by Caramha when he tells of sailing de lomgo da costa , along the coast, after arriving
at Brazil. This, therefore, has no special significance, although some writers have
tried to identify it with longitude, indicating a westward course. The expression
generally used at this period for longitude was ‘the height east-west’ . The word longi-
tude was employed by Ptolemy because the known world of his day was longer in this
direction.

5 This is evidently an error for botelha, bottle, instead of botelho, a measure or family

name. 6 Donkey’s tail.

7 This date is correct, since Easter Sunday in the year 1500 occurred on the 19th of
April. ^ Therefore Cabral first saw Brazil on Wednesday the 22nd of April 1500. From
early times the discovery has been celebrated in Brazil on the 3rd of May. An effort
has been made to reconcile these two dates because of the Gregorian Calendar. Accord-
ing to this change the new date for the discovery of Brazil would be the 1st of May
from 1583 to i< 599 ) the 2nd of May from 1700 to 1799, the 3rd of May from 1800 to
1899, and the 4th of May from 1900 to 2099, and so on. It will thus be seen that this
happy coincidence is not entirely satisfactory. Formal possession of the land was taken
by Portugal on Friday the 1st of May. The following Sunday, or the 3rd of May, was
the feast of the Invention of the Cross in commemoration of the discovery of the true
Cross at Jerusalem by Saint Helena in 326. There is, therefore, an adequate sentimental
reason why this date, the 3rd of May, should be retained. The old date, the 12th of
October, is celebrated in Brazil for the discovery of America by Columbus.

TO KING MANUEL 7

lower lands to the south of it, and of flat land, with great
groves of trees. To this high mountain the captain gave the
name of Monte Pasco al, 1 and to the land, Terra da Vera Cruz ?
He ordered the lead to be thrown. They found twenty-five
fathoms; and at sunset, some six leagues from the land, we cast
anchor in nineteen fathoms, a clean anchorage. There we
remained all that night, and on Thursday morning we made
sail and steered straight to the land, with the small ships going
in front, in 17, 16, 15, 14, 13, 12, 10, and 9 fathoms, until half

1 ‘Mountain pertaining to Easter’. This may be considered the first land sighted in
Brazil by the Portuguese. It is conical in shape, one of the highest mountains in the
Province of Bahia, and is still called by its original name of Monte Pascoal, given to it
by Cabral. Its summit is located 1 6° 53' 20" south latitude and 41 0 44' west longitude
(or 16 0 56' 8 " and 41 0 45' by another determination). It has a height of 356 m.

3 The name Vera Cruz seemed a most appropriate one both to Cabral and to die
members of his fleet. For many nights they had been seeing the brilliant stars of the
Southern Cross. Cabral, a knight of the Order of Christ, bore with him the banner of
that Order, a red cross on a white ground, and this same emblem was displayed on the
sails of the fleet. The discovery was made during the festivities of Easter, when, as one
writer observes, the twelve ships were there like the twelve apostles; and in a few days,
on the 3rd of May, occurred the feast of the Invention of the Cross. Easter had not yet
been celebrated in a proper manner, and the members of the fleet were looking for-
ward to the services at the cross on the following Sunday.

This land was first named by Cabral Terra da Vera Cruz ; Caminha called it Ilha da
Vera Cruz , and Master John simply Vera Cruz. In the letter sent by Dom Manuel to
the Catholic Sovereigns after the return of the fleet, he refers to it as terra de Santa Cruz.
The ecclesiastics named it Sancta Cruz or Sanctae Crucis. The official name of the
newly found country may therefore be considered Santa Cruz. But this name lasted
only a short time. During the following decade the interest of the Portuguese was
focused on India, and the land of Santa Cruz was thought of only as a stopping-place
for ships bound for the East, or as one where dye-wood could be obtained.

The most interesting objects which the members of Cabral’s crew saw in Brazil
were the brilliantly coloured macaws. It was, therefore, popularly called terra de
papagaios , or the land of parrots. This name was first given in a letter written by the
Venetian II Cretico on the 26th of June 1501, after the return of Cabral’s fleet.

The 'lucrative trade in brazil-wood which soon developed, particularly with
Flanders, for dyeing, caused the name of Brazil to be applied to it. This brazil-wood
was called by the natives ibira-pitanga or red wood. It is classed by botanists as genus
Caesalpinia. Columbus had found brazil-wood in the West Indies, but it had been
ignored in the search for gold. The wood had formerly pome from the East, where it
had been known as early as the ninth century. The name was derived from the Arabic
word bakkam , which had become Latinized into bresilium. There was also another
reason for this name. As early as 13 51 there appeared in the Medici atlas the representa-
tion of an island designated as Brazil. This island elusively changed its location until
long after South America was discovered. The coincidence of these names, the lack
of interest shown by the Portuguese in the new land, and the belief in die popular
mind that the country was useful only for its dye-wood, caused the name to be defi-
nitely changed from Santa Cruz, or Sancta Cruz, to Brazil, and afterwards to Brasil.
The old name was still retained by the ecclesiastics for many years, and they bitterly
resented the substitution of the vulgar name of Brazil for that of Sancta Cruz with all
its religious significance. It was called Santa Cruz until the middle of the sixteenth
century. As a fitting memory of this discovery the national flag of Brazil still shows
the stars of the Southern Cross.

8 LETTER OF PEDRO VAZ DE CAMINHA

a league from the shore, where we all cast anchor in front of the
mouth of a river. And we arrived at this anchorage at ten
o’clock, more or less. And from there we caught sight of men
who were going along the shore, some seven or eight, as those
on the small ships said, because they arrived there first. We
there launched the boats and skiffs, and immediately all the
captains of the ships came to this ship of the chief captain, and
there they talked . 1 And the captain sent Nicolao Coelho 2 on
shore in a boat to see that river . 3 And as soon as he began to go
thither men assembled on the shore, by twos and threes, so that
when the boat reached the mouth of the river eighteen or
twenty men were already there* They were dark, and entirely
naked, without anything to cover their shame. They carried
in their hands bows with their arrows . 5 All came boldly towards

1 This indicates that Caminha went on Cabral’s ship, and on this account the diary
sent to the king may have been kept at the suggestion either of Cabral or of Ayres
Correia.

2 Nicolau Coelho was captain of one of the ships. He had distinguished himself for
bravery during the voyage with da Gama, when he went as commander of the Berrio ,
and had been received with great honour by the king upon his return. During
Cabral’s voyage he headed both landing parties in Brazil and was probably the first
Portuguese to set foot on Brazilian soil. His ship was the first to reach Portugal on
the return voyage of the fleets of both da Gama and Cabral.

3 The Rio Cahy. This location for the first landing-place in Brazil is ascertained by
measuring back io leagues from Porto Seguro, which can be identified because of its
harbour. It has also been assigned to the mouth of the Rio do Frade, but probably in
error.

4 lam indebted to Dr, Alfred Metraux for the following regarding these Indians:

‘The Tupinamba Indians occupied almost r,T 1 1 * * ■ . :* ■ d 2 sixteenth

century the whole coast of Brazil, from the : : . ■■ far as Rio

Grande do Sul. They were divided into a certain number of nations who all bore the
name of Tupi, but the Portuguese and the French often gave them different appella-
tions to distinguish them. The indigenes whom Cabral met were the Tupiniquin.
They possessed a narrow band of the coast which extended from Camamu on the
North, to the Rio Sao Matheus (Cricar6) on the South. They even reached as far as
Espiritu Santo,

‘All these Tupi tribes of the Brazilian coast spoke the same language, and their
customs, as well as their material civilization, were very similar and uniform. The
descriptions given of the Tupinamba at the mouth of the Amazon correspond very
exactly with what other authors tell us of the Tupinamba of the Rio de Janeiro, also
known under the name of Tamoio. This uniformity of the civilization of the Tupi-
Guarani of the coast proves that they had emigrated on the Atlantic littoral at a very
recent date. They had preserved, until the arrival of the whites, tie tradition of their
migrations. They came, without doubt, from the centre of Brazil, where to-day live
numerous tribes belonging to the same linguistic family of Tupi-Guarani’

See A. Metraux, La Civilisation materielle des tribus Tupi-Guarani, and La Religion des
Tupinamba (Paris, 1928), in which ample bibliographies are given of the early writers
on the Indians of Brazil.

s The bows were long and well shaped with a notch at either end for attaching a
cotton cord. With the Tupiniquin, the section was oval, although other tribes of the

TO KING MANUEL 9

the boat, and Nicolao Coelho made a sign to them that they
should lay down their bows, and they laid them down. He
could not have any speech with them there, nor understanding
which might be profitable, because of the breaking of the sea
on the shore. He gave- them only a red cap [barrete ] 1 and a cap
[carapuga ] 2 of linen, which he was wearing on his head, and a
black hat. And one of them gave him a hat of long bird
feathers with a litde tuft of red and grey feathers like those of a
parrot . 3 And another gave him a large string of very small
white beads which look like seed pearls;^ these articles I believe
the captain is sending to Your Highness . 3 And with this he
returned to the ships because it was late and he could have no
further speech with them on account of the sea. On the fol-

Tupinamba used different shapes. The arrows had long shafts properly feathered.
Due to the scarcity of quartz and obsidian, the points were made of reed or bone.
Points covered with burning cotton were sometimes used in warfare to destroy the
houses of their enemies.

1 A four-cornered hat made of soft material.

2 A conical cap ordinarily made of blue- or rose-coloured cloth which was used by
■"“■"p-""'" — r 3 farmers. Among Mediterranean sailors it was red, and worn by

:■ ■ ■ . . ' ,^se caps are still seen along the coast of Portugal.

3 The bonnet or acangaop here described was worn because of the brilliant colouring
of the separate feathers, which were selected to suit the wearer’s taste. An illustration of
one of these taken from an old print is given by Metraux. In addition to this type there
were two others. These were made of short feathers interlaced with cotton thread to

form a net, which made a compact covering as on the throat of a bird. In some cases
small pieces of wood were used for firmer attachment, thus making the bonnet thick
and heavy. One of these covered closely the head and ears and extended to the neck or
shoulders; the other had a longer extension to the middle of the back. They sometimes
wore short tufts of radiating feathers on the head.

The feathers for these bonnets were carefully selected for uniformity of size and
colour. They were sometimes dyed. The method of attaching the feathers showed a
highly developed technique.

The Tupinamba also wore diadems. These consisted of long coloured feathers
attached to a band worn around the head. They were sometimes used with the caps or
bonnets. Other feathers were attached to bands and worn around the neck, waist, or
arms as bracelets. The so-called bustles consisted of radiating feathers of the American
ostrich, the nanduguagu of Brazil. These are shown in nearly all of the early pictures of
the Tupinamba. The men wore diadems, bonnets, mantles, or bustles. The women
contented themselves with simpler feather ornaments.

4 aljaveira . The members of the fleet were on the alert to discover pearls, because
just before their departure word had been brought back to Spain, and had probably
reached Portugal, that these had been discovered during the third voyage of Columbus.
According to Metraux, both men and women wore long strings of shells which were
wound around the neck and suspended on their chests or wound about the wrists. The
beads were chiefly shell, but bone, wood, and other materials were also used. They
also had strings of larger beads with pendants which were worn around the neck.
Similar necklaces of shells resembling seed pearls are still used by the Indians of Brazil.

5 Dom Manuel had changed the expression Vossa Senhoria , which had been pre-
viously used, to Vossa Alteza. The tide Magestade was not used by the Portuguese
kings in the sixteenth century, since it was only applied to God.

C

10

LETTER OF PEDRO VAZ DE CAMINHA

lowing night it blew so hard from the south-east with showers
that it made the ships drift, especially the flagship.

And on Friday morning, at eight o’clock, a little more or less,
on the advice of the pilots, the captain ordered the anchors to be
raised and to set sail. And we went northward along the coast
with the boats and skiffs tied to the poop, to see whether we
could find some shelter and good anchorage where we might
he, to take on water and wood, not because we were in need of
diem then, but to provide ourselves here. And when we set sail
there were already some sixty or seventy men on the shore,
sitting near the river, who had gathered there little by little.
We continued along the coast and the captain ordered the small
vessels to go in closer to the land, and to strike sail if they found
a secure anchorage for the ships. And when we were some ten
leagues along the coast from where we had raised anchor, the
small vessels found a reef within which was a harbour, very
good and secure [ seguro ] with a very wide entrance. And they
went in and lowered their sails. And gradually the ships arrived
after them, and a little before sunset they also struck sail about
a league from the reef, and anchored in eleven fathoms. And
by the captain’s order our pilot, Affonso Lopez, who was in one
of those small vessels and was an alert and dextrous man for
vhis, straightway entered the skiff to take soundings in the
harbour. And he captured two well-built natives who were in
a canoe . 1 One of them was carrying a bow and six or seven
arro' ws and many others went about on the shore with bows
and arrows and they did not use them. Then, since it was
alrea .dy night, he took the two men to the flagship, where they
wer/e received with much pleasure and festivity.

pn appearance they are dark, somewhat reddish, with good
Jfeces and good noses, well shaped . 2 They go naked, without
any covering; neither do they pay more attention to concealing

1 almadia . This is a Portuguese word, evidently derived from a Berber word
which originally meant a ferry boat (el maziyah). In the narratives of Cabral’s voyage

it H* tV 1 T’r*"™ ~f any small native — r *. i-~ 1 ‘ ~ y ar k canoe,

< '/ ■’ ■ ' Because there is v . . ■ .it will be

retained in these translations in its original form.

2 The earliest illustration showing the Tupinamba Indians was printed at Augsburg
or Nuremberg prior to 1504. It is not, however, an accurate representation. See
article by Rudolph Schuller in the Journal de la Soc. des Ame'ricanistes, 1924, vol. xvi,
p. nr.

II

TO KING MANUEL

or exposing their shame than they do to showing their faces,
and in this respect they are very innocent. Both had their lower
lips bored and in them were placed pieces of white bone, the
length of a handbreadth, and the thickness of a cotton spindle
and as sharp as an awl at the end. They put them through the
inner part of the lip, and that part which remains between the
lip and the teeth is shaped like a rook in chess. And they carry
it there enclosed in such a manner that it does not hurt them,
nor does it embarrass them in speaking, eating, or drinking . 1
Their hair is smooth, and they were shorn, with the hair cut
higher than above a comb of good size, and shaved to above the
ears . 2 And one of them was wearing below the opening, from
temple to temple towards the back, a sort of wig of yellow
birds’ feathers, which must have been the length of a couto* very
thick and very tight, and it covered the back of the head and the
ears. This was glued to his hair, feather by feather, with a
material as soft as wax, but it was not wax. Thus the head-dress
was very round and very close and very equal, so that it was not
necessary to remove it when they washed.

1 ‘They have a large hole in the lower lip which they make when they are young.
They take the children and prick the hole with sharpened deer’s horn. In this they in-
sert a small piece of stone or wood and anoint it with salve, and the hole remains open.
Then when the children are fully grown and fit to bear arms, they enlarge the hole and
insert in it a large green stone. This stone is shaped so that the smaller end is inside
the lip and the larger end outside. The result is that their lips hang down with the
weight of the stones. They have also at both sides of the mouth, and in either cheek,
other small stones. Some of these are of crystal and are narrow and long.’ Hans
Staden (transl. by Letts, p. 143). These labrets are not only mentioned by Hans
Staden, who was in Brazil forty-seven years later, but by Cardim, and nearly all the
early writers who visited Brazil. Perhaps the most exaggerated description is given by
Vespucci in his letter addressed to Lorenzo de’ Medici in 1502 (C. E. Lester, The Life
and Voyages of Americus Vespucius , pp. 182-3).

2 os cabetos sens sam credios, e andavam trosqujados de trosquya alta mais qtie de sobre pern-
fern, de ban gramdura , e rapados ataa per cittm das orelhas; tosquiar means literally to
shear. The hair was cut by a blow of one stone upon another. Sobre pemtem means the
length cut over a barber’s comb. Hair was usually removed by plucking but they also
shaved with a sharp piece of quartz or with a bamboo knife.

3 e huutn d cles traz taper baixo da solapa de fonte afontepera detras huna matieira de cube -

Lira de penas d ave amareta , que seria de compridam de huum canto. . . . The Tupinamba
shaved their hair above the forehead in a half-moon, extending from temple to temple.
An illustration of this is given in Lery. The cut portion was not covered with feathers.
The word solapa has many meanings. It here indicates the space within this crescent.
Hair was allowed to grow only on the head. There’ , ■ ~ r ? “i" .*■
the hair besides the half-moon in front. Themeanirg 1 <"■ ; i-'

it may be the equivalent of the Spanish coto , meaning the width of the hand with the
thumb extended. The method of cutting the hair as shown in illustrations of later
writers indicates that the back portion of the head was also shaved to above the ears.
There was thus left a portion covered with hair about the width of a handbreadth.

12

LETTER OF PEDRO VAZ DE CAMINHA

When they came on board, the captain, well dressed, with
a very large collar of gold around his neck, was seated in a
chair, with a carpet at his feet as a platform. And Sancho de
Toar and Simam de Miranda and Nicolao Coelho and Aires
Correa and the rest of us who were in the ship with him were
seated on the floor on this carpet. Torches were lighted and
they entered, and made no sign of courtesy or of speaking to
the captain or to any one, but one of them caught sight of the
captain’s collar, and began to point with his hand towards the
land and then to the collar, as though he were telling us that
there was gold in the land . 1 And he also saw a silver candle-
stick, and in the same manner he made a sign towards the land
and then towards the candlestick, as though there were silver
also. They showed them a grey parrot which the captain
brought here; they at once took it into their hands and pointed
towards the land, as though they were found there. They
showed them a sheep, but they paid no attention to it. They
showed them a hen; they were almost afraid of it, and did not
want to touch it; and afterwards they took it as though
frightened. Then food was given them; bread and boiled fish,
comfits, little cakes, honey, and dried figs. They would eat
scarcely anything of that, and if they did taste some things they
threw them out. Wine was brought them in a cup; they
put a little to their mouths, and did not like it at all, nor
did they want any more . 2 Water was brought them in a

1 The Tupi-Guaratii were, in fact, acquainted not only with gold but with silver and
copper as well, which had been obtained by successive trade with the people of the
Andine plateau. Silver trinkets were found among the Guarani Indians during the
expedition of Sebastian Cabral, who went to the south of Brazil in 1526 to determine
the Line of Demarcation, under the Treaty of Tordesillas, by astronomical observations.
The belief that silver was to be found there gave the name to the Rio de la Plata; and
later the name Argentine was applied to that country for the same reason. Silver,
however, is only to be found on the Andine plateau. The migration of cultural
elements from other parts of South America, particularly as related to the Tupi-
Guaram, has been carefully studied by Nordenskiold and Metraux. These exchanges
carried to other parts the cultural elements of the Tupi-Guarani as well. The com-
parative rapidity of these movements is shown by the distribution of those introduced
by the Europeans. Between the first relations of these peoples with those of Europe
soon after Cabral’s voyage and the conquest of Peru by Pizarro, the two elements
which spread most rapidly were chickens and iron fish-hooks.

2 This does not mean that they did not drink intoxicants, for Hans Staden tells us :
‘The women prepare the drinks. They take the mandioca root and boil it in great
pots. Afterwards they pour it into other vessels and allow it to cool a little. Then
young girls sit around and chew the boiled root in their mouths, and what is chewed
they set apart in a special vessel When the boiled root is all chewed, they place it

TO KING MANUEL 13

jar ; 1 they took a mouthful of it, and did not drink it; they only
washed their mouths and spat it out. One of them saw some
white rosary beads ; he made a motion that they should give them
to him, and he played much with them, and put them around his
neck; and then he took them off and wrapped them around his
arm. He made a sign towards the land and then to the beads and
to the collar of the captain, as if to say that they would give gold
for that. We interpreted this so, because we wished to, but if
he meant that he would take the beads and also the collar, we
did not wish to understand because we did not intend to give
it to him. And afterwards he returned the beads to the one who
gave them to him. And then they stretched themselves out on
their backs on the carpet to sleep without taking any care to
cover their privy parts, which were not circumcised, and the
hair on them was well shaved and arranged. The captain
ordered pillows to be put under the head of each one, and he
with the head-dress took sufficient pains not to disarrange it.
A mantle was thrown over them, and they permitted it and lay
at rest and slept.

On Saturday morning the captain ordered sails to be set and
we went to seek the entrance, which was very wide and deep,
six or seven fathoms, and all the ships entered within and
anchored in five or six fathoms; this anchorage inside is so
large and so beautiful and so secure that more than two hundred
large and small ships could He within it . 2 And as soon as the
ships were in place and anchored all the captains came to this
ship of the chief captain, and from here the captain ordered
Nicolao Coelho and Bartolameu Dias 3 to go on shore, and they

back again in the pot which they fill with water, mixing the water with the chewed
root, after which they heat it again.

‘They have special pots, half buried in the ground, which they make use of much as
we use casks for wine or beer. They pour the liquid into these and close them, and the
liquor ferments of itself and becomes strong. After two days they drink it until they
are drunken. It is thick, but pleasant to the taste/ This method is similar to that used
by the Quichua Indians of Peru in making chicha from maize. The Tupinamba Indians
also used other intoxicants made from vegetables, maize, and fruits.

1 This was probably an albarrada , the Arabic name for ajar for cooling water.

3 This was called Porto Seguro, the present Bahia Cabralia, located in latitude x6°
2i' S. The early village built at Porto Seguro was later abandoned by the inhabitants
because the site was unhealthy and it was moved farther south to the present location
bearing this name.

3 This is the same Bartolomeu Dias who, in an endeavour to reach India, had
rounded the Cape of Good Hope in 1488.

14 LETTER OF PEDRO VAZ DE CAMINHA

took those two men, and let them go with their bows and
arrows. To each of them he ordered new shirts and red hats
and two rosaries of white bone beads to be given and they car-
ried them on their arms, with rattles and bells. And he sent
with them to remain there a young convict , 1 named Affonso
Ribeiro, the servant of Domjoham Tello, to stay with them,
and learn their manner of living and customs; and he ordered
me 2 to go with Nicolao Coelho. We went at once straight for
the shore. At that place there assembled at once some two
hundred men, all naked, and with bows and arrows in their
hands. Those whom we were bringing made signs to them
that they should draw back and put down their bows, and they
put them down, and did not draw back much. It is enough to
say that they put down their bows. And then those whom we
brought, and the young convict with them, got out. As soon
as they were out they did not stop again, nor did one wait for
the other; rather they ran, each as fast as he could. And they
and many others with them passed a river which flows here
with sweet and abundant water which came up as far as their
waists. And thus they went running on the other side of the
river between some clumps of palms, where were others, and
there they stopped. And there, too, the young convict went
with a m an who, immediately upon his leaving the boat,
befriended him, and took him thither. And then they brought
him back to us, and with him came the others whom we had
brought. These were now naked and without caps. And then
many began to arrive, and entered into the boats from the sea-
shore, until no more could get in. And they carried water
gourds and took some kegs which we brought and filled them
with water and carried them to the boats. They did not actually
enter the boat, but from near by, threw them in by hand and
we took them, and they asked us to give them something.

1 The fleet carried twenty convicts, or banished men, condemned to death. These
were to be landed at desirable places to proselyte the natives and to learn their language.
Their success was to be rewarded with pardon. Some of these convicts were of great
value in tills and succeeding voyages. Vasco da Gama had also carried ten or twelve
convicts for the same purpose.

2 The fact that Cabral sent Caminha, a writer, on shore with the two captains may
indicate that he had been selected by the chief captain to write the account of the

C <V' - 1 M . . 1 ■ i yetithad not been decided to send word of this discovery

! : i ‘ ‘ » ' ■ ■ ■ ' ■ ■ ttinued to narrate the events of the voyage his account was

probably lost during the massacre at Calicut.

;

i

TO KING MANUEL 15

Nicolao Coellio had brought bells and bracelets and to some he
gave a bell and to others a bracelet, so that with that induce-
ment they almost wished to help us. They gave us some of
those bows and arrows for hats and linen caps, and for what-
ever we were willing to give them. From thence the other two
youths departed and we never saw them again.

Many of them, or perhaps the greater number of those who
were there, wore those beaks of bone in their lips, and some,
who were without them, had their lips pierced, and in the holes
they carried wooden plugs which looked like stoppers of
bottles . 1 And some of them carried three of those beaks,
namely, one in the middle and two at the ends. And others
were there whose bodies were quartered in colour , 2 that is,
half of them in their own colour, and half in a bluish-black dye,
and others quartered in checkered pattern . 3 There were among
them three or four girls, very young and very pretty, with very
dark hair, long over the shoulders, and their privy parts so
high, so closed, and so free from hair that we felt no shame in
looking at them very well. Then for the time there was no
more speech or understanding with them, because their bar-
barity was so great that no one could either be understood or
heard. We made signs for them to leave, and they did so, and
went to the other side of the river. And three or four of our
men left the boats and filled I do not know how many kegs of

1 Espelhos de boracha. That is, the stoppers used with skin containers for wine. These
wooden decorations were used by the young men. They might also have been worn
to fill the openings in the face as a relaxation from the heavy stone labrets.

2 The black paint used for the fanciful decoration of the body was derived from the
fruit of the genipapeiro. The red colour used particularly for the face and feet was
derived from the fruit of the umcit.

3 The account given by the Portuguese friar Fernao Cardim, which Purchas inserts
in his Pilgrims , vol. xvi, ed. 1906, p. 422, corroborates the description of Vaz de
Caminha.

‘But to make themselves gallant they use divers inventions, painting their bodies
with the juice of a certaine fruite wherewith they remaine black, making in their
bodies many white stroakes, after the fashion of round hose, and other kinde of gar-
ments. They emplume themselves also, making Diadems and Bracelets, and other
very fine inventions, they esteeme very much all manner of fine Feathers: they let no
haire grow in the parts of their body, but they pull them out, onely the head excepted,
which they cut in many fashions, for some weare them long with a halfe Moone
shaven before, and they say they tooke this use from Saint Thomas, and it seemeth that
they had some notice of him though confusedly: others make certaine kinde of crownes
and circles that they seeme Friers: the women all doe weare long haire, and ordinarily
blacke, and the haire of the one and of the other is smooth: when they are angrie they
let their haire grow long and the women, when they mourne, doe cut their haire, and
also when their husbands goe a farre journey/

1 6 LETTER OF PEDRO VAZ DE CAMINHA

water which we carried, and we returned to the ships. And
upon seeing us thus, they made signs for us to return. We re-
turned and they sent the convict and did not wish him to stay
there with them. He carried a small basin and two or three
red caps to give to their chief, if there was one. They did not
care to take anything from him and thus they sent him back
with everything, and then Bertolameu Dias made him return
again to give those things to them, and he returned and gave
them in our presence, to the one who had first befriended him
And then he came away and we took him with us. The man
who befriended him was now well on in years, and was well
decked with ornaments and covered with feathers stuck to his
body, so that he looked pierced with arrows like Saint Sebas-
tian . 1 Others wore caps of yellow feathers, others of red,
others of green; and one of the girls was all painted from head
to foot with that paint, and she was so well built and so rounded
and her lack of shame was so charming, that many women of
our land seeing such attractions, would be ashamed that theirs
were not like hers. None of them were circumcised, but all
were as we were. And, thereupon, we returned, and they went
away.

In the afternoon the chief captain set out in his boat with all
of us and with the other captains of the ships in their boats to
amuse ourselves in the bay near the shore. But no one went on
land, because the captain did not wish it, although there was no
one there; only he and all landed on a large island in the bay,
which is very empty at low tide, but on all sides it is surrounded
by water so that no one can go to it without a boat or by
swimming. There he and the rest of us had a good time for an
hour and a half, and the mariners fished there, go ing out with a
net, and they caught a few small fish. And then, since it was
already night, we returned to the ships.

1 The whole body was sometimes covered with feathers taken from the throats of
birds, or small feathers, which were attached with wax or gum as described by Ca-
mmha. This custom is rather widely distributed over tropical South America. The

T:: ; " spared their dead before burial. In some cases the head only

' : ' feathers, which were similarly attached to the hair, giving

the appearance of a wig. As the feathers had great value, and they wished to use
them again, they were washed with the juice of a certain root to expand them and in

bamboo tubeslealed 11 *d° m ^ ^ eat ^ ers were preserved by being placed in

HAKLUYT SOCIETY Series II. Vol. LXXXI

TUPINAMBA CEREMONIAL DANCE

( From Jean Ldry: u Navigatio in Brasiliam Americas %' in JOe Bry: Americas Tertia Pars ... Frankfort , lo92, )

TO KING MANUEL i 7

On Low Sunday in the morning the captain determined to
go to that island to hear mass and a sermon, and he ordered all
the captains to assemble in the boats and to go with him; and
so it was done. He ordered a large tent to be set up on the
island and within it a very well-provided altar to be placed, and
there with all the rest of us he had mass said, which the father,
Frei Amrique, intoned and all the other fathers and priests who
were there accompanied him with the same voice. That mas s,
in my opinion, was heard by all with much pleasure and devo-
tion. The captain had there with him the banner of Christ , 1
with which he left Belem, and it was kept raised on the Gospel
side. After the mass was finished, the father removed his vest-
ments, and sat down in a high chair, and we all threw ourselves
down on that sand, and he preached a solemn and profitable
sermon on the history of the Gospel, and at the end of it he
dealt with our coming and with the discovery of this land, and
referred to the sign of the Cross in obedience to which we came ;
which was very fitting, and which inspired much devotion.

While we were at mass and at the sermon, about the same
number of people were on the shore as yesterday with their
bows and arrows, who were amusing themselves and watching
us; and they sat down, and when the mass was finished and we
were seated for the sermon, many of them arose and blew a
horn or trumpet 2 and began to leap and to dance for a while,
and some of them placed themselves in two or three almadias
which they had there. These are not made like those I have

1 In addition to the royal standard Cabral also took with him the banner of the
Order of Christ, of which he was a member. The ceremony during which this banner
was presented probably also took place at Restello, which belonged to that Order.
There is some confusion among historians regarding these two banners and it is some-
times stated that it was the bamier of the Order of Christ which was given to Cabral
by Dom Manuel. The fleet was on its way to India, where Cabral went as the repre-
sentative of the king. It was but fitting, therefore, that he should take a banner with
the royal arms. In fact, he had occasion to use it in this capacity when he took posses-
sion for Portugal of a house given by the King of Calicut. The fleet also went on a
religious mission and the banner of the Order of Christ added significance, because it
was the emblem of Prince Henry in his conflicts with the Moors. It was thus appro-
priately used at this time. When da Gama left on his first voyage he too was given
a banner of the Order of Christ. Barros (Asia, Dec. i, bk. iv, ch. i).

a Their trumpets were made of cylinders of hollow wood or of the leg bones of
animals, often encased In wood. In warfare they used large shells which were blown
through a perforated hole. Drums, flutes, whistles, and rattles were also used. In the
illustrations accompanying the narratives of Hans Staden and Jean de Lery given in
de Bry, the trumpets are shown with an egg-shaped enlargement at the extremity.

18 LETTER OF PEDRO VAZ DE CAMINHA

already seen; they are simply three logs fastened together , 1 and
four or five, or all who wanted to, entered them, scarcely mov-
ing away at all from the land, but only far enough to keep their
footing. After the sermon was finished the captain and all the
rest proceeded to the boats with our banner displayed and we
embarked, and thus we all went towards the land, to pass along
it where they were, Bertolameu Dias going ahead in his skiff,
at the captain’s order, with a piece of timber from an almadia
which the sea had carried to them, to give it to them. And all
of us were about a stone’s throw behind him. When they saw
the skiff of Bertolameu Dias, all of diem came at once to the
water, going into it as far as drey could. A sign was made to
them to put down their bows, and many of them went at once
to put them down on shore and others did not put them down.
There was one there who spoke much to the others, telling
them to go away, but they did not, in my opinion, have respect
or fear of him. This one who was telling them to move carried
his bow and arrows, and was painted with red paint on his
breasts and shoulder blades and hips, thighs, and legs, all the
way down, and the unpainted places such as the stomach and
belly were of their own colour, and the paint was so red that
the water did not wash away or remove it, but rather when he
came out of the water he was redder. One of our men left the
skiff of Bertolameu Dias and went among them, without their
thinking for a moment of doing him harm; on the contrary,
they gave him gourds of water and beckoned to those on the
skiff to come on land. Thereupon Bertolameu Dias returned
to the captain, and we came to the ships to eat, playing trum-
pets and pipes without troubling them further. And they
again sat down on the shore and thus they remained for a while.
On this island where we went to hear mass and the sermon the
water ebbs a great deal and uncovers much sand and much
gravel. While we were there some went to look for shell
fish, but did not find them; they found some thick and short
shrimps. Among them was a very large and very fat shrimp
such as I had never seen before. They also found shells of

1 These rafts are often described by later writers. They were about 6 feet long and
2 . feet wide, made of four or five logs of medium size, tied together with twigs or
creepers. The Indians sat on them with their legs extended, and propelled them with a
small paddle.

TO KING MANUEL 19

cockles and mussels, but did not discover any whole piece. And
as soon as we had eaten, all the captains came to this ship at the
command of the chief captain and he went to one side with
them and I was there too, and he asked all of us whether it
seemed well to us to send news of the finding of this land to
Your Highness by the supply ship, so that you might order it
to be better reconnoitred, and learn more about it than we
could now learn because we were going on our way. 1 And
among the many speeches which were made regarding the
matter, it was said by all or by the greater number, that it would
be very well to do so; and to this they agreed. And as soon as
the decision was made, he asked further whether it would be
well to take here by force two of these men to send to Your
Highness and to leave here in their place two convicts. In this
matter they agreed that it was not necessary to take men by
force, since it was the general custom that those taken away by
force to another place said that everything about which they
are asked was there; and that these two convicts whom we
should leave would give better and far better information about
the land than would be given by those carried away by us,
because they are people whom no one understands nor would
they learn [Portuguese] quickly enough to be able to tell it as
well as those others when Your Highness sends here, and that
consequently we should not attempt to take any one away from
here by force nor cause any scandal, but in order to tame and
pacify them all the more, we should simply leave here the two
convicts when we departed. And thus it was determined, since
it appeared better to all.

When this was finished the captain ordered us to go to land
in our boats in order to ascertain as well as possible what the
river was like, and also to divert ourselves. We all went ashore

1 e, tamto que comemos , vieram logo todolos capitades a esta naao per mandado do capitam
moor, com os quaaes se ele apartou, e eu na conpanhia, e preguntou asy a todos se nos parecia
seer hem mandar a nova do achamento d esta terra a Vosa Alteza pelo navjo dos mantijmentos p
pera a tnjlhor mandar descobrjr , e saber d ela mais do que agora nos podiamos saber , por hirmos
de nosa viajem . . . {Alguns Docmnentos, p. 113)* This sentence is important. It shows
that Pedro Vaz de Caminha occupied a prominent place among those in the fleet as he
was a member of this council. Gaspar de Lemos was evidently to return directly to
Portugal with news of the discovery and it was suggested that further acquaintance
with the land should be obtained on a succeeding voyage, Cabral’s fleet was also to
proceed at once to the East without making other discoveries along the coast. It is
probable that Caminha began to write his letter on this day, Monday the 26th of April.

20

LETTER OF PEDRO VAZ DE CAMINHA

in our boats, armed, and the banner with us. The natives went
there along the shore to the mouth of the river 1 where we were
going, and before we arrived, in accordance with the instruc-
tions they had received before, they all laid down their bows
and made signs for us to land. And as soon as the boats had
put their bows on shore, they all went immediately to the other
side of the river, which is not wider than the throw of a short
staff; 2 and as soon as we disembarked some of our men crossed
the river at once and went among them, and some waited and
others withdrew, but the result was that we were all inter-
mingled. They gave us some of their bows with their arrows
in exchange for hats and linen caps and for anything else which
we gave them. So many of our men went to the other side
and mingled with them that they withdrew and went away and
some went above to where others were. And then the captain
had himself carried on the shoulders of two men and crossed
the river and made every one return. The people who were
there could not have been more than the usual number, and
when the captain made all return, some of them came to him ,
not to recognize him for their lord, for it does not seem to me
that they understand or have knowledge of this, 3 but because
our people were already passing to this side of the river. There
they talked and brought many bows and beads of the kind
already mentioned, and trafficked in anything in such manner
that many bows, arrows, and beads were brought from there to
the ships. And then the captain returned to this side of the
river, and many men came to its bank. There you might have
seen gallants painted with black and red, and with cjuarterings
both on their bodies and on their legs, which certainly was
pleasing in appearance. There were also among them four or
five young women just as naked, who were not displeasing to
the eye, among whom was one with her thigh from the knee to

3 ™ s . the Notary (Itacummm) Raver. a j ogo £e manqual

me iupinamba did not appear to have chiefs with authority. The head of a
communal house or one more proficient in warfare led in his respective sphere. There
was some authority exercised by the elders but rather as advisers than as chiefs. This
eelm| of freedom of action was one of the reasons why Europeans had so much diffi-
n«rriS m !r Ile - the - nal:lv 5 s work lmder their supervision, and it gradually led to the
fabom^TS ^ 1 ' m °l T'V ^ 3nd thG snbstitution of negroes for common
the foUo3er?of o °f autl ? 0 « t y a ®° n S Tupinamba was of great interest to

TO KING MANUEL 2I

the hip and buttock all painted with that black paint and all
the rest in her own colour; another had both knees and calves
and ankles so painted, and her privy parts so nude and exposed
with such innocence that there was not there any shame. There
was also another young woman carrying an infant boy or girl
tied at her breasts by a cloth of some sort so that only its little
legs showed. But the legs of the mother and the rest of her
were not concealed by any cloth.

And afterwards the captain moved up along the river, which
flows continuously even with the shore, and there an old man
was waiting who carried in his hand the oar of an almadia.
When the captain reached him he spoke in our presence, with-
out any one understanding him, nor did he understand us with
reference to the things he was asked about, particularly gold,
for we wished to know whether they had any in this land.
This old man had Iris lip so bored that a large thumb could be
thrust through the hole, and in the opening he carried a worth-
less green stone 1 which closed it on the outside. And the cap-
tain made him take it out; and I do not know what devil spoke
to him, but he went with it to put it in the captain’s mouth.
We laughed a little at this and then the captain got tired and
left him; and one of our men gave him an old hat for the stone,
not because it was worth anything but to show. And after-
wards the captain got it, I believe to send it with the other
things to Your Highness. We went along there looking at the
river, which has much and very good water. Along it are many
palms, not very high, in which there are many good sprouts . 2
We gathered and ate many of them. Then the captain turned
towards the mouth of the river where we had disembarked,
and on the other side of the river were many of them, dancing
and diverting themselves before one another, without taking
each other by the hand, and they did it well . 3 Then Diogo

1 Green stones were particularly prized by the Indians of South America.

2 palmitos.

3 Like that of other Indian tribes, the dancing of the Tupinamba consisted in stamp-
ing the feet and turning to the rhythm of rattles, drums, and wind instruments. A leader
used a stick as a baton to mark the time. Women participated in these dances as well as
the men, particularly in the ceremonies attending cannibalism. The following description
translated from Femao Cardim is given in Purchas’s Pilgrims (vol. xvi, pp. 427-8):

‘The Fathers doe teach them from their cradles to dance and sing, and their dancings
are not sundrie changes, but a continuall stamping with the feet standing still, or going
round about, or stirring their bodie or their head, and they doe it all by such compasse

22

LETTER OF PEDRO VAZ DE CAMINHA

Dias , 1 who was revenue officer of Sacavem, crossed the river.
He is an agreeable and pleasure-loving man, and he took with
him one of our bagpipe players and his bagpipe , 2 and began to
dance among them, taking them by the hands, and they were
delighted and laughed and accompanied him very well to the
sound of the pipe. After they had danced he went along the
level ground, making many light turns and a remarkable leap
which astonished them, and they laughed and enjoyed them-
selves greatly. And although he reassured and flattered them
a great deal with this, they soon became sullen like wild men
and went away upstream. And then the captain crossed over
the river with all of us, and we went along the shore, the boats
going along close to land, and we came to a large lake of sweet
water which is near the seashore, because all that shore is
marshy above and the water flows out in many places. And
after we had crossed the river some seven or eight of the
natives joined our sailors who were retiring to the boats. And
they took from there a shark which Bertolameu Dias killed
and brought to them and threw on the shore . 3 It suffices to say
that up to this time, although they were somewhat tamed, a
moment afterwards they became frightened like sparrows at a
feeding-place. And no one dared to speak strongly to them for
fear they might be more frightened; and everything was done
to their liking in order to tame them thoroughly. To the old
man with whom the captain spoke he gave a red cap; and in
spite of all the talking that he did with him, and the cap which

and pleasantnesse as can be desired, at the sound of a Timbrell made after the fashion of
those which the children use in Spaine with manie smal stones within or certaine seeds
whereof they make also verie good beads: and so they sing dancing altogether, for they
doe not one tiling without the other, in such compasse and order that sometime an 100
men dancing and singing together in a row one behind the other doe end all at one
stroke, as if they were altogether in one place. The singers as well men as women are
much esteemed among them, in so much that if they take an enemie a good singer, and
an Inventer of Verses, they therefore spare his life, and doe not eate him nor his
children.’

1 Diogo Dias was a brother of Bartolomeu Dias and commanded one of the caravels.
He is called Diogo by Castanheda and Correa; Barros and Damiao de Goes give his
name as Pedro.

2 The bagpipe formed the natural accompaniment to folk dances in Galicia and
Portugal. Its use on ship-board was of value to keep up the spirits of the sailors.

3 In other accounts a manatee is described and not a shark, Caminha apparently did

not see tills animal and did not believe the stories told of its unusual appearance. The
method of fishing . <. . 1 1 " ,1 T ■■ * ■ ha by shooting with arrows or catching
in nets is described ; i . ,■ ■ , : early narratives. Fish was preserved by

smoking and not with salt. This preserved fish ground to flour was called piracuL

TO KING MANUEL 23

he gave him, as soon as he left and began to cross the river, he
immediately became more cautious and would not return
again to tins side of it. The other two whom the captain had
on the ships, and to whom he gave what has already been men-
tioned, did not appear again, from which I infer that they are
bestial people and of very little knowledge; and for this reason
they are so timid. Yet withal they are well cared for and very
clean, and in this it seems to me that they are rather like birds
or wild animals, to which the air gives better feathers and better
hair than to tame ones. And their bodies are so clean and so
fat and so beautiful that they could not be more so; and this
causes me to presume that they have no houses or dwellings in
which to gather, and the air in which they are brought up
makes them so. Nor indeed have we up to this time seen any
houses or anything which looks like them. The captain
ordered the convict, Affonso Ribeiro, to go with them again,
which he did. And he went there a good distance, and in the
afternoon he returned, for they had made him come and were
not willing to keep him there; and they had given him bows
and arrows and had not taken from him anything which was
his. On the contrary, he said, one of them had taken from him
some yellow beads which he was wearing and fled with them;
and he complained and the others at once went after him and
returned to give them back to him. And then they ordered
him to go back. He said that he had not seen there among
them anything but some thatched huts of green branches, and
made very large, like those of Entre Doiro e Minho . 1 2 And thus
we returned to the ships to sleep when it was already almost
night.

On Monday after eating we all disembarked to take in water . 3
Then many came there, but not so many as at the other times,
and now they were carrying very few bows and they kept a
little apart from us, and afterwards little by little mingled with
us. And they embraced us and had a good time; and some of

1 Entre Doiro e Minho is the extreme northern province of Portugal, of which
Oporto is the capital. Since Caminha resided there it was but natural that he should
have made this comparison. At the mouth of the Minho is the town of Caminha,
which probably gave the name to the writer’s family.

2 It was at tins landing that Master John with the pilot of Cabral’s ship and that of

Sancho de Tovar went on shore to determine the latitude.

24 LETTER OF PEDRO VAZ DE CAMINHA

them soon slunk away. They gave there some bows for sheets
of paper and for some worthless old cap, or for anything else.
And in such a manner it came about that a good twenty or
thirty of our people went with them to where many others of
them were, with girls and women, and brought back many
bows and caps of bird feathers, some green and some yellow,
samples of which I believe the captain will send to Your
Highness. And according to what those said who went there
they made merry with them. On that day we saw them closer
and more as we wished, for all of us were almost intermingled.
And there some of them had those colours in quarters, others in
halves, and others in such colours as in the tapestry of Arras , 1
and all with their .lips pierced, and many with the bones in
them, and some of them without bones. Some of them were
carrying prickly green nut shells from trees, which in colour
resembled chestnuts, excepting that they were very much
smaller. And these were full of small red grains which, when
crushed between the fingers, made a very red paint with which
they were painted . 2 And the more they wetted themselves the
redder they became. They are all shaved to above the ears,
likewise their eyebrows and eyelashes. All of them have their
foreheads from temple to temple painted with a black paint,
which looks like a black ribbon the breadth of two fingers.

And the captain ordered that convict, Affonso Ribeiro, and
two other convicts to go there among them, and likewise
Diogo Dias, because he was a cheerful man, with whom they
played. And he ordered the convicts to remain there that
night. They all went there and mingled with them , 3 and as they
said later, they went a good league and a half to a village of
houses in which there must have been nine or ten dwellings,

! P an °? ( m . nar - These were the panos de m (Arras) or tapestries of many colours
with which the walls of the palaces were adorned in winter. The tapestries of Arras,
.France, were the most celebrated in Europe during the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries.

2 These seeds were obtained from the urucvi tree, probably the annatto ( Bixa orellana of
the family Bixaceae), extensively found in tropical America. The pulp surrounding
me seeds furnishes a dye now used for fabrics, dairy products, chocolate, and varnishes.

j e annatt0 tree has spinose capsules filled with seeds which furnish a salmon-coloured
aye.

3 The members of Cabral’s fleet during their short stay in Brazil evidently did not
have occasion to note customs which later writers considered of interest, among
ot lers the practice of cannibalism, the use of tobacco, and tattooing.

TO KING MANUEL 25

each of which they said was as long as the captain’s ship. And
they were of wood with sides of boards and covered with straw,
of reasonable height, and all had one single room without any
divisions. They had within many posts, and from post to post
a net is tied by the ends to each post, high up, where they sleep . 1
And underneath they made their fires to warm themselves . 2
And each house had two small doors, one at one end, and an-
other at the other. And they said that thirty or forty persons
dwelt in each house, and that thus they found them . 3 And that
they gave them to eat of the food which they had, namely, much
manioc 4 and other roots which are in the land, that they eat.
And, as it was late, they presently made all of us return and

1 Hammocks were used by the natives throughout tropical America. Those of the
Tupinamba were made of cotton cord woven in a net and sometimes dyed. They were
supported between posts or between trees and were used for sleeping in the communal
houses or as places in which the elders reclined during the conferences within the
stockade.

2 The fires were for warmth and dryness and also to keep off insects and evil spirits.
They served as a method of lighting as well. Several methods were employed for
producing fire, all of which were by friction on wood.

3 The villages of the Tupinamba Indians were usually built on a slight elevation
conveniently located for fresh water, hunting, fishing, and the cultivation of manioc.
The village was taken down and partly removed if the food-supply became difficult to
obtain. They are described in other early narratives as consisting of a single or double
stockade of posts tied together with twigs having narrow openings for attacking the
enemy. Within this enclosure were the long rectangular communal houses arranged
around a central plaza. The pictures in de Bry and Staden show that four was the
usual number, but Metraux states that, while this was the rule, in the larger villages
there might be more. It was in this plaza that the life of the village was centred. It was
here that the cannibalistic ceremonies were performed which are so vividly described
in later narratives. The houses were long and narrow, with semicircular roofs. The
question of light and ventilation does not seem to have been important. These c malo~
cas* or houses probably had an average length of 300 feet and a width of 30 feet, but the
size naturally varied with the size of the village. The framework was made of logs
held together with twigs and creepers. On this framework removable mats of leaves
were placed which formed the enclosure. There was a low door at either end and one
or sometimes two on the side. There were no divisions within the house; each family
occupied the space between two posts. The houses were occupied by from thirty to
two hundred individuals. Their chief enemies, the wild tribes of the interior, whom
they had driven away from the coast, lived without shelter. See the description in
Purchas’s Pilgrims (vol. xvi, pp. 423-4).

4 Inhame , given here, is the Portuguese word for yam. Many species of yam are
found in tropical regions, including Brazil. The chief food of the Tupinamba, how-
ever, was manioc, a root which resembles the yam but is somewhat larger, sometimes
being as long as three feet and from six to nine inches in diameter. Two kinds of
manioc or cassava are known, both of which are probably indigenous to South
America. It was the bitter species, Manihot utilissitna, which was used by these Indians.
Because the sap of the cassava root contains hydrocyanic acid and is therefore highly
poisonous it cannot be eaten raw but must be washed and heated to be safe. From the
dried roots thus prepared a meal was made which was used in making a bread. When
properly treated the starchy pellets of cassava form the tapioca of commerce.

E

26 LETTER OF PEDRO VAZ DE CAMINHA

did not wish any one to remain there; and also, as they said, they
wished to come with us. They traded there, for bells and for
other trifles of little value which we were carrying, very large
and beautiful red parrots 1 and two little green ones and caps of
green feathers and a cloth of feathers of many colours, woven
in a very beautiful fashion . 2 All of these things Your Highness
will see, because the captain will send them to you, as he says.
And thereupon they came back and we returned to the ships.

On Tuesday, after eating, we landed to set a watch over the
wood and to wash clothes. Some sixty or seventy men without
bows or anything else were there on the shore when we reached
it. As soon as we arrived they at once came to us without
being frightened, and afterward many more came. There must
have been a good two hundred, all without bows, and they all
mingled so much with us that some of them helped us to load
wood and put it in the boats, and they vied with us and derived
much pleasure therefrom. And while we were taking on the
wood two carpenters made a large cross from one piece of
wood which was cut yesterday for this. Many of them came
there to be with the carpenters; and I believe that they did this
more to see the iron tools with which they were making it than
to see the cross, because they have nothing of iron. And they
cut their wood and boards with stones shaped like wedges put
into a piece of wood, very well tied between two sticks, and in

1 These were macaws, a name derived from the Tupi macafiba. They are among the
argest and most magnificent of parrots, with very long tails and brilliant contrasting
colouring. It was from them that the Tupinamba secured most of the feathers used for
decorations. These were new to the Portuguese, although the smaller species were to
be found in the Old World, and had been obtained by them in Guinea. To those on
the voyage these birds seem, to have been the greatest novelty found in Brazil. They
are shown on many of the early maps of that country. On the Cantino map they are
particularly prominent. Here other parrots are also shown on the opposite coast of
Africa.

2 This was a feather mantle. These have long been celebrated and specimens have
been preserved in the principal ethnological museums. The feathers used were
largely from the guar a abucu ( Ibis ntbra) i of whose feathers these Indians were particu-
larly fond and in fact undertook long expeditions to obtain them. They were fastened
around the shoulders and extended like a cape down the back, sometimes almost to the
feet. The feathers were tied to the cotton string, which formed a network to hold
them. According to the account of Soares de Souza ( Tratado descriptive do Brazil em
1587* Rio de Janeiro, 1851, p. 320), the mantles were made exclusively by the men.
They were worn by the sorcerers and perhaps by others. Feather ornaments must have
been the chief distinction of wealth. It was a peculiar characteristic of these Indians
that they carried their decorations at their backs rather than in front. The Tupinamba
did not know how to weave.

TO KING MANUEL 27

such a manner that they are strong, according to what the men
said who were at their houses yesterday, for they saw them
there . 1 By now they kept us so much company as almost to
disturb us in what we had to do. And the captain ordered the
two convicts and Dio go Dias to go to the village, and to other
villages if they should hear of them, and on no account to come
to sleep on the ships, even if they should order them to; and so
they went. While we were in this grove cutting wood some
parrots flew across these trees, some of them green, and others
grey, large and small, so that it seems to me that there must be
many in dais land, but I did not see more than about nine or
ten. We did not then see other birds except some pombas seixas,
and they seemed to me considerably larger than those of Portu-
gal. Some said that they saw turtle-doves, but I did not see any;
but since the groves are so numerous and so large and of such
infinite variety, I do not doubt that in the interior there are
many birds. And towards night we returned to the ships with
our wood. I believe, Senhor, that heretofore I have not given
account to Your Highness of the form of their bows and
arrows. The bows are black and long and the arrows long, and
their tips of pointed reeds, as Your Highness will see from some
which I believe the captain will send to you . 2

On Wednesday we did not go on shore, because the captain
spent the whole day in the supply ship emptying it, and had
transported to the ship what each one could carry. Many of
the natives came to the shore, as we saw from the ships. There
must have been some three hundred, according to what
Sancho de Toar said, who was there. Diogo Dias and Affonso
Ribeiro, the convict, whom the captain sent yesterday to sleep
thereat any cost, returned whenitwasalreadynight because they
did not want them to sleep there, and daey found green parrots
and other birds which were black, almost like magpies, except
that they had white beaks and short tails. And when Sancho de

1 Hatchets were made from a very hard blue-black stone and were of different
shapes. Samples of these are often found in deserted villages along the coast of Brazil.
The Tupinamba were adept in shaping stone, since it was much used for adornment.

a The points were of the nature of bamboo. Points of bone and the teeth of animals
were also used. The shafts without the point were sometimes employed in making
fire. The Tupi-Guaram Indians probably did not use poisoned arrows, neither did they
use a throwing-stick, although both were used by other Indians of South America
(E. Nordenskiold, Comparative Ethnological Studies, vol. iii, p. 53).

28 LETTER OF PEDRO VAZ DE CAMINHA

Toar returned to the ship, some of them wished to go with
him; but he did not want any except two proper youths. He
ordered them to he well fed and cared for that night, and they
ate all the food which was given them, and he ordered a bed
with sheets to be made for them, as he said, and they slept and
were comfortable that night. And so nothing more happened
that day to write about.

On Thursday, the last of April, we ate early in the morning
and went on shore for more wood and water, and when the
captain was about to leave his ship Sancho de Toar arrived
with his two guests, and because he had not yet eaten, cloths
were laid for him and food was brought, and he ate. We
seated the guests in their chairs, and they ate very well of all
which was given them, especially of cold boiled ham and rice.
They did not give them wine, because Sancho de Toar said that
they did not drink it well. After the meal was over we all
entered the boat and they with us. A sailor gave one of them
a large tusk of a wild boar, well turned up. And as soon as
he took it he at once put it in his lip; and because it did not fit
there, they gave him a small piece of red wax. And this he
applied to the back of his ornament to hold it and put it into
his lip with the point turned upward, and he was as pleased
with it as though he had a great jewel. And as soon as we dis-
embarked he at once went off with it, and did not appear
there again. When we landed there were probably eight or
ten of the natives about, and little by little others began to
come. And it seems to me that that day there came to the
shore four hundred or four hundred and fifty men. Some of
them carried bows and arrows and gave all for caps and for
anything which we gave them. They ate with us of what we
gave them. Some of them drank wine and others could not
drink it, but it seems to me that if they accustomed themselves
to it, they would drink it with great willingness. All were so
well disposed and so well built and smart with their paints that
they made a good show. They loaded as much of that wood as
they could, very willingly, and carried it to the boats, and were
quieter and more at ease among us than we were among them.
The captain went with some of us for a short distance through
this grove to a large stream of much water, which in our

TO KING MANUEL 29

opinion was the same as the one which runs down to the shore,
from which we took water. There we stayed for a while,
drinking and amusing ourselves beside the river in this grove,
which is so large and so thick and of such abundant foliage that
one cannot describe it. In it there are many palms, from which
we gathered many good sprouts. When we disembarked, the
captain said that it would be well to go directly to the cross,
which was leaning against a tree near the river, to be set up the
next day, which was Friday, and that we should all kneel down
and kiss it so that they might see the respect which we had for
it. And thus we did. And we motioned to those ten or twelve
who were there that they should do the same, and at once they
all went to kiss it. They seem to me people of such innocence
that, if one could understand them and they us, they would
soon be Christians, because they do not have or understand any
belief, as it appears. And therefore, if the convicts who are to
remain here will learn their language well and understand them,
I do not doubt that they will become Christians, in accordance
with the pious intent of Your Highness, and that they will be-
lieve in our Holy Faith, to which may it please Our Lord to
bring them. For it is certain this people is good and of pure
simplicity, and there can easily be stamped upon them whatever
belief we wish to give them; and furthermore. Our Lord gave
them fine bodies and good faces as to good men; and He who
brought us here, I believe, did not do so without purpose. And
consequently, Your Highness, since you so much desire to
increase the Holy Catholic Faith, ought to look after their
salvation, and it will please God that, with litde effort, this will
be accomplished.

They do not till the soil or breed stock, nor is there ox or
cow, or goat, or sheep, or hen, or any other domestic animal
which is accustomed to live with men; nor do they eat anything
except these manioc, of which there is much, and of the seeds
and the fruits which the earth and the trees produce. Never-
theless, with this they are stronger and better fed than we are
with all the wheat and vegetables which we. eat. 1

1 The banana, sugar cane, rice, coffee, the water-melon, and onion were introduced
by the whites. Banana cultivation and the domestic fowl spread with extreme rapidity
over the greater part of the South American continent during the sixteenth century
(Nordenskiold, op. cit.).

30 LETTER OF PEDRO VAZ DE CAMINHA

While they were there that day, they continually skipped
and danced with us to the sound of one of our tambours, in such
a manner that they are much more our friends than, we theirs.
If one signed to them whether they wished to come to the ships,
they at once made ready to do so, in such wise that had we
wished to invite them all, they would all have come. How-
ever, we only took four or five this night to the ships, namely:
the chief captain took two, and Simao de Miranda, one, whom
he already had for his page, and Aires Gomes, another, also as a
page. One of those whom the captain took was one of his guests
whom we had brought him the first night when we arrived;
to-day he came dressed in his shirt and with him his brother.
These were this night very well entertained, both with food
and with a bed with mattresses and sheets to tame them better.

And to-day, which is Friday, the first day of May, we went
on land with our banner in the morning and disembarked up
the river towards the south, where it seemed to us that it would
be better to plant the cross, so that it might be better seen. And
there the captain indicated where the hole should be made to
plant it, and while they were making it, he with all the rest of us
went to where the cross was down the river. We brought it
from there with the friars and priests going ahead singing in
the manner of a procession. There were already some of the
natives there, about seventy or eighty, and when they saw us
coming, some of them went to place themselves under it in
order to help us. We crossed the river along the shore and went
to place it where it was to be, which is probably a distance of
two cross-bow shots from the river. While we were busy with
this there came a good one hundred and fifty or more. After
the cross was planted with the arms and device of Your High-
ness which we first nailed to it, we set up an altar at the foot of
it. There the father, Frei Amrique, said mass, at which those
already mentioned chanted and officiated. There were there
with us some fifty or sixty natives, all kneeling as we were, and
when it came to the Gospel and we all rose to our feet with
hands lifted, they rose with us and lifted their hands, remaining
thus until it was over. And then they again sat down as we did.
And at the elevation of the Host when we knelt, they placed
themselves as we were, with hands uplifted, and so quietly that

TO KING MANUEL 3 i

I assure Your Highness that they gave us much edification.
They stayed there with us until communion was over, and
after the communion the friars and priests and the captain and
some of the rest of us partook of communion. Some of them,
because the sun was hot, arose while we were receiving com-
munion and others remained as they were and stayed. One of
them, a man of fifty or fifty-five years, stayed there with those
who remained. While we were all thus he collected those who
had remained and even called others. He went about among
them and talked to them, pointing with his finger to the altar,
and afterwards he lifted his finger towards Heaven as though he
were telling them something good, and thus we understood it.
After the mass was over the father took off his outer vestment
and remained in Iris alb, and then he mounted a chair near the
altar, and there he preached to us of the Gospel and of the
apostles whose day this is, 1 treating at the end of the sermon of
this your holy and virtuous undertaking, which caused us more
edification. Those who still remained for the sermon were
looking at him, as we were doing. And the one of whom I
speak called some to come there; some came and others de-
parted. And when the sermon was over, Nicolao Coelho
brought many tin crosses with crucifixes, which he still had
from another voyage, and we thought it well to put one around
the neck of each; for which purpose the father, Frei Amrique,
seated himself at the foot of the cross, and there, one by one, he
put around the neck of each his own [cross] tied to a string,
first making him kiss it and raise his hands. Many came for
this, and we did likewise to all. They must have been about
forty or fifty. And after this was finished it was already a good
hour after midday; we went to the ships to eat, and the captain
took with him that same one who had pointed out to the others
the altar and the sky, and his brother with him, to whom he did
much honour. And he gave him a Moorish shirt, and to the
other one a shirt such as the rest of us wore. And as it appears
to me and to every one, these people in order to be wholly Chris-
tian lack nothing except to understand us, for whatever they
saw us do, they did likewise; wherefore it appeared to all that
they have no idolatry and no worship. And I well believe that,

1 That of Saint Philip and Saint James.

32 LETTER OP PEDRO VAZ DE CAMINHA

if Your Highness should send here some one who would go
about more at leisure among them, that all will be turned to
the desire of Your Highness. And if some one should come for
this purpose, a priest should not fail to come also at once to
baptize them, for by that time they will already have a greater
knowledge of our faith through the two convicts who are
remaining here among them. Both of these also partook of
communion to-day. Among all those who came to-day there
was only one young woman who stayed continuously at the
mass, and she was given a cloth with which to cover herself,
and we put it about her; but as she sat down she did not i-hinh
to spread it much to cover herself. Thus, Senhor, the innocence
of this people is such, that that of Adam could not have been
greater in respect to shame. Now Your Highness may see
whether people who live in such innocence wul be converted
or not if they are taught what pertains to their salvation. When
this was over we went thus in their presence to kiss the cross,
took leave of them, and came to eat.

I believe, Senhor, that with these two convicts who remain
here, there stay also two seamen who to-night left this shi p,
fleeing to shore in a skiff . 1 They have not come back and
we believe that they remain here, because to-morrow, God
willing, we take our departure from here.

It seems to me, Senhor, that this land from the promontory
we see farthest south to another promontory which is to the
north, of which we caught sight from this harbour, is so great
that it will have some twenty or twenty-five leagues of coast-
line. Along the shore in some places it has great banks, some of
them red, some white, and the land above is quite flat and
covered with great forests. From point to point the entire
shore is very flat and very beautiful. As for the interior, it
appeared to us from the sea very large, for, as far as eye could
reach, we could see only land and forests, a land which seemed
very extensive to us. Up to now we are unable to learn that
there is gold or silver in it, or anything of metal or iron; nor
have we seen any, but the land itself has a very good climate, as
cold and temperate as that ofEntreDoiro e Alinho, because in the
present season we found it like that. Its waters are quite endless.

1 These may have returned, however, before the ships sail e d

TO KING MANUEL 33

So pleasing is it that if one cares to profit by it, everything will
growin it because of its waters. But the best profit which can be
derived from it, it seems to me, will be to save this people, and
this should be the chief seed which Your Highness should sow
there. And if there were nothing more than to have here a
stopping-place for this voyage to Calicut, that would suffice, 1 to
say nothing of an opportunity to fulfil and do that which Your
Highness so much desires, namely, the increase of our Holy Faith.

And in this manner, Senhor, I give here to Your Highness
an account of what I saw in tins land of yours, and if I have
been somewhat lengthy you will pardon me, for the desire I
had to tell you everything made me set it down thus in detail. 2
And, Senhor, since it is certain that in this charge laid upon me
as in any other thing which may be for your service, Your
Highness will be very faithfully served by me, I ask of you that
in order to do me a special favour you order my son-in-law,
Jorge Do Soiro, 3 to return from the island of Sam Thome. This
I shall take as a very great favour to me.

I kiss Your Highness’s hands.

From this Porto Seguro of your island of Vera Cruz to-day, 4
Friday, the first day of May of 1500.

Pero Vaaz de Caminha.

[Superscribed] To the King our Lord.

[This is on the back in a contemporary hand] Letter of Pero Vaaz
de Caminha concerning the discovery of the new land which
Pedro Alvarez made.

1 This statement, repeated in the letter of Dom Manuel to the Spanish sovereigns,
shows that Caminha had no knowledge of any prior discovery of this shore.

a Caminha could not have written this whole letter of fourteen folio pages on the ist
of May. From the wording of the letter and the exactness with which the details are
recorded it must have been written as a diary and dated just before the sailing of the
ship which carried it to the king.

3 Sousa Viterbo believes that this was the Jorge de Osouro who had been exiled to the
island of Sao Thome, having been taken with others by force from a church where
they had sought safety. They were accused of having stolen bread, wine, and chickens,
and of having wounded a priest. De Osouro was pardoned by the king on the 16th of
January 1496, and seems to have been sent back to Sao Thome for some other reason.

4 When O 1 v 1 ^ gave it the name terra da Vera Cruz , but Caminha

here calls it ■ ■ . : ■ ' : ng that at the time of the departure of the ship of

Gaspar de Lemos they still believed the land to be an island and so reported it. This
accounts for the fact that on the map of Juan de la Cosa it is shown as an island and
designated ista descubierta por portugal In the instructions given for a voyage made
after 1502 it is still called Ilha da Cruz . Cf. Annaes Maritimas e Coloniaes (Lisbon,
1845), pp. 279etseq.

LETTER OF MASTER JOHN TO KING MANUEL

WRITTEN FROM VERA CRUZ
THE 1ST OF MAY I5OO

another letter which was sent to Dom Manuel before
J\ Cabral’s fleet left Brazil was one which, though brief, is
important for its scientific significance. It was written by a
Galician astronomer, Master John. The title of Master indi-
cates that he had been a teacher, and the degrees which he adds
to his signature imply that he was a scholar. As personal physi-
cian and surgeon of Dom Manuel, his duties involved those of
an astrologer, and because of this he held the position of astro-
nomer on the fleet.

That Master John was not a popular member of the expedi-
tion is indicated by the fact that he was placed in one of the
smaller ships and not in that of the chief captain. It is probable
that he, like so many men of his profession at that period, was a
converted Jew. 1 It would have been natural otherwise that he
should be on the flagship or on the ship of Sancho de Tovar,
also a Spaniard. Master John is not mentioned in any account
of the voyage. As nothing further is heard of him, it is possible
that he was on one of the ships lost in the South Atlantic, since
Vespucci in his letter written from the Cape Verde Islands
states that there were no cosmographers or mathematicians
with the fleet at that time. If Master John survived the voyage
and continued his vocation as physician and surgeon as well as
astrologer, he may have been the Master Joham, astrologer, who
was given an annuity of 12,000 reis by Dom Manuel in 1513,
as indicated in a document found by Sousa Viterbo and pub-
lished in his Trabalhos Nauticos dos Portuguezes (vol. i, p. 168).
It seems improbable that there would be two men of that name,
both astrologers, to whom Dom Manuel was under obligation.

1 Master John was undoubtedly acquainted with Abraham Zacuto, one of the most
celebrated astronomers of his day, who came to Portugal in 1492 when the Jews were
driven from Spain. Master John may rh r T 'ft ^ > * — p 1 \ For Zacuto

see the works of Joaquim Bensaude an.. • i . ,■■■■;' ‘ >: / tcut (Madrid,

I935)> with bibliography.

HAKLUYT SO Cl ICTY

Series II, Vol. LXXXI

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PART OF THE LETTER OF MASTER JOHN
( Torre do Tombo , Lisbo?i)

HAKLUYT SOCIETY

Series If. Vol. LXXXX

FART OF THE LETTER OF MASTER JOHN
(Torre do Tombo. Lisbon)

TO KING MANUEL 35

If these two men were identical, Master John was the translator
of the De Orbis Situ of Pomponius Mela, a copy of which
translation is in the Ajuda Library, Lisbon.

This letter and that of Caminha are the only original docu-
ments now extant in manuscript written by those who went
on Cabral’s fleet. The letter of Master John corroborates that
of Caminha. While giving little information regarding the
new land it is of importance as showing the methods used for
the determination of position at sea. It has also aroused much
interest because of the reference which he makes to a certain
mappa mundi of Pero Vaz Bisagudo. This has been interpreted
by some to show that Brazil had previously been discovered;
but in the lack of other evidence this assumption cannot be
considered to have been proved.

It had not been thought necessary to take an astronomer on
previous voyages made by the Portuguese, nor were any taken
on those which followed. The chief duty of Master John seems
to have been to study the constellations of the southern hemi-
sphere. His letter is the first document in which the Southern
Cross is shown. Its brilliance was known to the Portuguese
navigators from the time of Cadamosto and must have been
noticed by the pilots and navigators who succeeded him. Sun
tables had been computed after the equator had been passed by
Alvaro Esteves in 1471, but a method of locating the south pole
was desirable for navigation and to determine the variation of
the compass. Master John probably did not ascertain its
location on the voyage to Brazil. It is more reasonable to
suppose that its position had been shown to the Portuguese
by the Arab pilots when da Gama went to the East, and they
may also have been instructed by them how it was to be
located. The sketch which Master John includes in his letter
is fairly accurate, both for the location of the stars and for the
method used in determining the antarctic pole, although the
latter is indirect.

The letter of Master John was written in Spanish, a language
which the king both spoke and wrote. It was found in the
Archivo National da Torre do Tombo by Vamhagen ( Corpo
Chron., parte 3, mrujo no. 2), who published it for the first time
in Revista do Instituto Historico e Geogrdphico of Rio de Janeiro

36 LETTER OF MASTER JOHN

(tomo v, 1843, p. 342) and included a facsimile of it in the first
edition of his Historia Geral do Brazil, vol. i, p. 432. The text has
been printed many times since. That used for this translation is
the one published in Alguns Documentos, &c. (Lisbon, 1882),
pp. 122-3. The reduced facsimile here given is from that
shown in Historia da Colonizagao Portuguesa do Brasil (Porto,
1923, vol. ii, p. 102). In this publication there is a text by
Dr. Antonio Baiao and a translation into modern Portuguese
by Dr. Luciano Pereira da Silva, who also gives a description of
the letter. This facsimile and text were again printed by Fon-
toura da Costa ( Marinharia dos Descobrimentos, p. 114).

Senor:

I, the bachelor Master John, physician and surgeon of Your
Highness, kiss your hands. Senor: because Arias Correa as well
as all the others have written to Your Highness at length con-
cerning all that happened here, I shall write only regarding two
points. Senor: yesterday, Monday, which was the 27th of
April, we went on shore, I and the pilot of the chief captain and
the pilot of Sancho de Tovar; and we took the height of the sun
at midday; and we found 56 degrees, 1 and the shadow was
north. 2 By this, according to the rules of the astrolabe, we
judged that we were 17 degrees distant from the equinoctial and
consequently had the height of the antarctic pole in 17 degrees, 3

1 The height of the sun was taken with the astrolabe and indicated 56° on the 27th of
April by the Julian Calendar. When this determination was made, Master John re-
ferred to his book of instructions for the use of the astrolabe and he found that the
sun’s declination at noon for that day was approximately 17 0 o'. The latitude was thus
90° — $ 6 ° o' — 17° o' — 17 0 0' S. The table of declinations of the sun used was evidently
that given in a manuscript similar to that shown in Tractado da Spera do Mtmdo , printed
at Evora in 1517, which gives the declination for the 27th of April as 16 0 54' and the
place latitude as 17 0 o'. This was probably based on the work of the eminent Span-
ish astronomer Abraham Zacuto. Master John apparently did not use an early form
of the Regimento do Estrolabio e do Quadrcmte , printed after 1509, since this shows a decli-
nation of x6° 42', indicating a latitude of 17° 18', a fact which Master John would have
noted. A copy of the Regimento do Estrolabio e do Quadrante is in Munich. Facsimiles
of these two treatises have been published by Joaquim Bensaude, Histoire de la science
nautique portugaise a Vepoque desgrandes decouvertes , vol. i, Munich, 1914, vol. ii, Geneva,
1914. For a discussion of this subject see vol. ii, ch. ii, of Historia da Colonizacao
pGrtnruesa dc Brazil.

2 i: dimciiit to understand why Master John makes this statement. The shadow
should have been south. See J. Bensaude, VAstronomie nautique an Portugal Berne,
1912, pp. 12, 28.

3 The latitude of the bay of Coroa Vermelha is 1 6° 21' 2", so the determination of
Master John was as accurate as could reasonably be expected.

TO KING MANUEL 37

as is manifest in the sphere. 1 And this is what concerns
one point. Whence Your Highness will know that all the
pilots go beyond me to such an extent that Pero Escolar
exceeds me by 150 leagues, and some more and some less; 2 but
which one tells the truth cannot be ascertained until in good
time we arrive at the Cape of Good Hope, and there we shall
known who goes more correctly, they with the chart, or I with
the chart and the astrolabe. 3 As regards the situation of this

1 segund que es magnijiesto en el espera. The word el espera may be interpreted in two
ways. Either Master John means that this determination was shown in the heavens or
celestial globe, or he refers to a book by that name. The word espera both in Spanish and
Portuguese means sphere or globe. If he refers here to a book, instead, it would indi-
cate one of several treatises on astronomy chiefly used for astrology, which had pre-
viously appeared. Most of these were based on the Tractatus de Sphera also known as
Sphera or Sphaera. It was a small work written in a simple style by John Holywood,
generally known as Sacro Bosco, an astronomical author who studied in Oxford and
later taught at the University of Paris during the first half of the thirteenth century.
This was based on the works of Ptolemy, particularly the Almagest , with the inter-
pretations of Arabian scholars. One edition of this was translated into Portuguese but
not published until some time before 15x8 (facsimile by Joaquim Bensaude, Histoire de
la science nautique portugaise , vol. i, Munich, 1914). There were other books on
astronomy and astrology of a like nature and similarly named. Among these was the
Sphera Mundi of Leopold, Duke of Austria, dating from about 1200. An edition of this
was issued in Augsburg in 1489.

2 This indicates that this coast had not been located on any previous voyage.

3 The determination of the position of the ships at sea during Cabral’s voyage could
not be made with exactness. Latitude was ascertained by the height of the sun, the
planets, or the stars above the horizon, but this could only be ascertained roughly. The
instruments for obtaining the angle, the astrolabe and the quadrant, required a stability
difficult to obtain at sea. The sun tables were not accurate. In the vicinity of the
equator the difficulty of determining latitude by the position of the pole increased
because the north polar star might be invisible and its location there would be judged
only in relation to the guards. In 1500 Polaris was approximately 3J 0 from the
pole. The determinations of latitude by means of solar observations were as accurate
as elsewhere. The dip of the horizon had been known since early times, and refraction
had been recognized by Ptolemy but was not accurately applied in 1500. The science
of astronomy had progressed as far as it could without the use of the telescope. The
courses of the sun, the moon, and the planets were known, but from a geocentric
standpoint. Determinations were not ordinarily made closer than half of a degree.

There was no adequate means of determining longitude. While both clocks and
watches were in use, the former was obviously impracticable at sea, and until the fusee
was invented at Nuremberg for the latter some twenty-five years later, watches did
not keep uniform time. Hour-glasses were carried on the ships, but were chiefly used
for changing the ship watches. For longitude, therefore, dead reckoning was necessary,
and the position was worked out on charts. The original record was made with chalk
in a folding log book and changes in the course were indicated with pegs on a tra-
verse board. The loxodromic curve was probably not understood. Knowledge of
it is first accredited to Pedro Nunez (1492-1577).

The speed of the ship was often determined by the ‘Dutchman’s log’. Here a light
object was thrown overboard from the forecastle, and the time noted until it passed an
observer on the poop. The interval was learned by counting, or the repetition of some
simple sentence. The log line from the stem was not used until 1521. The direction
was determined by the compass, and sometimes by the winds. The variation of the

38 LETTER OF MASTER JOHN

land, Senor, Your Highness should order a mappa mundi to be
brought which Pero Vaaz Bisagudo has, and on it Your
Highness will be able to see the location of this land. That
mappa mundi, however, does not show whether this land is
inhabited or not. It is an old mappa mundi, and there Your
Highness will also find la Mina marked. Yesterday we almost
understood by signs that this was an island, and that there were
four, and that from another island almadias come here to fight
with them, and they take them captive . 1

In regard, Senor, to the other point. Your Highness will
know that I have done whatever work I could concerning the
stars, but not much, because of a very bad leg which I have,
for a wound larger than the palm of my hand has developed
from a scratch ; 2 and also because this ship is very small and

compass was not understood, and constant correction had to be made astronomically.
Tliis variation had been known to the Chinese for many centuries, and probably also
in Europe. It became a serious problem in the transatlantic voyages. The pilots of
Columbus had noted it and believed they had found, at last, a method for deter-
mining longitude, when they found that the magnetic needle gradually approached
the true north until the isogonic line of the Atlantic was reached, and its variation then
gradually increased as they continued westward, but in an opposite direction. But the

, , .r. j .. ... .... ,« ' “ d SOUth.

. j'.r ;.s . v ; p. : : . , and formed part of the pilot’s equip-

ment. To mariners these were a valuable guide, and a special law was passed to pre-
vent their being taken permanently from Portugal.

"When Vasco da Gama reached the Bay of Saint Helena on his voyage to India he
erected a tripod on land from which was suspended a large marine astrolabe made of
wood and the latitude of that place was so determined. This could be checked with
the observations made on previous voyages along the coast. It is probable that this
same instrument or one similar was used by Master John and the pilots when they en-
deavoured to determine the latitude of the landing-place when Cabral’s fleet reached
Brazil, Master John, as an astrologer, had been accustomed to astronomical astrolabes
of both the spherical and plane types, and had used them on land. He was not, there-
fore, accustomed to the use of the nautical astrolabe. Both the astrolabe and the quad-
rant relied on gravity for the determination of the horizon. The motion of the ship and
the consequent swaying of the instrument made this exceedingly difficult. This has been
avoided in later quadrants and particularly in the modern sextant, where the horizon
is viewed directly and coincides with the object when the proper angle is adjusted.

The determination of the altitude made by Master John was reasonably accurate
considering the type of instrument he used. He states that any error would be cor-
rected when they reached the Cape of Good Hope, where he believed that the deter-
mination was correct. With the latitude of the Cape Verde Islands and of the Cape of
Good Hope known and with the rhumb lines and distances from these points ascer-
tained, the position of Porto Seguro could be found. This statement further shows that
Cabral had intended to stop at the Cape of Good Hope, probably at the bay of Sao
Bras as da Gama had done, and as he had suggested that Cabral should do on his voyage,
but Cabral was diverted from this course by the storm.

1 The people with whom the Tupinamba fought were even less civilized. They
were the ones who had formerly occupied this coast.

z Although the letter is written in Spanish Master John uses several Portuguese
words. Both cosadura and chciga in this sentence are Portuguese.

• r

cl APVS

A »

La, BoSya.

The Antarctic Pate

The Southern Cross

as given by Master John , with identification of the stars and the method for
locating the Antarctic Pole

TO KING MANUEL 39

very heavily laden, so that there is no room for anything. I
inform Your Highness only how the stars are located, but in
which degree each one is, I have not been able to learn; rather
it seems impossible to me to take the height of any star on the
sea, for I labour much at it and, however litde the ship rolls,
one errs by four or five degrees, so that it cannot be done except
on land. And I say almost the same thing about the India
tables , 1 for it cannot be taken with them save with very much
work; for if Your Highness knew how they all disagreed in the
inches, you would laugh at this more than at the astrolabe,
because from Lisbon to the Canaries they disagreed with one
another by many inches, for some said three and four inches
more than others . 2 And the same was true from the Canaries
to the islands of Cape Verde; and this although all took pre-
cautions that the observation should be at the same hour, so
that they judged rather how many inches there were by the
length of the journey which it seemed to them they had gone,
than the journey by means of the inches. Returning to the
point, Senor, these guards are never hidden; rather do they
always go round above the horizon, and even this is doubtful.

1 tablas de la India. These were called tavoletas or tabuas of India by the Portuguese
and were the kamals of the Arab pilots. The kamal was first known to the Portuguese
during the voyage of da Gama and is mentioned by Semigi and de Barros. The
primitive method used in the Indian seas for determining the height of the poles when
within the tropics was to extend the arm to a fixed distance and to measure the height
of the star above the horizon in fingers. This led to a more accurate measure called
the kamal. The kamal consists of a rectangular piece of wood of dimensions in fingers
or isba's . At the centre of this is attached a cord having knots at determined distances.
Tins rectangle is held vertically with the left hand in line with the right eye and the
cord is grasped with the teeth. When the upper and lower edges of the rectangle cor-
respond with the star and the horizon, respectively, the knot of the cord at the teeth
designates the height of the star in isba's. According to Bittner the isba* was equivalent to
i° 42' 5 0 " and 210 isba's equalled 360°. Two isba's were called & polar, and four isba's, or
the equivalent of four fingers, were called a dubban. The kamal seems to have been the
forerunner of the cross-staff. Its use has continued in India until modern times. Pilots
sailing north or south along the Coromandel coast had the knots placed where towns
were located. Another type of kamal used at an early date consisted of nine rect-
angles or tables on a single cord, but without knots.

Da Gama had brought back samples of the kamals used by the Arab pilots. From
these larger rectangles were made for the higher latitudes. The tables with which the
stars were observed on Cabral’s fleet were in isbcfs.

For the kamal see Luciano Pereira da Silva, ‘Kamal, Tabuas da India e Tavoletas
Nauticas’ ( Lusitania , Lisbon, 1924, fasc. iii) with illustration of kamals in the Museum
fur Volkerkunde, in Hamburg. See also the works of Fontoura da Costa, Bittner,
and Ferrand cited elsewhere.

2 Pulgadas . These were the fingers or isba's of the Arabs previously referred to. Four
pulgadas would be a variation of nearly six degrees.

40 LETTER OF MASTER JOHN

for I do not know which of the two lowest ones is the antarctic
pole. 1 And these stars, principally those of the cross, are large,
almost as those of Ursa Major [del carro ] ; and the star of the
antarctic pole, or south, is small, like that of the north, and very
clear, 2 and the star which is above the entire cross is very small.

In order not to trouble Your Highness, I do not wish to write
furdier, except that I am asking Our Lord Jesus Christ to in-
crease the life and estate of Your Highness as Your Highness
desires. Done in Vera Cruz, the first day of May of 1500. At
sea it is better to direct oneself by the height of the sun than by
any star, and better with the astrolabe than with the quadrant
or with any other instrument.

From the servant of Your Highness and your loyal servitor,
Johanes artium et medicine bachalarius.

[Superscribed]

To the King our Lord.

1 The south polar star in the year 1500 was almost exactly 180 0 S. latitude. The
guards were not hidden at any time. At the horizon of Vera Cruz at the end of April
1500, the Southern Cross began to disappear about four o’clock in the morning,
(Fontoura da Costa, op. cit., p. 114).

2 The difficulty which Master John had in determining a star at the antarctic pole
can be understood, because no star exists there which can be easily seen. The star La
Bosya took the place of Polaris in the northern hemisphere. The guards a and y Crucis,
while they point almost directly to the pole, could not easily be used for its identifica-
tion because of their remoteness. Master John thus uses a somewhat circuitous but
surer method by following the bright stars to a Trianguli and thence to the pole by
the ‘Bird of Paradise’, as the three small stars of Apus were called. The pole is located
beyond both of the stars, one or the other of which Master John tried to identify with it.

LETTER FROM KING MANUEL TO FERDINAND
AND ISABELLA

THE 29TH OF JULY I5OI

A few days after the arrival of Cabral’s flagship, Dom
Manuel wrote to Ferdinand and Isabella, telling them
briefly what had occurred during the voyage. In this letter
there is apparently no attempt to conceal anything of impor-
tance which happened, and in general it is not contradicted by
later writers. If authentic, this letter is the most authoritative
account which we have of the whole voyage. It was apparently
written by the king on the 27th of July, from Santarem, where
he had received a report that Cabral’s main fleet had arrived. 1

The Spanish original of this letter, according to Navarrete,
was formerly kept in the Archivo de la Antigua Diputacion de
Aragon, at Saragossa, but was destroyed on the 27th of January
1809, during the Napoleonic War. 2 A copy, however, was
made by one D. Joaquin Traggia, which was published by
Navarrete (Coll, de los viages y descubrimientos, &c., vol. iii).
Another copy, in Portuguese, is preserved in the Archivio di
Stato in Venice, and was first published by Professor Belgrano. 3
This is almost identical with the Spanish letter, except that it
states that it was written from Lisbon on the 28th of August. A
photographic reproduction was published by Eugenio do
Canto in 1906 in an edition of sixty copies, and a transcription
in modern spelling is given by C. Malheiro Dias (Hist, da Col.
Port, do Brasil, vol. ii). This author is of the opinion that the
Spanish text was derived from it. Dias bases his theory on the
fact that there are a few small omissions in the Spanish text,
which are given in the Portuguese manuscript, and that Dom
Manuel was in the habit of writing to the Spanish sovereigns
in Portuguese. There is a contemporary Italian translation of

1 According to de Barros, upon the return of Vasco da Gama, Dom Manuel sent an
account of that voyage to all his cities. It is probable that the king sent a similar letter
after the return of Cabral’s fleet not unlike the one here given, addressed to the Spanish
sovereigns.

2 For an account of the destruction of this library and also of those in Valencia in
1812, see Navarrete, op. cit., vol. i, pp. 131-7-
3 Bolletino della Societh Geografica Italiana , 3rd ser., vol. iii, pp. 217 et seq.

42 LETTER FROM KING MANUEL

this letter dated the 29th of August 1501, which is now in the
Sneyd Collection at Newcastle-on-Tyne (MS. C 59A), the first
portion of which was published by G. Berchet ( Raccolta Colum-
biana, part iii, vol. ii, p. 118, Rome, 1893), who assigns it to an
anonymous author. In this there are some variations from the
Spanish text, but they are evidendy the fault of the translator.
This early Italian version helps to confirm the authenticity of the
letter. An English translation of the Spanish copy has been
made by J. R. McClymont (Pedralvarez Cabral, London, 1914).
The translation which is published here is somewhat more literal,
and has been made from the Spanish text and compared with
the Portuguese version. 1

1 Another letter attributed to Dom Manuel is the first printed account of the Portu-
guese voyages to India now in existence. This appeared in Rome, as an octavo volume
with eight unnumbered leaves, on the 23rd of October 1505 from the press ofMaster
Johannes Besicken. It is entitled ‘Copy of a letter of the King of Portugal sent to the
King of Castile concerning the voyage and success of India’.

While it has not been questioned that this account was published in 1505, it is very
improbable that it is a copy of a letter written by Dom Manuel to his father-in-law.
King Ferdinand. It is more reasonable to suppose that the so-called letter, with an
attractive title, was compiled in Rome from information obtainable in Italy, possibly
with the addition of some knowledge derived from Portugal. This is indicated in
several ways. In the first place Ferdinand was not then King of Castile. Also there was
no occasion for Dom Manuel to write this letter. He had written almost an identical
letter to Ferdinand in 1501 regarding Cabral’s voyage and had seen him many times
since. A third indication is shown in the fact that parts of other documents are in-
cluded, taken from the letter written by Dom Manuel in x 501, the Anonymous Narra-
tive, and the account of Priest Joseph, which were then available in Italy either in
manuscript or printed form. It was printed at a time when pamphlets and broadsides
took the place of newspapers. These are very rare now because it was the custom to
print them only in small numbers. Their survival is usually due to their hav:i.g been
bound together as collections. The copy of this letter in :i:e Library a one

of a volume of seventeen pamphlets of various periods so preserved. The letter contains
errors which would not have been made by Dom Manuel. For instance, the letter
states that Cabral (instead of da Gama) commanded the fleet sent in 1502. While
Cabral had been selected for this position, Dom Manuel had good reason to know that
da Gama had superseded him. The descriptions of this voyage, and of those which
followed, are inadequate and are much confused, although the news concerning them
should have been the occasion for writing this letter.

Neither this letter nor copies of it are to be found in either Spain or Portugal, and
there is no contemporary reference to it.

Three copies of this pamphlet are known to exist, one in the Marciana Library at
Venice, discovered by Varnhagen; one in the Corsini Library at Rome, discovered by
Narducd; and one in the Colombina Library at Seville, discovered by Gallardo. The
copy in the Marciana Library was reprinted in 1881 by Arthur Coke Burnell. Of this
only twenty-five copies were published for private circulation. Another edition from
the Marciana copy was edited by Prospero Peragallo with a translation into modern
Portuguese and published by the Academia Real das Sciencias, Lisbon, 1892, in a collec-
tion of monographs entitled Centenario do Descobnmento da America .

The letter is not given in translation because the portions of it referring to Cabral’s
voyage are almost identical with earlier documents here published.

TO FERDINAND AND ISABELLA

43

THE LETTER WHICH THE KING, OUR LORD, WROTE
TO THE KING AND QUEEN OF CASTILE, HIS KIN, 1
CONCERNING THE NEWS OF INDIA

Most high and most excellent and most powerful Sovereigns,
Father and Mother:

During these past days, after the first news arrived from
India, I did not write at once to Your Majesties concerning the
matters there because Pedro Alvarez Cabral, my chief captain
of the fleet, which I had sent there, had not yet returned. And
after his arrival I also delayed in doing so because two ships of
his company had not yet come. 2 One of these he had sent to
Cofalla, a gold-mine which was discovered recently, not to
establish trade, but only to have true information of what was
there; because of the two ships which went there for this pur-
pose, one was lost at sea, and the other was separated from the
fleet in stormy weather and did not go there. And after the
aforesaid ships had arrived, and I was on the point of notifying
Your Majesties, Pero Lopes de Padilha told me that you would
be glad to have news of what had happened there. The follow-
ing is briefly everything which took place. My aforesaid cap-
tain with thirteen ships departed from Lisboa the 9th of March
of last year, and during the octave of Easter he reached a land
which he newly discovered, to which he gave the name of
Santa Cruz. In it he found the people nude as in the first inno-
cence, gentle, and peaceable. It seemed that Our Lord miracu-
lously wished it to be found, because it is very convenient and
necessary for the voyage to India, because he repaired his ships
and took water there. 3 And on account of the long voyage

1 Queen Isabella of Castile was half Portuguese on her mother’s side, and her grand-
father was the Infante John, one of the sons ofjolin I. It would not be strange, there-
fore, when listening to the story of Columbus and of his hopes for new discoveries for
Spain that she would be fired with some of the spirit of adventure shown by her great-
uncle, Prince Henry. Queen Isabella was a first cousin of Dom Manuel, and through
his marriage to her daughter, Isabel, and, after Isabel’s death, to Maria, was still more
closely related to him. Ferdinand, in addition to being the father-in-law of Dom
Manuel, was also related to the House of Aviz.

2 Those of Sancho de Tovar and Pedro de Atalde. Sancho de Tovar had gone to
Sofala. From this letter it would appear that Cabral and Simao de Miranda arrived on
the 21st of July 1501, Sancho de Tovar and Pedro de Atalde on the 25th, and Diogo
Dias on the 27th.

3 The value of Brazil as expressed in the letter of Pedro Vaz de Caminha is here
repeated.

44 LETTER FROM KING MANUEL

which he had to make, he did not stop to obtain information
about the said land; he only sent me a ship from there to notify
me how he found it; and he pursued his route by way of the
Cape of Good Hope. In that gulf, before arriving at it, he en-
countered great storms, in which, during one single day, four
ships foundered together before his eyes, of which not a single
person escaped. At this time, also, another of his ships dis-
appeared, of which no news has been received up to this time . 1
And that in which he went, with the others which remained,
passed through great danger. And thus he went his way to
make port at the kingdom of Quiloa, which belongs to the
Moors, under whose sovereignty is the said mine of Qofalla,
because he carried my letters and messages for its king, to
establish peace with him, and a treaty concerning purchases
and trade at the said mine. And before reaching the aforesaid
kingdom, he found two ships with a great quantity of gold,
which he took possession of, and because they belonged to the
said King of Quiloa, after doing them much honour, he let
them go. He was very well received by that Icing, who came
in person to converse with my said captain on the sea, and
entered with him in his boat, and he sent him presents; and
after receiving my letters and messages, he agreed to the treaty.
And since the ships which were destined for that mine were
among those which were lost, no trade was begun there at that
time, because the merchandise which the other ships carried was
not suitable for what was needed for that land . 2 And he de-
parted from there and went to another kingdom, Melinde, for
which he also was carrying my letters and messages, because its
king, who likewise is a Moor, had done good deeds to Dom
Vasco, who first went there to discover it. This Icing likewise
visited him on the sea and also sent him presents, and confirmed
and established peace and friendship with him, and gave him
the pilots whom he needed for his voyage . 3 These kingdoms
extend from the Red Sea in this direction, and in the interior

1 At the end of this letter the king states that he has just heard that the ship of Diogo
Dias was not lost.

2 That is, trinkets, beads, copper, See., for the negroes.

3 The ports of Malindi and Mombasa were the rendezvous for the pilots for India
and the East African coast. See Bittner and Tomaschek, op. cit., and G. Ferrand,
V Astronomic nautiqne arabe (Paris, 1928).

TO FERDINAND AND ISABELLA 45

they border on Gentiles, and these Gentiles border on the land
of Prester John, whom they call the abechy . 1 In their language
this means ‘branded with iron’, because, as a matter of fact, they
do this, and they are branded with iron as a sign that they are
baptized in water . 2 From there he departed for Calecut, which
is seven hundred leagues beyond. This city, as I believe you
must already know, is of the Gentiles who worship many
things and believe that there is only one God. And it is very
populous, and there are in it many Moors who, until now,
always traded there in spices, because it is thus like Bruges in
Flanders , 3 the principal trading place for the things of India,
which come to it from outside; and in it there are only cassia-
fistula and ginger. He arrived at this city five months after
having departed from Lisbon. And he was very honourably
received by the king, who came to a house beside the sea to
speak to him, with all his lords and many other people. And
there he gave him my messages and established with him my
peace and concord. Concerning this agreement the aforesaid
king ordered a letter written on a sheet of silver with his seal
inlaid in gold, for this is the custom in his land in matters of
great importance, and other letters written on leaves of trees
which resemble palms, on which they ordinarily write. And
from these trees and their fruit are made the following things:
sugar, honey, oil, wine, water, vinegar, charcoal, and cordage
for ships, and for everything else, and matting of which they
make some sails for ships, and it serves them for everything
which they need. And the aforesaid fruit, in addition to what
is thus made of it, is their chief food, particularly at sea. After
the agreement had thus been made with the said king, my
factor sent on shore the entire establishment which I had
ordered for the above-mentioned factory, and at once he began
to trade with his merchandise and to load the ships with spices.

1 Goavixi in the Spanish version.

2 Branding in the form of a cross was practised at an early date by the Jacobites and
Syrians. The Abyssinians also so branded, but not necessarily as a fire baptism. Father
Alvares, who visited Abyssinia in 1520 and witnessed several baptisms, does not men-
tion this custom in that connexion. He describes, however, branding on the forehead
as a preventive from colds.

3 Bruges, which had been the northern counterpart of Venice in the fourteenth
century, while still retaining a position as a financial centre, was losing much of its
commerce to Antwerp because of the gradual silting up of the river Zwyn. This
could not be navigated by 1490.

46 LETTER FROM KING MANUEL

In the meantime, the King of Calecut sent word to my captain
that a very large and well-armed ship which had annoyed him
on previous occasions, belonging to another king, Inis enemy,
had sent word to him that it was passing before Inis port, with-
out any fear of him, and he begged him to order it to be
captured, enlarging on the matter, as it greatly concerned his
estate and honour.

And the said captain, in view of the good treatment which
he and also my factor were beginning to receive, and in order
to confirm further peace and friendship, agreed to do it. And
in order to show him the strength of our people in ships and
artillery, he sent against it only the smallest ship which he had,
with a large bombard. 1 And it overtook them within the
harbour of another king, 2 his neighbour, and before his eyes
and those of all his people he captured it, and brought it to
Calecut with 400 bowmen and some artillery and with seven
elephants, trained in warfare, on board (there these would be
worth thirty thousand cruzados, 3 for they gave five thousand
for only one of them), and with other merchandise of spices.
This ship my captain ordered to be presented to him, and he gave
it to him with everything which came in it, and he came to the
shore with all his state and pomp to see it, since it was to them
a very great surprise that so small a ship with so few men
should take so large a ship with so many people, and to receive
die message which the said captain was sending him concerning
it. And the Moors, especially those of Mecca, who were there,
seeing that they were in this concord and friendship, and that
two ships were already loaded with spices, and seeing also the
great loss which they were suffering, sought all the means that
they could to put discord between my factor and the king. And
they stirred up a tumult on land to hinder them; and because
all die merchandise was in the hands of the Moors they hid it,
and secredy sent it elsewhere. When he learned this, the afore-
said captain sent word to the King of Calecut, complaining to
him and asking him to fulfil what he had agreed, which was
that in twenty days he would give him merchandise with which

1 This was the caravel S. Pedro of Pedro de Ataide, The use of bombards on cara-
vels was the invention of John H. 2 The King of Cananore.

3 The cru2ado contained 229*5 grammes of fine gold, and was worth about 95. 8 d .
(see Ravenstein, Vasco da Gama, p. 242).

TO FERDINAND AND ISABELLA 47

to load the said ships, and that until they were loaded, he would
not give authority to load to any others. And the king
answered him that he would at once order all the merchandise
which there was in the land to be given to him, and that if any
ship should he loaded in his harbour without the knowledge of
his officials, he gave him the authority and power to detain it
until he sent his said officials, so that diey might arrange to turn
it over to him. As soon as the Moors learned of this, they
agreed to load a ship publicly with great diligence, using still
greater care in hiding the merchandise than they had previously
done, and this, in order to give an excuse for an outbreak to
begin, for they are powerful. And the city is of many nationali-
ties and of extensive population, in which the king can, with
difficulty, attend to the tumults of the populace. And when
my factor saw that the ship was being loaded, he asked the
said captain to detain it, as the king had agreed. And the
said captain, fearing an outbreak, hesitated to do it; and the said
factor again asked him to detain it, telling him that the chief
Moors and also some Gentiles told him that if the said ship
were not held they could in no way load their ships. Ac-
cording to what followed it appears that they were doing it in
order to give rise to the said outbreak. And my captain, after
hesitating many times, fearing what followed, ordered the
people ofthat ship to be toldthat, because ofthe authority which
he had for this, it should not leave; but they were not will-
ing to agree to this. And then it was necessary to order it to be
held. And he commanded his boats to bring it inside the har-
bour, where it surely could not leave without his permission.
And as soon as the Moors saw this, since it was the end which
they desired, at that very moment they came quickly with all
the rest of the population, whom they had already stirred up, to
attack the said factor and his house, and fought with him. And
he with those few whom he had with him, defended themselves
for some time, and leaving the house, rallied at the sea. And my
captain, who was then ill, 1 as soon as he was told of the uprising
on land, ordered all his boats to aid him, and although the sea
was very rough he nevertheless gathered up some of the people.

1 At this time Cabral was suffering from fever and ague, and was being bled by the
ship’s barber.

48 LETTER FROM KING MANUEL

They killed the factor and with him fifty people were lost,
either dead or captives. After this was done, when my captain
saw that the king had not come to help and that he sent no
message and was providing himself with some equipment im-
plying war, and also had taken possession of my property which
had remained on shore, he waited one day to see if he would
make amends for the said matter. When he saw that he was
sending him no message, fearing that he was arming himself
effectively, as he afterwards did, to prevent him from taking
the vengeance he could take at that time, he decided to act at
once, and he took ten large ships which were in the harbour,
and ordered all the people who were on them to be put to the
sword, with the exception of a few who, concealing themselves,
escaped death, and whom afterwards he did not wish to kill,
but brought captive to me. And he ordered the said ships to be
burned in front of the port, which caused great horror to the
king and to the people of the land. On the ships there were three
elephants which died there. In this manner he spent the entire
day; and as soon as it was night, he went with all the ships,
and placed himself as near land as he could in front of the
city; and as soon as it was dawn, he began to fire with artillery,
and bombarded it until night, especially the houses of the king.
In this he did much damage, and killed many of his people, as he
learned afterwards, and he killed one of the chief men who was
near the king. On account of this, the king immediately de-
parted from the city, for it seemed to him that he was not safe
anywhere. And he sailed from there to another port of his,
which was called Fandarene [Pandarani] , which he also damaged
with artillery, and killed people. And from there he sailed to the
kingdom of Cochim, which is the region from which spices
come, 30 leagues beyond Calecut, and on the way, he found
two other ships of Calecut, which he also captured and ordered
to be burned. And when he reached Cochim, after having
informed the king of what had happened in Calecut, he was
very well received by him, and made an agreement with him
in the same maimer which he had done in Calecut. Then he
immediately sent my factor and certain men with him on shore,
for whom they gave him honourable men as hostages, whom
he brought to me; and they loaded his ships in 16 days; and the

TO FERDINAND AND ISABELLA 49

merchandise they brought to him in their boats was brought
with so much greater friendliness and security that it appeared
that Our Lord permitted the outbreak at Calecut in order that
this other agreement might take place, which is of greater
profit and security, because the harbour is much better and of
much more extensive trade, since, of almost all the merchan-
dise which goes to Calecut, most of it is to be found in that
land, and because others go there first without going to Calecut.
In this city of Cochim there are many ships, and he learned that
two merchants alone had as many as 50 ships. In that kingdom
there are many true Christians of the conversion of S ain t
Thomas, and their priests follow the manner of life of the
apostles with much strictness, having nothing of their own
except what is given them as alms. And they practise celibacy,
and have churches in which they say mass, and they consecrate
unleavened bread, and wine which they make from dried fruit
with water, for they cannot make other. In their churches they
have no images save the cross, and all the Christians wear the
apostolic garments, and never cut their beards and hair. And
there he found definite information concerning where the
body of Saint Thomas lies, which is 1 50 leagues from there, on
the sea coast, in a city which is called Maliapor [Mailapur], of
a small population; and he brought me earth from his tomb. 1
And all the Christians and also the Moors and Gentiles, on
account of the great miracles which are performed, go to his
house on pilgrimage. He also brought us two Christians who
came of their own accord and with the permission of their pre-
late, so that we might send them to Rome and to Jerusalem,
to see the things of the Church there, and to be informed
about them, for they consider that they are better ruled by
being ordained by Saint Peter, who, they believe, was the
chief of the apostles. And he also learned certain news of great
Christian nations which are on the other side of that kingdom,
who come on pilgrimage to the aforesaid house of Saint
Thomas, and have very great kings who obey One only. They
are white men of fair hair, and are considered strong. The land
is called Malchima, 2 and from it come porcelain, and musk

1 This earth was supposed to have great curative value.

2 This is probably derived from the Hindustani Maha-Chitt , Great China,

H

50 LETTER FROM KING MANUEL

and amber, and aloe-wood, which they bring from the river
Ganges, which is on this side of them. And there are such fine
vases of porcelain there, that a single one of them is worth a
hundred cruzados. And while he was in the kingdom of
Cockim, when the treaty had been agreed to and the ships
loaded, there came to him messages from the King of Cananor,
and from the King of Colum [Quilon] who are near by,
requesting him to come to them because they would make
more profitable trade with him, but, because he had already
made the treaty, he declined to go. At this time, as he was
about to depart from Cochim, the same king sent word to him
that a large fleet from Calecut was coming against him, and
that as many as 15,000 men were in it. It did not seem well to
my captain to fight with it, because he had his ships loaded, and
had few men, and it did not seem to him that there was time
or necessity for taking the risk, since he feared that they might
kill or disable some of them, and on account of the length of the
journey which he had to go, which was 4,000 leagues from
here. But he set sail, with them following him, and as they did
not dare to go far out to sea, they turned back, because they
feared to go against him. From there he went his way, which
was to the kingdom of Cananor, [ruled by] one of those kings
who invited him. And as he was passing, as soon as those on
land caught sight of him, they sent him another message, asking
him to stop there, because the king wanted to send a messenger
to me by him, whom he brought me. And in the single day
that he was there, he ordered so much spicery to be brought to
the ships that he might have entirely filled them, had they been
empty; and they gave what they might carry free, as a present
to win my friendship. And all his chief men came also to my
captain, telling him on behalf of the king that they would see
to it that he was treated there in a different manner than in
Calecut, assuring him that if he wanted to make war on Cale-
cut they would help him, and that he in person would go on
land, and all his fleet on the sea. And after thanking him
greatly in my name, he took leave of him, saying to him that
in the other fleet which I was to send soon, I would send him
my answer regarding everything. He went his way, and in the
middle of that crossing he took a very large ship loaded with

TO FERDINAND AND ISABELLA 5 x

merchandise. It appeared to him that it was a ship of Mecca
which was just coming from Calecut. And finding-shat the
aforesaid ship belonged to the King of Cambaia [Cambay], he
abandoned it, sending word by it to the said king that he had
released it because he did not intend to make war with any one;
he had made it only on those who had broken the word which
they had given to him in my name. Continuing farther on his
way, he lost one of the ships which was laden, for it ran aground
during the night. Its people were saved, and he ordered the
ship to be burned because it could not be dislodged safely.
From this place he sent a ship to obtain news of the mine of
Qofalla which I have mentioned before. 1 This has just arrived,
and brought me definite information of it and also concerning
the trade and the merchandise of the country and of the great
quantity of gold which is there; and there he found news, that
among the men who carry gold from there to the coasts, they
saw many who have four eyes, namely, two in front and two
behind. The men are small of body and strong, and it is said
that they are cruel, and that they eat the men with whom they
have war, and that the cows of the king wear collars of heavy
gold around their necks. Near this mine there are two islands
on which they gather much pearl and amber. My aforesaid
captain departed from there, and reached Lisboa 16 months
from the day he had left it, and, blessed be Our Lord, in all
this voyage he lost only three men from sickness, and all the
others are healthy and of good spirits. 2 And now a certain mes-
sage comes to me saying that one of the ships that was going
to QofFala which he believed lost, is coming, and will be here
shortly. They say that it entered the Red Sea, and that it is
bringing from there some silver and also some information
concerning matters there, although I am already informed in
detail concerning the said Red Sea, having been informed
thereof by my above-mentioned captain, who had information
concerning it hi many ways. 3 I leave the other details of this

1 There is no intimation either in this letter of the king or in any account of Cabral’s
voyage that Pedro da Covilhan had visited Sofala, and no information is given which
da Covilhan might have included in a letter to John IL

2 This is a mistake, since many had died of scurvy.

3 The Anonymous Narrative, which is given on pp. 56-94 of this volume, has a
description of the Red Sea. It is possible that this reference is an indication that this
narrative was the official report of Cabral, though not written by him.

S3 LETTER FROM KING MANUEL

matter to Pero Lopes, who was present at everything. 1 Very
exalted and very excellent and very puissant Sovereigns, Father
and Mother, may Our Lord have your life and royal estate in
His holy care.

Written in Santarem the 29th of July.

El Rey.

1 There were thus at least three Spaniards with the fleet: Master John, Sancho de
Tovar, and Pedro Lopez de Padilla. Pedro Lopez may have been the bearer of this
letter to the Spanish sovereigns.

THE ANONYMOUS NARRATIVE

O ne of the earliest and the most complete contemporary-
accounts of the voyage of Cabral was written by a member
of the fleet. The author is unknown, but he was without doubt
a Portuguese and a man of more than ordinary intelligence and
education. From the careful and concise manner in which the
account was written it appears to have been either an official
record of the voyage or a narrative intended for publication.
Some version of this account was known to the Portuguese
historians who wrote at a later date, but no contemporary copy
can now be found in Portugal. It seems to have reached Italy
soon after the fleet returned. Because of the interest taken in
Cabral’s voyage, this narrative was well known in Venice, for
at least four early manuscripts still exist in the Venetian dialect,
and it was included in the first edition of Paesi.

Two theories may be suggested for its presence in Venice:
one, that it was sent there originally in the Portuguese language
in either manuscript or printed form and that it was translated
into Italian at Venice; the other that it was the book to which
Angelo Trevisan refers as the work of II Cretico, 1 the secretary
of the Venetian ambassador to Spain. In favour of the first
theory it may be held that there are no indications of Italian
influence in the account and it seems to have been written in the
form of a diary, from the viewpoint of a Portuguese and not of
an Italian. Had it been composed or modified by an Italian the
portion relating to the discovery of Brazil, which was of little
interest to the Venetians, would probably not have been in-
cluded, and it would undoubtedly have contained more about
the trade in spices, regarding which they were gready con-
cerned. One of the early manuscripts states that it was trans-
lated from Portuguese into Italian. This statement is also made
in the Paesi, where it appears in the headings of two books.
Fracanzano, to whom the editing of Paesi is ascribed, further
states in his dedication to Giovanni Maria Angiolefli that it was
translated from Portuguese. All of the existing manuscripts

1 Further information concerning H Cretico and Trevisan is given later, on

pp. 114-17-

$4 THE ANONYMOUS NARRATIVE

differ, and they may have been independent translations of a
Portuguese manuscript or possibly of a printed text. In support
of the theory that it was the work of II Cretico and that it was
the book which Trevisan told Malipiero, his former employer,
that II Cretico was engaged in writing, we have a contem-
porary copy among the letters of Malipiero. This manuscript
is the one most nearly like the text in Paesi. In it the narra-
tive begins with ‘In the year 1500’, as might be expected
if it were to form part of Malipiero ’s annals. It is uncertain
whether II Cretico knew the Portuguese language, and it is
quite probable that he did not. Furthermore, the style of the
narrative is not that of the learned professor of Greek as shown
in his letter to the Signoria, and it does not contain the Latin
expressions which we would expect II Cretico to use. 1

It seems possible, with the large population of the Venetian
Republic and the general interest of the people in this voyage,
that the narrative may have been printed separately. There
were no restrictions against publishing it in Venice as there may
have been in Lisbon. If it had been sent to Venice by Trevisan
we might expect it to be printed there, as had happened with the
account of the Spanish voyages from the notes of Peter Martyr. 2
The manuscript copyists of this printed narrative then evidently

1 In the text of Paesi , published six years after Cabral’s return, there are further
complications. The first three books of that volume are devoted to Portuguese
voyages and include the narrative of Cadamosto, two letters of Girolamo Semigi
regarding da Gama’s voyage, and the Anonymous Narrative. There then occurs a
definite ‘finis’ before the accounts of the Spanish voyages. These three accounts are
continuous, without titles. The Cadamosto voyage, with its accompanying account
of that of de Sintra, ends with ‘Finis’ and then a note, but there is no break: in the text.
The beginning of the second book is made arbitrarily during the Cadamosto voyage
with the title Voyage from Lisbon to Calicut translated from Portuguese into Italian t a title
evidently intended for the Anonymous Narrative. The three accounts are written in
the Venetian dialect and seem to be uniform. This suggests that they might have been
translated together from Portuguese, as stated in the titles to the second and third
books. The three narratives, however, evidently existed in Italy several years prior to
the publication of Paesi , although the letters of Girolamo Sernigi were originally
written in the Florentine dialect. The collection of Portuguese voyages given in Paesi
was therefore either translated as a whole from a Portuguese source or more probably
was made from a manuscript copy of the three narratives in Venetian. Because of the
careless way in which it was printed it does not seem reasonable to suppose that Fracan-
zano had made the translation or that it had been done for him. If the three accounts
were not translated directly from the Portuguese, the Anonymous Narrative as given
in Paesi would seem to have been taken from a Venetian source.

3 The letter of 11 Cretico which follows the Anonymous Narrative in the Contarini
A MS. had been published. Vagliente copied printed pamphlets in his manuscript
collection of voyages, and the author of the so-called letter of King Manuel of 1505
had access to a copy of the Anonymous Narrative, probably at Rome.

THE ANONYMOUS NARRATIVE 55

changed and abbreviated it. The title seems to have been The
Voyage from Lisbon to Calicut . 1

Some clue as to the identity of the Portuguese author may be
obtained from the narrative itself. He was on Cabral’s ship or
that of Simao de Miranda or Pedro de Ataide after the storm,
and he returned either with Cabral or Simao de Miranda. He
seems to have been present when Cabral met the Zamorin and
was on shore at the time of the massacre and was among those
saved. Since Cabral was on board his ship during the uprising,
he could not have been the author. Only Frei Henrique, Nuno
Leitao da Cunha, and a sailor are mentioned, of the twenty who
escaped. It may have been the work of some nobleman who
went with the fleet, but it seems more probable, from the care-
ful maimer with which it was written, that it was composed by
some one whose duty it was to make this record, possibly one
of the writers. The only one holding this position whose name
is known and who might have been the author is Joao de Sa,
who had gone with Vasco da Gama as a writer and un-
doubtedly held a position of trust under Cabral. His duties
would take him ashore at Calicut, and he returned with the
fleet. Since Ravenstein considers that de Sa may have been the
author of the so-called Roteiro of the voyage of Vasco da Gama,
he may have had a similar duty to perform with Cabral’s fleet . 2

From what is known of the voyage of Cabral from other
sources the Anonymous Narrative is substantially accurate. It
was written by one who was on the voyage and who lived to
return. It thus ranks second only to the letters of Pedro Vaz de
Caminha and Master John as an authoritative source.

Four manuscripts of the Anonymous Narrative have been
preserved. One of these is to be found with the letters of
Trevisan in the Sneyd Collection now at Newcastle-on-Tyne.
Two manuscripts bound together, known as Contarini A and
B, and another in somewhat condensed form are in the Mar-

1 Navigatione de Lisbona a Callichut, de lengua Portogallese in taliana as given in Paesi,
or Copiadel viazo de lisbona a Cholocut de lengua portogalcsse in lengua taliana , as shown on
the first page of the Contarini A MS.

2 There is nothing in the text to indicate that this narrative was written by a pilot,
a statement which was first made by Ramusio. That author was often inaccurate. In
this case he seems to have still had in mind the account of the Navigation from Lisbon to
Sdo Thome written by a Portuguese pilot, which he had previously inserted in his
collection of voyages.

56 THE ANONYMOUS NARRATIVE

ciana Library. Of all these the Sneyd MS. seems to be the
oldest. The Contarini B MS. seems to be contemporary and
the Contarini A seems to be later. The fourth manuscript
is included in a volume entitled Viaggiatori Antichi and was
written after 1523. The first printed text which is known
is that given in the first edition of Paesi nouamente retrovati . It is
to be found in all editions of this collection, and was included
by Simon Grynaeus in the editions of his Novus Orbis and in the
German translation. It was published by Ramusio in the first
volume of his Navigationi et Viaggi, and is contained in all sub-
sequent editions and in the French translation of Temporal. It
is also included in several minor collections of voyages during
the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.

The translation given is from the text of the first edition of
the Paesi (11, in, ch. lxiii to ch. lxxxiii, inch) published at
Vicenza in 1507. Comparison has been made with others
which followed.

WHEREIN KING MANUEL IN PERSON CONSIGNED THE
ROYAL STANDARD TO THE CAPTAIN

In the year 1500 the Most Serene King of Portugal, called
Don Manuel by name, sent his armada of ships, large and
small, to the parts of India, in which armada there were twelve
large and small ships. The captain-general 1 of this armada was
Pedro Aliares Cabrile, a fidalgo. These ships departed, both
well equipped and in good order, with everything which they
might need for a year and a half. Of these twelve ships, 2 he
ordered that ten should proceed to Calichut [Calicut] and the
other two 3 to Arabia, 4 directing their course so that they might
make a place called ZafFalle [Sofala] because they wished to
establish trade with merchants in the said place, which place,
ZafFalle, is found to be on the way to Calichut. In like manner

1 capo generate . When Cabral is referred to later in the narrative it is either as capi~
taneo or capitaneo magiore. This seems to indicate that the beginning of this narrative
was written by another person. It seems also to have been somewhat condensed from
the original. Nothing is said concerning the voyage from the Cape Verde Islands to
Brazil.

2 The store-ship of Caspar de Lemos is evidently not counted.

3 Those of Bartolomeu and Diogo Dias.

4 That is, the country under the control of the Arabs, in this case East Africa.

THE ANONYMOUS NARRATIVE 57

the other ten ships carried merchandise which they might need
for the said voyage. And on the 8th of the month of March
of the said year they were ready, and on that day, which was •
Sunday, they went a distance of two miles from this city to a
place called Rastello, where there is a church called Sancta
Maria de Bailer [Belem]. 1 To this place the Most Serene King
went in person to consign to the captain the royal standard for
the said armada.

Monday, which was the 9th day of March, the said armada
departed on its voyage with good weather.

On the 14th day of the said month the said armada passed
the Island of Chanaria [Grand Canary].

On the 22nd day it passed the Island of Capo Verde. 2

On the 23 rd day one ship became separated from the said
armada, so that no news of it has been heard from that day to
this, nor can anything be learned of it.

HOW THE SHIPS RAN BECAUSE OF A STORM

On the 24th of April, 3 which was Wednesday of the octave
of Easter, the aforesaid armada came in sight of land, with
which they had great pleasure; and they went to it to see what
land it was. 4 They found it a land very abundant in trees, and
there were people who were going there along the shore of the
sea. And they cast anchor at the mouth of a small river. And
after the said anchors were cast, the captain ordered a boat to
be launched in the sea, in which he sent to see what people they

1 Neither the justly celebrated Monastery of the Jeronimos at Belem nor the
Tower of Belem existed at this time, although work had begun on the former. The
Monastery occupies the site of the Restello, a chapel built by Prince Henry the Navi-
gator, which no longer exists. It was here that Vasco da Gama spent the night before
he departed on his voyage to India. Dom Manuel had vowed that if the voyage was a
success he would erect there a church worthy of the results. This was begun a few
weeks after the return of da Gama. The ceremonies prior to the departure of Cabral’s
fleet further identified this place with the hopes and ambitions of Dom Manuel for the
control of the Eastern seas. The Tower of Belem, which was formerly on a rocky
island in the Tagus a short distance below the Monastery, was built in 1520, The silt
of the river has since extended the shore line to the Tower, and the former site of the
Restello is also considerably farther from the river bank than at the time of the depar-
ture of Cabral.

2 Probably Sao Nicolau.

3 This was the 22nd of April; see letter of Caminha.

4 ‘On the 24th of April they saw land, at which they were very much pleased,
because in the direction in which it lay there were none which had hitherto been dis-
covered’ (dc Goes).

I

58 THE ANONYMOUS NARRATIVE

were. And they found that they were people of dark colour,
between white and black, and well built, with long hair. And
they go nude as they were born, without any shame whatever,
and each one of them carried his bow with arrows, as men who
were in defence of the said river. On the aforesaid armada
there was no one who understood their language. And having
seen this, those in the boat returned to the captain; and then
•night came on. During that night there was a great storm. 1

On the morning of the following day we raised anchor, and
in a great storm we skirted the coast towards the north (the
wind was the sirocco 2 ) to see whether we might find some
port where the aforesaid armada might stay. Finally we found
a port where we cast anchor. There we found some natives
who were fishing in their little barks. One of our boats went
to where these men were and took two of them and these they
brought to the captain to learn what people they were, and, as
has been said, they did not understand one another either in
speech or by signs. And that night the captain kept them with
him. On the following day he ordered them to be dressed in
shirts and coats and red caps [berettas ] . They were very content
with this attire and marvelled at the things which were shown
them. He afterwards ordered them to be put on shore.

A ROOT FROM WHICH THEY MAKE BREAD, AND THEIR
OTHER CUSTOMS

Likewise on that same day, which was the octave of Easter,
the 26th day of April, 3 the chief captain determined to hear mass,
and he directed a tent to be set up in a place where he ordered
an altar to be erected. And all those of the said armada went to
hear mass and a sermon; whereupon many ofthose men joined
them, dancing and singing, with their horns. And immediately
after mass had been said they all left for their ships. The men
of the land entered the sea as far as their armpits, singing and
making merry and festivity. And then, after the captain had
dined, the people of the said armada returned to land, taking
solace and pleasure with those men of the land, and they began
to trade with the men of the armada, and gave their bows and

1 The narrative from here seems to follow the original Portuguese account and ‘we*
replaces *they\ 2 i.e, south-east. 3 The date is here given correctly.

THE ANONYMOUS NARRATIVE 59

arrows for little bells and leaves of paper and pieces of cloth.
Thus all that day our men took pleasure with them. And we
found in that place a river of sweet water, and we returned late
to the ships.

On the following day the chief captain decided to take in
water and wood, and all those of the said armada went on shore.
And the men of that place came to help them with the afore-
said wood and water, and some of our men went to the place
where these men dwell, which was three miles away from the
coast of the sea; and they bartered for parrots and a root called
igname, which is their bread, which the Arabs eat . 1 Those of
the armada gave them bells and pieces of paper in payment for
the said things. In this place we remained five or six days. In
appearance these people are dark, and they go nude without
shame, and their hair is long, and diey pluck their beards. And
their eyelids and over their eyebrows are painted with figures of
white and black and blue and red. They have the lip of the
mouth, that is, the lower lip, pierced. In the opening they put
a bone as large as a nail, and others wear there a long blue stone
or a green one, and they hang from their lips. "Women likewise
go nude without shame and they are beautiful of body, with
long hair. And their houses are of wood, covered with leaves
and branches of trees, with many wooden columns. In the
middle of the said houses and from the said columns to the wall
they hang a net of cotton, which holds a man. And between
the nets they make a fire. Thus in a single house there may be
forty or fifty beds set up like looms.

PARROTS IN THE NEWLY DISCOVERED LAND

In this land we saw no iron 2 nor any other metal. They cut
wood with stone. And they have many birds of many sorts,
especially parrots, of many colours; among them are some as
large as hens; and there are other very beautiful birds. Of the
feathers of the said birds they make the hats and caps [cappelli e

1 The Portuguese did not recognize that the cassava or manioc root was not the
igname or yam. The latter was known to them and also to the Arabs on the ships, . It is
practically certain that the Tupinamba did not know the yam (Mdtraux, A., La Civili-
sation materielle des tribus Tupi-Guarani , Paris, 1928, p. 66).

2 Iron was not known to the Tupinamba Indians nor on either coast of South
America prior to the coming of the whites.

60 THE ANONYMOUS NARRATIVE

berette] which they wear. The land abounds with many kinds
of trees and much and excellent water and ignatnes and cotton. 1
In this place we did not see any animals. The land is large, and
we do not know whether it is an island or mainland, but on
account of its size we believe that it is terra Jirma. Its climate is
very good. And these men have nets and are great fishermen
and fish for various kinds of fish. Among these we saw a fish
which they caught. It must have been as large as a barrel and
longer and round, and it had a head like that of a pig and
small eyes, and it had no teeth and had ears the length of an
arm and the width of half an arm. Below its body it had two
holes and the tail was an arm’s length long and equally wide.
It had no feet anywhere. It had hair like a pig and the hide was
as thick as a finger, and its meat was white and fat like that of a
pig. 2 During these days which we stayed there, the captain
determined to inform our Most Serene King of the finding of
this land, and to leave in it two men, exiles [banditi], condemned
to death, who were in the said armada for this purpose. And
the said captain promptly dispatched a small supply ship which
they had with them, in addition to the twelve ships aforesaid.
This small ship carried the letters to the king. In these were
contained what we had seen and discovered. After the said
small ship was dispatched, the captain went on shore and
ordered a very large cross to be made of wood, and he ordered
it to be set up on the shore, and also, as has been said, left two
convicts in the said place. They began to weep and the men of
the land comforted them and showed that they pitied them.

A STORM SO GREAT THAT FOUR SHIPS PERISHED

The following day, which was the 2nd of May of the said
year, the armada made sail on its way to go round the Cape of
Good Hope. This voyage would be across the gulf of the sea,

1 Cotton was carefully cultivated. According to Claude d* Abbeville the shrub
which bore cotton was cut close to the ground every five or six years to increase pro-
duction.

2 This was undoubtedly a manatee ( Trichechus intmguis ), a herbivorous mammal,
which inhabits the shallow waters of rivers and estuaries. It is from eight to ten feet
long with a wide shovel-shaped tail. The fore limbs are flippers or paddles and there
are no hind limbs. The body is round and smooth. The eyes and ears are small. These
Sirenia are now found particularly in the regions of the Amazon and Orinoco. A
similar species is found in the West Indies and the neighbouring mainland.

THE ANONYMOUS NARRATIVE 61

more than 1,200 leagues, that is, four miles to a league. On the
12th day of the said month, while on our course, there appeared
a comet with a very long tail in the direction of Arabia. It was
in view continuously for eight or ten nights.

On Sunday, which was the 24th day of the said month of
May, 1 as all the armada was sailing together with a favourable
wind, with the sails half set and without bonnets because of
a rain which we had the day before, while we were thus sailing,
there came on us a head wind so strong and so sudden that
we knew nothing of it until the sails were across the masts.
And at that moment four ships were lost with all on board,
without our being able to give them aid in any way. 2 The other
seven ships which escaped were also almost lost. And thus we
took the wind astern with the masts and sails broken. And we
were at the mercy of God; and thus we went all that day. The
sea was so swollen that it seemed that we were mounting up to
the heavens. The wind changed suddenly, although the storm
was still so great that we had no desire to set sails to the wind.
And going thus with this storm, without sails, we lost sight of
one another, so that the ship of the captain with two others
took a different route. 3 And another ship called II Re with two
others took another route, 4 and the other one, alone, took still
another. 5 And thus we went twenty days through this storm
without setting a sail to the wind.

CONCERNING ZAPFALLE, A GOLD-MINE

On the 1 6th day of June 6 we came in sight of the land of
Arabia and cast anchor close to the shore. There we had much
sickness and no one went on shore. This land is thickly popu-
lated, and in it we saw many people; and then we raised anchor
and went along the shore with good weather, and we saw great
rivers and many animals, so that every place was inhabited.

Somewhat before 7 Zaffalle, which is a gold-mine, we found

1 Castanheda and de Barros also give this date, while de Goes says the 25th.

2 Those of Bartolomeu Dias, Luis Fires, Aires Gomes da Silva, and Simao de Pina.

3 0.1 . i» ( (i, - r i. an( j those of Simao de Miranda and Pedro de Ataide.

♦ ■ ■ x * . ** '/ho de Tovar with those of Nicoldu Coelho and Nuno Leitao da

Cunha. x 5 That of Diogo Dias.

6 This is a mistake for the 16th of July, which is the date given by de Barros.

7 ‘After Sofala’ is evidently meant.

62

THE ANONYMOUS NARRATIVE

people near two islands who were in two Moorish ships
which were coming from this gold-mine, and they were going
to Melinde. And when those of the said two ships caught sight
of our ships, they began to flee. They headed for the shore and
all cast themselves into the sea in order to reach land, and they
threw all which they had into the sea so that our people might
not take it away from them. Our captain ordered him 1 to
come before him, after the aforesaid two ships had already been
captured by our men, and he asked first whence they came. He
replied that he was a Moor, a cousin of the King of Melinde,
and that the ships were his, and that he was coming from Zaf-
falle with gold, and that he was bringing his wife with him.
She and also one of his sons, while trying to flee to land, were
drowned. When the captain of our armada learned that he was
the cousin of the King of Melinde, which king he considered a
very good friend of ours, he was very sorry and did him much
honour. He ordered that his ships with all their goods, which
he had taken, should be returned. The Moorish captain asked
our chief captain whether he had with him any enchanter who
might recover the gold which they had cast into the sea. Our
captain replied that we were Christians and that among us such
things were not the custom. Then our captain inquired con-
cerning Zaffalle, which was not yet discovered except by
reputation . 2 This Moor gave him the information that Zaffalle
was a mine of much gold and that a Moorish king possessed it,

1 i.e. the captain of the Moorish ship. De Barros and de Goes say he was named
Sheik Fateima. De Barros also states that he was an uncle of the King of Malindi.

2 Vasco da Gama seems to have been informed regarding the coast of East Africa

before he arrived there. In addition to the references to it by classical writers, it was
mentioned by Mas'udI (a.d. 943 ), byEdrisi (a.d. 1154) and by other Arabian geogra-
phers. Ibn Batuta (1320-40) visited Mogadishu, Mombasa, and Kilwa. Although
he speaks of Sofala, he did not go there. Father Alvares states that Pedro da
Covilhan informed him that he had been to the coast of Sofala. He mentions none of
the cities visited, however, and the statement which he makes is too indefinite to indi-
cate that, when he was there in 1489-90, he went farther south than Kilwa, the chief
city of that coast. (V ; .* 7 " das Terras de Preste Joam das Indias, ed. Lisbon,
1889). This question 1 ■ ■ , v v Jonde de Ficaiho (Viagens de Pedro da Covilhan ,

Lisbon, 1898), who was of the opinion that da Covilhan visited Sofala. The coast of
Sofala at that time, however, meant the coast ruled by the King of Kilwa (see Bittner
and Tomaschek, op. cit.). The King of Portugal undoubtedly obtained knowledge
regarding the East African coast through Venetians and from Arabs in Morocco who
had made the pilgrimage to Mecca. Da Gama must have secured sufficient informa-
tion regarding Sofala from the Arab pilots to r*: t D : ■ • ’ ■ , r twoofthe

vessels of Cabral’s fleet to that port. All na Tovar dis-

covered it when he stopped there on this voyage.

THE ANONYMOUS NARRATIVE <53

that this king lived, on an island which is called Chiloa [Kilwa], 1
and that it was on the route we were to take, and that Zaffalle
was behind us. The captain took leave of him and we went on
our way.

On the 20th day of the month of June 2 we reached a s mall
island which belongs to the same King of Zaffalle, Mozonbige
[Mozambique] . It has a small population and in it there are rich
merchants. From this island we took supplies and a pilot who
would conduct us to Chiloa. This island has a very good port
and is near the mainland. From here we departed for Chiloa,
along the coast, where we found many inhabited islands which
belong to this same king.

We reached Chiloa on the 26th day of the said month,
and in that place six sails joined; 3 the other one was never
found. 4 This island is small, near the mainland, and is a beautiful
country. The houses are high like those of Spain. In this land
there are rich merchants, and there is much gold and silver and
amber and musk and pearls. Those of the land wear clothes of
fine cotton and of silk and many fine things, and they are black
men. 5

HOW THE CAPTAIN, HAVING RECEIVED THE SAFE-
CONDUCT, TALKED WITH THE KING

As soon as we arrived there the captain sent to ask a safe-
conduct from the Icing, and the king ordered that it be given
to him immediately. As soon as the captain received the safe-

1 For the history of ICilwa and other ports on the coast of East Africa prior to the
arrival of the Portuguese, see G. M. Theal, The Portuguese in South Africa (London,
1896); M. Guillain, Documents sur Vhistoire , la geographic et k commerce de VAfrique
orientate (Paris, 1856),

2 This is again an error and should be the 20th of July, the date given by de Barros
and de Goes.

3 The coincidence of the arrival of these vessels after having been separated for two
months is remarkable. No account tells of the voyage of the ships of Nicolau Coelho,
Nuno Leitao da Cunha, and Sancho de Tovar from the time they became separated
from the rest of the fleet until they rejoined the flag-ship. This would indicate that the
narratives of the voyage were written by those on the other ships. Correa states that
they joined at Mozambique. This seems more probable because it was the place
designated in the instructions given for future voyages, for ships to reassemble should
they became separated.

4 This seems to indicate that the narrative was written as a diary before the fleet
reached Cape Verde on the return voyage, since the narrative states later that the ship
of Diogo Dias was found there.

5 The Arabs were classified by the Portuguese as either white or black, the white
being those from Arabia.

64 THE ANONYMOUS NARRATIVE

conduct, he sent Alfonso Furtado on shore with seven or eight
well-dressed men as an embassy. He instructed them to say
that they were ships of the King of Portugal, and that they
came there from him to make a treaty with him and that they
had much merchandise of kinds which he would like. And,
moreover, he ordered them to say that it would give him
pleasure to meet him. The said king replied to him that he was
very content and that the following day he would meet him
if he would be willing to go on shore. Alfonso Furtado replied
that the captain had orders from his king not to go on shore,
and that if he wished they might talk in their boats. And this
they agreed to do the following day. And the next day the
captain made ready with all his people, and the ships and
the boats with all their banners raised and his heralds and the
artillery in order. The long of the said land also ordered his
almache, 1 that is, boats, to be put in order, with much festivity
and noise, according to their custom. The captain proceeded
with his trumpeters and pipers. And they came within sight
of each other. And as they were approaching each other, the
bombards 2 were ready with their matches and were fired.
The noise was so great from this discharge that the said king
with all his people was stupefied and frightened . 3 And at once
they held a consultation, and having talked they hurriedly took
leave of each other. The captain returned to his ship, and on
the following day again sent Alfonso Furtado ashore to begin
to negotiate. He found the king very differently disposed
toward the captain than he had been at first, excusing himself
by saying that they had no need of our merchandise and that it
seemed to him, the said king, that we were corsairs. And so
Alfonso Furtado returned to the captain with this message.
And thus we remained for two or three days, for we could
accomplish nothing. And while we were there they did no-
thing but send men from the mainland to the island, for they

1 Small native craft, the almadia of the Portuguese.

3 Bombards were breech-loading cannon (see 'Whiteway). For bombardeiros see
Pieris, P. E., and Fitzler, M. A. H., Ceylon and Portugal (Leipzig, 1927), part i, pp.
295 - 301 .

3 Artillery was not used on Arabian or Hindu ships in the Indian Ocean at this time,
and there were very few guns on land. The artillery of the Portuguese gave them a
decided advantage in the early encounters with these ships, not only because greater
damage could be done, but because boarding by superior numbers could be prevented.

THE ANONYMOUS NARRATIVE 65

feared that we might take the aforesaid island by force . 1 And
when the captain saw this, he determined to leave, and ordered
the sails to be set for the voyage to Melinde. And along the
coast we found many islands inhabited by Moors. There is
another city there, which is called Mombaza [Mombasa], The
king is a Moor.

All this coast of Arabia is inhabited by Moors. Both on the
island and on the mainland there are said to be Christians who
wage many wars. We did not see any of them.

flOW THE GIFT AND THE LETTER FROM THE KING OF

PORTUGAL WERE PRESENTED TO THE KING OF MELINDE

We arrived at Melinde on the 2nd day of the month of -
August of the said year. In that place three ships of Gombaia
[Cambay] were lying at anchor, and each one of these ships
must have had a capacity of 200 botte . 2 Their hulls are well
built of good wood, tied together with cord (for they have no
nails), and they are covered with a mixture in which there is
much incense. They have no castles except in the stem. These
ships come to trade from parts of India. When we arrived
there, the king sent those to visit us with many sheep, hens and
geese, and lemons and oranges, the best that there are in the
world. In our ships there were some men sick with the scurvy
[amalati de la boccha ], whom the oranges made well. As soon as
we had cast anchor near the land, the captain ordered all the
bombards to be fired and the ships to be decked with banners,

1 De Goes says that Cabral learned of this from Molei Homan, brother of the King of
Malindi, who was then at Kilwa. The following account of Cabral’s visit is given in
a Persian manuscript: ‘In the year 906 came Qabitan [Cabral] with several ships to
Kilwa. He demanded wood and water and that the Sultan or his son should be sent to
confer with him. However, the Amir and the people would not venture to let the
Sultan go in person, so they disguised one Lugman, son of Al-Malik al-Adil, in
the fashion of royalty, and sent him instead. Then they carried the water down to the
shore in vessels, and signalled to those on board to come and fetch it. But at this
moment one of the Amir’s servants, named Hajj Ibrahim, went down to the beach,
and ordered all the water to be taken away, so that when the Christians arrived they
found none, and returned in anger to their ships. They then went to Malindi, where
they were again cordially received and supplied with whatever they demanded. But
before their final departure they chose seven men that were Christian perverts. Two of
these they settled at Malindi: four they sent to Guzerat, to the Sultan Mahmud, and the
seventh to Kilwa.’ (A. S. Strong, ‘The History of Kilwa*, Journal of Royal Asiatic
Society , Apr. 1895.)

2 A botte was about one-third of a Portuguese ton. For more exact information see
Ravenstein, Vasco da Gama , p. 163.

K

66 THE ANONYMOUS NARRATIVE

and lie sent on shore two factors of the king, one of whom could
speak Moorish, thatis, Arabic, to learn how die king was and to
inform why we came, and that on another day he [the captain]
would send his embassy with the letter which the King of
Portugal sent him. The king had great pleasure in our coming;
and at the request of the king the factor who knew how to
speak Arabic remained on shore. The next day the king sent
two Moors of high rank who spoke Arabic to the ships to visit
the captain. He instructed them to say that he had great
pleasure at his coming, and he begged him to request any-
thing which he might need from this land just as he would do in
Portugal, for he and all of his kingdom were at the command of
the King of Portugal. The captain at once ordered that the
letter with the present which the King of Portugal sent him
should be sent on shore. The present was this: a rich saddle, a
pair of enamelled bridles for a horse, a pair of stirrups and their
spurs, all ofsilver, enamelled and gilded, abreaststrap and cords of
the proper kind for the said saddle, and furnishings of very rich
crimson, and a halter worked in gold thread for the aforesaid
horse, and two cushions of brocade and two other cushions of
crimson velvet, and a fine carpet, and a piece of tapestry, and
two pieces of scarlet cloth (this present was worth more than a
thousand ducats in Portugal), and also a length of crimson satin
and a piece of crimson taffeta. They agreed in council that
Areschorea [Ayres Correia], who went as chief factor, should
take tins present. This Areschorea went on shore with the
letter 1 and the said present, and there went with him many
principal men and trumpets . 2 And similarly the said king sent
all his important men to receive die said factor. And the house
of the said king was on the shore of the port. Before they
arrived at the house of the king many women came to meet

1 No copy of this letter is known to exist. Its contents may be judged fain that
sent to the King of Calicut.

2 Vasco da Gama had left a pillar or padrao at Malindi. When Cabral arrived there
Joao de Si was sent on shore with a message. There went with him a man who had
accompanied da Gama. On inquiring for the padrao ‘the king replied that he had
guarded it very well in a house. And taking Joao de Si by the hand he led him to the
house where it was, with the arms freshly painted with ochre as if it had just been
made/ He explained that it was so protected until the coming of the Portuguese
because of the enmity of the Kong of Mombasa, ‘who was at war with him with fire
and blood, in which he had lost many people and much property, because the King of
Mombasa was the most powerful of any* (de Barros)*

THE ANONYMOUS NARRATIVE 67

them with vases filled with fire, in which were placed so many
perfumes that the odours pervaded the land; and thus they
entered the house of the said long, who was seated on a throne,
and many of the principal Moors with him. The king was
greatly pleased, and they gave him the present and the letter,
which in one part was written in Arabic, and in another in
Portuguese. As soon as the king had read the said letter he
talked with the said Moors, and they had great pleasure among
themselves. All gathered in the middle of the room uttered a
cry, rendering thanks to God that they had for a friend so great
a king and lord as the King of Portugal. Immediately he
ordered arms and lengths of silk cloth to be brought, and he
ordered them to be given to those who had brought the present.
And he told Areschorea that he wished him to remain on land
until the ships left, because he had much pleasure in talking with
him. Areschorea replied that he could not do so without permis-
sion from the chief captain. The king sent his brother-in-law
bearing his ring to the captain, requesting that he should allow
Areschorea to remain on shore, and [telling him] that he might
send on shore for all the things which he needed, and that he
might take in water. The captain was satisfied with this. At
once the king ordered that Areschorea be given a very honour-
able lodging, and that he be supplied with everything which he
needed, that is, sheep and chickens and rice and milk and butter
and dates and honey and fruit of every kind, save bread, which
they do not eat. 1 And thus the said Areschorea remained three
days on land, the king talking continually with him of the
affairs of the king, our lord, and of the affairs of Portugal, tell-
ing him that he would be very glad to see the captain again.
Areschorea told him that the captain had no authority to dis-
embark on land, but that they could see him in a boat, as the
King of Chilloa had done. The said king refused this, but
Areschorea persuaded him to do so, and immediately he sent
word to the captain, who made ready with his boats, leaving
the ship in good care. The boat in which he went had its
canopy spread, and its people were armed under their garments,
which were of very fine scarlet. And the king ordered two

1 According to Correa the Kang of Malindi had secured wheat from Cambay in
anticipation of Cabral’s arrival.

68 THE ANONYMOUS NARRATIVE

boats of the land similarly prepared with their canopies, and he
also ordered a horse harnessed in the manner of Portugal; and
his men on land did not know how to do this, so our men had
to arrange it. The king descended some steps, and at the foot
of the steps all the richest and most honourable people were
awaiting him. These had a sheep, and when the king mounted
the horse they slaughtered the said sheep, and the king rode
over it on horseback. And all the people shouted very loudly
with very high voices. This they did for ceremony and en-
chantment, and the custom is thus in Zambochob [Zanzibar]. 1
Then he had a talk with the captain, who finally told him that
he wished to leave but that he needed a pilot who would con-
duct him to Calichut. The king told him that he would order
one to be given to him, and thus they separated one from the
other. When the said king went on shore he at once sent
Areschorea to the ships with much meat and fruits for the
captain, and he also sent him a Guzerati pilot from the ships
of Chombaia which were in the port. The captain also left two
Portuguese convicts, one of them to remain in Melinde, and
the other to go with the ships to Chombaia. 2 The following
day, which was the 7th day of August, they departed and
began to cross the gulf to Calichut.

CONCERNING THE RED AND PERSIAN SEAS
AND THE ISLAND OP AGRADIDA 3

In tins crossing, which took us along all the coast of Melinde,
we left a very rich and beautiful Moorish city which is called
Magadasio [Mogadishu]. And beyond this there is a large
island with another very beautiful walled city. The island has

1 The name Zanzibar, literally c the region of the blacks’, was applied by the Arabs to
that part of the East African coast which they controlled.

2 ^ " * r - - 1 rb C ' : - - ■ p- ■ * Joao Machado and Luiz de Moura,

wer- " . ■ . . ■■ .* ” rea states that Joao Machado had

been left at Mozambique by da Gama and was a convict who had killed a man in the
Rocio at Lisbon. While at Mozambique he was held in great favour by the sheikh of
that city and gave him much information about Portugal, He later went to Malindi
and from there, dressed as a Moor, to Cambay. Later he went to Goa, where he was
of assistance to the Portuguese.

3 This information may have been obtained from the native pilots or Arabian
charts. The first portion of this chapter is also included in the Venetian manuscripts
Contarini A andB, of the Marcia: ;* Library.

THE ANONYMOUS NARRATIVE 6g

a bridge 1 in the land which is called Zognotorre. And
farther along the coast is the mouth of the strait of Mecca,
which must be a league and a half wide, that is, the said strait . 2
And there within is the Red Sea, and thus the House of Mecca
and Saint Catherine of Mount Sinai. And from there are
carried spices and precious stones to Caiero and to Alexandria
across a desert by means of dromedaries, which are a special
kind of camel. And concerning this sea there are many great
things to relate. And passing the mouth of the strait on the
other side, is the sea of Persia, in which are great provinces and
many kingdoms which belong to the Grand Sultan of Babi-
lonia . 3 In the middle of this Persian Sea there is a small island
which is called Gulfal [Julfar ] 4 where there are many pearls.
And in the mouth of this Persian Sea is a large island which is
called Agremus [Ormuz]. This belongs to the Moors, also the
king who is the lord of Gulfal. And in this Agremus there are
many horses which they take to all parts of India to sell and they
bring a great price. And in all these lands there is great traffic
of ships. And passing this Sea of Persia there is a province
which is called Combaia, whose king is great and powerful.
And this land is the most productive and rich in the world. In it
there is much wheat and other grain and rice and wax and
sugar, and here is produced all the incense of the world , 5 and
many cloths of silk and of cotton. And there are many horses
and elephants. The king was an idolater, and recently a Moor
was crowned because of the influential Moors who are in his
kingdom. And there are still many idolaters among them.
These people are great merchants, who on the one hand trade
with Arabia, and on the other with India, which begins where
they are. And thus they go along this coast as far as the
kingdom of Calichut. On this coast are great provinces and

1 This is an error; a port is evidently meant. The island referred to may have been
Socotra.

2 The strait of Bab-el-Mandeb is twenty miles wide.

3 Mesopotamia, then under the control of the Turks, ruled by Bayazid II. At this
period Egypt was also called Babylonia.

4 The author confuses the name of this island, whose waters were celebrated for
their pearl fisheries, with Julfar, a town on the mainland.

5 This is not strictly true. While much incense was produced here, large quantities
were imported, particularly frankincense from Somaliland and Arabia. What is
referred to is probably the combinations of incense materials to form powders, incense
sticks, and pastels, of which enormous quantities were used in India.

70 THE ANONYMOUS NARRATIVE

kingdoms of Moors and of idolaters. And all that which is in
this chapter was not seen by us.

We came in sight of India on the 22nd day of August. This
was a land in the kingdom of Goga. And as soon as we recog-
nized it we went along it until we arrived at a small island
which is called Angradida [Anjediva] which belongs to a Moor.
In the middle of it is a large lake of sweet water. It is unin-
habited and a desert. From there to the mainland is a distance
of two miles. This was once inhabited by Gentiles. And be-
cause it is on the route of the Moors of Mecca 1 to Calichut
they stop there because they require water and wood. And as
soon as we arrived there we cast anchor in the sea; and we went
on shore and spent nearly fifteen days taking on water and
wood, and watched to see whether the Meccan ships would
come; we wished to capture them, if we could do so. And
thus the people of the land came to speak with us, and told us
of many things. Our captain ordered us to show them great
honour. And on this island there is a small chapel [armada ] 2 in
which, during these days when we were there, many masses
were said by the clergy , whom he had to remain with the factor
in Calichut. And thus we all confessed and partook of com-
munion. And we took on the said water and wood. Since the
ships of the said Moors of Mecca did not come, we departed
for Calichut, which is seventy leagues distant from this island.

HOW THE CAPTAIN WENT TO THE KING OF CALICHUT

We reached Calichut the 13 th day of September of the said
year. And at one league from the city a fleet of boats came out
to receive us. In it came the Chunal 3 of the said city and a very

1 The Portuguese found three classes of Mohammedans when they reached India:

the seafaring Arabs and Egyptians or ‘Moors of Mecca’ who engaged in the trade rela-
tions of the Indian Ocean, and particularly with the west coast of India; the moplas or
ittflppifas, the native people of Malabar whose ancestors had originally belonged chiefly
to the lower castes but who had been converted to the Moslem faith; and those of that
faidi who had come overland from the north in the last quarter of the thirteenth
century. It must not be forgotten that in the year 1500 the great Sultanate of Delhi was
ruled by Sikandar Lodi and that nearly all of India north of the Kistna was under
Mohammedan rule. The Pepper Coast of Malabar formed br* r~ - r f

the Indian peninsula and was subject to the Hindu kingdom c \ \ :

great Mohammedan states of India the Portuguese had, at first, little contact. Their
relations were with the Arab merchants and the mappilas.

2 A temple is evidently meant.

3 The Catnal, or governor, of the port.

THE ANONYMOUS NARRATIVE 7 i

wealthy merchant of Guzerate and the chief residents of this
city of Calichut. They came on board the flagship, saying that
the king was greatly pleased at our coming. And thus we cast
our anchors into the sea before the city and loudly began, to
fire off our artillery, at which the Indians marvelled greatly,
saying that no one had power against us except God. And thus
we remained that night. The morning of the following day
the captain determined to send the Indians ashore whom we
carried from Portugal in our ships. These were five; that is, one
Moor who had become a Christian among us and four
Gentile fishermen , 1 all of whom spoke very good Portuguese.
The aforesaid captain sent these on shore very well dressed,
that they might speak with the king and that they might tell
him why we came, so that he might order a safe-conduct given
us so that we might go on land. This they did. The Moor
spoke with the king because the others, who are fishermen, did
not dare to approach the king, nor could they look upon him,
because the king considers this the custom for his rank and
magnanimity, as will be explained later on. The king ordered
that the said safe-conduct be given and that any of us who
wished might go on land. And seeing this, the captain at once
sent Alfonso Furtado with an interpreter who knew how to
speak Arabic. He was to tell the king that these ships belonged
to the King of Portugal, who had sent them to this city to make
a treaty of commerce and of good peace with them; and for
this it was necessary for the captain to go on shore; that he
carried instructions from our King of Portugal that no one
should go on shore without having others as a hostage for
his person; and that His Highness, the said King of Calichut,
should send to the said ships those men of the city whom the
said Alfonso Furtado had in mind . 2 The said king, having
heard the said embassy, refused firmly, saying that those men
whom they asked of him were very old and venerable men
who could not go on the sea and that he would give him others.
Alfonso Furtado told him that he could not take any except

1 This was the Moor, Baltasar. These five had been taken to Portugal by Vasco da
Gama.

2 According to deBarros they had been selected by Mon^aide, the ‘Moor of Tunis’,
whom Vasco da Gama had brought back to Portugal (see Ravenstein, Vasco da Gama ,
p. 180),

72 THE ANONYMOUS NARRATIVE

those, because they were given in the instructions of the cap-
tain from his King of Portugal. The king marvelled greatly
at this; and they continued in this difference for two or three
days. Finally the Icing agreed to send them, and it was told to
the captain at once. And the captain made ready to go on
shore and to remain two or three days, and he took with him
twenty or thir ty of the most honourable men and those in
good standing, with his officials, as was fitting for the service
of a prince. And he carried all the silver which was in all of
the ships. He left as chief captain in his place Sancto de Trovar,
to whom he gave instructions to do honour to those men of
the land who had been given as hostages for the captain. The
following day the Icing came to a house which he had near the
sea shore to receive the captain, and from there he sent the
aforesaid men of the land to the ships. They were five men,
very honourable, and they carried with them a hundred men
with swords and bucklers. With those men were fifteen or
twenty drummers. And the captain departed from the ship
with his boats; he had already sent on shore all the things which
he needed. And as soon as the captain had embarked, the
aforesaid five men set forth from the city. These did not wish
to enter the ships until the captain came on shore. And over
this they were in disagreement for a long time. Thereupon
Areschorea entered one of their sambucos, that is, a boat, and
persuaded them to enter the ship, the captain already being on
his way to the land. And as the captain landed, many noble-
men came to receive him. 1 They carried him in their arms
and all those who came with him, so that they did not set foot
on the ground until in this manner they arrived at the place
where the king was.

THE APPAREL OF THE KING OF CALICHUT IN HIS
RESIDENCE

The king was in a high house, placed within a canopy with
twenty cushions of silk tapestry. And the covering of the
canopy was of cloth of silk which looked like purple. And he

1 Those who went ashore were richly dressed with silks and jewels. Cabral himself
wore an opa, or long flowing robe of brocade which was the fashion at that day. The
Zaxnorin wore only apurava, and his body was covered with jewels (de Barros).

THE ANONYMOUS NARRATIVE 73

was nude above and below the waist. And he had around him
a cloth of very fine white cotton, which was wound many
times around him and worked in gold. He had on his head a
cap of brocade made like a long and very high helmet, and he
had his ears pierced. In them he had large pieces of gold with
rubies of great price and likewise diamonds, and two pearls,
very large, one round and the other pear-shaped, larger than
a large filbert. And he had on his arms bracelets of gold from
the elbow down, full of rich stones, with jewels and pearls of
great value. And on his legs he had great riches, and on one toe
of his feet he had a ring in which was a carbuncle ruby of great
brilliance and value. Likewise on the fingers of his hands he had
many rings full of jewels with rubies, emeralds, and diamonds.
Among them was one the size of a large bean. And he had two
belts of gold full of rubies belted over the cloth. And the
riches which he had on him were priceless. And he had near
him a large silver chair, the arms and back of which were of
gold and full of stones, that is, of jewels. He had in his house a
litter with which he had come from the larger house . 1 In this
fitter he enjoyed remaining continually, and it was carried by
two men. It was rich beyond description. And he had also
as many as fifteen or twenty trumpets of silver and three of gold.
One of these was of such size and weight that two men had
enough to do to carry it. The mouths of these three trumpets
were full of rubies. And nearer to him he had four silver vases
and many of gilded bronze, large candlesticks of brass, and
others full of oil and small wicks. These were burning in the
house, which was not necessary; he had them there for gran-
deur. And his father was there, standing five or six steps away,
and also two of his brothers, all like himself with great riches
upon them. And there were also many other honourable
gentlemen who stood at a greater distance and also had great
wealth upon them, in the same maimer as the king. And when
the captain entered he wished to go to the king to kiss his hand,
but they made a sign to him that he desist, for it was not the
custom among them that any one should approach the king;
and thus he remained where he was. The king made him sit

1 The French translation of 1508 reads, ‘In his house he had a bed which was made
like those which are below the large beds of this country/

74 THE ANONYMOUS NARRATIVE

down, to do him honour. And he began to give his embassy.
He read the letter of the King of Portugal which was written in
the Arabic language , 1 and immediately he sent to his house for
the present of the things which we shall mention below.

THE PRESENT WHICH WAS GIVEN TO THE KING,

WITH THE DISORDER WHICH FOLLOWED

To begin with, a basin of silver for washing the hands,
made with figures in relief, all gilded and very large; a dish of
gilded silver with its lid similarly worked, with figures in
relief; two silver maces with silver chains for the mace bearers,
and four large cushions, that is, two of brocade, and two of
crimson, and a large carpet and two fine tapestries, very rich,
one with figures and the other with foliage, and also a bronze
vessel for washing the hands of the same work as the basin.
And when the king had received this present and the letter and
the embassy, he showed great pleasure. And he told the cap-
tain that he should send for the men whom he had put in his
hands as hostages, for they were gentlemen and could not eat,
drink, or sleep on the sea, and that if for any reason he wished to
return to the ships, that the next day he would return them to
him, and that he could come on shore to do all that he might
find necessary. The captain withdrew to his ship and left
Alfonso Furtado with seven or eight men with him to wait
at his house. When the captain left the shore a zamhuco with
men of Calichut went ahead of him to the ship to inform those
who were hostages that the captain was returning thither. And
straightway they threw themselves into the sea. Areschorea,
the chief factor, quickly entered a boat and took two of the
honourable men and two or three servants; and the others
escaped by swimming to shore. And at this moment the
captain reached the ship and ordered the two worthies put
below deck. And then lie sent word to the king that upon his
arrival he had found this annoyance, which one of his clerks
had brought about; that he had thereupon ordered the two
worthies to be retained because many of his own men were on
shore as well as much property, and that His Serenity should
send these to him; and that he would send his men in return,

1 A translation of this letter is given on pp. 187-90,

75

THE ANONYMOUS NARRATIVE

whom he was treating very well. With this embassy there went
to the long two of those men who had been taken with the
ambassadors. And all that night the captain awaited the reply.
And the next day the king came to the seashore with more than
ten or twelve thousand men, and our people who were on land
were seized for the purpose of sending them in his almache to
make an exchange for those whom the captain had held; and
while matters were thus, twenty or diirty almache came, and
our boats set out with the aforesaid men who were hostages.
And the almache did not have the courage to come alongside
our boats, nor ours to their almache. And thus that entire day
was spent without doing anything. And when they returned
to land with our men they began to show them great discour-
tesy, frightening them by saying that they wished to kill them.
That night our men were in great tribulation. The following
day the king again sent word to the captain that he was sending
him his men and his goods with the almache without carrying
any arms and that he should thus send his boats. He immedi-
ately ordered it, and with them Sancto de Tovar, his captain,
who reached the place where the almache were, and they began
to receive all the silver and all the other things which they had
on land; so that nothing remained but one almofresse, that is,
a sack containing a bed and its furnishings. And while nearly
all the men were thus, one of those gentlemen, who was in our
boats which Sancto de Tovar had, took it in his arm and threw
it into the sea; and when our men who were in the almache saw
this they became so indignant and angry that they threw all the
men of the almache into the sea, and there only remained in
the almache and in our boats one old man, who was one of
the principal men and a hostage of ours, and two boys of our
number remained in the almache, for they could not escape. And
the next day the captain, taking pity on the old man who was a
hostage and who had had no food for three days, sent him
ashore andgave him all the arms whichhadremainedintheships
belonging to those who had thrown themselves into the sea,
and he sent to ask the king to return these two youths. The
king sent them. After two or three days passed in this manner
and no one went to land or from land to us, the captain and the
others conferred. The chief factor said that if the King of

7 6 THE ANONYMOUS NARRATIVE

Calichut would send two men for security he himself would go
ashore. The captain and the others were satisfied with what the
factor had said, but it was not known whether there was any one
who dared to go on shore; and immediately a cavalier named
Francescho Chorea said that he would go on land to talk with
the king, and this he did. He told him how Areschorea was
preparing to come on shore to make a treaty with his serenity
and that he should send them two merchants as hostages, one
of them a very rich merchant from Guzerat. The aforesaid
Moor, called a Guzerate, replied to the king that he would send
him two of his nephews, whereat the king was very content.
The following day Francescho Chorea sent the reply to the
captain, and Areschorea quickly made himself ready; and the
king sent the hostages to the ship, and Areschorea went ashore;
and in his company eight or ten men. And late that day
Areschorea returned to the ship to sleep. And the following
day he returned to shore to carry out all that had been agreed
on. The hostages, however, remained on the ship. The king
ordered him to be given the best house, which belonged to a
Guzerate merchant, and gave this merchant the task of teaching
the factor the customs and manners of the country. And thus
Areschorea began to negotiate and carry on trade. The
language which our men spoke was Arabic, so that no one
could converse with the king except through Moors as inter-
mediaries. These are bad people and were much opposed to us,
so that they were at all times deceitful and prevented us from
sending anyone to the ships. And when the captain saw that
every day we were sending men to shore and that no one was
returning with reply, he determined to leave and ordered sails
set. We were thus captive on shore in a house well guarded by
many people. We saw that the ships were leaving. The Guze-
rate, for consideration of his nephews, who were on the ship,
told Areschorea that he should send a youth in an almache to the
ships. This youth was conducted to the captain, and the cap-
tain, heeding the protest of Areschorea, returned to port, and
thus Areschorea began to deal with the aforesaid king; and he
drew up the treaty, obtaining little by little what he wished.
And since this Guzerate urged this on account of his men who
were given as hostages on the ships, the king charged a Turk,

THE ANONYMOUS NARRATIVE 77

an important merchant, to attend to our affairs, and quickly
he had us leave that house for another, nearer the house of the
said Moor, and soon we began to see some of our merchandise,
of which we bought part . 1

And we remained thus for two months and a half until the
aforesaid treaty was finally completed and agreed to. This was
accomplished with much effort on the part of Areschorea and
those who were with him. When the treaty was completed,
which was done by much bargaining, the aforesaid king gave
him a house near the sea which had a garden. In the said house
Areschorea set up a banner with the arms of the king . 2 And as
for the treaty, the said king gave him two letters signed in his
hand, one of which was of copper with his signature engraved
in brass . 3 This was to remain in the house of the factor, and the
other one of silver with its signature engraved in gold, which
we were to carry with us to our King of Portugal. When these
letters were finished, Areschorea went immediately to the ship
and delivered this letter of silver to the captain, and took ashore
the men who were on board as hostages. And from that day on
they began to show confidence in us so that it seemed as though
we were in our own land. And one day, while things were thus,
a ship came there which was going from one kingdom to an-
other. That ship was carrying five elephants; among them was
a very large one of great price because it was trained for war . 4
The ship which carried it was very large and had many well-
armed people. And when the king learned of the coming of the

1 ‘And because these houses belonged to a Guzerati Moor who immediately began
to show little truth to us, Aires Correa asked others of the king, who then ordered us
given better ones and nearer the shore. These belonged to a Moor, named Cojebequij,
who was one of the richest men of that city, and was furthermore like our people, and
a very good friend and servant of the Portuguese. He later destroyed the King of
Calechut and took his property, which was worth more than 800,000 cruzados. When
a boy I later saw this Cojebequij. He came to tills kingdom, where he came to ask
satisfaction for his losses from the King, Dom Manuel, and he asked favours of him,
which he gave him, and he gave him honourable offices in India, with which he
returned to his land.’ (De Goes.)

2 This flag of Portugal was the first raised in India on land belonging to the Portu-

guese.

3 The Zamorin’s signature consists of the Malayalam letter Zal: a facsimile of this is
given in Juromenha’s edition of Camoen’s works. On the use of silver and gold
plates for writing documents, see A. C. Burnell, Elements of South Indian Palaeography ,

2nd ed., 1870, pp. 90, 93. , _ , ..

4 Regarding the elephants of South India see Sir James Tennant, Ceylon , vol. n»
pp. 271-404.

78 THE ANONYMOUS NARRATIVE

aforesaid ship, he sent to tell the captain that he begged him to
capture that ship which was carrying the elephant; he said he
had offered much money for it, but they did not want to give
it up . 1 The captain sent word that he would do so, but that he
would have to kill if they did not wish to surrender. The king
was content with this and sent a Moor with them to see how he
took the ship and to tell them what was intended. At once the
captain sent a caravel with a large bombard and well armed,
with sixty or seventy men . 2 They pursued the ship for two
nights without being able to capture it. The next day they
caught up with it and asked them if they wished to surrender.
The Moors began to laugh because they were numerous, and
their ship was very large, and they began to shoot arrows. And
when the captain of the caravel saw tin's, he ordered the artillery
fired so that they struck the said ship, and it surrendered at once.
Thus they took it to Calichut with all its people. The king
came forth to the shore to see it. And the captain of the caravel
went at once to deliver the ship’s captain and likewise the ship
to the king. The king marvelled greatly that so small a caravel
and with so few people could take so large a ship in which
were three hundred men at arms. The king received the ship
and the elephants with great pleasure and solace, and the
caravel returned to the ships.

CUSTOMS AND MANNERS OP CALICHUT

The city is large and has no wall around it, and in certain
places of the land there are many empty spaces and the houses
ate distant one from the other. They are of stone and lime and
carved within. On top they are covered with palms, and the
doors are large and well worked, and around the houses there
is a wall within which they have many trees and lakes of water
in which they bathe and wells of water from which they drink.

1 ‘And. he learned that a ship had left Cochij, a city twenty leagues distant, which
had come from Ceilao. This carried seven elephants, which were carried as merchan-
dise to the ICing of Cambaya, They belonged to two merchants of Cochij named
Mammale Mercar and Cherina Mercar* (de Barros). De Barros continues, saying that
the Zamorin informed Cabral that the ship belonged to the Moors, that it came from
Ceylon with two ship-loads of spices, and that ginger was to be loaded at Cananore.
Cabral was to have all of these spices if he captured the war elephant for the Zamorin.
When the ship was captured, however, no spices were found. All that Cabral received
for his trouble was one of the elephants which had been killed, and this was eaten by the
crew ‘ 2 This was the caravel of Pedro de Ataide.

THE ANONYMOUS NARRATIVE 79

And throughout the city there are other large lakes of water
to which the people go frequently to bathe, and this because
every day they bathe their entire bodies two, three, or four
times. The king is an idolater, although others have believed
that they are Christians . 1 These have not learned so much
about their customs as we who have had considerable trade
relations in Calichut. This king they call Gnaffer. Almost all
his nobles and the people who serve him are men dark as Moors.
And they are well-built men, and go nude above and below the
waist. They wear fine white clothes of cotton and of other
colours girded around them. They go barefoot, without caps,
save the great lords, who wear caps of velvet and brocade,
some of which are very high. Their ears are pierced, with
many jewels in the openings. They wear gold bracelets on
their arms. These nobles carry sword and buckler in their
hands, and the swords are bare and wider at the point than
elsewhere. Their bucklers are round like the rotette of Italy.
These are black and red. Thus they are the greatest jugglers
with sword and buckler in the world, and have no other occu-
pation. There are at the court numberless people who do these
things. They marry one wife or five or six women, and those
who are their best friends gratify them by sleeping with their
wives, so that among them there is neither chastity nor shame.
And when the girls are eight years old they begin to secure gain
by this means. These women go nude almost like the men and
wear great riches. They have their hair marvellously arranged
and are very beautiful, and they entreat the men to deprive
them of their virginity, for as long as they are virgins they can-
not procure a husband. These people eat twice a day. They
do not eat bread, nor do they drink wine or eat meat or fish,
but only rice, butter, milk, sugar, or fruits. Before they eat
they wash, and if, after they have washed, any one who has
not washed touches them they do not eat until they have again
washed, so that in this they make great ceremony. All day long
both men and women go about eating a leaf which is called betella,
which makes the mouth red and the teeth black, and those who
do not do this are men of low degree. When some one dies,
because they must wear black, they polish their teeth and do

1 Those of da Gama’s fleet.

80 THE ANONYMOUS NARRATIVE

not eat it for several months. The king has two wives, and each
one of them is attended by ten priests and each one of them
sleeps with her carnally to honour the king, and for this reason
the sons do not inherit the kingdom, but only the nephews,
sons of the sister of the king. And, moreover, there dwell in
the house a thousand or fifteen hundred women, to give greater
magnificence to the state. These have no other duty save to
clean and sprinkle the house before the said king wherever he
wishes to go, and they sprinkle with water mixed with cow’s
dung. The houses of the said king are very large, and in these
houses there are many fountains of water in which the king
bathes. And when the king goes forth he goes in a very rich
fitter [choridore]. 1 Two men carry this, and thus they go with
many players of instruments and many gentlemen with swords
and bucklers, and many archers and guards before him, and
porters and a canopy above him. Thus they do him more
honour than any other king in the world, because no one dares
to approach within three or four paces of him. And when they
give him anything they give it to him on a branch, for they
must not touchhim. And thus when they speak to him they speak
with the head lowered and the hand before the mouth, and
no gentleman appears before him without sword and shield.
And when they do reverence they place the hand above the
head as one who gives thanks to Our Lord, and no official or

1 Castanheda gives the following description of an andor when telling of the meeting
of Vasco da Gama with the Kotwal of Calicut.

‘And after he was received he was taken in an andor , which the King of Calicut sent
him, in which to come, because in that land it is not the custom to go on horseback.
And they go in these andores, which are like travelling beds [leytos dandas], except that
they are uncovered and almost flat. When these are to be used they are carried on the
shoulders of four men, as for state, and this is because they have no animals in the land,
because in other parts where there are animals they are not carried by men. And they
also post with them if the kings or lords go on a long journey and if they wish to go
in a very short time. They can go seated or reclining according to their wish, and they
are covered with umbrellas which are also carried by men who are called boys, and are
thus protected from the sun and rain. There are also other andores which have an
arched cane above, which two men can carry because they are very light.’ (Castan-
heda, bk. i, ch. xvi.)

The latter type are described by Correa. ‘These [andores] consist of great canes which
are bent overhead and arched, and from these are hung certain cloths a half-fathom
wide and a fathom and a half long. And at the ends are pieces of wood to bear the
cloth which hangs from the cane; and laid over the cloth there is a great mattress of the
same size, and this is all made of silk stuff wrought with gold thread, and with many
decorations and fringes and tassels; whilst the ends of the cane are mounted with
silver, all very gorgeous and rich, like die lords who so travel.’ ( Lendas da India , i,
p. 102.)

THE ANONYMOUS NARRATIVE gi

man of low quality may see the king or speak with him, and
especially fishermen, if a gentleman goes along a street and
two fishermen should come towards him along the said way,
the said fishermen either flee or receive many blows. When the
king dies, these gentlemen and his wives bum the king with
sandalwood to honour him (the people of low rank bury), and
they sprinkle their heads and shoulders with ashes. They wear
their beards full. They are great story tellers and writers. They
write on a palm leaf with an iron pen without ink . 1 And re-
garding the other class of men: there are great merchants who
are called Guzerates who are from a province which is called
Combaia . 2 These and the natives are idolaters and adore the
sun and the moon and cows, and should any one kill a cow, he
is killed for it. These Guzerate merchants eat nothing which
receives death, nor do they eat bread or drink wine, and if some
youth should eat meat in error they send him out to seek the
will of God on this earth, even though he be of the highest
descent and a son of a great lord or merchant. These believe
in enchantments and diviners. They are whiter men than the
natives of Calichut. They wear their hair very long and also
their beards. They go clothed in cloth of fine cotton; they
wear veils and their hair wrapped about as die women do,
and they wear sandals. They woo and marry one woman as we
do. They are very jealous and hold to their wives, who are very
beautiful and chaste. They are merchants of cloth and of
adornments and of jewels.

CONCERNING THE MERCHANTS AND THE VOYAGE OF
SPICES TO CAIRO AND ALEXANDRIA

There are other merchants who are called Zetieties 3 and they
are from another province. They are idolaters, and great
merchants of jewels and of pearls and of gold and silver. They

1 For the method of writing on the leaves of the talpot palm and the formation of
their book, see Tennant (op. cit., pp. 512-13).

2 The Guzerat merchants, having their head-quarters in Cambay, had many branches
and factories, and their shipping and trade relations extended throughout the Indian
Ocean from East Africa to Indo-China. The trade with Malacca was extensive, and
many Guzerat merchants resided there. It has been estimated that between three
thousand and four thousand voyaged to Malacca for trade each year, particularly after
the Chinese junks came less frequently to Indian ports.

3 These were the Chettys, a Tamil commercial caste in south India. Since they came
from the Coromandel coast they were considered foreigners.

M

82 THE ANONYMOUS NARRATIVE

are blacker men. They go nude and wear small head-dresses,
and under the head-dress they wear hair like the tail of an ox
or a horse. These people are the greatest enchanters that there
are in the world, for every day they talk with the devil invisibly.
The wives of these men are very corrupt in wantonness, like
the natives of the land. In this city there are Moors from
Mecca and from Turkey and Babylonia 1 and Persia and from
man y other provinces. They are great merchants and rich
men, and they have all the merchandise which comes to this
city of Calichut, that is, jewels of many sorts and very
rich things: musk, amber, benzoin, incense, aloe-wood,
rhubarb, porcelain, cloves, cinnamon, brazil-wood, sandal-
wood, lac, nutmegs, mace. All of these come from a distance,
save ginger, pepper, tamarind, myrobalan, and cassia-fistula
and also wild cinnamon, which all grow in the land of Calichut.
These Moors are so powerful and rich that they command all
the land of Calichut, and in the mountains of this kingdom
there is a very great and powerful king who is called Naremega
[Narasimha], and they are idolaters. The king has two or three
hundred wives. The day he dies they bum him and all of his
wives with him. And this custom prevails for nearly all the
others who are married when they die. A ditch is made in
which they burn him, and then his wife, dressed as richly as
possible, attended by all her relatives, with many instruments
and festivity, is led to the trench, and she goes dancing back-
wards. The trench has a fire burning in it and into this she lets
herself fall. Her relatives are provided and ready with pots
of oil and butter, and as soon as she has fallen into it they throw
the said pots over her so that she may bum more quickly.

In this kingdom there are many horses and elephants because
they wage war, and they have them so taught and trained that
the only tiling which they lack is speech, and they understand
everything like human beings. And this we ourselves have
seen in Calichut. The elephants which the king has, on which
he rides, are the strongest and most ferocious animals in the
world, for two of them draw a ship to land. The ships of this
land navigate only from October or November until the end of
March. Their summer is in these mondis, and the other months

1 i.e. Egypt.

THE ANONYMOUS' NARRATIVE 83

are winter, and in them they do not navigate their ships and
they keep them on land. In the month of November the ships
of Mecca leave Calichut with the spices and carry them to
Vida [Jidda] , 1 which is the port of Mecca. And from there they
carry them to Cairo overland and to Alexandria.

THE GREAT SLAUGHTER OF THE MOORS AND
CHRISTIANS IN CALICHUT

After we had been in the land about three months and the
treaty had been signed and two of our ships loaded with spices,
the captain one day sent on shore to tell the long that he had
been in his land for three months and had loaded only two
ships, and that the Moors were concealing the merchandise
from them and the ships of Mecca were secredy loading and
were thus departing, and that the said captain would be gready
obliged to him if he would have this attended to with dispatch,
because the time of Iris departure was already approaching.
The king replied to him that he would be given all the mer-
chandise he wished, and that no Moorish ship would be allowed
to load until our ships were loaded, and if any Moorish ship
should leave that the captain might take it to see whether the
ship had any merchandise, and that he would have it given to
them at the price which the said Moors had paid for it.

On the 1 6 th day of December of the said year, as Areschorea
was settling accounts with two factors 2 and writers 3 of two of
our ships which were already loaded for departure, a Moorish
ship left with much merchandise. The captain took it, and the
captain of that Moorish ship, 4 and the most honourable of his
men among them disembarked and made great lamentation

1 Jidda held an important position as a trade centre because as the port of Mecca,
46 miles inland, it connected with the caravan routes to the north and east. It had
gradually taken away much of the Indian trade from Aden, because the ships could
reach the caravan routes at Jidda and thus avoid transhipment. In 1426 more than
forty ships from India and Persia were to be found at one time in the port of Jidda and
in 1431 and 1432 junks were in the harbour which had come directly from China.
(Heyd, Histoire du Commerce du Levant au moyen dge > Leipzig, 1885, vol. ii, p. 445.)

2 Afonso Furtado and Duarte Gil Barbosa are the only other two factors whose
names are given, but the latter may not at this time have ^ ’"'rr 1 - 1 :?* r

3 One of these was probably Pedro Vaz de Caminha : ■ : 1 \ \ " ■ 3 been

Joao de Sa. The former had been the .writer on the flagship and the latter may have
been on the ship of Simao de Miranda.

4 De Goes states that this ship belonged to a rich Moor of Calicut named Cogecem
Micide.

84 THE ANONYMOUS NARRATIVE

and uproar, so that all the Moors assembled and went to talk
with the king, telling how we had on land more riches than we
had carried to his kingdom, and that we were the worst robbers
and thieves in the world, that as we had taken their ship in Iris
port so would we do from that day onward, and that they were
obliged to kill all and that His Highness should rob the house of
the factor. The king, as a seditious man, agreed that this should
be done. And we, not knowing anything of this, allowed some
of our men to go on shore to do their trading throughout the
city. We saw all the people come against our men, slaughter-
ing them and wounding them; and the rest of us went to give
them aid; so that on that shore we slew seven or eight of them,
and they two or three of us. And we were about seventy men
with swords and helmets, and they were innumerable, with
lances and swords and shields and bows and arrows. And they
so pressed us that it was necessary to retreat to the house; and
during the retreat they wounded five or six men. And thus
we closed the door with much effort, and they fought against
the house even though it was surrounded by a wall as high as a
man on horseback. We had seven or eight cross-bows with
which we killed a mountain of people. More than three thou-
sand of their warriors assembled. And we raised a banner so
that those on the ships might send us aid. The boats drew near
the shore, and from there they fired their bombards and did no
damage. Then the Moors began to break down the wall of the
house so that in the space of an hour they razed it entirely. They
sounded trumpets and drums with great shouts and pleasure,
so that it seemed as though the king were with them because
we saw one of his attendants. And Areschorea saw that we had
no remedy whatever, and because we had been fighting for two
hours so fiercely that our men could hold out no longer, he
determined that we should sally forth to the shore, breaking
through them to see whether the boats might not save us. We
did this. And thus the greater part of our men arrived near
enough to enter the water, and the boats did not dare to
approach to receive us. 1 And thus, because of little assistance,

1 According to de Barros the Moors had made mounds of sand and pits on the shore
the previous night, so that the boats from the ships would be delayed in saving the
Portuguese who might escape.

THE ANONYMOUS NARRATIVE 85

Areschorea was slain and widi him fifty and more men . 1 And
we escaped by swimming, to the number of twenty persons, all
severely wounded. Among these a son of the aforesaid Ares-
chorea escaped; he must have been about eleven years old . 2
Thus we entered the boats, almost drowned. The captain of
the said boats was Sancho de Tovar, because the chief captain
was sick. And thus they took us to the ship. And when the chief
captain saw this dissension and bad treatment, he ordered ten
Moorish ships which were in the port to be taken, and all the
people whom we found in the said ships to be killed. And thus
we slew to the number of five hundred or six hundred men,
and captured twenty or thirty who were hiding in the holds of
the ships and also merchandise; and thus we robbed the ships
and took what they had within them. One had in it three
elephants which we killed and ate; and we burned all nine of
the unloaded ships; and the following day our ships drew
nearer to land and bombarded the city, so that we slew an end-
less number of people and did them much damage, and they
fired from on shore with very weak bombards. And while
things were thus, two ships passed at sea and went to Pandarada
[Pandarani], which is five leagues from here. And the ships
went towards land where there were seven other large ships, in
shallow water, and loaded with many people. We could not
capture them because they were in very shallow water, and the
captain quickly decided that we should go to Clio chino
[Cochin], where we might load the ships.

HOW THE SHIPS WERE LOADED AT CUCCHINO

And we departed for Cucchino, which is thirty leagues from
Calichut, and is a kingdom of itself. They are idolaters of the
same language as Calichut. And thus going on our way we
found two ships of Calichut loaded with rice, and we went
straight to them, and the people fled to shore in their boats and
we took the ships. The captain, seeing that they did not carry

1 Paulo da Trindade, in his history of the Franciscan Order in the East (Conquista
spiritual do Oriente , MSS. Vat. lat. 7746, 1638, ch. 64), states that three Franciscans were
killed at this time, ‘the first Christian martyrs in India*. He was not able, however,
to ascertain their names.

2 De Barros says that Antonio Correia, the young son of Ayres Correia, was saved
by Nuno Leitao da Cunha, the captain of the Ammciada.

86 THE ANONYMOUS NARRATIVE

merchandise, ordered them to be burned. And we reached
Cucchino the 24th day of December, and cast anchor in the
mouth of a river. The captain sent on shore a poor man of the
Guzerate nation who voluntarily left Calichut to come to
Portugal. And he was to tell the Icing 1 what had happened to
the rest of us in Calichut and that the captain had sent him to say
that he wished to load his ships in his kingdom, and for pay-
ment he carried money and merchandise. The king replied
that he was grieved that so much injury had been done him,
and that he had great pleasure in our coming to his land, for he
knew what good people we were, and all that we wished for
would be done. The Guzerate who went ashore told the said
king that there was need for some security, which was obtained
by exchanging man for man, and that he might send him as host-
age any one of his men, and that immediately the men of our
ships would go ashore. The king at once sent two of his prin-
cipal men with other merchants, and samples of merchandise
and hostages, who should go to the ships and should tell the
captain that he would do all that he wished. The captain im-
mediately sent the factor 2 with four or five men ashore with
orders to buy merchandise, keeping with him, however, the
men who were hostages, treating them very honourably.
Every day they were exchanged because the gentlemen of those
parts do not eat on the sea; if by chance they did eat, they could
not see their king again. And thus we were twelve or fifteen
days loading the ships a distance from Cucchin, at a place called
Carangallo [Cranganore]. In this place there are Christians,
Jews, Moors, and infidels [Zafaras], Here we found a Jewess
of Seville who came by way of Cairo and Mecca, and from
there two other Christians came with us; they said that they
wished to go to Rome and to Jerusalem. The captain had
great pleasure with these two men. When the ships were nearly
loaded, there came an armada from Calichut in which there

1 For die full name and tides of the King of Cochin see Doc. viii in Esmeraldo de situ
orbis edited by Raphael Basto.

The woodcut by Hans Burgkmair, herewith reproduced, is supposed to be a likeness of
the King of Cochin in 1505. It appears in a pamphlet entided Die Reyse va Lissebotte ,
Antwerp, 1508, the authorship of which is attributed to Amerigo Vespucci or to
Balthazar Sprenger, and also in broadside. See C. H. Coote, The Voyage from Lisbon to
India , 1505-6, London, 1894; H. Harrisse, Americus Vespuccius , London, 1895; F. Schulze,
Balthasar Springes Indienfahrt, Strassburg, 1902. 2 Gon^alo Gd Barbosa.

HAKLUYT SOCIETY

THE ANONYMOUS NARRATIVE 87

were from eighty to eighty-five sails, among which were
twenty-five very large ones. 1 When the king had news of the
arrival of this armada he sent word to the captain that if he
wished to combat with them he would send him ships and
men. The captain replied that it was not necessary. The said
armada, because it was already night, proceeded a league and
a half beyond us. At nightfall the captain ordered full sail set,
taking with him the men whom he had as hostages in exchange
for those who remained on land, who were seven men. 2 It
appeared to the captain that he could defeat it without other
help. And that night a wind did not arise ; so that he could go
against the armada of Calichut. The following day, which was
the 10th of January 1501, we went near them and they came
to us, so that we drew very near, one to the other. The captain
determined to fight with them, since they were so close that we
were within a bombard shot from them. Sancho de Tovar, a
captain, with Iris ship and one small ship remained behind in
such a manner that the captain saw that order could not be
established among them, and decided to take Iris course to
Portugal, since he had the wind astern. Nevertheless, the fleet
from Calichut followed us all that day until one o’clock at night.
And thus that night we lost them from sight. And thus the
captain decided to continue to Portugal, leaving his men there
with the factor on land, and taking the two men of Chochino
with us. He began to cajole them, begging them to consent to
eat, for now they had not eaten for three days and then they
ate with great grief and sorrow, and we continued on our way. 3

1 Dom Manuel in his letter to the Spanish sovereigns and de Goes both give
15,000 men. De Barros says 70 ships, of which 25 were large; de Goes, 20 large ships
and other small ones; Osorio, 20 large ships.

2 Cabral left, at Cochin, Gon$alo Gil Barbosa as factor; Louren^o Moreno and Sebas-
ti 2 o Alvares as writers; Go^alo Madeira of Tangiers as interpreter; and three others,
probably with the addition of some convicts and servants. Castanheda omits Sebas-
tiao Alvares and says there were four convicts to serve the other three.

3 Three letters were written to Dom Manuel by the King of Cochin, dated the 20th
and 23rd of November 1513 and the nth of December 1513 (Cartas de Albuquerque,
vol. iii, pp. 73-4). These letters are similar, but not exactly the same, and may have
been translations of the same original.

In this letter the King of Cochin complains to Dom Manuel of the acts of the Portu-
guese captains and of the lack of consideration which had been shown him in the load-
ing of spices and through their relations with the Zamorin. He gives a long recital of
what he has done for Portugal and the promises which had been given him. *Senhor,
I have no other friend in all the world but Your Highness, nor any in whom I may so
much confide. The King of Calecut and all my relatives came against me to take the

88

THE ANONYMOUS NARRATIVE

THE KINGDOM OF CHANONON, FRIEND OF OUR SHIPS

On the 15th of January we reached a kingdom on this
side of Calichut, which is called Chanonon [Cananore]. It
belongs to the Caferis, 1 whose language is like that of Calichut.
As we were passing by the aforesaid kingdom the king sent
word to tell the captain that he was greatly displeased that he
had not come to his kingdom, and he begged him to cast
anchor, and said that if our ships were not loaded, he would
load them. When the captain learned this, he anchored and
sent a Guzerate on shore to tell the king that the ships were
already loaded and that they needed only a hundred barchara of
cinnamon, which is four hundred chantaras. And immediately
the king sent the said cinnamon to the ships with great dili-
gence, trusting greatly in us, and the captain sent to pay for it
in so many cruzados. And then much cinnamon came to the
ship and there was no place in which to put it. The king sent
word to die captain that, if it were for lack of money, we should
not fail to load on as much as we wished on this account, that

Portuguese who were with me, and nevertheless I did not give them up, and I guarded
them the best I could; and should all the world come against me I would have need of
no one but Your Highness. The first time that Pedralvares Cabral came with six ships,
when he came to the port of Calecut he went on shore and confided in the King of
Calecut, and they killed all the Portuguese and took what merchandise of Your Highness
there was on land. After all this happened and they came to this my port, I gave them all
the aid they asked for, as well in the loading of ships as in all other things. When their
ships were loaded an armada from Calecut came to fight with them, and two of my
writers named Ytalaca and Parangova were in the ships as hostages. And they made
sail and carried them to Portugal. And thus the Portuguese remained on shore with
me. The King of Calecut and all the Moors of Crangalor beyond came against me,
saying that I should turn over the Portuguese whom I had in my power or they would
destroy all my land, and my relatives and my friends told me that these men were
strangers and were from 4,000 leagues from my land, and that they did not know them,
and that I should not lose my land because of them, and that I should surrender them,
and that if I did not do so that they would not aid me and would join the King of
Calecut, as in fact they did, and they came against me and killed two of my uncles and
a nephew, princes, very honourable people, and they destroyed my land and port.
And I guarded the Portuguese who were with me the best I could and I always took
them with me whenever they wished to go. Within a year the King of Calecut
returned again upon me to take my land, and I with my friends and my people and
with the aid of yours defeated him, and he returned to his land much dishonoured and
annoyed, without hope of again coming against me. Then he joined with Narsynagus
and fought with my people, principally with one named Carutyquy, a nayre, who has
20,000 nayres *, and with my aid he defeated him. And until now he has always had
war with him and many ofhis 1L ~ : 7? V 11 - 4 *, &c.

1 This word is properly the ' 1 >. . an unbeliever in Islam*. As the
Arabs applied this name to the pagan negroes, the Portuguese and, later, others used it
more specifically to designate the black tribes of South Africa. (See Yule and Burnell,
Hobson-Jobsoti .)

THE ANONYMOUS NARRATIVE 89

we could pay him on the return voyage, for he had well
learned how the King of Calichut had robbed us and what good
and truthful people we were. The captain thanked him very
much, and showed the messenger, that is, the ambassador, the
three or four thousand cruzados which remained, and then the
king sent to inquire whether he wished anything more. The
captain told him no, except that His Highness might send a
man to visit Portugal. The king immediately sent a gentleman
who was to come to Portugal with us. And the men of Chu-
chino, who had remained on the ship, wrote to their king that
they were going to Portugal; and the captain also wrote simi-
larly to the factor who remained there. In this place we did not
remain longer than a day; and then we left to cross the gulf of
Melinde. On the last day of January, when we were in the
middle of the gulf, we found a ship from Combaia which was
coming from Melinde; and without inquiry it appeared that it
was a ship from Mecca, and we took it. It came very richly
laden and it had more than two hundred men and women on
board. And when the captain learned that they were from
Combaia he allowed them to continue their voyage, except for
a pilot whom he took from them; and thus they left, and we
went on our way.

A SHIPWRECK IN THE GULF OF MELINDI

On the 1 2th of February, as night came on, when all the
pilots as well as all the others who had charts believed them-
selves near land, Sancto di Tovar, who was captain of a large
ship, said that he wished to go ahead with his ship. And he
ordered all the sails to be set and thus he placed himself before
the others. And when it was the hour of midnight he ran ashore
and the ship began to burn. And when the captain saw this, he
sent aid to him, but the wind increased so much during the
night that they could not get it off, as everything was un-
favourable. The captain immediately sent the boats to the ship
to see whether the people might come from it. The ship was
already open and so situated that it could not be dislodged.
The wind increased so much that the other ships were in great
danger, so that it was necessary to operate them by hand.
Nothing was saved from it except the people in their shirts.

N

go THE ANONYMOUS NARRATIVE

The ship was of two hundred tons [ tonelli ] and laden with
spices . 1 And from there we departed with the ships and passed
by Melinde, where we could not enter. And thus we came to
Monsabiche [Mozambique], where we took water and wood.
Here we put the ships on dry land. And from there the chief
captain sent Sancto di Tovar in a small caravel [ charavellina ]
with a pilot to conduct them to the island of Zaffalle so that they
might lcnow about it, and we remained there to repair the ships.
And from there four of us departed and went to a point where
there was good fishing for parni. And when we left there a
storm struck us which made us turn back, and one ship became
separated so that we remained three ships . 2

THE SHIPS WHICH RETURNED TO LISBON

We arrived at the Cape of Good Hope on Palm Sunday
[Pcischa fiorita\, 3 4 5 and from there we had good weather, with
which we made the crossing and came to the first land near
Cabo Verde at Bestenicha [Beseguiche], and there we found
ourselves with three small ships'! which our King of Portugal
sent to discover the new lands and one ship which we lost from
sight when we went there . 6 That went to the mouth of the
strait of Mecca and stopped at a city where they took the boat
with all the people who were in it. And thus the ship came

1 After saving those on board the ship was burned to prevent its cargo from coming
into the possession of the Moors. Those of Mombasa, however, obtained some of the
cannon by means of divers and took them to their city, where they were later used
against the Portuguese. (De Barros.)

2 The flagship and those of Simao de Miranda and Nuno Leitao da Cunha. Accord-
ing to other writers the Anunciada , then under the command of Nicolau Coelho, had
proceeded to Lisbon, where we know it arrived on the 23 rd of June, a fact which must
have been known to the author of the Anonymous Narrative. This statement shows
that this author was not on the Anunciada , as is sometimes claimed.

3 This was the 4th of April, since Easter in 1501 fell on the nth of April. The deter-
mination of this date has caused some discussion, because of the effort which has been
made to reconcile the departure of Cabral’s fleet from the Cape of Good Hope and its
encounter with Vespucci at Beseguiche. Castanheda states that they doubled the
Cape of Good Hope on the 22nd of May, and de Goes, who gives the same date, says it
was the day of Spiritu Sancto or Whit-Sunday. This in 1501 would have been the 30th
of May. The letter of 1505 states that the Cape was rounded on the Pasqua de Mayo.

4 Further reference to this encounter is given in the letter of Vespucci to be found
in this volume.

5 Giongemo at capo de bona Speranza it di de Paschafiorita: & d ti ne dete bo tpo cu loqle

a trauersamo & : 1 ■ • r:~ " ; ■■ : 4 ■ .7 ' :■ T r -de imbestentcha: & de li ci trouauamo

cu. iii. nattili: e ■ la terra noua

6 That of Diogo Dias.

THE ANONYMOUS NARRATIVE 91

with only six men, most of them ill, and they had nothing to
drink but water which they collected in the ship when it rained.
And thus we came and arrived in this city of Lisbon at the end
ofjuly. One day later there came the ship which we lost from
sight when we turned, 1 and Sancto di Tovar with the caravel
which went to ZafFalle, 2 who said that Zaffalle is a small island
at the mouth of a river, inhabited by Moors, and gold comes
from the mountain. It comes from another people who are not
Moors. And they exchange in the said island gold for other
merchandise. And when Sancto di Tovar arrived at this place
he found there many Moorish ships, and he took a Moor as his
security for a Christian of Arabia whom he sent on shore. And
there he stayed two or three days. And the Christian did not
come, nor did they recover him. And thus he came away with
the Moor to Portugal, leaving the Christian there. Thus from
the armada which went to Calichut six ships returned; and all
the others were lost.

THE WEIGHTS AND MONEY WHICH THEY USE 3

This is the price which spices and drugs are worth in Calichut
and also the method of weighing and the money. 4

A baar 5 of nutmeg, weighing four cantaras, is worth 45 ofavos.
One ducat is worth 20 favos.

A haar of cinnamon is worth 390 favos.

Afaracola of dry ginger is worth 6 favos; 20 faracolas make a
bacar.

Ginger preserved in sugar is worth 28 favos afaracola.

1 The caravel of Pedro de Ataide.

2 For Sofala see notes in The Book of Duarte Barbosa (Hakluyt Society, London,
1918, Ser. II, vol. xliv, pp. 6 et seq,) and G. C. F. Mangham, Portuguese East Africa
(London, 1906).

3 This supplement to the narrative of the voyage also occurs in all of the manuscripts.
It shows an exactness in weights and values which indicates that it was made by one of
the commercial men in the fleet, probably by either a factor or a writer, but not
necessarily by the author of the Anonymous Narrative.

4 For information regarding these spices and drugs and their uses at this period see
Garcia da Orta, Coloquios dos Simples e Drogas da India (English tr. by Sir Clements
Markham (London, 1913), or preferably the Portuguese textwith comprehensive notes
in the edition of Conde de-Ficalho, Lisbon, 1891-5), Yule and Burnell, Hobson-Jobson,
Schoff, Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, Yule’s edition of Marco Polo, Heyd, op. tit. ii,
PP* 555 et seq., G. Watt, The Commercial Products of India (London, 1908), and Dames’s
edition of Barbosa, vol. ii, p. 227.

5 Baar, bacar, and barchara are forms of the Indian bahar.

THE ANONYMOUS NARRATIVE

A bacar of tamarind

is worth

30 favos.

„ zerumbet

9 5

40

99

„ zedoary 1

99

30

99

„ lac

99

260

99

„ mace

99

430

99

„ pepper

99

360

99

„ long pepper

99

400

99

„ preserved sebuli myrobalans

99

560

99

„ red sandalwood

99

80

99

„ brazil-wood ( verzin )

99

160

99

A faracola of camphor

99

160

99

„ incense

99

5

99

„ benzoin

99

6

99

„ cassia-fistula

99

2

99

A baar of cloves

99

600

99

„ white sandalwood

99

700

99

A faracola of aloe-wood

99

400

99

„ rhubarb

99

400

99

„ opium

99

400

99

„ spikenard

99

800

99

A peso of musk

99

400

99

A mitricale 2 of amber

99

2

99

(An ounce is six and one-fourth mitricali.)

A baar weighs about twenty faracolas, and a faracola twenty-
four and three-fourths aratole of Portugal, which aratole are of
from thirty-two to thirty-three libre in Venice, according to
custom.

The ducat is worth twenty favos.

These are the prices of merchandise which are carried from

here to Calichut, namely:

A faracola of copper

is worth 45 favos.

„ lead

„ 18 „

„ silver

99 54 - 99

„ alum

99 20 99

„ white coral

99 i>ooo ,,

„ branched coral

99 700 99

„ bastard coral

99 300

1 Zerumbet and zedoary are different forms for the name of a drug (also known as
china root) : see Dames’s Barbosa , vol. ii, p. 92. 3 Mitricale is the Arabic mithkal .

THE ANONYMOUS NARRATIVE 93

An almeno is another weight, which, in Portugal, is two
arates and a half, and would be about three and one-eighth
libre, a little more or less, according to Venetian usage. With
this weight they weigh saffron, which is worth eighty javos.

MENTION OF THE PLACES WHENCE SPICES COME

Hereafter mention will be made of the places from which
the spices and drugs come to Calichut.

Pepper comes from a land which is called Chorunchel [prob-
ably Cranganore], This is 50 leagues beyond Calichut on the
sea-coast.

Cinnamon comes from Zallon [Ceylon]; and cinnamon is
found only in this place, 260 leagues beyond Calichut.

Cloves come from Meluza [Molucca], 740 leagues beyond
Calichut.

Ginger is grown in Calichut, and some comes from Cananor
to Calichut; it is 12 leagues according to this part of Portugal.

Nutmeg and mace come from Melucha [Molucca], 740
leagues farther beyond Calichut.

Musk comes from a land called Pego [Pegu], 500 leagues
beyond Calichut.

Large pearls come from Armuzo [Ormuz], 700 leagues this
side of Calichut.

Spikenard and myrobalans come from Combaia, 600 leagues
this side of Calichut.

Cassia-fistula grows in Calichut.

Incense is obtained more than 800 leagues this side of
Calichut.

Myrrh grows in Farticho [Fartak], and more than 700
leagues this side of Calichut.

Aloe-wood and rhubarb and camphor and galingal come
from Chini [China] beyond Calichut 2,000 leagues.

Zerumbet grows in Calichut.

Very large cardamons come from Cananore, more than 12
leagues this side of Calichut.

Long pepper grows in Samoter [Sumatra].

Benzoin comes from Zana [Siam], 700 leagues beyond
Calichut.

Tamarinds in Calichut.

94 THE ANONYMOUS NARRATIVE

Zedoary in Calicliut.

Lac comes from a land called Samatore, beyond Calichut,
400 leagues.

Brazil-wood [brazili] comes from Tanazaar [Tenasserim],
500 leagues beyond Calichut.

Opium comes from Ade [Aden], this side of Calichut more
than 700 leagues.

These are the weights and money which are used in Calichut,
with the locations of spices.

FINIS

THE ACCOUNT OF PRIEST JOSEPH

W hile the fleet was being loaded with spices at Cochin two
Christian priests from the neighbouring settlement of
Cranganore sent word to Cabral asking permission to be taken
to Portugal so that they might go from there to Rome and
Jerusalem. 1 This request was readily granted. Vasco da Gama,
having mistaken some of the ceremonies of the people of Cali-
cut for those of the Catholic Church, had reported that the
people were Christians. Cabral had found none there, and
both he and the religious men who accompanied the fleet were
greatly gratified to find a Christian settlement at Cranganore.
These Syro-Malabar Christians were the first whom the Portu-
guese found in India. Cabral was, therefore, very willing to let
these priests return with him to Portugal; he was able to leam
from them the differences between their belief and his own,
and also to ascertain that the Syriac Church of Malabar claimed
a common origin with that of Rome.

Priest Mathias died either on the voyage or soon after his
arrival in Portugal, but his brother, Priest Joseph, reached
Lisbon in safety and was well received by the king. After
remaining in Portugal for six months he was sent with a com-
panion to Rome, where he had an audience with the Pope.
From Rome he went to Venice, whence he returned to India,
either by way of Jerusalem or by the sea route from Lisbon,
carrying greetings from the Pope.

Priest Joseph was a man prominent in the religious life
of Cranganore. For many generations the Syro-Malabar
Christians there had been without a bishop. It was Joseph
whom they sent with two others in 1490 as their repre-
sentatives to Mar Simeon, the Catholicos in Mesopotamia,
to secure bishops for India. 2 3 He was ordained priest by

1 De Barros says, ‘so that they might pass to Rome and from there to Jerusalem and

Armenia to see their Patriarch’ (Asia, Dec. i, bk. iv, ch. viii.)

3 The account of this journey and of the sending of bishops to India is given in a
letter written in 1504 addressed by four bishops from India to their patriarch, Mar Elias.
In it they tell of Cabral’s voyage as follows :

‘By this way thus explored, the said king (whom may God preserve in safety!) sent

96 THE ACCOUNT OF PRIEST JOSEPH

the Catholicos, and then returned to Malabar. It seems
probable that Priest Joseph and his brother were similarly-
selected to proceed to Rome and Jerusalem in the Portu-
guese vessels as representatives of their co-religionists, who
looked to the Pope as well as to their Catholicos for
inspiration. They were probably also encouraged to take
this journey by the religious men of the fleet. We have no
further notice of Priest Joseph, but he may have been the
Syro-Malabarian parish priest of Cranganore ‘who came from
Portugal’ in 1518.

During the long voyage to Portugal and during his stay there
much information was obtained from him, and it is also pos-
sible that at his audience with Pope Alexander VI at Rome a
written or printed statement was presented. At any rate, the
detailed account of South-west India which was obtained from
him and is here published was probably printed either in Rome
or in Venice prior to 1505, since extracts were incorporated in
the so-called letter of Dom Manuel to the King of Castile,
which was printed at Rome in that year. With the descriptions
by Varthema and in the Anonymous Narrative it contained
almost all the information about India available in print during
the following forty years. Joseph is, in the main, accurate. His

six other huge ships, with which they crossed the sea in half a year and came to the
town of Calicut. They are people very well versed in nautical science.

‘In Calicut there live many Ismaelites, who, moved by their inveterate hatred of the
Christians, began to calumniate them to the pagan king saying: “These people come
from the West and they are very well pleased with the city and the country. There-
fore they will now return to their king as soon as possible and will come again, bring-
ing with their ships huge armies against you, and they will press on you and take your
country from you.*’

‘The pagan king believed the words of the Ismaelites and followed their advice and
went out like a madman and they killed all the said Franks whom they found in the
town, seventy men and five worthy priests who accompanied them, for they are not
wont to travel or to go to any place without priests.

‘The others who were in the ships weighed anchor and sailed away with great sad-
ness and bitter tears, and came to our neighbouring Christians in the town of Cochi.
This town also has a pagan king, who, when he saw them in deep distress and grief,
received them hospitably and consoled them and swore never to abandon them until
death/

This letter was found by Joseph Simon Assemani, the eldest of the four celebrated
Maronite Orientalists of that name, during his searches in Egypt and in the Levant for
manuscripts relative to the Oriental Church. He brought it to Rome, and deposited
it in the Vatican Library, of which he was librarian. It was translated into Latin,
edited by him, and published in 1725 in Iris Bibliotheca Oricntalis , vol. iii, pt. I, pp. 589-
99. It was republished by the Rev. Georg Schurhammer, S .J., in Gregorianum , vol.
xiv, pp. 62-86.

THE ACCOUNT OF PRIEST JOSEPH 97

statements are corroborated by the Portuguese historians of the
sixteenth century and by more recent investigations con-
cerning the Syrian Church in Malabar. There are no kn own
manuscripts of the relation. The earliest existing account
was printed in Paesi. The introduction to the account of
Priest Joseph is apparently the only portion of Paesi which
was written by Fracanzano himself. Where he obtained his
information is not known, but he states that he had never
seen Priest Joseph. It was included in all subsequent editions
of that book and in the translations into Latin, French, and
German. It was also given in different editions of Novus
Orbis by Grynaeus 1 and in the German translation, as well as
in smaller collections. It was not printed by Ramusio in his
Navigationi e Viaggi.

The translation has been made from the 1507 edition
of Paesi, where it occurs at the end of the sixth and last
book, which is devoted to documents relating to the Anony-
mous Narrative of Cabral’s voyage (ch. cxxix to ch. cxlii
inch).

HOW JOSEPH THE INDIAN CAME TO PORTUGAL ON BOARD
OUR CARAVELS, AND THE KING CAUSED HIM TO BE
ACCOMPANIED TO ROME AND TO VENICE

The King of Portugal, having learned at other times, through
his ships and other Portuguese, how to go from the northern
parts to the parts of India, and taking the counsel of some of his
people who had come from those parts in the past, the afore-
said King Hemanuel decided in the year 1500 to send twelve
ships and caravels. The captain of these was Pedro Aliares. He,
having received the standard of his captaincy on the 8 th day of
March of the said year, departed from Portugal. And sailing
through very great storms and perils until the 13 th 2 day of the
month of September of the aforesaid year, he reached Calichut

1 De Barros refers to the Latin translation in Grynaeus, where it tells of the account
of Priest Joseph, as follows: ‘The Italians, who in this are more curious than we are,
have made a summary which is incorporated in a Latin volume entitled Novus Orbis ,
which includes some of our navigations, written not as they merit and as they hap-
pened/ (Asia, Dec. I, bk. v, ch. viii.)

2 The 14th of September in the second edition.

p 8 THE ACCOUNT OF PRIEST JOSEPH

with seven caravels. 1 Four of them had been lost in a storm and
one went to Zaffal. They remained in that place of Calichut
for three months, but finally, because of certain differences,
they came to blows with those of the land. And after some of
the men from the caravels and also many of the aforesaid
place were killed, they departed on the 24th day of November
of the same year and the aforesaid ships and caravels reached
Cuc hin , a place one hundred and ten miles distant from
Calichut. That place of Cuchin is situated on the sea, and its
lord is an idolatrous king who belongs to the sect of the King
of Calichut. 2 The caravels above mentioned were received by
the king of that place and they were made welcome. While
they were in the aforesaid place, contracting various merchan-
dise, as appears in the third book, seventy-eighth chapter of the
voyage previously written, 3 there came from a city called
Caranganor, about twenty miles distant from the aforesaid
place of Cuchin, two Christian brothers, who boarded the
caravels wishing to come to Western parts in order to be able to
go to Rome and to Jerusalem. Since about eighty sails came
from the region of Calichut to intercept the aforesaid caravels,
these departed and together with them the said two Christians
and others of the kingdom of Cuchin who had been given as
hostages by agreement. Leaving on land an equal number of
their own Portuguese, they took their route towards Portugal.
Of those two brothers, one died on the way; 4 the other, named
Joseph, lived. Later, at the end of June 1501, they arrived at
Lisbon. When they had reached the aforesaid place, the afore-
said Joseph remained until the month of January. And when he
departed from the said place there was given to him by the
majesty of the Most Serene King, one as a companion who
should accompany him to Rome, Venice, and Jerusalem. And
thus, having been at Rome, he then came to Venice in the year
x 502, in the month of June, and remained there for many days.

1 A Venetian would naturally think of a Portuguese ship as a caravel. Prior to the
voyage of da Gama the Portuguese had usually used caravels on their voyages and had
established a justifiable reputation for them on the Atlantic, The Venetians used
galleys both in the Mediterranean and in their fleet to Flanders, and square-rigged
ships for heavy cargo. Their small lateen-rigged vessels were used for fishing.

2 This was not strictly true. The Zamorin was a nair, while the King of Cochin was

a brahmin. 3 The Anonymous Narrative in Paesu

4 De Barros states that Priest Mathias reached Portugal and died there.

THE ACCOUNT OF PRIEST JOSEPH 99

During that rime the aforesaid Joseph gave news of the tilings
written below . 1

THE QUALITY OP JOSEPH, WITH HIS
COUNTRY, AND THE GENTILES

Joseph, mentioned above, is a man forty years of age , 2 slender,
dark by nature, and of ordinary stature. According to the
judgement of those who have seen him and spoken with him
he is an ingenuous man, truthful, and of the highest integrity;
and in so far as could be understood by them, he is of exemplary
life and may be said to be a man of very great faith. This has
been learned from him; in the first place, that he is from
Caranganor, which is ninety miles distant from Calichut on a
certain bay called Milibar and fifteen miles distant from the sea;
and as for its area, the city is said to be without walls and to be
very long, a length of thirty miles, but inhabited only here and
there in the manner of villas. Through that city run many
rivers. Almost all the houses face the water. Two sorts of
people live in the said city: namely, Christians and Gentiles
[. Zentili ]. And in order that this name of Gentiles may be known
to every one, those are called Gentiles, who in ancient times
worshipped idols and various kinds of animals, as will be nar-
rated later. The king of the above-mentioned city is an idolater.
A small number of Jews are also found there, but they are much
scorned, and a considerable number of Moors, mostly mer-
chants, who voyage here from Cairo, Syria, Persia, and other
places, to trade, for this place is the source of diverse sorts of
merchandise.

THE INHABITANTS OF CARANGANOR AND THEIR
CHURCHES AND SACRIFICES

The country, in so far as concerns the Gentiles, is divided into
three parts: first, the gentlemen, who in their language are

1 Fracanzano, who evidently wrote the introduction to this account, here states that
he had not seen Priest Joseph. The information regarding Cabral’s fleet was probably
taken from the letter of II Cretico and the Anonymous Narrative. The remarks regard-
ing Joseph are from reports made at the time of his visit to Venice and the balance of
the account seems to be from a written or more probably a printed statement not now
known to exist.

2 Paesi was printed five years after Joseph was in Venice. This evidently means
that he was forty years of age at the time of his visit.

100

THE ACCOUNT OF PRIEST JOSEPH

called wires ; second, the farmers, who are called canes; third,
the fishermen, who are called nuirinan. And this class of fisher-
men is the lowest, and they are molested by every one when
they go through the country. And if they should meet any
gentle man , it is necessary for them to flee before him; otherwise
they would be ill treated. Each has separate temples. The
women also have their own temples separate from the men.
They offer in their temples the first-fruits of the land such
as roses, figs, and other things. These Gentiles worship one
single god, creator of all tilings, and they say that he is one and
three, and in his likeness they have made a statue with three
heads . 1 Itstandswith the handsjoined and they call it Tambran. 2
A curtain is drawn before that statue and it is opened at the
time of their sacrifices, as we shall relate here. They have
various other statues of animals, but they do not worship them.
And when they enter their churches some take earth and put it
on their foreheads, and some take water. And they go to
church three times a day, in the morning, at noon, and in the
evening. They then make certain general sacrifices in this
manner. They have certain of their men appointed with trum-
pets, horns, and tambors, who call them to church at the right
hour. And after they have assembled, the priest, dressed in a
certain large vestment, stands near the altar and begins to chant
various prayers, and another replies to him. Then the people
answer in a loud voice and this they do three times. Then out
of one door goes a nude priest with a large crown of roses on
his head, with large eyes, and with false horns. He carries in
his hand two bare swords, and runs towards his god, and draw-
ing the curtain entirely before it, he puts one of the swords
into the hand of the priest standing at the altar. Then, with the
other bare sword, he inflicts on himself many wounds, and
thus, bleeding, he runs to a fire burning there in the temple and
he leaps back and forth through it. Finally, with ms eyes
closed, he claims that he has spoken with his idol, who orders
that certain things be done and instructs the people how they
are to govern themselves. There are many other kinds of
sacrifices which Joseph, because he did not understand the

1 Tbp~vr. 1 “'r' w TVY u -'-~. Vishnu, and Siva.

2 S* 1 ' ■ 1 . /ol. i, p. ai8 and note.

THE ACCOUNT OF PRIEST JOSEPH iox

language and. because he had not had many dealings with
Gentiles, has not been able to explain entirely. Concerning
their temples and religion enough has been said.

CUSTOMS OF THE KING AND THE INHABITANTS, AND
WHERE THERE ARE MANY CHRISTIANS

The Gentile or idolatrous king has many wives, as do all
the other Gentiles. Nor in their chastity is there modesty
among them. When the king himself dies or any of the other
Gentiles, their bodies are burned. The wives, in perfect posses-
sion of their faculties, voluntarily bum themselves alive
eight days after the death of their husbands. And this, the afore-
said Joseph says, he has seen with his own eyes. The true sons
of the king, after the death of the father, do not inherit the
kingdom, but the nearest relatives other than the sons. The
reason is this, that the wives of the king have this custom, they
have relations with various persons, and on this account their
sons are not considered worthy of the kingdom. And in the
burial of their king they use the greatest ceremony. The Gen-
tiles go dressed after this fashion: on their heads they wear a cap,
that is, the king a cap of gold, and the other important men of
velvet or brocade; the others go without. They are nude; they
cover only their privy parts with linen cloths. They wear
bracelets on their arms with various precious stones, finely
worked. Likewise, they wear bracelets on their legs and rings
on their toes, set with very fine precious stones. These, in their
opinion, are of great price. They bathe their bodies two and
three times a day, and they have many places assigned for bath-
ing. The people, both men and women, are very handsome.
They have their heads dressed in a careful manner, and on their
heads they wear many jewels. When the Gentiles above
mentioned write, they scratch on the leaves of trees with an
iron point. Their language is the Indian, or Malanar [Malaya-
lam]. And enough concerning this. As we have said above
there are many Christians in this place of Caranganor, of
whom some mention has been made in this chapter. Con-
cerning each more will be said. And therefore it should be
known to all that the Indus river is the beginning of India.

102

THE ACCOUNT OF PRIEST JOSEPH

Towards the west is the Island of Omus [Ormuz], which is
at the beginning of the Persian Gulf. No other Christians are
to be found except in the aforesaid place of Caranganor, but
in India there are very powerful Christian kings of Caran-
ganor like those of Cataio [Cathay]. These Christians of
Caranganor are of very great number. 1 They obtain their
houses at a certain price from the Gentile king, whom we
have mentioned above, and they pay their rent each year,
and in this manner they live there.

THEIR HOUSES AND HOW THEIR PONTIFFS
GOVERN THE CHURCH

Their houses are made of board walls in different floors.
Like those of the Gentiles, they are covered with boards of other
kinds of wood. The temples of the Christians themselves
are made like ours, except that their churches have only
the cross, and on the top of the temples there is also a cross.
They have no bells and when they call to worship they
use the Greek rite. These aforesaid Christians in divine matters
have as their head a pontiff, twelve cardinals, two patriarchs,
bishops, and archbishops. The aforesaid Joseph referred to
having departed with his superior, bishop of the aforesaid city
of Caranganor, they boarded a ship and went towards the
island of Ormus, which is 1500 miles distant from the afore-
said place of Caranganor. And from there they went by land
a three months’ journey. He came in company with the afore-
said bishop as far as Armenia, 2 to find his pontiff. This bishop
was consecrated by him, and Priest Joseph aforesaid was
ordained for mass. All the Christians of India and of Cataio do
likewise. His pontiff calls himself Catolicha 3 and he has his head

1 An estimate made in 1933 by Father Placid of the Syro-Malabar Church gives the
adherents to that rite as 550,000, with Ernakulam as metropolis and Changanacherry,
Trichur, and Kuttayam as suffragan sees. The Jacobites using the West Syriac Rite he
estimates at 9,000. Their metropolis is Trivandrum, with Thiruvalla a suffragan see.
There are also a few Nestorians at Trichur. (G. Schurhammer, The Malabar Church and
Rome , Trichinopoly, 1934, p. v.)

2 The Portuguese used Armenia to designate Upper Mesopotamia, where the Ara-
mean languages were spoken. It is here used in this sense, and not the present country
so named.

3 Catholica is used elsewhere throughout the text for this office, hut hereafter
Catholicos will be given in the translation.

THE ACCOUNT OF PRIEST JOSEPH 103

shaven in the form of a cross. He nominates his patriarchs , 1 as
has been said above; that is, one in India, the other in Cataio; he
sends the other bishops and archbishops, as has been said above,
to their provinces as seems best to him. Of this Catholicos
mention is made in Marco Polo where he treats of Armenia. In
that place he says that there are two kinds of Christians, one of
which is called Jacopiti [Jacobites], the other Nestorni [Nestori-
ans]. And he says that they have a Pope who is called Jacolita,
who is this Catholicos, as the above-mentioned Priest Joseph
relates. He says in addition that the said Pope creates bishops,
archbishops, and patriarchs, and sends them to India. There
may be some who will ask what authority this Pontiff has. Our
Pontiff Alexander asked Priest Joseph, when he was in Rome
and speaking with His Holiness concerning the parts of India,
who had given this authority to his Catholicos. And Priest
Joseph replied to him that at the time of Simon Magus , 2 Saint
Peter was Pontiff in Antiochia, and the Christians in the region
of Rome, being molested by the art of this Simon Magus,
because there was no one who could oppose him, sent to
supplicate Saint Peter to allow him to be transferred to Rome.
Leaving his vicar he came to Rome. And this vicar is the one
who now calls himself Catholicos and he rules in the name of
Saint Peter. As for the making of the said Pontiff or Catholicos,
the twelve cardinals above mentioned gather in the province of
Armenia, where they elect their Pontiff. The authority for this,
they say, they have from the Roman Pontiff.

HOW THEY CONSECRATE AND BURY THE DEAD ;

FEASTS AND THEIR FESTIVALS

They have, in addition, priests, deacons, and subdeacons.
The priests in truth have no tonsures, but on the tops of their
heads thay have a few hairs. Children are baptized forty days
after birth, if a case of necessity does not occur. They confess
themselves, and take communion as we do, but they do not

1 Patriarch is here metropolitan, archbishop.

z Simon Magus was a Samaritan sorcerer, whom Philip, Peter, and John convinced
of the power of God. Simon attempted to buy this power, and Peter rebuked him for
it. The practice of simony is named from him. He was the reputed founder of a gnostic
sect.

104 THE ACCOUNT OF PRIEST JOSEPH

have extreme unction. In place of this they bless the body.
They have holy water at the entrance to the churches. They
consecrate the Body and the Blood of Our Lord, as we do, with
unleaven bread. And he says that, since they have no wine, for
in those parts grapes do not grow, they take raisins, of which a
very large quantity comes from Cataio, and they put them in
water, and they strain it and obtain a certain juice, and with this
they consecrate. They bury their dead as we do. And they
have tins custom, that when any one dies, many Christians
assemble together and eat for eight days, and then they pray
for the dead. They make wills, and in case they do not make
them, their property goes to the nearest relatives. After the
death of the husbands the wives are paid their dowers, and
then they leave, and after a year they have the right to marry.
They have four evangelists and four Gospels of the Passion.
They observe Lent and Advent. On Good Friday and Holy
Saturday they fast until Easter Day. They preach on the night
of Good Friday. And during the year they have die feasts
mentioned below: the Resurrection, with two holy days fol-
lowing; the Octave of Easter, on which they have a greater
festival than all the others of the year, for they say that on that
day Saint Thomas put his hand in the side of Christ and recog-
nized that He was not a spirit; the feasts of Saint Thomas, of die
Trinity, of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary, of the
Nativity, and of the Purification, the feast of the Nativity of
Our Lord, and Epiphany. They celebrate the feasts of the
Aposdes, and Sundays, and have two feasts die first day of July
in honour of Saint Thomas, for Christians as well as Gentiles
hold him in the greatest veneration. They have monks clothed
in black who live in the greatest poverty and chastity, likewise
nuns. The priests live in chastity, and if they are discovered in
any infraction, they lose the right to say mass. The Christians
cannot be divorced. All people have communion three times a
year. They have most excellent doctors and students of letters.
They have prophets as we do. Priest Joseph, mentioned above,
says further that there are many books of learned men who
have spoken concerning the Bible and the prophets. The
Christians dress as Moors do, that is, in linen cloth. They have
the year divided into twelve months, and they have even the

THE ACCOUNT OF PRIEST JOSEPH 105

intercalary day. Their day is really divided into sixty hours;
they recognize these hours by day from the sun and by night
from the stars.

CARANGANOR DURING THE WINTER, AND THEIR SHIPS

The people of Caranganor, mentioned above, are located
between the equinoctial circle and the Tropic of Cancer, and
according to what Priest Joseph told, they have thirteen and a
half hours in the longest day of the year and ten hours in the
shortest, speaking in terms of our hours and not theirs. When
the sun is in the sign of Taurus, they have a perpendicular
shadow and when in Cancer the shade is south; when the sun is
in Virgo it makes a perpendicular shade, but when it is in
Capricorn, the shade is north. The actual movement of the
season is from the middle of May to the middle of August, and
in that time they do not navigate those seas on account of the
very heavy storms. In that part of India there are innumerable
ships which sail to the west, to Persia, to Arabia, and to the
Red Sea; to the east, to India, Cataio, Taprobana [here
Sumatra], Faillan [Ceylon], and many other islands. These
ships are very large. Some have twelve sails and countless
sailors, and others less, according to dieir burden. There are
some which have sails of matting; these come from the islands ; 1
others have sails of cotton and of good fustian like ours. The
ships are made with iron nails. This I say because there are some
who say that they are fastened together with wooden pegs.
And concerning this, wishing to have exact information from
the aforesaid Priest Joseph, he was shown the construction of
our ships. He laughed and said that theirs were like ours. The
pitch is made of incense and other mixture. Formerly, on
launching the ships into the water, they were accustomed to
use two elephants, one at each side, and because sometimes the
aforesaid elephants caused the death of their men, they no
longer use this method, but have a great number of people
come, who launch them. They have bombards, one kind of
iron and another of wood , 2 but they are not like ours and are
less powerful. And more concerning this.

1 i. e. the Laccadive Islands.

2 ligno defocho .

io6

THE ACCOUNT OF PRIEST JOSEPH

CONCERNING T H EIR MONEY, AND THE THINGS WHICH
GROW PLENTIFULLY THERE

There are three kinds of money: 1 one they call the sarapho of
gold, which is of the weight of our ducat; the second, of silver,
which they caH par ante, is worth six soldi; the third is called tare,
three of which make one of our soldi. All of these coins have
letters of their king engraved on them. In the aforesaid parts no
gold or metal of any kind is found, but it is found in certain
mountains near there, at a distance of about two hundred and
fifty to three hundred miles. The province in which the site of
Caranganor is located is entirely level, and has mountains at a
distance. It has a hot climate, and every one is dark. Those who
are in the mountains are white, 2 and live for a very long time, as
Priest Joseph says; there are men a hundred years old who have
all their teeth. The land of Caranganor is very fertile, except that
it does not produce grain or horses. Andthe grain, in fact, comes
from some islands near there. And the same conditions exist in
Calichut and Combait. This is due to their sandy soil. The
horses come from Ormus and from their mountains. 3 They
work them only in carrying merchandise from place to place.
Nor do they use them in fighting; they fight on foot. Their
weapons are bows and arrows, swords and bucklers like rodelle; A
they have lances and they are great sword j'ugglers. There are
some who make armour for themselves from the back of the
skins of certain fish, which are very hard, and some make them
of iron. They have many kinds of animals: oxen, cows, horses,
buffaloes, sheep, and many other kinds, all of which they eat for
food except the oxen, which the Gentiles worship. They have
elephants in very great numbers; they have small animals such
as hens and geese in very large numbers. They have no pigs.
And because we wanted particularly to know the value of some
things, Priest Joseph was shown hens and a ducat. He replied
that a hundred hens could be had for a ducat.

1 For a discussion of the values of these coins see articles ‘Pardao’, ‘Xerafme’, and
‘Tara or Tare* in Yule and Burnell, Hobson-Jobson. The serapho here mentioned seems
to be the Egyptian gold seraphin or dinar equivalent to t 1 '? TT *“ ■* J -\ r gold ducat
worth about us. 6d . The tare was a very small silver . values be-

tween the tare and the gold seraphin given here do not agree with those of other
authors. ^ 2 For a description of these hill tribes see Logan {Malabar).

3 i* e * Persia, 4 e . small round shields.

THE ACCOUNT OF PRIEST JOSEPH

107

RICE BREAD, AND PALMS WHICH PRODUCE INDIA NUTS

This province produces a very large quantity of rice and
likewise of sugar. This rice they use ground, grinding it with
sugar and oil. And it makes the most perfect bread, and they
eat this instead of [our] bread. They also have twenty kinds of
herbs, and all are nutritious. These they eat, and especially
some roots of herbs. They have no rosemary or boxwood,
likewise no peaches or apples, or vines, because all the aforesaid
things were shown to the said Joseph, who said that trees of
that sort did not exist in his region. But they have coundess
others and especially fig trees, of which they have a very large
number, and these have larger figs than ours, so much so that
whatever might be written about them would seem a thing in-
credible rather than otherwise. They have another tree which
they call palm. The tree, in our manner, produces the India nuts
and, as we have understood from the aforesaid Priest Joseph,
from tins are obtained four things: namely, wine, vinegar,
sugar, and oil. And because it would seem a strange thing to
many how so many things come from one tree, I do not wish
to pass over in this chapter the text of Strabo, in book sixteen,
where he speaks concerning the palm, and which is similar to
what Priest Joseph says. Later it will be related what methods
they use in making the aforesaid things. But the chapter begins
thus: ‘Other things are furnished by the palm, for from it
bread and honey and wine and vinegar are made and various
textiles. Blacksmiths use the pith instead of charcoal; steeped
in water, it is given to oxen and sheep for fodder .’ 1

HOW THEY MAKE WINE, VINEGAR, SUGAR, AND OIL FROM

THE PALM

The making of the four things above mentioned is in this
manner. The aforesaid person says that in the month of August
those inhabitants go and cut the branches of the said palms, as

1 The palm is of value in other ways. The fibre of the nut or coir is now used for
making brushes, mats, carpets, &c., the dried leaves for thatching roofs on huts. The
trees are valuable for shade. Having no lower branches the ground between them may
be used for the cultivation of some crops. The fruit, moreover, produces almost con-
tinuously. A single tree may produce from eighty to one hundred nuts a year.

108 THE ACCOUNT OF PRIEST JOSEPH

is done among us when we trim the vines, for this season is
judged to be spring among them, because the trees are in sap
and sprout like the vines with us. When these branches are
cut from the trees they produce a certain white liquid. They
put vessels under them and collect it. For the first three days
after the aforesaid liquid is gathered, it is as wine to him who
drinks of it; after the three days are passed, it changes to vine-
gar. In case they wish to make sugar or honey or boiled wine
in our fashion, they take that liquid of the first three days and
put it over the fire in some vessels, and by means of the fire, the
water is reduced to a small quantity and becomes sweet, as has
been said above, by force of fire . 1 And over it they put the
water and mix it every day for twenty days; then they put it
through a strainer and use it instead of wine. According to
their report, it is of the greatest excellence. Of the fruit of the
aforesaid tree, called palm, they use the inside of the nut to make
oil. And thus the four things are clearly explained. And,
furthermore, of the wood they make charcoal, and of the bark,
ropes and baskets. In conclusion it is the most perfect tree that
is found, to our knowledge. In that region there grows a very
large quantity of pepper, which dries because of the great heat
of the sun. And its trees are of mediocre quality. And more
grows in that place than in all the other parts of India; likewise
ginger, myrobalans, cassia, and other spices, which are bought
and marketed by Moors who barter in that region. These
carry them to Cairo and to Alexandria and to Damascus and to
Persia, and even, as the aforesaid Priest Joseph says, a greater
quantity thereof goes beyond the mountains and to Cataio than
comes to our regions, as we shall presently relate. Since we have
told about the city of Caranganor, its customs, religion, and man-
ners, and its fertility, we shall now return to the city of Calichut.

CONCERNING CALICHUT AND ITS KING, WITH
HIS USAGES AND MERCHANDISE

The city of Calichut is located ninety miles westward 2 from
Caranganor on the shore of the sea, and has there a most per-

1 Palm sugar or jaggeri.

2 This indicates the current belief based on Ptolemy, that India extended east and
west and was not a peninsula. This continued to be shown on many European maps

THE ACCOUNT OF PRIEST JOSEPH 109

feet harbour. That city is larger than Caranganor, and its lord
is an idolater of the same sect as the lord of Caranganor, who
does not differ in anything from the customs of the aforesaid
king. Because we have said enough above both concerning
his religion and everything else, we shall not go into further
detail. In this city a countless number of Moorish merchants
trade. They deal in coral, zanheloti, carpets, and other merchan-
dise. There are also some merchants who are called Guzerati,
who also trade in various commodities. In this city almost all
of India comes together, and this was even more so formerly
when those from Cataio used to trade there. These people from
Cataio are Christians, and they are as white as we are, and they
are very valiant men. About eighty or ninety years ago they
had a factory in Calichut, and because the king of that place
committed outrages against them they rebelled, and having
gathered a very large armada, they came to the city of Calichut,
which they destroyed. From that time up until the present,
they have not come to trade in the aforesaid place, but have
gone to a city of a King Narsindo, which is called Mailapet
[Malacca], 1 about nine hundred miles towards the east by way
of the Indus [Ganges] river. These people are called Malasines
[Chinese]. They carry varied merchandise; that is, cloth of
silk of five sorts, copper, lead, tin, porcelain, and musk; and
these are the ones who take the coral, and a good quantity of
spices. It is said to be six thousand miles from Calichut to their
region. They wear on their heads fezzes of great value, and
they are very rich merchants. To return to the city of Calichut:
the king of the aforesaid city is named Baufer. He has a large
palace in which he keeps seven thousand men for the safety of
his person. By night he makes the guards go around among the
houses because the city is not walled, and three hundred men
are assigned to this guard. In addition, he has a very large
palace in which he has four separate audience chambers: one for

during the sixteenth century, although it is given more correctly on the map of Diogo
Ribeiro in 1529. The Hindu navigators had a more accurate knowledge of its true
shape. This is indicated in the use of the kamal , the knots of which were so arranged as
to show the location of the principal ports on either coast by their latitude.

1 The information is here somewhat confused. Malacca, inhabited by Chinese,
Malays, and Hindus, is evidendy meant instead of Mailapur, then under the rule of
King Narasimha of Vijayanagar. Mailapur also is confused with Negapatam, to which
Chinese junks occasionally came at this period.

no THE ACCOUNT OF PRIEST JOSEPH

Gentiles, one for Moors, one for Jews, and one for Christians.
And when it happens that any one of these four nations wishes
an audience, he goes to the place assigned to him, and there they
are heard by the king. But first they are obliged to wash them-
selves, for otherwise the king would not speak to them. Be-
sides, the said Gentiles have a custom, that when they go upon
the sea, they do not eat under any circumstance, for if they do,
they would be deprived of ever again seeing their king. We
shall not take time to relate again what we have said above, that
the women, after the death of their husbands, according to
custom, are burned alive. And because one might marvel thereat
it is not a strange tiling, for the Indians have always had this
custom not only among the women but also the men. They
seem in this manner to attain certain immortality, as Strabo says
in the fifteenth book when he treats of the legates or ambas-
sadors of India sent from Porro, the king of that country, to
Caesar Augustus. The same thing is related by Nicholaus
Damascenus of Antioch, &c. Furthermore, in the city of Cali-
chut, above named, much merchandise is handled, as I have
said above, and at certain times of the year certain fairs are held
to which all the people of Cataio, India, Persia, and Syria come.
And upon our asking Priest Joseph whether any mention of our
regions is made in that place, he said that none are mentioned
except Rome and France and Venice. And he reports that the
money of Venice is very highly esteemed. The said Priest
Joseph, having been ordered to appear before our Most Illus-
trious Signoria, showed some ducats of the Doge of the House
of Sten , 1 which he had brought from those regions.

CONCERNING THE KINGDOM OF CAMBAIA, ORMUS, AND
GUZERAT

Now that we have spoken concerning Calichut, we shall go
towards the west to the kingdom of Combait, which is twelve
thousand miles 2 distant from Calichut. And from Combait it is
three hundred miles straight towards the west to the island of
Ormus. It is located at the beginning of the Persian Gulf and
twenty miles away from the mainland which is called the cape

1 Michele Steno, Venetian Doge 1400-14.

2 This is evidently a misprint in the text for twelve hundred miles.

Ill

THE ACCOUNT OF PRIEST JOSEPH

of Mogolistam which is the beginning of the gulf. This island
is one hundred and fifty miles around. Its lord is a Moham-
medan. And it has a great city, very populous. And it pro-
duces countless things and merchandise. In this place glass like
ours is made; pearls are gathered; horses are produced in large
numbers. These they then take throughout India to carry the
merchandise . 1 Between this cape of Mogolistam, which is
opposite the island of Ormus, and the city of Combait, there
are found many lands inhabited by Moors: the first is named
Sobelch, the second Semanaht, the third Chesimii. Then
inland is the city of Guzerat and on the shore of the sea is
located Combait, which is, as we have already said, three hun-
dred miles from the Cape of Mogolistam. This city of Com-
bait is deeply engulfed. And the gulf on which the city is
situated is called the gulf of Guzerat. And the province is now
called Guzerat, but in ancient times it was called Bedrosia.
And because in this place we have made mention of Guzerat,
we shall explain concerning its conditions. This province has
many cities and casdes. They are a powerful people and great
merchants. They are idolaters; they worship the sun and the
moon and cows, and if any should kill a cow he would be
killed for this. They do not eat anything which meets death.
They do not drink wine. The men are whiter than the natives
of Calichut. They are the greatest conjurers in the world. They
wear their hair well oiled, and they have beards, and they arrange
their hair as the women do. They take only one wife and they
are very chaste. Their food is vegetables and herbs which the land
produces, in accordance with theideals of Pythagoras. We have
spoken of Guzerat. Now we shall tell of the city of Cambaia.

THE SITE OF CAMBAIA, AND OTHER PLACES , 2 ALSO OF THE
KING, AND ITS SPICES

The city of Cambaia is located in the Gulf of Guzerat. It
is very large and very populous, and according to common
opinion, it is the noblest city in all India. They call it the Cairo

1 The island of Hormuz is 12 miles in circumference. There is no water except that
which is stored from the rains, and therefore little vegetation. Horses were raised in
Persia and shipped to India because of the scarcity of feed there.

2 There were many ports on the western coast of India at this time which were im-
portant in trade. This was due to many causes; first, because of the division of territory

112 THE ACCOUNT OF PRIEST JOSEPH

of India. It is walled and has very imposing dwellings within
its walls. Formerly its lord was a Gentile and idolater; at pre-
sent he is a Mohammedan. This is the reason: when the num-
ber of Mohammedans increased more than that of the Gentiles,
the Mohammedans took over the government of the province,
which is almost entirely of Gentiles, as also the land. In this
place grows lac, and incense in greater abundance than in any
other part of the world. They are very great merchants and
have a considerable number of ships with which they sail to
Ethiopia, to the Red Sea, the Persian strait, and India. From this
city of Cambaia to the cape of the gulf which is called Diongul,
it is three hundred miles. In this gulf are found many cities
which it would require a long time to describe. Near this cape
of Diongul is found an island called Maya, and from this cape of
Diongul towards the east is found a cape called Ely, the two
being two hundred and fifty miles distant from one another.
And from there to Calichut it is more than six hundred mil es.

CONCERNING KING NARSINDO 1 AND A CHURCH OF
SAINT THOMAS

Up to this point we have told about all the country which
is found along the sea, beginning at Ormus, as far as Caranganor
and the kingdom of Cuchin. We shallnow tell about the regions
inland. Towards the mountains and about three hundred miles
distant from the sea is to be found a very powerful king, who is
named King Narsindo, and he has a great city with three circuits
of walls. It is called Besenegal [Bisnagar ]. 2 This king, as Priest

between a large number of small sovereigns each of whom wished to take part in the
general trade and, second, because of the bitter rivalry between the indigenous mer-
chants and the Arab colonies. Furthermore, each province had its speciality of certain
natural products, all of which were much sought for in commerce. At the north the
chief products were the embroideries and woven goods which were shipped through
the port of Cambay to nearly the whole Mussulman world; in the centre the province
of Canara exported its famous rice and sugar; at the south, Malabar offered two much
sought products, pepper and ginger; finally, from Ceylon came cinnamon. (Heyd,
op. cit., vol. ii, pp. 497-8.)

1 Narasimha Saluva and his son, Immadi Narasimha, were the rulers of the kingdom
of Vijayanagar from i486 to 1505. Because of their energetic rule the name Narsinga
was used by the Portuguese not only to designate the ruler, but often the kingdom
itself. See Robert Sewell, A Forgotten Empire (London, 1900); B. A. Saletore, Social
and Political Life in the Vijayanagara Empire , 2 vols. (Madras, 1934); H. Krishna Sastri,
Annual Reports of the Archaeological Survey of India, 1907-12; D. Lopes, Chronica dos
Reis de Bisnaga (Lisbon, 1897).

2 Another name used by the Portuguese for Vijayanagar.

THE ACCOUNT OF PRIEST JOSEPH 1x3

Joseph told, he has seen with his own eyes. When he goes with
an army against his enemies, he takes with him eight hundred
elephants, four thousand horses, and innumerable foot soldiers,
and he says that his camp from south to north is thirty miles long,
and from west to east, of equal breadth. Consequently it may
be supposed that his kingdomis very extensive, and furthermore,
according to what Priest Joseph says, it is three thousand miles
around. Its faith is idolatrous. Now we return to the regions
next to the sea, and first begin from Cuchin towards the east and
India. A hundred miles eastward from Cuchin is found a cape
which is called Cumari [Comorin]. From this Cape of Cumari
to the Indus [Ganges] river is a distance of five hundred miles.
Within this space there is a huge gulf which is called the Gulf of
Oriza [Orissa]. And there is a large city named Oriza near which
the Indus [Ganges] river flows. On this same gulf is located a city
on a promontory extending into the sea; it is called Milapar
[Mailapur]. In that city is a church of Saint Thomas as large as
that of Saint John and SaintPaul in Venice. In it is placed the body
of Saint Thomas. There many miracles are performed, and
Gentiles and Christians hold it in the greatest reverence. There
are to be found above in this Indian Sea many islands, among
which two are worthy of mention. The first is Saylam [Ceylon],
two hundred miles distant from the Cape of Cumari [Comorin] .
On it horses are raised. After this, towards the east is the Island
of Samotra [Sumatra], or Taprobana, 1 which is a three months’
journey from Calichut. Then farther on is found Cataio and
other regions, concerning which we shall not write further,
on account of not having been able to learn more from Priest
Joseph, mentioned above. Many things might be said con-
cerning the spices and the other merchandise pertaining to
India and the parts about which we have written in this our pro-
gress, but because they are not pertinent things to the narrative
of Priest Joseph but rather an addition, and because we do not
wish to proceed further, but to tell the simple truth, we have
decided to end the present subject.

1 There was much confusion at this period concerning the location of the island of
Taprobana. Ptolemy and early writers identify it with Ceylon. With the more
definite knowledge of Ceylon, this name was also applied to Sumatra,

Q

THE LETTERS SENT TO VENICE

T he importance of the voyage of Cabral in the history of
Venice has previously been referred to. The anxiety of
the Venetians to retain the sole monopoly of the European
trade in spices and drugs made them view with apprehension
the growing power of the Osmanli in the East. To protect her
threatened commerce Venice sought the aid of the Christian
states of Europe. Spain, too, had reason to fear the Moslems
because of the expulsion of the Moors. There was thus a common
bond between the two nations. Domenico Pisani was ap-
pointed ambassador to Spain by the Venetian Senate on the
7th of September 1500, 1 and because of the friendly relations
between Spain and Portugal and their proximity, he repre-
sented Venice in Portugal as well. His chief duties were to
remind Ferdinand and Isabella of promised aid, and to seek
the assistance of the Portuguese fleets against the Turks. At this
time the Venetian diarist Marino Sanuto proposed that some
one should be sent to Portugal to offer condolence to Dom
Manuel because of the death of his infant son, and also to
endeavour to obtain the naval aid which the Venetians desired.
The name of II Cretico 2 was suggested, ‘a person of great learn-
ing in Latin and Greek’, and it was agreed that he be sent as a
secretary to Pisani because of his suitability and because in this
capacity less expense would be incurred. Henceforward II
Cretico was usually in attendance at one court while Pisani was
with the other, but early in 1501 they were both in Lisbon.
Through their efforts Dom Manuel was induced to send an
armada under Joao de Menezes to assist Venice against the
Turks. 3 We know that Pisani was in Lisbon in March 1501,
because he wrote a letter 4 from there on the 13 th of that month

1 Archivio di Stato di Venezia , Senato, deliberazione Secreto R38.

2 Giovanni Camerino, who is also called Giovanni Matteo Cretico, was a reader of
Greek rhetoric at Padua. Because he had spent seven years on the island of Crete, he
was usually called *11 Cretico*. 3 This left Belem on the 15th of June 1501.

4 This letter is given by Sanuto (. Diarii , vol. iii, col. 1595). It describes in a pictur-
esque manner the festivities which accompanied his arrival and the conversation which
Pisani had with Dom Manuel. Pisani later went to Lisbon to attend and add dignity to
the ceremonies which took place upon the arrival of Pietro Pasqualigo, who was made
Ambassador Extraordinary to Portugal on the 12th of April 1501, succeeding Piero
Contarini Pisani returned to Venice on the 20th of September 1502.

THE LETTERS SENT TO VENICE 115

addressed to Granada. He then returned to Spain leaving II
Cretico in his place. Il Cretico remained in Lisbon until
September, and was therefore present when the Anunciada
returned and also at the arrival of the flagship towards the end
of July. When the first of Cabral’s ships arrived from India on
the 23 rd of June 1501, he immediately wrote a letter to Venice,
telling briefly what he could learn regarding the voyage. This
letter sheds some additional light on the voyage of Cabral and
the cargo which it brought back. It shows also the participa-
tion of Bartolomeo Marchioni in the expedition and the elation
of Dom Manuel upon the return of the fleet. It was the first
news which the Venetians received telling of the return of
Cabral’s expedition and of what had occurred in India,
although they had heard vaguely through Egyptian sources of
its arrival there. The dismay which this report caused in Venice
is vividly told by the diarist Priuli. The letter of II Cretico was
also the first account of Cabral’s voyage printed in Venice, and
may have been the first one printed, but no copy is now in
existence. According to Girolamo Priuli, it was published in
1501. The statement made by II Cretico that the fleet proceeded
for two thousand miles along the coast of Brazil after leaving
Porto Seguro has caused discussion among some historians of
this voyage. In considering this statement, it may be well to
remember that the letter was written largely from hearsay and
is inaccurate in many particulars. If we accept what II Cretico
states we must deny that of other authorities generally con-
sidered more trustworthy, who definitely affirm the contrary.

Il Cretico seems to have sent his letter to the Doge at Venice,
then Agostino Barbarigo. A copy was evidently also sent to
the Doge through Pietro Pasqualigo and a second copy through
Pisani. The introduction to the letter sent by Pisani as given by
Sanuto is as follows: ‘Most Serene Prince, I believe that Your
Serenity has learned through letters of the Magnificent Am-
bassador, Domino Piero Pasqualigo, Doctor, the chapter of the
letter of Missier Cretico, Doctor, who is with the kingdom of
Portugal, of the 27th of July in Lisbon.’ 1 Then follows the

1 ‘Copia et sumario di una letera di sier Domenigo Pixani, el cavalier, orator nostro
in Spagna, ala Signoria* ( Diarii , vol. iv, cols. 99-101). Also published in Arch. Veneto,
vol. xxii, pp. 156 ff.

J

1X6 THE LETTERS SENT TO VENICE

letter which II Cretico sent to Venice as given in Paesi. The
letter as sent by Pisani, however, is dated the 27th of July 1501,
instead of the 27th of June, as given in the version of Cretico’s
letter printed in Paesi. The former date is evidendy an error.

Manuscript copies of the letter are to be found in the Mar-
ciana Library, Venice, in the collection entitled Viaggiatori
antichi (MS. Ital. Cl. 6, No. 208), and in Codex Contarini A
(vi. 277). Another manuscript is in the Museo Civico of that
city. It is also given in the diaries of Marino Sanuto and Giro-
lamo Priuli. It was included among the letters in book vi of
the first edition of Paesi novamente retrovati, and in subsequent
editions and translations. In recent times it has been republished
by Romanin ( Storia docum. iv. 457-60), who takes it from the
Marciana codex, by Fulin, who uses the codex in the Museo
Civico [Archivio Veneto, tomo xxiv, part 1), and by Berchet
( Raccolta Colomhiana, part iii, vol. i, p. 43), who inserts the text
published in the Diarii of Marino Sanuto (vol. iv, cols. 99-102).
The translation which follows has been made from the text
given in Paesi (bk. vi, ch. cxxv). This has been compared with
that in the Marciana codex and the texts of Rinaldo F ulin
and Marino Sanuto. The variations have been inserted in
parenthesis.

Another secretary who accompanied Pisani to Spain was
Angelo Trevisan di Bernardino. Trevisan had been secretary
of Domenico Malipiero, the Venetian annalist, in 1489 and
in 1498 when the latter was purveyor to the Venetian armadas.
Malipiero was interested in the recent Spanish and Portuguese
voyages, and, taking advantage of this opportunity, he re-
quested his former secretary to secure for him such information
as he could regarding them. Trevisan used every effort to do so.
He became personally acquainted with Columbus and with
Peter Martyr, who had by this time accumulated many notes
for his Decades. While Peter Martyr was in Egypt in 1501,
obtaining a treaty from the Mameluke for the protection of the
Holy Land, Trevisan had access to his papers, and sent to Italy
a portion of his first Decade, which was published in Venice in
1504 and known as the Libretto. Trevisan asked II Cretico,
when he was in Lisbon, to obtain for him information con-
cerning the Portuguese voyages, and particularly regarding the

THE LETTERS SENT TO VENICE 117

fleet of Cabral, which was then expected. Trevisan wrote
several letters to Malipiero telling of what progress II Cretico
was making in response to his request. Upon his return to
Spain II Cretico brought back with him information regarding
the voyage of Cabral. In one letter written from Exigia in
September Trevisan states that II Cretico had come well in-
formed in regard to the voyage to Calicut and was at work
composing a treatise which would be very fine and acceptable
to those who are pleased with such things. This is the basis for
the belief that II Cretico compiled or at least translated a portion
of the anonymous Portuguese narrative, which was sent to
Malipiero and possibly also to others in Venice, and which was
printed in the Paesi in 1507.

The letters of Trevisan, a text of the narrative of Cabral’s
voyage generally called that of ‘The Anonymous Pilot’, a trans-
lation of a letter written by Dom Manuel to the Spanish
sovereigns in 1501, and others relating to the Spanish voyages
have been preserved in Malipiero’s papers. They were pre-
sented to the Venetian Senate, and then passed into the pos-
session of the patrician Jacopo Soranzo, whose library was later
dispersed. Part of it passed into the hands of a priest, the Abbe
Canonici, and part into the library of Amadeo Sviger. The
Canonici library, at the beginning of the last century, went to
England, and is now incorporated in the Bodleian Library. The
Sviger library was divided between the Marciana Library and
the Archivio di Stato in Venice, the library of the Counts
Mannin in Passeriano, and that of the Reverend Walter Sneyd
ofLondon. 1 It is in this last collection that the letters of Trevisan
relating to the voyage of Cabral are now to be found. When
Guglielmo Berchet was compiling his monumental work on
Columbus he located these letters and published them together
with the first part of the Anonymous Narrative. The portions
of the Trevisan letters referring to the voyage of Cabral or to
II Cretico translated in this volume are from the texts as given
by Berchet.

Another letter was sent to Venice at this time, written by

1 Mr. Sneyd was a collector of Relazioni. In 1855 he made an inventory of Ins col-
lection for the British Museum; eighty ‘Relations* are mentioned, but not specifically
described. Mr. Sneyd apparently never published any of them. At his death they
passed to his son, and are now at Newcastle-upon-Tyne.

1X8 THE LETTERS SENT TO VENICE

Giov anni Francesco de Affaitadi. The AfFaitadi family had for
many years held a high position in Cremona as bankers and
merchants. At some time before the discovery of America
they established a branch at Lisbon, as did other Italians, to
secure a portion of the trade which the Portuguese were de-
veloping in their African and island possessions. Here the
AfFaitadi engaged at first in the sugar trade with Madeira, 1 but
with the return of Cabral’s fleet they became interested in that of
spices. Giovanni Francesco de AfFaitadi, the head of the house
at Lisbon, held a position as a Venetian merchant similar to
tha t of the Florentines, Bartolomeo Marchioni and Girolamo
Sernigi. AfFaitadi, because of his wealth and his commercial
and banking connexions, occupied almost a diplomatic position
at Lisbon, so that on the return of Cabral’s fleet he wrote a
letter to the Signoria concerning it. He was asked by Pietro
Pasqualigo, the Venetian oratore, upon his leaving Lisbon, to
keep the Venetian Republic informed of the results of later
voyages to India. 2

The spice trade with India was a monopoly of the King of
Portugal. The AfFaitadi tried to obtain it, but were unsuccess-
ful. 3 They did obtain, however, the exclusive trade in these
commodities with Flanders, for a time. In this they were later
joined by other Italians and by the Fuggers and Welzers of
Germany. The chief products received in Flanders in exchange
for spices were copper and silver to be used in the Indian trade.
The wealth of the AfFaitadi developed rapidly, and they later
had agents at Seville, Valencia, and at Medina del Campo,
where the largest fair in Spain was held, at London, at Lyons,
and in various cities in Italy and the Low Countries. The name
of this family is well known because some of their books of
accounting have been preserved in Antwerp. 4

The translation of this letter, written on the 26th of June

1501, has been made from Sanuto ( Diarii , vol. iv, cols. 66-7).

1 Since 1479 much sugar was exported to Flanders; 40,000 arrobas were sent at one
time. A refinery existed at Antwerp before 1500.

2 Giovanni Francesco de AfFaitadi continued to live at Lisbon, where he died in 1 528 .

3 The AfFaitadi had a representative, Matteo de Bergamo, in the fleet of da Gama in

1502, who on his return wrote a report.

4 For the AfFaitadi see A. Goris, Les Colonies manhandles meridionales h Anvers de 1488
a 1567 (Louvain, 1925); and J. Denuce, Inventaire des Affaitadi, banquiers italiens a Anvers
de Vanttee 1568 (Antwerp, 1934).

LETTER OF GIOVANNI MATTEO CRETICO 119

COPY OF ONE CHAPTER OF THE LETTER
OF

D. CRETICO, NUNCIO

OF THE MOST ILLUSTRIOUS SIGNORIA OF VENICE
IN PORTUGAL

DATED THE 27TH OF JUNE I5OI

Most Serene Prince, &c. I believe that Your Serenity has
learned through letters of the Magnificent Ambassador that
this Most Serene King has sent ships on the voyage to India.
These have now returned, but of thirteen which went, seven
were lost on the voyage. In the first place, Most Serene Prince,
along the coast of Mauritania and Getulia 1 towards the south
as far as Cape Verde, which in ancient times was called
Hesperia, where the Islands of the Hesperides are; here begins
Ethiopia, and from here on it was unknown to the ancients;
from here the shore of Ethiopia runs towards the east, so much
so that it corresponds to the Hne of Sicily . 2 From the said coast
there are nine degrees, five or six of them this side of the
equinoctial Hne . 3 And in the middle of the said coast is la mina
of this Most Serene King, and from there on a cape, extending
nine degrees beyond the tropic of Capricorn, stretches towards
the south. This cape is called that of Good Hope . 4 Then comes
the breadth of Barbary. From this place more than five thou-
sand miles of shore stretch inward towards us. From this cape
it extends again towards a cape called Prasim Promontorio 5 by

1 The Greek name for the country inhabited by the Gaetulians, a people of North-
western Africa south of the Mauri and Numidae in Mauretania, the modem Morocco.
They are referred to by Pliny.

2 The African coast-line turns south about three degrees west of a line passing along
the west coast of Sicily.

3 II Cretico means to say that from Cape Verde to the coast-line running east and
west, north of the Gulf of Guinea, it is nine degrees, and that this line is five or six
degrees north of the equator. This is approximately correct.

4 The Cape of Good Hope is located 34° 24' 18" S. and the Tropic of Capricorn 23 0
2 j'. The latter location would be known from the Tropic of Cancer, which had been
determined by the early astronomers. The latitude roughly given here by II Cretico
is that computed from the determination at St. Helena Bay by da Gama with a large
wooden astrolabe. The use of sun tables would hardly be more accurate. The true
position is io° 53' south of the Tropic of Capricorn.

s This is the Prassum Promontorium of Ptolemy, the farthest point shown to the

south in East Africa. From tl 1 ,r : 7 ^ " extended to the east. It

seemsto correspond with the A ..

120 THE LETTERS SENT TO VENICE

the ancients. The other side thus far was known to the
ancients. From here again it runs almost directly east to the
Trogloditia, 1 where there is another vein of gold which they
call Za ifala. There the ancients affirm is a greater quantity of
gold than anywhere else. From here they enter the mar Bar-
barico , 2 and then into that of India and then arrive at Colochut
[Calicut] . Tins is their voyage and it is more than fifteen thou-
sand miles but, by cutting across, they shorten it somewhat.
Above die Cape of Good Hope towards the west they have dis-
covered a new land. They call it that of the parrots [papaga ], 3
because some are found there which are an arm and a half in
length, of various colours. We saw two of these. They judged
that this was mainland because they ran along the coast more
than two thousand miles but did not find the end. 4 It is in-
habited by nude and handsome men. On their voyage they
lost four ships. Two, they sent to the new mine; 5 they judge
that these are lost. 6 Seven went to Colochut, where at first
they were well received; and a house was given them by that
lord. Some of the ships remained; the others went to other
places near by. 7 And afterward came the Sultan’s merchants,
who were angry because they had interfered with them and
wanted to load first. The factor of this Most Serene King com-

1 The land of cave-dwellers, or, more literally, of Those who creep into holes’. As
early as the twenty-second century b.c. Nubian troglodytes are referred to as working
in the gold-mines in the Eastern Desert. The word troglodytes also means coarse,
brutal people. It thus refers here to the negroes, particularly to those who brought gold
to the seaport of Sofala.

2 This is the Sinus Barbaricus of Ptolemy, the Golpho Barbarico of Berlinghieri, and
corresponds roughly to the Azanian Gulf of the Arabian Sea on modem maps. There
were then available some eleven printed editions of Ptolemy’s Geographia. Of these,
the 1490 Rome edition might be considered the most authoritative version, and this
was probably the one which II Cretico used.

3 This is the first time that Brazil is so called. This name had thus originated on the
voyage, when the discovery was evidently not considered of great value.

4 II Cretico must have misunderstood his informant. The fleet was on its way to

India and riches, and had no time for a voyage of exploration along the coast, nor
were they interested in doing so. Gaspar de Lemos returned with the news of the
finding of Brazil so that further exploration could be made. In the letter of Dom
Manuel, furthermore, the king states that Cabral did not delay the fleet to make dis-
coveries, and a similar assertion is also made by Caminha. This statement in the letter
cannot be taken seriously. 6 That is, to Sofala.

3 The writer endeavours in this manner to reconcile the number of ships. He had
evidently not learned what had happened to those of Vasco de Ataide, Gaspar de Lemos,
and Diogo Dias. That of Bartholomeu Dias was lost in the storm, but Diogo Dias
returned. He includes the ship of Diogo Dias among those which went to India.

7 Evidently referring to the ship which went to obtain the elephant.

LETTER OF GIOVANNI MATTEO CRETICO 121

plained to the lord (of Colochut), who was of the opinion that
he should come to an understanding with the Moors, and said
that if they took on a cargo he should take the spices away from
them. As a result of this they came to blows, and all the land
favoured the Moors. They ran to the house assigned to the
Portuguese, and they cut to pieces all who were (within and)
on the land. Those were about forty. Among them was the
factor who had thrown himself into the water to escape. When
the other ships, which were ten , 1 learned this, they came and
destroyed the people of the Sultan, and with their artillery they
did great damage to the land and burned a number of houses,
because they were covered with straw. On account of this
uproar they departed from Colochut and were conducted by
their guide, who was a baptized Jew , 2 to another land about
forty miles farther on, called Cuzin [Cochin], belonging to
another king, enemy of the King of Colochut. He made good
company with them and has a greater supply of spices than
there is at Colochut. They took on a heavy cargo (they loaded
seven ships with spices ) 3 at a price I fear to tell, because they
declare they have obtained a cantara of cinnamon for a ducat
and less. This lord of Cuzin sent his ambassadors with these
ships to this Most Serene King and also two hostages, who
returned in safety. On their return the Moors and people of
Colochut made plans to capture them and armed more than one
hundred and fifty small ships with more than fifteen thousand
men. However, since they had cargoes, they did not wish to
fight. Those could not attack them because these sailed with a
side wind winch they could not use. In coming they reached an
island where is the body of Saint Thomas, the Aposde. The
lord of this treated them very kindly, and, having given them
relics of the aforesaid saint, asked them to take spices from
him on credit until the return voyage . 4 They were laden and
could not take more. They have been fourteen months on
the voyage but only four on the return, and they say that
in the future they can make it in eight months or ten at the

1 This is another error. All of Cabral’s ships were then at Calicut, and they de-
stroyed ten Moorish ships.

2 Gaspar da Gama.

3 Two, at least, were loaded at Calicut, and the balance at Cochin and Cranganore.

4 This refers to the visit at Cananore. The reference to Saint Thomas is in error.

R

122

THE LETTERS SENT TO VENICE

most . 1 On the return voyage six of the seven ships came back
safely; the other ran upon a shoal. Its people were saved. This
one was of six hundred hotte (and richly laden ) . 2 Up to this time
there has arrived only one of three hundred hotte , 3 the others are
near, it is said. This one arrived on the eve of Saint John. I was
with the Most Serene King, who called me and told me that I
might congratulate him because his ships had arrived fro m India,
loaded with spices; and so I rejoiced in due form with him.
He had a feast held in the palace that evening and a ringing of
bells throughout the land (city) , and on the following day he
had solemn procession made throughout the land. Afterward,
when I found myself with His Majesty, he referred again to his
ships and he told me that I should write to Your Serenity that
from now on you should send your ships to carry spices from
here. He would make them welcome and they could feel that
they were at home. And he would forbid the Sultan to go for
spices. He wishes to put forty ships in this trade, some going,
some returning. In short, he feels that he has India at his com-
mand. This ship which has returned belongs to Bartholomio , 4
a Florentine, together with the cargo, which consists of: pepper,
about three hundred cantaras; cinnamon, one hundred and
twenty cantaras; lac, fifty or sixty cantaras; benzoin, fifteen
cantaras; of cloves they have none because the Moors had car-
ried it away , 5 nor ginger either because it does not grow in the
place where they took their cargo , 6 but only at Colochut. There
are no small spices of any sort. They say that they lost many
jewels during the disturbance at Colochut. Also, this should
not be omitted: that the ambassadors of a king of Ethiopia,
named King of Ubenam, came here . 7 He has sent a present to
this Most Serene King, of slaves and ivory teeth, although such

1 This ship was fifteen and a half months on the . . ■ *■ “* v r 1 ■ z 1 * the stay at Calicut

and elsewhere, and the return from Cochin took >. The shorter time

proposed for future voyages assumed the establishment of factories without lengthy
stops in India.

2 The Portuguese accounts give 200 tons, indicating that a botte was a third of a
Portuguese ton.

3 This ship of 100 tons was that in which Marchioni and other Italians participated.

4 Bartolomeo Marchioni.

5 The Moors had evidently not allowed the Portuguese to purchase cloves at Calicut,
having previously done so.

6 This cargo was taken on at Cochin or Cranganore.

7 That is, a king on the coast of Guinea. This information does not refer to Cabral's
voyage.

LETTER OF GIOVANNI MATTEO CRETICO 123

things have been coming here for some time. Near there also
grows pepper , 1 but it cannot be compared with the other.
Moreover, this ship, on its return, met two very large ships
which had left the new mine and were going towards India . 2
They had a great amount of gold, and because they feared that
our men desired to capture them they immediately offered
fifteen thousand dobras . 3 Each (ship) was worth more than five
hundred thousand. But our men did not wish to seize any-
thing; instead, they offered them presents and good will, for
they wished to be allowed to navigate those seas.

EXTRACTS FROM THE LETTERS OF ANGELO TREVISAN TO
DOMENICO MALIPIERO

From Granada, the 21st of August 1501:

Furthermore: We are daily expecting our doctor from Lis-
bon, who left our magnificent ambassador there: who at my
request has written a short account [ opereta ] of the voyage
from Calicut, of which I will make a copy for Your Magnifi-
cence. It is impossible to procure the map [carta] of that voyage
because the king has placed a death penalty on any one who
gives it out. This is as much as I can do now for the service of
Your Magnificence, and if it seems possible to do more, com-
mand me.

From Granada (without date, but probably in September 1501):

In regard to the desire of your magnificence to learn of the
voyage to Calicut, I have written you at other times that from
day to day I am expecting Messer Cretico, who writes me that
he has composed a small work [opereta]. As soon as he arrives,
I will see that Your Magnificence has part of it.

(Rac. Col , op. cit., part iii vol. i, p. 54-)

1 This is prima in the text, apparently a misprint for pipper. The last part of this
sentence is omitted in the 1508 edition of Paesi.

2 This refers to the ship from Cambay which the fleet encountered while on its
return voyage, crossing from Cananore to East Africa.

3 The dobra was a Castilian coin which also circulated in Portugal at this period, with
a value of fifty to the mark, and was thus somewhat more valuable than the cruzado,
then worth 9s . 8d. (M. B, L. Fernandes, Memoria das Moedas correntes an Portugal,
Lisbon, 1856.)

124 THE LETTERS SENT TO VENICE

From Exigia, the 3rd of December 1501:

Messer Cretico, also a loyal servitor of Your Magnificence,
renders thanks that you have deigned to salute him so kindly
in your letters, and commends himself to you greatly, con-
gratulating you from his inmost heart on your good fortune.
He comes from Portugal at the end of this September, well in-
formed concerning the voyage to Calicut, and is continually
working on a treatise [tractate] which will be very fine and
acceptable to those who are pleased with such things. 1

If we return to Venice alive, Your Magnificence will see
maps [carte] both as far as Calicut and beyond there less than
twice the distance from here to Flanders. I promise you that
everything has come in order; but this, Your Magnificence may
not care to divulge. One tiling is certain, that you will learn
upon our arrival as many particulars as though you had been at
Calicut and farther, and Your Magnificence will be made a
participant in everything, as perhaps others will not.

(Ibid., p. 62.)

LETTER OF GIOVANNI FRANCESCO DE AFFAITADI TO
DOMENICO PISANI

LISBON, THE 26TH OF JUNE I5OI

Magnificent Orator, &c. 2

Several days ago I wrote through Zuan Vesiga, but to-day
we have yours in which you instruct that we give an account
of the expedition of the armada of tills Most Serene King.
Although Missier Cretico will have written also, I wish to give
news of the departure of this armada, which left here the 17th

1 This statement and the fact that a copy of the Anonymous Narrative has been
preserved with these letters form the basis for the belief that II Cretico was the author
of that account of CabraTs voyage.

2 Sanuto gives the following heading for this letter: ‘This is a copy of a letter of
Zuan Francesco de la Faitada, written in Lisbon, on the 26th day of June 1501, addressed
in Spain to Sier Domenego Pixani, Cavalier, our orator: which he sent to this country
with his of the 10th of July/

LETTER OF GIOVANNI DE AFFAITADI 125

of June, and on the 18 th was at Lacus [Lagos] in the land of
Algarius [Algarve], which is forty leagues from here. From
that place, Lacus, we are advised that on Monday last the said
armada was increased by many ships and many men, and as I
was advised through a letter of last Sunday, more than two
thousand men were added from the Kingdom of Algarius in
addition to those who went from here with the ships which
departed. The reason that this king sends this armada to this
place of the Moors, is to capture it. And this was done on
Saint John’s Day, by an assault on land. This is as much as is
known of the aforesaid armada to the present day. It is ex-
pected that they will then pursue the route to which they were
assigned. May God grant them victory. 1

Your Magnificence will know that in the afternoon there
came one of the small ships [navilij] which in January arrived
at Colocut, which place is that whence spices are expected.
And because I know that you will be pleased to hear the news
which they bring, I shall advise how this Most Serene King
sent to the said Coloqut twelve ships, large and small, of which
ten were his own, one of Signor don Alvaro 2 in partnership
with Bortolo, 3 a Florentine, and Hironimo 4 and a Genoese, 5
and the other of Conte de Porta Alegra 6 and also certain other
merchants.

1 This was the expedition of Joao de Menezes which according to de Goes (part i, ch.

li) set sail from Belem on the 15th of June 1 501 to assist the Venetians against the Turks.
It consisted of thirty ships and caravels with 3,500 men. There also went at this same
time, and also under de Menezes, another fleet which was sent secretly to capture the
castle of Mazalquibir near Ouram. A stop was made in Algarve for reinforcements.
Unable to capture Mazalquibir, the fleet destined there returned to Portugal. The
main fleet proceeded to Sardinia, near which a carraca and two galleons belonging to
some Genoese were captured. The fleet then continued to Corfu and was there
joined by a large fleet of Venetian galleys and galleons. Anticipating a delay in further
1 : '■ .■ T- ■" acause the Venetians had already captured the Negro-

jy ■ ■ 1 ■ ' ’’ " ' ' the Portuguese were excused from further partici-

pation in the armada and returned, reaching Sagres at Christmas, on their way to
Lisbon. Here the king received his fifth of the booty and Count de Menezes was well
rewarded. ^ _

2 Dora Alvaro de Bragan9a was the fourth son of Dorn Fernando, Duke of Bra-
gan9a.

3 Bartolomeo Marchioni, a [rich Florentine merchant and banker residing in Lis-
bon.

4 Girolamo Sernigi, also a Florentine, but to whom Dom Manuel had granted
citizenship of Lisbon.

s Antonio Salvage, according to the belief of Peragallo ( Cenni intorno alia colonia
italiam in Portugal nel secoli XIV, XV, e XVI).

6 Conde de Portalegre, Dom Diogo da Silva de Menezes.

126 THE LETTERS SENT TO VENICE

In all there were twelve ships , 1 large and small, of which,
at the beginning, when at a distance of eighty leagues, one
of the ships of this king was lost, of which there has never
been any news. The other eleven pursued their voyage,
arriving at a place called Cavo de Bona Speranza. One day
in July, after dinner, there arose a great wind so that by this
accident there were lost three other ships belonging to the
king and the small ship of the Conte di Porta Alegra. Thus
there remained only seven. These continued until they arrived
at Coloqut. I may also say that before they arrived at
Coloqut, they went along the coast a distance of one hundred
leagues, arriving at a place where the king did them great
honour and sent them supplies of meat, lambs, and other
presents . 2 They then went to Coloqut. The captain had a
talk with the king of that place, and in the name of this Most
Serene King, made him presents of many things, so that they
became great friends. And the captain returned to the ship
and he instructed the chief factor, with the other designated
officials, that they were to remain on land; and they began
to contract and to exchange their merchandise. At that time
there was to be found in the said place of Coloqut a fleet of
ships of the Moors of Mecha , 3 4 5 who were there to load spices.
One day the Moors and the factor of the king came to a
misunderstanding, one saying that he wished to load before the
other, and the Moors killed twenty-five or thirty of the prin-
cipal Portuguese, among whom were the chief factor and
writers and certai nfrati de ohservantia* whom the king sent in the
said armada. Some of those who were on land threw them-
selves into the sea. They swam to the ships and gave notice of
what had happened to the captain, who ordered all ships ready
to sail. And he began to bombard the Moorish ships, resulting
in sending about twelve ships to the bottom 3 and killing more
than three hundred Moors. This done, he began to fire the
bombards towards the shore and killed many people, burning

1 The ship of Gaspar de Lemos is not included.

2 That is, along the coast of Africa, where they were entertained at Malindi.

3 The Moors of Mecca were so called because their ships sailed from Jidda, the port
for Mecca, and because they carried pilgrims.

4 A branch of the Franciscan Order who professed a strict observance of rules.

5 That is, ten at Calicut, and two at Pandarani, near by.

LETTER OF GIOVANNI DE AFFAITADI 137

many houses. And the next day they captured many of the
men of Coloqut and took them to their ships. The captain
deliberated as to returning here. A Jew, whom the other cap-
tain brought when the first voyage to Coloqut was made by
this king, who was sent in this armada, but who all this time
was never permitted to go on shore , 1 told the captain not to
return, but to go some seventy or eighty leagues farther, which
would bring him to the proper place where spices grew. This
place belongs to another king. The captain, after considering
the proposal of the Jew, determined to do what he said, and he
ordered them to sail towards this place which this man told him
of, so that he arrived at this land which is called Chuchi
[Cochin], where the captain sent men on shore to talk to the
king of this land and to relate to him what had happened in
Coloqut. The king of this land is a great enemy of the King
of Coloqut, and on learning this he sent four of his most im-
portant men to the ships, in exchange for four others whom the
captain sent on shore. And they began to trade, so that in nine
days all seven of the ships were loaded with spices, namely,
cloves, cinnamon, nutmegs, pepper, and other kinds of spices.
And after the ships were entirely laden, the king sent another
fourteen small boats of spices, and they returned them because
they could not carry them. This tire king sent them as a gift,
without money or anything else in exchange. The King of
Coloqut, while this armada went to load at this place, because
he was an enemy of that other king and doubting if the traffic
of Coloqut would be of sufficient importance , 2 ordered a large
armada to be sent to capture the ships of Portugal. In this armada
went more than fifteen thousand men. The King of Chuchi,
who learned the news of tins armada, informed the Portuguese
captain, making him a great offer to save him as much as he
could. And the latter took his departure, while the four men
from the ships who were on land remained there, and the four
others of the land who were in the ships came here with the
said ships. And this they did with great friendship. One day
while the said ships were ready to leave, to start on their return

1 Gaspar da Gama, whom Vasco da Gama had brought back with him from India.
(See Ravenstein, Vasco da Gama, Hakluyt Soc., p. I79-)

? i.c. doubting whether the trade with the Portuguese would be of much value to
the people of Calicut.

128 THE LETTERS SENT TO VENICE

voyage, the armada of Coloqut appeared, and those of the ships
spread sail and, having a favourable wind, left behind the
armada of Coloqut because those ships did not sail unless they
had the wind astern.

In Coloqut were gathered together a great value of tilings
which had already been purchased. There always existed on
the voyage thither a great sum in these ships of the king. The
fame of the riches of this king is so great that a third part is a
large thing. After they had left Chuchi, as has been said before,
when a distance from the said place of two hundred leagues,
they found another land called Lichinocho [Cananore], and
there lived a very rich king, who sent presents to the captain
and sent him two ambassadors who came to the King of Portu-
gal. Leaving this king, they departed on their voyage and came
to Zofala. In this place they say there is a great trade in gold.
And of the twelve ships, the king ordered that two should go
to this land. But when the four ships were lost they were
obliged to go to this land of Zofala . 1 They continued and one
day there was a great wind, so that one of the seven ships went
aground; and the people were saved. The captain ordered the
said ship to be burned with the merchandise. When they
arrived at the Cape of Good Hope, the captain ordered all the
other ships to join together and they went together for three
or four days. He then ordered that this one which has come,
because it was the best sailer, should leave the others and should
come to give news of those ships to this King of Portugal. And
so it was done. This ship which has come is the smallest of all,
and it belongs to Signor Alvaro and the three other merchants
named above. It is the poorest of all the others; it carries three
hundred cantara of pepper and two hundred of cinnamon, nut-
megs, lac, and benzoin; and bears news of these things, namely,
that all come laden.

This discourse I have made to advise Your Magnificence of
the success of this matter of Coloqut. The above news was
obtained from a mariner of the small ship which has arrived,
which ship is still at Restello and is daily expected here. It is

1 That is, with the two ships missing which were to go to Sofala, it was necessary
for the whole fleet to return that way because one of the objects of the expedition was
to visit that place.

LETTER OF GIOVANNI DE AFFAITADI 129

understood that another is expected who is advised of every-
thing in particular, &C. 1

This letter arrived in Venice the middle of the month of
July 1501.

(Sanuto, I Diarii, vol. iv, cols. 66-7.)

1 Intendetidose altro , ne sareti avisato del tutto particularmente, &c., i.e. on Cabral’s flag-
ship; this may possibly refer to the source of the account given in the Anonymous
Narrative.

S

THE VENETIAN DIARISTS

F our prominent Venetians, Domenico Malipiero, Marcan-
tonio Michieli, Girolamo Priuli, and Marino Sanuto have
left a record in the form of diaries which give us an intimate
knowledge of what appeared to them of interest in their city,
almost day by day, from 1457 to 1535. These diaries are the
foundation for the history of Venice during this period, and it is
in two of diem that is found, to a large extent, the information
which reached Venice regarding the voyage of Cabral.

The portions of the diaries of Malipiero and Michieli which
now exist contain no references of importance to the Portuguese
voyages. The diaries of Girolamo Priuli and Marino Sanuto,
however, are storehouses ofinformationregarding the commerce
and the political relations of Venice, including those with Portu-
gal. Priuli, whose family had always been merchants, views the
events as they occur more from a commercial standpoint,
while Sanuto, a statesman, looks at them also from their
political aspect.

Girolamo Priuli was bom in Venice on the 26th of January
1476. His father, Lorenzo Priuli (1446-1518), held the most
important offices in the Republic, and was a man of consider-
able wealth. He died in 1547. Priuli was in intimate touch
with the commercial situation in Venice from the time that
Cabral’s fleet returned from India. He knew her merchants, the
commodities they dealt in, and his high position in the com-
munity enabled him also to know the relations of that city with
foreign countries. He realized as well as any one in Venice the
effects which would ensue from the discovery of the new sea
route, and in the early letters in his diary he foretells them, and
we can see, as years pass, how much of his anxiety for the
future was well founded. His diary begins with April 1494 and
extends to July 1512 and consists of eight books. Thefirstbook,
which extends from the 1st of April 1494 to the 14th of June
1500, has been printed. 1 Professor Rinaldo Fulin has published
such extracts from the diary from August 1499 to March 1512

1 Muratori, Rerum Italicmm Scriptores (2nd ed., Citta di Castello, 1911).

THE DIARY OF GIROLAMO PRIULI 13 1

as pertain to the Portuguese in India and to the Venetians in
Egypt ( Archivio Veneto, vol. xxii, part 1; also as a separate volume
entitled Diarii e Diaristi Veneziani, Venice, 1881). In this he
gives sixty-eight extracts, twenty-five of which are prior to
1 505. The translations here made are from this selection, and are
the entries which refer to the voyage of Cabral.

Marino Sanuto was called the Younger (1466-1533) because
of an earlier writer by the same name who lived in the twelfth
and thirteenth centuries, who was also a Venetian and equally
celebrated. Through his own exertions he became one of the
most prominent men in Venice at this period, and occupied
a position in all of the councils of the Republic. On the 1st of
January 1496, Sanuto began to write his diary which was
destined to be probably the largest, most comprehensive, and
valuable ever written by one man. While Sanuto must have
had assistance at times, much of the diary, which fills fifty-
eight volumes, he did himself. In it he gives notes, extracts, or
complete documents which passed through his hands concern-
ing the relations of Venice with other parts of the world. The
diary continues until September 1533. It was published
between 1879 and 1903. In it are found many references to the
voyages of the Portuguese and to the Venetian representatives
who were present in Lisbon and who gathered whatever news
they could to send to Venice, where it was received with in-
tense interest. He tells of the voyage of da Gama, but gives,
more particularly, notices of the return of Cabral’s fleet. In it
are found the letters of II Cretico and of Francesco de AfFaitadi,
printed elsewhere in this volume. There are other shorter
references to Cabral’s voyage, some of which are felt to be
of sufficient value for insertion.

EXTRACTS FROM THE DIARY OF GIROLAMO PRIULI
1501— July.

Previous to the 24th of this month letters had come from
Portugal from a nuncio of the Venetian Signoria, sent to that
place on purpose to learn minutely the truth of the voyage to
India begun by that king . . . which event was of greater im-
portance to the Venetian state than the Turkish war, or any

132 THE VENETIAN DIARISTS

other wars which might have affected her. This nuncio wrote
to the Venetian state by his letter of the 6th of June last as
follows. 1 This letter was printed, which is the same as that
herewith.

[Here follows in the text of Priuli the letter of II Cretico. This is

also given in Paesi and in the diary of Sanuto .]

At this point is finished the copy written to the Venetian
state as is stated above, from a person worthy of belief. How-
ever, I leave it to the most intelligent readers as to how it
appears to them, for in this letter are many things of great
wonder in our times and almost incredible, which give me.
something very instructive to consider; but time will better
enable us to understand the truth. But if God will lend me life,
I shall endeavour to note the result so far as it can be understood,
for already so much has been found out that nothing more can
be learned now than infinite time desires should be known. It
is understood, further, how the above-mentioned King of
Portugal sent with the aforesaid ships coral and cloths of every
kind, and money to the value of 60,000 ducats [provided] by
the aforesaid Icing and other merchants for this voyage to India.
And how much profit was derived from it, it is not possible to
judge, because the spices have been taken to Portugal. It is
true that seven ships were lost; nevertheless the other six which
have arrived home have carried so much spicery for so much
value of treasure, that it is almost difficult to judge it. I can say
for the profit, that from one ducat they can make more than
one hundred. But every intelligent person should know there
was not so much profit as is written, but at any event it was
great. And if this voyage should continue, since it now seems
to me easy to accomplish, the King of Portugal could call him-
self the King of Money because all would convene to that
country to obtain spices, and the money would accumulate
greatly in Portugal with such profit as would follow each year
from similar voyages. When this news was truly learned in
Venice, the whole city was much stirred by it, and every one
was stupefied that in this our time there should have been found

1 The letter of H Cretico is dated the 27th of June 1501 in Paesi. This is correct, and
not the ( 5 th, as apparently given in the Priuli manuscript.

THE DIARY OF GIROLAMO PRIULI x 33

a new voyage which was never heard of or seen in the times of
the ancients or of our ancestors. And this news was held by the
learned to be the worst news which the Venetian Republic
could have had, to lose the liberty abroad. And the wars and
the travails which we now have and for some time may have,
are of the smallest moment in comparison with this news. And
for this reason I wish to tell the truth and not to deceive. There
is no doubt whatever that the city of Venice came to such
reputation and fame as it now enj oys only through the sea,
namely by the continual traffic and navigations which it has
made by the voyages, because they carry each year a large
quantity of spices with their galleys and ships, so that very great
damage would be done to deprive them of it. And as is said,
the whole world flocked to Venice with ducats to buy spices
and other needs, and also placed their goods there. Whence
through the arrival of foreigners and through the traffic of sell-
ing and buying each year and in every trading season, the city
of Venice has come to this excellence which it has attained, and
only through these voyages and this maritime traffic. And this
they have gained by the sea, and with this they have also been
able to sustain the war and acquire the state on the mainland
as is seen. The reason why the profit from the terra jinna is very
bad, as well in war as in forced service, is that they consume as
much as they raise.

Therefore, now that dais new voyage of Portugal is found,
this King of Portugal will bring all the spices to Lisbon. And
there is no doubt that the Hungarians, Germans, Flemish and
French, and those beyond the mountains, who formerly came
to Venice to buy spices with their money, will all turn towards
Lisbon, for it is nearer to all the countries, and easier to reach.
And for this reason they will have a better market because all
of this is of importance. And this is because the spices which
come to Venice pass through all of Syria and through all of the
countries of die Sultan. And in each place they pay very large
duties and similarly in the Venetian state diey pay unsufferable
duties, presents and excises [gabelle]. Therefore, through the
countries of the Sultan, extending to the city of Venice, the
presents, duties, and excises are so great that I might say this,
that whatever costs a ducat would be multiplied in price by

134 THE VENETIAN DIARISTS

these to the amount of sixty or one hundred ducats. That is,
I say, that which costs a ducat in Calicut with the duty, presents,
and excises mounts as above said. Therefore the King of Portu-
gal, having found this voyage the other way round, would
alone have the spices of the caravels, which they would import
for much less in comparison with the other spices mentioned
above, and for this reason they could give the spices a much
better market than can the Venetian merchants; furthermore,
it is shorter to conduct the spices to Flanders, Hungary, Eng-
land, France, and other places from Portugal than to carry them
from Venice. It may be said in conclusion that assuming this
voyage from Lisbon to Calicut has begun, the spices in the
Venetian galleys must lessen and also the merchants. And when
this traffic in merchandise is lessened in Venice, it can be con-
sidered that the milk and nutriment of Venice are lessened to a
putino. And because of this I see clearly the ruin of the Vene-
tian city, because as die traffic lessens, so lessens the money
which has produced the Venetian glory and reputation. Many
still believe that this news cannot be true; others say that the
King of Portugal could not continue this navigation to Calicut
because of the thirteen caravels sent on the voyage to India only
six returned in safety, and that the loss is greater than the gain;
and that furthermore he will not find people who, for fear of
life, will wish to go. Others comfort themselves, saying that
the Sultan will provide for all this, because when the spices do
not arrive in Syria and Alexandria, that he will lose the great
treasure and profit which flowed from this, and because of this
he will be incited to make all provisions regarding it. Others,
furthermore, say to their profit, that always in places and large
cities both ingenious persons always find something to say
in favour of their belief and ill-wishers have things to say about
things which may do harm. This is the only thing that matters,
and it is of greatest importance, because with this news spices of
all sorts will descend in price gready in Venice, for the usual
customer on learning this news will be restrained and obstinate
in buying, as would the prudent ones.

I know I have said and written too long regarding this
matter. I beg the reader that he excuse me, and chiefly because
I have written in a confused and poorly adapted manner. For of

THE DIARY OF GIROLAMO PRIULI 135

the new matter and its great importance to our country, I have
made what little transport to the pen as was appropriate. I am
tired.

1501 — August.

On the 23rd of this month there departed from Venice three
large galleys on the voyage to Flanders. The Captain was Sier
Alvixe di Prioli. These galleys had about 150 bales of spices:
namely, 33 bales of pepper, heledi ginger 1 100 bales, cloves 12
bales, and other kinds of spices to complete the amount; still
they had little spices. And this was because the Venetian
merchants, hearing this news of the Portuguese caravels coming
from India, judged that the spices which arrived in Lisbon must
go to Flanders, as seems reasonable, and everything would be
lower in the West, because of this news. And this was the
reason why very little spices went with the present galleys,
compared with similar galleys. From many sources it is learned
in Venice how the caravels coming from Calicut to Portugal
have not arrived, save one, as is related before, and that the
others, not being with it, are believed to be lost. And the
above-mentioned caravel, which has arrived, has not as much
spices as is said. And much comment is made regarding this,
particularly by those who would desire that this voyage should
not be found. And it is said further, that the King of Portugal
was poorly satisfied with this voyage, and through the loss of
these caravels he will lose this year, with these caravels on this
voyage, 50,000 ducats, and that he does not wish to send this
voyage again. And every one has his own opinion. And they
retain similar hopes which are all vain, because this voyage to
Calicut, which the Kang of Portugal will make every year, will
become frequent and cause the ruin of the Venetian state.

1501 — September.

On the 9th of this month letters came from Lisbon of the
1st of August. And through letters from Genoa and Lyons and
other parts, it is learned that the caravels which were expected
loaded with spices are in Portugal.

1 Two kinds of ginger were known in commerce, distinguished as heledi and colom-
hino. The first came from several provinces, the second was a speciality of the district of
Koulam. The word heledi is evidendy derived from the Arabic beled— country.

136 THE VENETIAN DIARISTS

Three of the said caravels came from Calicut and one from
the gold-mine which had a large quantity of gold. And the
above-mentioned caravels had such a quantity of spices as is
related above. Still it is variously reported, some say more, and
some less. One report is that there was a very great quantity of
spices, chiefly pepper and cinnamon, and a little beledi ginger;
others say that there were 3,000 cantara of spices in all. And
one cantara is 150 lire in weight. Nevertheless, it matters litde
now what the quantity of spices is; but the importance is the
finding of the voyage and the trade, which each year will carry
a large quantity of spices. Tills news, as has been said above,
was considered very bad news for the city of Venice, and some
very wise people are inclined to believe that this tiling may be
the beginning of the ruin of the Venetian state, because there
is no doubt that the traffic of the voyage and the merchandise
and the navigation which the city of Venice made each year
thence, are the nutriment and milk through which the said
Republic sustained itself. And without doubt, from this traffic
and voyages, because of the profit which each year is derived
from them, the Venetian senators have risen to such honour
and glory and fame and exaltation to which they find them-
selves. Whence it is that the King of Portugal has found this
new voyage, and that the spices which should come from
Calicut, Cochin, and other places in India to Alexandria or
Beyrout, and later come to Venice, and in this place be-
come monopolized, whence all the world comes to buy such
spicery and carry gold, silver, and every other merchandise,
with which money the war is sustained; to-day, with this new
voyage by the King of Portugal, all the spices which came by
way of Cairo will be controlled in Portugal, because of the
caravels which will go to India, to Calicut, and other places to
take them. And in this way the Venetians will not be able to
take spices either in Alexandria or Beyrout. And when the
spices lessen to the Venetians, then will also lessen the profit and
the money. And, in consequence, when the money is less, they
will not be able to do things which would be good; and little by
litde it will be consumed until it is exhausted. Still, this is a
presumptuous prognostication, since the heavens may dispose
otherwise. And truly the Venetian merchants are in a bad way,

THE DIARY OF GIROLAMO PRIULI 137

believing that the voyages should make them very poor,
doubting whether spices would be obtainable in Syria because
they would be taken in India. And later the German merchants
and other nations who are accustomed to come to buy the
spices in Venice, because they can have cheaper and better
merchandise, will go to Portugal to secure the spices because
each one seeks his own profit. At all events the results of this
matter will demonstrate the effects.

1501 — September.

On the 14th of the said month, letters came from Portu-
gal, from Lisbon, from the Venetian secretary, of the 4th of
last month, regarding the caravels come from India; through
which confirmation is learned of the arrival of four caravels
loaded with spices which have returned from Calicut with
3,000 cantara of spices: namely, 2,000 cantara of pepper, which
is, in our method of loading, 800; 600 cantara of cinnamon; the
rest to the total between ginger, sandalwood, and benzoin; and
with one cantara equal to 150 of our lire. The King of Portugal
did not, in truth, show much contentment with this voyage; and
this because of the caravels which were lost and shipwrecked,
and the death and drowning of the men; and he said that
because of this voyage, he would lose 80,000 ducats. Still, the
said king is preparing 24 caravels to send on the said Indian
voyage anew, and he says that he wishes the said caravels to go
farther beyond Calicut than on the past voyage; and this is
because the King of Calicut did not make good company
with his people who went with the ships. From which it can
truly be held as certain that this King of Portugal should become
a great lord of money discovered through this voyage, because
he will find all the spices of India in such quantity that spices
will no longer come into the hands of the Moors, either in
Cairo, or in Syria; and the course of merchandise will become
diverted to Lisbon, where the spices will be, and every one will
go there to purchase, and all merchandise of all parts of the
world, with the money, will flow to Lisbon to buy like spicery,
because it is easy to go from Flanders and other places, as well
as to have there a better market. The before-mentioned Vene-
tian secretary also wrote how, in the equipment of the said

x 3 8 THE VENETIAN DIARISTS

caravels, there was no difficulty in finding men who wished to
go on the voyage. And this, although they might perish,
since last year, as appears above, many caravels were lost; still
such was the great gain, that people put themselves in danger of
fife because of the gain. In fact, the king from Lisbon, to repair
the loss received in the past voyage, as appears above, has made a
requirement that on all the spices which with other things which
should come with the aforesaid caravels in the Indian voyage,
there should be paid, or rather given to the king, 29 per cent.,
and the remainder the merchants of the caravels could sell at his
command. How much damage this voyage made to the Venetian
city has been related above; nothing further need be said.

1501 — September.

On the 19th day of the said month through letters of the
Venetian orator, who arrived at Lisbon, in Portugal, to that
Most Serene King, seen and honoured and accepted with all
demonstrations and with very large words of that king of
friendship and goodwill for the Venetian state, &c., all pro
forma, it is learned of the arrival of the Portuguese caravels come
from Calicut in India, regarding which so much has been said
above. And many merchants and others in Venice in the past
have not wished to believe it; until now that they see the
letters of the orator, they are enlightened with the quantity
of spices above mentioned. And on this day, also in consonance
with this news, through letters from Bruges in Flanders, there
is learned that two caravels have arrived in that part, come from
Portugal with spices brought from Calicut, and that they have
begun to sell. The pepper is somewhat green and small, but still
good; die cinnamon is somewhat large. So that this can be con-
sidered the beginning of the damage which the Venetian state
can receive from the voyage found by the King of Portugal.

(R. Eulin, Diarii e Diaristi Veneziani, pp. 155-64.)

EXTRACTS FROM THE DIARY OF MARINO SANUTO

On the 22nd of February 1501 Dom Manuel wrote a letter in
Latin to the Venetian Doge, 1 Agostino Barbarigo, in which he
offered an armada to aid the Venetians against the Turks. In this

1 Sanuto, Diarii , vol. iii, cols. 1593-5.

THE DIARY OP MARINO SANUTO 139

he uses his new title, which was confirmed by the Pope in
1502, ‘King of Portugal and of the Algarves on this side and
beyond the sea in Africa, Lord of Guinea, and of the Conquest,
Navigation and Commerce of Ethiopia, Arabia and India’.
This letter was sent to the Doge by Domenico Pisani, with a
letter written from Lisbon on the 13 th of March. In it he tells
of the ancient friendship between the two states and refers to
the congratulations which the Doge had sent to Dom Manuel
regarding the marriage of his majesty. On the 23rd of March
he again writes of the preparations being made for the fleet of
Toao de Menezes and makes the following reference to that of
Cabral.

The 23 rd of March 1501. He writes further that a year ago
the King of Portugal sent thirteen caravels to Calicut for spices,
and they say that they are expected shortly; and he is jubilant
to have found the way to the spices. And the king told them
that as a consequence of this he would derive great benefit.
And there are now in port four other caravels with merchandise
for Calicut, and they will depart in three or four days. 1 The
way is very long; it is four thousand leagues, sixteen thousand
of our miles; and he has talked with men who returned with
the caravels which went as above.

(iii, col. 1597.)

From Spain, from Sier Domenego Pixani, the cavalier, our orator
[without date, but placed in July 1501 ].

He writes of the progress of the armada of the King of
Portugal which went to Calicut and of the caravels which
returned with spices; and he sent the copy of a letter received
from Lisbon of the 26th day of June of Zuan Francesco
Afaitado which, because it is very long, will be noted later.
And this news of the arrival in Portugal of spices from Coloqut
gives to those of this land much to think of: especially con-
sidering that the other six ships which were in convoy with
this caravel are daily expected, and the merchants are fearful
of their ruin.

(iv, col. 87.)

1 Those of Joao da Nova.

i 4 o THE VENETIAN DIARISTS

August 1501. From Alexandria, through letters of June in those of
the Bragadini, of San Sovero and Sier Beneto Cahriel.

The news of the spices of India arrived in Portugal is verified:
and that the Moors in Cairo have learned that ships and caravels
have arrived in Coloqut and loaded with spices: and the Moors
wishing to disperse them, forty Franks are dead.

(iv, col. 98.)

On the 30th of September [1501] there arrived here a royal
orator of Spain going to the Sultan of Cairo who embarked on
our Alexandria galleys. 1 It is said that he goes to pray the
Sultan to release the brothers of Monte Syon and to treat them
well; and that thirty thousand Moors of Granada are baptized of
their own wish, and not by compulsion.

(iv, col. 146.)

Copy of a letter of Sier Filippo Contarini to Sier Vetor Querini,
dated in Alexandria the 4th day of September 1501.

[This letter begins with a list of commodites both for import
and export at Cairo with the current prices. It then gives a
description of the disordered rule of the Mamelukes which
necessitated the closing of the Moorish shops, and of the large
sums of money given to the eleven thousand or twelve thou-
sand slaves in Egypt who belonged to that class.]

Regarding the things of India and Calicut. In the first place:
we have word of the arrival safely there of eight Portuguese
caravels, with merchandise and money. And while engaged in
buying and selling, Moorish merchants overcame them and
drove them from there. And they told the said lord that these
were corsairs and men of bad character and that he should not
sell anything to diem, and if they continued to come it would
be the total ruin of his country. In this manner they convinced
him with many other reasons. And they so knew how to say
such things that the people became excited, and they gave them
arms, and forty of those Portuguese who were on shore are
dead, and in this manner they put them to flight. The boats
took sail and all are departed. And according to what they
write, they have loaded eight hundred schibe of spices in their

1 Peter Martyr of Anghiera.

THE DIARY OF MARINO SANUTO 141

ships. And they almost departed without paying the said
Indians or giving them anything in exchange. On the contrary.
This is as much as I have been able to learn through a Moorish
letter written by the nephew of Amath Bubacho who had gone
to India, as a canzelier.

(iv, cols. 167-8.)

From Spain, from the Orator, given at Saragossa, the 12th day of

October [1302].

How the princes had not yet arrived; and the Queen is in
Castile, where it is said she will be to provide for the war
against France. And through another letter of the 12th this
orator writes that he has had letters from Lisbon, from Zuan
Francesco Ascaitato, of Cremona, of the 10th of September.
He advises that the four ships expected from India which left
eighteen months ago have not arrived; and the caravels sent last
year to discover la terra di Papagd or rather of Santa Croce,
returned on the 22nd day of July; and the captain referred to
having discovered more than 2,500 miles of new coast and
never having found an end of the said coast. And the said
caravels have come laden with brazil-wood and cassia, and they
have brought other spices, &c. I note that as to the news from
Calicut, on the 13 th day there arrived at Lisbon the caravels
with spices, which news is in the hands of Sier Alvise de
Molin.

(iv, col. 485.)

THE REPORT OF CA’ MASSER

U nder the pretext of engaging in business in Lisbon, a Vene-
tian named Leonardo Massari, better known as Ca’ Mas-
ser, 1 arrived there on the 3rd of October 1504. Ca Masser, in
reality, was sent to Portugal by the Venetian senate to secure
information regarding the fleets which were being sent to India,
and to make a report concerning their cargoes and other matters
of interest to that Republic. 2 Foreigners in Lisbon, and particu-
larly Venetians, were suspected at this time, perhaps because so
much information regarding the Portuguese voyages had been
sent to other places. In spite of the secrecy which Ca* Masser
maintained, his true mission was known to Dom Manuel
through a Florentine, Benetto Londa, a nephew of Bartolomeo
Marchioni. On the arrival of Ca 5 Masser in Lisbon he was im-
mediately called to the royalpalace. Here the king questioned him
at length, and as a result had him sent to prison. Later, when he
was able to convince the king that the story he had first told him
was true, Ca’ Masser was released and had no further difficulties.

Ca’ Masser remained in Portugal for two years, and upon
his return to Venice made a report concerning the first nine
voyages to the East, in which he gave much information re-
garding the cargoes and trade conditions, as well as an interest-
ing description of the court of Dom Manuel. A translation of
his account of Cabral’s voyage is here given.

The manuscript was found in 1845 (. Relazione di Leonardo da
Ca Masser , Marciana Library, Cod. ital. 877, cl. vii), and was
published in the next year by G. Scopoli ('Relazione di Leonardo
da Ca Masser alia Serenissima Republica di Venezia sopra il
commercio dei Portoghese nell’ India dopo la scoperta del
capo di Buona Speranza’, in Arch. Stor. Ital., Append, tom. ii,
Florence, 1845). Another edition was published by Prospero
Peragallo (Centenario do Descobrimento da America, Lisbon, 1892).

* According to Heyd (Histoire du Commerce du Levant, Leipzig, 1886, vol. ii, p. 525),
Ca’ Masser is the abbreviation for della casa dei Massari.

2 His instructions, dated the 3rd of July 1504, are given in Archivio Veneto , vol. ii,
pp- 203-5. Here also are published two of his letters, one dated the 18th of September
1504, from Medina del Campo, and the other from Lisbon on the 16th of September
1506.

143

THE REPORT OF CA’ MASSER

EXTRACT FROM THE REPORT OF CA MASSER

On the 9th of March of the year 1500, His Highness sent
13 ships, large and small. The captain was Pedralloro and one
Ali Scorer as his factor, with the said Caspar. And he went on
the voyage around the Cape of Good Hope. On the way there
overcame him a sudden storm, through which seven ships were
lost and there only remained six ships, which continued their
voyage to India. The first stop where they had commerce was
in Chuchim, and there they treated with that king, who showed
that he was glad that they navigated in that part, and he became
a good friend of this Most Serene King. And he put on shore
the said factor, AH Scorer. And thus for his security, the
Portuguese made a fortress there on a point of the Chuchim
river as an habitation for the said factor and security for his
merchandise, so that the Portuguese enjoyed some security.
And there he contracted with the King of Chuchim copper and
other small merchandise and money, and took in exchange
spices, strong pepper K. 1 2,000. And he returned thence to
Lisbon in 1501 on the 29th of July with six ships, which were
on the voyage about 18 months. On this same voyage in
returning from Chuchim, the said captain with the said factor,
Ah Scorer, went to Colocut and had a talk with that king, and
the factor went on shore with certain merchandise. And the
Kong of Colocut made him a certain factory where the Portu-
guese could live and place their merchandise securely on land.
And there being good harmony between the factor and the
King of Colocut, die king showed a desire to trade with them
in his land, and this was agreed to by the factor with about
47 men. After some days, three or four Portuguese came to
words with certain Moors, of which many live in this land.
And this was because certain Portuguese had done some
violence to a certain Moor, so that the said Portuguese were
wounded. These suddenly ran to their factory, and many of
them came out armed against the Moors. And all the Moors
who were found there committed many outrages. And
because the captain took, the day before, a samhuco of 300
Moors, all the Moors united with great fury to go against the

1 The abbreviation used by the Venetians for cantara , about one hundred pounds.

144 THE REPORT OF CA’ MASSER

said Portuguese and entered within their factory and cut to
pieces all the 47 men with the factor. And from this there grew
a war between the King of Colocut and this Most Serene King
of Portugal. And the King of Colocut had three Portuguese
hostages in his house for security, who made the king under-
stand how they had been inconvenienced by the Moors. It is
certain the said king had the greatest displeasure at such incon-
venience, and was very sorry for it, and tried to find some pro-
vision so that he might punish those who were malefactors.
But there was such a large number (it was said there were
5,000 Moors), and all was turmoil in the land, that the king
could not follow it farther. When the chief captain of the ship
learned what had occurred on shore, he suddenly commenced
to bombard the land and ruined many houses on the face of the
shore. With this there was born the war with the King of
Portugal.

LETTERS SENT BY BARTOLOMEO MARCHIONI
TO FLORENCE

27 TH OF JUNE 1501 AND JULY 15 OI

T he Florentines were the most numerous of any of the
Italian people at Lisbon in 1500. They were there chiefly
as merchants and bankers. For some years, however, these
Florentines had been forced to ally themselves more closely
with the commerce of Portugal, for in September 1494 their
entire marine had been permanently destroyed by the Pisans. 1
They were thus quick to take advantage of the opening offered
by the expulsion of the Jews from Portugal. When the sea route
to India was established it was the Florentines more than any
other outside nation who were permitted to benefit by it,
because the Venetians could not be thoroughly trusted in
voyages so detrimental to their Republic. 2

The most prominent of the Florentine families was un-
doubtedly that of the Marchioni, of which Bartolomeo Mar-
cliioni was the head. It was from Bartolomeo Marchioni that
John II secured for Pedro da Covilhan and Afonso de Paiva in
1487 a letter of credit for 400 cruzados addressed to his repre-
sentative in Valencia, who in turn gave them one to the bank-
ing house of Cosimo de’ Medici at Naples, so that they might
continue their travels to India and Ethiopia. 3 Marchioni was
also in communication with the Florentine banking house
of Juanoto Berardi at Seville, and, on Berardi’s death in 1495,
with his successor, Amerigo Vespucci.

It must have been with some difficulty that Dom Manuel
obtained ready money to secure and equip the thirteen vessels
which constituted Cabral’s fleet. The German houses of Wel-
zer and Fugger were not, at that time, represented in Portugal,

1 Florentine ships had formerly brought to Lisbon fine woollen cloths, and leather
goods, and from the neighbouring city of Lucca came silks. They had taken, in return,
preserved fish, cork, ivory from Guinea, and commodities from Morocco, among
which leather and feathers took an important place.

2 Conestrini, ‘Relazioni commerciali di Fiorentini co’ Portoghesi’ (in Arch, Stor.ItaL,
1846, App. Ill), and A. de Gubematis, Stork dei viaggiatori italiani nelle Indie Orientali
(Leghorn, 1875).

3 Conde de Ficalho, Pedro da Covilhan (Lisbon, 1898).

U

146 LETTERS OF BARTOLOMEO MARCHIONI

and what foreign capital was available was in the hands of
the I talians , and chiefly of Marchioni, who was the largest
banker there. He financed, in part, one small ship, the
Anunciada, on Cabral’s voyage, winch was the first to return,
and it is probable that Marchioni also furnished money to the
king. He later lent large sums to finance the voyages to
In dia , as is indicated by two receipts, one dated 1507, and the
other 1514, for 71 and 36 contos respectively, large amounts at
that time. It has been suggested that the expedition to Brazil
made by Vespucci in 1501 was not sent by the King of Portugal
although approved by him, but was a private enterprise
financed by Marchioni. While preference was usually given by
Dom Manuel to Portuguese merchants, Bartolomeo Marchioni
and Girolamo Sernigi, both Florentines, seem to have been
exceptions because of their commercial prominence. As an
indication of their appreciation of these favours, Marchioni
and Sernigi presented Dom Manuel with a very beautiful Bible,
illuminated with Italian miniatures, which is now in the Torre
do Tombo at Lisbon. Marchioni was the chief merchant trad-
ing in sugar from the island of Madeira, and also participated
extensively in the voyages to Guinea, to Madeira, to Brazil, and
to India. He was probably the richest man in Lisbon. 1 Fie sent
a ship in the fleet of Joao da Nova in 1501, with Fernando
Vinnetti as his representative; and Giovanni de Empoli went
with Vasco da Gama on his second voyage to India in a ship
commanded by Buenagrazia, also owned by Marchioni. He
later sent ships in the fleets of Afonso de Albuquerque and
Diogo Lopes de Sequeira.

When the first of Cabral’s ships reached Lisbon, the Italians
immediately sent information to their home cities. There
are copies of two letters from Bartolomeo Marchioni which
he sent to Florence, the first dated the 27th of June 1501,
announcing the return of the Anunciada, and a second
written after the arrival of Cabral. These letters are of
particular interest because they were written by an Italian
resident in Lisbon who had a financial interest in the expedition.

1 ‘Bartolomeu Marchioni, also a Florentine, who was a resident of Lisbon and the
principal one in material substance at that time who had benefited through it*
(de Barros, Dec, i, bk. v, ch. iv).

SENT TO FLORENCE i 47

He had, therefore, better sources for his information from his
own representatives, who had gone on the voyage, than had the
Venetians, who did not participate in it. Copies of these two let-
ters of Marchioni are to be found in the Riccardiana Library at
Florence (MS. 1910). They were copied by Piero Vagliente,
and form part of a collection of accounts of voyages which he
made prior to his death in 15x4. The latest manuscript is dated
1513. The collection also includes copies of the accounts of
Marco Polo, Vespucci, the Sernigi letters telling of the voyage
of da Gama, and others. It is written in the commercial hand
of the period. 1 The originals are not known to exist. These
letters by Marchioni have not hitherto been published. They
give some additional information and confirm other accounts
of Cabral’s voyage.

On the 23 rd day of this month there arrived in Lisbon a small
ship named the Anunziata which came from Calichut, and this
related how the other caravels which came with it remained
behind a few leagues, each league being 3J of our miles; which
ship gave an infinite amount of news, and here, by this, I give
you that which is most important.

It is said that it is four months since the fleet left a land in the
confines of Calichut, all loaded with spicery, and that five ships
of their command were lost in this going. They went to the
new gold-mine and to Calichut. There were eight when they
arrived at Calichut. Great honour and good reception were
given them; and they held mass on shore. Their merchants and
factor then began to trade [s’ abazarare] with them. And there
in that part were thirty Moorish ships to load and carry spices
over an ocean sea on this same voyage, whence they later went
to Domascho. And wishing to load first, the Portuguese came
to such a difference that the Moors raised a great tumult and
killed all the Portuguese who were on land, including their
factor. And when those in the Portuguese ships saw this, they
withdrew the ships and began to bum the Moorish ships and to
bombard the land; and they destroyed thus many houses and

1 The eminent Florentine paleographer Uzielli believes that this manuscript was in
a hand characteristic of the err! *- 1 v ^ r~r! ~~ rf

centuries (‘Amerigo Vespucci t ' : ■*: v " ■''' '■ V 1 r 'Ji

Italiano, p. 482).

148 LETTERS OP BARTOLOMEO MARCHIONI

killed many people and burned fifteen of those Moorish ships.
And through the counsel of an Indian they departed from there
and went to another land where they found a king hostile to
that of Calichut. And there they were made great honour and
much and perfect reception. And there they traded all their
merchandise and filled the ships with spices and other things.
This king wished to give them much spicery and credit on
their return, on their word. They did not wish to load because
they had abundant cargo for their ships. And from there they
departed friends, and he begged them that on their return
they should not make any other port. And the said king sent
an ambassador to our king with infinite presents; and promising
that they would return to the said place, they departed. The
Moors of Calichut had armed 150 sails with 15,000 Moors and
came to attack our ships. And because our ships were laden
and would have to fight, this was not to be considered, and
putting themselves in order, they lost sight of them with the
wind astern. And on their coming they found many kings
and lords, and of all they had good reception and presents.
And they have found the body of Saint Thomas, the Apostle,
whose land they were not able to see, and many relics
which they have brought here in quantity to the king. And
with these ships come four ambassadors with two Christian
gentlemen. And all wish to submit themselves to our king.
And many other things they related which pages are not
sufficient to write on, nor is there time; and this is the cargo
carried:

300 chantara of fine pepper

160 „ of cinnamon

60 „ of lac

14 „ of benzoin

These are the things to make mention of, and many other
small spices. And what each of the other seven ships which are
behind is loaded with, will be learned on their arrival.

They brought back two parrots of different colours which
are an arm [gomito] and a half long which are more than an
arm and a half of ours. They are marvellous things. And they
gave notice of many other and various birds and animals, so
that where Pliny told untruths, these prove his history.

SENT TO FLORENCE 149

Bartolomeo Marchionni,
From Lisbon.

It was told in our last letter how only one of the caravels
which went on the voyage to Calichut had returned, and in
that is seen the cargo which it carried. Later, of the other five
ships which were behind, three have returned. The others are
lost. 1 And these have brought 3,000 cantara of pepper, 1,000
cantara of cinnamon, and ginger, and cloves and other spicery,
so that from here they will be able to furnish by this route all
the West, and also Italy, in time. They must give great trouble
to the Venetians, and on the route more to the Sultan who
enjoys the traffic from there, because by this route they come
at rather small expense and more easily. This king is putting
twenty ships in order, to depart from this port the middle of
November, or at latest next December. May it please God to
conduct them safely. They will derive great treasure in this
manner, and of it make great riches and all good and necessary
things.

The above-mentioned caravels went to the new gold-
mine and have brought some back from the said mine, and
this king puts ships in order to send to that place, so that he
may see the merchandise recently found there, and of what
nature it is, and what assortment, and how much is given for
it. This king has newly discovered in this [voyage] a new
world, but it is dangerous to navigate over the expanse of
these seas.

They have brought back many kinds of birds and animals
unknown to us, and more often such as are described by Pliny
in his history. They were held as falsehoods, but in these days
what he relates is seen to be true.

The two ships which went to the new gold-mine are be-
lieved to be lost because there has been no news of them, and
they say that the gold has not before been known. They
believe that at other times these seas have been navigated,
but later abandoned because they are so large. They were

1 It is hard to reconcile this statement with that of the Icing in his letter of 1 501 . Two
instead of three ships apparently arrived first, the flagship and that of Simao de Mir-
anda. It is uncertain to which Marchioni refers as the third. The other two were not
lost. This statement indicates that the letter was written immediately after Cabral's
arrival.

150 LETTERS OF BARTOLOMEO MARCHIONI

unknown to us in our times. This king believes that such a
voyage is a beautiful thing.

They say that they have some news of the island of Tapro-
bana and hope in a short time to go there. May God permit
them to go and return in safety, because each year new and
beautiful things are known.

They say that they found a very large city which they say
has sillt-shops which belong to the king, with a hundred looms,
and its work is of as many kinds as in the city of Strava, whence
comes the Strava silk which is understood to come from the
East. The said city is called Zanzura [Zanzibar] and is within
the Red Sea, 1 and they tell of an incredible thing when they say
that for 40 reals, which are 40 of our quatrini, an arm’s length of
crimson silk may be had, which may be found in abundance.

The Moors are white and resemble men of the Sultan of Babi-
lonia. They say that they have sold Paternoster beads of amber
at a silver mark and a half a string, which are six or eight [beads]
each, at their place, equal to ten to twelve of ours, a string, and
that such have resold for 2,000 silver marks, which is a good
way to make great riches.

1 This refers to the Erythrean (or Red) Sea, the name applied by the Greeks and
Romans to the Indian Ocean, including the Red Sea and Persian Gulf.

LETTER OF AMERIGO VESPUCCI TO LORENZO
DE’ MEDICI

G aspar de lemos had returned to Portugal from Brazil some
time during the summer of 1500, 1 bringing with him letters
to the king from members of Cabral’s fleet and particularly one
from Pedro Vaz de Caminha. In this letter Caminha states that
Cabral and his council advised the king to send another fleet
to make further discoveries, because Cabral could not delay his
voyage to India to do so. In addition to these letters news had
certainly been received from Spain that Vicente Yanez Pinzon
had reached Palos in September of that year and reported that
he had visited the South American shore and had brought back
a cargo of brazil-wood. It was therefore decided by the Portu-
guese that an expedition should be sent to continue the discovery
of Cabral and to claim this land as within their sphere. 2 The
selection of the leader for this voyage was not an easy matter.
Many of the navigators who had knowledge of the Atlantic
Ocean and to whom this enterprise might be entrusted had
gone with Cabral’s fleet. There were others, but they probably
wished to share in the profits of the voyage to India. It was
undoubtedly at the suggestion of Bartolomeo Marchioni that
the name of his fellow countryman, Amerigo Vespucci, was
proposed. Vespucci may also have agreed to finance this ex-
pedition, at least in part, in the hope of securing brazil-wood.
While Dom Manuel had reason to believe that the land dis-

1 The return of Gaspar de Lemos and the report of the discovery of Brazil evidently
did not create great excitement in Portugal. There is no mention of his arrival in any
existing document. De Lemos may not have brought back any of the parrots which
seemed such novelties when Cabral’s fleet returned, nor is there any indication in the
letter of Caminha that brazil-wood had been found. Both of these appear very pro-
minently on the Cantino map, where they seem to be associated with the voyage of
Vespucci.

2 According to Duarte Galvao an expedition under the command of Gonsalvo
Coelho departed from Lisbon for Brazil in March 1501, and returned in September of
the next year. This, he states, reached land at 5 0 S. and coasted along the shore as far as
3 2 0 before it returned. There seems to be no conflict between this voyage and that of
Vespucci except as to the date, which Galvao may have mistaken. Amerigo Vespucci
was not a navigator, but was a banker who was interested in cosmography. The com-
mand of this fleet might therefore have been under Gongalo Coelho, and Vespucci
might still have gone with it and represented the King of Portugal or the Italian mer-
chants.

152 LETTER OF AMERIGO VESPUCCI

covered by Cabral was within the Portuguese sphere, he may
also have believed, since it was not known to be mainland,
that the coast began its westerly direction somewhat to the
south and would thus reach the Spanish sphere. On this
account Vespucci, who could go representing both Spain and
Portugal, would be a desirable leader.

Vespucci was well fitted to accompany this expedition. He
knew about the earlier Spanish voyages, as he had previously
gone at least twice to America and was interested in carto-
graphy. He also had the confidence of the Catholic kings, so
tha t there would be no controversy as to whom the land he
discovered might belong to. Word was sent to Vespucci by
Giuliano di Bartolomeo del Giocondo, a fellow Florentine,
requesting him to come to Portugal. Vespucci accepted the
charge, and during the early part of May departed from Lisbon
with a fleet of three vessels. Since there was ample time, they
spent a few days securing a supply of fish along the African
coast and then continued to Beseguiche for water and wood.
Here two ships of Cabral’s fleet which were on their return
voyage were encountered, probably the Anunciada and the ship
of Diogo Dias. Before proceeding to Brazil, Vespucci took
advantage of this encounter and sent a letter back to Lisbon to
be transmitted to Florence. In this he gives an account of the
voyage of Cabral as he learned it from the interpreter, Gaspar
de India, and from others.

The authenticity of this letter has been questioned by some
historians for two reasons : because of the belief that it was not in
the handwriting of Vespucci, and because it was not, judging by
the printed accounts of his voyage which were assumed to be
authentic, the kind of letter that he would have written. It is
true that the letter is not in Vespucci’s hand and is a copy. The
copy, however, was made by Piero Vagliente at Florence and
forms part of a collection of thirty-two accounts which other-
wise appear to be authentic. Vagliente was closely associated
with Nicolo Semigi of Florence and thus with Girolamo Ser-
nigi of Lisbon and would be in a position to obtain copies of
letters addressed to Lorenzo de’ Medici which, because of their
interest, he would naturally include in his collection. Vespucci
had gone to Seville at the age of forty to represent the Medici,

TO LORENZO DE’ MEDICI 153

with whom he had previously been associated. His letters,
therefore, would be in the Florentine dialect, as are those which
VagHente copied, and not in the mixture of Spanish and bad
Italian found in the printed accounts of his voyages, 1 particularly
in Mundus Novus and the letter to So derini, which may have been
first printed elsewhere for popular distribution. 2 The letter from
Beseguiche is the sort of letter which Vespucci would write.
He was interested in cartography. In it, therefore, many place-
names are found. He seems, in fact, to have been more con-
cerned with the geography of the East than with the voyage
itself. On comparing this letter with other accounts of Cabral’s
voyage there seems to be little doubt that it is genuine. Vespucci
evidently met some of the Florentines on the Anunciada, particu-
larly the representatives of Marchioni, who showed him the
jewels which they had obtained. He naturally would not
mention them by name, because of the injunction of secrecy
regarding the voyage which Dom Manuel had imposed.

The original of this letter is not known to exist. The copy,
however, is prior to 1514. This is to be found in the Riccar-
diana Library (MS. 1910). It was first published by Conde
Baldelli Boni in volume i of his II Milione di Marco Polo in 1827,
and subsequently reprinted by F. A. de Vamhagen in Amerigo
Vespucci (Lima, 1865), pp. 78-82.

The translation which follows is from the published text.

BESEGUICHE, THE 4.TH OF JUNE I5OI

My magnificent Patron. The 8th of May was the last time I
wrote you, when I was in Lisbon ready to depart on this present
voyage which now, with the aid of the Holy Spirit, I have
commenced, and I thought that until my return I could not
write more to you. And it appears that chance has given me

1 By the publication in Europe during the first decade of the sixteenth century of
twenty editions of the Mundus Novus of Vespucci, which tells of his voyage to Brazil,
and of the various editions and translations of Paesi, in which the voyage of Cabral
is emphasized, the voyage to Brazil was better known in Europe outside the Iberian
peninsula during this period than any other voyage to America. It was because of
his voyage to Brazil, to make further discoveries for Portugal following the voyage of
Cabral, that the name of Amerigo Vespucci was associated with that country, and
caused the name America to be given to it and later to both continents.

2 For a discussion of the Vespucci documents, see Alberto Magnaghi, Amerigo
Vespucci (Rome, 1924), 2 vols.

154 LETTER OF AMERIGO VESPUCCI

another opportunity which enables me to write not only of
distant land but of the high sea.

You have learned, Lorenzo, 1 as well by my letter as through
the letters of our Florentines of Lisbon, how I was called while I
was in Sevilla by the King of Portugal; and he begged me that
I should dispose myself to serve him for this voyage; in which
I embarked at Lisbon on the 13 th of the past month. 2 And we
took our way to the south. And we so navigated that we passed
in sight of the hole Fortunate, which are to-day called the
Canary Islands, and passing them at a distance, taking our
navigation along the coast of Africa, we navigated so far that
we arrived here at a cape which is called el Cauo Verde , 3 which
is the beginning of the Province of Ethiopia, and it is on the
meridian of the Fortunate Isles and has a latitude of fourteen
degrees from the equinoctial line. Here by chance we found,
riding at anchor, two ships of the King of Portugal, which were
returning from the parts of East India, 4 which are of the same
ones which went to Calichut fourteen months ago which were
thirteen ships; with which I have had very great discourse, not
so much of their voyage as of the coast of the land which they
passed along, and of the riches which they found and of those
things which they took, all of which I will give brief men-
tion below to your Magnificence; but concerning cosmo-
graphy, because there was not in this fleet a cosmographer
or even a mathematician, which was a great error, I will
tell it in the same disconnected manner as they told it to me,
save that I have somewhat corrected it with the Cosmography
of Ptolemy.

1 This was Lorenzo (b. 1463, d. 1507) son of Pier Francesco (b. 1415, d. 1476) son of
Lorenzo (b. 1395, d. 1440) son of Giovanni (di Ricci), the founder of the house. It was
from another son of Giovanni, Cosimo (Pater Patriae), that the more important and
better-known members of the Medici family descended. Lorenzo was a prominent
Florentine merchant and the head of his branch of the family after the death of his
brother Giovanni in 1498. He was the former patron of Vespucci. It was to him that
Vespucci wrote the letter known as the Mundus Novus and another from Lisbon after
his return from Brazil.

2 In the Mundus Novus Vespucci says he left Lisbon on the 14th of May 1501. In his
letter to Piero Soderini he says the 10th of May; and in his third letter to Lorenzo Pier
Francesco de’ Medici he writes the 13 th, as in the one here given.

3 At the south of Cape Verde is the harbour named Beseguiche or Bezeguiche by the
Portuguese and Italians. It was near Goree of the Dutch and the modern French port
ofDakar.

4 This indicates that the two ships which Vespucci encountered when he arrived at
Beseguiche were the Anwciadct and that of Diogo Dias.

TO LORENZO DE’ MEDICI 155

This fleet of the King of Portugal departed from Lisbon in
the year 1499, in the month of April, and they navigated to the
south as far as the islands of Cavo Verde, which is distant from
the equinoctial line about fourteen degrees, and beyond every
meridian towards the west, which would indicate that they
were six degrees, a little more or less, farther to the west than
the island of Canaria, since it is well known how Ptolemy and
the greater part of the schools of cosmography place the end
of the inhabited Western world at the Fortunate Islands. Here
they took the latitude with the astrolabe and with the quadrant;
and I have found it to be thus. The longitude is a more difficult
matter because of the little which can be known about it
except by much observation, and watching the conjunction
of the moon with the planets. Because of this longitude I have
lost much sleep and have shortened my life ten years, and I
believe all was well spent, because I hope to come to fame at a
distant time if I return in safety from this voyage; God will
reward me to the greatest extent in that all my work will
redound to His holy service.

Now I turn to my subject: as I say, these thirteen ships
above mentioned navigated towards the south of the Cape
Verde Islands with a wind which they say was between south
and south-west. And after having navigated twenty days about
seven hundred leagues (each league of which is four and one-
half miles) they went ashore in a land where they found white
and nude people of the same land which I discovered for the
King of Castile, except that it is farther to the east, of which by
my other [letters] I have written you. There they say they
obtained every refreshment. And from there they departed
and took their navigation towards the east, and they navigated
by the south-east wind, taking a quarter to the east, 1 and when
they were a distance from the said land, they had such a storm
of the sea with south-west wind, and it was so rough, that it
overcame five of their ships, and submerged them in the sea
with all the people. May God have mercy on their souls. And
the eight other ships, they say, went with bare masts, that is
without sail, for forty-eight days and forty-eight nights with

1 The text reads pel vento dello scilacco , pigliando la quarta di levante. This refers to the
portion of the voyage before reaching the South Atlantic anticyclonic wind area.

i 5 6 LETTER OF AMERIGO VESPUCCI

a very great storm; and they went so far that they were with
their navigation beyond the wind of the Cape of Good Hope
which is shown on the coast of Ethiopia, and is located beyond
the tropic of Capricorn ten degrees on the southern side. I say
that it is in the height of the equinoctial line towards the south,
thirty-three degrees. The aforesaid found the location of the
parallel. They found the said cape to be sixty-two degrees
from the inhabited West, a little more or less, so that I may say
that it is situated in the meridian of Alexandria. And from here
they then navigated towards the north to the north-east [quarto,
del greco ] , navigating continuously along the coast, which in my
opinion is the beginning of Asia, and the province of Arabia
Felix, and of the land of Prester John, because here they have
news of the Nile, which is to the west of them, which you know
separates the parts of Africa from Asia. And on this coast there
is an infinite population and cities, and in some they made
port, and the first was Zafale, which they say is a city of such
greatness as is Cairo, and it has a mine of gold; and they say that
they pay tribute to their king two hundred thousand miccicalli
of gold every year, and that each miccicalle is worth a castellana
of gold, or thereabouts. And from here they departed, and they
came to Mezibinco, where it is said there is much aloes and an
infinite amount of lac and much silken cloth. And it has as
great a population as Cairo. And from Mezibinco they went
to Chiloa, and to Mabaza 1 and from Mabaza to Dimodaza and
to Melinde, then to Mogodasco and Camperuia, and to
Zendach, then to Amaab, then to Adabul and Albarcon. All
these cities are on the coast of the ocean sea. And they went
as far as the strait of the Red Sea, which sea you must know
is not red, and it is like ours but has only the name of red.
And all these cities are very rich in gold, and in jewels and
cloths and spicery and drugs and in things of their own pro-
duction which they trade with the cargoes from the parts of
India; this, as you will understand who know, is a thing long
to relate.

From Albarcone they crossed the strait of the Red Sea and
went to Meca, where went a ship of the said fleet, which at this

1 The identifications of place-names given by BaldeUi Boni are not sufficiently
accurate to be included in this translation.

TO LORENZO DE* MEDICI j S7

time has arrived here at this cape. And thus far is written
concerning the coast of Arabia Felice. Now I will tell you of
the coast of the Red Sea towards India, that is within the strait
of this sea.

At the mouth of the strait is a port in the Red Sea which is
called Haden, with a large city. Beyond, towards the north, is
another port which is called Camarcan, and Ansuva: then there
is another port which is named Odeinda and from Odeinda to
Lamoia, and from Lamoia to Guda. This port of Guda is near
Mount Sinai (which, as you know, is in the Arabian desert)
which they say is the port of all the ships which come from
India, and from Mecca. It is in this port, they say, that they un-
load all the spices and drugs and jewels, and everything which
they bring here. The caravans of camels come later from Cairo
and Alexandria and conduct them there, where they say they
go eighty leagues through the desert of Arabia. And they say
that in this Red Sea they do not navigate, because of the many
rocks and the shoals which are there. And many other things
were told me of this sea which, not to be too prolix, are
omitted.

Now I will tell of the coast of the Red Sea from the parts of
Africa. At the mouth of the strait of this sea is Zoiche, the lord
of which is a Moor who is called Agidarcabi, and it is said that
this is three days this side of the port of Guda, that it has much
gold, many elephants, and infinite supplies. From Zoiche to
Arbazui. From these, the two ports of Arboiam and Zala in
which Prester John is lord. And opposite is a port which is
named Tui and which belongs to the great Sultan of Baby-
lonia. Then from Tui to Ardem, and from Ardem to Zeon.
This is as much as I have been able to learn concerning the Red
Sea: I refer to one who knows it better.

It remains for me to tell what I learned of the coast of Mecca,
which is within the Persian Sea, which is as follows. They left
Mecca and went along the coast of the sea to a city which is
named Ormuz, which is a port in the mouth of the Persian Sea.
And thence from Ormusa to Tus and from Tus to Tunas, then
to Capan, then to Lechor, then to Dua, then to Torsis, then to
Pares, then to Stacara, then to Ratar. All these ports, which are
thickly populated, are on the coast of the Persian Sea. I believe

i 5 8 LETTER OF AMERIGO VESPUCCI

there may be more in my mind to which truly I might refer , 1
concerning which a man worthy of trust who is called Guas-
parre, who had gone from Cairo as far as a province which is
called Molecca, which is situated on the coast of the Indian
Sea, told me. I believe that it is the province which Ptolemy
called Gedrosica. They say that this Persian Sea is very rich:
but all is not to be believed, therefore it is left to a pen better
than mine to relate the truth.

Now it remains for me to tell of the coast, which goes from
the strait of the Persian Sea along the Indian Sea, according to
what many who were in that armada told me; and chiefly the
said Guasparre, who knew many languages and the names of
man y provinces and cities. As I say, he is a very authentic man,
because he has twice made the voyage from Portugal to the
Indian Sea.

From the mouth of the Persian Sea one navigates to a city
which is called Zabule; from Zabule to Goosa, and from Goosa
to Zedeuba, and then to Nui, then to Bacanut, then to Salut,
then to Mangalut, then to Batecala, then to Calnut, then to
Dremepetam, then to Fandorana, then to Catat, then to Cali-
gut. This city is very large; and the armada of the Portuguese
went to remain there. Then from Caligut to Belfur, then to
Stailat, then to Remond, then to Paravrangari, then to Tanui,
then to Propomat, then to Cuninam, then to Lonam, then to
Belingut, then to Palur, then to Glencoloi, then to Cochin, then
to Caincolon, then to Cain, then to Coroncaram, then to
Stomondel, then to Nagaitan, then to Delmatan, then to Care-
patan, then to Conimat. As far as this the fleets of the Portu-
guese have navigated, although they cannot determine the
longitude and latitude of the said navigation, which is an im-
possible thing to do for those who do not have much practice
in maritime matters, through which understanding would be
possible. And I have hope in this my navigation to revise and
correct a great part of the above and to discover much more,
and on my return I shall give of all a good and true relation.
May the Holy Spirit go with me. This Guasparre, who told

1 The names of places were taken down by Vespucci as Gaspar gave them. Ves-
pucci was evidently not acquainted with the real names, so the fact that many of them
can be identified, in spite of their spelling, is good evidence that the letter is genuine.

TO LORENZO DE’ MEDICI 159

me the above-mentioned things, and many Christians agreed
with him because they were in one of these , 1 told me later the
following : he said that he had been inland in India to a kingdom
which is called the kingdom of Perlicat, which is a very great
kingdom, and rich in gold and in pearls and in jewels and in
precious stones, and he told me that he had been inland to
Mailepur and to Gapatan and to Melata and to Tanaser and to
Pego and to Stamai and to Bencola and to Otezen and at
Marchin. And tins Marchin he said was near a large river called
Enparlicat. And this Enparlicat is the city where is the body of
Saint Mark, the apostle, and here there are many Christians.
And he told me that he had been in many islands and chiefly in
one which is called Ziban, winch he said he had sailed three
hundred leagues and that this much had been at sea, the river,
another four hundred leagues. He told me that it is a very
rich island in precious stones and pearls and spices of every sort,
and of drugs and other riches, such as elephants and many
horses; so that I believe that this is the island of Taprobana,
according to what he represented it to me. And further, he told
me that he had never heard Taprobana mentioned in those
parts which, as you know, is wholly in front of the above-
mentioned river . 2

Furthermore, he told me that he had been in another island
which is called Stamatara, which is of equal greatness with
Ziban and Bencomarcano, as well as being as rich as they are;
so that, Ziban not being the island, Taprobana may be Scama-
tarra. From these two islands there come to Persia and to
Arabia an infinite number of ships laden with all sorts of
spices and drugs and precious jewels. And they say that they
have seen a large fleet of ships from those parts which are very
large and of from forty thousand to fifty thousand cantara
capacity and which they call giunchi, and they have the masts of
very large ships and at each mast three or four cabins. The
sails are those of junks. They are not made with iron but are
interlaced with cords. It appears that this sea is not tempestuous.
They have bombards, but they are not in the sailing ships, nor
do they put to sea much, because they continually navigate in

1 e molti Cristiani le consentirono , perche furono in alcuna d'esse.

2 Vespucci is here referring to the maps of India and Ceylon as given in Ptolemy,

160 LETTER OF AMERIGO VESPUCCI

sight of land. It happens that this fleet of Portugal, to comply
with the request of the King of Calicut, took a ship which
was loaded with elephants and rice and more than three
hundred men. A caravel of seventy tons took it. And on
another occasion they sank twelve ships. Then they came
to islands called Arenbuche and Maluche and many other
islands in the Indian Sea, which are those which Ptolemy tells
of, and which are in the neighbourhood of Taprobana, and
all are rich.

The said armada returned to Portugal, and on the return
voyage, when there remained eight ships, one of them laden
with many riches, which they say were valued at one hundred
thousand ducats, was lost, and five were lost in storms . 1 As
for the flagship, until to-day it has not arrived here, as I say
above; I believe that another day it will come in safety . 2 May
God grant it.

What the said ships carried is as follows.

They came loaded with an infinite amount of cinnamon,
green and dry ginger, and much pepper, and cloves, nutmegs,
mace, musk, algabia, istorac, benzoin, porcelain, cassia, mastic,
incense, myrrh, rose and white sandalwood, aloe-wood, cam-
phor, amber, came, much lac, mumia , 3 anib and tuzia, opium,
aloe patico, folio indico, and many other drugs which you know
it would be a long thing to relate . 4 Of jewels I know only that
I saw many diamonds and rubies and pearls, among which
I saw a ruby of one piece, round, of the most beautiful colour,
which weighed seven and one-half carats. I do not wish to
relate more because the ship ... it does not allow me to write.
From Portugal you can learn the news. In conclusion, the
King of Portugal has in his hands a very great traffic and
great riches. May God grant prosperity. I believe that the

1 The ship of Vasco de Ataide is here given as among those lost.

2 Della capitana , del quale oggi n'e capitata una qut [sic] come di sopra dico,

3 Ar. mtimiya — mummy, bitumen. Portions of mummies were exported from Egypt,
and when powdered were valued as a drug, probably on account of the bitumen used
in embalming them.

4 Some of these commodities cannot be identified with certainty. Algabia is prob-
ably algalia } mentioned by Garcia da Orta as a source of perfume. Linschoten speaks
of ‘ algallia or civet*. Istorac is probably storax, much used in India as a medicine.
Canne may refer to bamboo. Anib is probably anil or indigo, while folio indico may
refer to indigo leaves. Tuzia seems to be tutia or oxide of zinc, which was sublimated
from the ore. Aloe patico is evidently another species of aloes.

TO LORENZO DE* MEDICI 161

spices come from these parts to Alexandria and to Italy,
according to quality and demand. Thus goes the world.

Believe, Lorenzo, that what I have written thus far is the
truth. And if the provinces and kingdoms and names of cities
and islands do not agree with ancient writers, it is a sign that
they are changed, as we find in our Europe when, through a
marvel, one is known by an old name. And for the greater
clearness of the truth, Gherardo Verdi, brother of Simon Verdi
di Cadisi, was present, who comes in my company, and to you
he sends his respects.

This voyage which I now make, I recognize is dangerous as
to the frailty of this our human life. None the less I make it
with a free mind, for the service of God and for the world.
And if God is served through me. He will give me virtue to
such an extent that I may be directed to His every wish, if only
to give me eternal repose for my soul.

OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS

THE LETTER OF CHIEF CAPTAINCY AND POWERS WHICH
PEDRO ALVAREZ DE GOUVEIA CARRIED WHEN HE WAS SENT
TO INDIA AS CAPTAIN

W e, Dom Manuel, &c., make known to you captains,
nobles, knights, squires, masters, pilots, sailors, crew and
officers and all other persons who go and whom we send in the
fleet and armada which is to sail to India, that because of the
great confidence which we have in Pedro Alvarez de Gouveia,
a noble of our household, and because we know of him that in
this and in all other things with which we may charge him,
he will know very well how to serve us and will give a very
good account of himself: it is ordered that we give and entrust
him with the chief captaincy of the said fleet and armada.
Furthermore, we notify and command you all and each one
in particular, that in all things which he may demand of you,
and order on our part, you shall fulfil and do according to Iris
requirements and commands, as entirely and with that dili-
gence and good care which we would expect from you, and
that you would do as though we in person had so told and
ordered you, for so we hold it good and for our service. And
those who so do and accomplish will render us great service,
and those who act to the contrary, which we do not expect,
will do us great disservice, and we will give them those punish-
ments which such cases merit.

Furthermore, in order that the affairs of our service may be
attended to and carried on as they should be in such a fleet
and armada, and so that those may be punished who commit
some offence or crime against our service, and in this or in any
other cases which may arise, we confer upon him by these pre-
sents our full power and jurisdiction, which he may make use
of in all cases, until his natural death, and his decisions and
mandates shall be carried out without any appeal or redress.
However, this power and jurisdiction shall not extend to the
persons of captains of large and small ships who go with him

LETTER OF AUTHORIZATION 163

and to nobles and other persons whom we send in the said
fleet and armada, when crimes are committed which should be
punished, because in these cases there shall be trials, and they
shall be brought before us, so that we may see them and accord-
ing to their quality they will be punished and chastised in
accordance with justice. And in testimony of all contained
herein we order this letter to be written, by us signed and sealed
with our seal, and we order that this be accomplished and
guarded so that in it there shall be no mistakes of any sort.

Given in our city of Lisbon the 15th day of February.
Antonio Cameiro executed it, in the year of Our Lord Jesus
Christ 1500.

(Ayres de Sa, op. cit., pp. 283-5.)

THE INSTRUCTIONS

T i-ie commanders of the caravels which the Portuguese sent
for discovery along the African coast did not require
written instructions other than those furnished to the pilots.
Bartolomeu Dias and Vasco da Gama, however, whose fleets
were destined for India, may have carried them, although none
are known to exist. Cabral’s fleet was the largest which the
Portuguese had sent. It went on diplomatic missions and
carried cargo for trade. Because of the danger that the ships
might become separated, regulations were necessary for signals
and ports named to which those which lost convoy could
proceed. In dealing with the Mohammedan and Hindu rulers
instructions were desirable for the safety of the members of
the fleet, for obtaining treaties, and for commercial relations.
When Arab ships were met at sea they were subject to seizure,
and regulations were required for the distribution of booty.
Directions were also necessary regarding discipline, the opera-
tion of the fleet, the succession of commanders, and other mat-
ters of a similar nature. Before Cabral’s departure, therefore,
comprehensive instructions were prepared with great care.
All of these no longer exist, but fortunately the most important
portion, that which was intended as a guide for Cabral on his
arrival in India, has been preserved. There is also a memor-
andum supposed to have been furnished by da Gama, regarding
the conduct of the fleet at sea before reaching the Cape of Good

164 OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS

Hope, and. a letter in which the king gave Cabral additional
directions for the return voyage.

On subsequent voyages similar instructions were provided,
and from these it is possible to supply some portions of
Cabral’s instructions which are lost. 1

Memorandum of Instructions attributed to Vasco da Gama

Since Vasco da Gama had sailed to the Cape of Good Hope
by the direct route, his advice to Cabral, who was to follow a
similar course, would have been of assistance. Such advice was
evidently secured and incorporated in Cabral’s instructions.
Vamhagen, in his search for early documents in the Archives of
Portugal, discovered the most important portion of Cabral’s
instructions. A short time later he found one leaf of a memo-
randum, apparently by da Gama, at a sale of old papers. This
he inserted in facsimile in the first edition of his Historia geral do
Brasil. He there claimed that the document had been sent to
the Torre do Tombo for preservation. But there is no record
that this was ever received, nor can it be found there. In spite
of this cloud on its authenticity, the memorandum may still
be accepted with some degree of confidence, for the instruc-
tions for later voyages resemble portions of it almost exactly.
It does not seem to have been written by da Gama but more
probably, as Dr. Antonio Baiao suggests, by the Secretary of
State, Akatova Carneiro, during an interview with da Gama.
These notes were evidently those incorporated in the official
instructions which Cabral probably issued to the captains of the
various ships. Da Gama was impressed with the necessity for
preventing the loss of convoy by the ships, since he probably
had some difficulty in this respect during his voyage. The
methods he suggested were not new. Whenever ships went

1 Complete instructions exist for the voyage of Francisco de Almeida in 1505
(Albuquerque, Cartas, vol. ii, pp. 272-334) and for Fernao Soares in 1507 (Alguns
Documentos , pp. 161-83). Here the signals and directions for a ship to regain the fleet
when it had become separated are given almost word for word as in the memorandum
attributed to Vasco da Gama. These are also given in the instructions for Diogo Lopes
de Sequeira, dated the 13 th of February 1508, when he went to discover the west coast
of Madagascar (the east coast having already been visited) (Alguns Documentos, pp. 184-
97)* They are again to be found in the instructions given to Gonsalo de Sequeira, who
sailed the 16th of March 1510 (Annaes Maritimas e Coloniaes (Lisbon, 1845), ser. 5,
No. 12, pp. 492-8).

THE INSTRUCTIONS 165

together out of sight of land similar methods must have been
used, but these evidently varied, and the recommendations of
da Gama were those to be adopted for this voyage.

This memorandum is important, for it shows that da Gama
not only suggested that the fleet should proceed in a southerly
direction from the Cape Verde Islands and then east to the Cape,
but he also advised, if the winds were favourable, that it should
continue to the south-west from those islands, a course which
Cabral followed. Inasmuch as these directions were entirely
for navigation, there are no indications that a divergence west-
ward was intended for any other purpose.

The memorandum consisted of more than one page, as is
indicated by the fact that the sentence at the end is incomplete.
The text is written in the centre of the page with notes on
either side. It is crossed with lines showing that the informa-
tion had been used and embodied in a more carefully worded
document. The translation given is from the text in the
Historia da Colonizagao Portuguesa do Brasil, vol. i, pp. xvi-xix.

The Instructions for Cabral’s Guidance in India

Cabral went to India as the representative of the King of
Portugal on missions of the greatest importance to his country.
Though he was a man of only thirty-three years of age who
had had little previous experience, there went in the fleet
some of the best pilots and navigators in Portugal, so that
their duties were in capable hands. The commercial activities
were in the charge of Ayres Correia, who was also able to
negotiate commercial treaties. It was further arranged that
important matters should be discussed at councils composed of
the principal men of the fleet, at which Cabral presided. He
was also provided with instructions for his guidance, which
were intended to provide for every contingency which might
arise. Among them were those for his conduct towards the
native rulers, which provide a clue to his actions. These
instructions reflect the knowledge which the Portuguese had of
India and its rulers before Cabral sailed. Unfortunately for
him, this was in many respects inaccurate. Cabral followed his
orders as exactly as he could, and because he did so he has in

1 66 OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS

some instances been blamed. From those, however, who were
with him and who understood his limitations he received no
censure. This portion of the instructions explains several doubt-
ful points, because there is no question as to their authenticity.
The stat emen t by Gaspar Correa that Cabral did not have the
command of his ship but that Simao de Miranda held this posi-
tion and went as Cabral’s successor is shown to be erroneous.
It indicates that there existed a preceding portion in which a
method for signalling was given, and shows also that Ayres
Correia carried independent instructions and that Cochin was
known to the Portuguese, although it had not previously been
visited by them. The instructions were written in a spirit of
friendship and conciliation towards the Zamorin, with no
indication of hostility except as a last resort. The heading
raises the question as to whether this portion was not designed
for the particular guidance of Cabral.

This document was found by Varnliagen in the Archives at
Lisbon (Torre do Tombo, ma^o i of Leis No. 21, without date),
and was first published by him. It has subsequently been
reprinted several times. There is a previous translation into
English (M. Clymont, Pedralvares Cabral, London, 1914,
pp. 41-59). The following version has been made somewhat
more literally from the text given in Alguns Documentos (pp. 97-
107).

Additional Instructions Given to Cabral 1

These are in the form of a letter and were evidently an after-
thought on the part of the king. They give some additional
information regarding the voyage, and show that Bartolomeu
Dias carried independent instructions. Unfortunately these
have not been preserved; they would indicate what previous
knowledge the Portuguese had of the East African coast and the
duties of the Dias brothers.

The letter here translated was found by Vamhagen and
offered by him to the Associa9ao Maritima and published
in Annaes Maritimas e Coloniaes (Lisbon, 1845) ser. 5, No. 5,
pp. 286-7.

1 Torre do Tombo (Artnario 26 do interior da casa da Coroa, mago 4, No. 91).

THE INSTRUCTIONS

167

MEMORANDUM ATTRIBUTED TO VASCO DA GAMA

This is the way which it appears to Vasco da Gama that
Pedroalvarez should follow on his voyage, if it please Our
Lord.

In the first place, before he departs from here, to make very
good ordinance so that the ships will not be lost some from the
others, in this manner: namely, whenever they are obliged to
change their course, the chief captain shall make two fires, and
all shall respond to him, each with two similar fires . 1 And after
they thus respond to him they shall all turn. And he shall thus
have given them the signals: that one fire will be to proceed,
and three to draw the bonnet and four to lower sails. And none
shall turn or lower sails or draw bonnet unless the chief captain
shall first make the aforesaid fires, and all have replied. And
after sails shall thus have been lowered, none will be hoisted
until after the chief captain makes three fires, and all have
replied [A] . Andif any is missing they shall not hoist sail but only
go with lowered sails until the coming of day, so that the ships
cannot be carried so far that they are unable to see one another
by day. And any ship that has its rigging down will make many
fires to summon other ships so that it may be put in order.

After in good time they depart from here, they will make
their course straight to the island of Samtiago, and if at the
time that they arrive there, they have sufficient water for four
months, they need not stop at the said island, nor make any
delay, but when they have the wind behind them make their
way towards the south [B, C]. And if they must vary their
course let it be in the south-west direction. And as soon as they
meet -with a light wind they should take a circular course until
they put the Cape of Good Hope directly east . 2 And from then
on they are to navigate as the weather serves them, and they
gain more, because when they are in the said parallel, with the
aid of Our Lord, they will not lack weather with which they
may round the aforesaid cape. And in this manner it appears

1 These signals were probably made by firing guns.

2 nao deuem pousar m dita ylha nemfaser nemhuna demora soomente emquanto the 0 tempo
servyr a popa faserem sen caminho pelo sal e se ouverem de gaynar seja sobre ha batida do
sudoeste. E tanto que neties deer a vento escasso deuem ir tut volta do mar ate meterem 0 cabo
de boon esperanga em leste franco.

168 OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS

to him that the navigation will be shortest and the ships more
secure from worms, and in this way even the food will be kept
better and the people will be healthier.

And if it happens, and may it please God that it will not, that
any of these ships become separated from the captain, then it
must sail as well as it can to make the Cape and go to the
watering place of Sam Bras . 1 And if it gets here before the
captain it should anchor in a good position and wait for him,
because it is necessary for the chief captain to go there to take
on water so that henceforth he may have nothing to do with
the land, but keep away from it until Mozambique for the
health of his men, and because he has nothing to do on it . 2
[D, E, F.]

And if it be the case that the chief captain comes first to this
watering place, before the ship or ships which are lost from
him . . .

[The following notes, which appear on either side of the
text, are indicated where they seem most appropriate.]

A (left). Save that if one of the ships cannot stand the sail
as well as the captain’s ship, and the strength of the wind
requires him to draw it.

B (right). If the ships on leaving this city, before they pass
the Canaries, should encounter a storm so that they have
to return, they shall do everything possible so that all may
return to this city. And if any one of them cannot do so,
every effort should be made to reach Setuuel [Setubal ]. 3
And wherever it may be, it will at once make known here
where it is, so as to receive orders as to what it should do.

C (left). They will return before the island of Sam Nicalao
in case this is necessary [; or] because of sickness 4 at the
island of Samtiago.

1 Sao Bras or Mossel Bay is located <5o leagues beyond the Cape of Good Hope.
Bartolomeu Dias stopped there and named it Bahia dos Vaqtieiros. Vasco da Gama had
remained there for thirteen days on his voyage to India, securing beef and water from
the natives. It was here that he broke up his store-ship. Cabral would probably have
stopped at Mossel Bay for supplies and water had it not been for the storm which he
encountered in the South Atlantic.

2 These instructions were written soon after the return of da Gama, since there is
no reference here to the selection of two of the ships to stop at Sofala.

3 On the Bay of Setubal, a short distance south of Lisbon.

4 Possibly referring to an epidemic, such as those which had been experienced in
Portugal.

THE INSTRUCTIONS x6p

D (left). If these ships departing from this coast should
become separated from each other in a storm, so that some
make for one port and others for another, the manner in
which they are to join each other: and if the signs of guid-
ance are not made by some one of the ships and it cannot
be seen you will, with all the rest, make your way straight
to the watering place of Sam Bras.

E (right). And there, while you take on water, the afore-
said ship will be able to overtake you. And if it does
not overtake you, you will depart when you are ready,
and will leave there for it such signs that it may know
upon arriving there that you have gone on, and will follow
you.

F (left). And signs should be set up, where routes are to be
taken for the ships which lose each other, and this will
be done with the very good experience of all the pilots.

FRAGMENT OF INSTRUCTIONS TO PEDRO ALVARES CABRAL

WHEN HE WENT TO INDIA AS COMMANDER OF A FLEET

Jesus. Furthermore, as soon as, God willing, you depart from
Angadyva you shall go your way to anchor before Callecut
with your ships close together and placed in good order,
decorated with your bamiers and standards and as fine as you
can make them ; and you shall stop in that place where you know
is the best anchorage and safest for the ships, and you shall
do no injury to any of the ships which you may find there nor
between the aforesaid Angadyva and Callecut, even though
you know they are from Mecca, but rather salute them and
show them a good front and the signal of peace and good-
will, giving food and drink and all other good treatment to
all who shall come to our ships; taking heed, however, that
so many of them do not come aboard together as to consume
many provisions, or to be able to take possession of the ships.
And after you have cast anchor and moored the ships and all
is put in order, you shall send out in a boat Balltasar and those
other Indians whom you carry, and with them a pair of men
from those who appear to you to have aptitude and fitness for
the purpose and order them to go with the aforesaid Indians

i 7 o OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS

to the Camorym, 1 King of Callecut, and to tell him how always
in times past, desiring much to know of the things of that land
of India and its people, chiefly for the service of Our Lord,
since we have information that he and his subjects and the
dwellers in his kingdom are Christians and of our faith and
people with whom we should be glad to have every sort of
true friendship and helpfulness, we resolved to send our ships
to seek the way to India, since we know that the Indians are
Christians and men of such faith, truthfulness, and fair deal-
ings that they should be sought out, in order that they might
more completely have instruction in our faith and might be
indoctrinated and taught in matters pertaining to it, as befits the
service of God and the salvation of their souls, and afterwards
to lend ourselves to trade with them and they with us, carrying
the merchandise of our kingdom necessary to them and like-
wise bringing back theirs. And it pleased God, in view of our
good intentions, that a short time ago Vasco da Gama, our
captain, went in three small ships and entering the Indian
Ocean, reached their country, the city of Callecut, whence he
brought the aforesaid Indians in order that we might have
speech and dealings with them. And we now order them to be
sent back, and from them he may learn what is in our country.
And thus as we send them back to him, so he ought to pay for
the merchandise which the said Vasco da Gama at his command
put on shore, and which was taken from him, and who gave
us information chiefly concerning himself and his Christianity
and good intention in the service of God, and in the next place,
concerning his good faith and the fair dealings of his land in
which we took much pleasure; and we resolved to send you
with these few ships loaded with the merchandise which we
were informed was necessary and profitable to the country, in
order that, in our name, you might conclude peace and estab-
lish friendship with him, if he is pleased so to have it with us, as
we hope, according to what Vasco da Gama told us; and it
appears to us that he ought to be glad to do so since he is a
Christian and true king; for from peace and trade with us in his

1 The title Zamorin is of Portuguese origin. The more proper title is
Samuri, derived from the Malayalam tamatiri or tatnuri, meaning Sea Kang. (Hobson-
Jobson.)

THE INSTRUCTIONS 171

land he will obtain great advantages chiefly through being
instructed and illumined in the faith, which is a matter which
ought to be more highly esteemed than' any other; and in the
next place, because of the great profit which he will receive
from the merchandise which we will send from our kingdoms
and domains to his country and which our countrymen will
bring him; for that which we send at present is only for a
sample, since we do not know whether these or other things
are those which they most wish for there. And because you
will be pleased to have an interview with him to tell him at
greater length those things that we on our part commanded
you to speak to him, and to give him our letters and some
tilings which we now send him as a present for a beginning
and indication of friendship, and if it appears to you that even
if all trust should be put in him and his word, yet you should
not go ashore without his giving you hostages, because of what
was done to the said Vasco da Gama, who was detained at
Pandarane; and also because of certain merchandise of ours
which he took as a sample and ordered to be placed on land,
and which was taken from him; and we believe that this was
not done by him or through his fault but at the request and by
means of some people without faith, who neither desire to
serve him nor to preserve his truth. And therefore you shall ask
him to be pleased to give you the aforesaid hostages who shall
remain in your ships until you return to them, and say that you
would be pleased, from information you have concerning
them, if they were people whom you specifically name. You
shall take means as seems best to you so that they may be seen
and known by one of our people whom you shall send back
with the aforesaid Indians, so that if the King of Callecut sends
them your man may recognize them, and they may not sub-
stitute for them others not of equal importance and standing,
and in this matter you shall take very great precaution. And,
if he gives them to you, you shall go ashore and give him what
I have already mentioned, and shall tell him things which he
will be much pleased to hear, and which will bring him much
profit and honour, and you shall beg of him not to think it
strange that you should require the aforesaid hostages, for it is
the custom of these kingdoms that no chief captain shah land

172 OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS

from his ships in a place where peace has not been concluded
without hostages and security, and that you have always done
so on this voyage; for although in some places you touched at
and where you were well received and invited to land you were
unw illing to do so, nor would you land even if they had given
hostages, but that you will do so in his case, because he is a
Christian and virtuous, and because we sent you to him, and
[you shall tell him that] before sending you these hostages he
may safely send his factors and carranes of the country to the
aforesaid ships, and to them shall be shown all the ships and the
coders, and bales shall be opened, and they shall see that they
are full of merchandise and that we are sending merchants to
him for his profit, and that they are not robbers, as we were told
they gave him to understand when the aforesaid Vasco went
there.

And if he wishes to give them, then, leaving the aforesaid
hostages in your ships and in your power, and very well
treated but nevertheless with so much precaution that they
shall not be able to leave, you shall go to land with ten or fifteen
men, such as shall appear to you the best to take with you, the
other captains being in their ships, and also a captain in your
own ship, all for the sake of security, so that the ships shall
receive no damage from sea or from land; and you shall leave
orders that until you return to the ships no one is to go ashore
or to remove anything unless you give orders by one of the
men who goes with you that this is to be done. Then you shall
go to speak to the said king and shall give him our messages and
shall offer him what we send him by you, and you shall tell
him on our behalf how we desire his friendship and concord,
advantage and trade with his country, and that with this object
we send you there with those merchant vessels, and that we
pray him to give instructions how our merchandise may be
sold in safety, and that cargo for our ships shall be given us,
of spices and other merchandise of the country which may be
profitable for this; and to give orders that you shall have these
at those prices which are in the land and at which they are
usually sold, in such manner that if any of the merchants who
are there disapprove of our trading there, they shall not be able
to raise the price of the merchandise of the country beyond

THE INSTRUCTIONS 173

what they paid. And if on your arrival the said merchandise is
engrossed by those who are there, he shall see that you get at
these prices what is necessary for the loading of the ships, or, if
previously his factor should wish to obligate himself personally to
give you all the cargo which you require for the ships, divided
into such quantities and kinds of merchandise as you shall
indicate to him, having decided the price of his goods, and for
how much they will take ours, you will consent so to arrange
it for the sake of quicker dispatch and to transact business more
expeditiously . . .

... to whichever of these methods you agree he shall give his
promise, and, that being done, you shall commence to order
the goods you are carrying to be sold, and likewise the purchase
of those which you wish to. bring away, and from the beginning
of your sales and trading he will know who you are, and the
profits which he is to obtain now and henceforth from our
ships.

Likewise, before going to the king, take means, if it shall be
possible for you to do so, to learn if the duties which are paid
there on merchandise that enters, also on that which goes out,
are the same as Caspar told us, of which you have a note, and
if you find it is so, you shall tell the aforesaid king that you were
aware that there are high duties in his country, and that it appears
to you that he ought not to levy such high duties upon us, because
we have recently begun to send merchandise to his country,
and in all places it is the custom at the beginning of trade to dis-
pense with duties and to grant favourable terms to those who
come with merchandise, and that such is the custom in our
kingdoms, and therefore that it appears to you that he ought to
act thus towards us and our merchandise, and suggest to him
some reasonable basis as to what is to be given for purchase and
sale, telhng him that although it is less than the others pay him,
the number of our ships and the amount of merchandise will be,
if God please, so great that the duties will yield him much
more than they do at present. And if it shall appear to you that
the said King of Callecut objects to this proposal in some way,
and it seems to you that he does not take it well enough for you

i 7 4 OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS

to hope it will be profitable, in such a case you shall be careful
not to insist nor to say more to him regarding it, for what you
have already said will be enough, in order that it may not appear
to him that you are bringing forward a predetermined matter
and that he is losing some of the duties which the Moors are
paying him.

And if, by chance, he shall refuse to give the hostages here
named, or such other similar ones concerning whom you have
reliable information that they are in every way safe for you to
take and receive in order that you may land in person, in such
case you shall not land, and thereupon you shall send to suggest
to him that since he does not desire to give them, it seems that
he does not wish to talk with you and to see and hear of our
things as we supposed, and that because of this it appears to you
that you ought not to land without them; but that in order
that trade in merchandise may be made and that he may he told
regarding the things pertaining to it and to bring him that
which was sent to him by you, you request him to be so kind as
to send to the ships three or four merchants and persons for this
purpose in exchange for whom you will send an equal number,
to deliver to him through them the things which you may send
him and to talk with him on your behalf. Thereupon you shall
send Ayres Correa and with him two of his writers, one for the
receipt, the other for the expenses, and you shall deliver to him
that which we send him; and they are to speak to him of the
traffic and settlement of the merchandise and delivery of the
cargo in the manner in which we have indicated above that you
were to speak if you met him; and they shall say that it
appears a great mistake on his part and little to his advantage not
to give the hostages which you asked for in order that you might
land, because if you visited him you would tell him many
things to his advantage, and you would establish there a house
for us in which to lodge the priests and friars whom we sent
in order to instruct him in the faith, and how it is necessary
to believe in it to be saved. And also merchandise would be
left there and . . . from which he will derive much profit . . .
honour ... to go to his country . . . and supply his subjects with
the things necessary for lands to grow richer. And if, not-
withstanding, he still refuses to give you the aforesaid hostages

THE INSTRUCTIONS x 75

in order that after receiving them you may land safely, then you
shall request that those whom he sends to the ships for those
who go to him, may remain with you in the ships until they
load them.

When this has been agreed upon with the said king, and of
this we think there can be no doubt, the aforesaid Ayres Correa
shall begin to take the merchandise on shore, and to sell and to
buy what may appear to him profitable for our service, but he
shall not land all the merchandise together, but only what
appears to him necessary to be sold, and he shall at once put to
use the money received from it in other merchandise which
should immediately come to the ships; in this manner the least
possible risk will be incurred on shore.

In case the said king should say that he will not give hostages
because he has not the custom of giving them to anyone, since
his country is safe and secure for all those who wish to go to
trade there and that it will be so for you if you wish to land in it
to trade and to buy and sell and other words to this effect, so
that he still excuses himself from giving hostages so that you
may land with them as security, as has been said before, as well
as others so that Ayres Correa may obtain goods for the cargo
with them as surety, in that case you shall again send word to
him that what he says may be perfectly true and that you do not
believe that anything else is done there, nor that he permits it,
but that although such is his custom and that of his country,
and although this matter of your requesting the said hostages
of him appears to him a new tiring, yet he ought to do for you
that which you suggest, not only because you are not a mer-
chant like the others who come to his country from near by,
as you yourself know, but because you are our captain, and that
you are chiefly sent by us with a motive of much love, peace,
and friendship, because he is a Christian king and one with
whom we much desire these things, and that for many years
and times we have followed this aim, with the object chiefly of
serving Our Lord, in order that therefrom might proceed the
salvation of both the said king and of those of his land. And for
this purpose you are bringing all the equipment and things, which
you can mention to him in detail in this message, both priests
and friars and all else which is necessary for it, and afterwards

x 7 6 official documents

an agreement and accord may be made regarding matters of
trade, so that it may be safe and sure for the future and
with every ease for those whom we may send hereafter, and
that thus it may come to pass that our people may go to his
country and his people come to ours without any fear, if they
so desire.

And in case the said King of Calecut will not on any account
whatsoever come to give thus the aforesaid hostages either so
that you may land in person or so that the said Ayres Correa
may because of them conduct the business of loading merchan-
dise as I have indicated above, you will then send word to him
that you are gready displeased with him for so doing, because
you did not expect him to have any objection to tills, and that
you are still more displeased on account of the displeasure which
we shall feel because you did not agree to or make there with
him the matters and negotiations of our peace, love, and agree-
ment, as we hoped, for you did not come nor were sent by us for
this purpose only, but also that, after taking on your cargo, you
carried instruction to leave there our factor in has city, to set up
a house for our merchandise and to have with him other per-
sons who were to remain in the house; from which he would
derive great profit and in addition much satisfaction, because
his country would become richer and better provided in its
necessities, but since he shows so much reluctance in so small
a matter and one which so greatly carries with it love, service,
and friendship, although it gives you great displeasure for the
aforesaid reasons, you will go at once to Callemur and there
establish your seat and peace and set up your factor and the
house which you brought for his city, and with him [the King
of Callemur] you will come to an agreement regarding all
matters in order that all our service may be attended to which
you know will be done as completely as in his city, and perhaps
more perfectly and securely, and that he knows that this is
truly so.

And after you have thus in the most detailed maimer done
all that it seemed to you that you could do in the matter to the
best of your judgement, and perceive that he does not change
to the end which we seek there, then after one day or several
days, as best appears to you, although there should be few

THE INSTRUCTIONS i 77

delays because of the embarrassment which you know must
arise, you shall then send another message, saying that although
you are assured that our affairs and our service would be very
completely attended to in Callemur, and that there we could
very safely have our factor and house, yet because of the dissatis-
faction which you know we would experience hereby because
of our chiefly sending you to him and because of our desiring
peace, friendship, and cordial understanding with him rather
than with any other king of India, you have resolved to dis-
regard all blame which may attach to you in this case and to
transact your business with him and to take on a cargo from his
city; and having made this final decision, you shall send ashore
Ayres Correa and his writers, who in all respects, as already
indicated, shall endeavour to obtain and to buy the merchandise
for your cargo with the greatest possible speed and dispatch,
proceeding with every precaution that may appear good to you,
and taking care that he buys to the greatest advantage of our
service.

And while you are thus conducting these negotiations and
parleys with the aforesaid King of Callecut, you will endeavour
in whatever manner you best can to leam if it is possible to
obtain a cargo at Callnur for your ships and also if in case you
should desire to go there and establish your house, this can
be done for our service, and if you would be well received there,
and also if everything would in the future be safe there, if you
should establish yourself there, both as regards the cargo at any
future time, and as regards the residence of our factor and all
other similar information, so that you may not only be well
informed as to what you are to do there, but also that you may
be able to bring full and certain information concerning this
when in good time you return.

Likewise, although inconvenience must arise from this
method, since the people are not to land to conduct their busi-
ness, this is the method which must be followed, namely: the
aforesaid Ayres Correa shall buy all die spicery which the said
people wish him to buy who entrusted him their merchandise
so as to obtain the spices through it, and he is to offer it at prices
at which it can be bought without any change, as is set forth
at greater length in his instructions, and if perchance it should

178 OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS

appear that this will be a matter of great difficulty for the
said Ayres Correa, and if he cannot suffer it because of what
he is to do on our behalf, then you shall send with him and his
writers, a factor, one who shall appear to you most apt and
suitable for it, and a writer shall be assigned to him who will
buy the spices on behalf of the said parties, for the merchandise
which he may receive from them, proceeding in such order
that everything is done in good faith, and so that no deceit
shall be practised on the parties; at the same time the said
factor shall always agree with Ayres Correa upon the price of
the merchandise, both of ours to sell, and of that to be bought
in the land. And as regards the other small merchandise, pre-
cious stones and other things, another factor shall be appointed
for these, one in each ship who shall go on shore; to wit:
every day one factor shall go ashore from each ship, and shall
make the purchase of such merchandise and shall return every
day to sleep on shipboard, and in this manner everything
will be provided for to the safety of our service.

And if, perchance, the King of Callecut shall give you the
hostages before mentioned on acceptance of whom you are to
land in order to speak to him and to give him our present and
to do the other things which I have already indicated, then, if
you perceive that tilings are being so arranged that they are
being done with all security, and that he can be trusted re-
garding them, and that no inconvenience can follow, which
you should easily feel through the modes and means of con-
ducting business, and all the other things which can well indi-
cate it, you are to tell him that we send you to him on this first
voyage not only to make our peace and friendship with him,
and there to load our ships which you have brought, with the
spices and the products of India and of his land, but also that
you may leave there in his city our factor and establish a house
in which our merchandise and other persons are to remain, and
priests and friars, and the things of the Church in order that our
faith may be thus completely shown and taught him, so that
he may be indoctrinated in it as a faithful Christian, from
which he will leam how great is the love we have for him, and
that we all desire his friendship and advantage. And you shall
request him to command and order that houses shall be assigned

THE INSTRUCTIONS i 79

to you in which our factor may be lodged, and keep in all
security his merchandise and the people who are to remain
with him, and that he and all those who remain with him as
well as the merchandise that you leave with him may remain
and be secure at all times. In evidence whereof he shall order
his letter to be given you, and any other security you may
know is the usage and custom of the land. And if the said
King of Callecut gives you these securities and such others as
you drink that you should require for the greater safety of the
stay of the said factor, to the best of your knowledge in accord
with the usage of that land, then shall the said factor remain in
that city with the merchandise . . . should be left over of the
cargo and also of all the rest of the spices . . . ordered by his
. . . and you are to tell him that, since you are thus leaving
behind the aforesaid factor and other persons and also our
merchandise, to which we were chiefly moved by his knowing
how great is our desire for his friendship and advantage, it is
our pleasure that you should ask him to send some honourable
persons with you, who shall come to visit us, not only to see us
and our kingdoms, but also through the deeds, honours, and
rewards which they will receive from us, they may know better
the good will which we have towards him and his affairs, and
you are to endeavour to bring them, and, if you bring them,
they are to receive from you afl the honour and good treatment
that is possible.

And if it should so happen that no hostages should be given
you in any of the ways above mentioned, and of necessity you
have to labour to obtain cargo for the ships in the manner
already described, from which you will clearly know and see
that our factor and merchandise as well as the other persons
who are ordered to go with him to remain, cannot remain in
safety in the aforesaid city of Callecut, in that case after our
ships are laden, you shall send word to him that you had the
intention as well as our command to leave there our factor and
a house for our merchandise, as is set forth in the previous
chapter, together with the rest which you will see there.

And after providing for the stay of the said factor and when
the matters with the King of Callecut are settled in this way to
his entire pleasure and to our service, and you have loaded your

x8o OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS

ships, you shall finally tell him that he must have already known
what great security he is always to have from peace and friend-
ship with us, which will always be perfectly preserved by us
and ours at all times and to his profit and the good of his king-
dom and its people, but that, inasmuch as we have learned that
Moors, enemies of our holy faith, trade in his city, and that
their ships and merchandise go there, with whom we continu-
ally wage war, both on account of the obligation which every
Catholic king must have, and because it comes to us as if by
direct succession, and in this connexion you may acquaint him
in detail with the events of the war beyond the sea; also that in
order that all matters both great and small shall be clear and
certain as is proper between us and him, you shall make known
to him that if you encounter ships belonging to the aforesaid
Moors of Mecca at sea, you must endeavour as much as you
can to take possession of them, and of their merchandise and
property and also of the Moors who are in the ships, to your
profit as best you can, and to make war upon them and do them
as much damage as possible as a people with whom we have so
great and so ancient an enmity, and also because we comply
with our obligations to God our Lord, nevertheless that he is to
be sure that although you and other captains whom we may
send in the future, may encounter diem in his port and before
his city, yet, in order to preserve, as we always gladly should,
his pleasure and satisfaction in everything, you shall do them no
harm or damage but shall only do all you can against them
when you meet those ships at sea, as has been already said,
where they will do what they can against you and against our
people whom they henceforth may encounter. And that he
may be certain to know that he and his property are to be
respected as is due to a king with whom we delight always to
maintain affection, peace, and friendship, that when you or any
other of our captains capture the aforesaid ships, none of the
Indians found in them nor any of their merchandise or property
will be injured in any way, but on the contrary, they will
receive every honour and all good treatment, and will be sure
of this, that they and all which belongs to them will be left
alone, for war will only be waged against the said Moors as our
enemies, and that it would further please us if he could exclude

THE INSTRUCTIONS 181

these Moors from his land and from trading in it, since, please
God, he will receive from us and ours all the profit which until
now he has had from them, and much more, and that it would
be well and for God’s service, because in this he would comply
with his duty as a Christian king, if he would expel them from
his country and not allow them to come there nor to trade in
it, since no other advantages result from them and their resi-
dence, arrival, and stay there than the profit he gets from them,
and this he will draw from our people with God’s help, and
with so much greater increase, that he would be content, and
that if such Moors and ships of Mecca should be captured by
our people, that in this case he should give us security by letter,
that although because of this the said Moors of Mecca who
may at such time be in his city or lands and any others should
request him to make reprisals on our factor and house and
merchandise and people that might be in it, in order that they
shall thus be indemnified for the injury done to them by our
people, he will not do so, and that no compulsion nor injury
will be inflicted on our people or our merchandise on this
account, but rather that he will always protect them as he is
obliged by the peace and friendship which he has with us.

Furthermore, you shall tell him that inasmuch as we have
learned that it is the custom in his city and land when any
merchant dies there, that his estate, merchandise, and property
shall become the property of the said king and be collected for
him, that it would not be reasonable that this should apply to
our factor, because this rule should be observed only of persons
who trade in their own merchandise and transact business on
their own account, which our agent does not do, for every-
thing is ours. In this he is to give assurance that if God our
Lord should take away our aforesaid agent and he dies there,
then all our merchandise and property and also all our store-
house shall be exempt and free from this custom, and that our
factor who shall succeed to the other at his death, shall do freely
and without impediment all that the deceased factor was doing
without anything coming to the said king, or his interfering
with what is ours, for, as we say, it would not be reasonable to
apply the regulation or to do to our man what is done to the
other merchants and people.

1 82 OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS

Furthermore, things may come to this state from the pro-
gress of the negotiations you conduct, that you encounter such
hindrance from him in a matter in which there should be none,
over his giving hostages, that you must leave him and put into
Callemur, then you shall depart with your cargoes and go
direct to Callemur, and shall give [the king] our letters which
you take with you, and shall tell him how we are sending you
to those parts of India in order to establish peace and friendship
with its kings, as we have long desired to do and as ought to be
done between Christian kings, and that, inasmuch as you were
told that on this your first voyage you would not be able to
obtain a cargo in his country for our ships, you therefore went
first to Calecut, where you took cargo, and that, inasmuch as we
have learned that he is a true king and known to be such above
all others, and that he is very firm in matters which relate to our
faith and refrains from intercourse with the Moors, its enemies,
and because we gready desire it for all these reasons and for
others which we have known relating to his virtues, we there-
fore commanded you to go to him to conclude peace and
establish friendship with him in our name, for the future . . .
friends, we and ours may avail ourselves of his country and he
and his of ours, as is reasonable and pleasing to us, and not only
for this purpose . . . but also that if he receives our peace and
amity, as we trust, that you may then leave in his city our factor
and people and a house of our merchandise, so that in time to
come our large and small ships may take their cargo at his city,
and they may sell our merchandise and may buy there what
merchandise they need, from which he and all his land will be
assured of great honour and profit. And inasmuch as perhaps
his city is the principal gateway of all the kings of India, you are
therefore to request that, if he wishes to arrange with you to do
so, he will be pleased and hold it desirable that the aforesaid
factor shall remain, and that he shall give you all security accord-
ing to the custom of the country, namely, his letters, and any
other similar thing; and if he wishes to send some person or
persons to come with you to our kingdoms to see what is in
them, you can take them with all certainty, since you believe it
will be pleasing to us, and we will have them sent back to him
in our ships, and they will receive honours and a reward from

THE INSTRUCTIONS X83

us, and during the voyage they will be treated by you as you
yourself are treated. And, if he gives this, then our aforesaid
factor shall remain, together with all those who are ordered to
remain with him, and the merchandise and tilings which he
carries for his stay, and when all has been arranged you shall
come to him at the proper time. And at this first talk which
you will have with die said king, you will first try to ascertain
whether a cargo of spices can be obtained in his city, and if
other Indian merchandise comes there, and if he would engage
in this, and also if the merchandise which you now bring is
desired there, or others, and if others, of what sorts, so that you
may inform us correctly of everything, and moreover it will be
the chief care of the factor ... to know and to give orders as to
how the said king may send ... by them and give instruc-
tions that they be brought there for sale, so that he may be
able to buy and have cargoes ready against the arrival of our
ships, and, if it please God, they may be certain to find their
cargo with all other tilings which he is charged with, as is
decreed in his instructions.

And as soon as you have in good time arranged matters here
in Callemur and agreed upon the staying of the aforesaid factor,
and he has landed with everything intended to remain with him
in the manner ordered in the preceding paragraph, you shall
depart in good time for these kingdoms, and if on the voyage
you encounter any ships of Mecca and it appears to you that
you are able to capture them, you are to try to take them,
but you are not to come to close quarters with them if you
can avoid it, but only with your artillery are you to compel
them to strike sail and to launch their boats, and in them they
shall send and shall come their pilots, captains, and merchants,
so that this war may be waged with greater safety, and so that
less loss may result to the people of your ships. And if their
ships should be captured, with God’s help, you shall take
possession, as best you can, of all merchandise which you
find in them, and convey it to our ships; and you shall bring to
us all the pilots and captains and some chief merchants who can
come here in our ships, and you shall liberate for a ransom the
others and the people of the said ships which you capture, pro-
vided that you are able and in a position to do so, and the

1 84 OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS

weather permits; and if you are unable to do this, then you shall
put them all in one of the ships, the most dismantled that there
is, and shall let them go in it and you shall sink or bum all the
others, faking great care that if, should it please Our Lord, you
capture the said ships, you take all the merchandise, large and
small, which in them . . . with all our service.

And as soon as, should it please Our Lord, you shall have
crossed and arrived at Melynde, because you will then have
learned which of the vessels of the entire fleet are better sailers,
and which worse and slow, you shall act thus when you reach
the said Melynde; namely: you shall separate all the ships which
were the best sailers from the others, and shall give orders that
these shall continue their voyage to these kingdoms without
waiting for the others, but you shall give orders, however, that
those which are thus the best sailers shall wait for one another
and shall observe all the other regulations which you have
brought with you relating to waiting and signals from one to
another so as not to become lost, and you shall separate those
which are poor sailers and slow, and these are to continue their
voyage independently of the others in the manner which we
have prescribed and explained that the fast ships are to do; and
if it should so happen that your own ship is one of the fast
sailers you shall come in company and convoy with these, and
shall appoint a separate commander of the slow sailers and those
which are worse to sail; such a person you will select for this
purpose as appears to you to be the most suitable and fit, and
to him you will commit and give all the authority which you
yourself possess: and we hereby order that all the other
captains and company shall obey him and comply with his
orders as they would to you yourself, and if you should be
among . . . with the slow ones, you will remain with them
and will appoint another chief captain for the others, in the
aforesaid manner ... of the faster sailers, but if Sanchor de
Toar should be with the slow sailers, providing always that he is
not in the same division of the fleet in which you yourself are,
in this case he is to be chief captain of the division into which
he falls.

And although we indicate so minutely in these instructions the
things which you are to do and to observe, because, according

THE INSTRUCTIONS i85

to the time and manner of conducting affairs (and on this
especially), concerning which up to now so little is known, and
on account of the difference which perchance you will find in
the customs of the country, if it should appear to you that you
ought to alter and arrange matters otherwise, in order to con-
duct and conclude them in a fitting manner, and as we would
desire for our service, in this case, we, because of the great
confidence which we have in you, hold it for good and com-
mand you to do and follow all that which appears best to you,
always taking counsel in everything with the captains and factor
and any other persons whom you think you ought to consult in
the matter: and, finally, that which you decide and agree upon
you will follow out and perform.

Furthermore, the second captain . . .

PEDRO ALVAREZ, CHIEF OF THE OTHER CAPTAINS; CON-
CERNING YOUR INSTRUCTIONS, WE HOLD IT FOR GOOD
AND OUR SERVICE THAT YOU SHOULD COMPLY AND KEEP
THOSE WHICH ARE CONTINUED BELOW

Be furthermore advised that on your return in good time,
after passing the Cape of Good Hope, you shall not make other
port nor a stop in any part, but shall only come directly
to this city, save that it is for some necessity, or because it may
be appropriate for our service that you should do so, because
you cannot avoid or be able to do otherwise, in which case you
shall do that which seems necessary for greater safety of the
matters of our service; but in whichever of the places in
which you may do so, be well advised that in all the fleet
great care shall also be taken that there shall not be taken out
any merchandise or that anything should be done contrary to
our service. And at the island of Sam Tome or Cape Verde
or of the Azores, in winch we have officials, you shall always
obey in these the regulations of our customs officer and the
officials who look after the matters of our service, as well as
those guarded and made in our instructions for the caravels of
Mina, by which I hold it for good that you shall not send out
your boats [ barcas ] if you can avoid it, and having in this all
advice and good order; and thus we recommend and order

b b

1 86 OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS

that you do, and as soon as you arrive in good time at this city,
you will be advised. And thus we order you that neither you
nor any one of the ships and caravels of the fleet, whether they
are ours or others who go apart, shall launch any boat or con-
sent that any arrive to you, or go in a boat of any sort until there
come to you and to the ships of all the said fleet our factors and
officials, and they make and provide that which we order them
for our service and as it appears to them that they should do;
and thus you are to understand and do, for this we hold for
good. And in this manner we order to each one of the captains
of the fleet that they comply and as their chief you shall give
your instructions that they shall so do.

Furthermore, because it might happen that, with the aid of
Our Lord, you should arrive in Callecut or in Calemir, in which
two places your cargo should be of such abundance that by
chance other ships might carry it if they could load; in this case,
if it appears to you that it is for our service that you should do
so, we hold it for good that you should buy some ship or ships
of those of the land, so that you may load them and bring them
with you unto some place where you can come to anchor, to
place in our ships what is therein loaded, so that they shall take
the place of the supplies which are daily consumed; it appears to
us that this would be a good thing to do. And if they can satis-
factorily and with security come with the fleet, it would thus
be well. If it cannot be accomplished in the manner which is
said and which thus appears to us would be to our service, you
can do as follows and can still do that which will please us
greatly, to place thus in them by purchase such an abundant
cargo as we have told you before; and we order that Ayres
Correa, our factor, accomplish that which is required for our
service and you should authorize and direct him thus as to the
purchase of the said ships as well as their cargo.

And if some of those from these parts who go in the fleet
should wish to buy such ships of those of the land so that they
might load them with some sort of merchandise in addition to
the quintals which are authorized by us which they might
bring to these kingdoms, we hold it for good that they may
do so, and they will be obliged to pay us all our dues of
merchandise which thus in similar ships are loaded and carried.

THE INSTRUCTIONS 187

And we command you that on them you shall not place in this
matter any embargo whatever. And these chapters you shall
join with all the others of your written instructions.

[On the reverse it reads ] Which I entered in the instructions of
the chief captain and of Bertolomeu Dias, to the alvara of the
licence in the chapter for Bertolomeu Dias.

LETTER SENT BY KING MANUEL TO THE ZAMORIN OF

CALICUT

Great and most powerful Prince Zamorin, by the Grace of
God King of Calecut. We, Dom Manuel, by His Divine
Grace King of Portugal and the Algarves on this side of and
beyond the sea in Africa, Lord of Guinea, &c., send you many
salutations as to one we gready love and prize. God Almighty,
the beginning, middle, and end of all things, and under whose
ordinance the days and human acts and times run their course,
as by His infinite goodness He created the world and the King-
dom of Christ, His Son, Our Saviour, so in His great and
infinite power and knowledge He ordained for future time
many things for the good and profit of the human race, in-
spiring through the Holy Spirit the hearts of men that they
might be made manifest and accomplished in times more
fitting for them and marked out by Him, and neither before
nor after. And since this is a truth well known by experience,
if with sound and true judgement you will reflect on the great
novelty and mystery of the voyage of our men and vessels to
you and to those your lands, you must do in those Eastern parts
what all of us and we do in the West, where we give many
praises to the Lord God because in our day and yours He has
bestowed such favours on the world that we are able not only
to know through hearing, but to see and know by sight and
by intercourse to unite and also be neighbours [one to another].
And while from the beginning of the world until now the
inhabitants of those lands were so far removed from these and
ever beyond all hope or thought of this, the Lord God now
willed to inspire sixty years ago our uncle and vassal called the
Infant Dom Henry, a prince of very virtuous life and holy
habits, who for God’s service and by His inspiration resolved to

188 OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS

open out this navigation; and it was continued by the kings our
predecessors until now, and, it pleasing Our Lord, He willed to
give it the end we desired and that those men who now arrived
there in one voyage only should make so long a journey until
they reached you, as in all past voyages was made in sixty years;
and these were the first men we sent out as soon as, by the
Grace of God, we assumed the rule of our realms and lordships.
And although this thing is seen to have been done by men, it
ought not to be judged as the work of men, for it is not possible
for them but of God alone, by whose power what is impos-
sible to men is possible to Him, for since the creation of the
world there existed, in those parts and these, great powers and
lordships of princes and kings and the Romans and other people
who possess the greater part of the earth, of whom we read that
they had great will and desire to make this navigation and that
they worked at it, but it did not please God to grant them such
a possibility in those times, just as we ourselves could [not] have
accomplished it if we had not had it from His hand and will.
And since as long as God did not wish it to take place all the men
of past times were unable to accomplish it, no one should think
that now that He desired it, men are strong enough to oppose
and undo it, and it is now a much greater wrong and injury to
God to wish to resist His manifest and known will than it was
to be obdurate against it before it was known. And among the
principal reasons why we render many thanks to the Lord God
in this achievement is because we have been told that there are
Christian people in those parts, and it will be our chief desire to
hold converse with you and to profit and give in great con-
formity of love and brotherhood, as Christian kings ought to
do between each other, for it may well be believed that God
our Lord did not ordain such a marvellous deed as this of our
navigation only to be served in traffic and temporal profits
between you and us, but also in the spiritual of souls and their
salvation to which we are more bound. And He holds it for
His greater service, therefore, that His Holy Christian Faith
should be communicated and united between you and us as it
was by all in all the small universe for quite six hundred years
after the coming of Jesus Christ, until by the sins of men there
arose some sects and contrary beliefs, foretold by Christ that

LETTER OF KING MANUEL 189

they would come after Him for the trial and manifestation of
the righteous and for the deceit of wickedness of those who
deserved condemnation and destruction because they would
not receive the truth to be saved; and therefore God perverted
their knowledge and understanding to do evil and believe lies
and be condemned, since they would not believe the truth and
consented to falsehood. These sects occupied a great part of the
earth between your lands and ours, and therefore our com-
munication with you by land was impeded, but is now again
opened through our navigation and made free by God, to whom
nothing is impossible. Therefore, knowing all this and wishing
to follow up and fulfill, as we ought, that winch the Most
High God clearly shows us to be his will and service, we now
send there our captain and ships and merchandise and our
factor who, by your pleasure, will remain there and perform his
duties. And we also send religious persons instructed in the
Christian faith and religion, and also church ornaments for the
celebration of the Divine offices and sacraments, so that you
may be able to see the doctrine of the Christian faith which we
hold, given and instituted by Christ Jesus our Lord and Saviour
to the twelve aposdes, His disciples, which after His Holy
Resurrection was by them generally preached and received by
all the world. And some of them, to wit. Saint Thomas and
Saint Bartholomew, preached in your parts of India, perform-
ing many and great miracles, drawing those people from the
paganism and idolatry in which all the world formerly lived,
and some of the said apostles converted them to the truth of
the holy belief and Christian faith. Our Lord ordained Saint
Peter as his principal vicar among all Iris apostles and disciples,
who preached in the great city of Rome, which was then the
head of the people and idolatry, and suffered martyrdom for
Him, and there lies buried. And from that time until now the
holy fathers, Iris successors, set up there by the same ordinance
of Christ the chief head and seat of the Christian faith and
religion, the Lord God wishing, as is shown, that Rome, which
was formerly tire mother of error and falsehood, should be
and remain the mother of truth, of whose obedience and true
doctrine we and all Christian kings, princes, and seignories are.
Wherefore, pondering these tilings, and reasons of the will and

ipo OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS

service of my High God for Himself, who was and is the cause
of our navigation and journey to you, very affectionately and as
a brother we ask you to conform to His will and wish and to
make your profit and that of your land, both temporal and
spiritual, and that you may be pleased to receive and join in our
friendship, trade, and intercourse which we thus peacefully offer
you for His holy service, and to receive and treat our captain and
men with that sound and true love with which we send them to
you; for in addition to the very dear reasons and mystery of the
will of God as He has shown us, who could see and recognize as
His work, there is every reason why you should rejoice that
people should come from so far, and with so great a heart, to seek
friendship and intercourse with you and bring you such profit
as you may get from our lands more than from any others.
And if it should happen that owing to ill will and minds
obstructive of good, which are never lacking, we find in you
the contrary of this, which for every reason we could hardly
credit or expect from your virtue, our fixed purpose is to
follow the will of God rather than that of men, and not fail
through any contrarities to prosecute this affair and continue
our navigation, trade, and intercourse in these lands which the
Lord God wishes to be newly served by our hands, not wishing
that our labour to serve Him should be in vain, as we no less
hope from His piety that it may in purpose, because we firmly
believe and hope that, as He created these lands and gave them
to you and to His peoples to possess, He will ordain that in His
own, His Will will be done, and that there will not fail to be
some one in them who will welcome and receive our friendship
and our people who go there so much by His will and wish, to
whom He so wonderfully opened the way and gave the power
to go to them, which thing He himself knows how greatly we
desire should rather be through good peace and friendship to
Him; and may He be pleased to give us His Grace to know
what is His Will and holy service. And as regards this, may it
please you to give full faith to Pero Alvares Cabral, noble of
our household and our chief captain, in all that he says and
requests you on our part and treats of with you. From Lisbon,
the ist of March 1500.

[Cartas de Afonso de Albuquerque, vol. iii, pp. 85-8.)

APPENDIX

SHIPS AND PERSONNEL

C abral’s fleet consisted of both ships and caravels. There is no
official document which tells how many belonged to each class,
and the only authors who give us exact statements are Castanheda,
who says that there were three round ships, and the rest were ships,
probably meaning caravels, and Gaspar Correa, who states there were
ten large ships of 200 to 300 tons and three small ones. Castanheda,
who gives the best narrative of the voyage and usually refers to
the vessels as caravels, was probably right. Correa had the classes
reversed. This uncertainty in the description of the vessels is due to
the inexact way in which ships were then designated. The Capitania ,
or flagship, and the ships of Simao de Miranda and Sancho de Tovar
were undoubtedly naos redondos, or round ships. The remaining
vessels were probably small ships and caravels, with possibly a few
caravelas redondas , which combined the two types. 1 The ‘round
ships’ were so called because when viewed from the front or rear
they appeared round on account of their wide beam and bulging
sails and to distinguish them from the long ships’ or galleys of the
Venetians. These round shipswere provided with castles fore and aft,
which were used as living-quarters, and which were also of advan-
tage for boarding in case of a naval engagement. They had three
masts. The fore- and mainmasts were square-rigged, and the
mizzen-mast had a lateen sail. There was also a square spritsail at
the bow. 2 No sails were employed above the top sails, but in fair

1 There is no description of any of the ships of Cabral’s fleet. The illustration of the

fleet shown in the JLivro das Armadas da India which is preserved at the Academia das
Sciencias de Lisboa was made long after the voyage, and was derived from references
to the ships as given by the historians. It is, therefore, of little real value. Since the
ships must have been similar to those in da Gama’s fleet and to other vessels of the early
sixteenth century, — rrr- them may be found in the volumes of Pres-
tage, Ravenstein, ■ :v . . =■■ : 1, v describing the caravels of Columbus. The

following may also be consulted: Quirino da Fonseca, A Caravela Portuguesa (Coimbra,
1934), ‘Lembran9as das cousas da India em 1525' in Subsidies para a Hist . da India Port
(Lisbon, 1868), and H. Lopes de Mendo9a, Estudos sobre Navios Portuguezes nos Seculos
XV e XVI (Lisbon, 1892).

2 In Roman ships this spritsail was attached to the artemon which projected over the
bows athwartships and sometimes took the place of the foremast and bowsprit. It
exercised an important function, for it enabled a vessel to sail with a side wind. It
disappeared after the decline of the Roman Empire and was not again found on
square-rigged vessels until the end of the fifteenth century. See G. S, L. Clowes,
Sailing Ships (London, 1931).

192 APPENDIX

weather bonnets were used. The caravels had three or four lateen-
rigged masts and were often provided only with an aft castle. With
the caravela redonda the foremast was square-rigged and the others
lateen-rigged. This type had the advantage of being steadier than
the caravels and of permitting the use of two castles. It is doubtful
if any of the ships in the fleet exceeded 300 tons, and the smallest
was not over 100 tons. 1 The ships of Pedro Alvares Cabral and
Simao de Miranda were the largest and may have had a capacity of
250 or 300 tons. Because Sancho de Tovar went as second in com-
mand, his ship of 200 tons would probably only be exceeded in size
by these two. A comparison of the respective tonnages of the fleets
of da Gama and Cabral shows that Cabral’s fleet was about five
times the size of da Gama’s. 2 Six of Cabral’s vessels were lost at
sea. From a financial standpoint, that of Sancho de Tovar was the
most serious. The loss of ships, particularly along the South African
coast, continued. Falcao estimates that of the 620 ships which left
Portugal for India during the period between 1497 and 1579, 256
stayed in India, 325 returned safely, leaving 39 to be accounted
for. 3

The participants in the voyage of da Gama had gone without an
understanding regarding pay. It is probable that the king over-
rewarded those who returned, because of the results of the voyage
and the privations they had endured. There was no difficulty in
securing men for Cabral’s voyage. For this reason it was felt wise

1 The capacity of ships at this period was approximated. The Portuguese indicated
it in tonekdas and the Venetians in bote. In neither case was it a measure of cubic con-
tents but rather of carrying capacity in tuns or casks, so that it is difficult to compare
the sizes of these ships with those of to-day. In the narratives one finds the Portuguese
give the capacity of the Anunciada as 100 tonekdas and the Venetians as 300 bote , and
similarly that of the ship of Sancho de Tovar as 200 tonekdas and as 600 bote respectively.
Ca’ Masser gives the sizes of the three large ships of the fleet of Francisco de
Albuquerque as 800, 500, and from 400 to 500 bote, and of the thirty which went with
Francisco de Almeida he states that the largest was 1,000 bote, the next 800 bote, and
the other ships down to 300 bote , while the caravels were from 150 to 200 bote . With
the ‘large ship* of Sancho de Tovar given as 600 bote, the flagship would hardly have
been over 750 bote or 250 tonekdas.

2 In comparing the fleet of Vasco da Gama with that of Cabral one is struck with the
relative importance of the store-ship in the former. It constituted at least a quarter of
the total tonnage of the fleet and was sent with the definite purpose of carrying sup-
plies. When these were exhausted it was to be destroyed. In Cabral’s fleet only the
ship of Gaspar de Lemos is mentioned by any author as having been sent for this pur-
pose. With this larger fleet it is probable that other ships were used to carry the bulky
stores for the sustenance of the greater number of people during a voyage which it was
estimated might take a year and a half. Nearly half of the members of da Gama’s fleet
died during the voyage, so that another ship was abandoned. Cabral carried a propor-
tionally larger crew, which may have been sent partly on this account. The abandon-
ing of ships would thus not be necessary and all could return fully laden.

3 Luiz de Figueiredo Falcao, Livro em que se conte'm toda a Fazenda (Lisbon, 1859),
pp. 194-6.

SHIPS AND PERSONNEL 193

to determine their pay in advance. Gaspar Correa tells us that
‘What was decided was that the chief captain of the armada should
have for the voyage 10,000 cruzados 1 and 500 quintals of pepper,
paid for from his salary of 10,000 cruzados at the price at which the
king might purchase it, on which he should not pay taxes, except the
tenth to God for the monastery of Nossa Senhora de Belem; and to
the masters and pilots 500 cruzados for the voyage and thirty quin-
tals of pepper and four chests free; and to the captains of the ships
1,000 cruzados for each 100 tons, and six chests free, and 50 quintals
of pepper for the voyage; and to the mariners 10 cruzados per
month and ten quintals of pepper for the voyage and a chest free;
and to every two ordinary seamen, the same as one mariner; and to
every three pages, the same as to one ordinary seaman; and to the
mates and boatswains, as to a mariner and a half; and to the official
men, that is, in each ship two caulkers, two carpenters and two rope
makers, a steward, a bleeding barber, and two priests, the third of that
of two mariners; and to the men at arms, five cruzados per month
and three quintals of pepper for the voyage; and in each ship went a
chief gunner and two bombardiers; to the chief gunner 200 cruza-
dos and 10 quintals of pepper for the voyage and two chests free;
and to the bombardiers the same as to mariners; and to each man at
arms his free chest. And all the quintals of pepper loaded with their
money with only the tenth to God; and the payment of this pepper
to be made to them by the king in money, according to the price
he might sell it for with a deduction, if any, because the pepper
dried 011 the voyage, a soldo to a liura; and payment in advance to the
men at arms, and one year in advance to those married, and to
bachelors half, and the same to all officials of the ships, and to the
chief captain, 5,000 cruzados, and to each captain 1,000 cruzados, and
to the men at arms six months each, and in their chests white
clothing’ ( Lendas da India , p. 147).

The chief officers and pilots occupied the aft castle. On Cabral’s
ship provision was also made for the meetings of the council and for
entertainment. The chief factor with his principal aids evidently went
with Cabral and diey too would be quartered there. The crew, each
provided with a bed roll and a chest, slept below decks. In the waist
of the ship camion could be placed on either side, and in the centre
was a large hatchway into which the ship’s boats were lowered.
The caravels probably had a bombard at the bow. Sails were
manipulated with winches or capstans, which were also used for

1 The cruzado at this time was worth 9s. 8d. Cabral’s salary in money therefore was

£4,833.

cc

i 9 4 APPENDIX

handling the cargo. At the stem was hung the farol, an iron cage
in which firewood was burned at night. The sombre pitch-covered
hulls were relieved by the bright colours with which the super-
structures were painted. The flagship determined the speed and the
changes in the course of the fleet; the others followed. The food
for the crew consisted of biscuit, dried or salted meat and fish,
rice, sardines, dried vegetables and fruits, particularly figs. Oil,
honey, sugar, salt, and mustard were provided. Wine was evidendy
furnished to the crew, because large quantities of it were carried
on other fleets . 1 The officers naturally fared better. Caminha
states in his letter that chickens and sheep were carried on the
ships. The crew suffered gready from scurvy, and oranges were
obtained as a remedy whenever possible. In addition to large
quantities of provisions and supplies the fleet had cargo for trade.
Two of the caravels, those of Bartolomeu and Diogo Dias, were
destined for die coast of Sofala. These carried copper and small
wares, such as looking-glasses, bells, and coloured beads, which
the Portuguese, in their trade on the Guinea coast, had learned
were desired by the negroes. More valuable cargo may also have
been taken for trade with the Arabs. The main fleet took
copper, in bars or worked, vermilion, cinnabar, mercury, amber,
coral of various grades, and cloths, particularly fine woollens,
satins, and velvets in gay colours . 2 The latter were chiefly used by
the rich for decorations, since the people of the East were satisfied
with their scanty cotton garments. Silks could be obtained to better
advantage from China and embroideries from Cambay. For their
purchases in die East the Portuguese also carried gold. This was in
currency. As this was desired because of its intrinsic value, coins of
nations other than Portugal were also taken. Those of Venice were
particularly esteemed, because they were better known. These coins
were called ‘trade money’ and were those which had not been
greatly debased. Most of the money was carried in the flagship.

1 The first provision in the instructions given for a fleet which went to India about
three years later states that the crew were to be provided each morning with three
quartilhas of wine. Since four quartilhas equalled a Canada , or three English pints, the
daily allowance was pints. On this basis Cabral’s fleet would have carried about
800 English tuns of wine.

z Ca’ Masser states that the fleet of thirty sails which went under the command of
Francisco de Almeida in 1505 carried a cargo worth 250,000 ducats, of which 80,000
was in coin. The cargo consisted of 3,500-4,000 cantara of copper, 60 of cinnabar, 30
of quicksilver, 42 of coral, and from 150 to 200 of lead. The return cargo was chiefly
pepper, but other spices were purchased in varying quantities. In addition to the
cargo the large supplies of provisions and water which were required for the long
voyage occupied much of the capacity. The ammunition, and particularly the stone
balls for the larger cannon, were not an insignificant item.

195

SHIPS AND PERSONNEL

since the factors made purchases for the king, and every care must
be taken that his interests be protected. The representatives of the
Italian merchants and Ayres Correia with his staff were probably
also provided independently, as they evidently traded on their own
account, with a percentage deducted for the Crown.

The Captains

Sancho de Tovar , or Tear, sent with the fleet as second in com-
mand with powers to succeed Cabral in case of the latter’s death.
He was a Castilian Jidalgo, who, after killing the judge who had
condemned his father to death for following the side of Afonso V
against Ferdinand and Isabella, fled to Portugal. His appointment
as a member of the fleet was evidently due to his loyalty to die
Portuguese Crown. The choice, however, does not seem to have
been a happy one. His ship, probably the El Rei , of 200 tons, ran
ashore near Malindi and was lost with its cargo of spices. Tovar
later took command of the caravel of Nicolau Coelho and visited
Sofala. He did not sail again to India.

Simao de Miranda, a nobleman and son-in-law of Ayres Correia.
His name is placed third in lists of captains by all authorities except
Castanheda. His ship was probably about the size of the flagship.
Because it accompanied the flagship and was sent on no special
missions, diis ship and its commander are mentioned only incident-
ally by the historians. It may have contained merchandise belong-
ing to Ayres Correia and other Portuguese officials which did not
belong to the Crown. It evidently took on cargo at Calicut.
Miranda died in 1512, when captain of Sofala.

Aires Gomes da Silva , a nobleman of highest rank. His caravel
was lost during the storm in the South Atlantic.

Vasco de At aide, a nobleman. According to Caminha 1 and in the
first edition of Castanheda he commanded the ship which lost com-
pany near the Cape Verde Islands. Other authors state that this was
commanded by Luis Pires. Neither reached India, so the question is
not of importance.

Pedro de Ataide , a nobleman and probably related to Vasco de
Ataide. Vasco da Gama married Catarina de Ataide after his return

1 Since Caminha saw the captains often while in Brazil, his statement cannot be
questioned. The author of the Anonymous Narrative, a contemporary document,
states that Vasco de Ataide did not return to Lisbon. Castanheda, and following him
deBarros and de Goes, claim that he did, although later Castanheda says that six ships
were lost, which evidently included this one. According to Correa his vessel was a poor
sailer and had difficulty in keeping up with the rest of the fleet. There is also a diver-
gence of opinion as to whether the ship was lost during a storm. Caminha, our best
authority, says that it was during clear weather.

1 96 APPENDIX

from India, and this may have influenced the selection of the two
Ataides as captains. It was the caravel of Pedro, the Sfio Pedro , which
was sent to secure the elephant for the Zamorin. His ship was loaded
at Cranganore. On the return voyage it became separated, but re-
joined the flagship at Beseguiche. Pedro de Ataide went again to
India with Vasco da Gama in the Sfio Pedro. He accompanied the
fleet of Sodre to the Straits and returning with Francisco de Almeida
was shipwrecked and died at Mozambique. De Barros and de Goes
give him the nickname of Inferno’.

Nicoldu Coelho , an experienced captain who had gone with da
Gama as commander of the Berrio and took an active part in that
voyage. He returned to Lisbon before da Gama. 1 He again sailed
to India with Cabral, possibly in the same caravel. On the return
voyage he replaced Nuno Leitao da Cunlia as the commander of the
Anuncicida and reached home nearly a month before the rest of the
fleet. Fie went to India a third time in 1503 under Francisco de
Albuquerque and on the return voyage was shipwrecked and died
with that commander in January 1504.

Bartolomeu Dias, also known by the name of de Novaes , a Jidalgo
and an able navigator. After returning from his memorable voyage
around die Cape, he continued his interest in this voyage. He super-
vised the construction of da Gama’s ships and gave him much
advice. He had three brothers, Pero, Alvaro, and Diogo. Pero
accompanied him on his first expedition, and Diogo was a captain
of Cabral’s fleet. Bartolomeu Dias was lost during the storm
shortly after the fleet left Brazil.

Diogo Dias , a brother of Bartolomeu, who had gone with da
Gama as a writer on the Sfio Gabriel On Cabral’s voyage he was
the captain of the caravel which, having become separated from
the fleet in the South Atlantic, sailed too far east and discovered
Madagascar. Caminha speaks of him in his letter as a jovial man
who was well liked by his companions.

Nuno Leitfio da Cunha , whom de Barros calls a cavaleiro . He com-
manded the Anunciada, which was financed by Marchioni and other

1 ‘Nicolao Coelho was a Jidalgo of great valour to whom El-Rey, D. Manuel, gave
the captaincy of a ship to go in company with the great Vasco da Gama to discover
India, in which he acted with great distinction and prudence; and when he returned,
he arrived first at Cascaes before Vasco da Gama. And through him the king learned
of all that happened in that discovery. On this account, among other favours which
the king showed him, he gave him as arms a lion rampant on a red field between two
columns . of silver, which were upon some green mountains, and over each one a
shield with five coins [dinheiros], and the sea at the foot; which signified the padroens
which they left in the new discovery of die sea, the land of the Orient, and the lion,
the valour with which this heroic deed was accomplished.’ M. Severim de Faria,
Noticias de Port., 3rd ed., Lisbon, 1791, vol. i, p. 233.

SHIPS AND PERSONNEL 197

Italians. This was one of the smallest though the fastest of the
caravels. It was this captain who saved the life of Antonio Correia,
the son of Ayres Correia, at Calicut. Da Cunha filled an important
position at Lisbon after his return.

Gaspar de Lemos , a jidalgo about whom little is known. He com-
manded the supply-ship which returned from Brazil carrying letters
to the king. This was the vessel which could best be spared from the
fleet. Nothing is known of its return voyage. No place-names are
recorded on subsequent maps to indicate that it skirted the coast to
the north for the purpose of further discovery. The credit for the
discovery of this coast probably belongs to Vespucci, who after
landing at Cape Saint Roque followed it to the south. De Lemos
probably proceeded direct to Lisbon, in accordance with Cabral’s
instructions.

Luis Fires , who may have been the captain of the caravel financed
by the Count of Porta Alegra. Nothing is known of his life, and his
ship capsized during the storm.

Simdo de Pina, a nobleman who was related to the chronicler
Ruy de Pina. He commanded a caravel which was lost during the
storm.

The Factors

Three factors were identified with Cabral’s fleet, Ayres Correia,
the chief factor, Afonso Furtado, who was factor of the two
caravels destined for Sofala, and Gon^alo Gil Barbosa, who went out
as a writer but was left in charge of the factory at Cochin. There
evidently were other assistant factors, some of whom were lost on
the voyage, because according to the Instructions one factor was
to go with each ship. It is probable that the Italian merchants had
one of their own on the Anunciada. Correa names Gon^alo Gomes
Ferreira as a factor who was left at Cananore, but he is not men-
tioned by other historians. The duties of the factors were to make
commercial treaties, to conduct trade with the natives, and to take
charge of the cargo. The writers were under their supervision and
to them their duties were sometimes delegated. While under the
authority of the chief captain, the factors were largely independent
and were governed by a special section of the Instructions. Their
salary is not given by Correa and it seems probable that other
arrangements were made for them, either in the form of com-
missions or permission to trade on their own account.

Ayres Correia was evidently an experienced merchant in Lisbon
with a knowledge of Eastern commodities. According to Castanheda

i 9 8 APPENDIX

it was from him that the store-ship of two hundred tons in the
fleet of da Gama was purchased. As chief factor he was an important
member of the council but looked to Cabral as Ms superior officer.
In addition to all matters connected with trade, he had in his
charge the making of commercial treaties. On this account he may-
be considered almost on an equal footing with the chief captain.
He spoke Arabic fluendy and probably had previously traded in
Morocco. Correia has been blamed for the massacre in Calicut.
This was due largely to lack of knowledge of Malayalam and to
over-reliance on the word of the Arab traders. He died fighting on
the shore. His son, Antonio, a boy of twelve, who was saved, later
became one of the most famous captains in the East.

Afonso Furtado is given by Castanheda as the factor who was to be
left at Sofala. De Barros and de Goes state that he was to be left there
as a writer. He probably filled both offices. Bartolomeu and Diogo
Dias, with whom Furtado was to remain in Sofala, were to stay on
the East African coast and carried cargo for that purpose. On this
account Furtado was sent ashore at Kilwa, the capital of the coast of
Sofala. He may have succeeded Ayres Correia after his death.

Gongalo Gil Barbosa was a brother of Diogo Barbosa, who was in
die service of the Duke of Bragan^a and in that of Dom Alvaro, who
sent a ship with Cabral’s fleet, but which was lost in the South
Atlantic. It was probably through Dom Alvaro that Gon^alo Gil
Barbosa was able to secure the position of writer under Ayres
Correia. Diogo Barbosa had a son, Duarte Barbosa, the author of
the Book of Duarte Barbosa } l who it has been claimed accompanied
his uncle and remained with him at Cochin. Gongalo Gil Barbosa
was acting as factor at Cochin and was left there when Cabral’s
fleet hurriedly departed for its return voyage. When da Gama
reached India on his second voyage, Barbosa was transferred to
Cananore to take charge of a permanent factory which was estab-
lished there. Correa gives him the name of Gil Fernandez. He
seems to have learned Malayalam while at Cochin and was thus of
great value in the development of commercial relations both there
and at Cananore.

The Writers

The writer (escrivao) or clerk kept the records and accounts and
made the reports for the factors. We do not know how many
accompanied the fleet, but probably at least one for each ship. From
the fact diat two were left at Cochin there seem to have been
more than those whose names have been recorded. Pedro Vaz de
1 Hakluyt Society, vols. 44, 49, 1918-21.

SHIPS AND PERSONNEL 199

Caminlia, Gon^alo Gil Barbosa, and Joao de Sa may have ranked
above the others, and may because of this have had the duty of
writing the account of the voyage. We have previously mentioned
the two former.

Joao de Sd had gone with da Gama on his first voyage as a clerk on
the Sao Raphael He was held in high esteem by da Gama and when
da Gama left for Terceira with his dying brother, Paulo, he was
given the command of the Sao Gabriel His name is among those
who went with Pedro de Atafde to capture the ship from Cochin.
De Sa was later treasurer of the India House.

Other writers mentioned are Louren$o Moreno and Sebastiao
Alvares, who were left at Cochin, and Diogo de Azevedo and
Francisco Anriquez, who, Correa says, were selected for Calicut
and Cananore. Correa gives Fernao Dinis in place of Sebastiao
Alvares.

The Pilots

Each of the ships seems to have had a pilot, though the office of
pilot and master may have been combined hi some of the smaller
vessels. Six ships sailed independent courses during parts of the
voyage. Only the flagship and that of Simao de Miranda remained
continuously together. The pilots were evidently under one or
more chief pilots who remained on Cabral’s ship. With the chief
pilots were associated the native pilots for the East African coast and
the Indian Ocean.

Caminlia gives the names of two pilots, Afonso Lopez and Pero
Escolar, but none is mentioned by other writers. Afonso Lopez
is referred to by Camhiha as ‘our pilot 5 , which may indicate that
he was one of those with Cabral on the flagship. Pero Escolar did
good service with da Gama and was rewarded by the king 011 his
return . 1 He, too, may have been on Cabral’s ship. Pero Escolar

1 ‘JDom Manuel, &c. To whomsoever this our letter may come we make known that
since we have respect for the service which Pero Escollar, our pilot, has done us as well
in the parts of Guinea as in the discovery of the Indies where we sent him, and so that
we may make him favour and reward, we hold it for good and we wish that from the
first day of January now passed from the present year of fifteen hundred onward he
may have and shall have from us an annuity of four thousand reis. And this is given
for our reward. And we therefore command the Chancellors of our Exchequer that
they shall make note of it in our books and send a letter yearly to the place where he
may have good payment from them. And so that he may keep our remembrance we
send him this our letter, signed by us and sealed with our pendant seal. Given in
Lisbon, the 18th day of February, Vicente Cameiro did it in the year of Our Lord
Jesus Christ of 1500.*

(Arc. Nac. da Torre do Tombo, liv. 13 de D. Manuel, f. 7 v.) A. C. Teixeira de
Aragao, Vasco da Gama e a Vidigudra (Lisbon, 1898), Doc. 11.

200 APPENDIX

continued to act as pilot in succeeding fleets. In November 1509 he
was at Cochin in this capacity, and in 1515 he was the pilot of the
ship Conceygam. 1

Besides the pilots there also went in the fleet an astronomer,
Master John, who has previously been referred to. After the fleet
left Brazil, Master John is not heard of again and he may have con-
tinued on one of the smaller vessels which was lost.

The Interpreters

Only two official interpreters are mentioned as being with the
fleet, Gaspar da Gama 2 and Gon9alo Madeira of Tangiers, who
Castanheda says was left at Cochin. There were others, however,
who spoke Arabic. Ayres Correia seems to have had die best know-
ledge of that language. He probably knew the dialect spoken in
Morocco and may have had some difficulty in speaking correcdy
the language used by the Arabs in India. In the relations of the
Portuguese with the Indians, Arab interpreters were necessary.
Because of the lack of Portuguese interpreters, many misunder-
standings arose at Calicut. The native fishermen whom da Gama
had brought to Portugal had been taught Portuguese, but diese,
because of their low caste, were nearly useless. While Gaspar da
Gama is called an interpreter, he does not seem to have been of
much assistance in that capacity during Cabral’s voyage, and does
not appear to have been ashore at Calicut at the time of the massacre.
He was apparently treated with some distrust in spite of his conver-
sion and marriage in Portugal as told by Ca’ Masser.

Other Members of the Fleet

Sancho de Tovar, as has been said, was the captain who went to
succeed Cabral in case of his being incapacitated. Apparently there
were other noblemen who went with similar instructions to replace
other captains, or who filled subordinate positions. Several of these
are mentioned. Among them were Dom Joao Tello, who is referred
to by Caminha, and the Spaniard, Pedro Lopez de Padilla, who
is named in the letter of Dom Manuel written in 1501.

1 Brito Rebello believes that Joao de Lisboa, one of the most notable pilots at this
time, also went with Cabral’s fleet. ‘It is not possible to state definitely that Joao de
Lisboa went with Cabral, but it may be assumed that with Nicolau Coelho would go
one who was with him on the first voyage as Pero d’ Alemquer, who went with Dias,
followed in that of Gama.* Joao de Lisboa, Livro de Marinkaria. Tratado da Agulha de
Marear (Lisbon, 1903).

2 A great deal has been written about Gaspar da Gama. See the report of Ca’ Masser,
and Ravenstein, Vasco da Gama, p. 179.

SHIPS AND PERSONNEL 201

Men of minor importance who have not been mentioned else-
where are Vasco da Silveira (de Barros), Fernao Peixato and Joao
Rois, who were saved by Coje Benquim at Calicut (Castanheda),
Fernao Perez Pantaja (Correa), who accompanied Duarte Pacheco 1
and Vasco da Silveira on the caravel which attacked the ship from
Cochin, and Francisco Correa (Osorio) and Diogo de Azevedo
(Correa), who were sent by Cabral to the Zamorin. Gongalo
Peixato is also named as one who escaped after the attack at Calicut
(Osorio).

The natives who went with the fleet were Baltasar and four
Indian fishermen, whom Vasco da Gama had taken from Calicut by
force, Moorish pilots who Correa says had returned with da Gama,
and an ambassador from the King of Malindi.

On the homeward voyage there came the two Christians, Priest
Joseph and Priest Mathias, two natives from Cochin, an ambassador
from the King of Cananore, possibly the converted Indian yogi,
Miguel, though this is not sure, and a hostage from Sofala.

Friars and Priests

Vasco da Gama had reported that the people of India were Chris-
tians though not using the rites of Rome. For their instruction in the
Catholic Faith, Franciscan fathers, well educated in the doctrines
of the Church and strict observers of its rites, were sent in Cabral’s
fleet. These have been identified as follows: Frei Henrique, of
Coimbra, guardian, Frei Caspar, Frei Francisco da Cruz, Frei Simao
de Guimaraes, Frei Luis do Salvador. All of these were preachers
and theologians. There went in addition Frei Maffeu as organist,
Frei Pedro Neto, a chorister, and Frei Joao da Vitoria, a lay
brother . 2 Frei Henrique had formerly been a judge of the Casa da
Supplicate. He took the Franciscan habit in the convent of Alem-
quer and became celebrated for his learning and eloquence. Frei
Henrique officiated at the first religious services in Brazil. The
Franciscan brothers were on shore at Calicut when the factory was
attacked, endeavouring to attend to their religious duties although
they did not understand the native language. Three were lost during
the massacre, and Frei Henrique, who was wounded, narrowly
escaped. He returned to Portugal. He was Bishop of Ceuta in

1 Duarte Pacheco Pereira was not with Cabral’s fleet. See Introduction, supra , p. li.

2 See Frei Fernando da Soledade, Historia Seraphica Chronologica de S. Francisco , Pro-
vincia de Portugal iii. 489-90. The Franciscans were thus the first religious order to
reach India with the Portuguese. The first Dominicans went to Cochin with the
Albuquerques. They were followed by others, but it was not until 1548 that they
went to establish themselves in the East. Frei Luis Cacegas, Historia de S. Domingos
(Lisbon, 1866, 3rd part, bk. 4, ch. i).

D d

202 APPENDIX

1505, confessor to Dom Manuel, and Inquisitor. In the last position
he presided at the first burning of a Jew in Portugal, at Lisbon.
Frei Henrique died at Oliven^a in 1532. No record remains of
the religious efforts of these fathers during the voyage, except the
mention of the conversion of the yogi christened Miguel. There
were also in the fleet eight priests, in the charge of a vicar, whose
names are not known. The vicar as representing a bishop had
jurisdiction in his behalf.

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Although many articles concerning Cabral’s voyage and die controversies
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particularly mentioned.

INDEX

Abyssinia, King of, see Prester
John.

Acangaop , bonnet, forms of, 9 n. 3.

Aden, 157; trade between India
and, xxvi n. 1 .

AfFaitadi, Giovanni Francesco de,
Venetian merchant, 118; his let-
ter to Venice, xxx, xxxvi, 118,
124-9, 1 3 1, 139, 141; his death,
118 n. 2.

AfFaitadi family, commercial impor-
tance of, 1 1 8.

Afonso, son of John II, marriage
and death of, xiv.

Afonso V, £ the African’, King of
Portugal, xiii, 4, 195.

Agulhas, Cape, discovery of, lxv.

Albarrada y cooling-pot, 13 n. x.

Albuquerque, Afonso de, 146; his
policy in India, xxxiii ; his sister,
xliv ; his nephews, xliv n. x ;
intercedes with Dom Manuel for
Cabral, xliv n. 1.

Albuquerque, Francisco de, voyage
of, 192 n. 1, 196.

Alemquer, Pero de, pilot, 200 n. 1,

Alexander VI, Pope, xix n. 1, 96,
103.

Alexandria, xxv n. 1; her trade,
xxxii n. 1, 69, 83, 136, 157.

Algarve (Algarves), 124, 139.

Aljaveira , shells, 9 n. 4.

Almadia , native craft, 10 n. 1, 17,
21, 38, 64.

Almeida, Francisco de, voyage of,
xxvn. 1, xxxiii, 192 n. 1, 194 n. 2,
196; instructions to, 164 n. 1.

Almeno , weight, content of a, 93.

Aloe- wood, 50, 82; price of, in
Calicut, 92; whence procured,
93 -

Alum, price of, in Calicut, 92.

Alvares, Father, 45 n. 2, 62 n. 2.

Alvares, Sebastiao, writer, left at
Cochin, 87 n. 2, 199.

Alvares de Gouveia, Pedro, cap-
tain, 162.

Alvaro, Dom, see Braganga, Dom
Alvaro de.

Amber, 50, 81, 82; price of, in
Calicut, 92.

Amboyna, island, production of
cloves restricted to, xxxv n. 2.

America, discovery of, its effect,
xiv, xv, xxxiii, xxxiv, xlvi, lvii;
oldest known map showing, 1 n.
3; voyages to, in 1498, liii, lvii;
origin of the name, 153 n. 1.

Amrique, Frei, see Henrique of
Coimbra, Frei.

Andor , litter, 80 n. 1.

Angiolelli, Giovanni Maria, 53.

Anjediva, island, xxii, 68, 169;
Cabral’s fleet at, 70.

Annatto , seed, dye from, 24 n. 2.

‘Anonymous Narrative’, the, of
Cabral’s voyage, xxxvi, 42 n. 1,
53-94, 98 n. 3, 99 n. 1, 1 1 7, 129
n. 1 ; authorship and versions of,
discussed, 53-6; why found in
Venice, 53; importance of, 55.

Anriquez, Francisco, writer in
Cabral’s fleet, 199.

Anunciada , the, financed by Bartolo-
meo Marchioni, 146, 196, 197;
her capacity, 192 n. 1 ; her com-
manders, 90 n. 2, 196; at Bese-
guiche, 152, 153, 154 n. 4; details
of her cargo, 148 ; the first of the
fleet to return to Portugal, xxix,
xxx, 90 n. 2, 1 1 5, 146, 147, 196.

Arabs, as pilots, xvi, 3 5 ; hostile .
relations between the Portuguese
and, xvi, xvii, xxii, xxiii, xxiv,
xxv, xxvi, xxxii, xxxv, xlii; the
Portuguese retaliate on, at Cali-
cut, xxiii, xxiv, xxxiii, xlii; kamal
used by, 39 n. 1 ; white and black,
63 n. 5.

Arco, Fernao Domingues do, lv.

Armenia, district designated by the
term, 102 n. 2.

Ascaitato, Zuan Francesco, see
AfFaitadi, Giovanni Francesco de.

INDEX

214

Assemani, Joseph Simon, 95 n. 2.

Astronomy, early works on, 37
n. 1.

Ataide, Catarina de, wife of Vasco
da Gama, 195.

Ataide, Pedro de, in CabraPs fleet,
5 5 ; Duarte Pacheco Pereira said
to have been in his ship, li n. 1 ;
loses touch with the fleet, xxix;
captures an Arab ship, li n. 1, 46
n. 1, 78 n. 2, 196, 199; rejoins the
fleet at Beseguiche, 91 n. 1, 196;
arrives at Lisbon, xxx, 43 n. 2;
notice of, 195-6.

Ataide, Vasco de, fate of his ship,
xix, xliii, xlviii, 6, 1 20 n. 5, 160
n. 1, 195.

A viz, House of, xiv, 43 n. 1.

Azambuja, Diogo de, xiv, li.

Azanian Gulf, 120 n. 2.

Azevedo, Diogo de, writer in
Cabral’s fleet, 199, 201.

Azores, islands, Ixv, 185; discovery
and colonization of, xiii, xxxix
n. 1.

Bab-el-Mandeb, strait, 69 n. 2.

Babylon, Babylonia, xv n. 1, 157;
significance of the term, 69 n. 3.

Badajoz experts, map of the, lii n. 2.

Bahar , 91 n. 5 ; content of a, 91, 92.

Bahia Cabralia (Porto Seguro), 13
n. 2.

Baltasar, a Moor, taken to Portugal
by da Gama, 71 n. 1, 169; his
interview with the Zamorin of
Calicut, 70; in CabraFs fleet, 201.

Barbarigo, Agostino, Doge, letters
sent to, 1 1 5, 138.

Barbosa, Diogo, and his brother,
198; his son, 198.

Barbosa, Duarte Gil, said to have
been a factor in CabraFs fleet, 83
n. 2, 198.

Barbosa, Gongalo Gil, writer in
CabraFs fleet, 86 n. 2, 197, 199;
left as factor at Cochin, 87 n. 2,
197; notice of, 198; transferred
to Cananore, 198.

Barrete , four-cornered hat, 9.

Barros, Joao de, historian, me n-
tioned, passim; quoted, lviii n. x.

66 n. 2, 72 n. t, 78 n. 1, 90 n. 1,
97 n. 1, 146 n. 1.

Bartolomeo, Giuliano di, del Gio-
condo, 152.

Bayazid II of Turkey, xxv n. 1 ;
rules Mesopotamia, 69 n. 3.

Beads, worn by Indians of Brazil,
9 n. 4.

Belem, Royal Standard presented
to Cabral at, 57; departure of
CabraFs fleet from, 5 ; the Anun-
ciada at, xxx; expedition of
Menezes from, 125 n. 1; monas-
tery at, xl n. 2, 57 n. 1, 193.

Belmonte, birthplace of P. A.
Cabral, xxxix.

Benquim, Coje (Khwaja), 201.

Benzoin, price of, in Calicut, 92;
whence procured, 93.

Berardi, Juanoto, banker, 145.

Bergamo, Matteo dc, in da Gama’s
fleet, 118 n. 3.

Berrio , the, her owner, xv ; her com-
mander, 6 n. 2, 8 n. 2, 196.

Beseguiche, port of call, 196; situa-
tion, 1 54 n. 3 ; Amerigo Vespucci
at, xxix, 152; CabraFs fleet at,
xxx, 90; Vespucci’s letter dated
from, 153.

Betel, chewing of, 79.

Bianco, Andrea, his chart, xlviii,
xlix, 1, lx.

Birds, seen in Brazil, 27.

Bisagudo, the (Pero Vaz de Cunha),
his map, xlviii, 1, li, lx, Ixi, 35,38.

Bisnagar, see Vijayanagar.

Bojador, Cape, xiii.

Bombards, breech-loading cannon,
64. 6j, 105, 159 -

Botte , measure, content of a, 65 n. 2,
122 n. 2.

Bows and arrows, of Indians in
Brazil, 8 n. 5, xo, 27, 58.

Bragadini family, the, 140.

Braganga, Dom Alvaro de, in-
terested in CabraFs voyage, 125,
128; his ship lost, 198.

Braganga, Dom Fernando, Duke
of, 125 n. 2.

Branding, a religious rite, 45 n. 2.

Brazil, CabraFs discovery of, xix,
xxx, 57, 1 41, 149; evidence for

INDEX

and against an earlier discovery
of, xlvii-lxvii; actual date of dis-
covery of, 6 n. 7, 7 n. 2, 57;
Spanish claims for the discovery
of, lxiv ; names bestowed on, Ivi,
7 n. 2, 33 n. 4, 120; first landing
place in, 8 n. 3, 58; intercourse
between the Portuguese and
Indians at, xliii, lv, 8-3 1 ; inhabi-
tants of, xx, xlii, 8 n. 4, 10-24,
58-60, 120; dwellings in, 23,
24-5, 59; religious ceremony on
shore at, lv, 30-1, 58, 201 ; birds,
found in, 27, 59; natural produc-
tions of, 29, 60; no domestic
animals in, 29, 60; no metals in,
59; climate, 32; a convenient
port of call for India, 33, 43 n. 3 ;
convicts landed at, 19, 24, 60;
Caminha’s account of, 3-3 3 ;
Amerigo Vespucci’s voyage to,
xxix, 152-4.

Brazil-wood, commercial impor-
tance of, 7 n. 2, 82; price of, in
Calicut, 92; whence procured,
94, 141, 151.

Bry, Jean Theodore de, 25 n. 3.

Bubacho, Amath, 141.

Buenagrazia, captain, 146.

Burial customs, in Calicut, 81, 82,
no; in Cranganore, 101; of the
Syro-Malabar Church, 104.

Cabot, John, voyage of, liii.

Cabral, Alvaro Gil, xxxix n. 1.

Cabral, Antonio, xlv.

Cabral, Brites Alvares, xxxix n. 1.

Cabral, Fernao, father of P. A.
Cabral, notice of, xxxix n. 1.

Cabral, Fernao Alvares, xlv.

Cabral, Izabel, xlv.

Cabral, Joao Fernandes, xxxix n. 1,
xl nn. 1 & 4, xli.

Cabral, Leonor, xlv.

Cabral, Luiz Alvares, xli.

Cabral, Pedro Alvares, ancestry and
life of, xviii, xxxix-xlvi; other
names borne by, xl; no authentic
portrait, xl; character, xlii; re-
ligious fervour, xlii n. 1; mar-
riage, xliv; children, xlv; why
selected to command a fleet, xli;

215

powers conferred on, xli, 162-3;
instructions to, xxii, xxiii, xxvii,
xxviii, xlii, 163-90; composition
of his fleet, xviii, 52m 1, 56, 126,
145, 191-20 2; his sailing direc-
tions from da Gama, 165, 167;
capacity of his ships, 192 n. 1 ; his
fleet compared with da Gama’s,
192 n, 2; his ships, how provi-
sioned, 194; pay of himself, officers,
and crews, 193; details of cargo
carried out and brought home
by, 148, 160, 194; his westerly
course discussed, xix-xx, xlvi-lx ;
importance of his discovery of
Brazil, xxxiii, xxxiv; records of
his voyage, xxxv-xxxix ; dispersal
of, and losses in his fleet, xxi,
xliii, 43, 51, 60, 1 1 9, 120, 126,
132, 142, 147, 1 55; returns to
Portugal with six ships, xxx, 43
n. 2, 1 1 5, 1 19; results of his
voyage, xxx-xxxi, xxxii, xxxiii,
xlv-xlvi, 132-5; well received,
xliii; reasons alleged for his
supersession by da Gama, xliii,
xliv, 42 n. 1 ; incurs Dom Manu-
el’s displeasure, xliv n, 1 ; retires
to his estate, xliv; Albuquerque’s
intercession in favour of, xliv n.
1; his death and burial, xlv;
evidence for his being the dis-
coverer of Brazil, lv-lvii, lxv.

Cabral, Sebastian, 12 n. 1.

Cadamosto, Alvise da, narrative of,
35, 54 n. 1.

Cahy, river, 8 n. 3.

Cairo, Venetian embassy to, xxv n.
1; trade between Mecca, Cali-
cut, and, 69, 83 ; Moor merchants
in, 140; Venetian trade with, 140.

Calicut, mentioned, passim ; Vasco
da Gama at, xvi, xvii ; Portuguese
factory at, xvii, xxiii, xxviii;
Cabral’s proceedings at, xxii-
xxv, xxvii, xxxiii, xlii, 45, 48, 50,
70-8, 97-8, 1 20-1, 125-8, 143-4,
147, 160; massacre of Portuguese
at, xxiii, xxv, xxvii, xxx, 4, 14 n.
2, 47-8, 55, 84-5, 87 n. 3, 1 2i,
127; described, 45, 78-83, 108-
10; coins, weights, and measures

INDEX

216

of, 91-3; persecution of Chris-
tians in, 95 n, 2.

Calicut, Zamorin of, Vasco da
Gama's meeting with, 80 n. 1;
Cabral’s relations with, xxii-
xxvi, 55; his riches, 72-3 ; Dom
Manuel’s present to, 74; signa-
ture of, 77 n. 3; religion, 79;
court and state, 80-1, 109-10;
derivation of his title, 170 n. 1;
Dom Manuel’s letter to, 187-90.

Camamu, 8 n. 4.

Cambay, ships of, at Malindi, 65,
68; productions of, 69, 1 12, 194;
merchants of, at Calicut, 81; a
ship of, released by Cabral, xxviii,
51, 88-9, 123; described, 1 10-12.

Camerino, Giovanni, see Cretico,
Giovanni Matteo.

Caminha, Pedro Vaz de, ancestry
and position of, 4; writer in
Cabral’s fleet, 4, 8 n. 1, 19 n. 1,
83 n. 3, 198-9; lands in Brazil,
14; letter of, to Dom Manuel, xx,
xxxv, lvi, 3-33, 43 n. 3» 55, 15*.
196, 200; his information cor-
roborated by Master John, 35;
killed at Calicut, xxiii, 4.

Caminha, Vasco Fernandes de, 4.

Camphor, price of, in Calicut, 92;
whence procured, 93.

Canada , measure, content of a, 194
n. 1.

Cananore, 158; friendly relations
between Cabral and, xxvii, 50,
88-9, 1 2i n. 4, 128; ambassador
to Lisbon from, xxviii, 201 ; an
inhabitant of, taken to Portugal,
89; a factor left at, 197, 198.

Canara, exports of, m n. 2.

Canary Islands, xix, lv, 5, 57, 154,
155 ;

Canerio, Nicolo de, his map, xxxv
n. 3, lxix n. 1.

Cannibalism, in Brazil, 24 n. 3, 25
n. 3; at Sofala, 51.

Cantara, weight, 136, 137; content
of a, 91.

Cantino, Alberto, his map, xxxi n. i,
xxxv n. 3, xlix n. 2, 1 n. 3, lii n. 2,
lvi,lvixn. x, 26 n. 1, 15 m. 1.

Cao, Diogo, discovery of, xiv, li.

Cape Verde Islands, xiv, xix, pas-
sim.

Capitania , the, Cabral’s flagship,
1 9 1, 194; her capacity, 192 n. 1.

Carapufa , cap, 9.

Caravels, their drawbacks, xv; in
Cabral’s fleet, xviii, 19 1 ; varieties
of, xviii, 192.

Cardamons, whence procured, 93.

Cardim, Fernao, 11 n. 1; quoted,
15 n. 3, 21 n. 3.

Carneiro, Alca$ova, Secretary of
State, 164.

Cascaes, Bay of, xviii, 196 n. 1.

Cassava, 25 n. 4, 59 n. 1.

Cassia-fistula, 45 ; price of, in Cali-
cut, 92; whence procured, 93,
141.

Castanheda, Fernao Lopes de, his-
torian, mentioned, passim ;
quoted, 80 n. x.

Castro, Dona Constanta de, xliv,
xiv.

Castro, Guiomar de, daughter of
Cabral, xiv.

Castro, Izabel dc, wife of Cabral,
xliv, xiv.

Cathay, see China.

Catholicos, the, head of the Syro-
Malabar Church, 102 n. 3; elec-
tion of, 103.

Catual , governor, 70 n. 3.

Ceuta, conquest of, xii; bishop of,
201.

Ceylon, xxiv, xxvi n. 1, 159; cinna-
mon from, 93, in n. 2; horses
from, 1 13.

Cherina Mercar, merchant of Co-
chin, 78 n. 1.

Chettys, a commercial caste, 81 n.
3; described, 81-2.

China (Cathay), xiv, lii n. 1, liv,
105, 1 13; Christians in, 102, 103,
109; raisins from, 104; trade be-
tween Calicut and, 109; silk
from, 194.

China root (zedoary, zerumbet),
price of, in Calicut, 92; whence
procured, 93, 94.

Chinese, the, trading rivals of the
Arabs, xxiv; their trade in India,
109.

INDEX

Christians, in India, xxviii, xxxi n.
2, 159; of St. Thomas, 49 ; taken
from Cochin by Cabral, 49, 86,
87, 95, 148, 201; false report of,
in Calicut, 79, 170, 175, 188, 201;
Syro-Malabar, xxxviii, 95, 96, 97,
102 n. 1; murdered in Calicut,
95 n. 2; at Cranganore, xxviii,
86, 95, 96, 101, 102-3; Chinese,
109.

Cinnamon, from Cananore, 88;
price of, in Calicut, 91; where
grown, 93, in n. 2.

Cloves, price of, in Calicut, 92;
whence procured, 93; purchase
of, by the Portuguese, prevented,
122 n. 5.

Cochin, 1 1 2, 158; first visit of the
Portuguese to, xxxi n. 2 ; CabtaFs
friendly relations with, xxvii,
xxviii, xxxi, 48, 49-50, 85-9, 127;
ships laden at, 49-5 o, 85,95,121,
122 n. 6, 127-8, 148; Portuguese
factory settled at, xxxi, 197;
Christians at, 49, 86, 87, 95 n. 2,
98, 148 ; hostages exchanged at,
86, 87, 89, 98, 121, 127, 148 ; King
of, his name, titles, and portrait,

86 n. 1 ; Portuguese left at, 87, 89,
98, 1 2 1, 127, 198; letters from the
King of, to Dom Manuel, 87 n. 3 ;
hostilities between Calicut and,

87 n. 3, 127; Christian priests and
natives taken from, 95, 98, 12 1,
201 ; known to the Portuguese
before Cabral's visit, 166.

Coelho, Gon^alo, 151 n. 2.

Coelho, Nicolau, his voyage with
da Gama, 196, 200 n. 1; com-
mands the Berrio , xv, 6 n. 2, 8 n.
2, 196; rewarded by Dom Manu-
el, 196 n. 1; in Cabral’s fleet,
xviii, 195 ; with the first landing
party at Brazil, 8, 9; his inter-
course with Indians at Brazil, 1 2,
13, 14, 15, 31; commands the
Anunciada , xxix, 196; loses touch
with the fleet, 61 n. 4; rejoins
Cabral at Kilwa or Mozambique,
63 n. 3; his ship sent back to
Portugal, 90 n. 2, 196; arrives at
Beseguiche, xxix; notice of, 196.

217

Cogecem Micidi, his ship captured,
83 n. 4.

Columbus, Christopher, his propo-
sal to reach China by a western
route disregarded, xiv-xv, liv;
opinion of Dom John II of, xviii
n. 1 ; third voyage of, liii, lvii,
Iviii; at Trinidad, lxi; his return
in chains, lxi.

Columbus, Diego, lxi.

Comorin, Cape, 113.

Comet, a, seen on the voyage to
India, xx, 61.

Compass, means of determining
variation of the, 35.

Conceygam , the, her pilot, 200.

Congo, the, discovery of, xiv.

Consolacion, Cape of, lxii.

Contarini, Piero, ambassador to
Portugal, 1 14 n. 4.

Contarini, Sier Filippo, letter of,
1 40-1.

Conti, Nicolo de, voyage of, xxxvii
n. 1.

Copper, price of, in Calicut, 92;
Chinese trade in, 109.

Coral, price of, in Calicut, 92;
Chinese trade in, 109.

Coronel, Pedro Fernandez, voyage
of, liii.

Correa, Francisco, in Cabral’s fleet,
76, 201.

Correa, Caspar, historian, men-
tioned, passim ; his account of
the discovery of Madagascar,
Ixvii-lxviii; quoted, 80 n. 1;
inaccurate statement of, 166.

Correia, Antonio, his life saved, 8 5
n. 2, 197, 198.

Correia, Ayres, 63 n. 3; owner of
the Berrio , xv; chief factor in
Cabral’s fleet, xv, xlii, 3, 4, 8 n. 1,
12, 36, 165; his knowledge of
Arabic, 200 ; takes Dom Manuel’s
letter and present to the King of
Malindi, 66-8 ; his proceedings at
Calicut, 47, 72, 74, 76-7, 83, 84;
killed at Calicut, xxiii, 85, 12 1,
127, 195; his son, 85, 197, 198; his
son-in-law, 195 ; notice of, 197-8.

Corte-Real, Gaspar, mission of,
Iviii.

f£

218

INDEX

Cosa, Juan de la, pilot in Ojeda’s
voyage, lxi; his map, lxii n. a,
lxiii, Ixiv, 33 n. 4.

Cotton shrub, in Brazil, 60.

Cousin, Jean, voyage of, lxi; real
and alleged discoveries of, Ixv.

Covilhan, town, xxxix.

Covilhan, Pedro da, voyage of, xxxi
n. 2, 51 n. 1, 62 n. 2, 145.

Cranganore, 112; earlier names for,
xxvii n. 1 ; first visit of the Portu-
guese to, xxxi n. 2; a Christian
settlement at, xxviii, xxxi, 86, 95,
99, xoi ; spices obtained at, xxvii,
1 21 n. 3, 122 n. 6; Jews at, 86,
99 ; two priests from, sail to Lis-
bon with Gabral, 98; described,

99- 106; religious ceremonies at,

100- 1.

Cretico, Giovanni Matteo (II Creti-
co), 1x5, 124; secretary to Pisani,
1 14; the Anonymous Narrative
attributed to, 53, 54, 117, 124 n.
1 ; his letter to Venice, xxx, xxxii,
xxxvi, 7 n. 2, 54 n. 2, 99 n. 1,
115-16, 124, 131, 132 n. 1 ;
various copies of his letter, 116.

Cruzado, value of a, 46 n. 3, 193
n. x.

Cunha, Nuno Leitao da, commands
the Amnciada , 196; his ship loses
touch with the fleet, 61 n. 4;
rejoins Cabral at Kilwa or Mo-
zambique, 63 n. 3, 90 n. 2; saves
the son of Ayres Correia, 85 n. 2 ;
escapes death at Calicut, 55; re-
placed by Nicolau Coelho, 196;
notice of, 196-7.

Cunha, Pero Vaz de, see Bisagudo,
the.

Dakar, port, 154 n. 3.

Dancing, the Tupinamba Indians’
form of, 17, 21, 30, 58; in Portu-
gal, 22 n. 2.

Dead reckoning, 37 n. 3.

Dias, Bartolomeu, his voyage round
the Cape of Good Hope, xiv, xv,
xvi, li, 13 n. 3, 196; accompanies
Cabral’s fleet, xviii, xxi, 22; his
ship ordered to Sofala, 56 n. 3,
194, 198; lands at Brazil, 13, 18;

his brothers, 22 n. 1, 196; his
ship wrecked, 61 n. 2, 196; his
instructions, lxix, 163, 1 66, 187;
at Sao Bras, 168 n. 1; notice of,
196.

Dias, Diogo (or Pedro), 22 n. 1;
goes on shore at Brazil, 24, 27;
loses touch with the fleet, xliii,
Ixvii, 44 n. 1, 57, 61 n. 5, 120 n. 5,
196; discovers Madagascar, xxi,
Ixvii-lxix; his ship ordered to
Sofala, lxix, 56, 194, 198; found
at Beseguiche, xxix, xxx, 63 n. 4,
90 n. 6, 152, 154 n. 4; date of his
return, xxx, 43 n. 2; his brothers,
196; notice of, 196.

Dinis, Fernao, writer in Cabral’s
fleet, 199.

Diu, naval action between Egyp-
tians and Portuguese off, xxv
n. 1.

Dobra , coin, value of, 123 n. 3.

Dominican friars, at Cochin, 201
n. 1.

Drago, river, lxii.

Ducat, worth of a, in Calicut, 92.

Dulmo, Fernao, of Terceira, lv.

Dutchman’s log, the, 37 n. 3.

Edrisi, Arab geographer, 62 n. 2.

Egypt, oriental trade of, xi; hostile
to Christians, xxv n. 1 ; effort of,
to retain monopoly of spice
trade, xxv n. 1 ; relations between
Portugal and, xxxiv; trade be-
tween Venice and, 140.

Elephants, trained for war, 77, 82;
secured for the Zamorin of Cali-
cut, 77-8, r 96.

Elias, Mar, patriarch, 95 n. 2.

Empoli, Giovanni de, 146.

Enciso, Martin Fernandez de, his
map, lii n, 2.

Entre Doiro e Minho, landing-
place, 23, 32.

Erythrean Sea, 150 n. 1.

Escolar, Pero, pilot, li n. 1, 37; his
voyage with da Gama, xviii, 6
n. 2, 199; notice of, 199-200.

Esteves, Alvaro, 35.

Estreito, Joao Afonso do, lv.

Ethiopia, 119, 156.

INDEX

Faracola , content of a, 91, 92.

Fateima, Sheik, 62 n. 1.

Favo , coin, worth of a, 91.

Feathers, head decorations of, 9,
11, 16, 59-60; mantles of, 26 n. 2.

Ferdinand and Isabella of Castile,
finance Columbus’s third voyage,
liii; their relationship to Dom
Manuel, xiv, 43 n. 1 ; Dom Man-
uel’s letters to, xxxi n. 1, xxxvi,
xxxvii, 41-52; Peter Martyr’s
letter to, xxv n. 1 ; their agree-
ment with Pinzon, lxii; Venetian
ambassador to, 114.

Fernando, Dom, of Portugal, xxxix
n. 1, xliv.

Ferreira, Gongalo Gomes, factor in
Cabral’s fleet, 197.

Ferrer, Jaime, his map, lii n. 2.

Fire, methods of producing, 25
n. 2.

Flanders, Venetian trade in spices
with, 1 1 8, 135, 137.

Florence, letter of Amerigo Ves-
pucci from Beseguiche sent to,
xxix, xxx ; accounts of Cabral’s
voyage preserved in, xxxviii ;
destruction of ships of, 145;
trade of, with Lisbon, 145 n. 1.

Fortunate Isles, see Canary Islands.

Fracanzano, 53, 54 n. 1, 97, 99 n. 1.

Franciscans, in Cabral’s fleet, xvii,
174, 201 ; three, killed at Calicut,
xxiii, 85 n, 1, 126, 201 ; survivors
of the, return to Portugal, xxx.

Francisco da Cruz, Frei, 201.

Franklin, Benjamin, his discovery,
xlix.

Freitas, Jordao de, lxvi. -

French, the, claims of, for the dis-
covery of Brazil, lxv; trading
voyages of, to Brazil, Ixvii n. 2.

Frois, Estevao, his letter, Ixvii.

Fulin, Rinaldo, 116.

Furtado, Afonso, factor in Cabral’s
fleet, 83 n. 2, 197; sent ashore at
Kilwa, xxi, 198, at Calicut, 64,
71, 74; notice of, 198.

Gabriel, Sier Beneto, letter of, 140.

Galingal, whence procured, 93.

Galvao, Antonio, historian, his

219

theory regarding Cabral’s wester-
ly course, xlviii.

Galvao, Duarte, 151 n. 2.

Gama, Gaspar da, converted Jew,
brought back from India by
Vasco da Gama, xxvii, 127 n. 1 ;
interpreter in Cabral’s fleet, 121
n. 2, 200; his marriage, 200.

Gama, Paulo da, xl n. 2.

Gama, Vasco da, mentioned, pas-
sim ; his voyage to India, xv-xvi,
xxi, xxii, lvii, 4, 57 n. 3, 66 n. 2,
68 n. 2, 1 71; takes convicts to
India, 14 n. 1 ; his error regarding
Christians at Calicut, xvii, xxx,
95 ; Indians taken to Portugal by,
71 n. 1, 127 n. 1, 170, 200, 201;
Nicolau Coelho, a companion of,
196 n. 1 ; his store-ship, 198 ; his
interview with the ruler of Cali-
cut, 80 n. 1 ; honoured, xl; com-
mission given to, xl n. 5 ; rela-
tions between Cabral and, xli,
xliv; supersedes Cabral as com-
mander, xxxv, xliii; account of
his voyage attributed to de Sa,
5 5; memorandum attributed to,
163, 164-5, 167-9; Ns fleet com-
pared with Cabral’s, 192 n, z; his
second voyage, xxxiii, 146, 196,
198 ; portrait of, xl n. 2 ; his wife,
195 ; his brother, 199 ; incurs Dom
Manuel’s displeasure, xliv n. 1 .

Gaspar, Frei, Franciscan father,
201.

Gaspar de India, interpreter, 152;
information given by, to Ves-
pucci, 158-9, 173.

Ginger, 45, 82 ; price of, in Calicut,
91 ; where procured, 93, 135 n. 1 ;
two kinds of, 135 n. 1.

Glass, from Ormuz, hi.

Goes, Damiao de, historian, men-
tioned,^#^//#; quoted, 77 n. 1.

Gold, from Mina, in Sofala, xvi,
xxxi, li, 44, 51, 120, 149, 156;
from Persia, 106 n. 1 ; known to
Indians of Brazil, 12 n. 1; trade
in, 136; in currency, taken to
India, 194.

Gomes, Aires, takes an Indian of
Brazil as page, 30.

f£z

INDEX

220

Gon$alvez, Antao, controversy be-
tween Cabral and, xliv.

Gonneville, Binot Paulmayer, Sieur
de, voyage of, Ixv.

Good Hope, the Cape of, men-
tioned, passim ; rounded by Bar-
tolomeu Dias, xiv, by Cabral,
xxi; result of discovery of route
to India via, xxxii nn. i & 2,
xxxiii; routes from Europe to,
lix n. 2 ; arrival of Cabral's home-
ward-bound fleet at, 90, 128;
position of, 119 n. 4; longitude
of, 156.

Goree, 154 n. 3.

Gouvea, Izabel de, xxxix n. 1.

Gouveia, see Alvares de Gouveia.

Grynaeus, Simon, xxxvii n. 1, 56,

97* n

Guasparre, see Gaspar de India.

Guerra, Cristobal, lxi.

Guimaraes, Duke of, 4.

Guinea, Portuguese settlements on
the coast of, xiv ; gold from, xvi,
li; calms on the coast of, xv,
xlviii, xlix, lviii; parrots from, 26
n. 1.

Guzerat (Gujarat), province, m;
pilot from, 68; trade, manners,
and customs of merchants of, 71,
76, Si, 109, in.

Plakluyt, Richard, xlvi.

Plammocks, of the Tupinamba
Indians of Brazil, 25 n. 1,

Hamy, Theodore Jules Ernest, his
collection of maps, xxxv n. 3.

Harrisse, Henri, llii, lxiii.

Hatchets, used by the Tupinamba
Indians, 27 n. 1.

Hats and head-dresses, 20, 22, 24,
58 ; in Brazil, 9, 1 1, 16 ; in Calicut,
79; of the Chettys, 82.

Henrique of Coimbra, Frei, cele-
brates mass in Brazil, 17, 30, 31;
escapes massacre at Calicut, 5 5 ;
notice of, 201-2.

Henry of Castile, xliv.

Henry the Navigator, Prince, 187;
his attempt on Morocco, xii;
explorations directed by, xiii,
187; his death, xiii.

Hieronimo de San Stefano, voyage
of, xxxvii n. 1 .

Hojeda, see Ojeda.

Holywood, John, astronomer, 37
n. 1.

Hormuz, see Ormuz.

Horses, from Ormuz, in.

Humboldt, Alexander von, on
Cabral’s westerly course, xlvii,
xlix.

Ibn Batuta, voyage of, 62 n. 2.

Immadi Narasimha of Vijayanagar,
112 n. 1.

Incense, whence procured, 69, 82,
93, 1 12; price of, in Calicut, 92.

India, the Portuguese enter and
monopolize trade in, xv, xvi,
xxxiv; current belief as to the
shape of, 108 n. 2.

India tables, see Kamal.

Indians, inhabitants of Brazil, see
Tupinamba; brought by Vasco
da Gama from Calicut, 170.

Interpreters, in Cabral’s fleet, 200.

Isabel, Dona, marriage of, xiv, 43
n. 1.

Isabella of Castile, her daughter,
xiv. See also Ferdinand and
Isabella of Castile.

Ismail, Shah of Persia, xxv n. 1.

Jaggari, palm sugar, 108 n. 1.

Jardim, Cabral’s estate at, xliv.

Jeronimos, monastery of the, at
Belem, xviii, xl n. 2, 57 n. 1.

Jewels, brought from India in
Cabral’s fleet, 160.

Jews, expelled from Portugal, xxv
n. 1, 145, from Spain, lvii; on the
Malabar coast, xxvi, xxvii n. 1,
xxxi n. 2, 86.

Jidda, port of Mecca, 83, 126 n. 3 ;
important trading centre, 83 n. 1.

Joao da Vitoria, Frei, 201.

John I of Castile, xxxix n. 1.

John I of Portugal, xxxix n. 1 ; his
son, 43 n. 1.

John II of Portugal, xlviii, lxi, 145 ;
his political and commercial
aims, xiii, xiv, li, lv; his opinion
of Columbus, xviii n. 1 ; ineflec-

INDEX

221

tual application of Columbus to,
liv; Cabral a fidalgo in the court
of, xl; his son, xiv; his death, xv.

John III of Portugal, xxxv n. i, 4;
his daughter, xlv n. 2.

John, Master, astronomer, Iviii, 3 ;
his letter to Dom Manuel, xx,
xxxv, xlviii, 1, li, lvi, 7 n. 2, 34-
40, 55 ; at Brazil, 23 n, 2, 36; his
position at court, 34, 3 6 ; prob-
able nationality of, 34, 52; his
identity and later history, 34-5;
corroborates Caminha’s letter,

3 5 ; his duties with Cabral 5 s fleet,
35; versions of his letter, 35-6;
correctness of his observations,
36 n. 3, 40 n. 2 ; probable fate of,
200.

Jordanus, Friar, xxxi n. 2.

Joseph, Priest, his account of
Cabral 5 s voyage, xxxviii, 95-113 ;
sails from Cochin in Cabral’s
fleet, 95, 98, 201 ; his position at
Cranganore, 95, 99; his mission
to Mesopotamia, 95-6, 102-3 ;
goes from Portugal to Rome and
Venice, 95, 96, 98; returns to
India, 95 ; later history of, 96 ; his
brother, 95, 96, 98; versions of
his letter, 96-7; his accuracy, 96-
7; appearance and character, 99.

Jugglers, in Guzerat, 1 1 x .

Julfar, town, 69.

Kafir , infidel, 88 n. 1.

Kamal , used by Arab pilots, de-
scribed, 39 n. 1.

Kansuh al-Ghuri, Sultan of Egypt,
xxv n. 1 .

Kilwa, xxxi n. 1, 62 n. 2, 156, 198;
attitude of the King of, to the
Portuguese, xxi-xxii, 44, 63-4,
67; situation and productions of,
63 ; a Persian account of Cabral’s
visit to, 65 n. 1.

Koulam, district, 135 n. 1 .

Lac, price of, in Calicut, 92 ; whence
procured, 94, 112.

Lagos, xiii, 125.

Latitude, of Cabral’s fleet, how as-
certained, 37 n. 3, 155.

Lead, price of, in Calicut, 92; Chin-
ese trade in, 109.

Lemons, at Malindi, 65.

Lemos, Gaspar de, sent back to
Portugal from Brazil, xx, Ixiii, 19
n. 1, 33 n. 4, 120 n. 4, 126 n. 1,
151 n. 1, 197; commands the
store-ship, Iv, 56 n. 2, 120 n. 6,
192 n. 2, 197; notice of, 197.

Leopold I, Duke of Austria, his
Sphera Mundi, 37m 1.

Lepe, Diego de, voyage of, lxi, lxiv.

Eery, Jean de, narrative of, 11 n. 3,
17 n. 2.

Line of demarcation, lii n, 2, liv, lv,
12 n. 1.

Lisbon, return of Cabral’s fleet to,
91 ; a trade rival to Venice, 1 32-8.

Litters, of the Zamorin of Calicut,
80; description of, 80 n. x.

Lisboa, Joao de, pilot, 200 n. 1.

Londa, Benetto, 142.

Longitude, sixteenth-century term
for, 6 n. 4; no means of deter-
mining in Cabral’s fleet, 3 7 n. 3 ;
Vespucci’s study regarding, 155.

Lopez, Afonso, pilot, 6 n. 2, xo, 1 99.

Lucca, silk from, 145 n. 1.

Luis do Salvador, Frei, 201.

Macaws, in Brazil, 7 n. 2, 26, 27, 59,
120, 148.

Mace, price of in Calicut, 92;
whence procured, 93.

Machado, Joao, a convict, history
of, 68 n. 2.

Madagascar, discovery of, xxi, xxxi,
xxxiii, lxvii-lxix, 164 n. 1, 196;
inhabitants of, lxviii ; early history
of, lxix n. 1 .

Madeira, rediscovered, xiii; sugar
from, 146.

Madeiro, Gongalo, of Tangiers,
interpreter, left at Cochin, 87 n.
2, 200.

Mafiei, Giovanni Pietro, Jesuit
father, xxxix.

Maffeu, Frei, Franciscan, 201.

Mailapur, 159; burial place of St.
Thomas, 49 ; Church of St.
Thomas at, 113.

Malabar coast, the, fertility of.

INDEX

222

xxvii n. i ; Christian settlements
on, xxviii, xxxi n. 2, xxxviii, 97;
inhabitants of, 70 n. 1; exports
of, in n. 2.

Malacca, xxiv, xxvi n. 1, 158 ; trade
between Cathay and, 109.

Malindi, mentioned, passim ; friend-
ly reception of Cabral at, xxi, xxii,
44, 65-8, 126 n. 2; productions,
65 ; letter and present from Dom
Manuel to, 66, 67; war between
Mombasa and, 66 n. 2; a pilot
secured at, 68; two convicts left
at, 68; ambassador from, 201.

Malipiero, Domenico, diarist, lxii,
54, 130; his secretary, 116, 117;
contents of and disposal of his
papers, 1 17 ; Trevisan’s letters to,
123-4.

Mammale Mercar, merchant of
Cochin, 78 n. 1.

Manatee, a, described, 60; where
found, 60 n. 2.

Manioc, cassava, 25, 59 n. 1.

Manuel I of Portugal, see Manuel,
Dom.

Manuel, Dom, birth of, xxxix;
carries out his father’s schemes,
xv, xvii, 97 ; his wives, liii, 43 n.
1, 139; his son, 1 14; his relation-
ship with Ferdinand and Isabella,
43 n. 1; his religious aspira-
tions, xix; his letters to Ferdi-
nand and Isabella, xxxi n. 1,
xxxvi, xxxvii, xlix, 7 n. 2, 41-5 2,
87 n. 1, 96, 200; his new title,
139; his vow, 57 n. 1; magnifi-
cence of his court, xxxv n. 1;
evidence against his authorship
of a letter printed in 1505, 42 n.

1 ; his letters to native rulers, xxi,
xxii, xxv, 44, 66, 67, 74, 187-90;
his instructions to Cabral, 166,
170-87; his intention to mono-
polize the Indian spice trade,
122; assists the Venetians against
the Turks, 125 n. 2, 138 ; his diffi-
culties in equipping Cabral’s
fleet, 145; letters to, lxvii, 3-33,
34-40, 87 n. 3; history of his
letter re Cabral’s voyage, 41 ;
Venetian embassy to, 114; his

anger against Cabral and da
Gama, xliv ; celebrates the return
of Cabral’s fleet, 122; further
voyage to India set out by, 149.

Mappilas , on the Malabar coast, 70
n. 1.

Maps, of Cabral’s voyage, xxxi n. 1 ;
sixteenth-century, lii n. 2.

Marchioni, Bartolomeo, Florentine
merchant, 118, 142; his share in
Cabral’s expedition, xviii, xxx,
115, 122 nn. 3 & 4, 125 n. 3, 196;
his letters to Florence, xxxvii,
145-50; head of the family, 145;
his gift to Dom Manuel, 146;
his wealth, 146; his interest in
Vespucci’s voyage to Brazil, 1 5 1 .

Marchioni family, importance of
the, 145.

Maria, Queen of Portugal, wife of
Dom Manuel, xliv, 43 n. 1.

Marignolli, Giovanni dei, xxxi n. 2.

Martyr, Peter, of Anghiera, lxiii, 5 4 ;
envoy to Cairo, xxv n. 1, lxii,
116, 140 n. 1.

Masser, Ca’ (Leonardo Massari),
192 n. 1, 194 n. 2, 200; his mis-
sion to Lisbon, xxxvii, 142; ex-
tract from his report, 143-4.

Mas udi, Arab geographer, 62 n. 2.

Mathias, Priest, Syro - Malabar
Christian, death of, 95, 98; his
brother, 95, 96; sails in Cabral’s
fleet homeward, 201.

Mauro, Fra, his map, xxvi n, 1, 1 .

Mazalquibir, castle, 125 n. 1.

Mecca, 69, 70, 156, 157; trade be-
tween Calicut and, S3, 126 n. 8.

Medici, Cosimo de’, banker, 145.

Medici, Lorenzo Pier Francesco
de’, Florentine merchant, xxxvii;
Amerigo Vespucci’s letter to, 1 1
n. 1, 1 5 1-6 1 ; parentage and family
of, 154 n. 1 ; patron of Vespucci,
154 m 1.

Mela, Pomponius, li, 35.

Mendoza, Alonso Vellez de, voyage
of, lxi, lxiv.

Menezes, Dom Diogo da Silva de,
Conde de Por talegre, 125 m 6, 197.

Menezes, Joao de, expedition of,
114, 125 n. 1, 139.

INDEX

Mesopotamia, under Turkish rule,
69 n. 3; bishops sent to India
from, 93 ; Priest Joseph’s mission
to, 102-3.

Metraux, Alfred, on the Indians of
Brazil, 25 n. 2.

Michieli, Marcantonio, diarist, 130.

Miguel, a converted yogi, 201, 202.

Mina, lviii, 38, 185 ; gold from, xvi,
li; Portuguese factory at, 1 , li.

Miranda, Simao de, third in Cabral’s
fleet, xxiii n. 1, xxix, 12, 55, 83 n.
3, 90 n. 2, 166, 191, 199; takes an
Indian as his page at Brazil, 30;
his ship separated from the fleet,
61 n. 3 ; arrives at Lisbon, xxx, 43
n. 2, 149 n. 1 ; notice of, 195.

Mithkal> mitricale , weight, content
of a, 92.

Mogadishu, port, Ixviii, 62 n. 2, 68,
156.

Mohammedans, in India, 70 n. 1 ;
preponderance of, in Cambay, 1 1 2.

Molei Homan, brother of the King
of Malindi, 65 n. 1.

Molin, Sier Alvise de, 141.

Mombasa, xxii, 44 n. 3, 62 n. 2, 65,
90 n. 1, 156.

Mongaide, the ‘Moor of Tunis’, 71
n. 2.

Moors, the, defeat of, by the Portu-
guese, xvii ; expelled from Spain,
xxv n. 1, 1 14; trading stations of,
in E, Africa, 44, 65 ; e of Mecca’,
70, 82 ; their attack on the Portu-
guese at Calicut, 84-5, 121; in
Calicut, monopolize the trade,
82, 83, 109, 122 n. 5 ; rivalry and
hostility between the Portuguese
and, xxviii, xlii, 46-8, 137, 143,
180-4; reported voluntary con-
version of, 140.

Moplas, see Mappilas.

Moreno, Lourengo, writer, left at
Cochin, 87 n. 2, 199.

Morocco, Portuguese aspirations
in, xii; medieval names for, 119
n. 1; goods obtained from, 145
n. x.

Moslems, see Mohammedans.

Mossel Bay, see Sao Bras.

Mozambique, port of call, xxi, xxix.

223

xxxi 11. 1, lxvii, Ixviii, lxix, 90,
168; described, 63 ; a convict left
at, 68 n. 2; productions of, 156;
Pero de Ataide dies at, 196.

Munoz, Juan Bautista, historian,
xlvii, 5.

Musk, price of, in Calicut, 92;
whence procured, 93, 109.

Mutary, river, 20 n. 1.

Myrobalans, price of, in Calicut, 92 ;
whence procured, 93.

Myrrh, whence procured, 93,

Nairs, at Cranganore, 100.

Nanduguafu , American ostrich, 9
n. 3.

Narasimha Saluva, King of Vijaya-
nagar, 109 n. 1; his wives, 82;
allied with the Zamorin of Cali-
cut, 87 n. 3; his capital, 112; his
army, 1 1 3 ; extent ofhis kingdom,
113; his religion, 113.

Navarrete, Martin Fernandez de,
his collection of voyages, xlvii,
lxiii, 41.

Nicolas IV, Pope, bull obtained
from, xiii.

Non, Cape, xiii,

Noronha, Dom Fernando de,
Cabral’s father-in-law, xliv.

Nova, Joao da, his voyage to India,
xxix, xxxv, 146.

Novaes, Bartolomeu de, see Dias,
Bartolomeu.

Nunez, Pedro, mathematician, 37
n. 3.

Nutmegs, price of, in Calicut, 91;
whence procured, 93.

Oil, from coco-nut palm, 107, 108.

Ojeda, Alonzo de, voyage of, lxi,
lxii, lxiv.

Oldham, Yule, his discovery, xlix, 1 .

Opium, price of, in Calicut, 92;
whence procured, 94.

Oranges, at Malindi, 65.

Order of Christ, xii, xiii, xviii,
xxxix n. 1, xl, 7 n. 2; banner of
the, carried by Cabral, 17 n. 1.

Orissa, 113.

Ormuz, 69, 102, 1 1 2, 157; Hindu

INDEX

224.

trade with, xxvi n. 1 ; described,
IIO-II.

Ortiz, DomDiogo, Bishop of Ceuta,
celebrates mass for Cabral’s fleet,
xviii n. 1.

Osorio, Jeronymo, Bishop, on
Cabral’s voyage, xxxviii-xxxix,
87 n. 1.

Osouro, Jorge de, son-in-law of de
Caminha, exiled to Sao Thome,

33 n- 3* t

Osouro, Rodrigo de, nephew of
de Caminha, 4.

Ostrich, the American, in Brazil, 9
n. 3.

Oviedo y Valdes, Gonzalo Fernan-
dez de, his map, lii n. 2.

Pacheco, Duarte, in Cabral’s fleet,
201.

Padilla, Pedro Lopez de, Spaniard,
in Cabral’s fleet, 52m 1, 200.

Paiva, Afonso de, traveller, 145.

Palm trees, in Brazil, 21, 29; coco-
nut, uses of, 107-8; talpot, 81
n. 1.

Palos, Pinzon’s fleet at, Ixiii, 15 1.

Pandarani, port, 48, 85, 126 n. 5;
Vasco da Gama detained at, 171.

Pantaja, Fernao Perez, in Cabral’s
fleet, 201.

Papal bulls, xiii, xiv, xixn. x, xxxiv,
Iv.

Pardao, gold ducat, 106 n. 1.

P&ria, coast of, first sighted by
Europeans, lxi, lxii, Ixiii.

Parrots, lvi; in Brazil, 26 n. 1, 59,
120, 148.

Pascoal, Mount, Brazil, xix, 7.

Pasqualigo, Pietro, ambassador to
Portugal, 114 m 4, 1 1 5, 1 1 8.

Pearls, on the S. American coast,
lxi; on the E. African coast, 51 ;
in the Persian Gulf, 69; from
Ormuz, 93, hi.

Pedro Neto, Frei, chorister, 201.

Peixato, Fernao, in Cabral’s fleet,
201.

Pepper, extent of European trade
in, xxxii n. 1; from Calicut, 82;
price of, 92; whence procured,
93, in n, 2, 123.

Peragar, river, Malabar coast, xxvfi
n. 1.

Pereira, Duarte Pacheco, his re-
puted discovery, xlvii, xlviii, lvi,
lxi; cosmographer, liv; not in
Cabral’s fleet, li; notice of, li-liii.

Persia, Portuguese relations with,
xxxiv.

Persian Gulf, countries along the
shores of the, 69, 157.

Peru, conquest of, 12 n. 1.

Peso , weight, 92.

Pilots, in Cabral’s fleet, 199-200;
Arab, 201.

Pina, Simao de, his ship lost, 61 n.
2, 197.

Pinzon, Vicente Yanez, voyage of,
lxi, lxii, Ixiii, lxiv, 151; his
brother, Ixiii.

Piracm , preserved fish, 22 n. 3.

Pires, Luis, fate of his ship, 61 n. 2,
195,197.

Pisani, Domenico, Venetian ambas-
sador to Spain and Portugal, xxv
n. 1, 1 14, 1 15, 139; his secretary,
1 14; his letter to Venice, 114,
1 1 6, 139; de Affaitadi’s letter to,
124-9.

Pizarro, Francisco, 12 n. 1.

Polo, Marco, voyage of, xxxi n. 2,
xxxvii n. 1, Ixix n. 1, 103, 147.

Porcelain, from China, 49, 50, 109.

Portalegre, Conde de, see Menezes,
Dom Diego da Silva de.

Porto Seguro, Brazil, xx, 3, 8 n. 3,
1 15; present name of, 13 n. 2;
position of, li n. 1, 37 n. 3.

Portugal, advantage of her geo-
graphical position, xii; her rela-
tions with Spain, England, and
France, xii, xxxiv, 114; effect of
the discovery of America on,
xiv; estimated population of,
xvi-xvii; prestige gained for, by
Cabral’s voyage, xxxii; her re-
lations with Egypt, Persia, and
Venice, xxxiv; commercial de-
velopment of, xxxiv; Venetian
ambassadors to, 114; her mono-
poly of trade with India in spices,
118.

Portuguese, the, rivals in Eygptian

INDEX

trade, xi n. 2; reach India, xv,
xvi; religious fervour of, xvii,
xxiv; hostility between Arabs
and, xxiii, xxv; Egypt and Venice
unite against, xxv n. 1 ; mistaken
ideas of, as to the religion of the
Indians, xxx; disorganize Euro-
pean spice trade, xxxii n. 1 ; their
policy in India, xxxiii ; secrecy of,
regarding discoveries, xxxvii.

PrassumPromontorium of Ptolemy,
identification of, 119 n. 5.

Primeiras Ilhas, E. African coast,
xxi.

Prester John, xii, xiii, xiv, 68 n. 2;
country of, 45, 156, 157.

Prioli, Sier Alvixe di, 135.

Priuli, Girolamo, diarist, xxxvi,
115, 116, 130; notice of, 130;
versions of his diary, 130-1; ex-
tracts from his diary, 131-8.

Priuli, Lorenzo, 130.

Querini, Sier Vetor, letter to, 140-1 .

Quiloa, see Kilwa.

Quilon, friendly messages to Cabral
from, xxvii, 50.

Rafts, used by the Indians of Brazil,
18 n. 1.

Ramalho, Joao, said to have been
in Brazil in 1490, Ixvi.

Ramusio, Giovanni Battista, his
collection of voyages, xxxvii n. x,
xlvi, 55 n. 2, 56, 97.

Ravenstein, Ernest Georg, 55.

Red Sea, the, Sancho da Tovar re-
turns via, 5 x ; description of, 5 1
n, 3, 156; coast of, 68-9, 157.

Redwood, see Brazil-wood.

R^‘, E/, ship, fate of, 61, 195.

Reinel, Pedro, cartographer, 1 n. 3,
lxix n. 1.

Rennell, George, geographer, xlvi,
xlix.

Restello, the, hermitage and chapel,
xviii, 57 n. x, 128.

Rhubarb, price of, in Calicut, 92;
whence procured, 93.

Ribeiro, Alfonso, convict in
Cabral’s fleet, 14; sent on shore
at Brazil, 14, 23, 24, 27.

Ribeiro, Diogo, his map, lii n. 2,
108 n. 2.

Rice, from Cranganore, 107.

Rodrigo, Master, cosmographer,
xviii n. 1.

Rodrigues, Antonio, associate of
Joao Ramalho, Ixvi.

Rois, Joao, in Cabral’s fleet, 20X.

Rondinelli, Piero, letter of, Ixvii
n. 2.

Rostro Hermosa, so called by Pin-
zon, lxii.

Rubies, brought from India in
Cabral’s fleet, 160.

Sa, Joao de, writer under da Gama,
xviii, 55 ; in Cabral’s fleet, 55,83
n. 3 ; sent to interview the King
of Malindi, 66 n. 2; evidence for
his authorship of the Anony-
mous Narrative, 5 5 ; other work
attributed to, 55; notice of, 199.

Sacro Bosco, see Holywood, John.

Saffron, price of, in Calicut, 93.

St. Agustin (Agostinho), Cape, lxii,
lxiv.

St. Helena, bay of, Vasco da Gama
determines the latitude of, 37m 3 .

St. Mark, burial place of, 159.

St. Roque, Cape, lix, 197.

St. Thomas, 189; Christians of, 49;
burial place of, 49, 121, 148.

Sal vago, Antonio, Genoese, 125 n. 5 .

Sandalwood, price of, in Calicut, 92.

San Lucar, liii.

San Sovero, 140.

Santa (Sancta) Cruz, see Brazil.

Santa Maria de la Consolacion, lxii,

Santa Maria de la Mar-dulce, lxii.

Santarem, xliv, 41; Cabral’s burial
place, xlv.

Santiago, island, 167, 168.

Sanuto, Marino, diarist, xxxvi, 114,
1 1 6, 130; extracts from the diary
of, 1 1 5, 1 1 8, 124 n. 2, 138-41;
notice of, 1 3 1 .

San Vicente, Cape, lxii.

Sao Bras, bay of, xx, xxix, lxix, 37
n. 3 , x 6 8 ; watering-place, 1 6 8 n. 1 ,
169.

Sao Gabriel , the, in da Gama’s fleet,
xv, 196, 199.

226

INDEX

Sao Jorge da Mina, Guinea coast,
xiv.

Sao Lourengo, see Madagascar.

Sao Matheus, river, 8 n. 4.

Sao Nicolau, Cape Verde Islands,
xix, lix, 6, 57 n. 2, 168.

Sao Pedro , the, caravel, 46 n. 1 ; her
commander, 196.

Sao Rafael , the, xv, 199.

Schmidel, Ulric, lxvi.

Seaweed, on the Brazilian coast, 6.

Senegal, river, li.

Sequeira, Diogo Lopes de, his fleet,
146; instructions to, 164 n. 1.

Sequeira, Gon$alo de, instructions
to, 164 n. 1.

Seraphin, gold, 106 n. 1.

Sernigi, Girolamo, Florentine mer-
chant, 1 1 8, 152; his interest in
Cabral’s voyage, 125 n. 4; his
gift to Dorn Manuel, 146; his
letters, 54 n. 1, 147.

Sernigi, Nicolo, Florentine, 152.

Setubal, bay, 168.

Shells, necklaces of, 9 n. 4.

Ships, square-rigged, xv, 98 n. 1,
191 n. 2; ‘round’, xviii, 191;
lateen-rigged, xv, xviii, 98 n. 1,
191, 192; of Cambay, described,
65; caravels, 98 n. x, 191, 192;
galleys, 98 n. 1, 191; used at
Cranganore, 105; Indian, 159;
Portuguese, at Calicut, to be
decorated, 169; capacity and
accommodation of those in
Cabral’s fleet, 192 n. x, 193; see
also s.v. Anunriado ; Berrlo; Capi-
tania; Conceypam ; Ret, El; Sao
Gabriel; Sao Pedro; Sao Raphael.

Shrimps, large, on the Brazilian
coast, 18.

Siam, Hindu trade with, xxvi n. x.

Signals, to be used in Cabral’s fleet,
167, 169.

Sikandar Lodi, 70 n. 1.

Silk, Chinese trade in, 109.

Silva, Aires Gomes da, his ship
wrecked, 61 n. 2, 195.

Silveira, Vasco da, in Cabral’s fleet,
201.

Silver, known to Indians of Brazil,
12 n. 1 ; price of, in Calicut, 92.

Simao de Guimaraes, Frei, 201.

Simeon, Mar, patriarch, 95.

Simon Magus, 103.

Sintra, Pedro de, voyage of, 54 n. 1.

Sinus Barbaricus, of Ptolemy,
identification of, 120 n. 2.

Soares, Fernao, instructions for the
voyage of, 164 n. 1.

Soderini, Piero, 153, 154 n. 2.

Sodre, Vicente, his fleet, xliii, 196.

Sofala, xxi, Ixviii, 194; first visit of
Europeans to, xxix, 5 1 n. 1, 62 n.
2 ; gold from, xxxi, 44, 5 1, 61 , 62,
91, 120, 128, 149, 156; four-eyed
men at, 51; attempt to establish
trade with, 56, 197, 198; a de-
pendency of, 63 ; Sancho de
Tovar sent to, 90, 91, 98, 120
n. 6; a Christian left at, 91; a
hostage brought back from, 91,
201.

Soiro, Jorge do, see Osouro, Jorge
de.

Sousa, Martim Afonso de, lxvi.

South pole, the, location of, 35, 40.

Southern Cross, the, 40 n, 1 ; shown
in Master John’s letter, 35.

Souza, Soares de, 26 n. 2.

Spain, her relations with Portugal,
xii, xv, xxxiv, 1 14; outcome of
her discoveries, xiv; claim of,
for the discovery of Brazil, dis-
cussed, lxiv; her fear of the
Turks, 1 14; embassy from
Venice to, 114.

Spices, an incentive to medieval
discovery, xvi, xvii, xviii, xxxi;
area of the trade in, xi, xxxii n. 1,
82, 1 18, 135, 159; obtained at
Cochin, xxvii; Venetian mono-
poly of trade in, threatened,
xxxii, 132-8; restrictions on out-
put of, xxxv n. 2; whence pro-
cured, 91-4; Chinese trade in,
109 ; trade with India in, a mono-
poly of Portugal, 1 1 8, 132-8;
brought to Portugal in Cabral’s
fleet, 160.

Spikenard, price of, in Calicut, 92;
whence procured, 93.

Sprenger, Balthazar, pamphlet at-
tributed to, 86 n. 1.

INDEX

Staden, Hans, 22 n, 3, 25 n. 3;
quoted, n n. 1, 12 n. 2,

Stano, Michele, Doge, non. 1.

Suez Canal, proposal for the con-
struction of a, xxv n. 1 .

Sugar, from the coco-nut, 107, 108 ;
trade with Madeira in, 118, 146.

Sumatra, 113, 159.

Sun, height and declination of the,
36 n. 1.

Suttee, described, 82, 101, no.

Syro-Malabar Church, the, xxxviii,
95, 96, 97, 102 n. 1 ; government
of, and officials in, 102-3;
festivals, and customs of, 103-4.

Tagus, river, xviii, 5 n. 1.

Talpot palm, leaves of, used for
writing, 81 n. 1.

Tamarinds, price of, in Calicut, 92;
whence procured, 93.

Taprobana, see Sumatra.

Tare , silver coin, 106 n. 1.

Tello, Dom Joao, in Cabral’s fleet,
14, 200.

Temporal, Jean, 56.

Thirkill, Lanslot, liii.

Tin, Chinese trade in, 109.

Tordesillas, Treaty of, xiv, xlviii, li,
liv, lviii, 12 n. 1.

Tovar, Sancho de, second in com-
mand in Cabral’s fleet, xxiii n. 1,
12, 23 n. 2, 34, 3 6, 61 n. 4, 63 n. 3,
87, 1 9 1, 200; left in charge of the
fleet, 72, 75, 85; his intercourse
with Indians in Brazil, 27, 28 ; his
ship runs aground and is burnt,
xxviii, xlifi, 51, 89, 122, 128, 192;
sent to Sofala, xxix, 43 n. 2, 62
n. 2, 90; arrives at Lisbon, xxx,
43 n. 2, 91; instructions regard-
ing, 184; capacity of his ship, 192
n. 1 ; notice of, 195.

Traggia, D. Joaquin, his copy of
Dom Manuel’s letter, 41.

Trevisan, Angelo di Bernardino,
53, 54; secretary to Pisani, lxii,
11 6; letters of, 55, 117, 123-4.

Troglodytes, negroes, 120 n. 1.

Trumpets, of the Indians of Brazil,
17 n, 2.

Tupi-Guarani Indians, 27 n. 2.

227

Tupinamba Indians, of the Brazil-
ian coast, 8 n. 4; weapons, 8 n. 5,
27, 58; dress and ornaments, 9
nn. 3 & 4, 11, 15, 16, 21, 24, 59;
intercourse between the Portu-
guese and, 12-32, 58-60; musical
instruments, 17 n. 2; form of
government among, 20 n. 2;
their method of fishing, 22 n. 3,
60; customs attributed to, 24 n.
3; their dwellings, 23, 24-5, 59;
their tools, 27 n. 1; their food,
29, 59; Caminha’s desire to
proselytize, 30-3; their enemies,
38 n. 1.

Turkey, a trade rival to Venice and
Portugal, xxxiv, 122, 149.

Turks, the, Dom Manuel assists
Venice against, 114, 125 n. 2,
138.

Urucrf, tree, dye from the, 24 n. 2.

Vagliente, Piero, his collection of
voyages, xxxviii, 54 n. 2, 147,
152,153.

Varnhagen, Francisco Adolphe de,
lxiii, 3 5 ; discovers Dom Manuel’s
instructions to Cabral, 164, 166.

Varthema, Ludovico di, voyage of,
xxxvii, 96.

Velho, Gon^alo, Cabral a collateral
descendant of, xxxix n. 1, xli.

Venetians, imprisoned in Egypt,
xxv n. 1 ; their ships, 98 n. 1, 191 ;
petition Portugal for aid against
the Turks, 114, 125 n. 2, 138.

Venezuela, alleged discovery of,
lxi, lxiii, lxiv.

Venice, commercial importance of,
xi, xxxii, 135; embassy from, to
Egypt, xxv n. 1 ; effect of Portu-
guese discoveries and Cabral’s
voyage on the trade of, xxxii,
xxxiv, 1 14, 1 15, 130, 131-50;
relations between Portugal and,
xxxiv, 1 14, 130; documents re-
lating to Cabral’s voyage pre-
served in, xxxvi; evidence for
the printing of the Anonymous
Narrative in, 54; ambassadors
from, to Spain and Portugal, 1 14.

INDEX .

228

Vera Cruz, see Brazil.

Verde, Cape, rendezvous for Cab-
ral’s fleet, xxix, xxxviii, 63 n. 4,
90; ancient name for, 119; posi-
tion of, 154.

Verdi, Gherardo, 161.

Verdi, Simon, 16 1.

Vesiga, Zuan, a courier, 124.

Vespucci, Amerigo, li n, x, 145;
voyages of, xxxvii, xlvii, liii, lv,
Ixi, lxii, lxiii, 146, 147, 153; his
voyage to Brazil, 151-61; meets
Cabral’s ships at Beseguiche,
xxix, 90 n. 3, 152, 154; letters of,
xxxvii, 11 n. 1, 34, 90 n. 4, 151-
61 ; genuineness of his letter dis-
cussed, 153; his connexion with
the Medici family, 1 5 2-3 ; pamph-
let attributed to, 86 n. 1; his
Mundus Novus, 153 n. 1, 154 nn.
1 & 2; discovery attributed to,
197.

Vignaud, Henri, on early Spanish
voyages, lxiii.

Vijayanagar, Hindu kingdom, 70 n.
1, 1 12; rulers of, 112 n. 1.

Vinegar, from the coco-nut palm,
107, 108.

Vinnetti, Fernando, 146.

Viterbo, Sousa, 33 n. 3; discovery
of, 34 -

Vizinho, Jose, cosmographer, xviii
n. 1.

Weights and measures, of Calicut,
91 - 3 -

Wine, from the coco-nut palm, 107,
108; shipped by Cabral’s fleet,
194 n. 1.

Xeraphin, see Seraphin.

Yogi, a converted, 201, 202.

Zacuto, Abraham, astronomer,
xviii n. 1, 34 n. 1, 36 n. 1.

Zadoary, see China root.

Zain Al-Din, al-Ma'barl, historian,
xxxviii.

Zamorin, derivation of the term,
170 n. 1; of Calicut, see Calicut,
Zamorin of.

Zanzibar, region indicated by, 68
n. 1; silk from, 150.

Zerumbet, see China root.

Zinadim, see Zain Al-Dm, al-Ma e -
barf.

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