The Incas of Peru

Frontispiece

(,()KGi-; ()!•" KKi ni: tami'as Scclp. i?^

THE

INCAS OF PEKU

BY

SIE CLEMENTS MAEKHAM, K.C.B.

D.SC. (Camb.), F.R.S., F.R.G.S., F.S.A.

COBREBPONDING MEMBER OF THE ROYAL ACADEMY OF HISTORY AT MADRID
AND OF THE GEOGRAPHICAD SOCIETIES OF PERD AND BOLIVIA

WITH 16 ILLUSTRATIONS AND A MAP

THIRD IMPRESSION (SECOND EDITION)

NEW YOEK
E. p. BUTTON AND COMPANY

31 WEST TWENTY-THIRD STREET

1912

[All rights teserTed]

THE GP

PREFACE

The fascinating story of Inca civilisation was
told to our fathers by Dr. Robertson, whose
* History of America ' appeared in 1778, and to
ourselves by Mr. Prescott, whose ' Conquest of
Peru ' was pubhshed in 1843. It is assumed that
most educated people have read the latter work.
But since its pubhcation a great deal of subse-
quently discovered material has quite altered our
view of some things, and thrown entirely new
light upon others. Yet Mr. Prescott 's work can
never lose its high position as a carefully written
and very charming history.

It is now more than sixty years ago since the
present writer came under the influence of that
fascination, when, as a naval cadet on board H.M.S.
ColUngwood, the flagship in the Pacific, he fijst
gazed on the land of the Incas. The noble
Symondite hne-of-battle ship rounded the northern
headland of San Lorenzo Island, and made her
stately way to her anchorage in Callao roads. I
was just fourteen, and under the wing of Lieu-
tenant Peel, aged nineteen (afterwards the gallant
Sir Wilham Peel), who was officer of my watch

VI PREFACE

on the forecastle. We gazed on the scene before
us, the bright green plain rising by a gentle slope
to the mountains, with the white towers of Lima
appearing on its further skirts, and behind the
mighty cordillera rising into the clouds. During
the four years of our commission we were five
times at Callao, staying some months at a time.
I got to know Lima very well, and made some
friends, including the beautiful Grimanesa Althaus,
to whom I was afterwards much indebted in my
researches ; ^ and the aged Senora O'Higgins,
daughter of the Spanish Viceroy of Peru from
1796 to 1801. I knew the banks of the Eimac
between Lima and its mouth even better, and
I visited the vast mounds or Tiuacas in the plain.
In those days youngsters on the Pacific station
were carefully taught French and Spanish, as well
as navigation.

It was not imtil my return, in 1848, that I
was able to obtain a copy of Prescott's ' Conquest
of Peru,' which I devoured over and over again
with intense interest. During the winter of my
service in the Arctic regions I had a copy of the
Quichua Dictionary by Torres Rubio to study,
which I had bought in Lima, and the Doctor
had Holguin's grammar, so that I was able to
acquire some knowledge of the language of the

1 See page 119.

PREFACE vii

Incas. On my return I studied all the authorities
within my reach, and in August 1852 I resolved
to undertake an expedition to Peru. I was
practised in observing the heavenly bodies for
latitude and longitude, and I could make a fairly
good survey of ruins, and maps of my routes.

My first care was to obtain Mr. Prescott^s
approval of my undertaking, and I went to Boston
with introductions to him from Lord Carhsle and
the Dean of St. PauFs (Milman). He at once
invited me to his country house at Pepperell, in
New Hampshire, where I enjoyed his society for
ten very pleasant days. Our party consisted of
Mr. and Mrs. Prescott, their son Amory, the
secretary and myself. Mr. Prescott's house was
a long wooden building with a covered verandah
extending half its length, tall shady trees in front,
on a lawn dividing the house from a quiet country
road. There was a pleasant shady walk behind the
house, of which Mr. Prescott was very fond ; for,
though his sight was bad, he was not quite blind.
He could see enough to get about the house, and
even to take walks by himself, but not to read.

He conversed with me in his large study, where
he took notes on a slate with lines, while his
secretary read to him. The notes were then read
to him, and, after some thought, he began to dictate.
We talked over Peru, and he explained most

viii PREFACE

lucidly the comparative value of tlie authorities
he had used, adding that there were probably
others of equal importance that he had not seen.
Once he said that no history could be quite satis-
factory unless the author was personally ac-
quainted with the locahties he had to describe.
He gave me valuable advice, and said that he
would be much interested in the results of my
journey. I used to drive over the country in a
buggy, and pull on the quiet httle Nississisett river
with Amory. My stay of ten days at Pepperell,
with the great historian, is a time which I always
look back to with feelings of pleasure and gratitude.
It was a fitting introduction to my Peruvian
researches.

From Lima I made several excursions, and
explored the coast from Lima to Nasca. Crossing
an imfrequented pass of the Andes from Yea,
I made several excursions from my headquarters
at Ayacucho, and eventually went thence to
Cuzco. At the city of the Licas I remained
several weeks, carefully examining the ruins, and
learning much from such recipients of folklore
as Dr. JuHan Ochoa and the Senora Astete. From
Cuzco I went to the valley of Vilcamayu occupied
in researches, and then over the Andes to spend
a fortnight with Dr. Justiniani, a descendant of
the Incas, at Laris, and to copy his manuscripts.

PREFACE IX

My next journey was to Paucartambo, whence
I penetrated far into the wild montafia. Finally
I went from Cuzco to Arequipa by the lofty pass
of Rumihuasi.

On my retm^n to England I continued my
studies until, in 1859 to 1861, I was engaged on
the important public service of introducing the
cultivation of the various species of quinine-yielding
chinchona trees from South America into British
India. I had the pleasure of making the acquaint-
ance of that splendid old warrior. General Miller,
who referred me to new mines of information
among the * Pafeles Varios ' of the Lima Hbrary.
During my journeys I was able to explore great
part of the northern half of the basin of Lake
Titicaca, and the Montaria of Caravaya. I also
collected several Quichua songs. Throughout my
journeys in Peru I received the heartiest welcomes
and the most unbounded hospitahty and kindness.
The three Indians who went with me into the
forests of Caravaya were obhging, willing, and
faithful. My experience with them and others
gave me a high opinion of the Indian character.

Since my return from Peru, nearly fifty years
ago, I have kept up my knowledge of the hterary
labours of the Peruvians, in the direction of Inca
research, by correspondence with friends, and the
receipt of books and pamphlets. My most valued

X PREFACE

correspondents have been Don E. Larrabure y
Unanue, Don Manuel Gonzalez de la Rosa, Don
Jose Toribio Polo, and Don Ricardo Palma. I
also received much kind assistance from friends in
Spain, now departed, Don Pascual de Gayangos,
and especially from Don Marcos Jimenez de la
Espada. The hterary labours of these and other
Spanish and Peruvian authors attain a high
standard. I have since devoted ray efforts to
a complete mastery of all the original authorities
on Inca history and civilisation. It is not enough
to dip into them, nor even to read them, in order
to obtain such a mastery. The problems that
present themselves in the study of Inca civili-
sation are often comphcated, they need much
weighing of evidence, and are difficult of solution.
My own studies have extended over many years,
during which time I have translated and anno-
tated the principal authorities, made indexes, ^ and

1 My labours extend over fifty years, from 1859 to 1909, and
consist of the following publications : —

1. * The Earliest Expeditions into the Valley of the

Amazons ' . . . . . . . . . . . . 1859

2. ' Clu-onicle of Cieza de Lean,: Part I 1864

3. „ „ „ Part II .. .. 1883

4. * Royal Commentaries of the Inca Oarcilasso de la

Vega' 1869 and 1871

5. ' Reports on the Discovery of Peru ' by Xeres and

Aslete 1872

6. * Ritt!3 and Laws of the Incas ' by Molina . . . . 1872

7. ' Antiquities of Peru,' by the Indian Salcamayhria . . 1872

PREFACE xi

compared their various statements on each point as
it arises. Without such thoroughness, an author
is scarcely justij&ed in entering upon so difficult
and complicated an inquiry.

Having reached my eightieth birthday, I have
abandoned the idea of completing a detailed
history which I once entertained. But I have felt
that a series of essays, based upon my researches,
might at all events be pubhshed with advantage,
as the subject is one of general interest, ahke
fascinating and historically important, and as the
results of the studies of a hfetime are hkely to be
of some value. In the form in which the essays are
presented, it is my hope that they will be interesting
to the general reader, while ofiering useful material
for study to the more serious historical student.

8. ' Narrative of the Idolatry and Superstitions in

Huarochiri,' Avila . . . . . . . . . . 1872

9. ' Report ot Polo de Ondegardo ' on Inca Administration 1872

10. * Natural History of the Indies,' by Acosta . . . . 1879

11. 'Voyages of Pedro Sarmiento ' . . . . . . . . 1894

12. ' History of the Incas,' by Sarmiento . . . . . . 1Q07

(The above published by the Hakluyt Society)
Still in MS., translations of the works of : —

13. Montesinos.

14. The Anonymous Jesuit (Bias Valera).

15. Balboa.

16. Belanzos.

17. Santillana.

18. Martin d-e Morua.

Contributions for a Quichua grammar and dictionary 1864
Translation of the drama of Ollantay .. .. .. 1871

Revised Quichua dictionary . . . . . . . . 1908

Kii PREFACE

I have added, as appendices, a translation of
the Inca drama of Ollantay; and a curious love
story told to Morua by Amautas, in about 1585.
It is one of the very few remains of ancient Inca
folklore.

The accompanying map is used for the illustra-
tion of this work by permission of the council of
the Royal Geographical Society. The original
compilation and drawing has been made on a scale
of 1 : 1,000,000 in four sheets; but for the purpose
of publication the map has been reduced to a scale
of 1 : 2,000,000. The map extends from 8° to
18° S. and from 65° to 74° W., the area included
being about 418,000 square miles. No regular
surveys exist of the region as a whole, nor are
any likely to be undertaken for years to come.
Consequently, for the greater part of it, the
mapping has depended upon route traverses
varying considerably in merit, but fairly good
in cases where astronomical observations have
been taken.

The compilation and drawing has taken two
years, and has necessitated comparing and
determining the value of a large amount of
cartographical material and many observations.

About sixty observed positions for latitude and
twenty for longitude have been accepted, and the
materials used include thirty-two recent maps and

PREFACE xiii

reports. The map includes the original land
of the Incas, the basin of Lake Titicaca, and
the eastern montana.

I have to thank the Government of Peru and.
the Lima Geographical Society, as well as many
others, for much valuable assistance in the pro-
vision of materials. The very difficult work
of compilation has been admirably done by
Mr. Reeves, the accomplished Map Curator
of the Royal Geographical Society, and by
Mr. Batchelor, the very able draughtsman.

CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM.

21 EccLESTON Square, S.W,
July 1910<

CONTENTS

I. The Tellers of the Story
II. The Megalithic Age

III. The List of Kings

IV. The Paccari-tampu Myth
V. KiSE OF the Incas .

VI. The Stolen Child .
VII. Empire ....
VIII, Religion of the Incas
IX. The Inca Calendar, Festivals, and Dress

of the Sovereign and his Queen
X. Language and Literature of the Incas
XL Condition of the People

Note to the Chapter on the Conditton of
the People
XII. Ttahua-ntin-suyu
L Cfnti-sxtyu
II. Chinchay-suyu

III. COLLA-SUYU

rV. Anti-suyu

XIII. The Coast Valleys

XIV. The Chimu
XV. The Chincha Confederacy

XVI. The Cataclysm
XVII. Garcilasso Inca de la Vega
XVIII. The Last of the Incas

APPENDICES

PAGE
1

21

40
48
58
68
78
96

115
137
159

170
173
173

177
186
192

200
207
227
240
260
285

A. Note on the Chapter on the List of Kings . 303

B. Note on the Names Quichua and Aymara . 311

C. Note on the Architecture and Arts op the Incas 318

D. The Inca Drama of Ollantay . . . 321

E. Inca Folklore : the Love Story given in

THE Work of Morua 408

Index 415

XVI

CONTENTS

ILLUSTRATIONS

Bridge over Gorge of Eio de Pampas .
Monolithic Doorway, Tiahuanacu . To
Part of Carved Border, Tiahuanacu

Doorway .....
Sacsahuaman Fortress, Cuzco
Chavin Stone ....
Bridge over the Apurimac
Walls of the Temple of the Sun, Cuzco
Maize Conopa ....
The Inti-huatana of Pissac
Head-dress of High Priest . . To

Gold Tupu or Pin
Gold Breastplate from Cuzco
Large Monolith on Citadel of Ollan

tay-tampu .....
Upper Terrace on Citadel of Ollan

tay-tampu .....
Anti-suyu Forest
Colcampata, Cuzco

Frontispiece

face page

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34

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78

5> ))

104

5) ?>

112

In text

116

face page

•

j> >j

119

152

I

194

286

Map of the Empire of the Incas (South
Peru and North Bolivia)

At end

THE INCAS OF PERU

CHAPTEE I

THE TELLERS OF THE STORY

Before entering upon a contemplation of the
Inca history and civilisation, a story of no ordinary
interest, it seems natural to wish for some acquaint-
ance with those who told the story. It is not
intended to enter upon a full critical examination
of their work. That has been done elsewhere. ^
It will suffice to give a more popular account of
the tellers of the story.

Rude and destructive as most of the Spanish
conquerors were, and as all are generally supposed
to have been, there were some who sympathised
with the conquered people, were filled with admira-
tion at their civihsation and the excellent results
of their rule, and were capable of making researches
and recording their impressions. Nor were these
authors confined to the learned professions. First
and foremost were the mihtary writers. Some of
their works are lost to us, but the narratives of at
least four have been preserved.

1 See the Narrative and Critical History of America (New York
and Boston, 1889), vol. ii. chap. iv. p. 259.

2 CIEZA DE LEON

Among these Pedro de Cieza de Leon takes
the first and most honourable place. Imagine
a httle boy of fourteen entering upon a soldier's
hfe in the undiscovered wilds of South America,
and, without further instruction, becoming the
highest authority on Inca history. It seems
w^onderful, yet it was at the early age of fourteen
that Cieza de Leon embarked for the new world.
He was born in 1519 at the town of Llerena, in
Estremadura, about nineteen leagues east of Bada j os,
at the foot of the Sierra de San Miguel, a Mooi'ish
looking place surrounded by a wall with brick
towers, and five great gates. It produced several
distinguished men, including Juan de Pozo, the
watchmaker who placed the giralda on the tower
of Seville Cathedral. At Llerena Pedro de Cieza
passed his childhood, but his boyhood was scarce
begun when he embarked at Seville ; serving
under Pedro de Heredia, the founder and first
governor of Carthagena, on the Spanish Main.
Soon afterwards, in 1538, young Pedro de Cieza
joined the expedition of Vadillo up the valley of
the Cauca. At an age when most boys are at
school, this lad had been sharing all the hardships
and perils of seasoned veterans, and even then
he was gifted with powers of observation far
beyond his years.

The character of our soldier chronicler was
destined to be formed in a rough and savage
school. It is certainly most remarkable that so
fine a character should have been formed amidst

CIEZA DE LEON 3

all the horrors of the Spanish American conquests.
Humane, generous, full of noble sympathies,
observant and methodical ; he was bred amidst
scenes of cruelty, pillage, and wanton destruction,
which were calculated to produce a far different
character. Considering the circumstances in which
he was placed from early boyhood, his book is
certainly a most extraordinary, as well as a most
valuable, result of his mihtary services and
researches. He began to write a journal when
serving under Robledo in the Cauca valley in 1541.
He says : * As I noted the many great and strange
things that are to be seen in the new world of the
Indies there came upon me a strong desire to
write an account of some of them, as well those
which I have seen with my own eyes as those I
heard of from persons of good repute." In another
place he says : ' Oftentimes when the other soldiers
were sleeping, I was tiring myself in writing.
Neither fatigue nor the ruggedness of the country,
nor the mountains and rivers, nor intolerable
hunger and suffering, have ever been sufficient to
obstruct my two duties, namely, writing and
following my flag and my captain without fault.'
Cieza de Leon made his way by land to Quito,
and then travelled all over Peru collecting informa-
tion. He finished the first part of his ' Chronicle '
in September 1550, when at the age of thirty-two.
It is mainly a geographical description of the
country, with saihng directions for the coast,
and an account of the Inca roads and bridges. In

B 2

4 BETANZOS

the second part he reviewed the system of govern-
ment of the Incas, with the events of each reign.
He spared no pains to obtain the best and most
authentic information, and in 1550 he went to
Cuzco to confer with one of the surviving Incas.
His sympathy with the conquered people, and
generous appreciation of their many good quahties,
give a special charm to his narrative.

Cieza de Leon stands first in the first rank of
authorities on Inca civihsation.^

Another soldier-author was Juan de Betanzos.
We first hear of his book from Friar Gregorio de
Garcia, who wrote his ' Origen de los Indios ' in
1607. He announced that he possessed the manu-
script of Betanzos, and he made great use of it,
copying the first two chapters wholesale. The
incomplete manuscript in the Escurial, of which
Prescott had a copy, only contains the eighteen
first chapters and part of another. It was edited

1 The first part is quoted thirty times, oftener than any other
authority, by the Inca Garcilasso. He copies long and important
passages. The first part was published in 1554.

Prescott quotes Cieza oftener than any other authority except
Garcilasso ; Garcilasso 89, Cieza 45 times.

The second part has a curious history. The MS. narrative,
which Prescott referred to as ' Sarmiento,' is in reality the second
part of the Chronicle of Cieza dc Leon. It was addressed to Juan
Sarmiento, then President of the Council of the Indies, and Prescott
assumed that he was the author. The MS. was preserved in the
Escurial, and a copy was sent to Prescott. The text was printed
by Dr. Gonzalez dc la Rosa in 1873, and by Jimenez de la Espada
at Madrid in 1880. English editions of the first part in 18G4,
and the second part in 1883, were translated and edited by Sir
Clements Markham for the Hakluyt Society.

BETANZOS 5

and printed in 1880 by Jimenez de la Espada.
The complete manuscript which belonged to Garcia
has not been found. Juan de Betanzos was
probably from Gahcia, and came to Peru with
Hernando Pizarro. He became a citizen of Cuzco,
and married a daughter of the Inca Atahualpa.
Betanzos took great pains to learn the Quichua
language, and was employed to negotiate with the
Incas in Vilcapampa. He was appointed ojficial
interpreter to the Audiencia and to successive
Viceroys. His principal work, entitled ' Suma y nar-
racion de los Incas,' was composed by order of the
Viceroy, Don Antonio de Mendoza, and was finished
in 1551, but was not pubhshed owing to the
Viceroy's death. He also wrote a * Doctrina,' and
two vocabularies which are lost. The date of the
death of Betanzos is unknown, but he certainly
lived twenty years after he wrote the ' Suma y
narracion.' Betanzos was imbued with the spirit
of the natives, and he has portrayed native feehng
and character as no other Spaniard could have done.
He gives an excellent and almost dramatic account
of the Chanca war with the Incas, and his versions
of the early myths are important. He ranks next
to Cieza de Leon as an authority.

Sarmiento, a mihtant sailor, is the highest
authority as regards the historical events of the
Inca period, though his work has only quite recently
been brought to hght. The beautiful manuscript,
illustrated with coats of arms, found its way into
the hbrary of Gronovius, and was bought for the

b SARMIENTO

University of Gottingen in 1785. It remained
in the university library, unnoticed, for 120
years. But, in August 1906, the learned librarian.
Dr. Pietsclimann, published the text at Berlin,
carefully edited and annotated and with a valuable
introduction.^

Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa was a seaman of
some distinction, and was a leader in Mandana's
voyage to the Solomon Islands.^ He accompanied
the Viceroy Toledo, and was employed by that
statesman to write a history of the Incas. it is
without doubt the most authentic and reliable
we possess, as regards the course of events. For
it was compiled from the carefully attested evidence
of the Incas themselves, who were officially examined
on oath, so that Sarmiento had the means of
obtaining accurate information which no other
writer possessed. The chapters were afterwards
read over to the forty-two Incas who gave evidence,
in their own language, and received their final
corrections. The history was finished and sent to
Spain in 1572.

Pedro Pizarro, who was a cousin of the con-
queror, went to Peru as his page when only fifteen.
He eventually retired to Arequipa, where he
wrote his ' Relaciones,' finished in 1571. Prescott

1 It was translated into English by Sir Clements Markham for
the Hakluyt Society in 1907.

2 For an account of the adventurous life of Sarmiento sec the
introduction to liis voyages by Sir Clements Markham (Hakluyt
Society, 1895).

THE LAWYRES 7

had a copy of the manuscript, but it was not
printed until quite recently. ^ There were other
writers among the mihtary men, notably Francisco
de Chaves, but their work is lost to us.

Among the lawyers the work of Zarate was
pubhshed in 1555, differing a good deal from the
manuscript, and it is not of much value. The
writings of the licentiate Polo de Ondegardo are
more important. He occupied the post of Corre-
gidor of Cuzco in 1560, and accompanied the
Viceroy Toledo on his journey of inspection ten
years afterwards. He made researches into the
laws and administration of the Incas, but his
knowledge of the language was Hmited. His
two 'Kelaciones^ were written in 1561 and 1570.
They have never been printed. Prescott had
copies of them. Another 'Report' by Polo is in
the National Library at Madrid. It describes the
division and tenure of land, and some adminis-
trative details. The 'Relacion' of Fernando de
Santillan is of about the same value, and was
written at the same period." It is mainly devoted
to a discussion of the laws and customs relating
to the collection of tribute. The Ucentiate Juan
de Matienza was a contemporary of Ondegardo and
Santillan, and discussed the ancient institutions
with the same objects. His manuscript is in the
British Museum. In the following century Juan

1 In the Coleccion de documentos ineditos para la Historia de
Espana, v. 201-388.

3 Edited and printed by Jimenez de la Espada in 1879,

8 ACOSTA

de Solorzano digested the numerous laws in the
' Pohtica Indiana/ and the prohfic legislation of
the Viceroy Toledo is embodied in the ' Ordenanzas
del Peru/ pubhshed at Lima in 1683. All the
lawyers who studied the subject express their
admiration of the government of the Incas.

The geographers were the local officials who were
ordered to draw up topographical reports on their
several provinces. Most of these reports were
written between 1570 and 1590, and they naturally
vary very much in value. The * Relaciones Geo-
graficas de Indias (Peru) ' were pubhshed at Madrid
in four large volumes, between 1881 and 1897.

The priests were the most dihgent inquirers
respecting the native rehgion, rites and ceremonies.
The first priest who came with Pizarro was the
Dominican friar, Vicente de Valverde. He wrote
a * Carta Relacion ' on the affairs of Peru, and some
letters to Charles V, containing original informa-
tion, but he left the country in 1541, and was
there too short a time for his writings to be of
much value. The best known clerical author on
Peru was the Jesuit Josef de Acosta, who was
born at Medina del Campo in 1540, and was in
Peru from 1570 to 1586, travelhng over all parts
of the country. He then went to Mexico, and
died at Salamanca in 1600. His great work,
' Historia Natural de las Indias,' in its complete
form, was first pubhshed at Seville in 1590. Hak-
luyt and Purchas gave extracts from it, and the
whole work was translated into Enghsh in 1604

MOLINA— BALBOA 9

by Edward Grimston. It was much used by
subsequent writers. The Inca Garcilasso quotes
it twenty-seven times, and Prescott nineteen times.
Acosta^s work will always be valuable, but he was
superficial and an indifferent Quichua scholar.
He is superseded in several branches of his subject
by writers whose works have become known in
recent years.

Among these the most important is Cristoval
de Mohna, priest of the hospital for natives at
Cuzco, who wrote a 'Report on the Fables and
Rites of the Incas ' addressed to the Bishop Artaun,
1570-84. Molina had pecuhar opportunities for
collecting accurate information. He was a master
of the Quichua language, he examined native
chiefs and learned men who could remember the
Inca Empire in the days of its prosperity, and his
position at the hospital at Cuzco gave him an
intimate acquaintance with the native character.
Mohna gives very interesting accounts of the
periodical festivals and the rehgion, and twelve
prayers in the original Quichua. Very intimately
connected with the work of Mohna is that of Miguel
Cavello Balboa, who wrote at Quito between
1576 and 1586. In the opening address of Mohna
to the Bishop he mentions a previous account
which he had submitted on the origin, history,
and government of the Incas. This account
appears to have been procured and appropriated
by Balboa, who tells us that his history is based
on the learned writings of Cristoval de Mohna.

10 MORUA-ARRIAGA-AVILA

Miguel Cavello Balboa was a soldier who took
orders late in life and went out to Peru in 1566.
He settled at Quito and devoted himself to the
preparation of his work entitled ' Miscellanea
Austral/ He is the only authority who gives any
tradition respecting the origin of the coast people ;
and he suppUes an excellent narrative of the war
between Huascar and Atahualpa, including the
love episode of Quilacu/

The history of the Incas by Friar Martin de
Morua is still in manuscript. Morua had studied
the Quichua language. His work, finished in 1590,
is full of valuable information. A copy of the
manuscript was obtained by Dr. Gonzalez de la
Kosa from the Loyola archives in 1909.

Some of the Jesuits were engaged in the work of
extirpating idolatry. Their reports throw hght on
the legends and superstitions of the people on and
near the coast. These are contained in the very
rare work of Arriaga (1621), and in the report of
Avila on the legends and myths of Huarochiri.
The work of another Jesuit named Luis de Terucl,
who wrote an account of his labours for the extir-
pation of idolatry, is lost, as well as that of Her-
nando Avendano, some of whose sermons in Quichua
have been preserved. Fray Alonzo Ramos Gavilan,
in his ' History of the Church of Copacabana ' (1620),
throws light on the movements of the mitimaes or
colonists in the Collao, and gives some new details
respecting the consecrated virgins, the sacrifices,

1 The original Spanish text of Balboa ia unknown. We only
have a French translalion, by Tcrnaiix Compans, published in 1840.

CALANCHA-MONTESINOS 11

and the deities worshipped on the shores of lake
Titicaca. The ' Coronica Moralizada/ by Antonio de
la Calancha (1638-53), is a voluminous record of
the Order of St. Augustine in Peru. There is a
good deal that is interesting and important
scattered among the stories of martyrdoms and
miracles of the Augustine friars. Calancha gives
many details respecting the manners and customs
of the Indians, and the topography of the country.
He is the only writer who has given any account
of the rehgion of the Chimu. He also gives the
most accurate version of the Inca calendar. The
chronicle of the Franciscans by Diego de Cordova y
Salinas, pubhshed at Madrid in 1643, is of less value.

Fernando Montesinos, born at Cuenca, was in
holy orders and a licentiate in canon law. He
appears to have gone to Peru in 1629, in the
train of the Viceroy Count of Chinchon. After
filling some appointments, he gave himself up
entirely to historical researches and mining specu-
lations, travelhng over all parts of Peru. In
1639 he came to five at Lima, and he was employed
to write an account of the * Auto de Fe ' in that
year. He also pubhshed a book on the workings
of metals. The last date which shows Montesinos
to have been in Peru is 1642. After his return
to Spain he became cura of a village near Seville,
and in 1644 he submitted a memorial to the King
asking for some dignity as a reward for his services. ^

Montesinos wrote ' Ophir de Espana, Memorias
Historiales y Pohticas del Peru." The long hst of

1 The memorial is in the British Museum.

12 BLAS VALERA

Kings of Peru given by Montesinos did not originate
with him, but was due to earher writers long
before his time. He, however, collected some
interesting traditions, but his absurd contention
that Peru was peopled by Armenians under the
leadership of Noah's great-grandson Ophir destroys
all confidence in his statements.

The work of Montesinos was found by Munoz
in the convent of San Jose at Seville. Munoz
got possession of the manuscripts, and Ternaux
Compans obtained a copy, of which he pubhshed
a French translation in 1840. The manuscripts
were brought to Madrid, and Jimenez de la Espada
pubhshed the second book, containing the long
Hst of Peruvian Kings, in 1882.

By far the greatest of the clerical authors who
wrote on Inca civihsation had the advantage of
being a mestizo. Bias Valera was the son of
Lius de Valera, a soldier of the conquest, by a
Peruvian lady of the court of Atahualpa, and
was born at Chachapoyas in about 1540. He
was brought up at Caxamarca, and afterwards at
Truxillo, until his twentieth year. At Truxillo
he learnt Latin, while Quichua was his native
tongue. He took orders at the age of twenty-eight,
and became a Jesuit. In 1571 he was sent to
Cuzco as a catechist, and was there for at least
ten years. He then went to Juli and La Paz,
and later was at Quito and in the northern parts
of Peru. In about 1594 he embarked at Callao
for Cadiz. He was in that city when it was taken

BLAS VALERA 13

by the English under the Earl of Essex in 1596.
But the Jesuits were allowed to depart with their
papers. Bias Valera died soon afterwards.

Bias Valera had qualifications and advantages
possessed by no other writer. The Inca Garcilasso
knew Quichua, but he was a child, and only twenty
when he went to Spain. It was after an interval
of forty years that he thought of writing about
his native country. Bias Valera, hke Garcilasso,
was half a Peruvian, and Quichua was his native
language. But unlike Garcilasso, instead of going
to Spain when he was twenty, he worked for
Peru and its people for thirty years, devoting
himself to a study of the history, hterature, and
ancient customs of his countrymen, receiving their
records and legends from the older Amautas and
Quifucamayocs who could remember the Inca
rule, and their lists of kings. His perfect mastery
of the language enabled him to do this with a
thoroughness which no Spaniard could approach.

Bias Valera brought his writings with him to
Spain, doubtless with a view to pubhcation. He
had written a ' Historia del Peru ' in Latin which,
after his death, was given to the Inca Garcilasso,
who made very extensive use of it.i According to
the bibhographers, Antonio and Leon Pinelo,
another work by Bias Valera was ' De los Indios
del Peru, sus costumbres y pacificacion." It was
lost. But in 1879 Jimenez de la Espada found
a most valuable manuscript on the same subject
1 See his life, which forms the subject of another chapter, p. 260.

14 BLAS VALERA-COBOS

without the name of the author. He pubhshed
it under the name of the ' Anonymous Jesuit/
Dr. Gonzalez de la Kosa has brought forward
arguments, which appear to be quite conclusive,
and which are given in another place, that the
anonymous Jesuit was no other than Bias Valera.
Another work of the learned mestizo, also lost, was
entitled ' Vocabulario Historico del Peru.' It was
brought from Cadiz to the college of La Paz in
1604, by the Procurador of the Jesuits, named
Diego Torres Vasquez. It was this work that
contained the long Hsts of kings. This is clear
from the statement of Father Anello OUva in his
history of distinguished men of the Company of
Jesus,! written in 1631. Ohva had seen the ' Vocabu-
lario Historico del Peru,' and learnt from it the
great antiquity of the Peruvian kingdom. Monte-
sinos no doubt copied his hst from the 'Vocabu-
lario,* which was then at La Paz. The premature
death of Bias Valera, and the disposal of his valuable
manuscripts, is the most deplorable loss that the
history of Inca civilisation has sustained.

The work of a more recent author has come
to light through the diligence of Jimenez de la
Espada. This is the history of the New World
by Father Bernabe Cobos," in four large volumes.

1 Historia del Peru y Varones Insignrs en santidad de la Compania
de Jesus for el Padre Anello OUva de la misma compania. Published
by Senor Varela, at liini.a.

a Printed at Seville in 1900 by the Sociedad de Bibliofilos Andabtces
and edited by Don Marcos .limonez de la Espada,

LIZARRAGA 15

It is a valuable addition to our authorities on
ancient Peru, and is more especially valuable for
its chapters containing full accounts of the minerals,
medicinal plants and edible vegetables, and of the
fauna of Peru.

A narrative has been recently brought to
light by Don Carlos Romero, in the Revista
Historica, of Lima,i written by a Dominican monk
named Reginaldo de Lizarraga, in about 1605. It
is entitled ' Descripcion de las Indias,' and consists
of two parts, one geographical and the other chiefly
biographical. Lizarraga travelled all over the
country, from Quito to the most southern part of
Chile. Finally, he became Bishop of Asuncion
in Paraguay, where he died in about 1612. The
geographical descriptions of Lizarraga are sketchy
and unequal to those of Cieza de Leon, and he is
very unsympathetic when referring to the Incas,
or to the unfortunate Indians. His work is mainly
occupied with brief notices of prelates and viceroys,
devoting more space to the proceedings of the
Viceroy Toledo. There are only two statements
of interest in his work. One is that a wall was
built on the pass of Vilcaiiota, to divide the
territory of the Incas from that of the Collas. In
another he gives what is clearly the correct story
about Mancio Serra de Leguisamo having gambled
away the great image of the sun in one night.
These statements will be referred to in their places.

1 Ee^nsta Historica (Lima, 1907), torn. ii. trimestres iii. and iv.

16 SALCAMAYHUA

Bias Valera and the Inca Garcilasso are the two
mestizo authors. The latter is so important a person-
age that a separate essay is devoted to his biography.

Gomara and Herrera were never in the comitry,
and writers hving after the end of the seventeenth
centm?y have no claim to be looked upon as original
authorities.

There were two pure-blooded Indians whose
writings are of very great value. The first was
a chief hving near the borders of Collahua, south
of Cuzco, calling himself Juan de Santa Cruz
Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamayhua, who wrote his
account of the antiquities of Peru in about 1620.
I found the manuscript in the National Library
at Madrid, and the Hakluyt Society pubhshed
my translation in 1873. The Spanish text was
afterwards edited and published by Jimenez de la
Espada. It gives the traditions of the Incas,
as they were handed down by the grandchildren
of those who were living at the time of the Spanish
conquest to their grandchildren. They are entitled
to a certain authority, and Salcamayhua gives
three Quichua prayers to the Supreme Being
which are of extraordinary interest.

The work of the second Indian author is quite
a recent discovery. It was found by Dr. Pietsch-
mann, the hbrarian of the University of Gottingen,
in the Royal Library at Copenhagen in 1908.
The title is ' Nueva Coronica y Buen Gobierno,'
de Don Felipe Huaman Poma de Ayala ; a very
thick quarto of 1179 pages, with numerous clever

HUAMAN POMA DE AYALA 17

pen-and-ink sketches, almost one for every page.
There is a particular account of the author's
ancestry, for not only did he descend from Yarro-
vilca. Lord of Huanuco, but his mother was a
daughter of the great Inca Tupac Yupanqui.
His father saved the hfe of a Spaniard named
Ayala at the battle of Huarina, and ever after-
wards adopted that name after his own. His
son, the author, did the same. The work opens
with a letter from the father, Martin Huaman
Mallqui de Ayala, to Phihp II, recommending his
son's book to the royal notice. The author
himself, Huaman Poma de Ayala, was chief of
Lucanas.

The work commences with a history of the
creation, the deluge, down to St. Peter's presenta-
tion of the keys to the Pope, about fifty-six pages,
with excellent pen-and-ink sketches to illustrate
the events. Then follow notices of the earhest
traditions about Peruvian history, and the arrival
of St. Bartholomew. The portraits of the twelve
Incas are each accompanied by a page of descrip-
tion. The great value of the portraits consists in
the excellent drawings of dresses and weapons.
Portraits of the Ccoyas or Queens follow, and then
those of fifteen famous captains. About sixty
pages are devoted to the ordinances and laws, with
a picture of the Inca surrounded by his councillors.
Each month of the calendar is given, illustrated by
pictures in which the exact shapes of agricultural
implements are shown, among other things. Then

18 HUAMAN POMA DE AYALA

come details of the Huacas or idols, divination,
fasts, interments, and very graphic representations
of the punishments for various offences. There
is a chapter on the Virgins of the Sun with
an illustration, and several Quichua harvest,
hunting, dancing, and love songs. Huaman
Poma next describes the palaces, and gives an
account of the occupations of the people at
various ages.

Then comes the conquest. The author gives
pictures of Atahualpa, of Pizarro and Almagro,
and of his own relations being roasted alive by
Pizarro. There are a series of portraits of the
eight first Viceroys, and of the later native chiefs
in Spanish dress. Next a long series of pictures
of cities in Peru, nearly all imaginary, and Hsts of
post-houses, or tamhos, on the various roads. But
by far the most remarkable feature of this chronicle
is an open and fearless attack on the cruel tyranny
of the Spanish rule. The combined writer and
artist spares neither priest nor corregidor. We
see people being flogged, beaten with clubs, and
hung up by the heels. There is a woman stripped
naked and flogged because her tribute was two
eggs short, shameful treatment of girls is depicted,
inhuman flogging of children, forced marriages,
and priests gambhng with corregidors.

The author travelled all over Peru in some
capacity, interceding for, and trying to protect,
the unfortunate people. He was writing during
thirty years, from 1583 to 1G13. He concludes with

HUAMAN POMA DE AYALA 19

an anticipation of the treatment of his book by
the Christians of the world. ' Some/ he thinks,
' will weep, others will laugh, others will curse,
others will commend him to God, others from rage
will want to destroy the book. A few will want
to have it in their hands.'

It is addressed to King PhiHp II, and the
author had the temerity to take it down to Lima
for transmission to Spain. He hoped to be
appointed Protector of the Indians. We do not
know what became of him. How the book, with
all those damning illustrations, escaped destruction,
and how it was ever allowed to be sent home, is a
mystery ! One would give much to know the
fate of the author, so full of compassion for his
ill-fated countrymen, dihgent as a collector of
information of all kinds, proud of his ancestry,
a gifted artist, full of sympathy, fearless in the
exposure of injustice and cruelty. Huaman Poma
was a hero of whom any country might be proud.
A vein of humour runs through his sketches.
Their escape from destruction is little short of
miraculous. At length this most important work
is in good and sympathetic hands, and will be
given to the world. It is, without exception, the
most remarkable as well as the most interesting
production of native genius that has come down
to our time.

We have seen that the story of the Incas has
been told by priests, soldiers, lawyers, by mestizos
and by pure-blooded Indians. Seeing the same acts

c 2

20 WEIGHING OF EVIDENCE

and events from different points of view, hearing
them from various people, biased by prejudices
which tend to obscure the truth, some desirous of
securing accm^acy, others thinking more of proving
their case, some transparently honest, others less
so in varied degrees, — it is evident that dis-
crimination is called for after careful study. The
following essays are the results of such study by
one who has devoted many years of research to a
most interesting and fascinating story.

CHAPTER II

THE MEGALITHIC AGE

There is a mystery still unsolved, on the plateau
of Lake Titicaca, which, if stones could speak,
would reveal a story of the deepest interest.
Much of the difficulty in the solution of this
mystery is caused by the nature of the region,
in the present day, where the enigma still
defies explanation. We must, therefore, first
acquire some knowledge of the face of the
country before we have the question, as it now
stands, placed before us.

The great Cordilleras of the Andes, in latitude
14° 28' S., unite at the knot of Vilcanota, and then
separate, forming the eastern Andes on one side, con-
taining Ilhmani and Illampu (except Aconcagua and
Huascaran, the loftiest measured peaks of the new
world), and the maritime Cordillera on the other.
Between them there is an extensive and very lofty
plateau, 13,000 to 14,000 feet above the sea, with
the lake called Titicaca, or Inticaca, in its centre.
Titicaca is the largest lake in South America. It
was formerly much larger. The surface of the

21

22 COLLAO REGION

lake is 12,508 feet above the sea, that of the
plateau being, on an average, several hundred
feet higher.

The surrounding mountains form a region of
frost and snow. The hardy llamas and alpacas
live and breed amidst the tufts of coarse grass
called ycJm,^ and the graceful vicunas can endure
the rigorous climate at still higher elevations.
Besides the grass, there is a lowly shrub called
tola," which can be used as firewood. Quinua/'
belonging to the spinach family, can alone be
raised at the higher elevations, yielding a small
grain which, by itself, is insufficient to maintain
human life.

The plateau itself, called the Collao, is by no
means level. It is intersected by ranges of
hills of no great height, and in the northern
part the lofty rock of Pucara is a marked
feature. Very hardy trees of three kinds,
though stunted, are a relief to the landscape,
and in some sheltered ravines they even form
picturesque groves overshadowed by rocky heights.
The tree at the highest elevations is called quenua ; '
the two others, with gnarled rough trunks and
branches, called ccolli ■' and quisuar '' {Oliva sylvestre
by the Spaniards, from a fancied resemblance of

1 Stipa Ychu (K.).

-J Bucdiaris Incarum (Weddoll), mentioned })y Molina and
Cohos, p. 486.

:i Chenopodium Quinua (L.), mentioned by Cobos, p. 350.

•1- Pulylepisraccmosa {W.V.).

& Buddlcia curiacm. c Buddleia Incana (R.P.).

THE MYSTERY 23

the leaves), are the only trees of the Titicaca
plateau. Crops of potatoes are raised, forming
the staple food, with the oca ^ and some other
edible roots. But cereals will not ripen, and the
green barley is only used for fodder. The yutu,
a kind of partridge, and a large rodent called
viscacha,^ abound in the mountains, while the
lake yields fish of various kinds, and is frequented
by waterfowl.

Such a region is only capable of sustaining
a scanty population of hardy mountaineers
and labourers. The mystery consists in the
existence of ruins of a great city on the southern
side of the lake, the builders being entirely
unknown.

The city covered a large area, built by highly
skilled masons, and with the use of enormous
stones. One stone is 36 feet long by 7, weighing
170 tons, another 26 feet by 16 by 6. Apart from
the monoHths of ancient Egypt, there is nothing
to equal this in any other part of the world. The
movement and the placing of such monohths
point to a dense population, to an organised
government, and consequently to a large area
under cultivation, with arrangements for the con-
veyance of supphes from various directions. There
must have been an organisation combining skill
and intelligence with power and administrative
abihty.

1 Oxalis tuberosa (L.).

2 Lagidium Peruvianum,

24 THE RUINED CITY

The point next in interest to the enormous
size of the stones is the excellence of the workman-
ship. The hnes are accurately straight, the angles
correctly drawn, the surfaces level. The upright
monohths have mortices and projecting ledges to
retain the horizontal slabs in their places, which
completed the walls. The carvings are com-
plicated, and at the same time well arranged, and
the ornamentation is accurately designed and
executed. Not less striking are the statues with
heads adorned with curiously shaped head-dresses.
Fhghts of stone steps have recently been
discovered, for the ancient city, now several miles
from the lake, was once upon its borders.
Remarkable skill on the part of the masons is
shown by every fragment now lying about. Such
are the angle- joints of a stone conduit ; a window-
frame of careful workmanship with nine apertures,
all in one piece ; and numerous niches and mould-
ings. There is ample proof of the very advanced
stage reached by the builders in architectural
art.i

There are some particulars respecting the
ruins in OHva's history of Jesuits in Peru, obtained
from an Indian named Catari, a Quifucamayoc, or
reader of the quipus, who was living at Cochapampa
in the end of the sixteenth century. It appears
that Bartolome Cervantes, a canon of Chuquisaca,

1 The best accounts of the Tiahuanacu ruins arc by R. Inwards
{The Temple of the Andes, 1884), and the Com to de Crcqui Montfort,
leader of the ' Mission Scientifique Franjaise ' (1904).

THE MONOLITHIC DOORWAY 25

gave to Oliva a manuscript dictated by Catari.
The remarkable statement is here made that
no judgment can be formed of the size of the
ruined city, because nearly all was built
underground. Professor Nestler of Prague has
proceeded to Tiahuanacu with the object of
making researches by the hght of the account
of Catari. 1

The famous monohthic doorway at Tiahuanacu
has been fractured, probably by an earthquake.
The lower part has not yet been excavated, so
that it is not known whether the two sides are
connected below or separate. The elaborate carv-
ing on the upper part may possibly hold the
mystery. In the centre there is a square of seven-
teen-and-a-half inches, on which the principal
figure is carved. The space is nearly square,
surrounded by a border with billet ornaments.
There are two round indentations for eyes, a nose,
mouth, and three small holes on each cheek. The
billet ornaments occur again on the sceptres and
on the belt. Ornaments issue from the border
round the head, consisting of twenty-two ribands
ending in heads or circles. In the centre, at the
top, there is a human head, on either side two
ribands adorned with billets and ending in
circles. At the angles there are longer ribands
ending with the heads of beasts. These seven
bands, including the human head, form the upper
part of the rays round the greater head. On the

1 Information from Dr. Gonzalez de la Rosa,

26 THE CENTRAL FIGURE

sides there is a riband ending in a beast's head,
and two rays ending in circles on either side of it,
making a total of ten bands or rays on the sides of
the head. Under the head the central band ends
with a larger circle, having two smaller ones on
either side of it. This makes a total of twenty-
two ribands surrounding the head. It is not
improbable that they may be intended to repre-
sent rays, hke those of the sun, but their differences
and arrangement also point to some symbohcal
meaning.

This central figure further has a riband passing
round the neck and down to the belt, on either
side of the breast. The parts on the breast have
three divisions similarly marked on either side.
On the upper one there are four small circles, on
the next a small circle and two figures like a V,
and on the lower division there is a diamond-
shaped figure with another within it. I am in-
clined to think that these curious carvings are
intended to represent emblems of months or
seasons. In the centre of the breast, between the
bands, there is a conventional ornament of two
bands ending in heads of birds, and over them
another symbol of a month or season. The belt
round the figure consists of a band with three
billets, terminating at each end with a beast's head.

The arms issue from the sides in a curve, with
human heads hanging from the elbows. The
hands, showing three fingers and a thumb, grasp
sceptres. Below the hands the two sceptres are

THE KNEELING FIGURES 27

exactly the same, consisting of three joints, each
with a billet, and ending in a bird's head. Above
the hands the sceptres differ. The one on the
right consists of five joints with billets and the
appearance of a small bird. The one on the left
is divided into two, ending with heads of birds.

Below the belt there is a band, whence hangs
a fringe of six human heads. The central figure
terminates at the knees, just above an elaborately
carved ornament which is supposed to have
represented a throne. It consists of bands ending
in twelve birds' heads, and at the sides the com-
position terminates in a large beast's head, with a
pecuhar ornament in front of the mouth. There
are three squares, the two outer ones having inner
squares, and issuing from them another square,
with short bands, ending in a circle and inner
circle, on either side.

On either side of the central figure there are
forty-eight figures kneehng to it, sixteen with the
heads of birds and thirty-two with human heads.
All are winged, all are crowned, and all hold
sceptres. The bird-headed worshippers have
sceptres like the one in the central figure's left
hand, while the sceptres of the human-headed
worshippers are the same as those in the central
figure's right hand. The bird-headed figures have
ornamental bands with terminals of fish heads, and
the human-headed figures throughout have bands
ending in birds' heads.

It is difficult to avoid the conclusion that the

28 THE PROBLEM

central figure is intended to represent the deity
having jurisdiction over all human beings on the one
hand, and over the animal creation on the other.

Below the rows of worshippers there is a
beautifully carved border consisting of double
lines ending with birds' heads, surrounding human
heads with borders of joints and billets, surmounted
in one by five bands ending in circles, in another
by four fish heads, in another by an armed human
figure.

There is no sign of sculpture nor of 'any
knowledge of proportion in designing a human
figure ; but at the same time there are indica-
tions of very remarkable skill and taste in the
masonic art. The ornamentation is accurately
designed and executed, and the style of art is
well adapted for symbohcal representation. The
tendency is to straight fines and rectangles, not to
curves.

This, then, is the mystery. A vast city con-
taining palace, temple, judgment-hall, or whatever
fancy may reconstruct among the ruins, with
statues, elaborately carved stones, and many
triumphs of the masonic art, was built in a region
where corn will not ripen, and which could not
j^ossibly support a dense population. It is quite
certain that, in the time of the Incas, the people
were absolutely ignorant of the origin and history
of these edifices. They were to them, as they are
to us, mysterious ruins. The statues gave rise to
a myth referring to a former creation by the deity.

THE NAME 29

rising from the lake,i of men and women who,
for disobedience, were turned into stone. This
was to account for the statues. The name of
Tiahuanacu is modern.- It is said that an Inca
happened to receive a message when visiting the
ruins, and he compared the rapidity of the runner
to that of the swiftest animal known to him : ' Tia,
huanacu,' he said {' Be seated, huanacu '), and
the place has since had that name. When the
Spaniards arrived the ruins were very much in
the same state as they are now. The Jesuit
Acosta, who took measurements of the stones,
speaks of them as ruins of very ancient buildings.
Cieza de Leon mentions two gigantic statues
which were much weathered and showed marks
of great antiquity. An old schoolfellow of Garci-
lasso, in writing to him, described the ruins as
very ancient.

The builders may best be described as a mega-
lithic people in a megahthic age, an age when
Cyclopean stones were transported, and cyclopean
edifices raised.

The great antiquity is shown by the masonry
and symbohcal carving, but this is not the only
proof that Andean civihsation dates back into a far

1 This Titicaca myth is merely of Inca origin, invented to
account for the ruins. It is told, in various ways, by Garcilasso
de la Vega, Cieza de Leon, Molina, Betanzos, Salcamayhua, and
Sarmiento. It is not mentioned by Acosta, Balboa, or Montesinos.

2 Catari, quoted by Oliva, says that the ancient name was
Chucara. See Les Deux Tiahuanacu by Dr. M. Gonzalez de la Rosa,
p. 406.

30 EVIDENCE OF ANTIQUITY

distant past. The advances made by the Andean
people in agriculture and in the domestication
of animals must have been proceeding from a
very remote period. Maize had been brought
to a high state of cultivation, and this must have
been the result of careful and systematic labour
during many centuries. The cultivation must
have been commenced at so remote a time that
it is not even certainly known from what wild
plant the original maize was derived. The wild
potato, however, is known. It is a small tuber,
about the size of a filbert, which has scarcely
increased in size after a century of careful cultiva-
tion. Yet the Andean people, after many centuries
of such cultivation, produced excellent potatoes of
several kinds, for each of which they had a name.
The same may be said of the oca and quinua crops.
The agricultural achievements of Andean man are
evidence of the vast antiquity of his race in the
same region. The domestication of the llama and
alpaca furnish additional evidence of this antiquity.
There is no wild llama. The huanacu and vicuna
are different animals. It must have been centuries
before the llama was completely domesticated,
carrying burdens, yielding its wool for clothing
and its flesh for food. Individuals are of various
colours, as is usual with domesticated animals,
while the wild huanacus have fleeces of the same
colour. The domestication of the alpaca must
have taken an equally long period, and called for
even greater sldll and care. There is no wild

ORIGIN 31

alpaca, and the tame animal is dependent on man
for the performance of most of its functions. It
must have taken ages to bring the silken fleeces
to such perfection.

There is thus good reason for assigning very
great antiquity to the civihsation of the megalithic
people. Another deduction from the premises is
that there must have been a dense population for
working quarries, moving the cyclopean monohths
from a distance and placing them, as well as for
cultivation and the provision of supphes for the
workers. This suggests extensive dominions, and
some movement of the people.

We only have tradition to indicate the direction
whence the megahthic people came. I am quite
in agreement with Dr. Brinton that ' the culture
of the Andean race is an indigenous growth, wholly
self-developed, and owing none of its germs to
any other races. ^ Mr. Squier came to the same
conclusion as regards Peru, and Mr. Maudslay as
regards the Mayas of Central America. There were
doubtless movements among the Andean tribes,
gradual progress extending over vast periods of
time, and an influx from some direction to form
the megalithic empire. But from what direction ?
Tradition points to the south, to Charcas and
Tucuman, and to countries beyond the southern
tropic, as the sources of its population. It is
interesting to find Garcilasso de la Vega, in one of
his letters, describing himself as an ' Antarctic
Indian.' Cieza de Leon, the earhest author to

32 EXTENT OF THE MEGALITHIC EMPIRE

collect native traditions, tells us that the people
came from the south. Betanzos also makes the
civihsers advance from the south. Salcamayhua
says that all the nations of Peru came from the
south, and settled in the various regions as they
advanced. Mohna has the same tradition. Mon-
tesinos mentions a great invasion from the south
in the very earhest times, later the records tell
of the arrival of an army from Tucuman, and he
tells of a third great invasion from the south when
his 62nd King was reigning. On this point there
is practical unanimity. The great population, of
the existence of which the Tiahuanacu ruins bear
silent testimony, represents a series of movements
from the south.

The Tiahuanacu ruins also point to extensive
dominion, and to ascertain its extent and locaHty
we must seek for similar cyclopean work, and for
similar masonic skill in carving, in other parts of
Peru.

In Cuzco there is a cyclopean building in the
Calle del TriunfOy with a huge monohth known as
the ' stone of twelve corners.' Some portions of
the ancient remains at OUantay-tampu are mega-
lithic work, as well as the * Inca-misana ' and
' N usta-tiana,' hewn out of the sohd rock. But
the grandest and most imposing work of the mega-
lithic builders was the fortress at Cuzco. The
Sacsahuaman hill, on which the fortress stood
overlooking the city, was practically inaccessible
on two sides, and easily defensible on another. But

FORTRESS AT CUZCO 33

the eastern face was exposed to easy approach,
and here the great cyclopean work was constructed.
It consists of three parallel walls, 330 yards in
length each, with 21 advancing and retiring angles,
so that at every point an attack could be enfiladed
by defenders. The outer wall, at its salient angles,
has stones of the following dimensions : 14 ft.
high by 12 ; another, 10 ft. by 6. There must
have been some good cause for the erection of
this marvellous defensive work of which we know
nothing. Its origin is as unknown as that of
the Tiahuanacu ruins. The Incas knew nothing.
Garcilasso refers to towers, walls, and gates
built by the Incas, and even gives the names
of the architects ; but these were later de-
fences built within the great cyclopean fortress. ^
The outer hues must be attributed to the mega-
Uthic age. There is nothing of the kind which
can be compared to them in any other part
of the world. At Chavin, in the valley of the
Maranon, there is cyclopean work, and also in
Chachapoyas.

In seeking for indications of the megahthic
age to be found in the elaborate carving of stones,
we at once turn to the great monohths at Concacha,
near Abancay, and to the stone of Chavin. At
Concacha the huge sacrificial stone is of hmestone,
about 20 ft. long by 14 by 12. It is carved in
channels for leading away hquids, and in other

1 Sanniento, p. 152. He regrets the demolition of the Inca
citadel for material to build houses for the Spaniards in Cuzco.

D

34 THE CHAVIN STONE

forms. It points to the megalithic age, as does
the circular stone with much fine workmanship in
alto relievo, the great seats cut out of monoHths,
and the flight of stone steps to form an artificial
cascade. 1 On the Chavin stone we again have the
Deity holding two sceptres, as at Tiahuanacu.

This stone was found in about 1840, in the
parish of Chavin de Huantar, in the province of
Huari, and within the valley of the Maranon. Here
there is a curious Inca ruin, known as the Pucara
de Chavin. The stone had fallen from the Tuins
above, but it does not follow that it was the
same age as the ruins. It was probably once
part of a much more ancient edifice, after-
wards used to adorn the more recent Inca
fortress. In 1874 the stone was taken to Lima
by order of the government, where it now may
be seen.

The Chavin stone is of diorite, 25 ft. long
by 2 ft. 4 in. The carving is very elaborate,
and covers the whole length and breadth of the
stone. The principal figure occupies the lower half
of the stone. The ornamentation is richer and
more confused than that on the Tiahuanacu mono-
lith. The head is still square, the chief difierence
being in the large mouth with teeth and tusks.
The rays are not all round the head, but only
on the sides, three in number. They are more
curved, and end in heads resembhng those of
serpents. This was the conventional ornament

1 Squier, p. 555 ; Wiener, p. 285,

CHAVIN STON1-:

THE CHAVIN STONE 35

of the later megalithic school of art. At Tiahu-
anacu the heads are clearly those of beasts, birds,
and fish. On the Chavin stone they are all
the same, like heads of snakes. But I incline
to believe that the latter are merely conven-
tional heads to finish off the bands or rays.
Two also come out of each of the knees of the
figure.

As in the Tiahuanacu figure there are two arms,
with hands grasping sceptres. But on the Chavin
stone the sceptres, though much thicker and more
elaborately carved, have lost their symbohc mean-
ing. Each has two long bands terminating in
heads.

Above the central figure of the Chavin stone
there is a richly ornamented composition. Along
the centre there are rows of teeth with tusks and
three heads on either side, then curves, tusks
alternating with bands ending in volutes. At the
sides there are 34 long bands, 17 on each side,
ending alternately with volutes and heads. At
the very top two bands are twisted round each
other, terminating with heads. The whole
composition, above the central figure, seems to
represent an immense and richly ornamented
head-dress.

The same general idea appears to prevail in
both the central figures at Tiahuanacu and on the
Chavin stone. They represent the genius of the
same people, and the same civilisation, though at
different periods, the Chavin stone being the latest.

D 2

36 THE MEGALITHIC EMPIRE

In both the pervading idea is of a figure of the
Deity grasping a sceptre in each hand. The bands
or rays terminating with heads or with circles and
vohites are the same in both. At Tiahuanacu
all the parts of the carving appear to have a sym-
bohcal meaning. The artist avoided all curves,
preferring straight hues and correctly drawn
rectangles. Everything seems to have an inten-
tion or a meaning. In the Chavin stone the con-
ception is more confused, and there is much that
is more ornate, but apparently conventional and
unmeaning.

The two compositions, it may be concluded,
are the work of the same people, with the same
cult, the same art, and the same traditions, but
with an interval of perhaps a century or two
between them. There must once have been other
stones of the same character. One was probably
at Cacha, another at Cuzco, belonging to the same
megalithic age. If they had not been destroyed,
we could trace the transition from the earlier and
simpler style, full of meaning, at Tiahuanacu, to the
more elaborate and corrupt work on the Chavin
stone.

Guided by the existence of megahthic ruins
and by the carved stones, we are led to the tenta-
tive conclusion that the ancient empire extended
its sway over the Andean regions from an un-
known distance south of Tucuman to Chacha-
poyas, with Tiahuanacu (for want of the real
name) as its centre of rule and of thought.

ORIGIN OF THE ANDES 37

We may also entertain two provisional conclu-
sions, one of them touching the great antiquity
of the megahthic civihsation, and the other
with reference to the area over which it pre-
vailed.

But we must return to the most difficult
part of the problem, namely, the climatic con-
ditions. How could such a region as is described
at the beginning of this essay, where corn cannot
ripen, sustain the population of a great city
over 12,000 ft. above the level of the sea ?
Could the elevation have been less ? Is such
an idea beyond the bounds of possibility? The
height is now 12,500 ft. above the sea level, in
latitude 16° 22' S.

The recent studies of southern geology and
botany i lead to the belief in a connection between
South America and the Antarctic continental
lands. But at a remote geological period there
was no South America, only three land masses,
separated by great sea inlets, a Guiana, a Brazil,
and a La Plata island. There were no Andes.
Then came the time when the mountains began
to be upheaved. The process appears to have
been very slow, gradual, and long continued.
The Andes did not exist at all in the Jurassic, or
even in the cretaceous period. Comparatively
speaking, the Andes are very modern. The bones
of a mastodon have been discovered at Ulloma, in

1 Die Vegetation der Erde. Grundzuge der Pflanzenverhreitung in
Chile von Dr. Karl Reiche (Leipzig, 1907).

38 ELEVATION OF THE ANDES

Bolivia, which is now 13,000 ft. above the sea.
But such an animal could not have existed at such
an elevation. Then, again, in the deserts of
Tarapaca, embedded in the sides of ravines, there
are numerous skeletons of gigantic ant-eaters,
animals whose habitat is in a dense forest. When
they lived, the deserts in which their bones are
found must have been covered with trees. It
is the height of the Andes, wringing all moisture
out of the trade wind, which makes Tarapaca
a desert. When the Andes were lower, the trade
wind could carry its moisture over them to the
strip of coast land which is now an arid desert,
producing arboreal vegetation and the means of
supporting gigantic ant-eaters. When mastodons
lived at Ulloma, and ant-eaters in Tarapaca,
the Andes, slowly rising, were some two or
three thousands of feet lower than they are
now. Maize would then ripen in the basin of
Lake Titicaca, and the site of the ruins of
Tiahuanacu could support the necessary popula-
tion. If tlie megahthic builders were hving under
these conditions, the problem is solved. If this
is geologically impossible, the mystery remains
unexplained. ^

We have indications of the megahthic civihsa-
tion, of the direction whence it came, of its great
antiquity, of the extent of the ancient empire,

1 Near Vali)araiso the land had risen 1300 f(. within modern
times (Darwin, p. 32), and at the island of San Lorenzo, 500 ft.
(Darwin, p. 48). {Geol. Obs. on 8. America. Smith, Elder & Co., 1846.)

HISTORY UNKNOWN 39

deduced from the ruins and carved stones, and of
the rehgious feehng, shown by a central figure
worshipped by men and the brute creation. We
know nothing more about the mysterious megahthic
people, unless any Hght can be thrown on them by
a consideration of the long list of kings, which will
form the subject of the next chapter.

CHAPTER III

THE LIST OF KINGS

A LONG list of a hundred kings of Peru, including
the Incas, was given in the writings of Fernando
Montesinos, who was in Peru from 1629 to 1642.
The writer was credulous and uncritical, and
his information was collected a century after the
conquest, when all the instructed Indians who
could remember the days of the Incas had passed
away. Little credence has, therefore, been given
to the list hitherto. But Dr. Gonzalez de la Kosa
has recently adduced good reasons ^ for the belief
that Montesinos merely copied the hst of kings,
which was well known long before his time. It
was compiled, almost certainly, by Bias Valera,
when learned men of the time of the Incas were
still living, Valera himself being the son of an
Indian mother, and the language of the Incas
being his mother tongue. The list, therefore,
comes to us on the highest authority, as a genuine
tradition of the learned men of Inca times. It is
thus placed in quite a different position, and calls
for serious consideration.

1 Tho reasons will be given in a note in the Appendix.
40

CHRONOLOGY— THE DEITY 41

The list of kings, assuming Bias Valera to have
been the compiler, was derived from the ancient
quifu records, expounded by learned men of the
time of the Incas, called Amautas and QuiPU-
CAMAYOCS, who had charge of these records previous
to the Spanish conquest. It is conceivable that
such records may have been preserved. The
ancient Peruvians, like other races in the same
stage of civilisation, were genealogists, and had
an unusual number of words to distinguish relation-
ships. The chronology of the hst, as shown by
the length of reigns, is not exaggerated. It gives
an average of twenty-five to twenty-seven years
for each reign. ^ It is true that, if the whole
represents a succession of fathers and sons, it
would take us back to 950 B.C. But a large
allowance may be made for successions of brothers
or cousins, and for repetitions, which would bring
the initial date down to about 200 B.C.

The list coramences with the names of the
Deity, Illa Tici Uira-cocha. We are told that
the first word, Illa, means ' Light." Tici means
' foundation or beginning of things.' The word
UiRA is said to be a corruption of Pirua, meaning
the ' depository or store- house of creation.' But
here there is some confusion. For the name of

1 From Henry II to Edward VII the average of reigns is twentj'-
eight years. From Philip Augustus of France to the present
Duke of Orleans the same. From Alfonso VII to Alfonso XIII of
Spain twenty-six years. From Alfonso Henriquez to Manoel II
of Portugal the same. The same period of 897 years is taken for
each, being the period covered by the kingdom of Portugal.

42 PIRUA DYNASTY

the first recorded king is given as Pirua Paccaei
Manco ; ^ and the Deity is said to be his God —
the God of Pirua. In modern Quichua Pirua
means a granary or store-house. Uira is the
store-house or depository of all things — of creation.
The ordinary meaning of Cocha is a lake, but
here it is said to signify an abyss — profundity.
The whole meaning of the words would be ' The
splendour, the foundation, the creator, the infinite
God.' The word Yachachic was occasionally
added — ' the Teacher."

It may well be that the Tiahuanacu carving was
an effort to give expression to this idea of the
Deity. The names show the subhmity of thought
attained by the ancient Peruvians in their con-
ception of a Supreme Being — the infinite cause,
the fundamental principle, the fight of the world,
the great teacher.

The first recorded king, whose Deity is thus
described, was Pirua Paccari Manco. His dynasty,
which may be called the Pirua dynasty, would
include the first eighteen kings in the fist, who
may possibly be megahthic sovereigns. It may
be that some ghmmer of hght may be afforded by
their names. They yield twenty-one words, of
which sixteen have meanings in modern Quichua.
Three of these are titles which occur frequently.
These are Ccapac, occurring eleven times ; Yu-
panqui, four times ; and Pachacuti twice in the

I Paccari means the dawn ; Manco has no mearnng in the
Quichua language.

MEANING OF NAMES 43

Pirua dynasty. Ccapac means ' rich/ but applied
to a sovereign it conveys the idea of being ' rich
in all virtues/ ^ The word Yupanqui is an equiva-
lent ; hterally, ' you may count/ but here it is
' you may count for being possessed of all virtues/
The word Pachacuti is composed of the two
words Pacha, * time/ or the ' world/ and Cutini,
' I turn, change back, or reform/ It was apphed
to sovereigns in whose reigns there was a change
in the calendar, or great reforms, or some important
event.

These three words were titles, the others are
the actual names of sovereigns. Those which
belong to the Quichua language have such meanings
as princely, august, strong, the scatterer, sun,
dawn, crystal, music, a landmark, a brick, a
serpent, and a leveller of ground {cozqiie), whence
the name Cuzco. There is also one name after a
locality — Huascar — which also means a cable.

Finally, there are three names which have no
meaning in Quichua (with the exception of Pirua,
a granary), and may be archaic, possibly mega-
hthic. These are Ayar, Mango, Paullu. Paullu
may possibly be a name taken from a locahty.

It has been suggested by Don Vicente Lopez
that the Pirua dynasty ended with the eighteenth
king, and that a new Amauta dynasty com-
menced with the nineteenth. His only reason
for this idea is that the successor of the
eighteenth king is only called his heir, and not,

1 G. de la Vega.

44 AMAUTA DYNASTY

as heretofore, his son and heir. This is a mistake,
for five other Piruan kings are not said to be
sons of their predecessors. The theory is, how-
ever, convenient, and there is perhaps a better
reason for its adoption. After the eighteenth
king the title Amauta first appears, and is given
to thirteen out of the forty-six succeeding kings
who are supposed to form the Amauta dynasty.
The name was given to learned men, keepers of
the records and revisers of the calendar. The
Magian dynasty in Persia, when the same "^class
seized the government, was much more short-Hved.
The words Atauchi and AuQUi first appear as
titles in the Amauta dynasty, the one meaning a
married prince, and the other also a prince in
Quichua, but a father in the southern dialect.
There are also the names Raymi and HuQUiz,
which have no meaning in Quichua. It is said
that the king with the former name gave it to the
festivals he instituted, while King HuQUiz gave
his name to the intercalary days. The name
Huanacauri occurs twice, and Cauri alone, once.
This word is of peculiar interest because it was
given to one of the most sacred idols of the Incas,
near Cuzco. It has no meaning, though it has
a Quichua appearance. Huan means ' with ' ;
Huanac,^ ' a warning.' Caura is a laden llama in
the southern dialect. But it is useless to speculate.
Two kings took the sacred name of the Deity. One
was called Uilcanota, after the place where he

1 G. de la Vega, I. vi. p. 29.

TAMPU-TOCCO DYNASTY 45

won a victory over invaders. The other personal
names which are not in the Pirua Hst all have
meanings in Quichua, except two or three which
are corrupt. Their meanings are light, fire, gold,
sacred, a chief, a boy, a beam, a head-dress, left-
handed, blood, tobacco, a falcon, a dove, and a
foot. There is a name, Marasco, which is sugges-
tive, for Maras was the name of one of the tribes
mentioned as following the children of the sun in
the Paccari-tampu myth, which will be the subject
of the next essay.

The end of the early civihsation is stated to
have been caused by a great invasion from the
south, when the reigning king was defeated and
killed in a battle near Pucara, in the Collao. The
whole country broke up into a number of petty
tribes, and barbarism returned, with a vicious state
of society and intestine feuds. This story may
well represent an historical fact. A remnant of
the Amautas, with their followers, took refuge in
a district called Tampu-tocco,^ near the great
river Apurimac. Here the tradition of the Deity
was preserved, and some remnants of the old
civihsation. Elsewhere the rehgion became de-
graded— each chief adopting some natural object
as his ancestor, and worshipping it instead of
the old Deity. The more civihsed kings of
Tampu-tocco declared themselves to be children
of the sun.

1 Tampu, a tavern ; and tocco, a window. It was in the province
of Paruro, department of Cuzco, but the exact locality is uncertain.

46 TAMPU-TOCCO DYNASTY

There are twenty-seven kings of Tampu-tocco
in the Hst, who may cover a period of 650 years.
Few new names appear. The most important is
RoccA, which seems to be archaic, having no
meaning in Quichua. Another is Kanti Alli
(corruptly Arantial). Ranti means a deputy, and
Alli, good. Other names which have not occurred
before are Huayna, a youth ; Atau, fortune of
war ; Tocco, a window ; Huari, and Huispa,
corrupt ; and Cuis. Cuy means a guinea-pig. The
last Tampu-tocco king was Inti Mayta CcAPAe, the
eighth Pachacuti. The word Mayta occurs first
in his name, and a meaning has been given to it.
May is where, Ta, through. Perhaps a question
' Whither go I ? ' — recalling the last verses of the
Emperor Hadrian.

After this examination of the Ust of kings, the
question arises whether it throws any hght on the
problem of the megahthic age and the Tiahuanacu
ruins. I am disposed to think that we may obtain
a glimmering of Ught from it. The record of the
names and attributes of the ancient Deity is
important. The destruction of the old civihsation,
in a great battle, and the subsequent disruption,
with the preservation of some remnant of civihsa-
tion and rehgion at Tampu-tocco, the place of
refuge, explains what follows. The superiority and
predominance of the so-called children of the sun
is thus explained. It may be that the Pirua and
Amauta dynasties may possibly represent the
sovereigns of the megalithic empire. Its dechne

TRADITIONS PRESERVED 47

and fall was followed by centuries of barbarism, so
that the people had almost forgotten its existence,
while the tribes of the Collao were probably of
another race, descendants of invaders. As the
Bible and the literature and art of Greece and Rome
were preserved through centuries of barbarism by
the monasteries, so the religion and civilisation of
the megahthic empire were preserved through
centuries of barbarism by the Amautas of Tampu-
tocco. In one case the dark period was succeeded
by the age of the Renaissance, in the other by the
enlightened rule of the Incas.

CHAPTER IV

THE PACCARI-TAMPU MYTH

There is a myth which was told to all the Spanish
authors by their native informants, and is retailed
by them with some variations, the most authentic
version being that officially received from the
Incas by Sarmiento. While the Titicaca myth
was obviously invented to account for the ancient
ruins and statues, and has no historical value, the
Paccari-tampu myth is as certainly the outcome
of a real tradition, and is the fabulous version of a
distant historical event.

We are taken to the country of refuge at
Tampu-tocco, where one side is protected from
invasion by the deep gorge of the Apurimac. The
fugitives of long ages back had multiphed. The
descendants were more civihsed, therefore more
powerful than their neighbour's, and the time had
come for the acquisition of better and more exten-
sive territory. The idea of windows in the follow-
ing myth was perhaps suggested by the word
Tocco, the meaning of which is a window in Quichua.
The district is called Paccari-tampu, or the ' Tavern
of the Dawn,' in the legend, and Tampu-tocco is

48

THE AYARS 49

the hill with the three openings or windows, called
Maras,! Sutic, and Ccapac.

The legend relates how, out of the Maras
window came a tribe with the same name, from
the Sutic window came a tribe named Tampu.
Out of the central Ccapac window came four
august personages, all bearing the title of Ayar,
a designation of several of the ancient kings.
There were Mango, the princely ; Ayar Auca,- the
fighting or joyful Ayar ; Cachi, the salt Ayar ; and
UcHu, the pepper Ayar. With them were their
four wives, Occlo, the august princess; Huaco,
the warhke princess; Ipacura,^ the elder aunt;
and Eaua.

The four children of the sun, with their four
wives, consulted together and came to a momentous
decision : ' We are born strong and wise, and with
the people v»^ho will follow us we are powerful.
We will go forth to seek more fertile lands, and
when we find them we will subdue the people,
making war upon all who do not receive us as their
Lords. ^ There was a considerable force at their
command besides the two tribes who are said to
have issued from the windows on the hill of Tampu-
Tocco, named Maras and Tampu. Eight other
ayllus or lineages were mustered under the banner
of the Ayars, whose names were preserved. The

1 Name of a former king, Mara3(to)co. The meaning of Sutic
would be ' named ' ; Ccapac, a regal title.

2 Garcilasso and Montesinos have Sauca, Betanzos and Balboa
with Sarmiento have Auca. Sauca means pleasiire, joy.

3 Or Cuba, as others say. Ipa is the word for an aunt.

50 THE EMPIRE BUILDERS

Chavin tribe served under the salt Ayar. With it
were the Arayraca tribe, the Cuycusa, the Masca,i
the Uru,- and the SASfoc. The Tarpuntay was
probably the priestly and sacrificial caste, while the
HuACAY Taqui ayllu was also a rehgious body
conducting ceremonials and musical festivals. The
gathering of these ten tribes together seems to
have been a veritable exodus under the leadership
of the Ayars. For they not only took with them
their arms, but also their movable property, wives
and children.

Their way was north-east for not more than
twenty-five miles, for no doubt Cuzco was their
goal from the beginning, well known to them as a
desirable central position where megalithic build-
ings gave evidence of former occupation by the
ancient civiHsers. Starting from their homes at
Tampu-tocco their movements were slow and
dehberate, even stopping to sow and reap. The
Ayar Manco was the leader. He took with him
a golden staff. When the soil was so fertile that
its whole length sank into the rich mould, there
was to be the final resting-place. He also had
with him a bird like a falcon, carried in a hamper,
which all the people looked upon as sacred. It
does not appear whether it was ahve or artificial,
but it was the Ayar's famihar spirit called Huauqui,
or brother.

Their first march took this army of empire
builders to a place called Huanacancha, where there
1 Mascani, to search. 2 Uru, a spider.

AYAR CACHI 51

was a long halt, and the next sojourn was at Tampu-
quiru and Pallata, contiguous villages. Here
they remained for several years sowing and reaping
crops. But they were not satisfied with it,
and moved on to another valley, called Hais

QUISRU.

The story proceeds to relate the way in which
Manco got rid of his three brothers, so as to rule
alone. The salt Ayar is described as so cruel
and oppressive that the brothers feared that their
followers would desert and leave them alone. He
was so dexterous with the shng, and so strong that
with each shot he pulled down a mountain and
filled up a ravine. The existing ravines on the
line of march were made by the salt Ayar in
hurling rocks. The Inca Garcilasso tells us that
the meaning of salt (Cachi), as apphed to this Ayar,
signifies instruction in rational hfe. His teaching
must have been rather vigorous. We are told that
his brothers feared him, and conspired to take
his life.

They made a plot aUke cunning and cruel.
They called the salt Ayar to them and told him
that some precious insignia had been forgotten,
and left in the cave whence they came, called
CcAPAC - Tocco. These were the golden vases
called Tupac Cusi, and the Napa, a sacred figure
of a llama. They said that it would be for the
good of all if he would go back and fetch them.
At first he refused, but the strong-minded Mama
Huaco rebuked him with stinging words : ' How is

E 2

52 AYAR CACHI

it that there should be such cowardice in so strong
a youth as you are ? ' she exclaimed. ' Get ready
for the journey, and do not fail to return to Tampu-
tocco, and do as you are desired.' He was shamed
by these words, and set out with a companion
named Tampu-chacay, who was an accomplice of
the fratricides. When they arrived the salt Ayar
entered the cave to fetch the treasures, which were
not really there. His treacherous companion,
with great celerity, rolled a rock against the open-
ing and sat upon it, so that the salt Ayar might
remain inside and die there. The outraged prince
exerted all his mighty strength to move the rock.
His cries made the mountains tremble. But all
was of no avail. With his last breath he de-
nounced the traitor, declaring that he should be
turned into a stone and never return to report the
success of his crime. To this day the traitor
stone may be seen by the side of the Ccapac-tocco.
The salt Ayar was thus disposed of. Next came
the turn of the pepper Ayar.

The army of the Ayars continued their very
deliberate advance, and came to a place called
Quirirmanta, only a few miles from the valley of
Cuzco. Here there was a hill which, according
to Sarmiento, was afterwards called Huanacauri.
According to the legend, the brothers saw a sacred
HuACA or idol on the hill, and proposed to take
it away with them. The pepper Ayar was in-
duced to approach it, and when he came in contact
with the idol he was liimself converted into stone.

AYAR UCHU 53

He just had time to say : ' Go, happy brothers.
When you celebrate the Huarachicu, I shall be
adored as the father of the young knights, for I
must remain here for ever/ Garcilasso explains
that the name of pepper (Uchu) was apphed to this
Ayar as symbolically meaning the dehght experi-
enced from leading a rational life. Huanacauri ^
or HuAYNA-CAPTiY - became one of the most
sacred Huacas of the Peruvians. The word
seems to have reference to the great festival
when the youths received a sort of knighthood,
the ceremony being performed near the Hitaca.
HuAYNA means a youth. Cauri is corrupt and
has no meaning, but Captiy is the present sub-
junctive of the auxiliary verb. Here the un-
fortunate pepper Ayar was kept in memory, and
received adoration at the great annual festival of
arming the youths, for many generations.

Ayar Manco had now disposed of two of his
brothers. The turn of the joyful or fighting Ayar
was to come next. Meanwhile the march con-
tinued festina le^ite ; and two years were passed
in sowing and reaping at a place called Matahua,
just within the Cuzco valley. Then it is related
that Ayar Manco hurled his golden staff as far
as Huanay-pata, where it sank into the earth.
By this they knew that the land was fertile and

1 Cieza de Leon tells much the same story. Garcilasso mentions
Huanacauri four times as a place of great sanctity. It is frequently
mentioned by Molina.

- Salcamayhua has Huayna -captiy.

54 OCCUPATION OF CUZCO

suited for settlement. But first the joyful Ayar
must be disposed of. A pile of stones was in sight,
where the temple of the sun afterwards stood.
Manco told his last remaining brother, who was
winged, that he must fly thither and take possession
of the territory. The joyful Ayar did so, and when
he sat on the mount, lo and behold ! he was turned
into a stone. This cairn or mound was called
Cuzco, whence the name of the future city. The
word means literally a clod of earth, or hard, un-
irrigated land. Cuzquini is to level or break clods
of earth.

Whether the three Ayars were disposed of in
this miraculous way, or whether their lives were
taken without a disturbance of the laws of nature,
Manco now had no rival. He occupied a strong
position with his army, near the joyous Ayar's
fatal Cuzco, and forcibly subdued the Alcavisas
and other former settlers in the valley.

This Paccari-tampu myth is, I believe, founded
on an important historical event. It records the
march of those descendants of the ancient civil-
isers who took refuge at Tampu-tocco. They
were empire builders marching to Cuzco, with their
religious beliefs and ceremonies, their insignia of
royalty, their traditions of laws and customs, and
their household gods.

The fertile vale of Cuzco, several miles in length,
and surrounded by mountains, is in latitude 13° 30' S.
and 11,380 ft. above the level of the sea. Over
its site rises the imposing hill of Sacsahuaman,

OCCUPATION OF CUZCO 55

with the ancient cyclopean fortress on the eastern
side. This famous mount is separated from the
hills on either side by deep ravines, down which
two torrents flow, called the Huatanay and Tulu-
mayu. Reaching the level ground which forms
the site of Cuzco, they often overflowed their
banks, causing swamps and injuring the land.
Eventually they form a junction, and the united
stream flows down the valley to join the Vilcamayu.
It was at the junction of the torrents, about a mile
from the foot of the Sacsahuaman, that Manco
estabhshed his settlement. Here he erected the
House of the Sun, called Inti-cancha, but for a
long time it was more a fortress than a temple.
He and his successors subdued the former in-
habitants of the valley, and the ten tribes from
Tampu-tocco occupied their lands. These ayllus, or
tribes, formed the fighting strength of the restored
rule. Some of them, as the dominion extended,
went further afield. The Maras tribe gave its
name to the village of Maras, on the plateau over-
looking the lovely vale of Vilcamayu. The Uru
tribe was estabhshed at Urupampa, in the vale
itself ; and the Tampu tribe further down the
same valley.

The date of the event recorded in the Paccari-
tampu myth may be placed at about four centuries
before the Spanish conquest, in 1100 a.d. or
thereabouts. Sarmiento places it at 565 a.d., by
making each generation cover a century.

There is practical unanimity among all

56 SUCCESSORS OF MANCO

authorities with regard to the names of the four
first successors of Manco. They were Sinchi
KoccA, Lloque Yupanqui, Mayta Ccapac, and
CcAPAC Yupanqui. Most of these names are
merely titles. The actual names are Rocca,
Lloque, and Mayta. For the fourth only titles
are given, and no personal name. The kings con-
tinued to live within the fortified Inti-cancha,
dividing the land between the torrents into four
quarters, to be occupied by their followers: namely
QuiNTi-CANCHA, or the angular place, where -the
torrents join ; Chumpi-cancha, or the place of
stone heaps, perhaps buildings ; Sayri-cancha, or
the place where the Sayri plant was cultivated ;
and Yarampuy-cancha, another place for cul-
tivation. These four kings undertook no great
enterprise. Mayta Ccapac alone showed any
energy, by finally subjugating the tribes in
the Cuzco valley. The kings at the Inti-cancha
were resj^ected by the surrounding chiefs as
children of the sun, and for their superior
knowledge and civihsation. Envoys were sent
to themx, some with submission, and they
wisely cemented alliances by marriages with
daughters of their more powerful neighbours.
The marriages with sisters was a much later custom
of their prouder and more imperially minded
successors.

Apparently these early successors of Manco,
owing to a certain superiority, occupied a position
of priority, scarcely of suzerainty, over a very

UNREST 57

loose confederacy of surrounding tribes speaking
the same language. But this was not what was
contemplated by the Ayar Manco, who had filled
the minds of his tribes with ambitious ideas.
There was a feeling of unrest and discontent, the
very opportunity to be seized by a highly gifted
adventurer, if time should produce one.

CHAPTER V

RISE OF THE INCAS

There was a feeling of unrest among the descend-
ants of the conquering tribes led by the Ayars- to
Cuzco. Vice was unchecked, the leaders of the
people remained inert in the Inti-cancha, and no
progress was made. Yet the people themselves
were still vigorous, only needing a resolute chief,
with a genius for command, to guide and direct
their destinies.

Among the discontented there was an ambitious
lady, said to have been of the blood-royal, who, in
consultation with her sister, one of the most noted
sorceresses of that day, resolved to effect a revolu-
tion. Her name was Siuyacu, or the ' gradually
increasing ring." ^ She was shrewd, cautious, and
determined.

Her son Rocca was to be the instrument to
effect the revolution she contemplated for the good
of her people. He was a youth in his twentieth
year, well formed, handsome, valiant, and with a
mind filled with lofty ideals. Already he was the

1 Siui, a ring ; yacu, a particle, denoting gradual advance or
increase. The corrupt form is Ciuaco.

58

SPEECH OF ROCCA'S MOTHER 59

leader of the young men who were discontented, and
among his intimates he was called Inca or Lord.

The lady Siuyacu thus opened the subject to
her son. ' My son,' she began, ' you have a
knowledge of the very happy estate enjoyed by
our ancestors, when they occupied themselves in
military exercises, and lived in conformity with
the will of our great father the sun, and of the
Supreme Creator III a Tici Uira-cocha. By this
path the city flourished, there was a succession of
many kings, the realm was extended, the course of
events was prosperous, and we always triumphed
over our enemies, of which things our quifus are
full. All this is now changed. The country is in
the miserable state in which you see it. But I
have determined that you shall be king. I trust
in the aid of the Supreme Creator, that he will
favour my plans, and I trust that you, by your
valour and wisdom, will be the Restorer of the city
and the kingdom to its ancient prosperity.'

She ceased. Tears flowed from her eyes as she
waited anxiously for her son's reply. There was a
long pause. Rocca appeared to be deep in thought.
After a time the valiant youth dehvered his answer.
* Mother and Lady ! ' he said, ' what you have
proposed must be for the common good of all the
realm. As to what you have said of me, I dutifully
accept your judgment. I declare to you that I
am ready to give my life a thousand times that
your noble aspirations may be fulfilled.'

His mother was satisfied, for she knew the

60 THE VISION OF ROCCA

resolution of her son if he once undertook an enter-
prise, that with him there would be no turning
back, and she was impressed with his wisdom in
accepting counsel, and with his capacity in the
execution of a carefully prepared scheme. She
embraced him, declaring that she hoped nO less of
his valour and high spirit. She impressed him with
the absolute necessity of silence, and charged him
to follow exactly the instructions he would receive
from herself and his aunt, the sorceress.

The lady Siuyacu next gave an account to her
sister of this interview with her son, dwelling on
the attention he had given to her words, and on
his wilhngness to enter into her plans. His attitude
promised success, and the sisters determined to
take action without delay. The sorceress em-
ployed certain artisans, who were sworn to secrecy,
to beat out a great number of square pieces of fine
gold, with small holes perforated at each corner.
They then sewed them on to a long garment,
reaching from the neck to the heels, with numerous
brilliant precious stones between the golden plates.
The whole shone hke the rays of the sun. The sisters
tlien made several trials with the youth, to decide
upon the way in which he should appear. At last
they took him to a cave called Chingana, in the side
of the Sacsahuaman hill, which overlooks the city.
They dressed him in the gold-embroidered robe,
and told him, at the end of four days, to appear
at noon, on the height that dominates the whole
city, so that the people might see him, and then

THE VISION OF ROCCA 61

to return to his hiding-place, where sufficient food
had been provided.

The two sisters then declared to the people that,
while their son and nephew, Inca Eocca, was
sleeping in the house, the sun came down and
carried him up to heaven enveloped in its rays,
saying that he would soon return as king and
favoured child of the great luminary. The solemn
statement was confirmed by six members of the
family who were witnesses. Partly on account of
these assurances, partly because they had long
looked upon Rocca as a child of destiny, most of
the people believed the story. If there were any
doubts they were soon dispelled.

Great numbers of people came from far and
near to hear the news. On the fourth day sacrifices
were offered to the sun from early morning, with
earnest prayers that the youth might be restored.

Immense crowds were in the open space before
the Inti-cancha. The hour of noon arrived. The
busy hum of voices ceased. There was an awed
silence, for there, on the summit of the Sacsahua-
man hill, in the sight of all men, stood a golden
figure ghttering in the sun's rays. Then it suddenly
disappeared, but thousands had seen it. The effect
was indescribable. It must be Rocca, without
doubt, and the sun had shown him, in answer to
their prayers.

At nightfall the lady Siuyacu was at the
Chingana, instructing her son to appear again, in
the same way, at the end of two days, and then

62 ACCESSION OF ROCCA

hide himself as before. During the interval the
people were in suspense, and full of anxiety to
see the end of such wonderful events. After two
days the golden figure was again seen, for a few
moments, on the summit of the Sacsahuaman hill.
The feehngs of the people were wrought up to the
highest pitch of excitement. Siuyacu seized the
fateful moment. She annoimced that the Supreme
Creator, Illa Tici, had told her to go to the cave
Chingana, where she would find her son. He was
to be taken to the temple, where the people would
hear the divine message from his hps, and must
obey him in all things as one inspired by the Deity.
The people prepared themselves by dressing as
for a festival, amidst the most enthusiastic re-
joicings. Then nearly the whole population, led
by the lady Siuyacu, rushed up the hill, along
the walls of the megalithic fortress, to the Chingana
cave. Under a carved stone they found young
Rocca reclining, apparently asleep. He awoke, and,
rising to his feet, he told the people, with an air
of great authority, that they must repair to the
temple, where, by command of his father the sun,
he would give them the message he had received.

The return of the people was more solemn.
There was an awed silence. Rocca was seated on
a golden throne within the temple. The vast
crowd was eager to hear the message. A profoiuid
silence prevailed throughout the vast concourse
of listeners as he rose to speak. These are said to
have been his words : * No one can doubt, my

SPEECH OF ROCCA 63

friends, the special love which my father the sun
feels for us. When he weakened the power of
this realm so that it fell to pieces, he took care
to provide a remedy. It was vice and sloth
which consumed its grandeur, and reduced it
almost to a vanishing point. Our pohcy was
turned into a system of each man being his own
master, leaving us to be satisfied with the thought
that once we had a government. The tribute
which every province used to pay, is replaced by
disdain. You yourselves, instead of performing
duties of men, follow the path of animals, you
have become so effeminate that you have forgotten
what a sling or an arrow may be.

* My father the sun has permitted this down-
fall, and yet has preserved you from falhng into
slavery. Now his providence will apply a remedy.
His command is that you must obey me in all
things, as his son. My first decree is that you
must apply yourselves to warlike exercises. This
you must do, for it was by disciphne and exercises
that our ancestors became Lords of the World, as
our Quipucamayocs tell us. Thus occupied, idleness
will be driven away, you will become accustomed
to obedience, you will recover what has been lost,
and you will finally regain the glory that has
departed. In my father the sun you will have
support. His rays will not dry up the land, nor
will the moon deny its rains, evils from which our
country has suffered at various times. My laws
will be those of the ancient kings, and will not be

64 ACTS OF INCA ROCCA

new inventions. The happy feature of my promises
is that they come from my father the sun, and
cannot fail. The punishment of disobedience will
be thunder that will terrify you, tempests to afflict
you, rains to destroy your crops, and lightning to
deprive you of hfe.'

Rocca said all this with such solemnity that
no one dared to dispute his words. The whole
people proclaimed him their sovereign by acclama-
tion, and the revolution was completed. He
began to reign with the title of Inca Rocca. -His
first act was to remove from the Inti-cancha, which
ceased to be the royal residence, and was given
up entirely to the temple for the service of the sun.
The Inca moved to the upper part of the town, and
fixed his residence in an ancient building of the
megahthic age. In its wall is the huge stone of
twelve corners.

This interesting tradition is told by Montesinos,
and is probably near the truth, for there are in-
dications of a revolution of some kind, in Acosta,
Morua, and other writers, at the time of Rocca's
accession.

An important measure of the new sovereign
was the division of people of every district into
upper and lower, Hanan and Hurin. Great im-
portance was attached to this arrangement, though
it is not quite clear on what grounds it was in-
stituted, and what purposes it was intended to
serve. In Cuzco it was decreed that all the
descendants of Inca Rocca should be Hanan

HANAN AND HURIN CUZCO 65

Cuzcos, and settle in the upper part of the city.
Half the ayllus which marched to Cuzco with Ayar
Manco were also to be Hanan Cuzcos. These were :

Chavin,

Arayraca,

Sanoc,

Tarpuntay (sacrificer),

HuACAY Taqui (sacred music).

Perhaps these five tribes had shown more
devotion to the cause of the new ruler than
the others. The descendants of Rocca's pre-
decessors were all to be Hurin Cuzcos, and to hve
in the lower part of the city. The other five
original ayllus were also Hurin Cuzcos :

Tampu (settled at Ollantay-tampii),

CUYCUSA,

Masca {Mascani, I search),
Maras (settled at Maras),
Uru (settled at Urupampa).

Probably the division into upper and lower was
connected, in some way, with the mihtary exercises
which were rigorously enforced by Inca Rocca.
The descendants of the ten original ayllus mustered
upwards of 20,000 fighting men. Several mihtary
expeditions were undertaken, and several neigh-
bouring tribes were subdued — Muyna, Pinahua,
Cayto-marca, and others — though their territories
were not then permanently occupied. But the
foundations were laid for a great army, destined
to conquer and subjugate the whole Andean

66 ACTS OF INCA ROCCA

region. The ten original ayllus were the old
guard, round which the rest of the army was
formed. The exercises were continuous, and the
Inca's son, Vicaquirau, and nephew, Apu Mayta,
the two greatest generals the American race has
produced, were trained under the eye of the
Inca Rocca. It was their prowess and mihtary
skill that, during the three following reigns,
created the empire of the Incas.

In all respects Inca Rocca appears to have been
the pioneer of empire. The last recorded appear-
ance of the lady Siuyacu was when she urged
her son to lose no time in suppressing the vicious
and slothful habits of the people. He made
severe laws with this object, which were rigorously
enforced. He also erected schools called Yaclia-
huasi to train youths as accountants, and recorders
of events. The walls of the Inca^s schools still
resist the efforts of time. The grand city of
later Incas was commenced under the auspices of
Kocca. The torrents of Huatanay and Rodadero,
rushing down the ravines on either side of the
Sacsahuaman hill, had hitherto periodically over-
flowed their banks, and there were ponds and
swamps, one of them on the site of the present
cathedral of Cuzco. The Inca Rocca confined
the torrents within sohd walls, drained the site of
the future city, and led off conduits to irrigate
the valley. Thus the surrounding country, by
a system of terrace cultivation and irrigation, was
enabled to support a much larger population.

THE OREJONES 67

The custom of boring their ears and enlarging the
lobes until they were a great length, which pre-
vailed with the Incas, their relations, and the
ten ayllus, obtained for them the name of Hatun-
rincriyoc,^ or great-eared people, which the
Spaniards turned into Orejones. The latter word
is constantly occurring in the early chronicles
and narratives, and is a convenient word to use in
writing of the Inca nobles. The Incas and their
Orejones, then, by their greater power and civihsa-
tion, and their prestige as children of the sun,
had attained to a certain predominance over most
of the neighbouring tribes. Yet some stoutly
maintained independence, even within a dozen
miles of Cuzco, and some, like the Ayamarcas, were
hostile and defiant.

1 Ccollasca Rincri, bored ears ; ccolla means tender, but ccalla.
wounded.

v2

CHAPTER VI

THE STOLEN CHILD

A STRANGE and unlooked-for event cast a shadow,
though only for a brief period, over the Inca
Rocca's Hfe. He had married a very beautiful
girl named Micay, the daughter of a neighbouring
chief who ruled over a small tribe called Pata
HuAYLL AC AN. ^ She was the mother of four princes :
Cusi Hualpa, the heir, Paucar, Huaman, and
Vicaquirau, the future general.

We are told that Micay, the Inca's wife, had
previously been promised by her father to Tocay
Ccapac, the powerful chief of the Ayamarcas, a
much more numerous tribe than the Huayllacans.
Her marriage with the Inca caused a deadly feud
between those two tribes. Hostilities were con-
tinued for a long time, and at last the Huayllacans
prayed for peace. It was granted, but with a secret
clause that the chief of the Huayllacans would
entice away the Inca's eldest son and heir, and
deliver him into the hands of his father's enemy,
the chief of the Ayamarcas. If this condition
was not complied with, Tocay Ccapac declared
that he would continue the war until the Huay-
llacans were blotted out of existence.

1 Huaylla, greon, fresh ; can, ho is.
(58

THE HEIR OF INCA ROCCA 69

These Ayamarcas^ were at one time a very
powerful tribe, in a mountainous region about
twenty miles SSW. of Cuzco ; while the Huay-
llacans were in a fertile valley between the
Ayamarcas and that city.

In accordance with the agreement, a treacherous
plot was laid. An earnest request was sent to
the Inca that his heir, the young Cusi Hualpa,
might be allowed to visit his mother's relations,
so as to become acquainted with them. Quite
unsuspicious, the Inca consented and sent the
child, who was then about eight years of age,
to MicucANCHA, or Paulu, the chief place of the
Huayllacans, with about twenty attendants. The
young prince was received with great festivities,
which lasted for several days. It was summer time.
The sun was scorching, and the child passed his time
in a verandah or trelhs work, called arapa, covered
with bright flowers.

One day it was announced that the whole tribe
must march to some distance to harvest the crops.
As it was still very hot, the Huayllacan chief
insisted that the yoimg prince should remain in
the shade, and not accompany the harvesters, who
had to go a considerable distance under the blazing
sun. The prince's attendants consented, and all

1 Marca is a terrace or a village on a hill. Ayar was the title
of Manco and his brothers. But Cieza de Leon, Garcilasso de la
Vega, Sarmiento, and Salcamayhua leave out the r. It then
becomes Aya, ' dead.' The month of October was called Ayamarca
Eaymi, Mohna says, because the Ayamarcas held their chief festival
in that month.

70 HARVEST SONG

the tribe, old and young, boys and girls, marched up
the hills to the harvesting, singing songs with
choruses. All was bright sunshine, and their
haylli, or harvest song, was in praise of the shade :

* Seek the shadow, seek the shade,
Hide us in the blessed shade.

Yahahaha,
Yahaha.

* Where is it ? where, where, 0 where ?
Here it is, here, here, 0 here.

Yahahaha,
Yahaha.

' Where the pretty cantut i blooms,
Where the chihua's " flower smiles,
Where the sweet amancay ^ droops.
Yahahaha,
Yahaha.

' There it is ! there, there, 0 there !
Yes, we answer, there, 0 there.
Yahahaha,
Yahaha.'

The child listened to the sounds of singing
as the harvesters passed away out of sight, and
then played among the flowers, surrounded by
his personal attendants. The place was entirely
deserted. When the sound of the singers had died
away in the distance there was profound silence.
Suddenly, without the slightest warning, the warcry

1 Pariphragmos uniflorn (R.P.), a phlox.

3 Ghihuayhua, a calceolaria. Chihua is a sort of thrush,

•^ Amancay, Amaryllis aurea (R.P.)

THE KIDNAPPED PRINCE 71

' Atau ! Atau ! ' was heard in all directions, and
the httle party was surrounded by armed men.
The Orejones struggled valorously in defence of
their precious charge until they were all killed,
when the young prince was carried off.

Tocay Ccapac waited to hear the result of his
treacherous raid in his chief abode, called Ahuayra-
cancha, or ' the place of woof and warp.* When
the raiders returned they entered their chief's
presence, with the young prince, shouting ' Behold
the prisoner we have brought you.' The chief
said, ' Is this the child of Mama Micay, who should
have been my wife ? ' The Prince answered, ' I
am the son of the great Inca E-occa and of Mama
Micay.' Unsoftened by his tender years, or by
his hkeness to his beautiful mother, the savage
chief ordered the child to be taken out and killed.

Then a strange thing happened. Surrounded
by cruel enemies with no pitying eye to look on him,
young Cusi Hualpa, a child of eight years, stood up
to defy them. He must show himself a child of the
sun, and maintain the honour of his race. With
a look of indignation beyond his years he uttered
a curse upon his captors. His shrill young voice
was heard amidst the portentous silence of his
enemies. ' I tell you,' he cried, * that as sure as
you murder me there will fall such a curse upon
you and yom^ children that you will all come to
an end, without any memory being left of your
nation.' He ceased, and, to the astonishment of
his captors, tears of blood flowed from his eyes.

72 THE PRINCE WEEPS BLOOD

* Yahuar Jiuaccac I ' ' Yahuar huaccac ! ' ' He weeps
blood/ they shouted in horror. His curse and
this unheard-of phenomenon filled the Ayamarcas
with superstitious fear. They recoiled from the
murder. Tocay Ccapac and his people thought
that the curse from so young a child and the tears
of blood betokened some great mystery. They
dared not kill him. He stood up in their midst
unhui't.

Tocay Ccapac saw that his people would not
kill the young prince then, or with their own hands
at any time, yet he did not give up his intention
of gratifying his thirst for vengeance. He resolved
to take the child's hfe by a course of starvation and
exposure. He gave him into the charge of shep-
herds who tended flocks of llamas on the lofty
height overlooking the great plain of Suriti, where
the climate is exceedingly rigorous. The shep-
herds had orders to reduce his food, day by day,
until he died.

Young Cusi Hualpa had the gift of making
friends. The shepherds did not starve him,
though for a year he was exposed to great hard-
ships. No doubt, however, the life he led on those
frozen heights improved his health and invigorated
his frame.

The Inca was told that his son had mysteriously
disappeared, and that his attendants were also
missing. The Huayllacan chief expressed sorrow,
and pretended that dihgent searches had been
made. Inca Kocca suspected the Ayamarcas, but

RESCUE OF THE PRINCE 73

did not then attack them, lest, if the child was
alive, they might kill him. As time went on the
bereaved father began to despair of ever seeing
his beloved son again.

Meanwhile the prince was well watched by the
shepherds and by a strong guard, which had been
sent to ensure his remaining in unknown captivity.
But help was at hand. One of the concubines of
Tocay Ccapac, named Chimpu Urma, or 'the
fallen halo," had probably been a witness of the
impressive scene when the child wept blood. At
all events, she was filled with pity and the desire
to befriend the forlorn prince. She was a native
of Anta, a small town at no great distance from
Cuzco. As a friend of Tocay Ccapac she was free
to go where she liked, within his dominions and
those of the chief of Anta, who was her father.

Chimpu Urma persuaded her relations and
friends at Anta to join with her in an attempt to
rescue the young prince. It had been arranged
by the shepherds and guards that, on a certain day,
some boys, including Cusi Hualpa, should have a
race up to the top of a hill in front of the shepherds'
huts. Hearing this, Chimpu Urma stationed her
friends from Anta, well armed, on the other side
of the same hill. The race was started, and the
prince reached the summit first, where he was
taken up in the arms of his Anta friends, who made
a rapid retreat. The other boys gave the alarm,
and the jailers (shepherds and guards) followed in
chase. On the banks of a small lake called

74 THE CHIEF OF ANTA

Huaylla-punu, the men of Anta, finding that they
were being overtaken, made a stand. There was
a fierce battle, which resulted in the total defeat of
the Ayamarcas. The men of Anta continued their
journey, and brought the prince safely to their
town, where he was received with great rejoicings.

Cusi Hualpa quite won the hearts of the people
of Anta. They could not bear to part with him,
and they kept him with great secrecy, delaying to
send the joyful news to the Inca. Anta is a small
town built up the side of a hill which bounds^ the
vast plain of Suriti to the south. There is a
glorious view from it, but the chmate is severe.
At last, after nearly a year, the Anta people sent
messengers to inform the Inca. The child had been
given up for lost. All hope had been abandoned.
Rocca examined the messengers himself, but still
he felt doubt. He feared the news was too good
to be true. He secretly sent a man he could trust,
as one seeking charity, to Anta, to find out the truth.
The Inca's emissary returned with assurances
that the young prince was certainly Hberated, and
was at Anta.

The Inca at last gave way to rejoicing, all doubt
being removed. Principal lords were sent with
rich presents of gold and silver to the chief of Anta,
requesting him to send back the heir to the throne.
The chief replied that all his people wished that
Cusi Hualpa could remain, for they felt much love
for the boy, yet they were bound to restore him
to his father. He dechned to receive the presents,

DEATH OF INCA ROCCA 75

but he made one condition. It was that he and
his people should be accepted as relations of the
Inca. So the young prince came back to his
parents, and was joyfully received Inca Rocca
then visited Anta in person, and declared that the
chief and his people were, from henceforward,
raised to the rank of Ore j ones. The Huayllacans
made abject submission, and, as Cusi Hualpa
generously interceded for them, they were forgiven.
Huaman Poma furnishes a curious corroboration
of the story of the stolen child. Of all his portraits
of the Incas, Rocca is the only one who is portrayed
with a httle boy. Huaman Poma did not know
the story of the kidnapping and the recovered boy
— at least, he never mentions it. All he knew was
that only Inca Rocca was to be portrayed with a
little boy.i

Inca Rocca died after a long and glorious reign,
during which he firmly laid the foundations of a
great empire. His son Cusi Hualpa succeeded
at the age of nineteen. He was commonly known
by his surname of Yahuar Huaccac, or ' weeping
blood.' His reign was memorable for the changes
that took place in the system and objects of Inca
warfare. The campaigns were no longer mere
raids on hostile or rebellious tribes. The Inca's
brother, Vicaquirau, and his cousin, Apu Mayta,
were administrators quite as much as generals.
Every attack on a hostile tribe ended in complete

1 The story of the kidnapping is also mentioned by Moiua.

76 INCA UIRA-COCHA

annexation. As the fame of the generals spread,
the greater number of tribes submitted without
resistance. Those who resisted were made terrible
examples of, and if necessary a garrison was left
in their principal place. The Ayamarcas were
entirely crushed. Thus the Inca realm was every
year extended, and at the same time consohdated.

Cusi Hualpa had five sons : Pahuac Hualpa
Mayta, so named from his agility as a runner ; ^
Hatun Tupac, Vicchu Tupac, Marca Yutu,^ and
Rocca. The Huayllacans, unimpressed by the
pardon for their former treachery, conspired to
make Marca Yutu the successor of his father,
because he was more nearly related to their chief.
With this object they enticed Pahuac Hualpa into
their power and murdered him. For this there
could be no forgiveness, and the tribe was entirely
wiped out of existence by the Inca's generals.
The second son, Hatun Tupac, then became the heir.

The new heir to the throne had, rather blas-
phemously, added to his real name of Hatun Tupac,
the surname of Uira-cocha, which was that of the
Deity. One reason that is given was that, being at
Urcos, a town about twenty-five miles south of
Cuzco, a vision of the Deity appeared to him in a
dream. When he related his experience to his
attendants next morning, his tutor, named Hualpa
Rimachi, offered congratulations and hailed the
young prince as Inca Uira-cocha. Others say that
he took the name because he adopted the Deity

1 Pdhuani, I run. 2 Hillside partridge.

SONS OF UIRA-COCHA 77

as his godfather, when he was armed and went
through other ceremonies at the festival of
Huarachicu. Be this how it may, he always called
himself Uira-cocha. His father, mindful of the
debt of gratitude he owed to the people of Anta,
married his heir to a daughter of their chief, and
niece of his deliverer, Chimpu Urma. The lady's
name was Runtu-caya.^

In the fulness of time Cusi Hualpa (Yahuar
Huaccac) was succeeded by his son Hatun Tupac,
calling himself Uira-cocha. The pohcy of the two
great generals was continued, and the whole region
between the rivers Apurimac and Vilcamayu,
the Inca region, was annexed and consohdated
into one realm under the Inca. The names of
Uira-cocha's sons by Runtu-caya were Rocca,
Tupac, and Cusi.'- By a beautiful concubine
named Ccuri-chulpa the Inca had two other sons
named Urco and Sucso. For the sake of Ccuri-
chulpa he favoured her children, and even declared
the bastard Urco to be his heir. His eldest son
was a vahant young warrior, trained in the school
of Vicaquirau and Apu Mayta, and, when his
age was sufficient, this prince Rocca became their
colleague. Cusi was the most promising youth
of the rising generation, endowed with rare gifts,
beautiful in form and feature, of dauntless courage
and universally beloved.

1 Runtu, an egg, and Caya, a particle conveying an abstract idea,
as Runa, a man ; Runa Caya, humanity : Runtu, an egg ; Runtu
Caya, oval face. ~ Joyful.

CHAPTER VII

EMPIRE

The land of the Incas ! the land of the sovereign
city ! the land of the sacred vale ! The land con-
verted from the home of many contending tribes,
to a realm obedient to one king and lord. This
change had been due to the great mihtary skill and
administrative abihty of the two generals, Apu
Mayta and Vicaquirau. It was a work of many
years, but it was completed.

The land of the Incas was 250 miles in length
by 60 in width. It is bounded on its western
side by the river Apurimac, * chief of the speaking
waters,' ^ dashing down a profound ravine with
precipitous sides. On the east was the Vilcamayu,
* the sacred river,' ~ flowing from the ' sacred lake '
{Vilca unuta) at the foot of the lofty snowy peak
which is visible from Cuzco, rising majestically
into the azure sky. UnUke the Apurimac, the
Vilcamayu irrigates a wide and fertile valley
unsurpassed for beauty in the wide world. To
the south this classic land is separated from the

1 Apti, chief ; Rimae, speaker, oracle.

2 Vilca, Hiicrod ; Mayn, river.

78

BKIDGi; OVIU^ THE APURIMAC

THE LAND OF THE INCAS 79

basin of Lake Titicaca by the knot of Vilcanota,
which connects the eastern and maritime Cordilleras.
To the north the wild momitains of Vilcapampa
finally sink down into the tropical Amazonian
forests.

Between the rivers there are four zones, in
which the aspects of the land differ, mainly owing
to varying elevations above the sea. To the south
there is a vast extent of lofty tableland, with a
very rigorous chmate, where there were flocks of
llamas, some scattered villages, and a few large
lakes. Next, to the north, is the region of moun-
tains and valleys with drainage to the two rivers.
This was the most densely inhabited zone, yielding
crops of maize and of edible roots. In its centre
is Cuzco, with its two torrents of Huatanay and
Tulumayu, uniting and then flowing down its long
valley to join the sacred river. There were other
valleys with picturesque lakes, and ravines filled
with trees and flowering bushes. The lakes were
frequented by a large goose {huallata), two ducks
{nunuma and huachua), flamingoes, cranes, herons,
egrets, and a black ibis, as well as the Andean gull
(quellua). The sides of the hills were occupied by
terraced cultivation, but above the terraces the
slopes were frequented by partridges {yutu) and
quails (chuy), plover (Uecco-llecco) and the Andean
hare or uiscacha. Sometimes a condor might be
made out, far up in the sky, like a black speck,
while eagles (anca) and falcons [alcamari and
huaman) are occasionally seen, soaring in mid

80 THE LAND OF THE INCAS

air. Other birds, at these great elevations, are the
cJiihua, a sort of thrush, the chanquiri or crow,
and a few of the finch tribe.

In this country of lakes and well-watered
ravines was the Tampu-tocco district, on the
Apurimac side, whence the Ayar Manco marched
to Cuzco. Here, too, were the territories of the
Muynas, Pinahuas, Huayllacans, Canchis, Cavinas,
Ayamarcas, and other tribes. The great elevation
only admitted of a somewhat lowly flora. Yet it
is the native place of the graceful Schinus molli-tiee,
with its pinnate leaves and bunches of red berries.
With it there are several large flowering bushes
called chilca, compositse belonging to Baccharis
Molina and Ewpatorium, and tasta {Stereoxylon
patens). Higher up are the queTiua, ccolli, and
quisuar trees, and the tola bush already described.
There are ferns too, and many wild flowers. Chief
among them ranked the golden lily {Amaryllis
aurea) and a red hliaceous flower. The cantut was
a bright- coloured phlox, much used for garlands.
The meadows and ravines were also enHvened by
salvias, valerians, calceolarias, lupins, some large
yellow compositse, a convolvulus, a tropoeolum,
and many herbs used medicinally.

Above these pleasant valleys, and on either
side of Cuzco, are two lofty plateaux, desolate and
frequented only by shepherds and their flocks.
Between the city and the Vilcamayu valley is the
higliland of Chita. On the Apurimac side is the
wild region whither the kidnapped prince was sent

THE LAND OF THE INCAS 81

by the chief of Ayamarca. The third zone, further
north, comprises the vast plain of Suriti or Ychu-
pampa, and the plateau overlooking the sacred
valley. From the crest of the Apurimac gorge the
road leads up over the two pleasant valleys of
Mollepata and Rimac-tampu, and then by a sHght
ascent to the great plain covered with grass and
reeds, where there are occasionally swamps and
morasses. This plain is surrounded by moimtains ;
on their slopes are picturesque little towns, such
as Suriti and Anta, and at its south-eastern end a
ravine leads down, by Iscuchaca, to the city of
Cuzco, about twelve miles distant. There are
swamps, but there are also vast tracts of ycliu or
coarse grass, where the llama flocks of Anta find
pasture. Towards the end of winter storms of
thunder and lightning, with rain, pass rapidly over
the plain. It is an indescribably grand sight to
see these storms drifting across, with the sun
shining behind them, and causing exquisite
effects of hght and shade, while snowy egrets
and darker curlew whirl in circles over the
swamps.

East of the Suriti plain, which is an ideal battle-
field, there is a plateau overlooking the Vilcamayu
valley. Here are the small towns of Maras and
Chinchero, with cultivated patches round them, on
the verge of the descent.

But the gem of the land of the Incas is the
sacred valley, the ' valley ' far excellence, as it
was called. Rising in the sacred lake at the foot

82 THE VALE OF VILCAMAYU

of the snowy peak of Vilcanota, the valley of
Vilcamayu increases in fertility and beauty as the
river descends. The most lovely part is from
Pissac to Ollantay-tampu, where the mighty Andes
sends up its snowy peaks on one side, and precipi-
tous cHffs bound the other. The groves of fine
trees are alive with singing-birds— the checollo, with
a song like our nightingale, the pretty tuyas and
chaynas, the bright-plumaged ccamantira and choc-
da- foccocliiy and the ccenti, or humming-bird. Here,
too, are doves and pigeons, the urpi and cullcu,
and the golden-breasted quitu. There are also
many small green paroquets. In the valley are
raised splendid crops of maize, unequalled else-
where, grown on terraces arranged in patterns, and
the fruit gardens are filled with chirimoya, palta,
lucuma, and paccay trees, up which twine the
passion flowers with their refreshing fruit. In this
enchanting valley the Incas had their most delight-
ful country palace of Yucay, with extensive baths
and gardens. The wide world might be searched
without finding a rival, in enchanting beauty, to
the sacred valley of the Incas.

The most northern zone is occupied by the wild
mountainous district of Vilcapampa, between the
two rivers, here forty miles apart.

This land of the Incas had been brought under
a settled government, and there was a breathing
time of peace. But intrigue and discontent were
rife in Cuzco. Uira-cocha Inca, who was old
and wholly under the influence of his concubine

THE CHANCA CONFEDERACY 83

Ccuri-chulpa, had passed over all his legitimate sons,
and declared the bastard Urco to be his heir. The
two veteran generals, Apii Mayta and Vicaquirau,
and the legitimate sons, were resolved that this
should not be. There was internal trouble ahead,
but much greater danger threatened from without.
While the Incas were consohdating their rule between
the two rivers, the heads of other confederacies
were doing the same elsewhere. The most formid-
able confederacy was that of the Chancas. The
founders of this powerful kingdom were two chiefs
named Uscovilca and Ancovilca. They established
their principal seat in the extensive and fertile
valley of Andahuaylas, and their descendants had
conquered the greater part of the western and
northern districts of the Andes. The Chanca chiefs
were warhke and ambitious, and they had a great
mihtary force at their command.

The chiefs of the Chancas were two brothers
named Asto-huaraca and Tomay-huaraca, proud
and insolent warriors who could not endure the
existence of any neighbours who maintained their
independence. The river Apurimac separated their
territory from that of the children of the sun,
and they resolved to bring the Inca under subjection.
They sent a messenger to Cuzco demanding sub-
mission, and, without waiting for an answer, they
crossed the Apurimac with a numerous army,
advancing over the great plain of Suriti or Ychu-
pampa. In their wars the Chancas carried an
image of their founder, Uscovilca, in front of the

o 2

84 FLIGHT OF UIRA-COCHA

army, because it had hitherto always led them to
victory. They called it Anco ayllu.

The news of the rapid approach of this formid-
able army spread consternation in Cuzco, in the
midst of the intrigues about the succession of Urco.
The old Inca had not the courage to face the enemy,
and resolved upon flight to a strongly fortified
position, called Caquia Saquis-ahuana, overlooking
Pissac in the valley. His way took him over the
highlands of Chita. His illegitimate sons, Urco
and Sucso, fled with him, and a great following of
Orejones and their families. Cuzco was deserted
and left to its fate. The Inca encamped on the
plateau of Chita to await events, before finally
shutting himself up in Caquia Saquis-ahuana. He
had hopes from negotiation with the Chancas.

The two old generals and the legitimate sons
refused to leave Cuzco. They declared that they
would die in defence of their homes, and of the
gods of their people. Three other chiefs remained
with them, but all the force they could collect
consisted of little more than their own personal
followers.

Who was to command this forlorn hope ? There
was not a day to lose. The enemy was almost at
the gates. The generals declared for the youngest
of the Inca's sons, Prince Cusi, who had just reached
his twentieth year. He was a child of destiny.
Rocca had laid the foundations. Cusi was the
builder of the empire. It was a remarkable
testimony to his genius that, not only the old

THE FORLORN HOPE 85

generals, but his elder brothers accepted him as
their leader and remained faithful to him to the
end. His seven chiefs were enthusiastic, but that
was not enough. The odds were terrible, apparently
hopeless. Seven leaders and perhaps 700 followers,
not more, rallied round the young prince :

1. Vicaquirau, his great-uncle ;

2. Apu Mayta, his first cousin twice removed ;

generals, and heroes of a hundred battles.

3. Rocca, his eldest brother ;

4. Paucar, his next eldest brother ;

able and experienced officers.

5. Urco Huaranca, chief of Quilliscancha (a Cuzco

suburb).

6. Chima Chaui Pata.

7. Mircay-mana, tutor to Prince Cusi.

Cusi first saw that every man was well armed,
and trained, and in high spirits. He did not conceal
the odds from them, yet he assured the Uttle band
of heroes that the Deity was on their side. He sent
out summonses to all the vassals, but with little
or no success. He exhorted the few who remained
in the suburbs to defend their homes. He went
especially to the Quilhscancha suburb accompanied
by its brave chief, Urco Huaranca. Here there
was some enthusiasm, and it was clear that he
would find support. Moreover, arrangements were
made to obtain information through a Quilliscancha
scout. The armed leader of the suburb was a vahant
and stalwart lady named Chanan-ccuri-coca, on
whose loyalty the prince placed reHance. Having

86 DEFEAT OF THE CHANCAS

made all the preparations that were possible with
the small means at his command, Cusi retired to
a lonely place to pray to his god. There is a fountain
called the Susuk Puquio, between Iscuchaca and
Cuzco, a secluded spot where a stream, shaded by
molle trees, falls over some rocks. Here Prince
Cusi knelt in prayer. He had a vision. A figure,
resplendent and dazzling, appeared to him in the
air, which he knew to be his father the sun. He
was consoled and animated for the battle, with the
assurance that he would conquer the Chancas. - The
prince returned to his followers, and imparted to
them the enthusiasm by which he was himself
inspired. A number of vassals came from a
distance, but more inchned to look on than to
fight. They took to the hills to watch the event.
The Chancas advanced in great numbers, full
of confidence, without order, and expecting little
or no resistance. One of the scouts sent by Urco
Huaranca rushed into the prince's presence crying,
'To arms! To arms! The foe is upon us.' The
Chancas were entering Cuzco, but met with a stub-
born resistance in the Quilliscancha suburb. Prince
Cusi was ready, and all his plans were laid. Fol-
lowed closely by the aged generals, his elder brothers,
and their followers, in a compact phalanx, he made
a sudden and furious flank attack, forcing his way
in like a wedge, and making straight for the statue
and standard of Uscovilca. While a furious battle
was raging in the suburb, Asto-huaraca and Tomay-
huaraca raUied their guards to defend their standard.

PRINCE CUSI HAILED AS PACHACUTI 87

But the flank attack was so furious and so
well sustained, that the Chancas were amazed and
thrown into confusion. Prince Cusi was so dex-
terous with his weapon that no one could resist
him, and he hewed his way straight for the standard.
He was ably sustained by his followers, and there
was great havoc. The Chanca chiefs lost heart
and ordered a retreat.

When the crowds of recreant vassals on the
hills saw this, they came down to join the little
Inca force, converting the retreat into a rout.
This explains the story, told by several writers,
that the sun made armed men rise out of the earth
to complete the victory. The Chanca standard and
the spoils of their camp were captured.

The greatness of this victory, which saved the
Inca realm from complete destruction, was as
astonishing as it was unexpected. Prince Cusi was
hailed as the Inca Pachacuti, the ninth bearing
that title, counting those of the old dynasties.
Henceforward he was known by no other name.
He refused to allow a triumphal ceremony for
himself, but sent Urco Huaranca with all the spoils
to his father at the camp on the Chita highlands,
that he might tread upon them, according to the
usual custom. Uira-cocha refused to do this him-
self, but delegated the duty to his son Urco, as the
heir to the kingdom. Urco Huaranca was furious,
declaring that no coward should triumph by the
deeds of Pachacuti, and returning with the spoils
to Cuzco.

88 RALLY OF THE CHANCAS

We hear no more of the great generals, Vica-
quirau and Apu Mayta. They either found a
glorious death on the battlefield or died soon after-
wards at a great age. Pachacuti's eldest brother,
Rocca, was his most trusted general. There was
no longer any difiiculty about raising troops, and
an efficient army was organised, well drilled and
armed with shngs, arrows, axes, and clubs. For
the Chancas, though repulsed, were by no means
crushed. They retired to the great plain of
Ychupampa, received large reinforcements from
the other side of the Apurimac, and prepared for
another march upon Cuzco. But now the Inca
Pachacuti was strong enough to take the initiative,
and he made such a rapid march that he found the
Chanca army still encamped on the great plain.
The hostile chiefs, encouraged by the arrival of
large reinforcements, had regained much of their
confidence. Their army was as numerous as before
the defeat, their principal weapons being long
lances. When the chiefs saw the approach of the
Inca army, they sent an insolent message threaten-
ing to dye their lances with the Inca's blood if he
did not at once submit and become a tributary
vassal. Pachacuti calmly replied that no more
time could be wasted in talk, and that God would
give the victory to whom he pleased. He marched
onwards with his army, following closely on the
heels of the messenger.

The contending forces closed in deadly hand-to-
hand combat, and the battle raged for a long time

FALL OF THE CHANCAS 89

without advantage on either side. At last Pacha-
cuti, with his immediate guards, hewed his way
through the hostile ranks to where Asto-huaraca
was fighting. There was a duel, and the Chanca
chief was slain. His colleague, Tomay-huaraca,
was already killed. The Inca ordered the heads
of the two chiefs to be raised up on their own lances.
This caused a panic, and the hostile army broke and
fled. The Ore j ones followed in pursuit, doing great
execution, few escaping over the terrific gorge of the
Apurimac in their rear.

The power of the great confederacy was com-
pletely broken. It was a death struggle. For a
long time the balance seemed to incline to the Chan-
cas. The valour and genius of Cusi, the Pachacuti,
turned the scale, and the empire of the Incas was
the result. The tributary vassals of the Chancas,
over a vast area, soon changed their allegiance,
some after shght resistance, but the greater number
voluntarily and with good will.

Pachacuti went in person to his father, who
had now taken refuge in his stronghold called
Caquia Saquis-ahuana, with the prisoners and
spoils, requesting the old man to tread upon them
according to custom. He still desired that his
favourite son Urco should perform the ceremony,
but was at last persuaded to comply with the
custom himself. It was called Muclianacu.

On his return to Cuzco there was a solemn
sacrifice to the sun, and the Inca Pachacuti
was crowned with the fringe, and proclaimed

90 DEATH OF UIRA-COCHA

sole lord and sovereign in the lifetime of his father.
Most of the Orejones who had fled with Uira-cocha
returned to Cuzco. Soon after his accession the
news reached Pachacuti that Urco had assembled
forces in the valley, whether with or without
the connivance of his father is uncertain. The
Inca, with his brother Rocca, at once marched
against the insurgents. Urco received a blow
on the neck from a stone hurled by his brother
Rocca. He fell into the river and was carried
down to a rock called Chupillusca, a league below
Ollantay-tampu, where he tried to land, but was
killed by his brothers. ^ They then sought an
interview with their father, who refused to see the
Inca, but Rocca forced his way into the old man's
presence and upbraided him. Uira-cocha con-
tinued to Uve in his stronghold of Caquia Saquis-
ahuana, where he died and was buried. In his
prime he loved gorgeous display, and we are told
that he was the inventor of a kind of rich cloth
or brocade called Tocapu. The name of his
stronghold may have reference to this, for Ahuana
means a loom. Caquia may be rendered ' my
possession ' or ' property.' "

1 Urco is actually made to succeed by Cieza de Leon, Herrera,
Fernandez, and Salcainayhua. Horrcra gives his portrait among
the Incas which form a border to his frontis])ioco.

2 Haquis, the Xaquix of other writers, might mean ' left behind,'
but the word is doubtful. Xaquixaguana is the name applied by
some writers to the great plain of Suriti or Ychupampa. This
must surely be a mistake. The refuge to which Uira-cocha fled could
not possibly be the site of the battlefield from which he fled.

INCA PACHACUTI 91

The Prince Cusi was the builder of the empire,
the foundations of which were laid by Rocca.
The elaborate religious ceremonial, the methods
of recording events, the military organisation,
the self-working social system were his work.
It may seem incredible that the whole fabric of
Andean civihsation should be the work of one
man, and it would be if he had created it. But
Cusi was not the creator. He was the Pachacuti,
the reformer. Over all the regions that he con-
quered there were the same ideas and habits of
thought, and of hving, dialects of the same original
language, and the same faint memories of an
almost forgotten past. Pachacuti worked upon
these materials with the skill and foresight of a
profound statesman. His grand object was at-
tained, for he welded together a homogeneous
empire with such masterly thoroughness in all
its compHcated details that its machinery worked
almost automatically.

Pachacuti was a great conqueror as well as
a great administrator. The immediate consequence
of the final victory over the Chancas and of the
disruption of their confederacy was the addition
of a vast territory to the land of the Incas.^ The
country beyond the Apurimac, between that

1 Sarmiento mentions six tribes within the land of the Incas
having been subdued after the Chanca war by Pachacuti and
his brother Rocca : Ayamarca, Ollantay-Tampu, Cugma,
HuATA, HuANCARA, ToGUARU. I apprehend this to be a mistake,
caused by Rocca's service under his younger brother, and that
these tribes wereconquered by Rocca before the Chanca war.

92 CONQUESTS OF PACHACUTI

river and the Pachachaca, submitted at once. It
was the land of the Quichuas, very closely allied to
the Incas. The next region, between the river
Pachachaca and the Pampas, containing the
beautiful valley of Andahuaylas, the chief seat of
the Chancas, also submitted. The Chancas even
added an important contingent to the Inca army.
Beyond the Pampas, the Soras and Lucanas, hardy
mountaineers, submitted after a brief struggle.
These were the first fruits of the victory over the
Chancas. Pachacuti next invaded the basin -of
Lake Titicaca, and the whole region was annexed
after three hard-fought campaigns against the Collas.

Then followed a campaign during which the
whole northern region of the Andes, as far as
Caxamarca, was added to the empire.

By this time Pachacuti was well stricken in
years. His eldest son was Amaru Tupac, a very
able and successful general, who was, at one time,
intended to be his heir. But the question of
the succession was a very important one, and
something more was needed than a successful
general. By his wife Anahuarqui, the Inca had
another son, also named Tupac, in whom the
great statesman saw the germs of such genius as
would fit him to succeed to the responsibihty
of guiding an empire. After an interview with his
father, the eldest son, Amaru, accepted the situation
and remained loyal to his younger brother until
death. Yoimg Tupac went through the ceremony
of being armed, and then proceeded on a great

DEATH OF PACHACUTI 93

northern campaign. The countries of Huamanca,
Jauja, Huanucu, Caxamarca, and Chachapoyas
were united to the empire, as well as the coast
valleys. Young Tupac also subdued the Canaris,
and extended his conquests to Quito. He then
descended to the coast, annexing the country of
Manta, with its emeralds, and even making a
successful voyage over the Pacific Ocean to the
Galapagos Islands.

The end of the great emperor came at last, after
a memorable reign of more than half a century. He
had his sons and his councillors around him.
Addressing Tupac, he said: *My son, you know
how many great nations I leave to you, and you
know what labour they have cost me. Mind
that you are the man to keep and augment them.'
He made his other sons plough furrows and he
gave them weapons, in token that they were to
serve and to fight for their sovereign. He turned
to Tupac saying, *Care for them, and they will
serve you.' He expressed some wishes about
his obsequies, ordering that his body should be
placed in his palace of Pata-llacta. Then he
began to croon in a low and sad voice :

* I was bom as a flower of the field,
As a flower I was cherished in my youth,
I came to my fuU age, I grew old ;
Now I am withered and die.'

He told those around him that he went to rest
with his father the sun — and so he departed,

94 INCA TUPAC YUPANQUI

the greatest man that the American race has ever
produced.

Tupac was a worthy successor. He continued
and consohdated the work of his father. As his
power and the extent of the empire increased, the
Incas assumed greater state and magnificence.
With Pachacuti apparently, and certainly with
Tupac, the custom of marrying sisters was com-
menced. Like the Ptolemies, the Incas resorted
to this method of maldng their family a race apart
from the rest of mankind and almost divine.

Tupac was second only to his father as an
administrator and a general. His first campaign
as a sovereign was a most difficult one. He
penetrated far into the primeval forests to the
east of the Andes. He then completely subjugated
the Collas, and Chile as far as the river Maule.
His long reign extended over upwards of sixty
years, mainly a period of consohdation. He estab-
Hshed a firm and settled government on the fines
laid down by his father. When he felt the approach
of death, he retired to his palace of Chinchero, over-
looking the sacred valley, with a glorious view
of the snowy mountains. The walls of this palace
are still standing. The dying Inca sent for his
relations and councillors, and announced to them
that his heir and successor was to be the young
Prince Cusi Hualpa, his legitimate son by his
sister and wife. Mama Ocllo. He then sank down
among his pillows and died at the great age of
eighty-five years.

HUAYNA CCAPAC 95

Cusi Hualpa was then with his tutors at
Quispicancha, in the valley. He was brought
to Cuzco, and invested with all the insignia of
royalty ; and his accession was announced to
the people in the Rimac-pampa, an open space
near the temple of the sun. Surprised at the
youthful appearance of their sovereign, their
acclamations were mingled with cries of ' Huayna !
Huayna ! ' (the boy-king, the boy-king). From
thenceforward his surname was Huayna Ccapac.
After a few years of administration at Cuzco, the
young Inca made a visitation of all his dominions
from Chile to Quito. The last part of his reign was
occupied with a very ably conducted campaign
on the extreme northern borders of his empire,
and he died at Quito in 1525, the last of the great
imperial Incas, great in peace as in war.

The six Incas, from Rocca to Huayna, may, with
fair probabihty, be given a period of 300 years ;
and the Ayar Manco's date would be about 1100 a.d.

CHAPTER VIII

RELIGION OF THE INCAS

It is very difficult to obtain a correct and clear
idea of the religious beliefs of a people like the
Peruvians, whose thoughts and traditions were
entirely different from those of the nations of the
old world. Besides the inherent difficulty of
comprehending the bent of their minds, which
resulted in the religious practices recorded of them,
there are many others. The record was made
by very superstitious priests, with strong prejudices
against the behefs of the conquered people, and
with only a general knowledge of the language.
There was but one important authority who
had known the language from childhood. The
manuscripts were often incorrectly transcribed
by ignorant clerks, so that mistakes and mis-
spellings crept into the texts, and there were
contradictions among the authorities. On the
whole it is fortunate that there should have been
such painstaking and conscientious writers as
Bias Valera, Cieza de Leon, and Mohna, upon
whose evidence reUance can be placed as, at all
events, the impartial impressions of the writers.

96

THE SUPREME BEING 97

Still, a very careful weighing of the amount of
trust to be given to the various authorities is
necessary, with reference to their characters,
positions, and circumstances ; as well as a com-
parison of the same statement in various authori-
ties, in order to judge which version is nearest
to the truth, and to arrive at the nearest approxi-
mation to accuracy. Such a scrutiny is the work
of years, but the subject, from every point of
view, is worthy of this serious and prolonged
study.

The god who was regarded as the creator and
ruler of the universe in the megalithic age was,
as we have seen, Illa Tici Uira-cocha. The
names were handed down, by tradition, through
the centuries, and were used by the Incas when
contemplating or worshipping the Supreme Being.
The names came to them, and were not invented
by them. For them they were the names of the
ruler of the universe, whatever their meaning might
be. For the Incas, and the more thoughtful among
those who surrounded them, were convinced that
the deities worshipped by the people were not
supreme, but that they obeyed some irresistible
and unknown but orderly force. It was this
Supreme Being that the Incas worshipped, and
sought, with fervency, to know and to understand.
Both Mohna and Salcamayhua tell us that there
was a temple at Cuzco to the Supreme Being,
and that his worship was included in the elaborate
ritual of the later Incas. Mohna gives the prayers

98 PRAYERS OF THE INCAS

that were offered to Uira-cocha, whose temple is
stated to have been apart from the temple of the
sun. Salcamayhua tells us that the Supreme
Creator was represented in the sun temple by
an oval slab of gold, having a higher place
than the images of the sun or moon. The prayers
were for health and strength, for good harvests
and the multiphcation of flocks, for victory over
enemies, and for prosperity. Nine of these prayers,
in Quichua, are given by Mohna. One is given by
Morua. The most remarkable prayer is that forthe
sun, called Punchau, in which it is fully recognised
that its movements and heat-attributes are the
work of Uira-cocha.

This recognition of an almighty, unseen being
who created and regulates all things visible was
probably confined to the higher intellects, who had
more time and were better trained for thought and
reflection. The rest of the people would seek for
visible objects of worship. But for the Incas the
Uira-cocha cult was certainly very real. It occupied
their thoughts in hfe and in death, and they
earnestly prayed for a knowledge of the Deity.
Some of the hymns addressed to the Almighty
have been preserved in a manuscript written early
in the seventeenth century by a native named
Yamqui Pachacuti Salcamayhua. They were first
printed by the present writer in a translation of
Salcamayhua's work (1873), the text of the hymns
being left in the original Quichua. Some years
afterwards the Spanish text was edited by Don

HYMNS TO UIRA-COCHA 99

Marcos Jimenez de la Espada at Madrid, but again
without any attempt to translate the Quichua
hymns. This was at last done through the in-
strumentality of Don Samuel A. Lafone Quevedo.
The text was very corrupt, the words were mis-
spelt and not divided from each other, and it would
require a most profound Quichua scholar to restore
the meaning of the original. Senor Lafone Quevedo
secured the services of Dr. Miguel Mossi, of BoUvia,
now no more, by far the best modern scholar of
the language of the Incas. The result was the
pubhcation in 1892 of Spanish translations of
the hymns to Uira-cocha.^ These hymns are the
expression of a longing to know the invisible god,
to walk in his ways, and to have the prayers
heard which entreat the Deity to reveal himself.
They show a strong sense of his guiding power in
regulating the seasons and the courses of the
heavenly bodies, and in making provision for
reproduction in nature. There is a strange ex-
pression of wonder respecting the sex of the Deity ;
but this is wonder and nothing more, not, as
Seiior Lafone Quevedo suggests, an allusion to
phaUic worship. There is, indeed, a plaintive
note in these cries to the Deity for a knowledge
of the unknowable, which is touching in its
simpHcity.

1 Revista del Museo de la Plata, J. III. p. 320. Ensayo Mitologico,
El culto de Tonapa. Los himnos sagrados de los Reyes del Cuzco,
segiin el Tamqui-Pachacuti por Samuel A. Lafone Quevedo (Talleres
del Museo de la Plata, 1892).

H 2

100 HYMNS TO UIRA-COCHA

0 Uira-cocha ! Lord of the universe.

Whether thou art male,

Whether thou art female,

Lord of reproduction.

Whatsoever thou mayest be,

O Lord of divination,

Where art thou ?

Thou mayest be above.

Thou mayest be below,

Or perhaps around

Thy splendid throne and sceptre.

Oh hear me !

From the sky above,

In which thou mayest be,

From the sea beneath.

In which thou mayest be.

Creator of the world,

Maker of all men ;

Lord of all Lords,

My eyes fail me

For longing to see thee ;

For the sole desire to know thee.

Might I behold thee,

Might I know thee,

Might I consider thee,

Might I understand thee.

Oh look down upon me,

For thou knowest me.

The sun — the moon —

The day — the night —

Spring — winter.

Are not ordained in vain

By thee, 0 Uira-cocha !

They all travel

To the assigned place ;

HYMNS TO UIRA-COCHA 101

They all arrive

At their destined ends,

Whithersoever thou pleasest.

Thy royal sceptre

Thou holdest.

Oh hear me !

Oh choose me !

Let it not be

That I should tire,

That I should die.

One of the hymns is composed as from an
aged Inca on his death-bed praying for light and
for a knowledge of the Deity.

0 creator of men,
Thy servant speaks,
Then look upon him,

Oh, have remembrance of him,
The King of Cuzco.

1 revere you, too, Tarapaca.i
O Tonapa, look down,

Do not forget me.

0 thou noble Creator,

O thou of my dreams.

Dost thou already forget.

And I on the point of death ?

Wilt thou ignore my prayer.

Or wilt thou make known

Who thou art ?

Thou mayst be what I thought,

Yet perchance thou art a phantom,

A thing that causes fear.

1 Servants of Uira-cocha, according to Salcamayhua. Sarmiento
has Tahuapaca. Cieza de Leon alludes to Tuapaca. No other
authority mentions them.

102 HYMNS TO UIRA-COCHA

Oh, if I might know !

Oh, if it could be revealed !

Thou who made me out of earth,

And of clay formed me,

Oh look upon me !

Who art thou, 0 Creator,

Now I am very old.

Another hymn to Uira-cocha is attributed, by
Salcamayhua, to the Inca Rocca :

Oh come then,

Great as the heavens,

Lord of all the earth,

Great First Cause,

Creator of men.

Ten times I adore thee,

Ever with my eyes

Turned to the ground.

Hidden by the eyelashes,

Thee am I seeking.

Oh look on me !

Like as for the rivers.

Like as for the fountains,

AVhen gasping with thirst,

I seek for thee.

Encourage me,

Help me !

With all my voice

I call on thee ;

Thinking of thee,

We will rejoice

And be glad.

This will we say

And no more.

WORSHIP OF UIRA-COCHA 103

These fragments, broken chips from a great
wreck, have at last reached us. We know from
them that, in their inmost hearts, the intellectual
and more instructed section of the Incas and their
people sought for a knowledge of the unseen
creator of the universe, while pubHcly conducting
the worship of objects which they knew to be
merely God's creatures. Garcilasso de la Vega
gives the sayings of several Incas respecting the
obedience of the sun, in its daily and yearly course,
to the behests of a higher power. There are one
or two points connected with Uira-cocha which
have been puzzhng, and which will be better
discussed in a footnote. ^

1 Gomara and Betanzos are responsible for a god they called
Can. No other authority knew of it. Gomara had never been
in America. He recorded a story of a being named Can, child of
the sun, who created men, but afterwards, being enraged with
them, he turned the land into deserts, and gave no more rain, so
that they only had water from the rivers. This is evidently a
story from the coast. It is merely a version of the Huarochiri
legend, and Gomara's Con is Coniraya Uira-cocha, the god ruUng
over the heat of the sun. He was superseded on the coast by the
fish god and oracle, Pachacamac. Betanzos is a more important
authority, as he was many years in Peru, and spoke Quichua. He
gives Con titi as a prefix to the name of Uira-cocha, while all
other authorities give the words Ilia Tici. The manuscript has
Can titi, but the editor altered it to Con Tici, to be nearer the other
authorities. Titi is no doubt a clerical error. Probably it should
be Inti, when it would be Conip Inti, the sun giving warmth ;
Uke Coniraya, appertaining to warmth, attributes of the Deity,
not a separate person. The name Con occurs five times in the first
and second chapters of Betanzos, but not in any of the other chapters.

Salcamayhua, in relating a version of the Titicaca myth, mentions
two servants of Uira-cocha named Tanapa and Tarapaca. Sar-
miento spells the latter Tahuapaca. Cieza de Leon has Tuapaca.

104 ANCESTOR WORSHIP

The cult of Uira-cocha by the Incaswas confined
to the few. The popular religion of the people
was the worship of the founder or first ancestor of
each ayllu or clan. The father of the Incas was
the sun, and naturally all the people joined in the
special adoration of the ancestor of their sovereign,
combined with secondary worship of the moon,
thunder and hghtning, the rainbow, and the dawn,
represented by the morning star Chasca. But
each clan or ayllu had also a special huaca, or
ancestral god, which its members worshipped Jn
common, besides the household gods of each
family.

In the last century or two, the ceremonial and
ritual observances of the sun-worship at Cuzco
assumed extraordinary magnificence. The splendid
temple was built of masonry, which, for the beauty
and symmetry of its proportions and the accuracy
with which the stones fitted into each other, is
unsurpassed. The cornices, the images, and the
utensils were all of pure gold. When the Inca
and his court were present at the ceremonies it
must have been a scene of marvellous splendour.

The elaborate ritual and ceremonies necessitated

Salcamayhua is alone responsible for Tonapa. This author was a
native of Collahua, where the C becomes a T, Conapa, merely a
form of Coniraya. The words in Conapa are Cconi, heat, and apac,
bearing, ' Heat bearing ' or ' conveying.' It is another form for
this attribute of the Deity, not a separate person.

There has been an amazing amount of conjecture and erudition
bestowed on this word Con ; and Don Samuel A. Lafone Quevedo
has written a very learned essay on the cult of Tonapa.

HIGH PRIEST OF THE SUN 105

the employment of a numerous hierarchy, divided
into many grades. The High Priest was an official
of the highest rank, often a brother of the sovereign.
He was called Uillac Uma, ' the head which
counsels/ He was the supreme judge and arbiter
in all rehgious questions and causes relating to the
temples. His hfe was required to be passed in
rehgious contemplation and abstinence. He was
a strict vegetarian and never drank anything but
water. His ordinary dress was a robe going down
to the ankles, and a grey mantle of vicuna wool.
But when he celebrated the festivals in the temple
he wore the grand tiara, called Uilca Chucu, which
included a circular plate of gold representing the
sun, and under the chin a half-moon of silver.
The head-dress was adorned with the feathers of
the guacamaya, or great macaw ; the whole covered
with jewels and plates of gold. The complete
head-dress was called Huamfar Chucu. His
ceremonial tunic without sleeves reached to the
ground, with no belt. Over it there was a shorter
pelisse of white wool, trimmed with red, which
came down to the knees, and was covered with
precious stones and plates of gold. His shoes
were of fine wool, and bracelets of gold were on
his arms. Directly the ceremony was over he
divested himself of his vestments and remained in
his ordinary clothes. He received ample rents,
bestowing the greater part on those afflicted by
bhndness or other disabhng infirmities. Besides
being of illustrious hneage, the High Priest was an

106 VIRGINS OF THE SUN

Amauta, or man of learning. He appointed the
visitors and inspectors whose duty it was to
report on all the temples and idols throughout the
empire ; and the confessors (Ichuri) who received
confessions and assigned penances ; and he super-
intended the record of events by the Amautas and
Quifucamayocs. On his death the body was
embalmed and interred with great pomp on some
high mountain.

Under the TJillac XJma there were ten or
twelve chief priests in the provinces, called XJiha,
who had authority over the very numerous priests
in charge of Jiuacas, called Huacap TJillac, and
over those who received and announced oracles
from the huacas, Huacap Rimachi.

A very remarkable and interesting institution
was that of the chosen virgins for the service of the
sun, called Aclla. They were also known as
Intip Chinan, or Punchau Chinan, servants of
the sun ; selected by inspectors from all parts of
the empire. All the sun temples had virgins,
those at Cuzco coming chiefly from the neighbour-
hood of the city, from Huanuco and Chachapoyas.
After examination they were placed under the
government of matrons, called Mama Cuna, and
had to serve a novitiate. There were over 3000
virgins at Cuzco, with a matron for every ten.
Each virgin had a servant. The novitiate lasted
for three years, during which time the girls were
taught to sew, weave, make fine bread and cakes,
sweep and clean the temple, and keep ahve the

SOOTHSAYERS 107

sacred fire which was always burning, called Nina
Uilca. Many princesses and daughters of nobles
were sent to be educated with the novices, although
they were not going to be Aclla. When the
novices had served their three years they were
called Huamac. They were brought before the
Inca and the Uillac Vma. Those who did not
feel a vocation received husbands. Those who
wished to remain as virgins of the sun were dressed
in white, and garlands of gold {Ccuri Uincha)
were placed on their heads. They were dedicated
to the sun for the rest of their Hves, employed
in the service of the temple, and in weaving very
fine cloth for the deities, the Inca and his family,
and the Uillac Uma. They never went abroad
without an armed escort, and were treated with
profound respect. When the Spanish destruction
came, many of these virgins became nuns and were
protected, others married baptised Indians, and
the rest fled in various directions.

Another numerous class in this comphcated
hierarchy was that of diviners and soothsayers,
called Huatuc. They were dressed in grey,
were celibate while holding office, living on herbs
and roots, and were almost always to be found in
the vestibules of the temples. Those who divined
by the flight of birds and by the intestines of
animals sacrificed were called Hamurpa. The
Lllaychunca divined by odds and evens, the
Pacchacuc by the legs of a great hairy spider, the
Socyac by maize heaps, the Hualla, Achacuc,

108 SACRIFICES

CancJiu, Canahuisa, Layca, and Yarcacaes in
other ways. The Macsa cured by enchantment.

There was an elaborate system of sacrifices,
entaihng an enormous expenditure. The victims
were llamas, huanacus, vicunas and their lambs,
pumas, antas or tapirs, birds and their plumes,
maize, edible roots, coca, shells, cloth, gold, silver,
sweet woods, guinea-pigs, dogs, in short everything
they valued. The sacrificing priest was called
Tarfuntay; the lay brother who cut up the
victims, Nacac ; and the recorder, JJilca Camayoc.
The sacrifice itself was called Arfay. There
remains the question of human sacrifices, or Ccapac
Cocha. The idea of sacrifice is the offering of
what is most prized. The sacrificer says to his god :
' What I loved best to thee I gave.'

Abraham was ready to sacrifice his son, the
king of Moab actually did so. It is the logical
outcome of sacrificial doctrine. Was this logical
conclusion reached by the Peruvians, either habitu-
ally or in extreme cases ? The weight of evidence
is certainly against the accusation, which was first
made by the licentiate Polo de Ondegardo in 1554,
when he was conducting inquiries at Cuzco. He
says that grown men and children were sacrificed
on various occasions, and that 200 boys were
sacrificed at the accession of Huayna Ccapac.
Valera denies the value of Polo's evidence, who, he
says, scarcely knew anything of the language, had
no interpreters at that time,' and was without

' They had fled owing to the insurrection of Giron.

HUMAN SACRIFICES 109

the means of becoming acquainted with the ancient
customs. So that he could not fail to write down
many things which were quite different from what
the Indians said. Polo was followed by MoHna and
others, especially by Sarmiento, whose official in-
structions were to make the worst of the Inca
pohty and government.

Valera declares, on the contrary, that there
was a law prohibiting all sacrifices of human beings,
which was strictly observed. It is true that
Huahuas, or children, and Yuyacs, or adults,
were sacrificed, but the Huahuas were lambs, not
human children, and by Yuyac were meant full-
grown llamas, not men. Valera is supported by
Garcilasso de la Vega and other authorities, and
the weight of evidence is decidedly against Polo's
accusation.

There remains the logical tendency of the
sacrificial idea to offer up the dearest and most
valued possession ; while the admission of Bias
Valera that there was a law against human sacrifices
seems to show that they were not unknown. Cieza
de Leon is the most unprejudiced and the most
reliable of all the authorities, and he says that if
human sacrifices were ever offered, they were of
very rare occurrence. This is probably the truth.
The horrible offerings were not common nor
habitual, but they had been known to be offered,
on very extreme and exceptional occasions.

With the worship of the ancestor, Paccarisca,
or the fabulous origin of each clan, whether the

110 HOUSEHOLD GODS

sun, the moon, a star, a mountain, rock, spring,
or any other natural object, the Peruvians had
some pecuhar behefs which pervaded their daily
Hfe. They had special personal deities in which
they trusted. The sovereign Incas kept such
images always with them and gave them names,
calhng them Huauqui, or brother. That of the
Inca Uira-cocha was called Inca Amaru, probably
in the form of a serpent. It was found by Polo de
Ondegardo, with that Inca's ashes. Pachacuti
had a very large golden Huauqui, called Lnti
Illa'pa, which was sent in pieces to Caxamarca
for the ransom. Cusi Churi was the name of the
Huauqui of the Inca Tupac, which was found
concealed at Calis Puquio, near Cuzco, by Polo.
The Huauqui of Huayna Ccapac, a gold image
of great value, has never been found. It was
called Huaraqui Inca. The tradition handed
down in the Incarial family is that the Huauqui
of Manco Ccapac was a sacred bird called Inti,
kept in a sort of hamper ; that of Sinchi Rocca
was called Huanachici Amaru; that of Lloque
Yupanqui, A2)u Mayta. The rest of the Orejones
and many others had their special Lar or brother,
and the Huauqui was buried with the body of
the deceased.

The universal behef of the Peruvians was that
all things in nature had a spiritual essence or
counterpart, to which prayers and sacrifice might
be offered if the spirit belonged to any of the
reproductive powers of nature, or good might be

INTERMENTS 111

done to it, if the departed spirit was a relation or
friend. This explains the method of interment
and the rites and ceremonies observed for the well-
being of the departed. It was thought that so
long as the embalmed body was carefully preserved,
with the personalty of the deceased, the welfare
of the departed spirit was secured. So long as food
and other requisites were duly placed with the
mummy, the spirit would be furnished with the
spiritual essence of all that was offered materially.
These strange beliefs occupied the thoughts and
pervaded the lives of the people.

The funeral ceremonies of the Incas were
occasions for all the magnificence and pomp of
a great empire. The body was embalmed and
splendidly attired. The palace of the deceased
was set apart for the Malqui, or mummy, a staff
of servants was appointed for it, and it was endowed
with lands, so that offerings might be constantly
provided. Friends and dependants were invited
to immolate themselves so as to accompany
their lord in the spirit world, but in later times a
llama was allowed as a substitute, the name of the
supposed human victim being given to it. The Inca
mummies were brought out for processions and
other very solemn rites and ceremonies. When
the Spanish destroyers came, the unfortunate
people concealed the mummies of their beloved
sovereigns, but the ferret-eyed Polo de Ondegardo
searched diligently, and succeeded in accounting
for all but one. The body of the great warrior

112 SPIRITUAL ESSENCE

statesman, Yiipanqui Pachacuti, was finally buried
in the court of the hospital of San Andres at Lima.
Yahuar Huaccac, the stolen child, alone escaped
desecration. His body was never found.

The Ore Jones and other important people were
generally interred in caves, MacJiay, with two
chambers, one for the mummy with his ' brother '
or Lar, the other for his property, and for the
offerings brought by the people. These caves
were in desert places or on the sides of mountains.
The heights overlooking the lovely valley of Yucay,
called Ttantana Marca, are hterally honey-
combed with these burial caves. All have been
desecrated by the Spaniards in search for treasure.

This curious behef in a spiritual essence of
all the things that concerned the daily well-being
of the people explains the multipUcity of huacas, or
objects of worship. Every household had a Sara
Mama to represent the spiritual essence of the
maize, to which prayers and sacrifices were made.
Sometimes it was a figure covered with cobs of
maize, at others it was merely a vase fashioned as
a cob. In like manner there was a Llama Mama
for the flocks. More especially was the spirit of
the earth itself, the Pacha Mama, an object of
worship. The offerings consisted of the figures
of llamas roughly fashioned. There was a cavity
in their backs into which the sacrificial offering
was placed, and they were buried in the fields.
The offerings were chicha, spirits, or coca, the things
the poor husbandman loved best. Dr. Max Uhle

•> <• • # • :«i _
« • • • • m *

ft

MAIZE CONOPA

VARIETY OF BELIEFS 113

and the Princess Theresa of Bavaria have discovered
that the ceremony of offering these things to
Pacha Mama still prevails, in spite of the priests.
The llamas of stone or clay are even offered for sale
in the markets; Dr. Uhle saw them at Sicuani.
The present practice is to bury the figures, with
offerings, in the places where flocks of llamas or
alpacas feed. The figure is placed between stones,
and covered with another stone. Each year the
offering is renewed by another figure, which is
placed below the old one and nearer the Pacha
Mama. This kind of sacrifice is called Chuya,
It shows that the ancient behefs and customs of
the Peruvian Indians cannot be eradicated by any
amount of persecution, i

The rehgion of the ancient Peruvians was com-
posed of several beliefs, all more or less pecuHar
to the Andean people, except the worship of a
Supreme Being ; which, however, only prevailed
among the higher and more intellectual minds.
Some of the Incas undoubtedly sought earnestly
for a knowledge of the great First Cause, which they
called Uira-cocha. The worship of the fabulous
ancestor or originator of each ayllu, or clan, was
universal, and as the sun was the accepted ancestor
of the sovereign, its cult took the precedence of
all others. The pecuhar behef in the existence
of a spiritual essence of all the things that con-
cerned their well-being prevailed among the mass

1 Las Uamitas de piedra del Cuzco, Dr. Max Uhle (Lima,
September 1906).

114 RELIGION AND THE SOCIAL SYSTEM

of the people, and has never been eradicated. It
accounts for their innumerable huacas and house-
hold gods, and for the way in which the idea of
the presence of the supernatural was inextricably
mingled with all the actions of their hves. From
these various beliefs and cults, firmly estabhshed in
the minds and hearts of all classes of the people, we
may gather some idea of the causes which led to the
estabhshment among them of a government based
on the system of ayllus or village communities.
The rooted beliefs in the Paccarisca or common
ancestry of each ayllu, placed their village system
on a very firm basis, and as the Incas confirmed all
local usages and superstitions of their subjects, a
feehng of devoted loyalty appears to have been
combined with veneration for the sun, the ancestor
of their sovereigns. It is clear that the religious
behefs of the people were in perfect harmony with
the remarkable social system on which the Inca
government was based.

CHAPTER IX

THE INCA CALENDAR, FESTIVALS, AND DRESS OF THE
SOVEREIGN AND HIS QUEEN

Religion, in its ritual and ceremonial observances,
was dependent on the annual recurrence of agri-
cultural events such as the preparation of the
land, sowing, and harvest, and both were dependent
on the calendar. In the records of the old kings
the gradual improvements in calculating the
coming and going of the seasons are recorded, and
under the Incas a certain approach to accuracy
had been attained. The solstices and equinoxes
were carefully observed.

Stone pillars were erected, eight on the east and
eight on the west side of Cuzco, to observe the
solstices. They were in double rows, four and
four, two low between two high ones, twenty feet
apart. At the heads of the pillars there were discs
for the sun's rays to enter. Marks were made on
the ground, which had been levelled and paved.
Lines were drawn to mark the movements of the
sun, as shown when its rays entered the holes in
the pillars. The pillars were called Sucanca, from
Suca^ a ridge or furrow, the alternate hghts and
shades appearing like furrows.

116 I 2

116

SOLAR OBSERVATIONS

To ascertain the time of the equinoxes there
was a stone column in the open space before the
temple of the sun, in the centre of a large circle.
A hne was drawn across the paved area from east
to west. The observers watched where the shadow
of the column was on the line from sunrise to
sunset, and when there was no shadow at noon.

The Inti-huatana of Pissac (from SquierJ.

This instrument was called Inti-huatana, which
means the place where the sun is tied up or
encircled. There are also Inti-huatanas on the
height of Ollantay-tampu, at Pissac, at Hatun-
colla, and in other places.

The ancient name of the sun was TJilca. As
a deity it was Inti.^ As the giver of dayhght it
was Punchau, or Lwpi.

1 UiLCA became the word for anything sacred. Inti waa the
name of the familiar spirit or Uuauqui of Manco Ccapac in the form

THE YEAR AND THE MONTHS 117

The name of the moon as a deity was Pacsa
Mama ; as giving light by night, Quilla ; and there
were names for its different phases.

Illapa was the name for thunder, Hghtning
and thunderbolts, the servants of the sun. Chuqui
Yllaylla'pa, Chuqui Ilia Inti, Illapa were names
for the thunder god. Liviac was the lightning.

The stars were observed and many were named.
Valera gives the names of five planets ; and fifteen
other names are given by Acosta, Balboa, Morua,
and Calancha. An attempt to make out the twelve
signs of the zodiac from these names of stars is
unsupported by evidence that can be accepted.
The only observations of celestial bodies for which
there is conclusive testimony are those of the sun,
for fixing the time of solstices and equinoxes.

The year was called Huata, the word Huatana
being a halter, from Huatani, I seize ; ' the place
where the sun is tied up or encircled/ hence Huata
means a year. The Peruvian year was divided
into twelve Quilla, or moons, of thirty days. Five
days were added at the end, called Allcacanquis.
The rule for adding a day every fourth year kept
the calendar correct. The monthly moon revolu-
tions were finished in 354 days, 8 hom's,
48 minutes. This was made to correspond
with the solar year by adding eleven days, which
were divided among the months. They regulated

of a falcon, and its lofty flights connected it with the sun in some
mythical sense. Later the word came to mean the sun itself, as a
deity.

118 THE MONTHS

the intercalation by marks placed on the horizon,
to denote where the sun rose and set on the days
of the solstices and equinoxes. Observations of
the sun were taken each month.

There is some want of agreement among the
authorities who give the names of the months.
Some have the same names, but they are not given
to the same months, while others have different
names. After a careful analysis I have come to the
conclusion that the list given by Calancha, Polo de
Ondegardo, Acosta, Morua and Cobos, which is the
one accepted by the second Council of Lima, is the
most correct. Each one of the other authorities'^ has
more names in agreement with the Calancha list
than with any other. Acosta is in complete agree-
ment as far as he goes, but only gives eight months.

The correct calendar was, I believe, as follows :

June 22 to July 22. Intip Eaymi {June 22), Winter

Solstice. Harvest Festival.
July 22 to Aug. 22. Chahuar Quis.
Aug. 22 to Sept. 22. Ccapac Situa {Sept. 22), Spring

Equinox. Expiatory Festival.
Sept. 22 to Oct. 22. Ccoya Raymi {Sept. 22), Spring

Equinox.
Oct. 22 to Nov. 22. Uma Raymi.
Nov. 22 to Dec. 22. Ayamarca {Dec. 22), Summer Solstice.

Or Cantaray.
Dec. 22 to Jan. 22. Ccapac Raymi {Dec. 22), Summer

Solstice. Huarachicu Festival.
Jan. 22 to Feb. 22. Camay.

1 Molina, Betanzos, Fernandez, Velasco, Huaman Poma. Mon-
tesinos mentions one or two months.

HEAD DRESS OF HIGH PRIEST [See p. 105

GOLD TUPU OR PIN

COM) liKI-.ASTPl.A ri'; I'ROM CVZCO
(I'riisrnlccl icir.cncral ICciiKNlc.iui-; in IH53)

GOLDEN BREASTPLATE 119

Feb. 22 to March 22. Hatun Pucuy {March 22), Autumn

Equinox. Great ripening.
March 22 to April 22. Pacha Pucuy {March 22), Autumn

Equinox. Mosoc Nina.
April 22 to May 22. Ayrihua.
May 22 to June 22. Aymuray {June 22), Winter Solstice.

Harvest.

Gold plates 5-i% inches in diameter, representing
the sun, with a border apparently designed to
denote the months by special signs, were worn
on the breast by the Incas and the great coun-
cillors. The gold ornaments were seized and
ruthlessly destroyed by the Spaniards wherever
they could be found. A great number were
never found. Some were presented to General
Echenique, then President of Peru, in 1853.
There was the golden breastplate, a gold topu
or pin, the head with a flat surface about 4 in.
by 2 in., covered with incised ornaments ; four
half-discs forming two globes and a long stalk,
also a flat piece of gold with a long stalk. We
thought that the flat piece like a leaf and the
discs were from the golden garden of the sun,
and a golden belt or fillet for the head. The
President brought them to the house of Don
Manuel Cotes, at Lima, for me to see, on October
25, 1853, and I made a copy of the golden breast-
plate and of the topu. The Seiiora Grimanesa
Cotes {nee Althaus), the most beautiful lady in
Lima at that time, held the tracing paper while
I made the copy. It was very thin, and the

120 THE HARVEST FESTIVAL

figures were stamped, being convex on the outer
side and concave on the inner. The outer diameter
was 5-1% inches, the inner 4 inches. This is by
far the most interesting rehc of the Incas that is
known to us.^ I beheve that the figures round
the border represent the months, and that the
five spaces separating them, one above and foiur
below, are intended for the five intercalary days,
Allcacanquis.^ In giving an account of the
months and their festivals, I will place each figure
taken from the border of the breastplate against
the month which I would suggest that it represents,
with a description.

Intip Raymi, the first month of the Peruvian
year, begins at the winter solstice, on June 22.^
The sign of the gold breastplate occurs four
times, for four months, two beginning and two
ending with a solstice. The diamonds on the right
and below perhaps indicate direction.

The great harvest festival of Intip Raymi is
picturesquely described by Valera. The harvest
had been got in. There was a great banquet in
the Cusi Pata, one of the principal squares of
Cuzco, when the Orejones renewed their homage.

1 All traces of it are lost. Dr. Max Uhlo recently made
inquiries of General Echenique's son, but he knew nothing
about it.

2 Allca, wanting or missing ; canqui, you arc.

^ Balboa, Fernandez, Cobos, and Huaman Poma have Aucay
Cuzqui for this month. Molina has Cuzqui Raymi. Betanzos
Hatun Cuzqui. The Council of Lima, Calancha, Polo, Morua,
Acosta, and Volasco have Yntip Raymi.

APPEARANCE OF THE INCA 121

Kising above the buildings to the north
could be seen the beautiful fa9ade of the palace of
Pachacuti, with the sacred farm of Sausiru, and
above them the precipice of the Sacsahuaman,
crowned by the fortress. On the sides of the
square were the temples to Uira-cocha, and other
edifices built of stone and roofed with thatch. The
images of Uira-cocha, of the Sun and of Thunder,
were brought out and placed on their golden
altars. Presently the Inca and the Ccoya entered
the square at the head of a long procession, with
the standard, the Tupac Yauri, or golden sceptre,
and the royal weapons borne before them.

This central figure of the Sovereign Inca was
constantly seen on all great occasions. With the
help of the portraits at Santa Ana, of the sketches
in the curious manuscript of Huaman Poma, and
of descriptions, we can imagine the appearance of
the Peruvian emperor.

Many generations of culture and of rule had
produced men of a very different tjrpe from any
Peruvian Indian of to-day. We see the Incas in the
pictures at the church of Santa Ana at Cuzco.
The colour of the skin was many shades fighter
than that of the down-trodden descendants of
their subjects ; the forehead high, the nose sfightly
aquihne, the chin and mouth firm, the whole face
majestic, refined, and intellectual. The hair was
carefully arranged, and round the head was the
sign of sovereignty. The llautu appears to have
been a short piece of red fringe on the forehead,

122 DRESS OF THE INCA

fastened round the head by two bands. It was
habitually worn, but when praying the Inca
took it ofi, and put it on the ground beside him.
The ceremonial head-dress was the mascapaycha, a
golden semicircular mitre on the front of which
the llautu was fastened. Bright- coloured feathers
were fixed on the sides, and a plume rose over the
summit. Long golden ear-drops came down
to the shoulders. The tunic and mantle varied
in colour, and were made of the finest vicuna wool.
In war the mantle was twisted and tied up, either
over the left shoulder or round the waist. On
the breast the Incas wore a circular golden breast-
plate representing the sun, with a border of signs
for the months. The later Incas wore a very
rich kind of brocade, in bands sewn together,
forming a wide belt. The bands were in squares,
each w^ith an ornament, and as these ornaments
were invariable there was probably some meaning
attached to them.

The material was called tocapu, and w^as
generally worn as a wide belt of three bands.
Some of the Incas had the whole tunic of tocapuJ
The breeches were black, and in loose pleats
at the knees. The usutas, or sandals, were of
white wool.

The Inca, equipped for war, had a large square
shield of wood or leather, ornamented with patterns,

1 Inca Rocca Lg said to have invented the cumpi, or very fine
cloth, and the invention of the tocapu is attributed to his grandson
Uira-cocha.

WEAPONS OF THE INCA 123

and a cloth hanging from it, also with a pattern
and fringe. There was a loop of leather on
the back, to pass the arm through. In one
hand was a wooden staff about two feet long,
with a bronze star of six or eight points fixed
at one end — a most formidable war-club. In the
other hand was a long staff with the battle-axe
fixed at one end, called huaman champi or cunca
cuchun. In public worship or festivals the
imperial weapons were usually laid aside, and borne
before the sovereign.

The Ccoya, or queen, wore the lliclla, or
mantle, fastened across the chest by a very large
golden topu, or pin, with head richly carved with
ornaments and figures. The lliclla, or mantle,
and acsu, or skirt, varied as regards colour. The
head was adorned with golden circlets and flowers.

These magnificent dresses gave an air of
imperial grandeur to the great festivals, while the
attire of the other Incas and of the Ore j ones was
only shghtly less imposing.

The High Priest, being an ascetic, was never
present, but the other priests, the augurs and
diviners, were in attendance. The councillors,
great lords and warriors, were all assembled, seated
according to their order and precedence, the Inca
being on a raised platform under a canopy. Pre-
sently there appeared an immense crowd of people
who had come from all directions to take part in
the festival. As soon as the homage and the
sacrifices were finished the tables were placed,

124 VIRGINS AT THE FESTIVAL

covered with white cotton cloths, and adorned
with flowers.

The AcLLAS, or virgins of the sun, then appeared,
dressed in white robes, with diadems of gold.
They came to serve at the feast. Commencing
with the Inca and the Ccoya, they gave to all abun-
dantly, adding plenty of cliicha. Finally they
gave to each guest a piece of the Illay Tanta, or
sacred bread, which was looked upon as a precious
gift, and preserved by the recipient as a rehc.

After the feast the virgins brought the doth
they had been weaving during the whole year, and
presented the best and most curious pieces to the
Inca and the members of his family, then to the
principal lords and their famihes. The cloth was
all of vicuna wool, hke silk. The virgins also
presented robes, garlands, ornaments, and many
other things. To the rest of the great assembly they
distributed coarser cloth of wool and cotton. The
harvest festivities were continued for several days.

Chahuar Quiz,^ the next month, from July 22
to August 22, was the season for ploughing
the lands, without cessation and by relays. The
sign on the breastplate seems to indicate that the
work was continuous, both by the hght of the sun,
and of the moon and stars.

1 Betanzos has Cahuaquis, or Chahuar Huarqui according to
Polo, Acosta, Cobos, and Fernandez. Molina has Tarpuy Quilla
and Moron Passu, Huaman Ponia has Chacra Cunacuy. Passa
should be Pacsa, the moon, and Tarpuy Quilla means tho sowing
month. Cunacuy is to consult together, and CJiacra, a farm ;
Balboa has Chahuar-quis.

SITUA FESTIVAL 125

Ccapac Situa ^ was the third month, the season
for sowing the land. The sign on the breast-
plate indicates furrows on one side, and the act
of pouring seed on a prepared plot of ground
on the other. Another name for this month is
Yapaquis, the word Yapa meaning an addition
to land, or ploughed land, Yapuna being a plough.
It was from August 22 to September 22.

Ccoya Raymi, from September 22 to October
22, was the fourth month, commencing with the
vernal equinox. It was the month for the great
nocturnal expiatory festival called Situa.^ On the
breastplate the signs represent the nocturnal
character of the feast. The object of the festival
was' to pray to the Creator to be pleased to shield
the people from sickness, and to drive all evils
from the land.

A great number of men with lances, and fully
armed for war, assembled in the Inti'p Paiwpa, or
open space in front of the temple of the sun, where
the High Priest proclaimed the feast. The armed
men then shouted : ' 0 sickness, disaster and mis-
fortune, go forth from the land ! ' Four hundred
men assembled. They all belonged to ayllus, or
clans, of the highest rank. Three ayllus of royal
descent were represented, and four of those descend-
ing from the chosen followers of the Ayars. There

1 Polo, Acosta, Balboa and Cobos have Yapaquis ; Huaman
Poma has Chacra Yapuy ; Betanzos has Ccapac Siquis ; Fernandez
Tuzqua quis. Yapuy is to plough.

2 All agree, except Betanzos and Fernandez, who have Situa Q uis.

126 SITUA FESTIVAL

were twenty to twenty-five selected from nineteen
ayllus. One hundred faced to the south, one
hundred to the west, one hundred to the east, and
one hundred to the north. Again they shouted,
' Go forth, all evils ! ' Then all four companies
ran with great speed in the directions they were
facing. Those facing south ran as far as Acoya-
puncu,^ about two leagues ; finally bathing in
the river at Quiquisana. Those facing west ran
as far as the river Apurimac, and bathed there.
Those facing east ran at full speed over the plateau
of Chita and down into the Vilcamayn valley,
bathing at Pissac. Those facing north ran in that
direction until they came to a stream, where they
bathed. The rivers were supposed to carry the
evils to the sea.

When the ceremony commenced and the armed
men started on their races, all the people came to
their doors and, shaking their mantles, shouted :
* Let the evils be gone. 0 Creator of all things,
permit us to reach another year, that we may see
another feast like this.' Including even the Inca,
they all danced through the night, and went in the
morning twilight to bathe in the rivers and foun-
tains. They held great torches of straw bound
round with cords, which they Hghted and went on
playing with them, passing them from one to the
other. They were called Pancurcu. Meanwhile,
puddings of coarsely ground maize, called Sancu,
were prepared in every house. These puddings

1 Now called Angostura.

INTOXICATING DRINKS 127

were applied to their faces and to the hntels of the
doors, and were offered to the deities and to the
mummies. On that day all, high and low, were
to enjoy themselves, no man scolded his neigh-
bour, and no word was passed in anger. On the
following days there were magnificent rehgious
ceremonials and sacrifices. Such was the great
Situa festival.

TJma Raymi was the fifth month, from October 22
to November 22. It was so called because in
this month the people of Uma, two leagues from
Cuzco, celebrated their feast of Huarachicu. This
was the month of brewing chicha, referring to a
method of brewing chicha used at great festivals.
The figure on the breastplate seems to refer to
the opening of hives and buds which took place
in this month. But it was essentially the brewing
month, and it must be confessed that the effects
of the brewing were a very prominent feature at
all the festivals.

A fermented hquor was made from maize,
which is called chicha by the Spaniards, but the
native name is acca. The grains of maize were
first chewed into a pulp by women and girls,
because it was beheved that sahva had medicinal
quahties. The masticated maize was then boiled
and passed through several colanders of fine
cotton, and the hquor was finally expressed.
Fermentation then took place. The acca was often
flavoured with the berries of the Schinus Molle
and other things to give it piquancy. Latterly

128 HUARACHICU

the Peruvians discovered some kind of distilling
process, and made a spirit called uinapu or sora,^
Drinking to excess prevailed at all the festivals,
while the man who drank much and kept his head
was held in high esteem. This prevalence of
drunkenness at the festivals led to other vices,
and was the most pernicious habit they indulged in.
Ayamarca,^ the sixth month, from November 22
to December 22, ended with the summer solstice,
and had a sign on the breastplate similar to the
month of the winter solstice. The name is' that
of a once powerful tribe near Cuzco, which held
their Huarachicu festival in this month.^ In
Cuzco it was a time of preparation for the great
Huarachicu festival in the following month.
Quantities of chicha continued to be brewed
after the Cantaray ^ fashion, whatever that may
have been. The youths who were to receive
their arms in the next month, went to the very
sacred huaca called Huanacauri to offer sacrifices
and ask his permission to receive knighthood.
This huaca was on a hill about three miles from

1 From uinani, I fill. Garcilasso also mentions the strong
drink called uinapu (i. 277, iii. 01), and both Garcilasso and
Acosta mention Sora.

~ All agree, except Betanzos and Fernandez, who have Cantaray.

^ As Aya means death, several authorities thought Ayamarca
was a festival in honour of the deceased ; but I think that Molina
should be followed here, who gives the derivation as in the text
The termination Marca shows that the word was the name of a
place.

+ Betanzos and Fernandez give Cantaray as the name of the
month.

HUARACHICU 129

Cuzco, and was one of the Ayars, brother of
Manco Ccapac, turned into stone. It specially
presided over the HuaracJiicu festival. The youths
passed the night on the sacred hill, and fasted.

Ccapac Raymi, from December 22 to January 22,
was the seventh month, ^ beginning with the
summer solstice. On the breastplate it has the
solstitial sign, with the diamonds pointing differently.
In this month was the grandest Raymi, or festival,
in the year, called HuaracJiicu.

After going through an ordeal, the youths
were given arms, allowed to wear breeches, called
huara, and had their ears pierced. During the
first eight days of the month all the relations
were busily employed in preparing the usutas,
or shoes made of fine reeds almost of the colour
of gold, and the huaras of the sinews of llamas,
and in embroidering the shirts in which the youths
were to appear when they went to the hill of
Huanacauri. The shirts were made of fine
yellow wool with black borders of still finer wool
like silk. The youths also wore mantles of white
wool, long and narrow, reaching to the knees.
They were fastened round the neck by a cord from
whence hung a red tassel. The youths were
clothed in this dress, shorn, and taken to the
great square by their parents and relations. The
latter wore yellow mantles with black plumes on
their heads from a bird called guito. Many

1 All agree except Betanzos, who has Pucuy Raymi, and Fernan-
dez, Pura Upiay, or ' double drinking.'

130 HUARACHICU

young maidens also came, aged from eleven to
fourteen, of the best families, carrying vases of
chicha. They were called Nusta - colli - sapa,
or princesses of unequalled valour. The images
of the deities were brought out, and the youths
and maidens, with their relations, were grouped
around.

The Inca came forth, and the youths obtained
permission from him to sacrifice to Huanacauri.
Each had a llama prepared as an offering, and they
all marched, with their relations, to the sacre J hill.
That night they slept at a place called Matahua,i
at the foot of the hill. At dawn next day they
delivered up their offerings to the Tarpuntay and
ascended the hill, still fasting. This was the
prayer they offered to the Huanacauri:

' 0 Huanacauri, our Father, may the Creator, the
Sun, and the Thunder ever remain young, and never
become old. May thy son, the Inca, ever retain his youth,
and grant that he may prosper in all his undertakings.
To us, thy sons, who now celebrate this festival, grant
that we may be ever in the hands of the Creator and in
thy hands/

Bags called chuspas were then given to the
youths, and breeches made of aloe fibre and
sinews of llamas, called huara. The youths then
marched to a ravine called Quirirmanta," where
they were met by their relations and severely flogged
to try their endurance. This was followed by the

1 A halting-placo of the Ayars. Soe p. 63.

2 Ibid. See p. 52.

HUARACHICU 131

song called Huari, the youths standing and the
rest of the people seated. They returned to
Cuzco, where the youths were flogged again in
the great square. Then there was a curious
ceremony. The shepherd of the llamas dedicated
to the feast came with a llama, called Napa, draped
in red cloth with golden earrings. i It was pre-
ceded by men blowing through sea-shells. The
Suntur Paucar, insignia of the Inca, was brought
out, and a dance was performed. The youths
and their relations then returned to their homes and
fed upon the roasted flesh of the sacrificial llamas.
The business of initiation continued through
the month. The next event was the great foot-race.
The youths passed the night in a gorge called
Quilli-yacolvaca, the starting-place being a hill,
two leagues from Cuzco, called Anahuarqui. Each
held a staff called Tupac Yauri, mounted with
gold or bronze. Here five lambs were sacrificed
to the Creator and the sun, followed by songs.
The course was a very long one, as far as Huana-
cauri, where the maidens were stationed, called
Nusta-calli-sapa, with supphes of chicha to
refresh the exhausted runners. They kept singing
a refrain : * Come quickly, youths, we are waiting
for you." The youths stood in a row at the foot
of the hill, numbering several hundreds. The
starter was an official gorgeously attired, and as
he dropped the Yauri about eight hundred aspirants

1 Huaman Poma has a drawing representing the Inca speaking
to the Napa, or sacred Uama.

K 9

132 HUARACHICU

ran like deer across the plain — a thrilling sight. Few
people, in the new or old world, could equal the
Peruvians in speed, and the competition to be
the first to receive drinks from the hands of beauty
was very close. There were more songs and
disciplinary flogging, and in the evening the grand
procession was formed to return to Cuzco, headed
by the Suntur Paucar of the Inca and the Raymi
Nafa, or golden llama.

On the next day the rewards were distributed by
the Inca in person, on the hill called Raurana.
The aspirants had passed the night in a place
called Huaman CancJia (place of falcons), at the
foot of the hill, which is two miles from Cuzco.
The Inca proceeded to the summit of the hill,
where stood the huaca called Raurana, consisting
of two falcons carved in stone, upon an altar.
The priest of the huaca officiated at the pre-
Hminary prayers and sacrifices, the youths standing
in rows before their sovereign. There were prayers
that the aspirants might become valiant and
enterprising warriors. The haylli was sung and,
at a sign from the Inca, the priest presented each
of the youths with breeches called hu^rayuru,
ear-pieces of gold, red mantles with blue tassels,
and red shirts. They also received diadems with
plumes called pilco cassa, and pieces of gold
and silver to hang round their necks. Then
followed songs and hymns, which lasted for an
hour. The return to Cuzco was in the same
order as on the previous day.

HUARACHICU 133

Next there was a grand performance in the
Huacay Fata, or principal square of Cuzco.
The skins of jaguars and pumas had been prepared
with the heads, having gold pieces in their ears,
golden teeth, and golden rings, called chifaim,
on their paws. Those who were dressed in the
skins, with many other men and women, performed
a ceremonial dance to the music of drums. The
dance was performed with a cable, which was
kept in a building called Moro JJrco, near the
temple of the sun. The cable was woven in four
colours — black, white, red, and yellow. At the
ends there were stout balls of red wool. All over
the strands small plates of gold and silver were
sewn. The cable was called Huascar. Every
one took hold of it, men on one side disguised in
the skins and heads of wild beasts, and women on
the other, and so, to the sounds of wild music,
the Yaqauyra was danced through a great part
of the night, round and round until the dancers
were in the shape of a spiral shell, and then un-
winding. Finally the cable was taken back to the
Moro Urco.

Next, in the third week of the month, all the
youths went to bathe in the fountain called Calis
Puquio, about a mile to the rear of the fortress of
Cuzco, in the ravine of the Huatanay. They
returned to the Huacay Pata, and were solemnly
presented with their arms, the sling, the club, the
axe, and the shield, the ceremony concluding with
prayers and sacrifices. The final event was the

134 HUARACHICU

boring of the ears, which completed the transition
from boys to fully equipped Orejones and
warriors. Next came the use of the weapons.

The next month, from January 22 to February
22, was called Camay. ^ It was the month of exer-
cises and sham fights. The youths were divided
into two armies of Hanan Cuzco and Hurin Cuzco,
and on the very first day they came into the great
square with the Huaracas, or shngs, and began to
hurl stones at each other. At times they canae to
close quarters to try the strength of their muscles.
The Inca was himself present in person, and
preserved order ; seeing also that the young
warriors were taught to march together, and to use
the axe and the club. During these exercises the
new knights wore black tunics, fawn-coloured
mantles, and a head-dress of white feathers from
a bird called tocto. After the exercises there
was a feast, with much drinking of chicha.

The ninth month was the month of the great
ripening. It was called Hatun Pucuy, and
was represented by stalks of corn with curved
baskets.- Betanzos has Colla Pucuy. Both
names refer to the ripening.^

Pacha Pucuy ^ was the tenth month, from

1 All agree except Betanzos, who has Coy a Quis.

2 The baskets are exactly as represented on the drawings of
Huaman Poma.

3 All agree except Betanzos, who has Colla Pucny, and Fernandez,
Cac Mayquis. Huaman Poma has Paucar Vara.

■^ Molina has Paucar Uaray, and is followed by Fernandez.
The rest ufircc.

FAMILY FESTIVALS 135

March 22 to April 22, at the autumnal equinox.
In this month there was the fourth great annual
festival called the Mosoc Nina, when the sacred
fire in the temple, always kept burning, was
solemnly renewed. The month is represented
by the stone and the spark.

The Ayrihua,^ from April 22 to May 22, was
the beginning of harvest. The new knights went
to the foot of the fortress, to the farm called
Sausiru. The tradition was that here the wife of
the Ayar Manco Ccapac sowed the first maize.
They returned with the maize in small baskets,
singing the Yarahui.

The twelfth and last month of the year was
called Aymuray,^ and was the month for gathering
in the harvests and conveying the corn and
other produce to the barns and store- houses.
Huaman Poma gives a picture of the busy scene.
The month is represented by the solstitial sign,
because its last day is the solstice. Then followed
the great harvest-home month of Inti'p Raymi.

Besides the great festivals which came round
with the calendar, the Peruvians had their family
rites and ceremonies. On the fourth day after the
birth of a child, all the relations were invited to
come and see it, in its Quirau or cradle. When
it reached the age of one year, it was given a
name, whether boy or girl, to last until it was of
age. This was called the Rutuchicu. The child

1 All agree except Huaman Poma, who has Inca Raymi.

2 All agree.

136 FESTIVALS OBSERVED

was then shorn, the eldest uncle cutting the
first hair. At the Huarachicu the youth dropped
his child name, and received another name to
last for his hfe. Girls, when they were of age,
had to undergo a ceremony called Quicuchica.
They had to fast for three days, and on the fourth
they were washed and clothed in a dress called
Ancalluasu, with shoes of white wool. Their
hair was plaited and a sort of bag was placed on
their heads. The relations then came, and gave
the girl the name she was to bear for the rest oi her
life. They presented gifts, but there were no
idolatrous practices.

In all this we see how the family rites, and
the festivals coming round with the months, were
woven into the hves of the people ; and, at least
at Cuzco, the central figure of the sovereign Inca
rose above it all, constantly seen as the chief
person in all that concerned them.

During the palmy days of the empire the festivals
were observed in each province, though, of course,
with less magnificence, under the auspices of the
Viceroys and Curacas.

CHAPTER X

LANGUAGE AND LITEKATUEE OF THE INCAS

It was the wise policy of the Incas to try to estab-
Ush one language throughout their vast dominions,
and they had an excellent instrument for their
purpose. Their language was called Runa-simi,
Hterally, the ' man's mouth/ or, as we should say,
the man's tongue or the human speech. It was
spoken, in its perfection, in the Inca and Quichua
regions, the lands watered by the Vilcamayu
and the Apurimac, with their tributaries. But
the speech of more distant tribes was closely
alhed, and merely formed dialects, so that the
estabUshment of the use of the Runa-simi presented
but shght difficulties. Indeed, I am inchned to
think that the separate dialects were the debris
of one original language spoken during the mega-
Uthic age. Differences would be caused by the
isolation of ayllus in valleys difficult of access. The
same words would receive different meanings, while
different words would get to have the same meaning.
It was the object of the rulers of Peru that these
differences should disappear, and this useful ad-
ministrative measure was quickly and automatically
nearing completion. The Runa - simi is a rich

137

138 THE QUICHUA LANGUAGE

and flexible language. It would be tedious to
enter into much detail, but a few peculiarities
may be mentioned. The letters B, D, F, and G
(hard) are wanting, and the vowels E and 0 are
rarely used. But there are some forcible gutturals,
and some words require a very strong emphasis
on the initial P and T.i The sound Ch is frequent.
In the grammar there are no genders, no articles,
and the particle, which forms the plural of nouns,
is decUned. The verbs have two first persons
plural, inclusive and exclusive, and particles which
have the effect of indicating transition from the
first person to the second, second to third, third
to fijst, and third to second. But the pecuharity
in the language which gives it such great power
of expression and flexibihty is the use of nominal
and verbal particles. They are exceedingly
numerous, serving to alter the parts of speech,
and to modify the meanings of words in an infinite
number of ways. As is the case with some other
American languages, there is a great variety of
names for degrees of relationship. For instance,
there is a different word for the sister of a brother
and the sister of a sister, and vice versa.

The Runa-simi was well adapted for adminis-
trative purposes, such as promulgating decrees,
recording statistics, and keeping accounts. For
the latter purposes the Peruvians resorted to the

1 Cara has a meaning quite different from Ccaca, the latter
representing a stronger guttural. Tanta and tlania, pacha and
ppacha have very different meanings.

THE QUIPUS 139

use of quipus. I am unable to throw any new Kght
on the extent to which this system could be made
to record events, except that further evidence has
been forthcoming that they were actually used for
such purposes. For administrative work their utihty
cannot be doubted, and they served their purpose
admirably. The quipu was a rope to which a
number of strings were attached, on which knots
were made to denote numbers — units, tens, hund-
reds, &c. The Peruvians had a complete system of
numeration. The colom's of the strings explained
the subjects to which the numbers referred. The
accounts were in charge of trained officials called
Quipucamayoc, and by this method the comphcated
business of a great empire was conducted.

It is quite conceivable that, with a sufficient
staff of trained and competent officials, such a
system might be made to work efficiently. Indeed,
we know that this was the case. The difficulty is
to understand how traditions could be preserved
and historical events recorded by the use of quifus.
Bias Valera refers, as his authorities for various
statements respecting rites and ceremonies, to the
quifus preserved in different provinces, and even
by private persons. i

There must, however, have been interpreters of
the quipus, those who, with knowledge derived

1 He refers to the quipus of Cuzco, Caxamarca, Quito, Huama-
chuco, Pachacamac, Chincha, Sacsahuaman, Cunti-suyu and Colla-
sujru, and to those in the possession of Luis and Francisco Yutu
Inca and Juan Hualpa Inca, as his authorities.

140 RECORD OF EVENTS

from other sources, could use the knots as re-
minders and suggesters by which an event could
be kept in memory with more accuracy. These
were the Amautas, or learned men and councillors.
For them the quipus formed a system of reminders,
giving accuracy to knowledge derived from other
methods of recording events and traditions. For
it cannot be supposed that the system of different
coloured knots could do more than supply a sort
of aid to memory, or a memoria tecJmica. It is,
however, certain that the traditions and records
of events were preserved by the Amautas with
considerable exactness. There is, for instance, the
Paccari-tampu myth. It is told by Garcilasso de
la Vega, Cieza de Leon, Betanzos, Balboa, Morua,
Montesinos, Salcamayhua and Sarmiento, all agree-
ing sufficiently closely to prove that precisely the
same tradition had been handed down, with the
same details, to their various informants. Similarly
the details of the Chanca war and other principal
events were preserved.

Sarmiento tells us how this was done on the
highest authority. He examined thirty-two wit-
nesses of the Inca family in 1571, and liis first
inquiry was respecting the way in which the memory
of historical events was preserved. He was in-
formed that the descendants of each sovereign
formed an ayllu or family, whose duty it was to
keep the records of the events of his reign. This
was done by handing down the histories in the form
of narratives and songs which the Amautas of each

PICTURES 141

ayllu, specially trained for the duty, learnt by
heart from generation to generation. They had
help by means of the quipus, and also by the use
of pictures painted on boards. These pictures, it
was stated, were preserved with great care. But
none have come down to us. Pictures are mentioned
by Garcilasso de la Vega, and there are entries in
the recently discovered manuscript of Huaman
Poma which make it almost certain that portraits
of the Incas and their queens once existed. Hua-
man Poma gives clever pen-and-ink sketches of the
Incas and Ccoyas, with a page of description for each.
In the descriptions he not only gives an account
of the personal appearance, but also mentions the
colour of the tunic and mantle of each Inca, and
of the acsu^ and ll-icUa- of each Ccoya. Now this
would be quite out of place for pen-and-ink sketches.
It is, therefore, fairly certain that Huaman Poma
alluded to coloured pictures, or to the tradition of
them, and that such pictures were used to assist
and confirm the traditions handed down in the
ayllus, with the aid of the quipus. The preserva-
tion of the traditions and Hsts of the ancient kings,
as well as of the historical events in the reigns of
the Incas, were secured by these means. Sarmiento
tells us that the most notable historical events were
painted on great boards and deposited in the hall
of the temple of the sun. Learned persons were
appointed, who were well versed in the art of
understanding and explaining them.

1 Skirt. 2 Mantle.

142 RELIEF MAPS— SCHOOLS

The Peruvians appear to have been advanced
in the study of geography and in the use of rehef
maps. The provinces were measured and surveyed,
and the natural features were shown by means of
these rehef maps moulded in clay.i They were
used by the Incas for administrative purposes, and
especially for deciding the destinations of colonists.
Garcilasso de la Vega had the great advantage of
seeing one of these rehef maps. It was made of
clay, with small stones and sticks, and was a model
of the city of Cuzco, showing the four main roads.
It was according to scale, and showed the squares
and streets, and the streams, and the surrounding
country with its hills and valleys. The Inca
declares that it was well worthy of admiration,
and that the best cosmographer in the world could
not have done it better. It was constructed at
Muyna, a few leagues south of Cuzco, where
Garcilasso saw it.

There were Yacha Huasi, or schools, at Cuzco,
said to have been founded by Inca Rocca, where
youths were trained and instructed as Amautas
and Quifucamayocs. The former were in close
touch with the hierarchy, and were usually either
priests or councillors of the sovereign. The
Harahuecs, or bards, were also trained at these
institutions.

The Runa-simi was nobly and abundantly used
in preserving the origins and developments of
Andean civihsation, although the want of knowledge

' Sartniento, p. 120.

HYMNS AND SONGS 143

of an alphabet and the Spanish cataclysm have only
allowed that preservation, so complete when the
end came, to reach us in scattered fragments.
Probably the most ancient rehc we possess is the
mythical song given by Valera, and handed down
to us by Garcilasso de la Vega. It is a fanciful
idea, referring the noise of thunder to the shattering
of a sister's bowl by a brother ; a shght thing in
itself, but showing the play of fancy in the imagina-
tive minds of these people. Of equal antiquity
are the prayers which have been preserved by
Mohna, and those hymns to the Supreme Being
handed down to us by Salcamayhua. A pretty
harvest song, a hunting song to accompany a dance,
a love ditty, and a remarkable song supposed to be
sung by a condemned man before execution, are
undoubtedly ancient, for they are found in the
manuscript of Huaman Poma. They throw much
Hght on the simple character of the people, on
their fancies and turns of thought. The love song
is imaginative, and has some pretty fancies. There
were many such songs in the collection of Dr.
Justiniani, and some occur in the drama of Ollantay.
The most interesting and complete rehc of
Peruvian hterature is the drama of Ollantay, over
which there has been much controversy with refer-
ence to its antiquity. It was first made known
through the account of it given in the * Museo
Erudito' of Cuzco, in 1837. i In 1853 the present

1 By Don Manuel Palacios ; Nos. 5 to 9, reproduced by Dr.
Don Pio Mesa in his Anales del Cuzco,

144 THE CURA OF LARIS

writer made search for the original text of the
drama, and for the best sources of information.
In those days an intelhgent and learned scholar,
Dr. JuHan Ochoa, was Rector of the University of
San Antonio Abad at Cuzco,i and there also resided
in the ancient city of the Incas a venerable lady
who remembered the insmrection of Pmnacagua,
and whose intimate relations with the leading
Indians of those times, and profomid knowledge of
the folklore and language of her comitrymen, placed
her in the first rank as an exponent of tradition.
It was mider the guidance of these two high
authorities that the present writer conducted his
researches.

They told him of the existence of a last descend-
ant of the Incas, hving in one of the most secluded
valleys of the eastern Andes, and possessing the
original text of the old Inca drama, and many other
documents of interest. It was necessary to cross
the lofty range of mountains which bounds the
lovely vale of the Vilcamayu, to pass over grassy
plateaux at a great elevation, where the sapphire
blue of the small alpine lakes contrasted with the
dark surfaces of the precipitous cliffs, and then to
descend, by winding paths, into the secluded vale
of Laris. Here there was a small church, a few
huts, and a house consisting of buildings on two
sides of a courtyard, with the church tower seen
over the roof. Away in one direction there was a
wooded glen of great depth, containing one small

1 Afterwards Bishop of Cuzco,

DR. JUSTINIANI 145

house built over a spring, which consists of medicinal
waters of special virtue for various complaints. A
small stream flowed down another ravine of wonder-
ful beauty, with lofty mountains on either side. In
those days the downward course of the river, called
the Yanatilde, was unknown. Recently it has
been explored, and found to be a tributary of the
Vilcamayu.

Such was Laris, where the descendant of the
Incas lived as cura of the parish, with his grand-
niece. His name was Dr. Pablo Justiniani, in
direct descent from the Princess Maria Usca,i
married to Pedro Ortiz de Orue, the Encomendero
of Maras. It will perhaps be remembered that
Maras was the name of one of the tribes which
followed the Ayars from Paccari-tampu. Dr. Justi-
niani was a very old man. He could remember the
great rebelhon of Tupac Amaru in 1782, and was
a friend of Dr. Antonio Valdez, who reduced the
drama of OUantay to writing.

His house consisted of a long room opening on
the courtyard, with small rooms at each end, and
a kitchen in the other building. The furniture was
a long table, some very old chairs, an inlaid cabinet,
and two ancient chests. Round the walls hung

1 Maria Usca was the daughter of the Inca Manco, and grand-
daughter of Huayna Ccapac. Her brothers were the three last
Incas — Sayri Tupac, Cusi Titu Yupanqui, and Tupac Amaru.
Her daughter, CataUna Ortiz de Orue, married Don Luis Justiniani,
the great-great-grandfather of Dr. Don Pablo PoUcarpo Justiniani,
cura of Laris. One of Dr. Don Pablo's great-great-grandmothers
was of the ayllu of the great Inca, Tupac Yupanqui.

L

146 DR. JUSTINIANI

portraits of all the Incas from Manco Ccapac to
Tupac Amaru, including the Princess Maria Usca.
Under the portrait of Tupac Amaru was the
sentence in Quichua : * 0 Lord ! behold how my
enemies shed my blood/ There were also the
coats of arms of the Incas granted by the Emperor
Charles V, of Ortiz de Orue, Gonzalez, Carbajal,
and Justiniani.

The old cura talked of the drama of Ollantay,
of Inca literature, and of the rebellions of Tupac
Amaru and Pumacagua. His guest, in the intervals
of copying manuscripts, took long rambles down
the beautiful vale of Yanatilde, and rejoiced to
see the friendly relations that existed between
the old cura and his parishioners, who raised
crops of potatoes and ocas, and kept flocks of
llamas which found pasturage on the mountain
slopes. Bright and full of conversation in the
daytime, the old cura sometimes suffered from
headaches in the evenings. His niece then stuck
coca leaves all over his forehead, which drove
away the pain, so that he hterally enjoyed a green
old age. This was before the discovery of the
virtues of cocaine.

Out of the old cabinet, inlaid with mother-of-
pearl and haliotis, Dr. Justiniani brought the
pedigree showing his descent from the Incas,
another pedigree showing his descent from the
Emperor Justinian through the Genoese family,
a volume of old Quichua songs, and the text of
the drama of Ollantay. All these precious docu-

THE INCA DRAMA 147

ments were diKgently copied. He gave me an
account of the reduction of the drama to writing,
and of the existing copies.

It will be well to quote what Garciiasso de la
Vega and others say on the subject before giving
the information received from Dr. Justiniani :
* The Amautas composed both tragedies and
comedies, w^hich were represented before the Inca
and his court on solemn occasions. The subject
matter of the tragedy related to mihtary deeds
and the victories of former times ; while the
arguments of the comedies were on agricultural
and famihar household subjects. They under-
stood the composition of long and short verses,
with the right number of syllables in each. They
did not use rhymes in the verses."* i Salcamayhua
also bears witness to the existence of the ancient
drama, and gives the names for four different
kinds of plays called Atiay Sauca, a joyous repre-
sentation, Hayachuca, Llama-llama, a farce, and
Hanamsi, a tragedy. There is a clear proof that
the memory of the old dramatic lore was preserved,
and that the di'amas were handed down by memory
after the Spanish conquest. It is to be found in
the sentence pronounced on the rebels at Cuzco,
by the Judge Areche, in 1781. It prohibited ' the
representation of dramas, as well as all other
festivals which the Indians celebrated in memory
of their Incas.'

There then can be no doubt that these Inca

' In this Garciiasso was mistaken. Tiiey occasionally used rliymea,

L 2

148 DRAMA OF OLLANTAY

dramas had been handed down. Dr. Justiniani
told me that the Ollantay play was put into
writing by Dr. Don Antonio Valdez, the cura of
Sicuani, from the mouths of Indians. He divided
it into scenes, with a few stage directions, and
it was acted before the unfortunate Tupac Amaru,
a friend of Valdez, who headed an insurrection
against the Spaniards in 1782. It would appear
that Valdez was not the first to reduce the play to
writing, for there is or was a version of 1735, and
others dating from the previous century, i

The father of Dr. Justiniani was a friend of
Dr. Valdez, and he made a copy of that learned
Quichua scholar's manuscript. This is the one
which I copied. Dr. Valdez died in 1816, and in
1853 the original Valdez manuscript was possessed
by his nephew and heir, Don Narciso Cuentas of
Tinta. I ascertained the existence of another
copy in the possession of Dr. Rosas, the cura of
Chinchero, and there was another in the monastery
of San Domingo at Cuzco, which was nearly
illegible from damp. But the literature on the
subject of the drama of Ollantay is extensive.

The period of the drama is during the reigns of
the Inca Pachacuti and his son Tupac Yupanqui.
The hero is a warrior named Apu Ollantay,^ who
was Viceroy of the province of Anti-suyu. Though

1 Von Tschudi.

2 The name of Ollantay occurs in the list of witnesses who
were examined, by order of the Viceroy Toledo, respecting the
history of the Incas. He belonged to the Antasayac ayllu,
I have not met with it in any other place.

DRAMA OF OLLANTAY 149

not of the blood-royal, this young nobleman
entertained a sacrilegious love for a daughter of
the Inca named Cusi Coyllur, or the * joyful star/
The play opens with a dialogue between Ollantay
and his servant Piqui Chaqui, a witty and facetious
lad whose punning sallies form the comic vein
which runs through the piece. Their talk is of
Ollantay's love for the princess, and to them
enters the High Priest of the Sun, who, by per-
forming a miracle, endeavours to dissuade the
audacious warrior from his forbidden love.

In the second scene the princess herself laments
to her mother the absence of Ollantay. The
Inca Pachacuti enters, and expresses warm affection
for his child. Two songs are introduced, the
first being a harvest song with a chorus threatening
the birds that rob the corn, and the second a
mournful love elegy.

The lover presses his suit upon the Inca in the
third scene, and is scornfully repulsed. He bursts
out into open defiance in a soliloquy of great force.
Then there is an amusing dialogue with Piqui
Chaqui, and another love song concludes the act.
Ollantay collects an army of Antis, and occupies
the impregnable fortress in the valley of the
Vilcamayu, since called OUantay-tampu, accom-
panied by two other chiefs named Urco Huaranca
and Hanco Huayllu. Meanwhile Cusi Coyllur gave
birth to a female child named Yma Sumac {How
beautiful), a crime for which she was immured in a
dungeon by her enraged father, the Inca Pachacuti.

150 OLLANTAY-TAMPU

The child is brought up in the same building,
without being aware of the existence of her
mother.

Ollantay-tampu, at the entrance of a ravine
descending to the valley of the Vilcamayu, rises
amidst scenery of indescribable lovehness. The
mountain of the principal ruins is very lofty and
in the form of a sugar loaf, but with narrow plateaux
breaking the steep slope, and giving room for the
buildings. There is now httle left, and their un-
usual arrangement, which was made a necessity
by the peculiarity and narrowness of the sites,
makes it difficult to comprehend the original plan.
Moreover the ruins are of different periods, some
certainly belonging to the megalithic age.

Ollantay-tampu was the fortress defending the
sacred valley from the incursions of wild tribes
from the north. It is the most interesting ruin
in Peru, whether from an historical or a legendary
point of view. It was the scene of this famous
Inca drama, and here the gallant young Inca
Manco repulsed the attack of the Spaniards under
Hernando Pizarro.

A fairly wide ravine, called Marca-cocha,
descends from the heights of the Andes to the
Vilcamayu valley, and at its entrance two lofty
mountains rise on either side, with the httle town
of Ollantay-tampu between them. A steep path
leads up, for 300 feet, to the first small plateau
covered with ruins. On this little level space
there are five immense stone slabs, upright against

OLLANTAY-TAMPU 151

the mountain side. They stand endways, twelve
feet high, united by small smooth pieces fitted
between them. At their bases there are other
blocks of huge dimensions, one fifteen feet long.
I beheve this to have been the great hall of the
fortified palace of Ollantay. A stone staircase
leads down to a small plateau, which was another
part of the interior.

Immediately below these plateaux there is a
very remarkable terrace, with a wall of polygonal
stones fitting exactly into each other, the lower
course formed of blocks of immense size. In the
wall there are nine recesses, 2 ft. 2 ins. high by
1 ft. 4 ins. by 1 ft. 1 in. deep, to hold the household
gods. At the further end the terrace is approached
by a handsome doorway with a monohthic Hntel,
the side of immense stones sloping sHghtly inwards.
A long staircase, hewn out of the solid rock, leads
down. This doorway and terrace were the chief
entrance and vestibule of the palace. Below the
terrace there is a succession of well- constructed
andeneria, or cultivated terraces, sixteen deep,
descending to the valley. They would have
supphed the garrison with provisions.

Beyond the second plateau, which I beheve to
have been an interior, there is an open space which
formed a court in front of the palace, and extended
to the brink of a precipice which is partly revetted
with masonry, whence there is a lovely view over
the valleys. High up, above the palace, was the
Inti-huatana, or circle and pillar for observing the

152 DRAMA OF OLLANTAY

equinox, like that which was formerly in the Inti-
pampa at Cuzco.

About half a mile up the Marca-cocha ravine the
chff becomes perpendicular, and here giant seats
have been excavated, having canopies and steps
up to them, with connecting galleries, all hewn
out of the sohd rocks. One is called Nusta-tiana
(the princess's seat), the other Inca-misana, from
its resemblance to an altar. On the road from
the quarry there are two hewn stones called the
saycusca rumi-cuna (tired stones). One is "9 ft.
8 ins. by 7 ft. 8 ins., the other 20 ft. by 15 ft. by
3 ft. 6 ins. The excavations, the tired stones, and
parts of the ruins date from the megahthic age.
The rest may be of the period of Ollantay.

The second act finds Ollantay in open rebellion,
and fully estabhshed in this wonderful palace,
where he was engaged in building and fortifying
for several years. The name may be either from
the drama or from an actual event handed
down by tradition, but most of the early writers
only call the fortress ' Tampu ' without any
prefix. Mohna and Salcamayhua have the complete
name, OUantay-tampu. The second act opens with
Ollantay in his stronghold, hailed as Inca by his
followers. In the next scene Yma Sumac, the
child of Ollantay and Cusi Coyllur, who had been
brought up without being aware of her mother's
existence, is conversing with her attendant, Pitu
Salla. The girl tells of the groans and sighs she
has heard, when she has been walking in the

'^??fi»T

-^ ^

:«^^

LARGE MONOLITH ON CITADKL OF OLLANTAV-TAMPU

Ll'lLK ILKKACL UN CITAULL UT ULLAN i A\ - 1 AM I'L

DRAMA OF OLLANTAY 153

garden, and of the strange feelings with which
they fill her mind. Her speech is the finest passage
in the play. There is an amusing dialogue between
Rumi-naui, the general of Colla-suyu, and the
scapegrace Piqui Chaqui, in the third scene, during
which the death of the Inca Pachacuti is announced.
He was succeeded by his son Tupac Yupanqui,^ who
had been absent for many years, engaged in con-
quests, and is supposed to have been imperfectly
informed of the events that had taken place round
Cuzco. The new Inca gave the command of an
army to Rumi-naui, with the duty of reducing the
rebel forces under Ollantay to subjection.

In the last act Rumi-naui adopted a cunning
stratagem. Concealing his army in the neighbour-
ing ravine of Yana-huara, he came to the strong-
hold of the rebels, and appeared before Ollantay
with his face covered with blood. He declared
that he had been ill-treated by the Inca, and that
he wished to join the insurrection. With regard to
this incident, it is recorded that, in 1837, an Indian
presented to Don Antonio Maria Alvarez, the
political chief of Cuzco, an earthen vase with a face
moulded on it. The portrait must have been that

1 In the Museo Erudito a doubt is thrown on the authenticity
of the drama because Pachacuti is said to have been succeeded by
Tupac Yupanqui ; for Garcilasso de la Vega places an Inca Yupanqui
between Pachacuti and Tupac Yupanqui. At that time Garcilasso
was accepted as the best authority. But it has since been proved
that Garcilasso was mistaken, and that Tupac Yupanqui was the
son and successor of Pachacuti, so that what seemed to be an
argument against the authenticity of the drama has become an
argument in its favour.

154 DRAMA OF OLLANTAY

of a general, from the masca'paycha, or head-dress,
and there were cuts on the face. The Indian
declared that it had been handed down in his
family, from generation to generation, as the
likeness of the general Rumi-naui.i

Rumi-nani was received as an old friend and
companion by Ollantay. A few days afterwards
the great festival of Intip Raymi was celebrated.
Rumi-iiaui encouraged the drunken orgies, keeping
sober himself, and when all were heavy with
liquor he opened the gates to admit hfs own
men, and made prisoners of Ollantay and all his
followers.

In the next scene there is a touching dialogue
between Yma Sumac and Pitu Salla, which ends
in the child being allowed to visit her mother in the
dungeon.

The successful stratagem of Rumi-naui is
reported to the Inca, in the next scene, by a
messenger. Ollantay and his companions are
then brought in as prisoners by the victorious
general, who recommends that they should be
put to death. But the magnanimous Inca not
only pardons them, but restores Ollantay to all
his honours. In the midst of the ceremonies of
reconcihation, the child Yma Sumac bursts into the
presence and entreats the Inca to save the life of
his sister and her mother. All proceed to the
dungeon of Cusi Coyllur, who is supposed to have
been long since dead. The unfortunate princess

1 Museo Erudilo, No. 5.

OTHER QUICHUA DRAMAS 155

is restored to the arms of her lover, and they
receive the blessing of their sovereign.

The drama of Ollantay is not alone in allowing
a romantic passion to transgress the usages of the
Inca court. We have another instance in the
loves of Quilacu and Curi Coyllur, which are told in
a subsequent chapter,^ and another given by Morua,
in the love of the Princess Chuqui-llantu for the
shepherd-boy Aco y a-napa. It is most fortunate that
this ancient drama has been preserved through
having been reduced to writing by an appreciative
scholar. The Inca Indians had a remarkable
aptitude for dramatic representation, of which the
Spanish priests took advantage. They collected
Inca dramatic traditions and songs and compiled
rehgious plays from them, in imitation of the
Autos Sacramentales then in vogue. Garcilasso
de la Vega mentions these religious plays, and
adds that the * Indian lads repeated the dialogues
with so much grace, feeling, and correct action,
that they gave universal satisfaction and pleasure,
and with so much plaintive softness in the songs,
that the audience shed tears of joy at seeing their
skill and abihty.'

I have two of these plays in my possession,
written in the Quichua language. One was
arranged by Dr. Lunarejo, a native of Cuzco and
a celebrated Quichua scholar of the eighteenth
century ; but the date is 1707, before his time.
It is entitled ' El pobre mas rico/ and was acted

1 See p. 244

156 OTHER INCA DRAMAS

by Indians at Cuzco, where the scene is laid, in the
days of the Incas. The dramatis personce are :

Nina Quiru Inca Cora Siclla ^Sfusta

Yauri Titu Inca Cora Umina ^Rusta

Amaru Inca An Angel

Quespillo (a droll) Demons.

The other Quichua drama, entitled ' UscA
Paucar,' is more ancient, and was given to me
by Dr. Julian Ochoa of Cuzco ; but it is strictly
an Auto Sacramental. The dramatis fersonce
are :

Usca Paucar Choque Apu (an old man)

Quespillo (a droll) Ccori-ttica
Luzvel Yuncanina An Angel.

I also have copies of twenty songs from the
collection of Dr. Justiniani, and several others
received from Quichua scholars in Ayacucho,
Cuzco, and Puno. Nearly all are love songs, a few
bright and cheerful, but the majority are elegies
breathing sorrow and despair.

The Incas were able to preserve the pedigrees
and events of the reigns of sovereigns for many
generations, by the means that have been described.
In their dramas and songs they had made great
advances in the poetic art, not only using verses to
give expression to the passions of love and despair,
but also to preserve fanciful myths and legends.
In astronomy their knowledge sufficed to fix the
periods of the solar year. The Amautas also had

INCA PHYSICIANS 157

an extensive knowledge of the use of medicinal
herbs and roots, and their advances in surgery
are attested by the discovery of skulls at Yucay
and elsewhere on which the trepanning operation
has been performed. They used infusions of
several herbs as purgatives and stomachics, as well
as the root of a convolvulus ; other herbs were used
for colds and pulmonary complaints, and salves
were used, consisting of leaves and seeds of certain
plants dried, pounded, and mixed with lard,
some for wounds, others for rheumatism. For
fevers they used several tonics, including a gentian.
The chinchona plant was certainly used locally as
a febrifuge, but not, I think, universally. In the
Loxa province the bark was used, and known as
Quina-quina. In the forests of Caravaya an infu-
sion of the Chinchona flowers was given for ague,
and called Yara chucchu. The name of calisaya,
the species richest in quinine, is derived from two
Quichua words : Ccali, strong, and sayay, to stand.
From time immemorial men of a tribe called
Collahuaya or Charasani, from Upper Peru, have
collected medicinal herbs and roots, and, as itiner-
ant doctors, have carried them all over the empire
of the Incas. I have collected all the names of
medicinal herbs and roots from ancient authors,
especially Cobos. I have also received information
on the same subjects from people with whom I
came in contact who were likely to know the
herbs now used by the Indians ; and I have exam-
ined the bags of the Collahuayas at Lampa and other

158 MEDICINAL PLANTS

places. It is an interesting fact that many of the
remedies mentioned by ancient writers are still to
be fomid in the bags of modern itinerant doctors.
The Inca Garcilasso says that his mother's people
used many medicinal plants, but he had forgotten
their names. He, however, mentions the extra-
ordinary effects of one called matecllu, which are
described in the chapter on the Inca's life at
page 268.

CHAPTER XI

CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE

The history of the people who formed the empire
of the Incas, in their earher development, is well
worthy of careful study. Sarmiento's version of
what he was told by the Amautas was that the
people were broken up into small tribes, hving
in what the Spaniards call behetria, without any
government except in time of war, when a tempor-
ary chief, called Sinchi, was elected. But this is
a very inadequate and misleading account of what
must have been told him. The mountainous nature
of the Andean region, cut up by such gorges as
those of the Apurimac and the Pampas, led to the
formation of numerous separate communities,
and this would equally be the state of affairs in the
valleys on the coast, which are separated from each
other by sandy deserts.

These communities were not without govern-
ment, as Sarmiento supposed. From remote
antiquity they consisted of famihes, all being related,
like the Roman gens. A single community, occupy-
ing part of a valley or a hmited area, was called an
ayllu. It was an organised family something on
the Hnes of the village communities in India. The

159

160 SYSTEM OF AYLLUS

necessity for agricultural and pastoral industries
led inevitably to a life of social intercourse, and to a
patriarchal system under which the land belonged
to the ayllu. The arable land was assigned annually
to the heads of famihes, while the pasture and wood-
land continued to be the common property of the
ayllu. There were doubtless frequent wars
respecting boundaries and rights of pasturage with
neighbouring ayllus, but there were also confedera-
tions of ayllus for defence, and for the construc-
tion of works for the common good, which would
be beyond the powers of a single ayllu — such as
works of irrigation, and terraced cultivation. The
unit was the head of a family, called puric, the
united furics formed the ayllu, which occupied the
cultivable land called marca.

There is abundant evidence that this patri-
archal system, with rules established by long
custom, had existed from remote antiquity. The
development of agriculture and the domestication
of animals could not have been continued for
centuries without the existence of an ordered
social hfe, pointing to a head or heads to rule and
direct. Moreover, the traditions and ancestral
descents of the ayllus were most carefully pre-
served down to the very last, and this no doubt led
to the worship of ancestors, and to all the ceremonial
services which it involved.

In course of time the neighbouring ayllus, in
many instances, united not only for purposes of
defence, but also for social and industrial objects,

THE PURIC 161

thus forming a clan composed of several ayllus or
families. Then several clans miited and became a
powerful tribe with an hereditary chief. Finally there
arose great confederations Hke those of the Incas,
the Chancas, and the CoUas ; ending, after fierce
and prolonged wars, in the supremacy of the Incas.

The Incas respected the organisations they
found among the people who came under their rule,
and did not disturb or alter the social institutions
of the numerous tribes they conquered. Their
statesmanship consisted in systematising the
institutions which had existed from remote
antiquity, and in adapting them to the requirements
of a great empire.

Under the Incas the ayllu became a pacJiaca (100
famihes), over which was placed a Llacta-camayoc
or village officer, whose duty it was to divide the
marca annually into topus, three being assigned to
each 'puric or head of a family, sufficient for the
maintenance of himself and his people, and for the
payment of tribute to the state and to rehgion ;
one third to each.

The puric was responsible for the maintenance
of his family connections, who were divided into
ten classes, with their women :

1. Punuc rucu (old man sleeping), sixty years and
upwards.

2. CJiaupi rucu {' half old '), fifty to sixty years. Doing
light work.

3. Puric (able-bodied), twenty-five to fifty. Tribute
payer and head of the family.

162 SYSTEM OF ADMINISTRATION

4. Yma huayna (almost a youth), twenty to twenty-
five. Worker.

5. Coca fdlla (coca picker), sixteen to twenty.
Worker.

6. Pucllac Imamra, eight to sixteen. Light work.

7. Ttanta raquizic (bread receiver), six to eight.

8. Macta puric, under six.

9. Saya huamrac, able to stand.

10. Mosoc cwparic, baby in arms.

From all the classes younger than the puric^
male and female, a certain number were taken
annually for the service of the state and of religion.
The population appears to have increased rapidly.
In the fachaca, or old ayllu, there were a hundred
furies. The Llacta-camayoc or head of the pachaca
had to see that all were properly nourished and to
register births and deaths.

Ten pachacas formed a huaranca (1000
famiUes), with a chief selected from among the
llacta-camayocs. The whole valley or district
comprised a varying number of huarancas which
was called a hwiu, and the old hereditary native
chiefs, with the name of curacas, retained some
judicial power and were free from tribute. But
over every four liunus there was an imperial officer
called a Tucuyricoc, the literal meaning of which is
' He who sees all.' His duty as overseer was to see
that tlie whole complicated system of administra-
tion worked with regularity, and that all the re-
sponsible officials under him performed their
duties efficiently. The later Incas had a Viceroy

SYSTEM OF ADMINISTRATION 163

of the blood-royal, called Ccapac Apu, for each of
the four great provinces.

There was also a system of periodical visitors
to overlook the census and the tribute, and to
examine minutely and report upon the state of
affairs in each district. Other visitors, in consulta-
tion with the local officials, selected young people
of both sexes from the households of the furies
for employments in the service of the State and
of religion, according to their several aptitudes.
Marriages were also arranged by the visiting officials.

From the ranks of the people, men and women
were needed for many purposes of state, each
chosen from out of a furic household. First
there were the shepherds. A census was taken of
all the llamas and alpacas in each district and they
were divided into flocks for the state, for religion
and sacrifices, and for the curacas. They were sent
to the best pastures in charge of the shepherds,
and each furic received two couples for breeding
purposes. Other youths were required as hunters,
soldiers, chasquis or messengers, road - makers,
builders, miners, artificers, and for the service of
rehgion. Maidens were taken for the special service
of the sun, selected by an official called Apu-
panaca. Servants, called yana-cuna, were latterly
chosen in a different way. It appears that a small
tribe, hving on the banks of a stream called
Yana-mayu (black river), had been guilty of some
shocking treason to Tupac Inca, and was to be
annihilated. But the queen interceded for them,

M 2

164 YANA-GUNA-MITIMAES

and the sentence was commuted to servitude for
themselves and their descendants. They were called
yana-mayu cuna, which was soon corrupted into
yana-cuna ; and yana became the word for a
domestic servant, as well as for the colour hlack.
This institution of yana-cuna as domestic servants
was quite exceptional, and no part of the regular
Incarial system.

Not the least important part of that system
was the policy of planting colonists, called mitimaes,
especially in provinces recently conquered or
supposed to be disaffected. Married yoimg men
from the yma huayna class, with their wives,
were collected from a particular district and con-
veyed to a distant part of the empire, where their
loyalty and industry would leaven a disaffected
region. Vast numbers from recently conquered
provinces were transported to localities where
they would be surrounded by a loyal population,
or to the eastern forests and unoccupied coast
valleys. This was especially the case with the
Collas, many of whom were sent as mitinmes or
colonists as far as the borders of Quito. The
Lupacas, on the western shores of Lake Titicaca,
were exiled in great numbers to the southern coast
valleys of Moquegua and Tacna. Their places
were filled by loyal colonists from the Inca districts
of Aymara, Cotapampa, and Chumpivilca.

This colonising policy served more than one
purpose. Its most obvious effect was to secure the
quiet and prosperity of recently annexed provinces.

ANTIQUITY OF THE SYSTEM 165

It also led to the increased well-being and comfort
of the whole people, by the exchange of products.
Mitimaes in the coast valleys sent up cotton, aji,^
and fruits to their former homes, and received
maize, potatoes, or wool in exchange. The
mitimaes in the eastern forests sent up supplies
of coca, and of bamboos and chonta wood for
making weapons, and received provisions of all
kinds. This system of exchanges was carried
on by means of chasquis or couriers, constantly
running over excellent roads. A third im_portant
end secured by the system of mitimaes was the
introduction of one language to be used throughout
the whole empire, a result which followed slowly
and surely. The Runa-simi, or one general lan-
guage, was an immense help in facihtating the
efficient working of a rather complicated system
of government.

The Inca organisation was not a creation by a
succession of able princes. Such a result would
be impossible in the course of only a few generations.
The Incas found the system of village communities
prevaihng among the tribes they conquered, and
made as little alteration as was compatible with
the requirements of a great empire. Their merit
as statesmen is that they saw the wisdom of
avoiding great changes, and of adapting existing
institutions to the new requirements. They did
this with a skill and ability which has seldom been
approached, and with a success which has never

166 THE RULE OF THE INCAS

been equalled. Their system was necessarily
complicated, but it was adjusted with such skill
and ingenuity that it worked without friction and
almost automatically, even when the guiding
head was gone. An instance of this is recorded
by Cieza de Leon, a soldier of the Spanish conquest.
One of the details of the system was that when
any calamity overtook a particular district, there
was another neighbouring district told off to
bring succour and supply its proportion of new
inhabitants. Cieza de Leon testified that he saw
this arrangement actually at work. When the
Spaniards massacred inhabitants, burnt dwellings,
and destroyed crops in one district of the Jauja
valley, he saw the right people come from
the right district to succour the sufferers, and
hel^) to rebuild the dwellings and re-sow the
crops.

The Incarial system of government bears
some general resemblance to a very beneficent
form of Eastern despotism such as may have
prevailed when Jamshid ruled over Iran. There
was the same scheme of dividing the crops between
the cultivator and the State, the same patriarchal
care for the general welfare ; but while the rule
of Jamshid was a legend, that of the Incas was
an historical fact. The Incarial government finds
a closer affinity in the theories of modern sociaHsts ;
and it seems certain that, under the very peculiar
condition of Peru when the Incas ruled, the dreams
of Utopians and socialists became realities for

THE PEOPLE 167

a time, being the single instance of such reahsation
in the world's history.

The condition of the people under the Incas,
though one of tutelage and dependence, at the
same time secured a large amount of material
comfort and happiness. The inhabitants of the
Andean region of Peru and of the southern half of
the coast valleys were practically one people.
Slightly built, with oval faces, aquiline, but not
prominent noses, dark eyes, and straight black
hair, the Inca Indian had a well-proportioned
figure, well-developed muscular limbs, and was
capable of enduring great fatigue. He was very
industrious, intelligent, and affectionate among
his own relations ; at the same time he was fond
of festivity, and of indulgence in drinking bouts.
The puric, with his family about him, went joyfully
to his field work. Idleness was unknown, but
labour was enlivened by sowing and harvest songs,
while the shepherd-boys played on their 'pincullu,
or flutes, as they tended the flocks on the lofty
pastures. Wool was supplied to the people for
their clothing, and hides for their usutas, or sandals,
and even some luxmies, such as coca, reached
them through the continuous ebb and flow of
commercial exchanges by the mitimaes. Periodical
festivities broke the monotony of work, some of
a religious character, others in celebration of
family events. The rutu-cJiicu was a festival
when a child attained the age of one year and
received a name. Others came round when a

168 CEREMONIES AND FESTIVITIES

boy or girl ceased to be nursed. This event was
called Tiuarachicu for a boy, and quicuchicu for
a girl. The greatest festival of the year was at
harvest time, when the 'puric hung the fertile stalks
of maize on the branches of trees, and his family
sang and danced the ayrihua beneath them. The
people were taught to worship the sun and the
heavenly bodies, but the chief trust of the labouring
classes was in their conopas or household gods,
representing, as they beheved, the essential essences
of all that they depended upon for their well-being —
their llamas, their maize, or their potatoes. These
they prayed to fervently, not forgetting the huacas
or idols of which there were some in every district,
and above all never neglecting the ceremonial
burial of llama idols, with small offerings, in the
fields, to propitiate the good earth deity.

A proof of the general well-being of the people
is the large and increasing population. The
andeneria or steps of terraced cultivation extending
up the sides of the mountains in all parts of Peru,
and now abandoned, are silent witnesses of the
former prosperity of the country. The people
were nourished and well cared for, and they
multiplied exceedingly. In the wildest and most
inaccessible valleys, in the lofty punas surrounded
by snowy heights, in the dense forests, and in the
sand-girt valleys of the coast, the eye of the central
power was ever upon them, and the never-faihng
brain, beneficent though inexorable, provided for
all their wants, gathered in their tribute, and

SOCIALISM 169

selected their children for the various occupations
required by the State, according to their several
aptitudes.

This was indeed sociahsm such as dreamers
in past ages have conceived, and unpractical
theorists now talk about. It existed once because
the essential conditions were combined in a way
which is never likely to occur again. These are
an inexorable despotism, absolute exemption from
outside interference of any kind, a very peculiar
and remarkable people in an early stage of civilisa-
tion, and an extraordinary combination of skilful
statesmanship.

It was destroyed by the Spanish conquest, and
the world will never see its like again. A few
of the destroyers, only a very few, could appreciate
the fabric they had pulled down, its beauty and
symmetry, and its perfect adaptation to its environ-
ment. But no one could rebuild it. The most
enhghtened among the destroyers were the lawyers
who were sent out to attempt some sort of recon-
struction— men hke Ondegardo, Matienza, and
Santillan. But they could only think hopelessly
what Santillan wrote : ' There was much in their
rule which was so good as to deserve praise and
be even worthy of imitation.' There were even
some faint attempts at imitation, but they failed
utterly, and the unequalled fabric disappeared
for ever.

170 WORK BY BELAUNDE

NOTE TO THE CHAPTER ON THE CONDITION
OF THE PEOPLE

Writers on Peruvian civilisation from the time of Robert-
son and Prescott have assumed that the whole fabric was
originated and matured by the Incas, constructed, as it
were, out of chaos. But a more recent school of thinkers
has seen the impossibility of such a creation, and holds
that the Incas systematised tribal and social organisa-
tions which had existed from remote antiquity, and did
not create them.

A very able review of the works of those writers who
have adopted the opinion that the Incas did not create a
system, but adapted one which had long been in exist-
ence, was published at Lima in 1908 — ' El Peru antiguo y
los modernos sociologos." The author, Victor Andres
Belaunde, is thoroughly master of his subject. He first
explains the conclusions of the German sociologist Cunow,
in his ' Organisation of the Empire of the Incas — Investiga-
tions into their Ancient Agrarian Communism,' According
to Cunow there had existed, from remote antiquity,
separate groups organised on the same base as the village
communities of India, and the German mark. These
were the ayllus. He holds that the ayllus, as village
communities, existed before the empire of the Incas. The
Incas respected this ayllu organisation, and all they did
was to systematise it. Belaunde holds that this hypothesis
has caused a complete revolution in the manner of con-
sidering the rule of the Incas. The communistic organi-
sation did not originate in the constitution of the Inca
monarchy, but was anterior to it. Communism was not
here the result of a special political organisation, nor the
realisation of a plan of state socialism. It was simply the
result of the union of the numerous ayllus, who thus

VIEWS OF CUNOW AND OTHERS 171

collectively held the land under the domination of the
most powerful among them. So that Peru is not the proto-
type of a paternal monarchy. Communism was not im-
posed by the Incas. It was not a system conceived by
them, and brought into practice by means of conquests
and clever alliances. Ancient Peru was not the archetype
of sociaHsm, but a vast agglomeration of village communi-
ties. After the publication of Cunow's work there appeared
' The Evolution of Political Doctrines and Beliefs ' by the
Belgian sociologist William de Greef, who devotes an
interesting chapter to Peru. His view is practically the
same as that of Cunow.

Belaunde then explains the views of two eminent
South American writers, Don Bautista Saavedra, a BoHvian,
and Don Jose de la Riva Aguero, a Peruvian.

Saavedra in his work ' El Ayllu ' also holds that the
ayllus, as communities, existed before the rise of the Inca
empire. Riva Aguero describes the gradual aggregation
of the constituent tribes.

Belaunde proceeds to discuss the views of Prescott,
Lorente, Letourneau, Wiener, D'Orbigny, Desjardins,
Spencer, and Bandelier, and of the present writer in his
essay written for Winsor's narrative and critical history of
America. The earlier writers have not attempted to dis-
cuss the condition of things previous to the rise of the Incas,
and Spencer's theories respecting Peruvian civilisation,
in his great work on sociology, are based on misconceptions
and inaccurate information.

The present writer, in the course of his studies, was
gradually approaching the discovery that Peruvian social-
ism was not a conception of the Incas, but the result of
much more ancient organisations recognised and adopted
by the Incas. As will be seen from the present chapter,
he has practically come to the same conclusions as Cunow
and others who are in agreement with him, which are so

172 STATESMANSHIP OF THE INCAS

admirably summed up by Belaunde in his extremely
interesting and able review. But at the same time he
does not consider that this pre-existence of communities
holding land in common at all detracts from the admiration
that is due to the government of the Incas. The wisdom
which led the Incas to respect the institutions of the various
tribes brought under their rule, and the skill with which
they adapted those institutions to the requirements of a
great empire, are evidences of no ordinary statesmanship.
Their wise poUcy explains the rapidity of the rise of their
empire, and the shght resistance to it.

CHAPTER XII

TTAHUA-NTIN-SUYU

I

CUNTI-SUYU

The official name of the Empire of the Incas was
Ttahua-ntin-suyu, the word ttahua meaning four,
ntin a collective plm:al, and suyu province.
' The four combined provinces/ with reference
to the dominions west, north, south, and east of
the central land of the Incas. The western
division was called Cunti-suyu, and included the
country from the Apurimac to the maritime
Cordillera and the coast. Chinchay-suyu was
the northern division including Huamanca, the
valley of the Jauja, Haunuco, Caxamarca, as far
as Quito, with the coast valleys. The CoUa-suyu,
or southern division, was the basin of Lake Titicaca,
and Charcas, as far as Tucuman, Chile, and the
valleys of Arequipa, Moquegua, and Tacna. The
country to the east of the land of the Incas and
all that was known of the Amazonian forests
was Anti-suyu.

From a geographical point of view the Cunti-
suyu division is formed of three regions west of the
Apurimac, within the meridians of 70° and 76° W.,

173

174 THE QUICHUAS

all watered by tributaries of the Apurimac. The
first lies between the Apurimac and the Pachachaca
rivers, the second between the Pachachaca and
the Pampas, and the third includes the maritime
Cordillera between those meridians. They may
be called, after their chief ayllus or tribes, the
Quichua,! Chanca, and Lucana regions.

The Quichuas occupied the beautiful valley
of Apancay,- and some valleys in the mountains
as far as the fortress of Curamba, beyond the
Pachachaca. Their position is partly defined in
the account of Tupac's first campaign, when he
occupied the Quichua strongholds of Tuyara,^
Cayara,'^ and Curampa. The Quichuas were very
closely allied to the Inca people in race, and their
language was the same. Indeed, the first Spanish
grammarian of the general language of the Incas
called it Quichua, probably from having studied
it in their country. Mossi gives a definition of
the word from the passive participle of quehuini
(I twist), which is quehuisca (twisted) and ichu
(grass), that is quehuisca-ycJm (twisted grass), by
syncope quichua. It came to mean a temperate
region, neither too hot nor too cold.

1 Quichua {Khechua, Mossi) means a temperate region. For
derivation Mossi suggests qquohuini {hvist), whence qquehuiscca
(tivisted), with Ichu (straw), qquehuiscca ichu {twisted straw), by
syncope Quichua.

~ Apani, I carry ; apana, a load ; cay, a particle giving an
abstract idea. Perhaps the place of loading or of loads.

^ Tuya, a finch ; rac, even.

+ Ccaya, after, future.

; Sarmiento, {). 130. Cu, reflective form ; rampa, a litter.

THE QUICHUAS 175

The Apancay valley presents scenes of great
beauty. On the mountain to the south the
products of almost every chme may be seen at one
glance. The rapid little river flows along at its
base, amongst waving maize crops and fruit trees.
On the steep slopes immediately above there are
crops of potatoes and other edible roots, then
pastures on the steep mountain side with rocks
cropping out, and higher the peaks shooting up
into the sky. On the other side of Apancay there
are terraced slopes, and cultivated tracts sloping
down to the banks of the Pachachaca. Higher
up the Pachachaca and other tributaries of the
Apurirnac, the mountain gorges and lofty funas
were inhabited by four ayllus of hardy mountain-
eers closely alhed to the Quichuas. These were
the Chumfi-uilcas, Cota'pampas, Umasayus, and
Aymaras.^

The beauty of the scenery between the rivers
Pachachaca and Pampas is most striking as the
summit ridges are reached, and the eye ranges over
such valleys and gorges as are presented by
Angamos, Pincos, and Huancarama." On a grassy
plateau, commanding the road, is the ancient
fortress of Curamba, a stronghold of the Quichuas.
It consists of three terraces, one above the other
with stone revetments, and a ramp on the east side

1 Chumpi, a cairn ; uilca, sacred ; cuta, ground ; pampa,
plain ; uma, head ; sayu, landmark ; ayma, a song ; aray,
masked.

2 Anca, eagle ; ma, let us see ; pincu, roof ; huanca,
song of women working in the fields ; ramca, dieam.

176 SORAS AND LUCANAS

forming a sloping way to each terrace. There
were no doubt stockaded defences when it was
used for operations of war. The great feature of
this Chanca region is the extensive and fertile
valley of Andahuaylas,i capable of sustaining a
very large population. There are other fertile
valleys between Andahuaylas and the river Pampas
which, hke the Apurimac, flows through a gorge
so profound that the vegetation on the river banks
is quite tropical.

Beyond the Pampas, in the valleys formed by
its tributaries flowing from the maritime Cordillera,
and on the Pacific slopes, there dwelt two powerful
mountain tribes called Soras and Lucanas.^ They
seem to have been more advanced in civilisation
than their neighbours, for there are ruins of im-
portant edifices in the Sora country, called Vilcas-
huaman. This was a palace of the Incas and their
principal station in Cunti-suyu, but it existed
before the annexation, for Montesinos mentions a
king of Vilcas, and the Soras did not submit
without making some resistance. Their neigh-
bours, the Lucanas, occupied both slopes of the
Cordillera. On the Pacific side there is a large
alpine lake frequented by flamingoes called
Parihuana-cocha,^ round the banks of which
their principal seat appears to have been. Below
is the lovely coast valley of Nasca,^ owing its

1 Anta or Anda, terrace ; hualla, green, fresh.

2 Sora, a liquor stronger than cliicha ; rucana, finger.

3 Parihuana, flamingo ; cocha, lake.
^ Nanasca, hurt.

NASCA 177

fertility to the most remarkable system of irrigation
in Peru, which I beheve to have been due to the
skill, intelHgence, and industry of the Lucanas.
These mountaineers were remarkable for their
strength, as well as for their skill and industry.
In later times it was their special privilege to
carry the imperial htter.

The Nasca valley is one of the most striking
monuments of Andean civihsation. The fertilising
water is led from the mountains of Lucanas by sub-
terraneous channels, built of stone and the height
of a man. Their origin in the mountains is now
unknown. The water flows down them perennially,
and is eventually spread over the valley by smaller
channels, converting a coast desert into an earthly
paradise. Pottery of a pecuhar design, and beheved
to be of great antiquity, has recently been found
in the valley of Nasca.

II

Chinchay-suyu

Chinchay-suyu, the northern division of the
empire, includes the two great ranges of the Andes,
and the rich and fertile valleys between them. The
direction becomes nearly north and south, following
the trend of the coast, not east and west as in
Cunti-suyu. The valleys supported very large
populations, and the mountains were inhabited by
tribes of hardy moimtaineers.

178 FLIGHT OF THE CHANCAS

When the Inca Pachacuti sent the first army
for the conquest of Chinchay-suyu, it included a
large contingent of the conquered Chancas, led by
one of their own chiefs named Anco-ayllu. They
fought well for the Incas, but their leader chafed
at his subjection, and incited his men to desert.
A plot was arranged, and on a day settled before-
hand the Chanca contingent left the camp and,
led by Anco-ayllu, they proceeded by forced
marches into the Amazonian forests. This exodus
was commenced at a place called Huarac-tampu,
near Huanuco. They were soon beyond the
reach of pursuit, and it is beheved that they
settled in valleys along the lower course of the
Huallaga. They were found there by a Spanish
expedition in 1556, and a recent traveller has
suggested that the half-civihsed Lamistas, or
Motilones, on the Huallaga, are their descendants.
This event made a deep impression on the Inca
recorders, for it is mentioned by several Spanish
writers who received their information from the
native Amautas,

On marching north from Vilcas-huaman, after
crossing the deep gorge of the Pampas by a bridge
of aloe cables, the Inca army entered upon the
basin of the Jauja river, another tributary of
the Apurimac. The various streams flowing to the
Jauja are in the bottoms of deep ravines, while
the intervening higher lands are fertile and
produced large crops. To the west the splendid
maritime cordillera rises abruptly, and in this part

THE POCRAS— HUAMANCA 179

the fierce and warlike Morochucos sought for
pastures and raised edible roots among the giddy
heights. To the east were the equally imposing
moimtains of Cuntur-cunca, in the rear of which
the Iquichanos defied invasion. The intervening
plains and ravines were inhabited by the numerous
tribe of Pocras, who made a desperate fight for
independence.

The final stand of the Pocras and Morochucos
was on a slope between two ravines, at the foot of
the Cuntur-cimca heights. There was a terrible
slaughter, and the place was ever afterwards called
the Ayacucho, or * corner of death.' i The remnant
of Morochucos fled westward to their own moun-
tains, followed closely by the Inca general, who
finally encamped on a grassy slope at the foot of the
first steep ascent. As he sat with his officers
around him at their evening meal, a falcon soared
in circles round his head. He threw up a piece of
llama flesh to it, crying out 'Huaman-ca" (' take
it, falcon ! ') The tradition was never forgotten,
and^ the natives tell it to this day. The place,
afterwards the site of a Spanish city, was called
HuAMANCA (Guamanga), in memory of the Inca's
supper guest.2

1 At the same place the independence of Peru was won at the
battle between the Spanish Viceroy and the Colombian General
Sucre, in 1824.

~ Morua tells the story differently. He says that the Inca
Huayna Ccapac, with one of his sons named Huaman, was
encamped here. The Inca granted the land to his son, saying
Huaman-ca.

N 2

180 THE YAUYOS

Advancing northwards up the Jauja valley,
the Incas next defeated and brought under sub-
jection the Huanca nation, which cultivated and
inhabited that fertile region. In the mountains
to the westward there were two remarkable tribes,
the Yauyos and Huarochiris, who appear to have
descended into the adjacent coast valleys, and to
have greatly increased their well-being by exchanges
of products raised in different chmes. The Yauyos
seem to have spread over the valleys of Pisco,
Chincha, Huarcu (Canete), and Mala ; and in a
ravine leading up from the Huarcu valley, called
Runa-huana, there are some interesting ruins,
referred to in an appendix. According to Garcilasso
the inhabitants of Huarcu made a very desperate
resistance to the Inca arms, and this seems to be
confirmed by the fact that the ruins of an exten-
sive Incarial fortress and palace, called Hervay, exist
on a defensive hill close to the sea, flanked by a
rapid river on one side and the desert on the other.
The Yauyos spoke a peculiar dialect of their
own, called Cauqui. Much reduced in numbers and
Uving in small villages high up in the mountains,
there are now not more than 1500 people who still
speak this dialect. Like the Rucanas and Moro-
chucos, the Yauyos are an intelhgent race, and make
excellent artificers when any of them have oppor-
tunities of learning trades in the coast valleys
which once belonged to them.

The Huarochiris lived in lofty gorges of the
maritime cordilleras to the north of the Yauyos,

HUAROCHIRIS 181

with terrible passes over the snowy heights. But
the descent on either side gradually led down to
fairer scenes, on one side to the fertile vale of
the Jauja, on the other to the coast valleys of
Chilca, Lurin, and Rimac. The imposing grandeur
of some of this scenery, contrasted with the peaceful
beauty of the rest, seems to have been impressed
on the imaginations of the Huarochiri, and to have
given rise to a mythology full of quaint legends and
fables. These will be discussed in the essay on the
rehgious behefs of the coast people. The temple
to the fish god at Pachacamac attracted pilgrims
from far and near as a famous oracle, as well as the
oracle which gave its name to the Rimac valley.
Both appear to have been due to the highly imagin-
ative tendencies of those of the Huarochiris who
settled on the coast. It was a Httle further north,
at Pativilca, on the coast, that the more northern
dominions of the Grand Chimu found its southern
frontier. But this coast region, between Pativilca
and the Rimac, seems to have been long in an
unsettled state. The dwellings of the chiefs who
occupied the Rimac valley were built on immense
mounds of great extent, and strongly fortified.
The mountain tribes of the maritime Cordillera are
quite exceptionally interesting, because the ad-
vances they had made in civilisation were due
largely to their occupation of valleys on the coast.
The Incas received the submission of the
mountaineers without invading their fastnesses,
and pressed onwards in their northern conquests.

182 CONCHUCOS— CAXAMARCA— QUITO

They were now an immense distance from their
base, but their generalship was carefully thought
out and so sound that they advanced with confi-
dence to the great lake of Chinchay-cocha and the
mountain knot of Cerro Pasco, which, hke that of
Vilcaiiota, connects the eastern Andes with the
maritime cordillera. The march, be it remembered,
was not a matter of months, but of years.

The conquerors now entered another region,
the basin of the Maranon, and the very remarkable
formation known as the ' Callejon de Huaras/
At Huanuco a great palace was projected and
afterwards built by Tupac Inca Yupanqui, forming
eventually the chief seat of Inca government in
Chinchay-suyu. Among the Conchucos they met
with a people who had made marked progress in
the arts, and had taken their own line in the con-
ception of a rehgious belief. The Incas passed on
and, after shght opposition, occupied Caxamarca.
In another campaign Tupac Inca conquered the
Paltas, and the turbulent tribe of Canaris, while
the territories of the great Chimu, in the coast
valleys, were reduced to subjection. Quito also
became part of the empire after one decisive battle.

The greatest proof of the genius of these Inca
generals is the way in which they changed their
tactics and methods of warfare as soon as they
encountered circumstances of which they had
previously no experience. Tupac Inca was at the
palace he had caused to be built at Tumipampa,
in the country of the Canaris, when he heard of

CONQUEST OF GUAYAQUIL 183

the riches of Manta, the land of emeralds, and of
other coast regions. He resolved to explore, and
to add these countries to the empire. He led his
army down through the dense forests to the country
of the Chonos (the modern Guayaquil), constructing
a road as he advanced. With a hostile country,
difficulties in arranging for supphes, and the
extraordinary obstacles caused by the dense vege-
tation, the enterprise seemed almost hopeless. On
reaching the banks of the Guayaquil, where it is
navigable, he found the enemy in a large fleet of
canoes, while he was without any means of attack-
ing. But with Tupac Inca there was no such word
as impossible. Having a very excellent system of
road-making, and efficient commissariat arrange-
ments, he was without anxiety about supphes.
The more insuperable appeared the difficulties
the more determined he was to overcome them.
He proceeded to build canoes, and to exercise
his soldiers as canoe-men until they were fairly
expert. This occupied several months. He then
attacked the enemy's fleet, and the manoeuvres
continued for several days, sometimes one side and
sometimes the other having command of the river.
The Incarial soldiers were more accustomed to
the use of the lance than to naval warfare, so their
very able general gave orders to grapple and fight
at close quarters. The result was then no longer
doubtful, and the Chonos submitted. The Inca
landed where now stands the city of Guayaquil,
and after a sojourn of a year he resolved upon the

184 VOYAGE OF DISCOVERY

conquest of the island of Pirna, in the Gulf of
Guayaquil, assisted by the chiefs of the Chonos,
who had become his alhes. Many canoes were got
ready, and good pilots were engaged. Here sea-
manhke skill was needed rather than rehance upon
numbers. But nothing could resist Tupac's superior
strategy, and the island was conquered. Most
generous terms were granted, and a cordial friend-
ship, cemented by a marriage, was established
between the Inca and the Puna chiefs. The coast
provinces of Manta and Esmeraldas, to the north,
sent in their submission, and the port of Tumbez,
to the south of the Gulf of Guayaquil, was fixed
upon as a military station.

While the Tupac Inca Yupanqui was at Tumbez,
he received information that, far out in the ocean,
there were islands called Hahua-chumpi and Nina-
CHUMPi, the outer and the fire islands. The Inca
was a man of lofty ideals, and, as Sarmiento says,
* he resolved to challenge a happy fortune, and
try if it would favour him by sea.' This was
a wonderful expedition, but Sarmiento's account
is corroborated by Balboa, and I have come to
the conclusion that the story of the voyage is
historically true.

The Incas caused an immense number of balsas
to be constructed, consisting of inflated seal-skins
fastened together, and some rafts. He then em-
barked with a large detachment of his army,
leaving the main body to await his return at
Tumbez.

THE GALAPAGOS ISLANDS 185

Tupac Inca sailed away on this memorable
voyage of discovery, disappearing below the horizon
of those who gazed from the hills round Tumbez.
To them it must have seemed an enterprise as
appalhng as it was unprecedented. If the Inca
ever returned, his people would be convinced that
there was nothing he might not do. It is said
that he reached the islands, and that he was absent
for nine months. Sarmiento beheved that he
reached the Solomon Islands, but there can be
little doubt that it was two of the Galapagos
Islands that the Inca discovered and explored.
Sarmiento says that he brought back gold, a chair
of brass, and the skin and jawbone of a horse,
which were preserved in the fortress at Cuzco.
It is more hkely that the nature of these curiosities
was not understood, and that they were really
specimens of the large terrapins and other products
of the Galapagos Islands.

The conquest and settlement of Chinchay-sujru
by the Incas must be looked upon as the greatest
of their miUtary achievements. It occupied several
years, and there were a number of campaigns.
Still, when the immense distances from their base,
the care and forethought needed to keep the army
properly supphed, the inaccessible character of a
great part of the country, and the necessity for
adapting the troops to very different kinds of
warfare, often in the face of the enemy, are con-
sidered, it must be acknowledged that the genius and
abiHty of this remarkable race is very striking. The

186 TRIBES OF COLLA-SUYU

voyage of discovery to the Galapagos Islands is
marvellous. These statesmen and warriors were
no ordinary conquerors, and they were well fitted
to rule the vast empire they brought together with
such extraordinarv skill and determination.

Ill

CoLLA-SUYU

The basin of Lake Titicaca, the land of the
mysterious megahthic city, was briefly described in
the first essay. After the disruption of the ancient
empire there was a long period of centuries of
barbarism. The tribes which came to inhabit the
country round the lake may have been partly
descendants of subjects of the megahthic kings and
partly descendants of invaders. They were a
hardy race of mountaineers, strong and thick-set,
and capable of enduring great fatigue. Like the
Incas and Quichuas, they spoke dialects of the
same original language.

Of these tribes the Canas were on the crest of
the water-parting between the Titicaca drainage and
the Vilcamayu. The Collas occupied the whole
of the northern half of the Titicaca basin. They
were the most numerous and powerful of the tribes
in the Titicaca region. Along the western shores of
the lake were the Lupacas. The Pacasas occupied
the eastern side, and to the south were the Pacajes
and QuiLLAGUAS. There was also an almost

THE COLLAS 187

amphibious tribe living among the reeds in the
south-west angle of Lake Titicaca, called Urus.
They spoke a language of their own. Another
language, called Puquina, was spoken in part of
Colla-suyu. Great invasions from the south are
recorded, even from Chile, and the tribes of the
lake basin were practised in mountain fighting.

The CoUas had acquired predominance over the
other tribes, and early writers give the generic
name of CoUas to them all. It was probably a
confederacy, with the CoUa chief at its head. He
was becoming very powerful, extending his sway
over Arequipa and Tacna towards the Pacific, and
into some of the eastern valleys where coca is
grown. His chief seat was at Hatun-coUa, a few
miles north-west of the north-western angle of Lake
Titicaca. Here there are figures carved on stones,
and some few other vestiges of the former greatness
of the Colla chief. Just above are the towers or
chul'pas of Sillustani, overlooking a mountain lake.

The CoUas buried their dead in cromlechs con-
sisting of huge blocks of stone, many of which are
still extant. Later they built circular towers of
fine ashlar masonry, vaulted above with a coping
round the upper part. Some are square. The
best examples are at Sillustani, near Hatun-coUa,
the probable burial-place of the Colla chiefs.

Chuchi Ccapac was the name of the great chiei
who haughtily refused to submit to the Inca. He
had a large force of hardy mountaineers around
him, inured to hardships, brave, and of fine

188 WAR WITH THE COLLAS

physique. They were concentrated for the defence
of Hatun-coUa, led by Chuchi Ccapac and all the
chiefs of his confederacy.

The Collas were constantly making incursions
down the valley of the Vilcamayu, and were as con-
stantly driven back over the pass. At last the Inca
built a wall from the snows of Vilcanota across the
road to the snows on the western side. The Collas
agreed that this should be their boundary. But
they broke the treaty and continued their raids.
The Inca, therefore, resolved to conquer them.
Lizarraga says that the remains of the wall
were still visible in his time, at the point on the
summit of the pass called La Raya by the
Spaniards.

The Inca Pachacuti assembled a great army,
crossed the pass of Vilcanota, and advanced across
the Collao without opposition until he came in
sight of the enemy's forces drawn up in front of
Hatun-colla. The proud chief was called upon
either to serve and obey the Inca or to try his
fortunes in battle. The reply was that Chuchi
Ccapac expected the Inca to submit to him, like
the chiefs of other nations he had conquered. The
answer concluded with a savage threat.

The two armies then encountered each other
in desperate hand-to-hand combats, and the issue
was for a long time doubtful. The Inca was in
every part, giving orders, fighting, and animating
his troops. For a moment there was a pause. The
sHghtest thing might have turned the scale. At

CONQUEST OF COLLA-SUYU 189

this momentous crisis the Inca shouted a few words
of encouragement and dashed into the thickest of
the fight, closely followed by his Orejones. With
renewed vigour all his troops ralhed, and at length
the gallant enemy turned and fled. Chuchi Ccapac
was taken prisoner, and Pachacuti entered Hatun-
colla in triumph. There he remained until all the
confederate tribes were reduced to submission. An
Inca viceroy was appointed to govern the Collao,
with the necessary garrisons, and Pachacuti returned
to Cuzco.

Colla-suyu was not, however, to be subdued in
one campaign. A few years afterwards the sons
of Chuchi Ccapac escaped, and raised the standard
of revolt. The confederate tribes ralhed round
them. This time the battle took place further
north, and the CoUas were again defeated with
great slaughter, near Lampa. Pachacuti returned
to Cuzco, but two of his very able sons, Tupac
Ayar Manco and Apu Paucar Usnu, remained to
pacify the country, and to extend the conquest
southwards over the countries of the Charcas and
Chichas.

After the accession of Inca Tupac Yupanqui,
the CoUas rebelled once more to secure their
freedom. They had constructed four strong places,
all in the CoUa country, to the north of Lake Titi-
caca, at Llallahua, Asillo, Arapa (on a small lake),
and Pucara, an isolated rocky mountain rising out
of the plain to a great height. The Inca generals
were occupied for several years in reducing these

190 CONQUEST OF CHILE

fortresses. The final stand was at Pucara, where
the Collas sustained a crushing defeat. All thoughts
of further resistance were abandoned.

The Inca proceeded to include Tucuman and
Chile in his conquests. A story is told by Monte-
sinos respecting the ChiHan annexation which
seems quite probable.

It appears that two Chihan chiefs, who had
come with a contingent to help the Collas, were
taken prisoners and sent to Cuzco. They were
received with great kindness by the Inca,- who
gave them two Pallas,^ his half-sisters, for their
wives. They returned to Chile, and had two sons
by the Inca princesses. In course of time the
Inca's Chihan nephews proposed a visit to their
imperial uncle, and arrived at Cuzco with a large
retinue. They were received by the Inca with
much love and great rejoicings. They entreated
their uncle to visit their country, where all desired
to see him. He consented to do so in the following
year, and his nephews returned to Chile with many
Orejones and several Amautas to teach them the
art of government. But a number of Chihan chiefs
thought that this friendship with the Inca boded
no good to them, and they took up arms. The
nephews, however, defeated them, even before
the Inca could arrive in Chile, which he did with
a great army. All the chiefs submitted to him
and, after two years, he left his nephews in peaceful
possession as his viceroys. His dominions extended

1 Palla was a man ied princess.

SYSTEM OF COLONISATION 191

to the river Maule in the south of Chile. Thus
the empire was more than 2000 miles in length,
from the river Maule to Pasto.

From that time the CoUas and Chihans furnished
valuable contingents to the Inca armies.

The Inca Tupac Yupanqui saw the necessity
for establishing permanent tranquilhty in the
CoUao by a system of colonisation. Great numbers
of Collas and Lupacas were sent to colonise the
charming valleys of Arequipa, Moquegua, and
Tacna on the west side of the maritime cordillera.
Others were sent down into the Amazonian valleys
to the eastward, to cultivate coca and wash for
gold. Traditions are preserved even now, which
tell from which district in the CoUao the exiles were
taken, and whither sent. The conquest of the CoUao
was of immense importance, because it was the only
source of tin for their bronze weapons and tools,
and the principal source of gold from Caravaya.

Tupac Inca was deeply impressed by the vast
ruins at Tiahuanacu, of unknown origin, by the
beauties of the great lake, and of the sun rising
over the snowy peaks of Illimani and Illampu.
He caused a palace to be built on the island of
Coati, in the lake, with baths and gardens. A
number of Orejones remained in the CoUao to
carry on the administration, and emigrants arrived
to take the places of the exiled Collas and Lupacas.

These emigrants were chiefly Quichuas of
various tribes from Cunti-suyu. A number of
Aymaras, from the head-waters of the Pachachaca,

192 NAME OF AYMAEA

were settled among the remaining Lupacas at
Juli on the west coast of the lake, where the
languages of the two races appear to have got
considerably mixed. In 1576 the Jesuits settled
at Juh, and had a printing-press there, and
here they learnt the language of the Lupacas from
the Aymara emigrants, who gave them many
Quichua words, for they seem to have used words
of both languages in their conversations. This
explains the reason why the first priests who
acquired the Colla language and afterwards the
Jesuits gave the name of ' Aymara ' to the language
of the Collao. Ludovico Bertonio was at JuU from
1590 to 1612, and before he arrived the Jesuits had
adopted the name of ' Aymara ' to what Bertonio
calls esta lengua Lwpaca. He pubhshed his ' Arte
y Grama tica ' of ' Aymara ' at Rome in 1603, and a
second edition, with a dictionary, at JuH in July
1612. Torres Rubio followed with a grammar and
vocabulary of ' Aymara ' in 1616. The word
* Aymara ' is now generally, but very erroneously,
appHed to the language and people of the basin
of Lake Titicaca.

IV

Anti-suyu

The chain of the eastern Andes is penetrated by
five great rivers, which unite to form the * mighty
Orellana.' They flow northwards until they unite,
and then flow eastward in one majestic stream to

TRIBUTARIES OF THE AMAZON 193

the Atlantic. The Amazonian basin which they
traverse consists of milhons of square niiles of
virgin forest. The first river is the Maranon, and
being the most western and distant its source in the
Andean lake of Lauricocha is considered to be the
source of the Amazon. Next is the river Huallaga,
flowing north until it joins the Maranon. Further
to the east the great Ucayah tributary is formed by
the Perene, Apurimac, and Vilcamayu, which all
force a way through the Andes. Further south the
Tono, Arasa, Inambari, Tambopata, and Beni rise
on the eastern slopes of the Andes and do not
penetrate the range. With the Mamore and Itenez
they form the great Madeira tributary. The
rivers which have part of their courses within the
Andean system, all have formidable rapids when
they force their way through the mountains and
enter the great Amazonian plains. These mountain
rapids were called 'puncu, or doors, which the rivers
had opened by their irresistible force. That of
the Maranon is called the Puncu de Manseriche.
On the Huallaga the rapid is known as the Salto
de Aguirre, respecting which there is an interesting
tradition : then the river is navigable for 160 miles.
The Ucayah, a broad stream navigable for 1400
miles, breaks through the mountains at Cancha-
guayo. The Vilcamayu, navigable for 100 miles,
enters the primeval forests by the Puncu de
Mainique.

The vast Amazonian forests are approached by
the descent of the eastern side of the Andes, down

194 VEGETATION OF THE M0NTA5JA

gorges and ravines which present magnificent
scenery, the long spurs being covered with the
richest tropical vegetation to their summits. Here
are seen the lovely chinchona trees with their red-
veined glossy leaves, and panicles of white flowers
with pink lacinise, emitting a delicious fragrance.
Here, too, are many species of Melastomas, especially
the Lasiandra with its purple flowers and triple-
veined leaves. But the flowering trees and bushes
are innumerable, and above the thick foHage are
seen the feathery fronds of palm trees. Frona the
loftier mountains waterfalls may be seen in rapid
descent until they are lost to view behind the
dense vegetation ; some in sheets of spray, others
hke films of lace, but most in a soHd volume of
moving water, all glittering when the clouds open
and the sun throws its rays upon them. These
are scenes of unsurpassed lovehness. But in the
plains below the view is obstructed by the vegetation
growing in dense masses beneath the lofty trees.
Only on the river banks there are beautiful views
formed by long vistas of tropical vegetation.

It was to the forests eastward of Cuzco that
the Incas first turned their attention. To the
east of the valley of the Vilcamayu the range of
the Andes is cut laterally by the Yanatilde valley,
and further east by the long valley through which
the river Paucartampu flows. Both the Yanatilde
and Paucartampu flow north to join the Vilca-
mayu, though their previously unknown courses
were only traced, for the first time, a very few years

INCA INVASION OF THE M0NTA]?JA 195

ago. From the last range of the Andes, on the
east side of the Paucartampu river, the descent
is rapid into the montana, as the tropical forests
are called by the Spaniards. The forests were
very scantily inhabited by wild Indians who
wandered about, some in canoes as fishermen,
some hunting with bows and arrows or the fucuna
(blowpipe). A few had some affinity with the
people of the Andes, but the great majority of the
Amazonian tribes were of a different race.

The subjugation of the parts of the montana
nearest to the foot of the Andes was a matter of
great importance to the Incas. In the tropical
valleys the coca plantations were formed and
every Peruvian chewed coca. From the montana
also came supphes of bamboo, of wood of the
chonta palm for their weapons, other timber for
building, plumes for head-dresses, and the principal
supphes of gold.

The campaign of Tupac Inca Yupanqui for
the conquest of Anti-suyu was, Hke all his warlike
operations, masterly in design and bold in execution.
The long valley of Paucartambo, at the foot of the
last ridge of the Andes, formed a convenient base
where the three columns, forming the army of
Anti-suyu, was to assemble. The Inca himself
started from a place in the valley called Ahua-tuna,
descending into the forest by the lovely ravine of the
Chiri-mayu. The central column under Prince Utu-
runcu Achachi, the Inca's brother, was at a place
called Amaru, the modern town of Paucartampu.

o 2

196 AN ARDUOUS CAMPAIGN

It was to enter by the route now called ' Tres
Cruces/ A captain named Chalco Yupanqui led
the right column from the Pilcopata or ' garland
hill/ At the same time the montana of Marcapata,
to the south, was to be invaded by Apu-ccuri-
machi with a fourth column.

The three columns in the Paucartambo valley
were to start at the same time on converging lines,
to form a junction at Opotari in the forest, about
twelve miles from the foot of the mountains. The
inhabitants, who belonged to the tribe -^called
Campas or Antis, submitted at once, and the
settlement called Abisca, for the cultivation of
coca, was formed near the river Tono. The Inca
then began to make a road through the dense forest
in order to reach the settlements of the next tribe.
Tall trees were chmbed to seek out the positions
of inhabited places by the smoke rising over the
trees. The troops suffered from the change of
climate, and from the toil of hewing out the road.
There was much sickness and many died. At one
time the Inca, with a third of the troops, lost his
way and wandered about for many days until, at
last, they fell in with the column of Uturuncu, who
put them on the route. The combined forces
then descended the river Tono.

The final result of the campaign was that three
branches of the Campas, a tribe of fine muscular
men and beautiful women, submitted and became
subjects of the Inca. These were the Opataris,
the Manaris, called also Yana-simis or * black

SETTLEMENTS 197

mouths/ and the Chunchos. The submission
included a vast tract of forest, yielding valuable
timber, and with land suitable for coca plantations.
The Mariaris were also met with on the lower
reaches of the river Vilcamayu, and in the montana
beyond the Vilcapampa mountains, and they
always remained friendly to the Incas. Further
north there was a fierce and hostile tribe called
Pilcosones.

The Marcapata column led by Apu-ccuri-machi
marched eastward to the Inambari, and advanced
as far as a river called Paytiti, where their leader
set up the frontier pillars of the Inca. Uturuncu
was left to complete the conquest, aided by detach-
ments of colonists who made clearings for coca
plantations, and collected chonta poles and other
products. Most of the settlements were round
Abisca, and in the basin of the river Tono ; but
there were others on the banks of the Vilcamayu
and in Marcapata.

After the conquest of Colla-suyu the forests of
the province of Caravaya also became a great source
of wealth to the Incas. Large numbers of Collas
were sent down into the beautiful valleys to grow
fruit trees and cultivate the coca plant, as well
as to work and wash for gold. Indeed, it was
principally from Caravaya that the immense
quantities of gold came which were used for vases
and other utensils, for adorning the temples and
idols, for the imperial thrones and htters, for
ornamenting the rich dresses, and for many other

198 SETTLEMENTS

purposes. Much gold also came from the rich
valleys whose rivers unite to form the Beni.

Further south there were some fierce and
savage tribes in the forests of the ' Gran Chacu/ or
great hunting ground. Among these the most
troublesome were the Chirihuanas, who were said
to have been cannibals. They were always hostile,
and even had the audacity to make incursions
into the higher lands of Charcas.

On the river Huallaga the remnant of the
Chancas took refuge, and the ancestors of the
existing Amazonian tribe of Mayorunas are said
to have fled before the Chancas to settle lower
down the course of the great river. The present
Huallaga tribes of Cholones and Motilones, or
Lamistas, may be descendants of the Chancas.
The Incas occupied Chachapoyas in the basin of
the Maranon. An expedition is recorded, sent
by the Inca Huayna Ccapac to the country of
the Cofanes, a tribe in the forests of the river
Napo to the east of Quito. A story is also told
by Montesinos of some Ore j ones having found
their way thence by the waterways and through
the dense forests to Cuzco, a voyage which occupied
several years. It was certainly a most remarkable
achievement if true, and considering the energy
and intelligence of these people I can see no sufficient
reason for doubting the truth of the story.

The wisdom of the Incas is well shown in their
policy with regard to the region of Amazonian
forests. They made no useless raids or expeditions,

IN THE MONTANA 199

but worked with the distinct object of securing
advantages for the empire. From their montana
settlements, quite sufficiently supphed with labour,
they received gold in large quantities, coca wliich
was almost a necessary of Hfe for their people,
timber for building, wood of the chonta palm
for lances and other weapons, bamboos, plumes
of feathers, fruit, and medicinal herbs, gums, and
resins. In return the colonists received meat
and potatoes, maize, clothing, salt and other
condiments. The forests of the montana formed
a part, and no unimportant part, of the great
system of Incarial administration.

CHAPTER XIII

THE COAST VALLEYS

The coast of Peru was a late conquest of tlie Incas.
It contained distinct civilisations, that to the north,
especially, presenting historical and philological
problems as yet unsolved. Its physical aspects
are unique and extremely interesting. They de-
mand attention before considering the little that
is known, of the ancient people inhabiting this
wonderful region in ages long past.

A strip of land, averaging a width of from
20 to 60 miles, extends from 4° to 20° S. or
upwards of 1500 miles between the maritime
Cordillera and the Pacific Ocean. It has been up-
raised from the sea at no very remote period. The
same shells as exist in the present ocean are mingled
with the remains of man. Corn-cobs and cotton
twine were found by Darwin at a height of 85
feet above the sea.^ This upheaval must have taken
place at a time not only when man was occupying
the land, but when there already existed an agri-
cultural community raising maize and cotton crops.

The Peruvian coast is practically a rainless
region, and the reason for this phenomenon
attracted the attention of most of the early writers.

1 On the inland of San Lfironzo, forming the Callao anchorage,
200

ACTION OF THE TRADE- WIND 201

Acosta is very hazy on the subject. Cieza de
Leon comes nearer the true cause, which is of course
due to the height of the Andes. For the south-east
trade-wind blows obhquely across the Atlantic
Ocean until it reaches the coast of Brazil, heavily
laden with moisture. It continues to carry this
moisture across the continent, depositing it as it
proceeds, and filling the tributaries and sources
of the Amazon and La Plata. Eventually this
trade-wind reaches the snow-capped mountains of
the Andes, and the last particle of moisture is wrung
from it that the very low temperature can extract.
Meeting with no evaporating surface and with no
temperature colder than that to which it was sub-
jected on the mountain tops, the trade wind reaches
the Pacific Ocean before it again becomes charged
with fresh moisture. The last drop it has to spare
is deposited as snow on the tops of the mountains.
It reaches the coast region as a perfectly dry wind.
Yet the coast atmosphere is not absolutely dry.
There is intense heat and a clear sky from November
to April, but in May the scene changes. A thin
mist arises which increases in density until October,
rising in the morning and dispersing at about
3 P.M. It becomes fine drizzhng rain called
garua. This garua extends from the seashore
to near the mountains, where rain commences,
the line between the garua and the rain region
being distinctly marked. There are even estates
where one half the land is watered by garuas, the
other half by rain. But the prevaihng aspect

202 THE HUMBOLDT CURRENT

of the coast is a rainless desert traversed, at
intervals, by fertile valleys.

The chmate of the coast is modified and made
warmer by another agency. Not only is the
constantly prevaiUng wind from the south, there
is also a cold cm^rent always flowing with a tem-
perature several degrees lower than that of the
surrounding ocean. It is believed by some to
be derived from the Antarctic regions, by others
that it is formed by cold water in the depths rising
to the surface. Be this how it may, the Humboldt
current, as it has been called since 1802, profoundly
affects the chmate of the Peruvian coast, which
is cooler and drier than any other tropical region.

Although the greater part of the coast region
consists of desert or of arid and stony ranges
of hills, it is watered by rivers which cross the
desert at intervals and form fertile valleys of
varying width. The deserts between the river
valleys vary in extent, the largest being upwards
of seventy miles across. On their western margin
steep cHffs rise from the sea, above which is the
desert plateau, apparently quite bare of vegetation.
The surface is generally hard, but on some of
the deserts there are great accumulations of drifting
sea sand. This sand forms isolated hillocks, called
medanos, in the shape of a crescent, beautifully
symmetrical, with sharp ridges, and their convex
sides turned towards the trade-wind. Any stone
or dead mule forms a nucleus for them ; but they
are constantly shifting, and a strong wind causes

THE MEDANOS 203

an immense cloud of sand, rising to a hundred
feet and whirling in all directions. When at rest
the medanos vary in height from eight to twenty
feet, with a sharp crest, the inner side perpendicular
and the outer with a steep slope. Scattered over
the arid wilderness they form intricate labyrinths,
and many a benighted traveller has lost his way
among them and perished with his mule, after
wandering for days. Such unfortunates form
nuclei for new medanos. At early dawn there are
musical sounds in the desert. They are caused
by the eddying of grains of sand in the heated
atmosphere on the sharp crests of the medanos.
Apparently the coast deserts of Peru are
destitute of all vegetation. As far as the eye
can reach there is a desolate waste. Yet two or
three kinds of plants do exist. The smaller
medanos are capped with snowy white patches,
contrasting with the greyish white which is the
colour of the sand. This whiteness is caused by
innumerable short cylindrical spikes of an amaranth.
Its stems originate in the ground beneath the
medano, ramify through it, and go on growing
so as to maintain their heads just above the mass
of sand. The two other herbs of the desert are
species of ymia which form edible roots, but
maintain a subterranean existence for years, only
producing leafy stems in the rare seasons when
moisture penetrates to their roots. Near the foot
of the mountains are the tall branched cacti.
When the mists set in, the lomMS, or chains of

204 THE COAST VALLEYS

hillocks, near the coast undergo a complete change.
As if by a stroke of magic blooming vegetation over-
spreads the ground, which is covered with pasture
and wild flowers, chiefly compositse and crucifers.
But this only lasts for a short time. Generally the
deserts present a desolate aspect, with no sign of
vegetation or of a hving creature. In the very loftiest
regions of the air the majestic condor may perhaps
be seen floating lazily, the only appearance of hfe.

Imagine the traveller, who has wearily toiled
over many leagues of this wild and forbidding region,
suddenly reaching the verge of one of the river valleys.
The change is magical. He sees at his feet a broad
expanse covered with perpetual verdure. Rows and
clumps of palms and rows of willows show the lines
of the watercourses. All round are fruit gardens,
fields of maize and cotton, while woods of algaroba
fringe the valley and form one of its special features.

The algaroba {Prosopis horrida) is a prickly
tree rarely exceeding forty feet in height, with
rugged bark and bipinnate fohage. The trunks
never grow straight, soon become fairly thick,
and as their roots take Uttle hold of the friable
earth, they fall over into a rechning posture,
and immediately begin to send off new roots in
every part of the trunk in contact with the soil.
They thus assume a twisted and fantastic appear-
ance, more like gigantic corkscrews than trees.
The algaroba has racemes of small yellowish green
flowers which nourish multitudes of small flies and
beetles, and they in their turn supply food to flocks

THE COAST VALLEYS 205

of birds, most of them songsters. The flowers are
followed by pendulous pods, six to eight inches long,
containing several thin seeds immersed in a mucila-
ginous spongy substance which is the nutritive part.
The timber is very hard and durable, and also makes
excellent firewood. With the algaroba there are
bushes, sometimes growing into trees, of vichaya
{Camparis crotonoides), a tree called zapote del
perro {Colicodendrum scabridum), and an Apocynea,
with bright green lanceolate leaves, and clusters of
small white flowers. Near the roots of the cordillera
the vegetation becomes more dense and varied.

The fertile valleys of the coast vary in extent
and in the supply of water they receive. Some
rivers have their sources beyond the maritime
range, and the flow is abundant and perennial.
Others are less well supplied. Others, with sources
in the maritime cordillera, are sometimes dry,
and the supply of water is precarious.

Altogether there are forty-four coast valleys i
along the 1400 miles of Peruvian sea-board, and,
with reference to the study of the former history
of the country, they may be divided into three
sections. The twenty northern valleys include
the territory of the Grand Chimu, whose history
is still shrouded in mystery. The central twelve
formed the dominions of the Chincha confederacy,

1 Von Tschudi gives the number at fifty-nine, adding fifteen to
the forty-four. But he must have included ravines with water-
courses ahnost always dry, such as Asia, the quebredas of Pescadores
and Manga, Pisagua, Tacama, Mexillones, and Loa ; as well as
branches of main rivers, such as Macara, Quiros and Somata, tribu-

206

THE COAST VALLEYS

and the southern twelve were only peopled by
mitimaes in later times, though there was a scanty
aboriginal fishing population.

Valleys of the

Valleys of the

Valleys in the

diimu

Chincha confederacy

south

1 1 Tiimbez

1 21 Chancay

1 33 Acari

1 2 Chira

1 22 Carabayllo

34 Atequipa

1 3 Piura

1 23 Kimac

3 35 Atico Yauca

1 4 Motupe

3 24 Lurin

1 36 Ocona

or Leche

1 25 Mala

1 37 Majes

1 5 Lambayeque

1 26 Huarcu

38 Vitor

2 6 Eten

3 27 Tupara

1 39 Tambopalla

3 7 Sana

1 28 Chincha

40 Ylo

1 8 Pacasmayu

1 29 Pisco

1 41 Locumba

1 9 Chicama

1 30 Yea

1 42 Sama

1 10 Muchi

1 31 Rio Grande

1 43 Tacna

3 11 Viru

3 32 Nasca

1 44 Azapa

3 12 Chao

1 13 Santa

3 14 Nepena

1 Pativiica

3 15 Casma

3 16 Culebra

3 17 Huarmay

^ 18 Parmunca

19 Huaman

1 20 Huara

3 Supe

taries of the Chira ; Cinto and Tuquene, Ingenio, Palpa, and Chimpa,
tributaries of the Rio Grande. These, with the forty-four irrigated
valleys, would make fifty-nine. VonTschudi does not give the names.

1 Sources within the region of regular annual rains.

2 Rivers with affluents within Ihe rain region.

3 Sources outside the regular rains.

CHAPTER XIV

THE CHIMU

One of the most difi&cult problems in the study of
the American races is the origin and history of
the civihsed people in the northern coast valleys
of Peru. Here we find ruins of vast extent with
evidence of artistic skill and somewhat florid taste,
systems of irrigation on a gigantic scale and
planned with marvellous skill, every square foot
of ground carefully cultivated. Writing of the
Chira to the north, Mr. Spruce says that there
are ancient aqueducts all the way down the valley
from near its source. Water is conducted across
ravines and along the faces of steep declivities.
There was also provision for collecting rain water
in the anos de aguas by canals along the base of
the Mancora hills and chifs of the valleys, and for
storing it in reservoirs made by throwing strong
dikes across the outlets of ravines. The whole
valley was then under cultivation with a dense
population, proved by the middings sometimes miles
in extent, strewn with fragments of shells and
pottery. The richly embossed walls, the gold and
silver work, the astonishing versatihty in the

207

208

THE CHIMU DOMINION

infinite variety of their pottery, and the patterns
of their cotton cloths, all point to a race which
had reached a high state of civilisation. A
grammar, composed by a descendant of one of
Pizarro's followers over a century after the Spanish
conquest, has preserved some knowledge of their
otherwise lost language, but of their history we
know absolutely nothing. We only learn from
the Spanish historians of the Incas that the
sovereign of the coast people, called by them the
Grand Chimu, was subdued by the Incas about
four generations before the Spaniards came, and
that he possessed great riches. Nothing more.
There is only one tradition preserved, and that
does not refer to the Chimu, but to his feudatories
in the Lambayeque valley.

The kernel of the Chimu problem is in the ruins
between the Spanish town of Truxillo and the shores
of the Pacific Ocean. Here the Chicama and
Muchi rivers combine to form a wide extent of
cultivable land, which is situated in the centre
of the northern coast valleys, having eight on the
north and eight on the south side of it.^ The
vast extent of the ruins shows that this was the

North \

Centre

/ South

Tumbez

Guanapo

Chira

Santa

Piura

f Chicama, Viru, ^

Nepeiia

Motupe or Leche

Casma

Lambayeque

and Muchi

Huarmay

Eten

Culobra

Sana

Huaman

Pacasmayu '

' Parmunca

CITY OF THE CHIMU 209

centre of the Chimu's power. The people were
perhaps known to themselves as Muchoen, from
the river which suppUed water to their capital,
or possibly Nofcen, their word for a man. Their
language was Muchica.

The great Chimu ruins were first described, in
any detail, by Don Mariano E. Rivero in his
' Antiguedades Peruanas,' then by Squier, and
more recently by the French traveller Wiener.
Of these accounts that of Squier's is the most
accurate and intelligent. It must be understood
that, owing to the elaborate and comphcated
arrangement of rooms, passages and enclosures,
and to the destruction that has taken place in the
search for treasure, an intelligible description, even
with plans, is exceedingly difficult.

We may picture to ourselves a vast fertile
plain, at least ninety miles long from south to north,
watered by the three rivers Chicama, Mansiche,
and Viru, and bounded on one side by the Andes
and on the other by the Pacific Ocean. In the
centre, but bordering on the seashore, was the
great city of the Chimu, surrounded by highly
cultivated land sustaining a dense population.
An effective system of irrigation was essential for
the cultivation of this extensive area and for the
existence of the people in the city. An aqueduct
took off the water of the Muchi river high up among
the mountains. It was carried across the valley
on a lofty embankment of stones and earth sixty
feet in height, the channel being lined with stones.

210 TREASURE OF THE CHIMU

On the slope overlooking the ruined city the
water is distributed through smaller channels over
the plain, and into the numerous reservoirs in the
city. A lofty wall of great thickness extended
for miles along the eastern or inland borders of the
city, and within it were extensive gardens each
with its irrigating channel.

The ruins of this unique city now consist of
labyrinths of walls forming great enclosures, each
containing many buildings, with here and there
gigantic mounds. These mounds or pyramids
are the most marvellous features of the ruins.
The huaca or mound called ' Obispo ' by the
Spaniards is built of stones, rubble, and adobes,
covers an area of 500 square feet, and is 150 feet
high. Another was called * Toledo,* in which
great treasure was found. The excavator, Garcia
de Toledo, in 1577, dug out gold to the amount of
278,174 castellanos de oro,^ of which 61,622 were paid
as the royal fifths. Excavations were continued at

1 The castellano de oro and peso de oro were the same (the
commercial value being £2 12s. 6d.), equal to 490 silver maravedis,
or 14 reals 14 maravedis. Altogether treasure worth £5,500,000
is recorded.

The amoimts are derived from the records of the King's fifths,
preserved in the municipal books of Truxillo, which were destroyed
by the Chilians. Fortunately Mr. Blackwood had previously made
extracts, and he gave copies to Mr. Hutchinson, H.M. Consul
at Callao. See his Two Years in Peru, ii. p. 154. A certain
Colonel La Rosa was excavating in Squier's time, and had obtained
$30,000 worth of gold.

M. Clemencin wrote an essay on the value of money in the
time of Ferdinand and Isabella (Memorias de Acad. Hist, de Madrid,
vol. vi.), quoted by Prescott, i. p. 25 n.

THE CHIMU PALACE 211

intervals. In 1797 the treasure called Peje chico
was secured. The Peje grande has yet to be found.
Altogether millions have been obtained in gold
ornaments or bars. The mounds are honeycombed
with passages leading to store-houses or sepulchral
chambers.

The great mounds presented a very different
appearance in the time of the Chimu. Originally
they were in terraces, on which buildings were
erected with pitched roofs, and tastefully painted
walls. Verandahs, supported by the twisted stems
of algaroba trees, afforded shade, and there were
communications with the interior passages and
chambers. From the seashore these structures,
with gardens at their bases, must have presented
a magnificent effect.

The principal palace has been well described
by Squier. Imagine a great hall 100 feet
long by 52J wide, with walls covered with
an intricate series of arabesques, consisting of
stucco patterns in rehef on a smooth surface.
The walls contain a series of niches with the
arabesque work running up between. The end
wall is pierced by a door leading to corridors and
passages in the pyramidal mounds. One corridor
leads to a place where there was a furnace for
metallurgic work, near a walled-up closet full of
vessels and utensils of gold and silver.

There is a low, broad mound at a distance of a
hundred yards from the palace, which has been
excavated and proved to be a cemetery. There

p 2

212 CHIMU FACTORIES

were mummies in niches elaborately clothed and
plumed, with gold and silver ornaments on the
dresses of fine cotton cloth. The patterns, woven
into the cloth and coloured, are birds striking the
heads of hzards or seizing fish. In the centre there
is a structure sixteen feet square and twelve high,
with entrances at each end, leading to a space ten
feet by five, with a series of platforms on either side.
Here, no doubt, the funeral rites were performed.

The two most remarkable structures among the
ruins are called palaces by Kivero, and factt)ries
by Squier. They are surrounded by exterior
walls of adobes on foundations of stone and clay,
five feet thick and thirty in height. One factory
is 500 yards by 400. An entrance leads to an open
square with a reservoir in the centre, faced with
stone, sixty feet long by forty. Round the square
there are twenty-two recesses, probably shops
opening upon it, and at one end a terrace with
three rooms leading from it. This square, with its
reservoir, appears to have been the market-place.
There are six minor courts, and streets or passages
with many rooms opening upon them. Of these
rooms there are no less than 111, with walls twelve
feet high and high-pitched roofs. The objects of
these extraordinary buildings were very puzzhng.
They were certainly not palaces, as Rivero supposed.
Squier 's conjecture is no doubt the correct one.
They were busy factories, hives of industry. Here
were the workers in gold, silver and bronze, the
designers, the dyers, the potters, and the weavers.

COTTON FABRICS 213

It must have taken many generations, nay centuries,
for these busy modellers and designers to reach
the high standard displayed in their best metal
and clay work, and in their cotton fabrics.

The most frequent ornaments are fish, hzards,
serpents, a long-legged bird, a bird devouring a fish.
The ornament of the head-dress of chiefs was hke
an inverted leather-cutter's knife, as Squier de-
scribes it, with plumes, and diadems of gold and
silver. The golden cups and vases were very thin,
with the ornaments and figures struck from the
inside. Gold ornaments on the dresses were also
frequent. Mr. Spruce describes a series of plates,
almost hke a lady's mushn collar in size and shape,
covered with figures. On one of them there were
nearly a hundred figures of pehcans. Every figure
represents the bird in a different attitude, and, as
they have been stamped, not engraved, a separate
die must have been used for each figure. Silver
vases and cups were of various shapes, sometimes
modelled into the form of a man's head. Silver
lizards, fishes, and serpents were sewn on the dresses
as ornamental borders.

The most astonishing work of the northern
coast people was their modelling and painting in
clay. The prevaihng colours of their vases were
white, black, and a pale red, the designs being
painted, in various colours, on a white ground.
A great number are double, some quadruple, and
a prevaihng feature is the double spout. It is
not too much to say that not only the fauna and

214 CHIMU POTTERY

flora of the coast, but also the manners and customs
of the people, are depicted or modelled on their
vases. There are met with various kinds of fruits
and vegetables, shells, fish, hzards, deer, monkeys,
parrots and other birds, and a sea-lion with a fish
in its mouth. In short, there are countless
varieties of forms and combinations, hardly two
specimens ahke. By far the most interesting are
the human heads. Some are almost majestic, and
are evidently portraits. Others show the face dis-
torted in pain, others smihng or singing, 'some
with a rapt expression as in a trance. There
are also figures playing on musical instruments,
others spinning. Some vases represent a human
hand, others a foot showing how sandals were
worn. Architecture, the arts, customs, and
religious ideas are depicted. Squier describes
one scene of a chief seated in the verandah of a
house with a high-pitched roof, raised on four
terraces. The chief has a plumed head-dress, a
lance in one hand and a drinking-cup in the other.
A long procession is approaching, with persons
singing and playing on cymbals, tambourines,
Pandean-pipes, and trumpets of clay. Another
vase has a foot-race painted round it. There is
another showing a combat between a serpent-
warrior and a crab-warrior, perhaps a legend of
a" contest between land and sea. There is a vase
with winged figures, and another very remarkable
one, in the British Museum, of a winged warrior
in the act of flying.

SILVER MODELS 215

Another very striking group of Chimu works
of art are the silver models cast in a single piece.
Squier mentions a man and woman in a forest,
the trees being like algarobas ; also a child in a
hammock swinging between two trees, and a
serpent crawling up one, below a kettle by a fire
of sticks. These can only have been intended as
ornaments for rooms, but it is a mystery how they
can have been cast without wax. Doubtless there
was a substitute of some kind.

Warhke implements were lances, darts, and
clubs fitted with bronze stars. Warriors carried
an oblong shield of thick matting. Vast numbers
of tools and agricultural implements in bronze have
been found. There are chisels of various sizes with
sockets for handles, hoes curved and flat, and
knives.

Their textile fabrics were very fine and marked
in a variety of patterns, for the coast people
cultivated an indigenous cotton, the staple of
which is unequalled for length combined with
strength. Occasionally the cotton plants pro-
duced a boll of a rich nankin colour which was
specially valued. The weavers had various dyes
for the patterns on their fabrics, and produced
tunics and cloaks of great fineness and beauty,
often almost covered with thin gold and silver
plates, with borders of blue and yellow feathers.

We conclude from the ruins of their buildings,
their works of art, and the vast treasure that has
been found, that the Chimu kept a court of

216 RELIGION OF THE CHIIVIU

extraordinary magnificence, and that his subjects,
though working hard, Hved in abundance and
comfort.

There is only one account of the rehgion of
these people, written by Antonio de la Calancha,
in his ' Coronica Morahzada del Orden de San
Agustin.' 1 Calancha was prior of the Augustines
at Truxillo in 1619, eighty years after the Spanish
conquest, when traditions still lingered among the
people. He says that the Chimu worshipped the
moon, called Si, as the principal god, because it
ruled the elements and caused the tempests. The
temple of the moon was called Si An. They held
that the moon was more powerful than the sun
because the latter did not appear in the night,
while the moon appears both by day and night.
Sacrifices were offered to the moon, consisting, on
great occasions, of children wrapped in coloured
cloths, with chicha and fruits. Devotion was also
shown to some of the stars. The ocean, called Ni,
received worship and, apparently, sacrifices ; as
well as the earth. Vis. Prayers were offered up
to one for fish, and to the other for good harvests,
with offerings of flour of white maize. Certain rocks
were also objects of veneration, called Alespong.

The Si An, or temple of the moon, was to the
south, near the banks of the river Muchi. It is a
rectangular structure, 800 feet by 470, covering
seven acres, with a heiglit of 200 feet. It is built
of large adobes. It consists of a level area 400 feet

1 Lib. II. cap. xi. p. 371 ; cap. xxxv. p. 484. Lib. III. cap. i.
pp. 545, 552, 55G.

CEMETERIES 217

by 350, and 100 feet above the plain, beyond
which rises a pyramid of nine stages or terraces,
200 feet square. On the other side of the
pyramid, which is the highest part, there is a
platform 80 feet lower, and another lower still.
The mass of adobes is probably solid. ^ Here
were performed the great religious ceremonies.
The gorgeous processions issued from the palace
and proceeded to the temple of the moon. There
\Yere the musicians with their instruments, the
minstrels and singers, the warriors with their long
lances and plumed head-dresses showing distinctive
ranks, the priests and courtiers, and the Chimu
himself in his litter, wearing the jewelled diadem
and clothed in robes of fine cotton covered with
gold plates, and bordered with fringes of bright-
coloured feathers.

Calancha tells us that the physicians, called
Oquetlupuc, effected their cures with herbs, and
were much venerated, but their punishment, when
a patient died owing to their neglect or ignorance,
was death. He gives us no details respecting
their cemeteries and methods of sepulture, although
this is a most important point. Like the Incas,
the Chimus thought it a sacred duty to preserve
the bodies of the deceased as mummies, and to
bury with them their most valued possessions. To
this practice we owe the discovery of so many
hundreds of specimens of their beautiful works of

1 Passages and chambers are supposed to exist, and it is said
that there is a vault containing the body of the mightiest of the
Chimu princes, and the Peje grande.

218 CEMETERIES— IRRIGATION WORKS

art. Quite recently Mr. Myring has discovered a
great cemetery at the foot of the mountains above
the Chicama valley, and has brought to England
a magnificent collection of pottery and of gold and
silver ornaments. The islands off the coast, called
Guaiiape i and Macabi, were looked upon as sacred
cemeteries, and had been so used for more than
a thousand years. Besides pottery and other works
of art, numerous mummies have been found at
various depths," all females, and all headless. It
would seem that they were the victims of sacrifices
in remote times.

Cemeteries have been found in all parts of the
coast. There are also very interesting ruins in
the valleys to the south of Truxillo, all of the same
character, and imposing irrigation works. Squier
describes a vast reservoir in a lateral valley among
the hills, whence water was supplied to the fields
of the Nepena valley. This reservoir was three-
quarters of a mile long and half a mile wide, with a
massive stone dam across the gorge, eighty feet
thick at the base, between the rocky hills. The
reservoir was supplied by two channels, one starting

1 Guafiape, 8° 30' S., 78° 58' W.

3 Tho height of the mass of guano deposit on these islands was
730 feet in many places, and the antiquities have been found at a
depth of 100 feet. The accumulation of guano is calculated at ten
feet in four centuries, 100 feet in 4000 years. Articles found at
40 feet must, on this estimate of the time taken for the deposits,
have been there for 1600 years. It is now doubted whether the
deposits can possibly bo due entirely to the excreta of birds. Tho
deposits are regularly stratilied. But no other explanation has been
forthcoming.

MOCHICA GRAMMAR 219

fourteen miles up the gorge, the other coming from
springs five miles distant. There were houses in
the valleys with richly painted walls raised on
terraces, verandahs covered with passion - flower
plants yielding refreshing fruit, gardens and culti-
vated land extending to the seashore, dark
algaroba woods, and a background' of snowy
mountains. All this leaves an impression of luxury
bordering on effeminacy, but it is qualified by the
very numerous representations, on their pottery,
of warriors armed to the teeth. It is true that
some of the things that are modelled in clay give
a low idea of the moral character of the people.

The language, called Mochica by Bishop Ore,^
has been preserved in a grammar and vocabularies,
though as a spoken tongue it has long been extinct.
We are indebted to the priest, Fernando de la
Carrera, for the grammar. He was a great-grand-
son of one of the Spanish conquerors, Pedro
Gonzalez de la Carrera, and was brought up at
Lambayeque, where he learnt the language in his
childhood. It is so excessively difficult, especially
the pronunciation, that no grown-up person could
learn it. Fernando de la Carrera eventually
became cura of Reque, near Chiclayo, and here he

1 Rituale seu Manuale Peruanum juxta ordinem Sanctce Romance
ecdesice per R. P. F. Ludovicum Hieronimicm Orerum (Neapoli, 1607).
Bishop Ore was a native of Guamanga, in Peru, and was an indefatig-
able missionary. He gives the Lord's Prayer in Mochica. The
word resembles Muchi, the name of the river. I am inclined to
think that Mochica was the name of the people whose sovereign
was the Chimu.

220 LANGUAGES OF THE COAST

composed his grammar, calling the language Yunca,
which is the Quichua name for the people of the
coast, the Mochica of Ore. It was printed at
Lima in 1644, and is very rare. There is a copy-
in the British Musemn which belonged to Ternaux
Compans. Wilham Humboldt had a manuscript
copy made, which is at Berlin. There is one copy
in Peru, belonging to Dr. Villar, for which he
gave £25. We are, therefore, deeply indebted to
Dr. Gonzalez de la Rosa for having recently edited
a reprint. Dr. Middendorf has also translated
and edited Carrera's grammar, adding several
vocabularies and words collected at Eten.^ It was
in this httle coast village, where the people were
famous for their manufacture of straw hats, that the
Mochica language hngered down to recent times.

There was another language in the northern
coast valleys, which Calancha calls Sec. In 1863
Mr. Spruce collected thirty-seven Avords of this
language, then still spoken at Golan, Sechura, and
Gatacaos. They have not the remotest resem-
blance to equivalent words in the Mochica, Ghibcha,
or Atacama languages. ^

The Mochica language is entirely different from
Quichua, both as regards words and grammatical
construction. It has three declensions depending
on the termination of the noun in a consonant,

1 Das Muchik oder Chimu sprache von Dr. E. W. Middendorf
(Leipzig, 1892).

2 Chil)cha, now extinct, was the language of the civilised people
of Colombia. Atacama, also now extinct, was spoken by tribes
in the southern part of the coast of Peru.

ORIGIN OF THE CHBm UNKNOWN 221

two consonants, or a vowel. The adjective precedes
the substantive, and the pronouns precede the
verb. The roots of the tenses remain unaltered,
the conjugating being effected by pronouns, and
the passive voice by the verbs substantive, of which
there are two. Prepositions come after the noun.
The vocabulary is fairly abimdant, and there is a
sufficiency of nouns and verbs for the expression
of abstract ideas.

We know nothing of the origin of the Chimu
and his people. Xot the vestige of a tradition has
come down to us. All their designs and ornaments
refer to their environment. There is nothing which
points to a foreign origin. Their ci\'ihsation appears
to have been developed by themselves without
outside contact, in the course of many centuries.
Yet the temple of the moon on the Muchi river,
and the great pyramids, remind us of similar Maya
works. If there was communication it was by
sea, and at some very remote period. There is
one coast tradition referring not to the Chimu, but
to one of his feudatories, the chief of Lambayeque,
to the north. It is related by i\Iiguel Cavello
Balboa in his work entitled ' Miscelanea Austral.'
This cavaher, after serving as a soldier in the
French wars, became an ecclesiastic, and went to
South America in 1566. He ^Tote his work,
apparently at Quito, between 1576 and 1586. ^

1 A French translation of Balboa was published by Temaux
Compaas in 1840. The original Spanish manuscript has never
been edited, and I behave it5 present locality is unknown.

222 ARRIVAL OF STRANGERS

Balboa tells us that, a long time ago, a great
fleet of boats came from the north mider the
command of a very able and vahant chief named
Naymlap, with his wife Ceterni. The emigration
may have been from the coast called by the Span-
iards Esmeraldas, or from further north. Naymlap
was accompanied by eight officers of his household :
his purveyor, Fongasigde ; his cook, Ochocalo ; his
trumpeter and singer, Pitazofi and Ningeniue ;
his litter bearer, Ninacolla ; his perfumer, Xam ;
his bath man Ollopcopoc ; and LlapcliiluUi, his
worker in feathers. The chief landed at the mouth
of a river called Faquisllanga, where he built a
temple called Chot, in which he placed an idol he
had brought with him, made of a green stone,
and called Llam'pallec, whence the name of
Lambayeque. Naymlap died after a long reign,
and was succeeded by his son Cium, married to
a lady named Zolzdoni. After a long reign Cium
shut himself up in an underground vault to die
and conceal his death from the people, who thought
him immortal. A list of eight other kings is given,
the last of the dynasty being Tempellec. This
unfortunate prince wanted to take the idol out of
Chot when an unheard-of thing happened. It
began to rain, and the deluge continued for a
month, followed by a year of stcrihty and famine.
The priests, knowing of the conduct of Tempellec
with regard to Chot, looked upon him as the cause
of the calamity. So they put him into the sea,
with his feet and ^vrists tied. Lambayeque

INCA CONQUEST OF THE CHIMU 223

submitted to the Chimu, with the other valleys ruled
by descendants of Naymlap. Llapchilulli, the
feather worker to Naymlap, was a favourite of that
chief, who gave him the valley of Jayanca, where
his descendants reigned for several generations.

Soon after the extinction of the Naymlap
dynasty the Inca invasions began. Authorities
differ. Garcilasso de la Vega says that the Inca
army advanced along the coast from the south,
with a large contingent of alhes. Each valley was
desperately defended, yet the army of the Chimu
was obhged to retreat fighting, and at length the
great chief was forced to submit. Sarmiento makes
the Inca army descend from the mountains round
Caxamarca, subdue the Chimu, and carry off
treasure to a vast amount. Balboa tells us that
the Incas had many conflicts with the Chimu, but
that the details are forgotten. We learn from
Montesinos that the Incas finally prevailed over
the Chimu by cutting off his water supply. It is
certain that the Chimu submitted. He was visited
by the Inca Huayna Ccapac, large numbers of
artisans were sent to Cuzco, and a mihtary road
was made over the valleys and deserts of the coast.
This was about four generations before the arrival
of the Spaniards, when Cieza de Leon saw and
described the Inca roads and buildings. In the
height of their power the Chimu must have had con-
siderable trade. Wool and metals came from the
mountains ; chonta, palm wood, bamboo, parrots,
monkeys and other animals from the eastern

224 ARRIVAL OF SPANIARDS

forests ; emeralds and other precious commodities
from the northern coast.

The valleys to the north submitted to the Inca
without any contest, except from the Penachis,
a savage tribe Hving on the flanks of the mountains.
The chief of Jayanca was suspected of comphcity
with them, and was sent a prisoner to Cuzco, where
he hngered for many years. At length his son
obtained his release, but he died on the way back.
The body was embalmed and sent to Jayanca.
The chief of Lambayeque, named Esquen Pisan,
was summoned to Cuzco by the Inca Huascar.
He went willingly, because he was in love with a
young lady of the coast, who was a maid of honour
to the widow of Huayna Ccapac. Her name was
Chestan Xecfuin. The young chief of Lam-
bayeque sought for his love and found her. They
were united and, on their way back, she gave
birth to a son, who received the name of Cuzco
Chumpi.

Then the Spaniards under Pizarro appeared
on the scene, leaving Tumbez on their march
southwards on May 16, 1532. Pizarro came to
the river Chira at Amotape, where he burnt two
chiefs and some other Indians. He founded his
town of San Miguel at Tangarara, on the Chira
river, afterwards removed to Piura. He was at
Pocheos, Zaran in the Piura valley, Copiz and
Motupe, eventually reaching Cinto in the valley
of the river Leche. Xecfuin Pisan, the chief of
Lambayeque, wished to submit to what appeared

EXTINCTION OF THE CHIMU PEOPLE 225

inevitable, but the people were infuriated. They
burnt down his house, and he perished in the
flames. His son Cuzco Chumpi submitted, and
was baptised with the name of Pedro. We hear
also of his son, Don Martin Farro Chumpi. Pizarro
rested at La Mamada in the valley of Jequetepeque,
and marched thence up the mountains to Caxa-
marca, which place he reached on November 15,
1532. In 1535 the conqueror was again in these
coast valleys. He founded the city of Truxillo,
named after his old home in Spain, close to the
city of the Chimu in 8° 6' S., and Balboa tells us
that Pizarro was much struck by the grandeur and
beauty of the edifices constructed by the ancient
kings. But he came as a fell destroyer. The
cruelty of the Spaniards extinguished the ancient
Chimu civihsation before even a few years had
passed. Cieza de Leon tells us of the rapid depopu-
lation of the valleys, and in his time vast tracts
were becoming waste for want of people to cultivate
the land. The census of the Piura valley alone,
made by order of Dr. Loaysa, the first Archbishop
of Lima, showed a population of 193,000 Indians.
In 1785 it was 44,497, and these chiefly negroes.
The race is now practically extinct. The brilhant
conceptions, the masterly execution, the untiring
industry, the wealth and magnificence, all passed
away and are forgotten, i

1 The chief of Mansiche, baptised in 1550 with the name of Don
Antonio Chayhuac, is said to have been a descendant of the Chimu.
His descendants were Uving in Lima in the middle of the eighteenth

Q

226 CHIMU CIVILISATION

Yet the story of the coast civihsation of the
Chimu is worthy of being rehabilitated. There
should be a thorough examination and study of
the Mochica language ; an exhaustive classification
of Chimu works of art in public museums and
private collections ; a knowledge of all the authori-
ties ; and scientific plans of all the ruins. From
the works of art alone a fairly complete idea
may be obtained of the conditions of hfe, the
manners and customs, even the legends and
rehgious ideas of the extinct people. The xesult
would be the rehabilitation of an ancient people
whose history would be quite as interesting, and in
some respects even more curious, than the histories
of the Aztecs of Mexico, or the Chibchas of Bogota.

century. — Feijoo, Relacion de la ciudad de Truzillo (Madrid, 1763),
pp. 25 and 85. Balboa, p. 73 (n).

CHAPTER XV

THE CHINCHA CONFEDERACY

The territory of the Chimu ended to the south at
Paramunca, in 10° 51' S. The coast thence to
latitude about 15°S. includes the perennially watered
valleys of Huara, Chancay, Caravayllo, Rimac,
Lurin, Mala, Huarcu, Chincha, Pisco, Yea, Rio
Grande, comprising five valleys converging into
one, and Nasca, with deserts between them.
There are also a few inhabited valleys with water-
courses coming from outside the region of regular
rains, such as Chilca and Asia.i The irrigated
valleys supported a dense population in ancient
times, the chiefs of each valley being independent,
though acting together as a confederacy for
certain purposes.

There are reasons for the conclusion that these
more southern valleys had also been inhabited
from a very remote period. On the island of San
Lorenzo, opposite to the mouth of the Rimac,
Darwin foxmd the same shells as occur in the ocean
at the present time, at a height of 85 feet, and
with them the evidence of man's existence,

1 Formerly Asyac.

227 Q 2

228 PEOPLING OF COAST VALLEYS

including cobs of Indian corn and cotton twine.
The depth at which ancient rehcs have been
found in the deposits of guano on the Chincha
Islands has been considered as another proof of
the very remote period when there were inhabitants
in these coast valleys. There is, however, some
reason to doubt the cogency of this argument. i Still
the evidence, especially that given by Darwin, is
in favour of the peopling of these valleys from
a very remote antiquity.

Whence, then, did these coast people originally
come ? I beheve that the mountains of the maritime
Cordillera, with their gorges and ravines opening
on the coast valleys, answer the question. In a
former chapter we have seen that the mountain
fastnesses of Huarochiri, Yauyos, and Lucanas
overlook the coast, and were inhabited by hardy
tribes of mountaineers speaking a dialect of
Quichua. From remote antiquity they descended
into the coast valleys and multiplied exceedingly,
being periodically recruited from the mountains.

We have no history, barely a tradition, to
throw any light on these coast people — nothing
but the confused side-hght thrown by their ruins
and the contents of their tombs. Touching their
superstitions and religious beliefs we have a little
more, due to the fact that two or three priests,

I Mr. Squier argues that articles may have been buried in the
guano at considerable depths, also that they may have been placed
on the surface and have fallen down to an apparent great depth
with the disintegration of the material in course of removal, and
thus appear to have been deposited there.

HUACAS ON THE COAST 229

commissioned to extirpate idolatry, prepared
interesting reports which have fortunately been
preserved.

The former density of the population is shown
by the irrigation works, and also by the fact that
the ruins of ancient villages are found on the skirts
of the mountains and deserts, and not within the
valleys, so as to reserve every square foot for
cultivation. The chiefs, however, formed their
strongholds in the centre of their dominions. These
consisted of huge mounds, or huacaSy as the ruins are
now called. In the great valley of the Kimac,
where now stand the city of Lima and the sea-
port of Callao, as well as in the other valleys, there
are several of these vast mounds built of large
adobes. The interiors were used as places of
sepulture. On the platform, raised high above the
plain, was the chief's palace, made defensible, whence
the cultivated lands could be overlooked and the
approach of an enemy discerned. At the foot of
these mounds there are the ruins of barracks occupied
by the followers and attendants of the chief.

The pottery and other works of art found in the
tombs are exceedingly interesting, and show that
commercial intercourse existed between the Mochi-
cas and the most southern coast dwellers. The
Chimu influence is apparent. The most interesting
rehcs are those brought to our knowledge by Reiss
and Stiibel in their beautifully illustrated work
recording the results of their excavations at Ancon,
to the north of Lima. Besides the mummies and

230 HUAROCHIRI MYTHS

pottery, and warlike implements, there were cotton
cloths worked in various patterns, the work-
baskets of ladies with their sewing and spinning
articles, and even dolls and other playthings for
children. In the more southern valleys the dis-
coveries of pottery and other relics in the places
of sepulture have been very numerous. In the
valley of Yea I also found a stone vase with two
serpents carved round it. In the Nasca valley, in
the far south, a number of specimens of painted
pottery have recently been discovered, which are
believed to be very ancient. But all are inferior
to the Chimu works of art, both in design and
workmanship.

Some curious mythological fables, belonging as
much to the coast valleys as to the adjacent
mountainous province of Huarochiri, have been
preserved by Dr. Francisco Avila, the cura of San
Damian, in Huarochiri, in 1608. This province of
Huarochiri, with its lofty mountain ranges, is
drained by the rivers Rimac and Lurin. It appears
that the tradition of the people was that in the
Purun-pacha, or most remote times, the land of
Huarochiri was yunca, that is to say that it had a
climate similar to the coast valleys. The tradition
seems to point to a period before the Andes were
raised to their present elevation.

These people, who spoke a dialect of Quichua,
preserved a tradition, handed down to them from
the megalithic age, of the supreme god of Pirua,
the * UiRA-cocHA.' To his name they attached the

HUAROCHIRI MYTHS 231

words ' CcoNl-RAYAc/i meaning * appertaining to
heat/ They addressed him as ' Cconi-rayac Uira-
cocha/ saying, ' Thou art Lord of all ; thine are
the crops, thine are all the people/

Yet with all their reverence for the Deity, they
told grotesque mythological stories about him. In
one of these there was a virgin goddess whom he
caused to conceive by dropping before her the
fruit from a lucma tree.^ To her own astonish-
ment the goddess, whose name was Cavillaca,^
gave birth to a son. She assembled all the huacas
(gods) to see who was the father, by the test of the
child recognising him. Uira-cocha came as a
wretched mendicant. The child went at once to
the beggar as his father. Cavillaca was ashamed
and enraged at being supposed to have connection
with any one so despicable. She snatched up the
child and fled tow^ards the sea. Uira-cocha resumed
his godlike form and, clothed in golden robes, he
ran after her. His splendour illuminated the whole
country, and he cried to her to turn and look at him,
but she rather increased her speed, disdaining to
look on such a vile and filthy creature. She was
soon out of sight, and when she reached the shore
of Pachacamac she entered the sea with her child.
They were turned into two rocky islets, which may

1 Cconi, heat in Quichua ; rayac is a particle, meaning ' that
which appertains to.'

3 Cdballeria latifolia (R.P.).

3 Cavi means a small kind of oca {Oxalis tuheroso) ; llaca, a
diminutive particle.

232 HUAROCHIRI MYTHS

still be seen. Uira-cocha continued the pursuit,
asking several animals, as he passed them, whether
the goddess was near or far off. These were a
condor, a skunk, a hon, a fox, a falcon, and a parrot.

The condor said he had seen the goddess pass,
and that if Uira-cocha went a little faster he
would catch her. So Uira-cocha blessed the
condor and promised great powers of flight to
all future condors. He then met the skunk, who
replied to his question that Cavillaca was far away
and that he could never overtake her. So -Uira-
cocha cursed the skunk,^ and condemned it to
have a strong scent so as to be easily caught.
The lion's 2 reply was favourable, so the king of
beasts received a blessing. He was to be respected
and feared in hfe, feeding on the llamas of sinners,
and after his death his skin, with the head, was
to be honoured by being worn by men at great
festivals. Uira-cocha next met a fox,"^ who told
him that his running was useless. The fox's curse
was that he would be hunted during hfe, and that
his skin would be despised after death. The
cheering answer of the falcon* secured for him
a great blessing. He was to breakfast on delicious
little birds, and after death festive dancers were
to honour his slcin by wearing it as a head-dress.
Lastly, some parrots gave him bad news, and the
curse upon them was that in feeding they sjiould
never be safe,for their own cries would betray them.

These talks with the birds and beasts on the

1 Anas. '-' Puma. '^ Atoc. ■• Huaman,

TEMPLE OF PACHACAMAC 233

road must have delayed the god a good deal, so
that when at last he reached the seashore he found
that Cavillaca and her child were turned into
rocks in the offing. Uira-cocha walked along the
seashore until he met two young daughters of the
fish god Pachacamac, but they flew away from him in
the shape of doves. For this reason their mother,
who had gone to visit Cavillaca, now turned to
a rock, was called Urpi-huacJiac, or the ' mother of
doves.' Uira-cocha was angry, and looked about
to see how he could injure her. In those days
there were no fishes in the sea. But Urpi-huachac
reared some in a pond ; so the enraged god emptied
all the fish into the sea, and from them all the fishes
that are now in the sea were propagated. This
tradition was rooted in the hearts of the people, and
in Avila's time the condor, falcon, and hon were
looked upon as sacred, and were never killed.
i\.vila knew of a condor which lived under the bridge
at the village of San Damian for many years after
it was too old to fly. The dihgent priest has
preserved several other mythological legends.

The temple of Pachacamac was dedicated to
a fish god, and is alluded to in this legend of
Cavillaca. An immense mound of stones and
adobes rises to a height of 200 feet, on the right
bank of the river Lurin, near the seashore. It
stands on the frontier line, with the fertile valley of
Lurin on one side and the sandy desert on the
other. The temple is built in three wide terraces,
with a platform on the summit. The side-walls

234 TEMPLE OF PACHACAMAC

are supported by buttresses, but the buildings
on the terraces and on the platform have been
destroyed. The god gave out oracles which
attracted many people from great distances. The
Incas are said to have consulted it. Hence a
large town sprang up to the east of the temple, and
the worship of the creator Uira-cocha was super-
seded by that of the fish god Pachacamac. The
site of the temple was very grand and the view was
imposing from the platform, with the bright
green of the Lurin valley on one side, the desert
on the other, and the lofty mountains of Huaro-
chiri in the rear. The view in front, of the Pacific
Ocean, with the sun setting behind the rocks which
were once Cavillaca and her child, is very grand.
But the fish god and its oracle lost their fame
and importance after the conquest by the Incas.
It was January 30, 1533, when Hernando Pizarro,
and the recorder of his journey, Miguel Astete,
reached the temple of Pachacamac. Astete tells
us that an idol of wood was found in a good, well-
painted building which the people looked upon as
their creator and sustainer. Offerings of gold
were placed before it, and no one was allowed
to enter the temple except the officiating priests.
Hernando Pizarro caused the temple to be pulled
down and the idol to be broken and burnt before
all the people. The Inca, after the conquest of
these coast valleys, had built a temple to the sun
on the upper platform. But great part of the
town was in ruins, and most of the outer wall

THE CHINCHA CONFEDERACY 235

had fallen, an indication that the fish god and its
oracle had lost their importance under the Incas.
Astete tells us that the name of the principal chief
was Tauri-chumbi. Because this idol was called
Pachacamac an erroneous idea has prevailed that
the Supreme Being was worshipped at this place.
Pacha means the earth, and Camac, maker or creator.
The name was given to their chief idol and oracle,
but there is no valid reason for the conjecture that
it conveyed any abstract belief in a Supreme Being.
On the contrary, the coast people had degraded
the primitive and pure religion of megalithic times
into a mass of legendary lore, and a system of
local image worship combined with divination,
soothsaying, and sorcery.

Father Pablo Joseph de Arriaga, a Jesuit,
was busily employed, Hke Avila, in the extirpation
of idolatry on the coast and in Conchucos, and
his report to the Royal Council of the Indies was
pubhshed at Lima in 1621.^ He tells us that each
ayllu had an idol common to the whole tribe, as
well as special idols for families, with sacrificial
priests. The people long clung to their custom
of preserving the bodies of their relations in rocky
or desert places, even taking them from the church-
yards, where the curas had ordered them to be
buried, in the dead of night. They said that they
did this * cuyaspa,^ for the love they had for them.

1 Extirpacion de la idolatria de Peru, dirigido al Rey N. S. en
su real consejo de Indias por el Padre Pablo Joseph de Arriaga dela
Compania de Jesus (Lima, 1621), p. 137.

236 COAST SUPERSTITIONS

On festivals they assembled by ayllus, each one
with its mummies, offering to them clothes,
plumes, jars, vases, skins of lions and deer, shells
and other things. They invoked the ocean as
Mamacocfia, especially those who came down
from the mountains, the earth as Mama'pacha at
seed-time, to yield good harvests, the Puquios or
fountains when water was scarce. Hills and
rocks were worshipped and had special names,
with a thousand fables about their having once
been men who were turned into stones. Many
huacas (or gods) were of stone carved in the shape
of men, women, and animals. All had special
names, and there was not a boy in the ayllu but
knew them. Those which were the guardians
of the villages were called Marcaparac or Marca-
charac. Their Penates or household gods were
called Conopa or Huasi-camayoc. Large stones
in fields called Chichic or Huanca, and other
stones in the irrigating channels, received sacrifices.
Then there were the Saramamas and Cocamamas,
or the ' mother,' i.e. representative deity of sara
(maize) and coca. Besides the sacrificing priests
there were hosts of diviners and soothsayers.
Arriaga and his colleague Avendano boasted
of having destroyed G03 huacas, 617 malquis
(mummies), 3418 conopas, 189 huancas, and 45
mamasaras.

The coast people were steeped in superstitious
observances, as this report sufficiently proves,
but, nevertheless, they were laborious and

COAST IRRIGATION WORKS 237

intelligent, excellent cultivators, good artisans and,
above all, admirable contrivers of irrigation works.

The finest example of an effective irrigation
system is that enjoyed by the valley of Nasca,
which, as has already been stated, was probably
peopled by the mountaineers of Lucanas. Here
was a tract of country at the foot of the mountains
which originally only received a precarious supply
of water from the coast range. Practically it was
a desert. The Lucanas converted it into a garden.
Of all the earthly paradises in which Peru abounds,
Nasca is one of the most charming. The two main
channels are brought from the mountains by
subterraneous tunnels, the origins of which are
unknown. They continue right down the valley,
and smaller channels branch from them, also
subterraneous in their upper courses but coming to
the surface lower down. From these secondary
channels the water is taken off, in smaller channels,
to irrigate the fields and gardens. There were
similar works for the great valleys of Rimac,
Lurin, Mala, Huarcu (Canete), Chincha, Pisco, and
Yea, but none more complete and scientifically
designed than those of the vale of Nasca.

The inhabitants of these coast valleys appear
to have had the generic name of Chinchas, from
the great valley of Chincha, originally peopled
by the mountaineers of Yauyos. They were trained
to the use of arms, and had frequent wars with the
subjects of the Chimu, perhaps also among them-
selves. Their conquest by the Incas took place

238 INCA COAST FORTRESSES

before that of the Chimu. Garcilasso de la Vega
tells us that there was desperate resistance in the
different valleys, the Chinchas forming a confederacy,
and that they were not subdued until after several
well-fought campaigns. The name of their principal
leader was Cuis-mancu, the chief of the Rimac
valley. After they were at length subdued, they
joined the Incas as allies in the war against the
Chimu.

The Incas erected two important palace-
fortresses on the coast. One was on the frontier
between the Chinchas and Mochicas, called Para-
manca. It was an extension of a more ancient
work built by the Chimu, and is described, by
both ancient and modern writers, as an edifice
of imposing appearance, with painted walls. ^
The other Inca stronghold was on an eminence
with precipitous sides, at the mouth of the river
now called Canete. It consisted of two blocks of
buildings in the Inca style of architecture, one
with a vast hall and passages opening upon one
side, leading to small chambers. Between the two
blocks of buildings there was an open space,or flace
d'armes, overlooking the plain, with the rapid river
washing the base of the height. The place is now
called Hervay.2 It was designed to overawe the
great valleys of Huarcu (Caiiete) and Chincha.

The coast valleys continued to flourish under

1 Described by Cicza de Leon, p. 247. Proctor's Travels, p. 175.
Squicr.

2 Described by Markham, Cuzco and Lima.

THE SOUTHERN VALLEYS 239

the Incas, and their own hereditary chiefs were
confirmed as governors under the Inca system.
When Hernando Pizarro arrived at Pachacamac,
in January 1533, most of these hereditary governors
seem to have sent in their submission. ^

South of Nasca the valleys do not appear to have
had either an early history or a dense population.
There was an aboriginal race of fishermen called
Changos, and the Atacamas far to the south, of
whose language a vocabulary has been preserved.
These fishing tribes used balsas of inflated seal-
skins. The southern valleys were eventually
peopled by mitimaes, or colonists, chiefly from the
Collas. Acari,- the next valley to Nasca, is men-
tioned by several early writers, and may, perhaps, be
included in the Chincha confederacy. Next came
Atequipa,3 Atico,'^ Ocona,-^ Camana,^ and Majes.
Arequipa, Moquegua, and Tacna, with its port of
Arica, were occupied by CoUa colonists, but not,
apparently,in great numbers or at a very early date.

1 Astete mentions the following chiefs who came to Pachacamac
or sent in their submission :

Chief of Mala — Lincoto ; Guanchapaichu ;

Pachacamac — Taurichumbi ; Colixa — Aci ; ■

Poax — Alincai ; SaUicai-marca — Yspilo ;

Huarcu (Ganete) — Guarili ; and others.

Chincha — Tamviambea ;

■2 Cieza de Leon, 28, 265 ; G. de la Vega, i. 244, 267 ; Balboa,
109 ; Molina, 62.

3 G. de la Vega, i. 267 ; ii. 12.

4 G. de la Vega, ibid. ; Acosta, 167.

5 Cieza de Leon, 29, 263 ; G. de la Vega, i. 267 ; Balboa, 111.

6 Cieza de Leon, 29, 265 ; G. de la Vega, i. 267.

CHAPTEE XVI

THE CATACLYSM

The overwhelming catastrophe, which destroyed
the deUcate and compHcated organism of Peruvian
civilisation, had been preceded by a war of succes-
sion. There had been events of this kind before,
the last recorded one having preceded the accession
of Pachacuti. None had ever been so prolonged
and so serious. Yet it is probable that it would
not have had any disastrous effect on the general
well-being of the empire. It only temporarily
affected that section of the community which was
told off for military duties. One is reminded of the
evidence given by Mr. Thorold Kogers respecting
our War of the Koses. The conflict so httle
affected the daily work of the people and the
business transactions of the community that, in
all the hundreds of manor accounts over all parts
of the country that he had examined during the
period, there is not a single allusion to the civil war.
The great Inca Huayna Ccapac left Cuzco on his
northern campaign in about the year 1513, and
was occupied for twelve years in completing his
conquests around and to the north of Quito. At the

24U

HUAYNA CCAPAC 241

time of his departure from Cuzco he had had
children by four Ccoyas of the royal family, and
many others by concubines. The first queen was
Mama Cusirimay, the mother of his eldest son,
Ninan Cuyuchi. The second and favourite queen
was Mama Rahua Ocllo, the mother of Inti Cusi
Hualpa, who was surnamed Huascar, from the
village near Cuzco where he was born.^ The third
was named Tocta Cuca, a princess of the hneage of
Pachacuti, and the mother of Atahualpa. Mama
Runtu was the fourth, mother of the princes
Manco and Paullu.

On leaving Cuzco the Inca took with him the two
Ccoyas Cusirimay and Rahua, his eldest son, Ninan
Cuyuchi, and his third son, Atahualpa, both having
reached man's estate,- besides many other relations
and leading councillors. He left a regency at
Cuzco consisting of an uncle and a brother, in charge
of his sons Huascar, Titu Atauchi, Manco, and
Paullu.

The great northern campaign of Huayna Ccapac
was admirably conducted, and some very able
natives of the Quito province were trained under
this great leader, and became distinguished generals,

1 Huascar-pata, near Mujma. There appears to be no truth in
the story about a golden cable having been made to celebrate
his birth. The story was invented to account for the name. There
had long been a cable covered with plates of gold, in use for the
performance of dances dm-ing the great festivals.

2 Of course the story that the mother of Atahualpa was a native
of Quito, or a princess of Quito, could not be true, because Atahualpa
was a grown man before he ever left Cuzco. If he had been born at
Quito he would only have been eight or ten when his father died.

242 DEATH OF HUAYNA CCAPAC

chief among them being Quizquiz, Chalcuchima, and
Kmni-naui. But the prowess of Atahualpa was
not such as to satisfy his father. Meanwhile
Huascar was hving in hixury at Cuzco. Fehcita-
tions and presents were sent to him from the pro-
vinces, and among them an exceedingly beautiful
maiden arrived from Yea, on the coast, named
Chumpillaya, accompanied by her parents.

Huascar fell desperately in love with the coast
maiden. She received the surname of ' Curi
Coyllur,' or the golden star, and the young Inca had
a daughter by her who received the same name.
But the jealousy of the other women led to the death
of Chumpillaya by poison, and her child was
placed under the care of the princess Cahua Ticlla,i
one of Huascar's sisters.- The romantic love story
of Curi Coyllur runs like a silver thread through the
record of the war of succession.

Huayna Ccapac, the last of the imperial Incas,
died at Quito in 1525, after a reign of from thirty to
forty years, the last twelve having been completely
occupied by his campaigns to the north of Quito.
The body was conveyed to Tumi-pampa, where it
was embalmed. He had declared his eldest son,
Ninan Cuyuchi, to be his heir, but as he was in bad
health, Huascar was nominated in the event of his
elder brother's death. Ninan Cuyuchi died very

1 Cahua, grey ; iiclla, a flower.

2 The love story of Curi Coyllur was told to Balboa by Don
Mateo Yupanqui Inca, a member ot tlie Peruvian royal family
residing at Quito, p. 231.

CRUELTY OF HUASCAR 243

soon after his father, and Huascar appears to have
been unanimously proclaimed sovereign Inca.

Preparations were then made for the conveyance
of the body {malqui) and huauqiii of Huayna
Ccapac to Cuzco. His first queen, Cusirimay, had
died at Quito. Mama Rahua, therefore, had charge
of the body during the long journey, accompanied
by some of the Inca's oldest and most trusted
friends and councillors, chief among them being
Auqui Tupac Yupanqui. Atahualpa excused him-
self from accompanying the funeral cortege.
Speeches have been put into his mouth by one or
two Spanish writers. Probably he had reason to
be doubtful of his reception by the new Inca. He
may have already conceived ambitious schemes, for
he found that the Quito generals were devoted to
his interests. At first Huascar is said to have given
him the title of Incap Ranti, or Viceroy in Quito.
But if this friendly feehng ever existed, it was of
very short continuance.

On the arrival of the Ccoya Mama Rahua and
her companions on the plain of Suriti, near
Cuzco, with the body of Huayna Ccapac, the news
was brought to Huascar that his brother Atahualpa
had remained behind. He was furious. Auqui
Tupac Y^ipanqui and his companions were arrested,
questioned respecting the absence of Atahualpa, and,
as their answers were not considered satisfactory,
they were put to death. The Ccoya Mama Rahua
was indignant at the execution of her friends, and
the friends of her deceased lord. She never forgave

244 LOVE OF QUILACU AND CURI COYLLUR

her son for these acts of injustice and cruelty.
It was long before she would consent to the marriage
of her daughter Chuqui Urpay with Huascar,
which took place after the obsequies of the great
Inca Huayna Ccapac. The widowed queen took
up her abode at the village of Siquillapampa, a few
miles from Cuzco.

Atahualpa resolved to send an embassy to his
brother, with valuable presents, brought by envoys
who were instructed to offer his submission and
homage. For this delicate mission he selected a
handsome and vahant youth named Quilacu Yupan-
qui, son of the murdered Auqui Tupac Yupanqui.
He was accompanied by four older chiefs.

On his arrival at Suriti the envoy received
a welcoming message from the queen-dowager,
who was fond of young Quilacu. He had been
brought up in her palace at Cuzco, and was a
foster-brother to her daughter Chuqui Urpay.
Mama Kahua invited him to come to Siquillapampa,
and to reside there mitil he received orders as to his
reception from the Inca. The old queen sent out a
number of beautiful girls to meet her friend Quilacu,
and among them was Huascar's daughter, Curi
Coyllur, the golden star, the fairest of the fair
maidens of Cuzco. During his short residence
at Siquillapampa, Quilacu conceived an ardent
affection for the beautiful girl, and he had the
happiness to find that his love was returned.
There was a brief but dehghtful time under the
shade of the molle trees, on lawns carpeted with the

QUILACU AND CUKI COYLLUR 245

cantut and amancay, where the noise of bubbHng
fountains mingled with the songs of many birds.
Lofty momitains surromided the httle valley, and
here all but love was forgotten.

All too soon the spell was broken. An order
came for Quilacu and his embassy to proceed at
once to Galea, in the vale of Vilcamayu, where the
Inca was then residing. The young envoy placed
the presents at the feet of Huascar, and assured
him of his brother's loyalty. The Inca looked
at him with disdain, spurned the presents, and
accused him of being a spy. His four colleagues
were put to death, and he was sent to Cuzco to
await further orders. An old servant was sent to
report his treatment and the murder of his friends to
Mama Eahua Ocllo while he remained in suspense.
At length Quilacu received his dismissal. He was
ordered to return to Atahualpa and to warn him
that he would soon have to render an account of his
conduct to his sovereign.

A secret message reached Siquillapampa that
Quilacu would, if possible, turn off the road and
claim Curi Coyllur from her aunt and guardian,
the princess Cahua Ticlla. The beautiful girl
looked out anxiously for her lover. When she saw
a labom'er in the far distance with a plough (taclla)
on his shoulder, she thought it was him. At last
a troop of wayfarers was seen, wending their way
along the Chinchay-suyu road. Standing mider the
moUe trees, by the side of the waving corn, she saw
the travellers disappearing over the crest of the

246 WAR OF HUASCAR AND ATAHUALPA

distant hills, and gave way to despair. Suddenly
Quilacu rushed out of the maize-field/ and in a
moment the lovers were locked in each other's arms.
They were joined by Cahua Ticlla, to whom Quilacu
related all that had taken place at Galea and Cuzco.
He asked the princess for the hand of her niece,
but she rephed that they must wait for more
peaceful times. She, however, promised that Curi
Coyllur, who was only sixteen, should wait for him
for three years. With this he was obliged to be
contented, and setting out on his way to Quito, he
reported the results of his mission to Atahualpa.

Quilacu was quickly followed by a large army
commanded by a general named Atoc, and the
forces of the two brothers encountered each other
at Ambato, near Quito. Huascar's forces were
entirely defeated, the general being captured and
put to death. Huascar then sent another army
to Tumipampa, under the command of Huanca
Auqui, one of the Inca's numerous half-brothers.
This unfortunate general seems to have done his
best, but he was defeated at Tumipampa, then
near Caxamarca, then at Bombon, and was finally
driven back into the valley of Jauja. Here he
received large reinforcements under another leader,
named Mayta Yupanqui,who upbraided the unlucky
Huanca Auqui for his defeats. Meanwhile the
Inca Huascar celebrated an expiatory fast called
Itu.

I The maize of Cuzco grows to a greater height than the tallest
man, and Quilacu would have been entirely concealed by it.

QUILACU WOUNDED 247

Atahualpa^s army was commanded by a savage
but very able native of Quito, named Quizquiz,
with Chalcuchima as his Ueutenant and colleague,
while young Quilacu had charge of a reserve force.
Three years had nearly expired. The aunt, Cahua
TicUa, was on the point of death, and Huascar
threatened to force Curi Coyllur to marry one of
his captains. But she was resolved to be true to
her lover, and to go in search of him. One night
she cut of? her long hair, put on the dress of one
of her men-servants, and, as the army of Mayta
Yupanqui passed by Siquillapampa, she slipped out
of the house and mingled with the camp followers.

Quizquiz, having marshalled his forces, advanced
against the combined army of Huanca Auqui
and Mayta Yupanqui. A desperate battle was
fought at a place called Yanamarca, which was
long doubtful. One of the wings of Atahualpa's
hne was hotly pressed, when Quilacu came up with
his reserves. This turned the scale. The Incas
broke and fled. But Quilacu was severely wounded.
He fell among a heap of dead, at a moment when
his men were fully occupied in the pursuit of the
enemy, so that they did not notice the absence of
their leader. The tide of battle rolled onwards
and he was left to his fate.

Crushed under the weight of the fallen, and
faint from loss of blood, Quilacu was for a long
time insensible. When at length he recovered
consciousness, he saw a boy traversing the field
of battle, appearing to be in search of some one

248 HUASCAR TAKES THE FIELD

among the disfigured corpses. The wounded chief
cried out and succeeded in attracting the boy's
attention. He came at once, stanched the wounds,
and helped Quilacu to reach the banks of a httle
stream. Here he collected brushwood, hghted a
fire, and gave further aid to the wounded man.
Quilacu began to question the lad as to his motive
for helping an enemy. His answer was : ' Brother !
I am a native of this country. My name is Titu :
ask me no more." Next day Titu led Quilacu to
an abandoned hut, where for many weeks he was
unconscious with a raging fever, tenderly nursed
by the helpful lad.

The Peruvian fugitives ralhed at the pass of
Ancoyacu, which Mayta Yupanqui proposed to
fortify and defend, but Huanca Auqui had lost
heart, and they fell back on Vilcas-huaman. The
Inca Huascar was now thoroughly alarmed. He
consulted the huacas and oracles, and was told
that if he put himself at the head of his army,
leading it in person, he would be victorious.
Reinforcements were hurried up from Colla-suyu,
and even from Chile, and Huascar found himself
at the head of a large army, on the plain of
Suriti.

Huanca Auqui, who had fallen back from
Vilcas-huaman, was stationed to defend the bridge
of the Apurimac. The Chilians were encamped on
the heights commanding the valley of Cotabambas,
with the Collas and the Charcas contingent. The
rest of the army was in the Cotabambas valley.

HUASCAR TAKEN PRISONER 249

Quizquiz gave up all hope of crossing the profound
gorge of the Apurimac in the face of an enemy.
He detached Chalcuchima to approach Cuzco by
way of Chumpivilcas. He then attacked the main
division of Huascar's army, and was repulsed with
heavy loss.

What followed is a little obscure. It would
seem that the Inca conducted a reconnaissance in
force up a ravine opening on to the Cotabambas
valley. It was in reality a carefully arranged
ambuscade. The Inca was suddenly surrounded,
dragged out of his litter, and taken prisoner. When
this became known, all resistance ceased, and the
Incarial army was dissolved. Atahualpa's generals
marched in triumph to the capital, encamping
outside at a place called Quisipay. The chiefs of
Cuzco and the Inca's mother, Rahua OcUo, sub-
mitted and acknowledged Atahualpa as their
sovereign. The old queen even upbraided her son
for his injustice and cruelties, and told him that
his own wickedness was the cause of his misfortunes.
The unhappy prince certainly paid dearly for his
sins. All those who were near and dear to him
were massacred before his eyes. Then an order
came from Atahualpa that his brother Huascar,
with his mother and principal councillors, were to
be brought to him at Caxamarca.

But the terrible drama was drawing to its
astounding close. News came to Cuzco of the
arrival of the mighty strangers, then that Atahualpa
himself was a prisoner in their hands, next that a

250 HUASCAR PUT TO DEATH

ransom in gold was to be paid for his release.
Atahualpa had been accepted as Inca after the
victories of his generals. The mechanism of the
empire went on working as if nothing had happened,
and when the orders came for the gold to be sent
to Caxamarca, the roads were promptly traversed
by the bearers of gold in all shapes and forms.
The army of Quizquiz and Chalcuchima evacuated
Cuzco, and proceeded towards Caxamarca in some
confusion, ready to obey and help their captured
sovereign. The atrocities said to have been- com-
mitted by these conquerors while at Cuzco were
naturally exaggerated, the accounts having been re-
ceived by the Spanish writers from the conquered side.
The immediate relations and friends of Huascar
were slaughtered, and, for some reason which is
not quite clear, the malqui of the great Inca Tupac
Yupanqui was desecrated and its guardians were
put to death. But there was no general massacre
of the Incas, and as soon as Cuzco was evacuated
by Atahualpa 's generals, the Orejones resumed
their offices and duties, accepting the young prince
Manco as their Inca when the news of Atahualpa's
death arrived.

The unhappy Huascar, with his mother and
wives and chief officers, were being taken as
prisoners to Caxamarca. Pizarro heard of the war
waged against each other by the two brothers, and
he told Atahualpa that he would judge between
them. This threat induced Atahualpa to send an
order for the prisoners to be put to death. It

SPANISH INVASION 251

reached their guard at Antamarca, where Huascar,
his mother and wives, and all his friends, were
massacred. One lad escaped, a natural son of
Huascar named Huari Titu. He brought the news
to Caxamarca, and furnished Pizarro with an excuse
for the execution of Atahualpa.

On the death of Atahualpa the gold and silver
ceased to arrive. All that was on its way was
concealed, but already an amount equivalent to
£3,500,000 of our money had reached the Spaniards
at Caxamarca, chiefly in the form of square or
oblong plates which had been used to adorn the
walls of houses. A far greater amount was con-
cealed, and has never yet been found, though the
secret has been handed down, and on one occasion a
small portion was used in the interests of the people.^

The story of the Spanish invasion and civil war
has been told in the classic pages of Prescott and
Helps, and forms no part of this essay except so
far as it concerns the fate of the Incas. The army
which vanquished Huascar was scattered, Quizquiz
and Chalcuchima were to meet their deserts from
men as ruthless and cruel as themselves. The
Spaniards were on the march to Cuzco.

1 When the old chief Pmnacagua was about to head an in-
sm-rection against the Spaniards, he had no funds for procuring
arms and ammunition. After obtaining from him an oath of
secrecy, the then guardian took him bhndfold to the place where
the vast treasure was concealed. He had to wade up a stream
for a long distance. His eyes were then dazzled by the enormous
masses of gold, and he was allowed to take enough to meet his
needs. He was defeated and put to death by the Spaniards. No
one else has ever been admitted to the secret.

252 MARRIAGE OF THE LOVERS

Through all these mighty events the boy Titu
continued to nurse the wounded chief in the lonely
hut. They lived on roots and the milk of llamas.
When, after many months, Quilacu became con-
valescent, Titu began to make excm'sions with
the object of obtaining news. Titu then revealed
herself to her lover as Curi Coyllur, who had taken
upon herself the disguise which enabled her to escape
from a hated marriage, to seek for her beloved, to
save his Ufe, and to niu'se him through a long illness.
She told him that everything was changed,- that
both Huascar and Atahualpa were dead and their
armies dispersed, and that strange men had arrived
from the ocean, whose power was irresistible. She
went to Jauja, where she fortunately met Hernando
de Soto, one of the best of the Spaniards, who had
protested against the murder of Atahualpa. He
heard her very touching story through an inter-
preter, and befriended her. He gave clothes to
the lovers, and they were baptised with the names of
Hernando and Leonor, and happily married. But
Quilacu did not long survive. After his death
Curi Coyllur became the mistress of her benefactor.
Her daughter, Leonor de Soto, was married at Cuzco
to a notary named Carrillo, and had several children.

The empire of the Incas did not fall without
more than one gallant effort to save it. Titu
Atauchi, one of the sons of the great Inca Huayna
Ccapac, was a youth of ability and resource. He
was resolved to resist the murderers of his brother,
and collected a considerable force with the object of

TITU ATAUCHI AND CHAVES 253

impeding the advance of the Spaniards towards
Cuzco. With 8000 men he attacked their rear-
guard, threw it into confusion at a place called
Tocto, in the province of Huayllas, and captured
eight prisoners. He took them to Caxamarca,
which had been abandoned by the Spaniards.
Among these prisoners was Francisco de Chaves of
Xeres, one of the most honourable and enlightened
of the conquerors, and one of the twelve who
protested against the murder of Atahualpa. Among
the others were Sancho de Cuellar, Hernando de
Haro, and Alonso de Alarcon. Cuellar had been
clerk to the court at the mock trial of Atahualpa.
He was tried and publicly executed at the same
pole against which the Inca was strangled. Alarcon,
whose leg was broken, was carefully tended.
Chaves and Haro, who had protested against the
Inca's execution, were treated with the greatest
kindness. The prince Titu Atauchi made a treaty
with Chaves to be ratified by Pizarro :

1. The Spaniards and natives to be friends.

2. Prince Manco to be acknowledged as Inca.

3. All the laws of the Incas, in favour of the
people, and not opposed to Christianity, to
be maintained.

Chaves and his comrades were then set free, with
many good wishes, and proceeded to Cuzco. ^

1 Francisco de Chaves, the friend of Prince Titu Atauchi, was
a close observer and a diligent inquirer. He wTOte a copious
narrative, which he left in possession of his friend and relative,
Don Luis Valera, who gave it to Diego de Oliva. Chaves was mur-
dered at Lima in 1541, in attempting to defend the staircase against

254 MANGO INCA SUCCEEDS

Unfortunately the enlightened prince Titu Atauchi
died shortly afterwards.

The Incas and Orejones of Cuzco assembled
after the departure of their conquerors, the savage
generals of Atahualpa. They were in considerable
numbers, for we know from Sarmiento that there
were numerous representatives of all the principal
ayllus at and round Cuzco forty years afterwards.
The rightful heir, Prince Manco, was a young lad.
His councillors came to the conclusion that the
power of the Spaniards was irresistible, but' that
fair treatment might be secured by submission.
Manco, therefore, was taken out in the royal litter,
with a large attendance, to meet Pizarro at the
bridge of the Apurimac.

The Inca was received very cordially by the
Spanish leaders. They escorted him to Cuzco,
and the ceremonies of his accession were allowed to
be performed with all the usual splendour. Pizarro
may have been influenced by Francisco de Chaves
and others of that stamp in this wise acceptance of
the Inca's rightful position, but it led to no useful
result. Pizarro was a man of great natural ability,
and very far from having been the worst among the
conquerors, only seeking for the gratification of
his avarice. He was a statesman of enlarged views,
but limited by his ignorance and want of education.
He did not in the least realise the value and adapt-
ability of the intricate administrative mechanism he

the assassins of Pizarro. Zarate says that when he died he was
the most important personage in Peru next to Pizarro,

MANCO BESIEGES CUZCO 255

was destroying. Trained lawyers and statesmen
came after him, some of whom fully recognised that
the Incas were far more able and enlightened
governors than their Spanish conquerors, but it
was then too late. It is just possible that if such a
man as Francisco de Chaves had been in the place
of Pizarro, things might have taken a better turn,
for the intentions of the councillors in Spain were
good ; but it is scarcely probable.

As it was, the affairs of Peru went from bad to
worse. Pizarro went to found his capital at Lima,
his brothers remained at Cuzco, and his colleague
Almagro undertook his distant expedition to Chile,
accompanied by Prince Paullu, the brother of
Manco, and by the Uillac Uma (High Priest of the
Sun), another son of the great Inca Huayna Ccapac.
Manco, as he advanced in years, found that he
was a mere puppet, and that his people were being
treated with such cruelty and injustice that they
were ready to make an attempt to throw ofi a
yoke which had become unbearable. Manco escaped,
and put himself at the head of a great army of
Ore Jones ready to strike one last blow for freedom.
The Sacsahuaman fortress was occupied by the
patriots, and the Spaniards were closely besieged
in the ancient city of the Incas.

The story of the siege of Cuzco has been told by
Prescott. It was a final effort. The loss of the
fortress deprived the patriots of their last hope.
The old Inca chief hurled himself down the precipice
rather than surrender. Another such deed is

256 PRINCE PAULLU AT CUZCO

recorded of the old Cantabrian chiefs who died
rather than yield to the Romans. Young Manco
raised the siege of Cuzco on the approach of Ahnagro.
Marching down the lovely vale of Vilcamayu he
made a last stand in the famous stronghold of
Ollantay-tampu. Here he repulsed the attack
of Hernando Pizarro : the last Peruvian victory.

Forced to evacuate Ollantay-tampu by Almagro's
lieutenant, Orgonez, Manco retreated into the httle
known mountainous district of Vilcapampa, where
the Inca sovereignty was upheld for thirty- years
longer. Manco's brother Paullu threw in his lot
with the Spaniards. Prince Paullu went with
Almagro to Chile, and afterwards, joining Vaca
de Castro, he was christened as Don Cristoval,
and was granted the palace overlooking Cuzco,
at the foot of the fortress, called the Colcampata.
It had been built by, and was the abode of, the great
Inca Pachacuti. At the western end of its fa9ade
the httle church of San Cristoval was erected,
partly as a chapel for the Inca prince. In its rear
was the sacred field of maize which used to be
reaped by the young knights after the feast of the
Huarachicu. Here Paullu lived and died, watching
the total destruction of his country and people.
Here his sons, Don Carlos Inca and Don Fehpe
Inca, were born and brought up, Carlos living quietly
with his Spanish wife, and looked up to as their chief
by the numerous Inca kindred in their diflterent
ayllus. Thus one son of the great Inca Huayna
Ccapac made terms with the invaders, and lived on

MANGO IN VILCAPAMPA 257

sufferance in the old palace overlooking tlie city of
Cuzco, while the other gallantly maintained his
independence in the fastnesses of Vilcapampa.

Mancowas surrounded by numerous relations and
followers, and hved in some state. Buildings were
erected to take the places of the temple of the sun
and the palace of Cuzco, and all the approaches were
watched and guarded. Though very mountainous,
the region between the Apurimac and Vilcamayu,
called Vilcapampa, is not unproductive. There are
pastures and terraced ravines, while to the north
there are tropical forests inhabited by the friendly
tribe of Manaris. Vilcapampa, with a width of
forty miles, is a knot of mountains between the
rivers Apurimac on the west and Vilcamayu on
the east side, and with a bend of the latter river
also bounding it to the north. Pizarro tried to
come to terms with the Inca, but Manco had a
profound distrust of Spanish promises. He there-
fore refused to negotiate, and Pizarro, in revenge,
having taken one of Manco's wives prisoner with
other Indians, stripped and flogged her, and then
shot her to death with arrows. This forced Manco
to make reprisals on Spaniards surprised on the
roads leading to Cuzco.

After the final defeat of young Almagro
by the Governor Cristoval Vaca de Castro,
the lad himself and ten of his followers were
executed, and many others were imprisoned at
Cuzco. Two of the latter, named Gomez Perez and
Diego Mendez, with six followers, escaped and

258 MURDER OF INCA MANCO

took refuge in Vilcapampa. They were hospitably-
received by the Inca Manco, and treated with the
greatest kindness. The Inca was well informed
respecting passing events. When he heard that a
Viceroy had arrived, named Blasco Nuiiez de Vela,i
with orders to stop the cruelties and robberies of
the Spaniards, he resolved to send an embassy
offering to assist him. He selected Gomez Perez
for this duty, who went to Lima, and returned with
a most cordial acceptance of the Inca's offer. But
the unfortunate Viceroy was driven out and finally
killed by the conquerors under Gonzalo Pizarro
very soon afterwards.

This Gomez Perez was a rough, ill-conditioned
ruffian with a violent temper. One day he was
playing at bowls with the Inca, and became so
intolerably insolent that Manco pushed him, saying :
* Begone, and remember to whom you are speaking.*
Perez, in a violent passion, seized the wooden ball
and gave the Inca such a violent blow that he fell
dead. The Indians rushed on the Spaniards, who
took refuge in their lodging, defending the entrance
with their swords. The Indians then set the house
on fire, and all the eight ruffians were shot down
with arrows as they ran out from the flames.

The Inca Manco was a worthy representative
of his great ancestors. Subjected to a mock corona-
tion and a mock sovereignty by the invaders, as
soon as he reached an age of maturity he scorned

1 Arrived at Lima, May 17, 1544 ; driven out in October. Killed
at Anaquito, January 18, 1646.

CHILDREN OF INCA MANGO 259

such a life. Escaping from his jailers, he collected
an army to strike a blow for freedom. He led
his countrymen, who were devoted to him, with
the utmost gallantry and some skill. He desisted
from the hopeless struggle mainly to stop further
bloodshed among his people. But he maintained
his independence in Vilcapampa, v/atching events.
He died, full of hope from the new Viceroy and the
new laws, after a reign of ten years. i

Inca Manco left three sons, named Sayri Tupac,
Titu Cusi Yupanqui, and Tupac Amaru, and a
daughter named Maria Tupac Usca, married to
Don Pedro Ortiz de Orue, who was Encomendero
of the village of Maras, with a house in Cuzco.

Sayri Tupac succeeded his father, but, as he
was not yet of age, regents or tutors conducted
the government of Vilcapampa.

1 I have given the version of the murder of Manco as related
by the Inca Garcilasso. The story is told differently by the
Inca's son Titu Cusi Yupanqui, who was present, and narrowly
escaped being murdered also. A portion of the son's narrative is
given by Jimenes de la Espada in an appendix to his edition of
La Guerra de Quito, but without stating whence he obtained it, or
where the full narrative is to be found. Titu Cusi Yupanqui
seems to have dictated his statement to Vivero (see page 290).

s 2

CHAPTEK XVII

GARCILASSO INCA DE LA VEGA

The Spanish conquerors were captivated by the
charms of Inca princesses and their attendants at
Cuzco. Three daughters of Huayna Ccapac had
Spanish husbands. Beatriz ^usta married Mancio
Serra de Leguisamo, one of the conquerors, to
whom much interest attaches owing to his remark-
able will. Another, Beatriz Nusta, was the wife of
Martin de Mustincia, and secondly of Diego Her-
nandez. Inez Nusta had two children by Francisco
Pizarro. A niece of Huayna Ccapac, named
Francisca Nusta, married Juan de Collantes, and
was ancestress of Bishop Piedrahita the historian.
Angelina, daughter of Atahualpa, married Juan de
Betanzos, the author and Quichua scholar.

Hualpa Tupac Yupanqui, the next brother of
the Inca Huayna Ccapac, had a son of the same
names, and a daughter named Isabel Yupanqui
Nusta, the wife of the Spanish knight, Garcilasso
de la Vega, and mother of the famous Inca his-
torian. Paullu Tupac Yupanqui, the brother of
the Inca Manco, had thrown in his lot with
the Spaniards, was baptised with the name of

260

GARCILASSO DE LA VEGA THE ELDER 261

Cristoval in 1543, and received a grant of the
Colcampata palace, overlooking Cuzco. He married
Catalina Mama Usica, his cousin, and had two
sons, Carlos and Felipe. Prince Paullu died in
May 1549.

Garcilasso de la Vega, third son of Don Alonzo
de Hinestrosa de Vargas and of Dona Blanca
Sotomayor Suarez de Figueroa, was born at
Badajos, and was a knight of very noble lineage.
His great pride was in his descent from that famous
warrior, Garci Perez de Vargas, who fought by the
side of St. Ferdinand at the taking of Seville
in 1348. Another ancestor was Garcilasso, w^ho
received the name of de la Vega in memory of a
famous duel fought with a gigantic Moor in the
Vega of Granada.

Garcilasso de la Vega,

They the youth thenceforward call,

For his duel in the Vega

Of Granada chanced to fall.

Another ancestor was Diego de Mendoza, who
saved the life of King Juan I at the battle of
Aljubarrota. The Duke of Feria was the head
of his mother's family, and he was also related
to the Mendozas, Dukes of Infantado.

Born in 1506, young Garcilasso de la Vega was
well practised in the use of arms when, in 1531,
at the age of twenty-five, he set out for the New
World as a captain of infantry with Alonzo
de Alvarado, who was returning to resume his

262 GARCILASSO DE LA VEGA THE ELDER

government of Guatemala. On hearing of the riches
of Peru, Alvarado sailed with a large fleet from
Nicaragua, and landed in the bay of Carangues in
May 1534. Garcilasso de la Vega was with him,
and shared all the terrible hardships and sufferings
of the subsequent march to Riobamba. After
the convention with Almagro, and the dispersal of
Alvarado's forces, Garcilasso was sent to complete
the conquest of the country round Buenaventura.
He and his small band of followers forced their way
through dense forests, enduring almost increliible
hardships. He next went to Lima, and marched
thence for the rehef of Cuzco, which was surrounded
by a native army under the Inca Manco. He
returned to Lima after the siege, and was an officer
under another Alvarado, when he was sent by
Pizarro to dislodge Almagro from Cuzco. Defeated
in the battle of Abancay, Garcilasso suffered a long
imprisonment until the final overthrow of Almagro
in April 1538. Afterwards he accompanied Gon-
zalo Pizarro in his conquest of Charcas, and
received a grant of land near Cochabamba. He
then became a citizen of Cuzco, and married the
Princess Isabel Yupanqui Nusta, formerly called
Chimpa Ocllo. A contemporary portrait depicts
a dehcate-looking girl with large, gentle eyes and
slightly aquiline nose, long black tresses hanging
over her shoulders, and a richly ornamented woollen
mantle secured in front by a large golden pin.
Their house was at the north-west angle of the
Cusi-pata, or that part of the great square which

BIRTH OF THE INCA GARCILASSO 263

was on the west side of the Huatanay torrent. It
was next door to the house of the Princess Beatriz,
married to Mancio Serra de Leguisamo. From
that time, though he was often away for long
periods during the civil wars, the events of the life
of the elder Garcilasso were closely entwined with
those of his yoxmg son, the Inca.

The son of the knight Garcilasso de la Vega by
the Inca princess was born in their house at Cuzco^
on the 12th of April 1539. His earhest recollection
was of the beautiful view from the balcony. He
looked down into the catu or market, and on his
right was the convent of I^a Merced, where the
Almagros and Gonzalo Pizarro were buried. The
house had a long balcony over the entrance, where
the principal lords of the city assembled to witness
the bull fights and cane tournaments, which took
place in the square. There was ^ view of the
splendid snowy peak of Vilcaiiota, 'hke a pyramid,
and so lofty that, though twenty-five leagues away,^
and though other mountains intervene, it could be
seen from the balcony. It does not appear as a
mass of rock, but as a peak of pure and perpetual
snow without ever melting. Its name means a
sacred and wonderful thing.' ^

The young Inca's grown-up male relations at

1 The previous owner of the house was Francisco de Onate, who
was killed at the battle of Chupas, April 26, 1538, fighting for
Almagro the lad.

2 Nearer fifteen.

3 Vilca means sacred, but umita is water. It was the sacred
source of the Vilcamayu.

264 BOYHOOD OF INCA GARCILASSO

Cuzco were his father's brother, Juan Vargas,^ his
father's cousin, Garcia Sanchez de Figueroa, and the
brother of his mother, Hualpa Tupac Yupanqui,
besides Prince Paullu and the husbands of his
cousins the princesses, Mancio Serra de Leguisamo,
Juan de Betanzos and Diego Hernandez. There
were children of these and other native women,
called mestizos, or half-castes, with whom the young
Inca Garcilasso associated, and who were his
friends and schoolfellows, A year before the boy's
birth his father was away fighting on the side of
Vaca de Castro at the battle of Chupas, where
he was severely wounded. His absences were so
long and frequent, that he had a friend named
Diego de Alcobasa to live in the house and look
after his interests. The young Inca called him his
* Ayo,' or tutor, and the two young Alcobasas
were brought up almost as brothers. Young
Garcilasso's godfather was Diego de Silva, a citizen
and alcalde.

The education question was a very difficult one
for the young mestizos during all the turmoil of
civil wars, with the long paternal absences. At
first they got a priest named Pedro Sanchez, and
when he deserted them they were taught and dis-
ciplined by a worthy canon of the cathedral named
Juan de Cuellar, a native of Medina del Campo.

1 Tho Spaniards in thoso days vvcro very uncertain about
Burnaraes. One brother would take his father's, another his
mother's, and a third his grandmother's. Vargas was the father's,
Figueroa the mother's, Garcihisuo de la Vega a maternal ancestor's
name.

SCHOOLFELLOWS OF THE INCA 265

He read Latin with them for two years amidst the
clash of arms, amidst rumours of wars and actual
fighting, having undertaken the task out of kind-
ness, and at the request of the boys themselves.
The school numbered eighteen :

L Garcilasso Inca de la Vega 10. Juan Arias Maldonado

2. Carlos Inca 11. Gaspar Centeno

3. Felipe Inca 12. Pedro Altamirano

4. Francisco Pizarro 13. Francisco Altamirano

14. A son of Garcia Sanchez

5. Juan Serra de Leguisamo de Figueroa

6. Diego de Alcobasa 15. A sonof PedrodeCandia

7. Francisco de Alcobasa 16.1

8. Juan de Cillorico 17. > Sons of Pedro del Barco

9. Bartolorae Monedero IS.j

They were all eager to learn, Felipe Inca being
the most clever. But the good canon was pleased
with them all, seeing how much aptitude they
displayed for grammar and the sciences. He used
to say, * 0 sons ! what a pity it is that a dozen of
you should not be in the university of Salamanca.*

Out of school hours they amused themselves in
the best way they could. Atahualpa was naturally
hated by the Incas of Cuzco, and to insult his
memory the boys used to make the night hideous
by using his name to imitate the crowing of a cock.
The Inca describes the music as

2 crochets, 1 minim, 1 semibreve, 4 notes all on
one key.

They treated his generals who had four syllables

266 THE INCA AND HIS SCHOOLFELLOWS

in their names in the same way — Chalcuchima,
Rumi-naui, and Quilhscancha. They often went
up to the fortress to explore the Inca ruins, which
within ten years had all been taken away to build
houses in the city. They ventured into the
subterranean passages, and passed much time in
tobogganing down the grooves in the Rodadero rock.
They also had more sensible amusements, and went
out hawking with the small falcons of the country,
at Quepaypa. This is the fatal spot where the
Incas surrendered and made submission to the
generals of Atahualpa. The greatest excitement
was when new animals and new fruits arrived from
Spain for the first time. The first bullocks in the
plough, the property of Juan Rodriguez de Villa-
lobos, appeared near Cuzco in 1550. The young
Inca went off to see them, with a great crowd, when
he ought to have been at school. The land
ploughed was just above the convent of St. Francis,
and the names of the bullocks were Chafarro,
Naranjo, and Castillo. It was a marvellous sight
for the boy, but he had to pay for acting
truant. His father flogged him, and the school-
master gave him another flogging because his
father had not given him enough. The next
wonder was a donkey which his father had bought
at Guamanga to breed mules from his mares.

Horses were very precious and very dear. But
this did not restrain the young mestizos from
riding races down the streets of Cuzco. Antonio
de Altamirano, father of the Altamirano boys.

HORSE-RACE— THE FIRST GRAPES 267

was very rich. He had received one half of the
palace of Huayna Ccapac, and found hidden there
an immense haul of gold and silver cups and vases.
He could afford to keep several horses, and his
sons could mount their schoolfellows. One day
they were riding a race, and a very pretty girl
watched them from a window. Pedro Altamirano
kept looking back at her, until at last he fell off.
But the horse stopped for him to mount again.
Their father was the first person in Cuzco who
owned cows. Unfortunately both the Altamirano
boys died young, ' to the great grief of the whole
city, by reason of the promise they gave of abihty
and virtue.'

Wonders continued to present themselves to
the astonished eyes of young Garcilasso. A
knight named Bartolome de Terragas was the first
to send grapes to Cuzco. The bunches were sent
to the elder Garcilasso to distribute among the
citizens. His son had to take the dishes to each
house, attended by two young Indian pages, and
of course he did not fail to enjoy a good share him-
self by the way. He was not so fortunate with the
asparagus. The Treasurer Garcia de Melo could
only send three stalks to his father, who cooked
them at the hrasero in his own room, sent his son
for salt and pepper, and gave a tiny bit to each
of his guests. But young Garcilasso got none,
although he had brought the trimmings.

The young Inca's mother and her family were
well acquainted with the virtues of many herbs

268 MEDICINAL EXPERIENCES

and roots. There was one very formidable white
root, which was pounded, put in water, and given
to young Garcilasso to drink when he had a
stomach-ache. It was a drastic remedy. First
it made him feel sick, and in half an hour he was
so giddy that he could not stand. Then he felt
as if ants were crawhng over his body and down
his veins. He next felt as if he was going to die.
When the medicine had finished working he was
left quite well, with a tremendous appetite. He
himself effected a signal cure on a boy named
Martin, son of Pedro Fernandez the loyal, who was
suffering from a sore and inflamed eye. Garcilasso
took a plant called matecllu, which is found in
streams, a foot long with one round leaf at the end.
He mashed it, and appHed it as a poultice to his
friend, who was cured after two applications.
Afterwards he saw Martin in Spain in 1611, when
he was head groom to the Duke of Feria, and he
said that he saw better in that eye than in the
other.

As Garcilasso grew up he exchanged his boyish
games and excursions for the more serious cane
tournaments, requiring much practice. He played
in the tournaments on the feast of Santiago live
times, also at the baptism of Inca Sayri Tupac,
when he rode a young horse which had not com-
pleted its third year.

The youth Garcilasso was a born topographer,
with a remarkable memory. Forty years after he
left Cuzco he described the city, with the exact

TROUBLOUS TIMES 269

positions of the houses of sixty-six Spanish citizens.
Little had been altered in his youth. He remem-
bered three of the great covered halls attached to
the palaces of the Incas, 200 paces long by 50,
one in the Amaru-cancha or palace of Huayna
Ccapac, now the church of the Jesuits, another in
the Cassana or palace of Pachacuti, capable of
holding 4000 people, and another on the Colcam-
pata. The great hall of the palace of Uira-cocha,
on the east side of the great square, was in process
of being converted into the cathedral.

The first great trouble remembered by the
young Inca was when Gonzalo Pizarro rose against
the Viceroy Blasco Nunez de Vela and the new
laws. The Cuzco citizens -were forced to join if
they did not escape. The elder Garcilasso de la
Vega, Pedro del Barco, Antonio Altamirano, and
Hernando Bachicao fled to Lima. The thi'ee last,
two of them fathers of the young Inca's school-
fellows, were hanged by Pizarro's cruel old lieu-
tenant Carbajal. Garcilasso was concealed for
weeks in the convent of San Francisco at Lima, but
at last Gonzalo Pizarro pardoned him. He was
kept as a sort of prisoner, and obliged to accompany
the rebels. Meanwhile the house at Cuzco was
attacked by the Pizarro faction, and besieged.
The garrison consisted of the young Inca with his
mother and sister, the Alcobasas, and two faithful
maids. They were nearly starved, and when the
besiegers got in, the house was pillaged. At last
Diego Centeno arrived with the Inca's uncle, Juan

270 GONZALO PIZARRO

Vargas, and the family was relieved. They had
been living on alms.

Centeno advanced to Lake Titicaca, where the
battle of Huarina was fought on October 25, 1547.
Gonzalo Pizarro was victorious, and marched
triumphantly to Cuzco. Centeno fled, and Juan
Vargas was killed, to the great grief of his brother
and nephew. Garcilasso de la Vega was forced to
accompany the rebels, and was an unwilUng spec-
tator of the battle of Huarina, where his brother lost
his hfe on the loyal side. He had to lend his
favourite horse * SaHnillas ' to Gonzalo Pizarro, and
to go with him in his triumphant march northwards.

On the approach of the rebels, the little Inca
went out of Cuzco to meet his father, as far as
Quispicancha, over ten miles. He went partly
on foot and partly on the backs of two Indian
servants. The meeting must have been a very
joyful one, for the family had suffered much during
the father's absence. They gave the httle boy a
horse for the return journey. Gonzalo Pizarro
entered Cuzco triumphantly, with such bells as
there were ringing joyful peals. There was an
interval of nearly five months and a half between
his victory at Huarina and his defeat and
death at Sacsahuana. Young Garcilasso says
that the great rebel treated him as if he had
been his own son. The Inca was much in Gon-
zalo's house, and, though barely nine years old, he
dined twice at the Procurator's table in company
with his cousin and schoolfellow Francisco Pizarro,

INCA RELATIONS 271

the son of the Marquis. Gonzalo Pizarro amused
himself by making the two boys have running and
jumping matches, until a rivalry was created
between the young competitors.

Then came the rout of Sacsahuana on April 8,
1548, when the elder Garcilasso took the oppor-
tunity of galloping over to the royalist side on his
favourite horse ' Sahnillas,' which had been returned
to him by Gonzalo. The interment of the headless
body of Gonzalo Pizarro in the church of La Merced
quickly followed. Then there were some years of
peace, and young Garcilasso eagerly gathered
knowledge as his age increased. He listened, with
the deepest interest, when his mother's relations
came to their house and conversed on the majesty
and grandeur of the Incas, their government and
laws. Soon he began to ask questions, and was
told of the mythical origin of his ancestors, of the
settling of the city, and the deeds of Manco Ccapac.
On other occasions he listened to the conversations
of the Spanish conquerors, when they fought their
battles over again with his father. He also had
opportunities of examining the quifus of his f ather's
vassals when they came to pay their tribute at
Christmas or St. John's. Comparing the tribute
with the knots, he soon came to understand their
system of accounts by quipus.

Another civil war was impending. The
President of the Audiencia, Pedro de la Gasca, so
undeservedly praised by Prescott, had left the
country seething with discontent, and in a most

272 A WEDDING PARTY DISTURBED

unsettled state. At last the storm burst at Cuzco,
the malcontents having secretly planned a rising
under the leadership of Francisco Hernandez
Giron. Young Garcilasso had lost his mother a
few years before, and his father had married a
Spanish lady.

On November 13, 1553, there was a marriage
at Cuzco of Don Alonso de Loaysa, nephew
of the Archbishop of Lima, with a young lady
named Maria de Castilla, and a grand wedding
supj^er was given in the evening. The kdies
supped separately in an inner room. Young
Garcilasso came rather late, to return with his
father and step-mother. The Corregidor was
presiding, and the lad was just sitting down at his
invitation, when the street door was thrown
violently open, and Giron stalked in with his
drawn sword, followed by two men armed with
partisans. The company started to their feet,
two were killed and then the lights were put out.
The Corregidor ran into the room of the ladies,
who were not molested, but he was taken prisoner.
The Garcilassos, father and son, with some others,
found a passage which led into the back-yard.
They all climbed up on to the roof of the house
next door, which belonged to Juan de Figueroa.
Thence they got into a back street. Young
Garcilasso was sent forward as a scout until they
reached the house of his father's brother-in-law,
Antonio de Quinones. They had married sisters.
It took a Uttle time for young Garcilasso to get

GIRON'S REBELLION 273

horses ready, but before midnight his father and
Quinones had galloped out of Cuzco, on their way
to Lima. The young Inca was left in charge of his
step-mother. The Giron rebelUon lasted for a
year, ending with the battle of Pucara on October
24, 1554.

The elder Garcilasso became Corregidor of
Cuzco in 1555, and his son began to be very useful
to him. The father's estates were at Tapacri, near
Cochabamba, at Cotonera, Huamanpalpa, and the
coca plantation of Abisca. The son visited these
properties, and also acted as his father's secretary
during his term of office. Both were very busy
collecting subscriptions for the erection of a hospital
for Indians, of which the elder Garcilasso laid the
first stone. The good knight showed great kindness
to the young sons of Pedro del Barco, who were
left fatherless and destitute.

The Viceroy, Don Andres Hurtado de Mendoza,
Marquis of Canete, arrived at Lima in July 1555.
He was very anxious that the young Inca Sayri
Tupac should consent to come out of Vilcapampa,
and live with the Spaniards. He wrote to the
Corregidor of Cuzco and to the Princess Beatriz,
wife of Leguisamo, asking them to make the
necessary arrangements. It was a difficult matter,
requiring skilful diplomacy, for the Inca's tutors
were fearful of treachery. Juan Betanzos was
sent, but was not allowed to enter the Inca's
territory. Only the princess's son, Juan Serra de
Leguisamo, was permitted to reach the presence of

274 INCA SAYRI TUPAC

the Inca with the Viceroy's rich presents. After
much dehberation Sayri Tupac consented to go to
Lima, carried in a htter. He was very cordially
received by the Viceroy and Archbishop, and granted
a pension and an estate in the valley of Vilca-
mayu. Sayri Tupac then began the journey to
Cuzco. At Guamanga he was presented, by a knight
named Miguel Astete, with the llautu, or fringe of
sovereignty, which had been taken from Atahualpa.

Sayri Tupac hved in the house of his aunt,
the Princess Beatriz, while he was at Cuzco,
and all those of the blood-royal went there to
kiss his hand. Among others, the young Inca
Garcilasso waited upon his cousin, and they
drank chicha together out of silver cups. The
Inca Sayri Tupac was married to Cusi Huarcay,
a granddaughter of the ill-fated Inca Huascar.
They were both baptised at Cuzco, and then
proceeded to the abode assigned to them near
Yucay. Sayri Tupac died in 1560. His daughter,
Clara Beatriz, married Don Martin Garcia Loyola,
a nephew of St. Ignatius. Their daughter liOrenza
was created Marquesa de Oropesa in her own
right,with remainder to the descendants of her great-
uncle, Tupac Amaru. She married Juan Henriquez
de Borja, a grandson of the Duke of Gandia.

The last year of the abode of the young Inca
Garcilasso in the home of his childhood was a
very melancholy one. His father was suffering
from a long and painful illness. He died in 1559,
and his son, now in his twentieth year, was left

GARCILASSO GOES TO SPAIN 275

alone in the world. It was settled that he should
reahse what worldly possessions he could get
together, and seek his fortune in the mother
country. When he went to take leave of the
Corregidor, Polo de Ondegardo, that body-snatching
official showed him the mummies of three Incas and
two Ccoyas, which he had found after a prolonged
search. He called them Uira-cocha, Tupac Yu-
panqui, Huayna Ccapac, Mama Runtu and Mama
Ocllo. The Incas were in their ceremonial dresses,
and wore the llautu.

On January 23, 1560, the Inca Garcilasso left
Cuzco never to return. There are a few ghmpses
of the young exile during his journey. His first
halt was at Marca Huasi, nine leagues from Cuzco,
an estate owned by Pedro Lopez de Ca9alla,
secretary to La Clasca. The manager took him
over the vineyards, but did not offer him any
grapes, for which he was longing. The excuse
was that they were grown to make wine, to compete
for a prize. Garcilasso next turns up in the
valley of Huarcu, or Caiiete, on the coast, where
he hears of the wonderful harvests of wheat.
On the voyage he was becalmed for three days
off Cape Pasaos, in 0*20° S. He mentions being
at Panama and Carthagena, and in 1562 he was
at Madrid, where he saw Hernando Pizarro and
Las Casas. The good Bishop gave the young
mestizo his hand to kiss, but when he found that
the youth was from Peru, and not from Mexico,
he had Httle to say to him.

T 2

276 THE INCA IN SPAIN

Garcilasso de la Vega does not appear to have
been welcomed with any very great amount of
cordiality by his grand relations in Spain. How
he must have regretted his happy boyhood at
Cuzco, and the loss of all his friends ! At first
he got some letters from his cousin Figueroa,
and his Inca uncle, Hualpa Tupac Yupanqui.

The young Inca made an appHcation for the
restitution of the patrimony of his mother, and
for a recognition of his father's faithful services.
It was referred to the Council of the Indies^ and
the members were convinced by his proofs until
an ill-natured lawyer named Lope Garcia de Castro
intervened. He was afterwards Governor of Peru
from 1564 to 1569. He asked the Inca what favour
he could expect when his father was at the battle
of Huarina helping Gonzalo Pizarro. Garcilasso
rephed that it was false. Castro then said that
three historians had affirmed it, and who was
he to deny what they said ? So his petition was
rejected. His best friend at this sad time, and
for long afterwards, was Don Alonzo Fernandez
de Cordova, Lord of the House of Aguilar, and
Marquis of Priego, a Figueroa cousin of Garcilasso
on his grandmother's side.

The Inca obtained a captaincy in the army of
Phihp II, and served in the campaign against the
Moriscos under Don Juan of Austria. He soon
afterwards left a mihtary life, poor and in debt,
and devoted himself to Hterary pursuits. His
first production was a translation from the Itahan

THE INCA'S LITERARY WORK 277

of tlie * Dialogues of Love ' by a Jew named
Abarbanel, who wrote under the nom de plume of
El Leon Ebreo. The Inca's translation was pub-
hshed in 1590. The dedication to the King
contains a full account of Garcilasso's Inca lineage.
His next work was a narrative of the expedition
of Hernando de Soto in Florida, which he com-
pleted in 1591. He is said to haA^e got his informa-
tion chiefly from the accounts of an old soldier
who served with de Soto. It was first pubhshed
at Lisbon in 1605, and reprinted several times.
The best edition is that of 1722.

Don Pascual de Gayangos gave me a curious
manuscript wTitten by the Inca, which appears
to have been intended for a dedicatory epistle
to be placed at the beginning of the Inca's work
on Florida. It is addressed to the head of the
Vargas family, and consists of a full genealogical
account of the house of Vargas, followed by an
abstract of the contents of the work on Florida,
and an explanation of the system adopted by the
author in its division into six books. In the
genealogical part there are several interesting
digressions, both personal and historical.

We gather from this document that his uncle,
Don Alonzo de Vargas, a mihtary officer of long
and varied service, being childless, adopted the
Inca as his heir.

For many years before his death Garcilasso
had lived in a hired house in the city of Cordova —
' mi pobre casa de alquiler.' He was never married.

278 THE INCA'S WORK ON PERU

As years rolled on he began to think more of
the land of his birth, and, as we can gather from
the above docmnent, he had resolved to write the
story of his native land in 1596, the date of the
docmnent.i

In that or the next year a Jesuit residing at
Cordova, named Maldonado de Saavedra, a native
of Seville, gave the Inca the history of Peru by
Bias Valera, a manuscript written in most elegant
Latin. The Inca says that only one half was
rescued from pillage during the sack of Cadiz by
the English. But the priests were allowed to
take their papers with them, and Dr. Gonzalez de
la Rosa thinks that Garcilasso received the history
intact. He speaks with great respect of the
knowledge and learning of Bias Valera, quoting
twenty-one passages from his work, most of them
long and important. For a narrative of the events
of each Inca's reign, Garcilasso wrote to his old
schoolfellows asking them to help him by sending
him accoimts of conquests of the Incas in the
countries of their mothers, for each province has
its quipus and recorded annals and traditions.
He adds^that they sent them to him, and that
he thus got the records of the deeds of the Incas.
His great friend Diego de Alcobasa had become a
priest, and he sent a valuable account of the ruins

1 • I shall enter upon it more fully in the proper descent and
liistory of those Kings Incas, if God gives me strength, and if evil
fortune does not pursue me — but it always seems to thwart me
in what I most desire.'

THE INCA'S WORK ON PERU 279

of Tiahuanacu. But Garcilasso mentions no others
by name. The cruel edict of Toledo had banished
and scattered his mestizo schoolfellows. It is
difficult to avoid a suspicion that the narratives of
historical events are based on the history of Bias
Valera and unacknowledged, and not on communi-
cations from his schoolfellows. Garcilasso further
says that his plan is to relate what he heard in
his childhood from his mother and her relations
respecting the origin of the Incas.

His work is divided into two parts, the first
containing a history of the Incas and their civilisa-
tion, and the second being a record of the Spanish
conquest and subsequent civil wars. The title is,
* The Eoyal Commentaries of Peru.' The first part
received the approval and licence of the Inquisition
in 1604, and was published at Lisbon in 1609,
dedicated to the Duchess of Braganza. The second
part appeared at Cordova in 1617, after the author's
death, ' by the widow of Andres Barrera and at
her cost.'

The work is, in fact, a commentary to a large
extent. For events, and accounts of religious rites
and customs, he quotes largely from other authors,
sometimes adding criticisms of their statements.
The authors he quotes are : Bias Valera, twenty-one
times ; Cieza de Leon, thirty times ; Acosta, twenty-
seven times ; Gomara, eleven times ; Zarate, nine
times ; Fernandez twice ; and his friends Alcobasa
and Figueroa seven times. His own personal
reminiscences are by far the most interesting

280 THE INCA'S WORK ON PERU

passages, and they are scattered about everywhere
throughout both parts.

The ' Koyal Commentaries ' were, until quite
recently, the most valued authority for Peruvian
civilisation and the history of the Incas. The
position of the writer as an Inca on the mother's side,
the fuhiess of detail both as regards the history and
the manners, customs, and religion of the people,
and the peculiar charm of his style fully account
for the position his work held for so long. Prescott
quotes Garcilasso twice as often as any other
authority. But the Inca was writing forty years
after he had left the country. Sarmiento now,
to a great extent, supersedes his history. Molina,
Morua, Bias Valera, Salcamayhua, and other ^vriters
whose works have recently come to light, are more
reliable as regards the religion and manners and
customs of the people, because they wrote on the
spot and with fuller knowledge. Dr. Gonzalez de la
Rosa has shown reason for questioning Garcilasso's
integrity as regards the use of the manuscript of
Bias Valera. Yet, in spite of all this, the Inca
will continue to be an important authority, while the
charm of his personal reminiscences must ever have
a fascination for his readers from which no criticism
can detract.

The Inca must have led a somewhat lonely
bachelor's life at Cordova, yet it can scarcely have
been an unhappy one, when his occupation filled
him constantly with happy remembrances of his
boyhood. He had the pleasure of welcoming

AGENT FOR INCA RELATIONS 281

at least one of his schoolfellows. This was Juan
Arias Maldonado, son of Maldonado the rich.
He had been robbed of his estates and driven out
of the country by the cruel tyrant Toledo. He
had obtained leave to return to Peru for three
years, to recover some of his property. Before
saihng he came to the Inca at Cordova with his
wife. They w^ere in great poverty, and the Inca
gave them all the white clothing he possessed, and
much cloth and taffeta. They reached the bay
of Payta, where Juan Arias died of joy at once
more seeing his native land.

In 1603 the Inca was deeply interested in the
efforts of his mother's family to obtain some small
modicum of justice. Melchior Carlos Inca, the son
of his imfortimate old schoolfellow Carlos Inca,
accompanied by Don Alonso de Mesa, son of one
of the best of the conquerors, had come to Spain to
petition for his rights. The few surviving Incas
wrote to empower Garcilasso, Alonso de Mesa, and
Melchior to act for them in striving to obtain
immunity for them from many vexatious and
ruinous imposts. They also sent proofs of their
descent painted on a yard and a half of white silk
of China, with the Incas in their ancient dresses.
The covering letter was dated April 16, 1603, and
signed by four Incas, each one representing an
ayllu. There were then 567^ agnates of the royal

1 The 5 should certainly be 2, but 267 would include descendants
of all Orejones, not only Inca agnates. There were 83 Incas
who were witnesses for Sarmiento's history, and 118 of Toledo's

282 THE INCA'S WILL

family. In 1604 Melchior Carlos Inca received a
grant of 7500 ducats a year in perpetuity from
the Lima treasury, and was invested with the order
of Santiago. He was not allowed to return to Peru,
and he died at Alcala de Henares in 1610. His
only son died in the same year, and thus the main
hne of Prince Paullu became extinct.^ Nothing
could be effected for the Inca petitioners. Most
of them, with many of their mestizo relations,
perished in misery and exile.

Garcilasso Inca de la Vega was a devoted -son
of the Church. In his last years he was much
occupied in the preparation of a side-chapel in the
cathedral of Cordova for his interment. It was to
be dedicated to the souls in purgatory. From
his will^ we gather that his house was fairly well
furnished, that he had a gold jewel inlaid with a
diamond, and a grandfather's clock. His plate for
table and sideboard was sufficient for his rank,
and his accoutrements during the Morisco war
were hanging on his walls : a cutlass, a battle-axe,

witnesses, not all Incas, making 200. This allows for 07 not called
upon.

1 Dr. Justo Sahuaraura, Archdeacon of Cuzco, claimed that
Melcliior Carlos Inca had a brother named Bartolome Qiiispo
Atauchi, from whom he was descended in the male line down to
Luis Ramos Titu Atauchi, a lawyer at Cuzco, who died childless.
Maria, the sister of Luis Ramos, is said to have married Nicolas
Saliuaraura, who was the father of Dr. Justo Sahuaraura. Dr.
Justo was in I ho battle of Ayacucho as a young man, and afterwards
took orders. He died in 1853. 1 knew his nieces.

~ First discovered by Dr. Gonzalez de la Rosa, wlio obtained a
copy from the ' Archivo ' de Protocolos at Cordova in 1908.

THE INCA'S CHAPEL AT CORDOVA 283

an engraved helmet, a halberd, and spurs. A cage
with five canary birds hung by the old man's
chair. There were two bookcases and a stand for
papers. On September 18, 1612, he had bought
the chapel in the cathedral from the Bishop, and
he left a number of other legal documents, including
the will of his uncle and guardian, Alonzo de Vargas,
dated 1570. The Inca was well supplied with linen
sheets and pillow-cases for his beds, as well as
mattresses and counterpanes.

The old Inca's household consisted of Diego de
Vargas, whom he had brought up, Beatriz de Vega,
a captive slave named Marina de Cordova, Maria
de Prados, an orphan child brought up by him,
and a lad named Francisco. By his will he
emancipated Marina, and left them all small
pensions, their beds and chests, and all the wheat,
bacon, and wine in the house, to be divided equally.

Masses were to be said daily in his mortuary
chapel, a lamp was to be kept burning in it, and
there was to be a salary for the sacristan. Funds
were provided of which the Dean and Chapter
were appointed trustees.

The Inca Garcilasso de la Vega died in his house
in the parish of Santa Maria in Cordova on April 22,
1616, just ten days after his seventy-seventh
birthday. He was buried in the chapel he had
purchased and restored, in the cathedral of Cor-
dova. Visitors are fascinated by the wonderful
beauty of the interior, with its forests of pillars,
with its memories of the Beni Umeyyah, and the

284 THE INCA'S CHAPEL

exquisite Mihrab of Hakem II. Perhaps a few may
find time to give a thought to the good old Inca.
His chapel is on the north side, the third from the
east. His arms are over the iron grating and gate.
On the dexter side are Vargas quartering Figueroa,
Saavedra, and Mendoza, and impahng the arms
granted to the Incas. These are azure two serpents
supporting a rainbow from their mouths, from
which hangs the llautu, in chief a sun and moon.
The stone covering the tomb is in the centre of the
little chapel. The epitaph painted on boards is on
each side of the altar. On the gospel side :

* The Inca Garcilasso de la Vega, a distinguished
man worthy of perpetual memory, illustrious in blood, well
versed in letters, valiant in arms. Son of Garcilasso de la
Vega of the ducal houses of Feria and Infantado, and of
Elizabeth Palla, sister of Huaina Ccapac, last Emperor
of Peru, He edited La Florida, translated Leon Ebreo,
composed the Royal Commentaries.'

On the epistle side :

' He hved very religiously in Cordova, died, and was
buried in this chapel. He closed up his estate in a chain
for the good of souls in purgatory, being perpetual trustees
the Dean and Chapter of this holy church. He died on the
22nd of April, 1616.'

* Pray to God for his soul.'

A lamp hangs from the roof, and is always
kept burning, night and day, in accordance with the
clause in the Inca's will.

I

CHAPTER XVIII

THE LAST OF THE INCAS

The terrible doom of the unfortunate Peruvians
and their beloved Incas was now inevitable. It
came upon them in one crushing blow a very httle
more than ten years after the departure of the
Inca Garcilasso de la Vega for Europe. On the
death of Sayri Tupac, his brother Titu Cusi Yupanqui
was acclaimed as sovereign Inca in Vilcapampa —
a man of very different mould. Juan de Betanzos
and Rodriguez were sent to persuade him to follow
his elder brother's example, but without efiect.
He was firm in the resolve to maintain his inde-
pendence. ^

The Inca Garcilasso's old schoolfellow, Carlos
Inca, had succeeded his father, Prince PauUu, at the
palace of the Colcampata, and was married to a
Spanish lady born in Peru,named Maria de Esquivel.
Little of the palace now remains, but it is a very
interesting spot and closely connected with the
last days of the Incas.

1 A letter dictated by Titu Cusi Yupanqui and addressed to
the licentiate Castro (who was Governor of Peru from 1564 to 1569)
has been unearthed and will be published.

285

286 THE COLCAMPATA

High above the city, of which there is an exten-
sive view bounded by the snowy peak of Vilcaiiota,
and at the foot of the precipitous ascent to the
fortress, is the small open space before the little
church of San Cristoval. On the north side
was the palace. On a terrace with a stone revet-
ment, one may still see a wall built of stones of
various sizes fitting exactly one into the other.
It is seventy-four yards long and sixteen feet high.
In this wall there are eight recesses at equal dis-
tances, resembling doorways. They are too shallow
to be used for shelter — only two and a half inches.
They could not have been used as doors, for this
wall is a revetment. One only is a doorway. They
are not likely to have been merely ornamental.
I think that these recesses contained sacred or
royal emblems of some kind. The point is interest-
ing, as there are exactly the same walls at the palaces
of Chinchero, Limatambo, and Yucay.

The third recess from the west is a doorway
leading to a steep narrow staircase. Above there is
a platform, now a maize-field, on a level with the
top of the recessed wall, once a garden leading to
and fronting the palace itself. The remains of the
palace are now of very small extent. They consist
of a wall of admirably worked masonry forty feet
long and ten and a half feet high. The stones are
beautifully cut in perfect parallelograms, all of the
same height but varying in length, fitting exactly
one to the other. The wall contains a doorway
and a window. The sides of the doorway support

THE COLCAMPATA 287

a stone lintel nearly eight feet long, while a stone
of similar length forms the doorstep. The window
is nearly 6 ft. from the ground, 2 ft. 3 in. broad,
by 2 ft. 8 in. high. The foundations and parts of
the wall continue for 65 ft. ; and behind there are
three terraces planted with fruit trees, up to the
base of the steep ascent, on the summit of which
the citadel once stood.

The palace was the work of the great Inca
Pachacuti at the time when he was remodelhng
the whole city.^ In imagination we can rebuild
the palace from these ruins, with its approach
through the revetment wall, its beautiful gardens
and terraces, its long fagade of exactly fitting
masonry, and its great hall, which we are told by
Garcilasso was intact in his time. Pachacuti
called it the Llactafata, and desired to be interred
there. The more modern term Colcampata may
have been given owing to granaries (colca) having
been placed there at some later time.

Here dwelt Carlos Inca with his wife Maria de
Esquivel, as the head of the section of his family
that had submitted to the Spaniards. His relations,
driven from their homes in the city, lived in the
suburbs and the neighbouring villages. The Inca
received frequent visits from them, and appears to
have held a somewhat melancholy court. Carlos
was the depositary of a great secret. Between the
time when the transmission of Atahualpa's ransom

1 It is attributed to the mytiiical Manco Ccapac. The masonry
and style of building show this to be impossible.

288 THE GREAT TREASURE

was stopped, owing to his murder, and the arrival
of Pizarro at Cuzco, the respite was employed in
secretly conceahng the vast treasure still remaining
in Cuzco and the neighbourhood, which amounted
to milhons. It included the great golden statue
which was the Huauqui of the Inca Huayna Ccapac,
and of course was never found. It was very
fortunate for Carlos Inca that the Spaniards did
not know of the secret, or that he was its depositary.
It is said that once, when his wife taunted him with
his poverty, Carlos led her, under promise of
secrecy, bhndfold to the secret place, and took her
breath away at the sight of such vast treasure.
He handed the secret down to a successor when he
went into exile. ^

1 Tradition told by Felipe de Pomares. Squier had a copy of
the MS., which is in the British Museum.

My fi'iend, the Senora Astete de Bennet, was the daughter of
Colonel Pablo Astete of Cuzco, descended from that Miguel Astete
who went with Hernando Pizarro to Pachacamac, and wrote an
interesting report of the expedition. Colonel Astete was a friend
of Tupac Amaru, who rose against the Spaniards in 1782, and of
the Cacique Pumacagua, who rose against them in 1815.

My friend remembered Pumacagua as a very short old man,
with a long nose and bright eyes. He could hardly speak Spanish,
but could write it perfectly. In 1815 he was seventy-seven. He was
shown the immense concealed wealth of the Incas by an Indian who
had inherited the secret. Led up the bed of the river Huatanay
for a long distance, bhndfold and in the night, he suddenly found
himself surrounded by vases, cups, plates, ingots, and great statues,
all of pure gold, in incredible profusion. He only took what was
urgently needed to equip his troops. Ketuxning to Cuzco, he went
straight to Colonel Astete'a house. The Seiiora Astete told me
that she could remember his coming into the room with the gold,
and wet through, to relate bis advcnturca. His conductor was
the last who knew the secret, for when Pumacagua was killed

THE VICEROY TOLEDO 289

It is now time to introduce the villain of the
piece. Don Francisco de Toledo was a younger
son of the Count of Oropesa, belonging to a family
of which the butcher Alva was the head. Don
Francisco was advanced in years when he came
to Peru as Viceroy in 1569, and resolved to visit
every part of the vast territory under his rule.
He was accompanied by Agustin de la Coruna,
Bishop of Popayan, the author Josef de Acosta, the
lawyers Polo de Ondegardo and Juan de Matienza,
the cosmographer Pedro Sarmiento, the secretary
Navamuel, and some others. Toledo was an
indefatigable worker, but excessively narrow-
minded, cruel and pitiless. One of his ideas was
to prove that the King of Spain had a right to
Peru because the Incas were usurpers. With
this object he examined a number of leading
Indians at every place he stopped at, but they
were not Aniautas versed in history, and their
evidence is of Httle or no value. He sent it all
to Spain in reports which have recently been
pubhshed.i This Viceroy arrived at Cuzco early

he despaired of his country, and died without revealing it to a
successor.

Mateo Garcia Pumacagua, Cacique of Chinchero, was defeated by
the Spanish General Ramirez at Umachiri on March 4, 1815, taken
prisoner and hanged. His rebellion was the forerunner of independence.

My old friend the Senora Astete hoped that the Inca treasure
would never be found. ' No one deserves it,' she said.

1 Informaciones a cerca del senorio y gobierno de los Ingas Jiechas
for mandado de Don Francisco de Toledo, 1570-1572. Printed in the
same volume as Montesinos and edited by Jimenez de la Espada
(Madrid, 1882).

290 BAPTISMAL FfiTE

in the year 1571. There were bull fights, tourna-
ments, and other displays in his honour.

At nearly the same time the wife of Don Carlos
Inca gave birth to a son and heir, and the Viceroy
was requested to be godfather to the child, and
* compadre ' or gossip to its parents. He consented,
and the baptismal ceremony took place in the
httle church of San Cristoval. This edifice is
built of ancient masonry, and must once have been
part of the palace. The child received the names
of Carlos Melchior. All the ayllus of the- Incas
were present, and when the company adjourned to
the palace there were rejoicings, dances, fireworks,
and ' many newly invented and costly conceits.'
The Viceroy came up the staircase in the revetment
wall into the gardens of the palace, hke a bird of
evil omen, guarded by halberdiers. He is portrayed
as a short dark man of fifty, with narrow forehead,
hawk's nose, black eyes, and a saturnine expression.
He would have been in a black velvet suit, with
the green cross of Alcantara embroidered on his
doublet — certainly a wet blanket.

It is alleged that the Inca Titu Cusi Yupanqui,
with his young brother Tupac Amaru, was present
and mingled among the crowd of guests. He was
impressed with the ceremony, and soon afterwards
sent envoys to Cuzco to request that persons
might be sent to him to instruct him in the Christian
rehgion. Two friars named Juan de Vivero, who
had baptised Sayri Tupac and was Prior of the
Augustine convent, and Diego Ortiz, also one of

DEATH OF TITU CUSI 291

the Augustine order, were despatched with three
laymen as companions, and a mestizo servant
named Pando. Diego Rodriguez de Figueroa also
came as Chief Magistrate and leader of the party,
which entered the fastnesses of Vilcapampa and
was well received. Rodriguez wrote an account
of the mission, which has been preserved. He
describes how, when courtiers entered to the
presence of Titu Cusi, they first did mucha or
reverence to the sun and then to the Inca. The
Spaniards used all the arts of persuasion they
possessed to induce Titu Cusi to follow the example
of his brother and surrender to the conquerors.
This he would not do. He temporised and pro-
crastinated for so long that the embassy returned.
Friar Ortiz and Pando remained behind. The
Inca had been baptised by Father Vivero, receiving
the name of Fehpe.

Then the Inca had a mortal illness. Pando,
the interpreter, had told wonderful stories about
the miraculous powers of the Christian priests, so
Friar Ortiz was ordered to restore the Inca to
health ; and he began to say daily masses. The
Inca died, and as the fault was naturally supposed
to be with the priest and his interpreter, they were
put to death. 1 Meanwhile another embassy was

1 It need not be believed that they were tortured. When monks
have to treat of a ' martyrdom ' or a miracle, especially in connection
with their own order, no exaggeration is too wild for them. There
could be no evidence except from the Indians, and they would
not have spoken unless under the excruciating pain of torture
themselves.

V 2

292 ACCESSION OF TUPAC AMARU

sent before the news of the Inca's death had
arrived. The chiefs were thoroughly alarmed, and
when the envoy Atilano de Anaya attempted to
force an entrance by the bridge of Chuqui-chaca he
also was put to death.

The deceased Inca was jealous of his younger
brother, Tupac Amaru, and confined him in the
House of the Sun, in accordance with an ancient
usage, keeping him secluded, on the ground of his
inexperience. Tupac Amaru, who, judging from
the date of his father's death must have been at
least twenty-five years of age, was already married
and had two daughters and a little son. After
the deaths of Ortiz, Pando, and Anaya, the chiefs
brought Tupac Amaru out of his seclusion, so that
he was not responsible for these deaths, and was
indeed perfectly innocent. He was acclaimed as
Sovereign Inca. The llautu, or fringe, was placed
on his head, the yacolla, or mantle, was fastened
over his shoulders, the chipana, or bracelet, was
clasped round his wrist. Then the achihua, or
parasol, was held over him while he was invested
with the tumi, or knife, chuqui, or lance, huallcanca,
or shield, and usuta, or shoes. Finally he was
carried in the ^wari^w?/, or htter, to thetdana, or throne,
and was solemnly crowned with the mascafaychaj
or imperial head-dress, over the llautu.

The deaths of Ortiz and Pando furnished the
Viceroy Toledo with an excuse for the invasion
and conquest of Vilcapampa. He assembled as
large a force as he could muster, which was placed

INVASION OF VILCAPAMPA 293

under the command of Martin Hernando de Arbieto,
a veteran of the civil wars. His captains were Juan
Alvarez Maldonado, father of Garcilasso's school-
fellow; Martin Garcia de Loyola, captain of the
Viceroy's bodyguard; Mancio Serra de Leguisamo,
father of another of Garcilasso's schoolfellows ;
and nine others. They marched down the valley of
Vilcamayu to the bridge of Chuqui-chaca, which
is the key of Vilcapampa by the western door.
Another force watched the outlets on the side of
Apancay and the Apurimac. The Incas made
some resistance, and then retreated to their camp
under a heavy fire of arquebuses and field-pieces.
Next day the Indians fled along a narrow path,
with dense undergrowth on one side and a precipice
on the other. The Spaniards followed, often in
single file. At one place a gallant chief named
Hualpa rushed out of the bushes, and grappled
with Loyola, who led the vanguard. While they
were strugghng together, a servant named Carrillo
drew Loyola's sword and killed Hualpa from
behind. It was a lucky but not a chivalrous escape
for the Knight of Calatrava. The pursuit was
continued. The young Inca was making his
way, by a valley called Simaponte, to the friendly
Manari Indians in the montana. They had
placed canoes on a river to enable him to
escape.

Loyola went in chase with fifty men and over-
took the fugitives, who were captured, after a brief
resistance, on October 4, 1571. When at last

294 MURDER OF TUPAC AMARU

General Arbieto was satiated with the slaughter of
unarmed Indians, he marched back to Cuzco with
the Inca Tupac Amaru, his family and chiefs, as
prisoners. They dressed the young sovereign in
his imperial robes and headgear, put a rope round
his neck, and so brought him before Toledo, a
most ignoble triumph. Don Carlos Inca had been
lawlessly driven out of the Colcampata in order
to convert it into a prison, and here the Inca was
confined. There was a mock trial, presided over
by one of Toledo's creatures named Gabriel de
Loarte, who condemned the Inca to be beheaded
and all his chiefs to be hanged. The chiefs were
tortured with such savage brutality that they
died in the streets before they could reach the
gallows, and the executioners had to hang the
dead bodies.

The unf ortimate young Inca was beset by monks
in his prison, and, at the end of two days, he was
baptised. On the third day he was led forth
from the Colcampata, and through the streets to
the great square, accompanied by four priests, one
being Father Cristoval de Mohna, the Quichua
scholar and author. The scaffold was built in
front of the cathedral. The open spaces and
streets were densely crowded with sorrowing
Indians. When the Inca ascended the scaffold
with the priests, the executioner, a Caiiari Indian,
brought out the knife. ' Then,' wrote an eye-
witness, ' the whole crowd of natives raised such a

MURDER OF TUPAC AMARU 295

cry of grief that it seemed as if the day of judgment
had come/ Many invoked their most venerated
huaca, and cried out :

'Ay Huanacauri maytam ricuy sapra aucachic

CHOMANA HUCHAYOCTA CONCAYQUITA InCAP CUCHOn/

' 0 Huanacauri ! behold where the wicked and cruel
enemies cut the neck of the Inca/

Even the Spaniards were horrified, for all knew
that the young man was innocent, and had com-
mitted no offence.

Things being in this state, all the chief digni-
taries of the Church hurried to the Viceroy. They
were the Bishop of Popayan, the Provincials of
all the religious orders, and the Rector of the
Jesuits. They went down on their knees and
entreated the ruthless Toledo to show mercy and
spare the Hfe of the Inca. They urged that he
should be sent to Spain to be judged by the King
in person. But no prayers could prevail with the
obstinate, pitiless man. Juan de Soto, chief
officer of the court, was sent on horseback with a
pole to clear the way, galloping furiously and
riding down the people. He ordered the Inca's
head to be cut off at once, in the name of the
Viceroy.

Tupac Amaru was told that the time had come.
He took one step forward and raised his right arm.
Instantly there was profound silence. He then
said in a loud voice :

296 FUNERAL OF TUPAC AMARU

'CCOLLANAN PaCHACAMAC RICUY AUCCACUNAC YAHU-
ARNIY HICHASCANCUTA.'

' 0 righteous God ! behold how my enemies shed my
blood.' 1

According to the picture by Huaman Poma, the
Inca was then thrown on his back, his arms and
legs were held by two men, and a third cut his
throat. There was a great and bitter cry from
the vast multitude. The head was cut off, and
stuck on a pole. The Inca's body was carried to
the house of his mother, the Queen Cusi Huarcay.
All the bells in the city were tolled. Next day
the body was interred in the high chapel of the
cathedral, the service being performed by the
chapter. Pontifical mass was said by the good
Bishop of Popayan. Next day all the funeral
honours were repeated, and the masses were sung
with the organ.

The Inca's head remained on a pole in the
great square. Mancio Serra de Leguisamo passed
that night in a house to the right of the cathedral.
He awoke just before dawn and thought he heard

1 These were certainly the last words of Tupac Amaru, as they
were handed down in the family. Two eye-witnesses have told
the story — Captain Baltasar do Ocampo, and Friar Gabriel de
Oviedo, Prior of the Dominicans at Cuzco. The latter could not
have heard what was said, because ho had gone with the others
to intercede with the Viceroy. Ocampo gives a childish speech
about his mother having once put a malediction on her son for
some naughtiness, and how the curse was coming true. He may
have told a tale of the kind, but not at such a moment. Oviedo
makes him deliver an address on the false natm-e of idolatry. This
might have come from a monk in a pulpit, but not from a young
man preparing for death. He could not speak Spanish.

THE LAST OF THE INCAS 297

a noise such as would be caused by a vast multitude.
He got up and looked out. To his utter amazement,
the whole square was covered with a closely packed
crowd, all kneehng, and all offering muclia or
reverence to the Inca's head. He reported this
surprising incident to the Viceroy, who promptly
ordered the head to be buried with the body.

Thus ended the famous djmasty of the Incas.
It formed a hue of wise and capable sovereigns
ruhng a vast empire on such principles, and with
such capacity and wisdom as the world has never
seen before or since. Assuredly the story of their
rise, their government, and their sorrowful end is
worthy of study.

* The execrable regicide,^ as Toledo is called on
the Inca Pedigrees, was not yet satisfied. He had
driven Carlos Inca from his property regardless of
right or law. He now banished him to Lima
without any suitable provision. With him were
expelled his brother Fehpe Inca, the clever pupil
of Garcilasso's school days, and thirty-five more of
the principal Incas. They all perished miserably
and in poverty. Saddest of all was the fate of
four poor httle Inca children ; neither their tender
age nor their innocence saved them from Toledo's
inhuman persecution. They were Quispi Titu, the
son of the Inca Cusi Titu Yupanqui, httle Martin,
son of the murdered Inca Tupac Amaru, and his
two daughters, Magdalena and Juana. The boys
were received in the house of Don Martin Ampuero
of Lima, son of Francisco Ampuero and his wife,

298 TOLEDO THE REGICIDE

who was daughter of Francisco Pizarro by the
Princess Inez, daughter of Huayna Ccapac. But
both the exiled boys died young.

The forlorn little girls, Magdalena and Juana
Tupac Amaru, were kindly received in the house
of Dr. Loaysa, the first Archbishop of Lima, who
took charge of them. Juana married the Curaca
of Surimani, named Condorcanqui, from whom
descended the ill-fated Jose Gabriel Condorcanqui,
who took the name of Tupac Amaru and headed
a rising against the Spaniards in 1782.

The inhuman Viceroy was not even yet satisfied.
He aimed at the extirpation of every branch of
the royal family of Peru. He next decreed the
banishment of all the mestizos, those bright and
happy lads who were the schoolfellows of the Inca
Garcilasso. A few, having taken orders, were
overlooked. The rest were sent to perish in the
swamps of Darien, or the frozen wilds of Southern
Chile. This persecution of the mestizos was as
stupid as it was cruel, for excellent service might
have been got from them by a wise administrator.

Toledo remained for six more years in Peru,
making an almost endless number of laws and
ordinances, until they filled a large volume. They
were worse than useless, for no attention was paid
to the few just and good rules amongst them,
while the wisdom and statesmanship of the majority
may be judged from a few specimens taken at
random :

' Any Indian who makes friendship with an Indian

TOLEDO THE REGICIDE 299

woman who is an infidel, is to receive one hundred lashes,
for the first offence, that being the punishment they dislike
most.

' Indians shall no longer use surnames taken from the
moon, birds, animals, serpents, or rivers, which they
formerly used.

' No Indian shall be elected for any office who has been
punished for idolatry, worshipping huacas, dancing,
mourning, or singing in memory of infidel rites, offering
up chicha, coca, or burnt fat, or for dancing the dance
called Ayrihua.''

Toledo's term of office came to an end in Sep-
tember 1581, a period of nearly twelve years. It
was generally reported that he was received with
coldness by King Philip II, who told him that lie
was not sent out to kill Kings but to serve Kings.
Huaman Poma depicts the retired Viceroy sitting
in a chair in a state of extreme despondency. This
report would be very satisfactory if true. But
there is some evidence that Toledo's general policy
was approved, although fault may have been found
with some of the details.

There can be no doubt of the disastrous results
of the ruthless administration of such men as
Toledo, and of the Spanish rule. The last survivor
of the original conquerors has given his testimony
with no uncertain sound. Mancio Serra de Legui-
samo signed his will at Cuzco on September 18,
1589, with the following preamble :

' First, and before I begin my testament, I declare
that for many years I have desired to take order for in-
forming the Cathohc and Royal Majesty of the King Don

300 WILL OF THE LAST

Felipe our Lord, seeing how Catholic and most Christian
he is, and how zealous for the service of God our Lord,
touching what is needed for the health of my soul, seeing
that I took a great part in the discovery, conquest, and
settlement of these kingdoms, when we drove out those who
were the Lords Incas and who possessed and ruled them
as their own. We placed them under the royal crown, and
his CathoHc Majesty should understand that we found
these kingdoms in such order, and the said Incas governed
them in such wise that throughout them there was not
a thief, nor a vicious man, nor an adulteress, nor was a
bad woman admitted among them, nor were there immoral
people. The men had honest and useful occupations.
The lands, forests, mines, pastures, houses, and all kinds
of products were regulated and distributed in such sort
that each one knew his property without any other person
seizing or occupying it, nor were there law suits respecting
it. The operations of war, though they were numerous,
never interfered with the interests of commerce nor with
agriculture. All things from the greatest to the most
minute had their proper place and order. The Incas were
feared, obeyed and respected by their subjects, as men
very capable and weU versed in the art of government.
As in these rulers we found the power and command as
well as the resistance, we subjugated them for the service
of God our Lord, took away their land, and placed it under
the royal crown, and it was necessary to deprive them
entirely of power and command, for we had seized their
goods by force of arms. By the intervention of our Lord
it was possible for us to subdue these kingdoms containing
such a multitude of people and such riches, and of their
lords we made our servants and subjects.

' As is seen, and as I wish your Majesty to understand,
the motive which obhges me to make this statement is the
discharge of my conscience, as I fmd myself guilty. For

SURVIVING CONQUEROR 301

we have destroyed by our evil example, the people who
had such a government as was enjoyed by these natives.
They were so free from the committal of crimes or excesses,
as well men as women, that the Indian who had 100,000
])esos worth of gold and silver in his house, left it open
merely placing a small stick across the door, as a sign that
its master was out. With that, according to their custom,
no one could enter nor take anything that was there.
When they sav/ that we put locks and keys on our doors,
they supposed that it was from fear of them, that they
might not kill us, but not because they beheved that any
one would steal the property of another. So that when
they found that we had thieves amongst us, and men who
sought to make their daughters commit sin, they despised
us. But now they have come to such a pass, in ofience of
God, owing to the bad example that we have set them in
all things, that these natives from doing no evil, have
changed into people who now do no good or very little.

' This needs a remedy, and it touches your Majesty
for the discharge of your conscience, and I inform you, being
unable to do more, I pray to God to pardon me, for I am
moved to say this, seeing that I am the last to die of all
the conquerors and discoverers, as is weU known. Now
there is no one but myself in this kingdom or out of it, and
with this I do what I can to discharge my conscience.

' I had a figure of the sun made of gold, placed by the
Incas in the House of the Sun at Cuzco, which is now the
convent of San Domingo. I believe it was worth 2000
pesos, ^ and with what I got at Caxamarca and in Cuzco,

' This was not, as is generally supposed, the great image of the
sun on the wall of the temple, a mass of gold worth fifty times
2000 pesos. The great sun was never found, and is still concealed
with the rest of the Inca treasure. There was a great hollowed
stone in the temple, of an octangular shape outside, about 4| feet
wide and 4 feet deep. Offerings of chicha were poured into this

302 WILL OF THE LAST CONQUEROR

my share was worth 12,000 pesos. Yet I die poor and
with many children. I beseech your Majesty to have
pity on them, and God to have pity on my soul/

receptacle at the festival of the Ray mi, and the opening was
covered with a plate of gold on which the sun was carved. It was
this small gold sun that Leguisamo gambled away in a single night.
But he never touched a card again, married an Inca princess, and
became a most respectable official in the municipality of the city
of Cuzco. See Lizarraga, p. 348.

APPENDIX A

NOTE ON THE CHAPTER ON THE
LIST OF KINGS

Brief sketches of the Hves of Bias Valera and Montesinos
are given in my introductory chapter, i The credit of the
list of kings rests mainly on the correctness of the view
taken of the works of Valera. It is certain that he wrote
a ' History of Peru ' in Latin. Garcilasso de la Vega tells
us that the manuscript was injured during the sack of
Cadiz by the Earl of Essex in 1596. It was given to
Garcilasso in a mutilated state, according to him. He
quotes very largely from it, but always acknowledges
his obUgation, and gives high praise to the author. We
learn from the bibhographers Leon Pinelo and Antonio
that Bias Valera also wrote a work on the customs and
pacification of the Indians. In 1879 Don Marcos Jimenez
de la Espada edited a valuable work on the same subject
from a manuscript at Madrid, caUing the author the
' anonymous Jesuit.' Dr. Gonzalez de la Rosa has since
proved {Revista Historica de Lima, t, II. trim. ii. p. 184)
that the anonymous Jesuit was Bias Valera. That high
authority was also the author of a ' Vocabulario Historico
del Peru,' which was brought from Cadiz to Chuqui-apu
(La Paz) in 1604, by the Procurator of the Jesuits,

1 'Tellers of the Story,' pp. 11 to 14.
303

304 NOTE ON THE LIST OF KINGS

P. Diego Torres. At La Paz it was consulted by Oliva,
the author of ' Varones illustres de la Compania de Jesus
en el Peru/ Oliva states that Bias Valera wrote it.
Montesinos was probably allowed to make a copy
by the Jesuits at La Paz. He appropriated the list
without any acknowledgment. The original MS. is lost.

The proofs that Bias Valera knew the hst, and that he
was identical with the anonymous Jesuit, are satisfactory.
Valera (in Garcilasso) mentions one of the kings in the
list, namely, Capac Raymi Amauta. The anonymous
Jesuit mentions Pachacuti VIII. This is a proof that
Montesinos merely copied the Hst, which was made by
an author long before his time, and derived from Amautas
two generations at least older than any natives that he
knew. Another proof that Bias Valera was the author
of the list is furnished by the fact that the account of the
calendar in Montesinos is the same as that given by Bias
Valera, as quoted by Garcilasso. The anonymous Jesuit
mentions Raymi as the thirty-ninth king, and the Inca
Pachacuti as the ninth of that name. Also the names
Pirua, Ilia Tici, Uira-cocha, and Pacari Manco are the
same in Montesinos and in the anonymous Jesuit, and
nowhere else. The date of the work of the latter is shown
to be 1591, because he says that when he wrote it was
twelve years since the Jesuits had a mission at Chachapoyas.
OHva states that the Jesuits left that mission in 1579.
' ' ; Another proof of the identity is that the anonymous
Jesuit and Valera (in Garcilasso) both deny the statement
of Polo de Ondegardo respecting human sacrifices, in
almost the same words.

It seems to me, for these reasons, to be established that
Bias Valera was the anonymous Jesuit, and that he ob-
tained the list of kings from the Amautas of an early
generation, which was copied and apj)ropriated, without
acknowledgment, many years afterwards.

NOTE ON THE LIST OF KINGS 305

In compiling the list, Bias Valera had the use of the
following original authorities :

The Quipus of Juan CoUque,

of Cuzco, Chinchay-suyu, Cunti-suyu, Tarma,
Pachacamac, and Sacsahuanac ;

the Narratives of Don Luis Inca, in Quichua,
of Don Sebastian Nina Uilca,
of Don Diego Rocca Inca,
of Francisco Chaves (friend of Titu

Atauchi),
of Ludovico Alvarez (' De Titulo Regni

Peruani ') ;

the ' Apologia pro Indis ' of Lie Falcon ;
aU since lost.

Montesinos believed that Peru was first peopled by
Armenians under the leadership of Ophir, a descendant
of Noah ; and his mind was full of a chronology based
on the date of the deluge approved by Holy Church.
Starting with all this nonsense, he read the works on
Peru already pubUshed in his time, and finally fell in with
the list of kings at La Paz. He tried to turn it into
what he thought was history by adding events taken
from works on the Inca history, to the bare record of the
names of kings. Thus he attributes the great Inca
Pachacuti's Chanca war to one of the earhest kings in the
hst, placed by him a century or so after the deluge. In
short, having read the history of the Incas in other works,
and seeing the long list of early kings without any events,
he took the accounts of Inca events, and of their customs
and ceremonies, and distributed them among the reigns of
the ancient kings.

306 LIST OF KINGS

We may wisli that Montesinos had given us the
unadulterated list with proper acknowledgments, yet a
tribute of thanks is due to his memory for having
preserved it even in its present form.

Old Kings of Peru
From the List of Montesinos

(A

verage 27)

Reign.

Age.

1300 B.C.

I.

PiRUA Pacari Manco .

30

50

II.

Manco Capac I

30

50

III.

Huanacauri Pirua .

50

90

1000 years from
tlie Deluge.

IV.

SiNCHI COZQUE

Pachacuti I

60

100

V.

Inti Capac Yupanqui

50

VI.

Manco Capac II

20

VII.

Tupac Capac

VIIL

Tint Capac Yupanqui

IX.

TiTu Capac Yupanqui

X.

Inti Capac Pirua
Amaru .

80

XI.

Capac Sayhua Capac .

60

90

XII.

Capac Tinia Yupanqui

40

90

XIII.

Ayar Tacco Capac

25

XIV.

HUASCAR TiTU .

30

64

XV.

Quispi TiTu

30

XVI.

TiTU Yupanqui
Pachacuti 11 .

XVII.

TiTu Capac

25

XVIII.

Paullu Ticac Pirua .

30

18 Piruas.

LIST OF KINGS

307

90

23

75

50

80

30

39

30

40

80

70

14

30

8

30

50

80

18

50

Old Kings of Peru — continued.

Reign. Age.

Lloque Tupac Amauta 50
Cayo Manco Amauta

HUASCAR TiTU TUFAC .

Manco Capac Amauta
TicAC Tupac
Paullu Toto Capac .
Ca\o Manco Amauta .
Marasco Pachacuti

III ...

Paullu Atauchi Capac
Lloque Yupanqui
Lloque Ticac .
Capac Yupanqui
Tupac Yupanqui
Auqui Tupac

Pachacuti IV
SiNCHi Apusqui, also

called Huarma Uira

COCHA

Auqui Quitu Atauchi
Ayar Manco
Uira Cocha Capac
SiNCHi RocA Amauta
Tupac Amaru Amauta
Capac Raymi Amauta i
Illa Tupac
Tupac Amaru .
huanacauri
TocA CoRCA Apu Capac
Huampar Sayri Tupac
HiNAc HuiLLA Amauta

Pachacuti V .
Capac Yupanqui

AMAUTA2

2000 years from
tlie Deluge.

XIX.
XX.

XXI.

XXII.
XXIII.
XXIV.

XXV.
XXVI.

XXVII.

XXVIIL

XXIX.

XXX.

XXXI.

XXXII.

XXXIII.

XXXIV.

XXXV.

XXXVI.

XXXVII.

XXXVIII.

XXXIX.

XL.

XLI.

XLII.

XLIII.

XLIV.

XLV.

XLVI.

40

80

5

29

60

5

20

25

3

30

30

4

45

32

35

1 Mentioned by Bias Valera and Oliva.

2 Mentioned by Oliva,

X 2

308

LIST OF KINGS

Old Kings

2908 years after
the Deluge, 1 A.D,
(really 230 A.D.)

3000 years firom
tlie Deluge.

OF Peru — continued.

Reign.

XLVII.

HuAMPAR Sayri Tupac

XL VIII.

Cayo Manco Auqui .

13

XLIX.

HiNAC HUILLU .

30

L.

Inti Capac Amauta .

30

LI.

Ayar Manco Capac .

LII.

Yahuar Huquiz

30

LIIL

Capac Titu Yupanqui

LIV.

Tupac Curi Amauta .

39

LV.

HUILLCANOTA AmAUTA

LVI.

Tupac Yupanqui

43

LVIL

Illa Tupac Capac

A

LVIII.

Titu Kaymi Cozque .

31

LIX.

HuQui Nina Auqui .

43

D LX.

JManco Capac

23

LXI.

Cayo Manco Capac .

26

LXII.

Sinchi Ayar Manco .

7

LXIII.

HuAMAN Tacco Amauta

5

LXIV.

Titu Yupanqui
Pachacuti VI

46 Amautas.

Age

80
90
90

Kings of Tampu-tocco

Decadence.

LXV.

Titu Huaman Quicho

leign

LXVI.

Cozque Huaman Titu

LXVII.

Cuis Manco ^

50

LXVIII.

HuiLLCA Titu .

30

LXIX.

Sayri Tupac

40

LXX.

(?)

LXXI.

Tupac Yupanqui

25

LXXIL

Huayna Tupac .

37

Age.

25

Mentioned by Oliva.

LIST OF KINGS

309

Kings of Tampu-tocco—

-continued.

Reign.

Age.

LXXIII.

HUANACAURI

. 10

LXXIV.

HUILLCA HUAMAN

. 70

LXXV.

HUAMAN CaPAC .

. 40

LXXVI.

Paullu Kaymi .

19

LXXVII.

Manco Capac Amauta

LXXVIII.

AuQui Atau Huillca

35

LXXIX.

Manco Titu Capac

. 62

LXXX.

HuAYNA Tupac .

50

LXXXI.

Tupac Cauri Pachacuti

VII .. .

80

3500 years from
tlie Dcluse

LXXXIL

Kanti Alli (Arantiai

^)

80

450 B.C.

LXXXIII.

Huari Titu Capac

80

LXXXIV.

HuisPA Titu Auqui

18

70

LXXXV.

Toco COZQUE

80

LXXXVI.

Ayar Manco

22

80

LXXXVII.

Amaro

LXXXVIII.

Sinchi Rocca

LXXXIX.

Illa-Toca .

62

XC.

Lloque Yupanqui 1

45

XCI.

EoccA Titu

25

4000 years
after the Deluge

XCII.

Inti Maita Capac
Pachacuti VIII

. 27

(27 Descevits.)

INCAS

VERSION OF MONTESINOS

Mama Ciuaco

I, Rocca — about 1200 a.d.
II. Lloque Yupanqui i
III. Mayta Capac

' Mentioned by Oliva.

310 THE INCAS OF PERU

IV. Capac Yupanqui

V. SiNCHI E.OCCA

VI. Yahuar Huacac Mayta Yupanqui

VII. HuiRA Cocha-Tupac Yupanqui {omits Pachacuti)

VIII. Tupac Yupanqui

IX. HuAiNA Capac (Inti Cusi Hualpa)

X. HuASCAR Inti (Cusi Hualpa Yupanqui)

The lengths of the reigns of 65 of the old kings are

given, 26 not given.

APPENDIX B

NOTE ON THE NAMES QUICHUA AND AYMAEA

The dialects still existing, to some extent, at the time of
the Spanish conquest, besides the separate Mochica
language on the coast, were the speech used in the northern
part of the empire of the Incas, called Chinchay-suyu,
differing very slightly from the Runa-simi, and the Cauqui,
a form of the Chinchay-suyu, spoken by the mountaineers
of Yauyos. In the Colla-suyu a language was spoken
which was more distinct, its declining and conjugating
particles differing from those of the general language, but
it contained a great number of roots which were the same.
A wild aquatic tribe, living on fish among the reeds in
the south-west angle of Lake Titicaca, spoke a dialect
called Puquina.

The Spanish administrators, especially the priests,
at once saw the importance of acquiring a knowledge of
the highly cultivated Runa-simi, or general language,
before turning their attention to the dialects. Several
Spanish soldiers studied and mastered the language, in-
cluding Juan de Betanzos,husband of Atahualpa's daughter,
and the only Spanish lay Quichua scholar whose writings
have reached us. To the priests, some of whom were
burning with impatience for the means of teaching the
natives the tenets of their Church, it was a matter of greater
importance. One of their first duties, as they understood
them, was to make the language accessible to their fellow

311

312 NAME QUICHUA

priests. The very first to undertake the task was a
Dominican friar named Domingo de Santo Tomas. His
name occurs several times in the story of the conquest.
He was an indefatigable inquirer and traveller, even
studying the difficult Mochica language and founding a
monastery in the coast region of the Chimu. Santo Tomas
eventually became Bishop of La Plata.

This worthy Dominican was the first to construct a
grammar of the Runa-simi, or general language of Peru,
which was pubhshed at Valladolid in 1560. A second
edition appeared at Lima in 1586.1 Santo Tomas, in
his title-page, calls the Buna-simi ' the general language
of the Indians of the kingdom of Peru,' and gives it the
name of Quichua. But he does not inform his readers of
the reason for giving it that name.

The Quichuas formed a group of ayllus or village
communities in the valley of the Pachachaca. We know
the area which this group occupied with a fair amount
of exactness, because places, the positions of which are
fixed, are mentioned by Sarmiento and others, in relating
the course of the Incas' conquests, as being in the territory
of the Quichuas. This Quichua province is small as
compared with the area over which the general language
was spoken, nor was it of much importance. It is, there-
fore, an inappropriate name for the general language of the
Incas. It can only be supposed that the name was given
by Santo Tomas because it was in the Quichua province
that he studied the language.^ Some name was needed,
and that first given by Santo Tomas was adopted by
subsequent grammarians. The Jesuits, who came to
Peru some thirty years after the Dominicans, devoted
themselves to the study of the languages. Diego Gonzalez

1 A reprint was published at Leipzig in 1891.

2 Mossi derives the nauic from Qiichuariy, to twist ropo ; and
Tchu, grass.

NAME AYMARA 313

Holguin was appointed Interpreter-General to the Viceroy
of Peru on September 10, 1575. He published his vocabu-
lary of the general language at Lima in 1586, calling it
' Quichua, or the language of the Inca/i His elaborate
grammar was pubhshed in 1607. ^ Another Jesuit, Diego
de Torres Rubio, published his ' grammar and vocabulary
of the general language of Peru, called Quichua,' at Seville
in 1603.3 In 1607 the excellent Bishop Luis Geronimo
Ore, a native of Guamanga in Peru, pubhshed his ' Rituale
seu Manuale Peruanum ' at Naples, It contains specimens
of the different languages and dialects.

The Jesuits established a mission at Juh, on the west
coast of Lake Titicaca, and studied the language of the
natives of Colla-sujni, Other priests had studied that
language before the Jesuits were established at Juli, and
had given it the name of Aymara, which is even more
inappropriate for the language of CoUa-suyn than the name
of Quichua is for the Runa-simi, or general language of the
Incas. The Jesuits had a printing-press at Juh, and were
very active in the work of conversion. The native tribe at
Juh and on the west side of the lake of Titicaca was called
Lupaca. To the north were the CoUas, to the south the
Pacajes, and on the east side of the lake were the Pacasas.
As the CoUas were the most powerful, aU the tribes in the
basin of Lake Titicaca were usually referred to by the
early Spanish writers under the generic name of CoUas.

CoUa would, therefore, be the correct name for the
language of the CoUas, and not Aymara, None of the early
writers ever mentioned the inhabitants of CoUa-suyu except
as CoUas. There is not one single instance of the name

^ Second edition, Lima, 1607.

3 Ihid., Lima, 1842.

3 Ibid., Lima, 1629 ; third, 1700 ; fourth, 1754. A vocabu-
lary of Chinchay-suyii, by Juan de Figueredo, is bound up
with Torres Rubio's.

314 NAME AYMARA

Aymara having been given to them. It is, therefore,
quite certain that the name of Aymara was absolutely
unknown in Colla-suyu, either before the Spanish conquest
or for at least forty years after that event.

Whence, then, comes the name of Aymara ? The
answer is quite conclusive. It is the name of a small
province on the upper waters of the Pachachaca river,
bordering on the Quichuas, These Aymaras were a
Quichua tribe wholly unconnected with Colla-su}Ti and
the basin of Lake Titicaca. This is quite certain, and is
proved in the same way as the position of the Quichuas is
proved. Places are mentioned, in the course of the Inca
conquests in Cunti-suyu, which were said to belong to
the Aymaras then, and which are now actually in Aymaras,
which is a province in the department of Cuzco.

The word is from Ayma, a harvest song, in the general
language which the Spanish grammarians called Quichua.
From the same root comes Aymaray, the ' harvest month ' ;
and Aymurani, ' I gather the harvest.'

The question arises, why should the priests who first
learnt the Colla language have given this name of Aymara,
that of a purely Quichua tribe, to the language of the
Lupacas which they were diligently learning ? The explana-
tion is perhaps to be found by a reference to the work
of Fray Alonzo Ramos Gavilan pubHshed in 1620, and
giving a history of the church of Copacabana,! near Juh.
The great Inca Tupac Yupanqui, having conceived a
devotion to the Titicaca myth, determined to erect a palace
on one of the islands of the lake. Ramos tells us that
he transferred a large body of mitimaes, or colonists, from
the provinces of Cunti-suyu, that is the valley of the
Apurimac and its tributaries, to the provinces of Colla-suyu.

' Tho AuRiistine monks liad chcargc of the sanctuary of Copaca-
bana from 1589 to 1820. A full account of it and its images is
given by the Augustinian chronicler Calancha, as well as by Ramos.

NAME AYMARA 315

He gives a list of the tribes so transferred, and among them
were the Aymaras. These Aymaras, according to Bias
Valera, were settled at Juli. They had been there
for three generations. The priests would learn the
language of the Lupacas, the original inhabitants, from
them, intermingled with a great number of Quichua
words. This is actually what appears to have happened.
Finding that the language of the Lupacas was practically
the same as that spoken by the CoUas, Pacasas, and other
tribes of the basin of Lake Titicaca, a generic name was
required for the whole group, and the word Aymara
was adopted, being the name of the mitimaes with whom
the priests were associated at Juli. This would explain
the puzzle.

The word Aymara, as applied to the language of
Colla-sujoi, first occurs in 1575.1 We find it again in a
' Doctrina Christiana,' published in 1583, but applied
to the language, not to the people. The word was not
applied to the people until many years afterwards. The
Jesuits had settled at Juli in about 1576. Their name
for the language appears to have been adopted by others,
as soon as the Jesuits began to use it. Garcilasso de la
Vega mentions it once, referring to the language : so does
Huaman Poma. Morua mentions it twice, writing in
1590, applied to the language, but never to the people.
The Itahan Jesuit, Ludovico Bertonio, composed a
grammar and dictionary of the Lupaca language for
which his colleagues at Juli had adopted the name of
Aymara. It was published at Rome in 1603. A second
edition was issued from the Juli press in 1612.^ Diego de
Torres Eubio published a grammar and vocabulary of the
same language in 1616.

An examination of the Bertonio dictionary either

1 In Tit. XV. p. 84 of Ordenanzas del Peru. Ballesteros (Lima, 1685),

2 Reprinted at Leipzig in 1879,

316

NAIVIE AYMARA

shows the extent to which the general language had been
made to prevail in Colla-suyu, or else that the language
of the CoUas and Lupacas was merely a dialect. My
conclusion is that it was originally the distinct language
of tribes living in the region which was once the centre of the
great megalithic empire. It is just as the Arabs now
encamp among the ruins of Babylon, and the Kurds
build huts within the walls of Ecbatana. The auxihary
verb in the Colla-suyu language has the same root, can,
as in the general language ; but the particles forming the
dechnations of nouns and conjugations of verbs are
different. The first person singular indicative -ends in
Ni in the general language, in Tha in the language of Colla-
suyu. Four of the Colla numerals are borrowed from the
general language, the rest, beyond six, being compound. ^

It may be assumed, judging from the dictionaries of
Bertonio and Torres Rubio, that the extension of the

General

General

Language.

Colla.

Language.

Colla.

1 1, Hue

. Maya

6,

Socta

Socta

2, Iscay

Paya

7,

Cancliis . .

Pa Allco

3, Quimsa .

Quimsa

8,

Pussac . .

Quimsa Allco

4, Ttahua .

. Pusi

9,

Yscun . .

Llalla Tunca

5, Pichca

. Pichca

10,

Chunca . .

Tunca

Three and five are missing, but we may assume that they once
existed in the Colla language, for the Collas must have counted
at least to five, the fingers and thumb of one hand. Three, five,
and six were borrowed from the general language in Bertonio's
dictionary. The Colla M'ord for three is lost. Seven, eight, and
nine are compound words, seven and eight with the word Allco.
Possibly Allco was the Colla five. Then we have —

Maya Allco . . 6 = 5 -|- 1 = Socta

Paya Allco . . 7 = 5 + 2

Quimsa Allco . . 8 = 5 -|- 3

Pusi Allco . . 9 = 6 + 4

Allco Allco ..10 = 5 + 5 = Tunca or Chunca
The tribes of Colla-suyu made progress in civilisation after the
Inca conquest, and of course required a more complete system of
numeration.

NAMES QUICHUA AND AYMARA 317

general language over CoUa-suyu had already made
considerable progress at the time of the Spanish conquest.
The system of numeration had been improved, and though
a large proportion of the roots in the two languages were
originally the same, the ability to give expression to many
abstract ideas was acquired by the additions from the
general language which enriched that of CoUa-sujru.

The usage of three centuries has made it inevitable
that the names Quichua and Aymara for the general
language of the Incas and the language of Colla-suyu
should continue to be used, although they are inappropriate
and misleading.

APPENDIX C

NOTE ON THE ARCHITECTUKE AND AETS
OF THE INCAS

The architecture of the Incas has been so well described by
my old friend Squier^ that a chapter on that subject is
superfluous. I should not advise any one to go elsewhere,
except to the old writers and to Senor Larrabure y Unanue,
who is always accurate, for an account of any ruins which
Squier has described, because his account will be found to
be incomparably the best. I can speak with some authority,
because^ I have personally visited and examined most of
the ruins which engaged Squier's attention.

At the same time the reader must be warned not to
rely upon Squier's references to history. He is almost
always inaccurate, and sometimes quite wrong. For he
dipped into early writers to illustrate his accounts of the
ruins. He did not use his knowledge of the ruins to throw
light on a thorough study of the early writers.

I propose, however, to give a hst of the Inca ruins, with
a few references and other notes, as a guide to inquirers.
The megalithic ruins, and those of the Grand Chimu on the
coast, have already been described.

^^^^°- 1. The ruins of the Colcampata palace, prob-

ably of the time of tlie Inca Pachacuti
and the same as his Patallacia. See my

' Peru. Incidents of Travel and Exploration in the Land of the
Incas, by E. George Squier (Macuiillan, 1877).

INCARIAL RUINS

319

Cuzco.

Vilcamayu
Valley.

Basin of Lake
Titicaca.

Cuzco and Lima,' p. 100. Squier, p. 4:49.
Also described at p. 286 of this work.

2. Temple of the Sun. ' Cuzco and Lima,'

p. 119 ; Squier, pp. 439 to 445, with plan.

3. Yacha-huasi, or school. Squier, p. 447.

4. Pampa Maroni wall. Squier, p. 446.

5. Inca walls of houses. Squier, p. 444. See

my plan in the first volume of the ' Royal
Commentaries,' showing the Inca work
throughout Cuzco.

6. Great Halls at Cuzco, described by the Inca

Garcilasso de la Vega.

7. Fortress of Piquillacta, southern approach

to Cuzco. Squier, p. 420.

8. Ollantaij - tampu, p. 150. Described in

Chap. X, ' Cuzco and Lima,' pp. 179
to 184. Squier, pp. 493 to 510.

9. Palace of Chinchero. Squier, p. 483, and

' Cuzco and Lima.'
Yucay, one ornamental wall remaining.
Pissac and the Inti-huatana. Squier, pp. 523

to 530.
Cacha. A very curious temple with pillars,

and an upper story, described by the Inca

Garcilasso de la Vega. Squier, p. 402.
Copacahana. Squier, p. 325.
Coati. Squier, pp. 359 to 365.
Sillustani chulpas. My ' Travels in Peru

and India,' pp. Ill, 112 ; Larrabure y

Unanue, p. 424 ; Squier, p. 376.
Sondor-huasi. See my ' Travels in Peru

and India,' p. 193 ; Squier, pp. 394, 395.
Hatun-colla. Squier, p. 385.
Limatambo palace. ' Cuzco and Lima,'

p. 93 ; Squier, p. 86.
Curamha fortress. ' Cuzco and Lima,' p. 83.
Choque-quirao. Important ruins on the

Apurimac, about thirty miles from

10
11

12

13
14
15

16.

17.

18.

19,

20

320 INCARIAL RUINS

Abancay ; described by Castelnau. Re-
cently visited by Dr. Bingham, an
American traveller. About to be exhaus-
tively examined by Dr. Max Uhle,

21. Vilcas-huaman. Described by Cieza de

Leon and in the ' Relaciones Geograficas.'
Not visited by Squier. But see Wiener,
pp. 264 to 271.

22. Huanuco palace. Squier, p. 216. Larra-

bure y Unanue, p. 293. Enock, Chap. XXII.

23. Chavin. Enock, ' Andes and Amazon,'

pp. 72, 73.

24. Fortress Palace of Hervay. ' Cuzco" and

Lima,' p. 29 ; Squier, p. 83 ; Larrabure
y Unanue, p. 316.

25. Lunahuana. Larrabure y Unanue, pp. 299

to 322. Inca Huasi, use of columns.

26. Paramunca fortress. Cieza de Leon, p. 247 ;

Proctor, p. 175 ; Squier, p. 101 ; Larrabure
y Unanue, p. 279.

27. Pachacamac. Max Uhle, Squier, who

describes an arch.

The Inca roads and bridges are well described by
Zarate and Cieza de Leon, p. 153, a passage which is quoted
at length by the Inca Garcilasso (I. lib. ix. cap. 13). See
also Velasco, ' Historia de Quito,' I. p. 59.

The ceramic and metallurgic art of the Incas is best
seen in the collections of the Senora Centeno and of Dr.
Caparo Muniz, both once at Cuzco. The Centeno collection
is now at Berlin. After the conquest of the coast the Incas
brought a number of the Chimu potters and metal workers
to Cuzco, and careful study in the museums might perhaps
lead to discrimination between the purely Inca work, and
the work after an infusion of the Chimu element.

APPENDIX D

APU OLLANTAY

A DEAMA OF THE TIME OF THE INCAS
SOVEEEIGNS OF PEEU

ABOUT A.D. 1470

first reduced to writing by
Dr. VALDEZ, Cura of Sicuani

A.D. 1770

THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPT COPIED BY

De. justo pastoe justiniani

THIS JUSTINIANI TEXT
COPIED AT LARIS, IN APRIL 1853, BY

CLEMENTS E. MARKHAM
A FREE TRANSLATION INTO ENGLISH

BY

SIE CLEMENTS MAEKHAM, K.C.B.
1910

INTKODUCTION

The drama was cultivated by the Incas, and dramatic
performances were enacted before them. Garcilasso de
la Vega, Molina, and Salcamayhua are the authorities
who received and have recorded the information given
by the Amautas respecting the Inca drama. Some of
these dramas, and portions of others, were preserved in
the memories of members of Inca and Amauta famihes.
The Spanish priests, especially the Jesuits of Juh, soon
discovered the dramatic aptitude of the people. Plays
were composed and acted, under priestly auspices, which
contained songs and other fragments of the ancient
Inca drama. These plays were called ' Autos Sacra-
mentales.'

But complete Inca dramas were also preserved in
the memories of members of the Amauta caste and, until
the rebellion of 1781, they were acted. The drama of
Ollantay was first reduced to writing and arranged for
acting by Dr. Don Antonio Valdez, the Cura of Tinto.
It was acted before his friend Jose Gabriel Condorcanqui i

^ Inca Pachacoti

I
Tupac Yupanqui

I
Inca Huayna Ccapac

Manco Inca

I
325

326 DR. VALDEZ AND DRAMA OF OLLANTAY

in about 1775. Taking the name of his maternal ancestor,
the Inca Tupac Amaru, the ill-fated Condorcanqui rose
in rebelUon, was defeated, taken, and put to death under
torture, in the great square of Cuzco, In the monstrous
sentence ' the representation of dramas as well as all
other festivals which the Indians celebrate in memory
of their Incas ' was prohibited. i This is a clear proof
that before 1781 these Quichua dramas were acted.

The original manuscript of Valdez was copied by his
friend Don Justo Pastor Justiniani, and this copy was
inherited by his son. There was another copy in the
convent of San Domingo at Cuzco, but it is corrupt, and
there are several omissions and mistakes of a copyist.
Dr. Valdez died, at a very advanced age, in 1816. In
1853 the original manuscript was in the possession of his
nephew and heir, Don Narciso Cuentas of Tinta.

The Justiniani copy was, in 1853, in the possession
of Dr. Don Pablo Justiniani, Cura of Laris, and son
of Don Justo Pastor Justiniani. He is a descendant of

Tupac Amaru

JuANA l^usTA = Diego Condorcanqui

Felipe Condorcanqui

I
Pedro Condorcanqui

I
Miguel Condorcanqui

I
Josfi Gabriel Condorcanqui

(Tupac Amaru)

1 ' Sentencia pronunciadu en el Cuzco por el Visitador Don Josi
Antonio de Areche, contra Jost Oahriel Tupac Amaru.^ In Coleccion
de obras y documtnlos do Don Pedro de Angelis, vol. v. (Bueno8
Ayrea, 1830-7).

VON TSCHUDI— BARRANCA— ZEGARRA 327

the Incas.i In April 1853 I went to Laris, a secluded
valley of the Andes, and made a careful copy of the drama
of Ollantay. From this Justiniani text my first very
faulty hne-for-line translation was made in 1871, as well
as the present free translation.

The first printed notice of Ollantay appeared in the
Museo Erudito, Nos. 5 to 9, pubKshed at Cuzco in 1837,
and edited by Don Jose Palacios. The next account
of the drama, with extracts, was in the ' Antiguedades
Peruanas,' a work pubHshed in 1851 jointly by Dr. von
Tschudi and Don Mariano Rivero of Arequipa. The
complete text, from the copy in the convent of San
Domingo at Cuzco, was first pubhshed at Vienna in 1853
by Dr. von Tschudi in his ' Die Kechua Sprache." It

1 Inca Pachacuti

I
Tttpac Yupanqui

I

HUAYNA CCAPAC

!

Manco Inca

I
Maria Tupac Usca = Pedro Ortiz de Orde

Catalina Ortiz = Luis Justiniani

Luis Justiniani

I
Luis Justiniani

I
NicoLo Justiniani

I
JusTO Pastor Justiniani

Dt Pablo Poijcarpo Justiniani
(Cura of Laris)

328 GREAT VALUE OF ZEGARRA'S WORK

was obtained for him by Dr. Ruggendas of Munich.
The manuscript was a corrupt version, and in very bad
condition, in parts illegible from damp. In 1868 Don
Jose Barranca published a Spanish translation, from the
Dominican text of von Tschudi. The learned Swiss
naturalist, von Tschudi, published a revised edition of
his translation at Vienna in 1875, with a parallel German
translation. In 1871 I printed the Justiniani text with a
literal, Une-for-Hne translation, but with many mistakes,
since corrected ; and in 1874, a Peruvian, Don Jose
Fernandez Nodal, published the Quichua text with a
Spanish translation.

In 1878 Gavino Pacheco Zegarra pubhshed his version
of Ollantay, with a free translation in French. His
text is a manuscript of the drama which he found in
his uncle's hbrary. Zegarra, as a native of Peru
whose language was Quichua, had great advantages.
He was a very severe, and often unfair, critic of his
predecessors.

The work of Zegarra is, however, exceedingly valuable.
He was not only a Quichua scholar, but also accomplished
and well read. His notes on special words and on the
construction of sentences are often very interesting. But
his conclusions respecting several passages which are in
the Justiniani text, but not in the others, are certainly
erroneous. Thus he entirely spoils the dialogue between
the Uillac Uma and Piqui Chaqui by omitting the
humorous part contained in the Justiniani text ; and
makes other similar omissions merely because the
passages are not in his text. Zegarra gives a useful
vocabulary at the end of all the words which occur in
the drama.

The great drawback to the study of Zegarra's work
is that he invented a number of letters to express the
various modifications of sound as they appealed to his

THE PRESENT FREE TRANSLATION 329

ear. No one else can use them, while they render
the reading of his own works difficult and intolerably
tiresome.

The last pubHcation of a text of Ollantay was by the
Rev. J. H. Gybbon Spilsbury, at Buenos Ayres in 1907,
accompanied by Spanish, English, and French translations
in parallel columns.

There is truth in what Zegarra says, that the attempts
to translate Une for line, by von Tschudi and myself, ' fail
to convey a proper idea of the original drama to European
readers, the result being ahke contrary to the genius of
the modern languages of Europe and to that of the
Quichua language.' Zegarra accordingly gives a very
free translation in French.

In the present translation I beheve that I have always
preserved the sense of the original, without necessarily
binding myself to the words. The original is in octo-
syllabic lines. Songs and important speeches are in
quatrains of octosyllabic lines, the first and last rhyming,
and the second and third. I have endeavoured to keep
to octosyllabic Unes as far as possible, because they give
a better idea of the original ; and I have also tried to
preserve the form of the songs and speeches.

The drama opens towards the close of the reign of
the Inca Pachacuti, the greatest of all the Incas, and
the scene is laid at Cuzco or at Ollantay-tampu, in the
valley of the Vilcamayu. The story turns on the love
of a great chief, but not of the blood-royal, with a daughter
of the Inca. This would not have been prohibited in
former reigns, for the marriage of a sister by the sovereign
or his heir, and the marriage of princesses only with
princes of the blood-royal, were rules first introduced
by Pachacuti. 1 His imperial power and greatness led

1 The wives of the Incas were called ccoya. The ccoya of the
second Inca was a daughter of the chief of Sanoc. The third Inca

330 ARGUMENT OF THE PLAY

him to endeavour to raise the royal family far above all
others.

The play opens with a dialogue between Ollantay and
Piqui Chaqui, his page, a witty and humorous lad.
Ollantay talks of his love for the Princess Cusi Coyllur,
and wants Piqui Chaqui to take a message to her, while
the page dwells on the danger of loving in such a quarter,
and evades the question of taking a message. Then to
them enters the Uillac Uma, or High Priest of the Sun,
who remonstrates with Ollantay — a scene of great
solemnity, and very effective.

The next scene is in the Queen's palace. Anahuarqui,
the Queen, is discovered with the Princess Cusi Coyllur,
who bitterly laments the absence of Ollantay. To them
enters the Inca Pachacuti, quite ignorant that his daughter
has not only married Ollantay in secret, but that she
is actually with child by him. Her mother keeps her
secret. The Inca indulges in extravagant expressions of
love for his daughter. Then boys and girls enter dancing
and singing a harvest song. Another very melancholy
yarahui is sung ; both capable of being turned by the
Princess into presages of the fate of herself and her
husband.

In the third scene Ollantay prefers his suit to the Inca
Pachacuti in octosyllabic quatrains, the first and last

married a daughter of the chief of Oma, the fourth married a girl
of Tacucaray, the wife of the fifth was a daughter of a Cuzco chief.
The sixth Inca married a daughter of the chief of Huayllacan, the
seventh married a daughter of the chief of Ayamarca, and the eighth
went to Anta for a wife. This Anta lady was the mother of Pacha-
cuti. The wife of Pachacuti, named Anahuarqui, was a daughter
of the chief of Choco. There was no rule about marrying sisters
when Pachacuti succeeded. He introduced it by making his son
Tupac Yupanqui marry liis daughter Mama Ocllo, but this was
quite unprecedented. Tlie transgression of a rule which he had
juat made may account for hia extreme severity.

ARGUMENT OF THE PLAY 331

lines rhymmg, and the second and third. His suit is
rejected with scorn and contempt, Ollantay next appears
on the heights above Cuzco. In a soHloquy he declares
himself the implacable enemy of Cuzco and the Inca.
Then Piqui Chaqui arrives with the news that the Queen's
palace is empty, and abandoned, and that Cusi Coyllur
has quite disappeared ; while search is being made for
Ollantay. While they are together a song is sung behind
some rocks, in praise of Cusi Coyllur's beauty. Then the
sound of clarions and people approaching is heard, and
Ollantay and Piqui Chaqui take to flight. The next scene
finds the Inca enraged at the escape of Ollantay, and order-
ing his general Eumi-haui to march at once, and make
him prisoner. To them enters a chasqui, or messenger,
bringing the news that Ollantay has collected a great army
at OUantay-tampu, and that the rebels have proclaimed
him Inca.

The second act opens with a grand scene in the hall
of the fortress-palace of Ollantay-tampu. Ollantay is
proclaimed Inca by the people, and he appoints the
Mountain Chief, Urco Huaranca, general of his army.
Urco Huaranca explains the dispositions he has made
to oppose the army advancing from Cuzco, and his plan
of defence. In the next scene Rumi-iiaui, as a fugitive
in the mountains, describes his defeat and the complete
success of the strategy of Ollantay and Urco Huaranca.
His sohloquy is in the octosyllabic quatrains. The last
scene of the second act is in the gardens of the Convent
of Virgins of the Sun. A young girl is standing by a gate
which opens on the street. This, as afterwards appears,
is Yma Sumac, the daughter of Ollantay and Cusi Coyllur,
aged ten, but ignorant of her parentage. To her enters
Pitu Salla, an attendant, who chides her for being so fond
of looking out at the gate. The conversation which
follows shows that Yma Sumac detests the convent and

332 ARGUMENT OF THE PLAY

refuses to take the vows. She also has heard the moans
of some sufferer, and importunes Pitu Salla to tell her who
it is. Yma Sumac goes as Mama Ccacca enters and cross-
examines Pitu Salla on her progress in persuading Yma
Sumac to adopt convent life. This Mama Ccacca is one
of the Matrons or Mama Cuna, and she is also the jailer
of Cusi Coyllur.

The third act opens with an amusing scene between
the Uillac Uma and Piqui Chaqui, who meet in a street
in Cuzco. Piqui Chaqui wants to get news, but to tell
nothing, and in this he succeeds. The death of Inca
Pachacuti is announced to him, and the accession of
Tupac Yupanqui, and with this news he departs.

Next there is an interview between the new Inca
Tupac Yupanqui, the Uillac Uma, and the defeated general
Rumi-haui, who promises to retrieve the former disaster
and bring the rebels to Cuzco, dead or alive. It after-
wards appears that the scheme of Rumi-haui was one of
treachery. He intended to conceal his troops in caves
and gorges near Ollantay-tampu ready to rush in, when a
signal was made. Rumi-haui then cut and slashed his
face, covered himself with mud, and appeared at the gates
of Ollantay-tampu, declaring that he had received this
treatment from the new Inca, and imploring protection. ^
Ollantay received him with the greatest kindness and
hospitality. In a few days Ollantay and his people
celebrated the Raymi or great festival of the sun with

1 A bust, on an earthen vase, was presented to Don Antonio
Maria Alvarez, the political chief of Cuzco, in 1837, by an Indian
who declared that it had been handed down in his family from
time immemorial, as a likeness of tlie general, Rumi-naui, who
plays an important part in this drama of Ollantay. The person
represented must have been a general, from the ornament on the
forehead, called mascapaychu, and there are wounds cut on the
face. — Muaeo Erudilo, No. G.

ARGUMENT OF THE PLAY 333

much rejoicing and drinking. Rumi-naui pretended to
join in the festivities, but when most of them were
wrapped in drunken sleep, he opened the gates, let in his
own men, and made them all prisoners.

There is next another scene in the garden of the
convent, in which Yma Sumac importunes Pitu Salla
to tell her the secret of the prisoner. Pitu Salla at last
yields and opens a stone door. Cusi Coyllur is discovered,
fastened to a wall, and in a djdng state. She had been
imprisoned, by order of her father, Inca Pachacuti on
the birth of Yma Sumac. She is restored with food and
water, and the relationship is discovered when Cusi
Coyllur hears the child's name, for she had given it
to her.

Next the Inca Tupac Yupanqui is discovered in the
great hall of his palace, seated on his tiana or throne,
with the Uillac Uma in attendance. To them enters a
chasqui, or messenger, who describes the result of Kumi-
haui's treachery in octosyllabic quatrains. Eumi-haui
himself enters and receives the thanks of his sovereign.
Then the prisoners are brought in guarded — Ollantay,
Hanco Huayllu, Urco Huaranca, and Piqui Chaqui. The
Inca upbraids them for their treason. He then asks the
Uillac Uma for his judgment. The High Priest recom-
mends mercy. Rumi-haui advises immediate execution.
The Inca seems to concur and they are ordered off, when
suddenly the Inca cries ' Stop.' He causes them all to be
released, appoints Ollantay to the highest post in the
empire next to himself, and Urco Huaranca to a high
command. There are rejoicings, and in the midst of it
all Yma Sumac forces her way into the haU, and throws
herself at the Inca's feet, entreating him to save her
mother from death. The Inca hands over the matter to
Ollantay, but this Yma Sumac will not have, and, the Uillac
Uma intervening, the Inca consents to go with the child.

334 REVIEW OF DON E. LARRABURE Y UNANUE

The final scene is in the gardens of the convent. The
Inca enters with Yma Sumac, followed by the whole
strength of the company. Mama Ccacca is ordered to
open the stone door and Cusi Coyllur is brought out.
She proves to be the sister of the Inca and the wife
of Ollantay. There are explanations, and all ends
happily.

Of the antiquity of the drama of Ollantay there is now
no question. General Mitre wrote an elaborate paper on
its authenticity, raising several points to prove that
it was of modern origin. But every point he raised has
been satisfactorily refuted. At the same time there are
many other points, some of them referred to by Zegarra,
which estabUsh the antiquity of the drama beyond any
doubt. The antiquity of the name Ollantay-tampu,
applied to the fortress in memory of the drama, is proved
by its use in the narratives of MoHna (1560) and of
Salcamayhua.

An able review of the literature connected with the
drama of Ollantay was written by Don E. Larrabure y
Unanue, the present Vice-President of Peru, who con-
siders that Ollantay would make a good acting play with
magnificent scenic effects.

MS. Texts.

1. The original text of Valdez. In 1853 the property
of Don Narciso Cuentas of Tinta, heir of Dr. Valdez.

2. The Justiniani text. In 1853 at Laris. Copy of
the Valdez text.

3. Markham's copy of the Justiniani text (printed
1871).

4. Rosas copy of the Justiniani text.

5. Copy in the convent of San Domingo at Cuzco
(the Dominican text).

THE NAME OLLANTAY 335

6. Von Tschudi's copy of the Dominican text (printed
1853).

7. Text of Zegarra (printed 1878).

8. Second text of von Tschudi.

9. Text of Spilsbury.

10. Text of Sahuaraura 'penes Dr. Gonzalez de la
Eosa.

There is hght thrown upon the name Ollafitay by the
evidence taken during the journey of the Viceroy Toledo
from Jauja to Cuzco, from November 1570 to March
1571. He wanted information respecting the origin of
the Inca government, and 200 witnesses were examined,
the parentage or lineage of each witness being recorded.
Among these we find six witnesses of the Antasayac ayllu.
Sayac means a station or division, Anta is a small town
near Cuzco. The names of the six Anta witnesses were : —

Ancaillo ; UscA : Huacro ;

Mancoy ; AucA Puri ; Ullantay ;

Besides Antonio Pacrotrica and Punicu Paucar,
Chiefs of Anta.

We thus find that the name of Ollantay belonged to
Anta. Now the Incas were under great obhgations to
the chief of Anta, for that chief had rescued the eldest
son of Inca Rocca from the chief of Ayamarca, and had
restored him to his father. For this great service the
chief of Anta was declared to be a noble of the highest
rank and cousin to the Inca family. Moreover, the
daughter of the Anta chief was married to the Inca
Uira-cocha, and was the mother of Pachacuti. Assuming,
as seems probable, that Ollantay was a son of the chief
of Anta, he would be a cousin of the Inca, and of very

336 THE NAME OLLANTAY

high rank, though not an agnate of the reigning family.
This, I take it, is what is intended. Pachacuti desired
to raise his family high above all others, and that, con-
sequently, there should be no marriages with subjects
even of the highest rank ; and his excessive severity on
the transgression of his rule by his daughter is thus
explained.

OLLANTAY

ACTS AND SCENES

Act I. Sc. 1. — Open space near Cuzco.

Ollantay, Piqui Chaqui, Uillac Uma,
Sc. 2. — Hall in the Colcam'pata.

Anahuarqui, Cusi Coyllur, Inca
Pachacuti, Boys and Girls, Singers.
Sc. 3. — Hall in the Inca*s palace.

Pachacuti, Rumi-naui, Ollantay.
Sc. 4. — Height above Cuzco.

Ollantay, Piqui Chaqui, Unseen Singer.
Sc. 5. — Hall in the Inca's palace.

Pachacuti, Eumi-naui, and a Chasqui.

Act II. Sc. 1. — Ollantay-tampu Hall.

Ollantay, Urco Huaranca, Hanco
Huayllu, People and Soldiers.
So. 2. — A loild place in the mountains.

Rumi-haui's soliloquy.
Sc. 3. — Gardens of the Virgins.

Yma Sumac, Pitu Salla, Mama
Ccacca.

Act hi. Sc. 1. — Tampa Maroni at Cuzco.

Uillac Uma and Piqui Chaqui.
Sc. 2. — Palace of Tupac Yupanqui.

Tupac Yupanqui, Uillac Uma,
Humi-fiaui.

337 z

338 OLLANTAY

Sc, 3. — Ollantay-tam'pu, Terrace.

Rumi-naui, Ollantay, Guards.
Sc. 4. — House of Virgins, Corridor.
Yma Sumac, Pitu Salla.
Sc. 5. — House of Virgiiis, Garden.

Yma Sumac, Pitu Salla, Cusi Coyllur,
Sc. 6. — Palace of Twpac Ywpanqui.

Tupac Yupanqui, Uillac Uma, a
Chasqui, Eumi-naui, Ollantay, Urco
Huaranca, Hanco Huayllu, Piqui
Chaqui, Chiefs and Guards, then
Yma Sumac.
Sc. 7. — House of Virgins, Garden.

All of Scene 6, and Mama Ccacca
Cusi Coyllur, Pitu Salla.

OLLANTAY DRAMATIS PERSONiE

Scene
In Cuzco and its environs, and OUantay-tam'pu

Dramatis Persons

Apu Ollantay. — General of Anti-suyu, the eastern
province of the empire. A young chief, but not of
the blood-royal. His rank was that of a Tucuyricuo
or Viceroy. The name occurs among the witnesses
examined by order of the Viceroy Toledo, being one
of the six of the Antasayac ayllu.

Pachacuti. — The Sovereign Inca.

Tupac Yupanqui. — Sovereign Inca, son and heir of
Pachacuti.

RuMi-NAUi. — A great chief. General of Colla-suyu. The
word means ' Stone- eye.'

UiLLAO Uma. — High Priest of the Sun. The word Uma
means head, and Uillac, a councillor and diviner.

Uroo Huaranoa. — A chief. The words mean ' Mountain
Chief.' The word huaranca means 1000 ; hence,
Chief of a Thousand.

Hanco Hu ayllu Auqui. — An old officer, of the blood-royal.

PiQui Chaqui. — Page to Ollantay. The words mean
' fleet-footed.'

Anahuarqui. — The Ccoya or Queen, wife of Pachacuti.

339 z 2

340 OLLANTAY

Cusi CoYLLUR NusTA. — A PrincGss, daughter of Pachacuti,
The words mean * the joyful star.'

Yma Sumac. — Daughter of Cusi Coyllur. The words
mean ' How beautiful.'

PiTU Salla. — A girl, companion of Yma Sumac.

CoACCA Mama. — A matron of Virgins of the Sun. Jailer
of Cusi Coyllur.

Nobles, caytains, soldiers, hoys and girls dancing, singers,
attendants, messengers or Chasqui.

ACT I

Scene 1

An open space near (he junction of (he two torrents of
Cuzco, the Huatanaij and Tullumayu or Rodadero, called
Pumap Chupan, just outside the gardens of the Sun. The
Temple of the Sun beyond the gardens, and the Sacsahuaman
hill surmounted by the fortress, rising in the distance. The
palace of Colcampata on the hillside.

{Enter Ollantay l. \in a gilded tunic, breeches
of llama sinews, usutas or shoes of llama
hide, a red mantle of ccompi or fine cloth,
and the chucu or head-dress of his rank,
holding a battle-axe (champi) and club
(macana)] and Viqxji Chaqui coming up from
the back r. [in a coarse brown tunic of auasca
or llama cloth, girdle used as a sling, and
chucu or head-dress of a Cuzquerio'].)

Ollantay. Where, young fleet -foot, hast thou been ?
Hast thou the starry ]f?usta seen ?

Piqui Chaqui. The Sun forbids such sacrilege ;
'Tis not for me to see the star.
Dost thou, my master, fear no ill,
Thine eyes upon the Inca's child ?

Ollantay. In spite of all I swear to love
That tender dove, that lovely star ;
My heart is as a lamb i with her,
And ever will her presence seek.

1 Chita is the lamb of the llama. A lamb of two or three months
was a favourite pet in the time of the Incas. It followed its mistress,
adorned with a little bell and ribbons,

341

342 OLLANTAY AND PIQUI CHAQUI act i

Piqui Chaqui. Such thoughts are prompted by Supay i ;
That evil being possesses thee.
All round are beauteous girls to choose
Before old age and weakness come.
If the great Inca knew thy plot
And what thou seekest to attain,
Thy head would fall by his command,
Thy body would be quickly burnt.

Ollantay. Boy, do not dare to cross me thus.
One more such word and thou shalt die.
These hands will tear thee Hmb from limb,
If still thy councils are so base.

Piqui Chaqui. Well ! treat thy servant as a dog,
But do not night and day repeat,
' Piqui Chaqui ! swift of foot !
Go once more to seek the star.'

Ollantay. Have I not already said
That e'en if death's fell scythe ^ was here.
If mountains should oppose my path
Like two fierce foes^ who block the way,
Yet will I fight all these combined
And risk all else to gain my end,
And whether it be life or death
I'll cast myself at Coyllur's feet.

Piqui Chaqui. But if Supay himself should come ?

Ollantay. I 'd strike the evil spirit down.

1 Supay, an evil spirit, according to some authorities.

2 Ichuna, a sickle or scythe. The expression has been cited by
General Rlitre and others as an argument that the drama is modern,
because this is a metaphor confined to the old world. But ichuna
was in use, in Quichua, in this sense, before the Spaniards
came. The word is from Ichu, grass.

3 The Peruvians personified a mountain as two spirits, good
and evil. In writing poetically of a mountain opposing, it would
be referred to in the persons of its genii or spirits, and spoken of
as two foo3, not one.

scEiTEi OLLANTAY AND PIQUI CHAQUI 343

Piqui Chaqui. If thou shouldst only see his nose,
Thou wouldst not speak as thou dost now.

Ollantay. Now, Piqui Chaqui, speak the truth,
Seek not evasion or deceit.
Dost thou not already know.
Of all the flowers in the field.
Not one can equal my Princess ?

Piqui Chaqui. Still, my master, thou dost rave.
I think I never saw thy love.
Stay ! was it her who yesterday
Came forth with slow and faltering steps
And sought a solitary ^ path ~ ?
If so, 'tis true she 's hke the sun,
The moon less beauteous than her face.^

Ollantay. It surely was my dearest love.
How beautiful, how bright is she !
This very moment thou must go
And take my message to the Star.

Piqui Chaqui. I dare not, master ; in the day,
I fear to pass the palace gate.
With aU the splendour of the court,
I could not tell her from the rest.

Ollantay. Didst thou not say thou sawest her ?

Piqui Chaqui. I said so, but it was not sense.
A star can only shine at night ;
Only at night could I be sure.

Ollantay. Begone, thou lazy good-for-nought.
The joyful star that I adore.
If placed in presence of the Sun,
Would shine as brightly as before.

1 Rurun, desert, solitude.

3 Tasquiy, to march ; tasquina, promenade, path.

3 Cusi Coyllur, while dayUght lasted, was, in the eyes of Piqui
Chaqui, like the sun. A change takes place at twilight, and at
night she is like the moon.

344 THE UILLAC UMA act i

Piqui Chaqui. Lo ! some person hither comes,
Perhaps an old crone seeking alms ;
Yes ! Look ! he quite resembles one.
Let him the dangerous message take.
Send it by him, 0 noble Chief !
From me they would not hear the tale ;
Thy page is but a humble lad.

{Enter the Uillao Uma, or High Priest of the
Sun, at the hack, arms raised to the Sun.
In a grey tunic and hlack mantle from the
slioulders to the ground, a long knife in
his belt, the undress chucu on his head.)

Uillac Uma. 0 giver of all warmth and light !

0 Sun ! I fall and worship thee.
For thee the victims are prepared,
A thousand llamas and their lambs
Are ready for thy festal day.

The sacred fire '11 lap their blood.
In thy dread presence, mighty one.
After long fast ^ thy victims fall.

Ollantay. Wlio comes hither, Piqui Chaqui ?
Yes, 'tis the holy Uillac Uma ;
He brings his tools of augury.
No puma " more astute and wise —

1 hate that ancient conjurer
Who prophesies of evil things,
I feel the evils he foretells ;
'Tis he who ever brings ill-luck.

1 Fasting was a preparation for all great religious ceremonies.
Victims for sacrifice underwent a previous fast, which was looked
upon in the light of purification before being offered to the Deity.

2 They gave the attributes we usually assign to the fox to
the puma.

SCENE 1 OLLANTAY AND THE UILLAC UMA 345

Piqui Chaqui. Silence, master, do not speak,
The old man doubly is informed ;
Fore-knowing every word you say,
Already he has guessed it all.

(He lies down on a hmih)
Ollantay (aside). He sees me. I must speak to him,
(The Uillac Uma comes forward.)

0 Uillac Uma, Great High Priest,

1 bow before thee with respect ;
May the skies be clear for thee,

And brightest sunshine meet thine eyes.

Uillac Uma. Brave Ollantay ! Princely one !
May all the teeming land be thine ;
May thy far-reaching arm of might
Reduce the wide-spread universe.

Ollantay. Old man ! thine aspect causes fear.
Thy presence here some ill forebodes ;
All round thee dead men's bones appear,
Baskets, flowers, sacrifice.
All men when they see thy face
Are filled with terror and alarm.
What means it all ? why comest thou ?
It wants some months before the feast.
Is it that the Inca is ill ?
Perchance hast thou some thought divined
Which soon will turn to flowing blood.
Why comest thou ? the Sun's great day.
The Moon's Hbations are not yet
The moon has not yet nearly reached
The solemn time for sacrifice.

Uillac Uma. Why dost thou these questions put,
In tones of anger and reproach ?

346 OLLANTAY AND THE UILLAC UMA a.

Am I, forsooth, thy humble slave ?
That I know aU I '11 quickly prove.

Ollantay. My beatmg heart is filled with dread,
Beholding thee so suddenly ;
Perchance thy coming is a sign,
Of evils overtaking me.

Uillac Uma. Fear not, Ollantay ! not for that,
The High Priest comes to thee this day.
It is perhaps for love of thee,
That, as a straw is blown by wind,
A friend, this day, encounters thee.
Speak to me as to a friend.
Hide nothing from my scrutiny.
This day I come to offer thee
A last and most momentous choice —
'Tis nothing less than Hfe or death.

Ollantay. Then make thy words more clear to me,
That I may understand the choice ;
Till now 'tis but a tangled skein,
Unravel it that I may know.

Uillac Uma. 'Tis well. Now listen, warlike Chief :
My science has enabled me.
To learn and see all hidden things
Unknown to other mortal men.
My power will enable me
To make of thee a greater prince.
I brought thee up from tender years,
And cherished thee with love and care ;
I now would guide thee in the right,
And ward off all that threatens thee.
As chief of Anti-suyu now.
The people venerate thy name ;
Thy Sovereign trusts and honours thee.
E'en to sharing half his realm.
From all the rest he chose thee out,

SCENE I OLLANTAY AND THE UILLAC UMA 347

And placed all power in thy hands ;
He made thy armies great and strong,
And strengthened thee against thy foes ;
How nmnerous soe'er they be,
They have been hunted down by thee.
Are these good reasons for thy wish,
To womid thy Sovereign to the heart ?
His daughter is beloved by thee ;
Thy passion thou wouldst fain indulge,
Lawless and forbidden though it be.
I call upon thee, stop in time,
Tear this folly from thy heart.
If thy passion is immense.
Still let honour hold its place.
You reel, you stagger on the brink—
I 'd snatch thee from the very edge.
Thou knowest well it cannot be,
The Inca never would consent.
If thou didst e'en propose it now,
He would be overcome with rage ;
From favoured prince and trusted chief.
Thou wouldst descend to lowest rank.

Ollantay. How is it that thou canst surely know
What still is hidden in my heart ?
Her mother only knows my love,
Yet thou revealest all to me.

Uillac XJma. I read thy secret on the moon,
As if upon the Quipu knots ;
And what thou wouldst most surely hide.
Is plain to me as all the rest.

Ollantay. In my heart I had divined
That thou wouldst search me through and through ;
Thou knowest all, 0 Councillor,
And wilt thou now desert thy son ?

Uillac Uma. How oft we mortals heedless drink.

348 OLLANTAY AND THE UILLAC UMA act i

A certain death from golden cup ;

Recall to mind how ills befall,

And that a stubborn heart 's the cause.

Ollantay (kneeling). Plmige that dagger in my breast,
Thou holdst it ready in thy belt ;
Cut out my sad and broken heart —
I ask the favour at thy feet.

Uillac Uma {to Piqui Chaqui). Gather me that flower,
boy.

(Piqui Chaqui gives him a withered flower and
lies down again, 'pretending to sleep.)

(To Ollantay). Behold, it is quite dead and dry.
Once more behold ! e'en now it weeps.
It weeps. The water flows from it.

(Water flows out of the flower.)

Ollantay. More easy for the barren rocks
Or for sand to send forth water,
Than that I should cease to love
The fair princess, the joyful star.

Uillac Uma. Put a seed into the ground,
It multiplies a hundredfold ;
The more thy crime shall grow and swell,
The greater far thy sudden fall.

Ollantay. Once for all, I now confess
To thee, 0 great and mighty Priest ;
Now learn my fault. To thee I speak,
Since thou hast torn it from my heart.
The lasso to tie me is long,
'Tis ready to twist round my throat ;
Yet its threads are woven with gold.
It avenges a brilliant crime.
Cusi Coyllur e'en now is my wife,
Already we 're bound and are one ;

SCENE I OLLANTAY AND THE UILLAC UMA 349

My blood now runs in her veins,

E'en now I am noble as she.

Her mother has knowledge of all,

The Queen can attest what I say ;

Let me tell all this to the King,

I pray for thy help and advice.

I will speak without fear and with force.

He may perhaps give way to Ms rage ;

Yet he may consider my youth,

May remember the battles I 've fought ;

The record is carved on my club.

{Holds wp his macana.)

He may think of his enemies crushed,
The thousands I 've thrown at his feet.

Uillac Uma. Young Prince ! thy words are too bold,
Thou hast twisted the thread of thy fate —
Beware, before 'tis too late ;
Disentangle and weave it afresh.
Go alone to speak to the King,
Alone bear the blow that you seek ;
Above all let thy words be but few,
And say them with deepest respect ;
Be it hfe, be it death that you find,
I will never forget thee, my son.

[WalTcs up and exit.

Ollantay. Ollantay, thou art a man,
No place in thy heart for fear ;
Cusi Coyllur, surround me with light.
Piqui Chaqui, where art thou ?

Piqui Chaqui (jumping up). I was asleep, my master,
And dreaming of evil things.

Ollantay. Of what ?

Piqui Chaqui. Of a fox with a rope round its neck.

350 COLCAMPATA PALACE^ ANAHUARQUI acti

Ollantay. Sure enough, thou art the fox.
Piqui Chaqui. It is true that my nose is growing finer,
And my ears a good deal longer.
Ollantay. Come, lead me to the Coyllur.
Piqui Chaqui. It is still daylight.

[Exeunt.

Scene 2

A great hall in the Colcamfaia, then the 'palace of the
Queen or Ccoya Anahuarqui. In the centre of the hack
scene a doorway, and seen through it gardens uiith the
snoivy jpeah of Vilcafiota in the distance. Walls covered
loith golden slabs. On either side of the doorway three
recesses, loith household gods in the shape of maize-cobs
and llamas, and gold vases in them. On r. a golden tiana
or throne. On l. two lower seats covered with cushions of
fine woollen cloth.

(Anahuarqui, the Queen or Ccoya {in blue
chucu, white cotton bodice, and red mantle
secured by a golden topu or pin, set unth
emeralds, and a blue skirt), and the princess
Cusi Coyllur {in a chucu, with feathers of
the tunqui, white bodice and skirt, and
grey mantle with topu, set with pearls)
discovered seated.)

Anahuarqui. Since when art thou feehng so sad,
Cusi Coyllur ! great Inti's prunelle ? ^
Since when hast thou lost all thy joy,
Thy smile and thy once merry laugh ?

1 Intip llirpun, ' apple of the sun's eye.' There is no English
equivalent that ia suitable.

SCENE n CUSI COYLLUR'S LAMENT 351

Tears of grief now pour down my face,
As I watch and mourn over my child ;
Thy grief makes me ready to die.
Thy union filled thee with joy,
Already you 're really his wife.
Is he not the man of thy choice ?
0 daughter, devotedly loved.
Why plunged in such terrible grief ?

(Cusi Coyllur has had her face hidden in the
'pillows. She now rises to her feet, throwing
up her arms.)

Cusi Coyllur. 0 my mother ! 0 most gracious Queen !
How can my tears e'er cease to flow,
How can my bitter sighs surcease,
While the valiant Chief I worship
For many days and sleepless nights.
All heedless of my tender years.
Seems quite to have forgotten me ?
He has turned his regard from his wife
And no longer seeks for liis love.
0 my mother ! 0 most gracious Queen !
0 my husband so beloved !
Since the day when I last saw my love
The moon has been hidden from view ;
The sun shines no more as of old,
In rising it rolls among mist ;
At night the stars are all dim,
All nature seems sad and distressed ;
The comet with fiery tail.
Announces my sorrow and grief ;
Surrounded by darkness and tears.
Evil auguries fill me with fears.
0 my mother ! 0 most gracious Queen !
0 my husband so beloved !

352 THE INCA PACHACUTI aoti

Anahuarqui. Compose thyself and dry thine eyes,
The King, thy father, has arrived.
Thou lovest Ollantay, my child ?

{Enter the Inca Pachacuti. On his head
the mascapaycha, loith the llautu or imperial
fringe. A tunic of cotton embroidered mih
gold ; on his breast the golden breastplate
representing the sun, surrounded by the
calendar of months. Bound his waist the
fourfold belt of tocapu. A crimson mantle of
fine vicuna wool, fastened on his shoulders
by golden puma's heads. Shoes of cloth of
gold. He sits down on the golden tiana.)

Inca Pachacuti. Cusi Coyllur ! Star of joy,
Most lovely of my progeny !
Thou symbol of parental love —
Thy lips are like the huayruru.^
Rest upon thy father's breast,
Repose, my child, within mine arms.

(Cusi Coyllur comes across. They embrace.)

Unwind thyself, my precious one,
A thread of gold within the woof.
All my happiness rests upon thee.
Thou art my greatest delight.
Thine eyes are lovely and bright.
As the rays of my father the Sun.
When thy Ups are moving to speak.
When thine eyeUds are raised with a smile.
The wide world is fairly entranced.
Thy breathing embalms the fresh air ;

1 Huayruru is the seed of a thorny bush, erythrina rubra, of n
bright red colour. Zegarra has coral aa the equivalent for huayruru.

SCENE II

THE HARVEST SONG 353

Without thee thy father would pine,
Life to him would be dreary and waste.
He seeks for thy happiness, child,
Thy welfare is ever his care.

(Cusi Coyllur throios herself at Ms feet.)

Cusi Coyllur. 0 father, thy kindness to me
I feel ; and embracing thy knees
All the grief of thy daughter will cease,
At peace when protected by thee.

Pachacuti. How is this ! my daughter before me
On knees at my feet, and in tears ?
I fear some evil is near —
Such emotion must needs be explained.

Cusi Coyllur. The star does weep before Inti,
The limpid tears wash grief away.

Pachacuti. Rise, my beloved, my star.
Thy place is on thy dear father's knee.

(Cusi Coyllur rises and sits on a stool hy her
father. An attendant a'p'proaches.)

Attendant. 0 King ! thy servants come to please thee.
Pachacuti. Let them all enter.

{Boys and girls enter dancing. After the
dance they sing a harvest song.)

Thou must not feed,

0 Tuy allay, ^
In Nusta's field,

0 Tuyallay.
Thou must not rob,

0 Tuyallay,
The harvest maize,

0 Tuyallay.

* The tuya (coccoborus chrysogaster) is a small finch, and tuyallay
means ' my Httle tuya.'

354: THE HARVEST SONG act i

The grains are white,

0 Tuyallay,
So sweet for food,

0 Tuyallay.
The fruit is sweet,
0 Tuyallay,
The leaves are green
0 Tuyallay ;
But the trap is set,
0 Tuyallay,
The lime is there,

0 Tuyallay.
We '11 cut thy claws,

0 Tuyallay,
To seize thee quick,
0 Tuyallay.
Ask Piscaca,^

0 Tuyallay,
Nailed on a branch,

0 Tuyallay.
Where is her heart,
0 Tuyallay'?
Where her plumes,
0 Tuyallay'?
She is cut up,

0 Tuyallay,
For stealing grain,
0 Tuyallay,
See the fate,

0 Tuyallay,
Of robber birds,

0 Tuyallay.

1 The fiscam is a much larger l)ird than the tuya. These
'^nacacAis [coccohorus iorridus) are nailed to trees as a warning to
other birds. They are black, with white breasts.

SCENE II THE YARAHUI 355

Pachacuti. Cusi Coyllur, remain thou here,
Thy mother's palace is thy home ;
Fail not to amuse thyself,
Surrounded by thy maiden friends.

[Exeunt the Inca Pachacuti, the Ccoya
Anahuarqui, and attendants.

Cusi Coyllur. I should better hke a sadder song.
My dearest friends, the last you sang
To me foreshadowed evil things ; i
You who sang it leave me now.

[Exeunt hoys and girls, except one girl
who sings.

Two loving birds are in despair,^
They moan, they weep, they sigh ;

For snow has fallen on the pair.
To hollow tree they fly.

But lo ! one dove is left alone

And mourns her cruel fate ;
She makes a sad and piteous moan.

Alone without a mate.

She fears her friend is dead and gone —

Confirmed in her behef.
Her sorrow finds relief in song,

And thus she tells her grief.

' Sweet mate ! Alas, where art thou now ?

I miss thine eyes so bright,
Thy feet upon the tender bough,

Thy breast so pure and bright.'

1 In the tuya she sees her husband Ollantay, while the poor
princess herself is the forbidden grain.

2 This is a yarahui or mournful elegy, of which there are so
many in the Quichua language. The singers of them were known
as yarahuec.

AA 2

356 PACHACUTI AND OLLANTAY aoti

She wanders forth from stone to stone,

She seeks her mate in vain ;
' My love ! my love ! ' she makes her moan,

She falls, she dies in pain.

Cusi Coyllur. That yarahui is too sad,
Leave me alone.

[Exit the girl who sang the yarahui.

Now my tears can freely flow.

Scene 3

Great hall in the 'palace of Pachacuti. The Inca, as
before, discovered seated on a golden tiana l. Enter to him r.
Ollantay and Eumi-naui.

Pachacuti. The time has arrived, 0 great Chiefs,
To decide on the coming campaign.
The spring is approaching us now,
And our army must start for the war.
To the province of CoUa ^ we march —
There is news of Chayanta's " advance.
The enemies muster in strength.
They sharpen their arrows and spears.

Ollantay. 0 King, that wild rabble untaught
Can never resist thine array ;
Cuzco alone with its height
Is a barrier that cannot be stormed.
Twenty four thousand of mine,
With their cham'pis ^ selected with care,
Impatiently wait for the sign,

1 Colla-suyu, tho basin of lake Titicaca.

2 Cluiyanta, a tribe in the montana south of the Collas.
* Champi, a one-handed battle-axe.

SCENE m PACHACUTI, OLLANTAY, & RUMI-NAUI 357

The sound of the beat of my druins,i
The strains of my clarion and fife.

Pachacuti. Strive then to stir them to fight,
Arouse them to join in the fray,
Lest some should desire to yield,
To escape the effusion of blood.

Rumi-naui. The enemies gather in force,
The Yuncas " are called to their aid ;
They have put on their garbs for the war.
And have stopped up the principal roads.
All this is to hide their defects —
The men of Chayanta are base.
We hear they 're destroying the roads,
But we can force open the way ;
Our llamas are laden with food —
We are ready to traverse the wilds.

Pachacuti. Are you really ready to start
To punish those angry snakes ?
But first you must give them a chance
To surrender, retiring in peace,
So that blood may not flow without cause.
That no deaths of my soldiers befall.

Ollantay. I am ready to march with my men.
Every detail prepared and in place.
But alas ! I am heavy with care.
Almost mad with anxious suspense.

Pachacuti. Speak, Ollantay. Tell thy wish —
'Tis granted, e'en my royal fringe.

Ollantay. Hear me in secret, 0 King.

Pachacuti {to Rumi-naui). Noble Chief of Colla, retire ;
Seek repose in thy house for a time.
I will call thee before very long,

1 Huancar, a drum ; putuiu, fife.

2 Yunca, inhabitant of warm valley. Here it refers to the
wild tribes of the montana.

358 THE APPEAL OF OLLANTAY act i

Having need of thy valour and skill.
Bumi-naui. With respect I obey thy command.

[Exit Kmni-naui.

Ollantay. Thou knowest, 0 most gracious Lord,
That I have served thee from a youth,
Have worked with fortitude and truth,
Thy treasured praise was my reward.^

All dangers I have gladly met.
For thee I always watched by night,
For thee was forward in the fight,
My forehead ever bathed in sweat.

For thee I 've been a savage foe.
Urging my Antis ^ not to spare.
But kill and fill the land with fear,
And make the blood of conquered flow.

My name is as a dreaded rope,^
I 've made the hardy Yuncas "* yield,
By me the fate of Chancas ^ sealed.
They are thy thralls without a hope.

1 In the original Quichua, Ollantay makes his appeal to the
Inca in quatrains of octosyllabic verses, the first Une rhyming with
the last, and the second with the third. Garcilasso de la Vega and
others testify to the proficiency of the Incas in this form of com-
position.

2 Ollantay was Viceroy of Anti-suyn.

•' Chahuar, a rope of aloe fibre. A curb or restraint.

t Raprancutan cuchurcani ; literally, ' I have cUpped their wings.'
Rapra, a wing.

5 The powerful nation of Chancas, with their chief, Huan-
cavilca, inhabited the great valley of Andahuaylas and were
formidable rivals of the Incas. But they were subdued by
Pachacuti long before Ollantay can have been born. An allow-
able dramatic anachronism.

SCENE m THE APPEAL OF OLLANTAY 359

'Twas I who struck the fatal blow,
When warlike Huancavilca i rose,
Disturbing thy august repose
And laid the mighty traitor low.^

Ollantay ever led the van,
Wherever men were doomed to die ;
When stubborn foes were forced to fly,
Ollantay ever was the man.

Now every tribe bows down to thee —
Some nations peacefully were led.
Those that resist their blood is shed —
But all, 0 King, was due to me.

0 Sovereign Inca, great and brave
Rewards I know were also mine.
My gratitude and thanks are thine,
To me the golden axe you gave.

Inca ! thou gavest me command
And rule o'er all the Anti race,
To me they ever yield with grace.
And thine, great King, is all their land.

My deeds, my merits are thine own.
To thee alone my work is due.
For one more favour I would sue,
My faithful service — thy renown.

(Ollantay kneels before the Inca.)
1 & 3 Huancavilca was chief of ths powerful nation of Chancas-

360 THE APPEAL REJECTED acti

Thy thrall : I bow to thy behest,
Thy fiat now will seal my fate.

0 King, my services are great,

1 pray thee grant one last request.

I ask for Cusi Coyllur's hand
If the Nusta's i love I 've won.
0 King ! you '11 have a faithful son,
Fearless, well tried, at thy command.

Pacliacuii. Ollantay, thou dost now presume.
Thou art a subject, nothing more.
Remember, bold one, who thou art,
And learn to keep thy proper place.

Ollantay. Strike me to the heart.

Pachacuti. 'Tis for me to see to that,
And not for thee to choose.
Thy presumption is absurd.
Be gone !

[Ollantay rises and exit e.

Scene 4

A rocky height above Cuzco to the NE. Distant view
of the city of Cuzco and of the Sacsahuaman hill, croioned
by the fortress.

{Enter Ollantay armed.)

Ollantay. Alas, Ollantay ! Ollantay !
Thou master of so many lands.
Insulted by him thou servedst well.
0 my thrice-beloved Coyllur,
Thee too I shall lose for ever.

1 frusta, Princess.

SCENE IV SOLILOQUY OF OLLANTAY 361

0 the void ^ within my heart,

0 my princess ! 0 precious dove !
Cuzco ! 0 thou beautiful city !
Henceforth behold thine enemy.

1 '11 bare thy breast to stab thy heart,
And throw it as food for condors ;
Thy cruel Lica I will slay.

I will call my men in thousands,
The Antis will be assembled.
Collected as with a lasso.
All will be trained, all fully armed,
I will guide them to Sacsahuaman.
They will be as a cloud of curses,
When flames rise to the heavens.
Cuzco shall sleep on a bloody couch,
The King shall perish in its fall ;
Then shall my insulter see
How numerous are my followers.
When thou, proud King, art at my feet,
We then shall see if thou wilt say,
' Thou art too base for Coyllur's hand.'
Not then will I bow down and ask,
For I, not thou, will be the King —
Yet, until then, let prudence rule.

{Enter Piqui Chaqui from hack, r.)
Piqui Chaqui, go back with speed,
Tell the Princess I come to-night.

Piqui Chaqui. I have only just come from there —
The palace was deserted quite.
No soul to tell me what had passed,
Not even a dog ^ was there.

1 Pisipachiyqui, to suffer from the void caused by absence.
Pisipay, to regret the absence of, to miss any one.

3 The Dominican text has misi, a cat, instead of allco, a dog.
Von Tschudi thought that misi was a word of Spanish origin.

362 OLLANTAY AND PIQUI CHAQUI act i

All the doors were closed and fastened.
Except the principal doorway,
And that was left without a guard.

Ollantay. And the servants ?

Piqui ChaquL Even the mice had fled and gone,
For nothing had been left to eat.
Only an owl was brooding there,
Uttering its cry of evil omen.

Ollantay. Perhaps then her father has taken her,
To hide her in his palace bounds.

Piqui Chaqui. The Inca may have strangled her ;
Her mother too has disappeared.

Ollantay. Did no one ask for me
Before you went away ?

Piqui Chaqui. Near a thousand men are seeking
For you, and all are enemies,
AiTned with their miserable clubs.

Ollantay. If they all arose against me,
With this arm I 'd fight them all ;
No one yet has beat this hand.
Wielding the chamyi sharp and true.

Piqui Chaqui. I too would Hke to give a stroke —
At least, if my enemy was unarmed.

Ollantay. To whom ?

Piqui Chaqui. I mean that Urco Huaranca chief.
Who lately was in search of thee.

Ollantay. Perhaps the Inca sends him here ;
If so my anger is aroused.

Piqui Chaqui. Not from the King, I am assured.
He Cometh of his own accord ;
And yet he is an ignoble man.

Ollantay. He has left Cuzco, I believe ;

Zegarra says that it is not. Before the Spaniards came, there was
a small wild cat in the Andes called misi-puna. But the Justiniani
text has allco, a dog.

SCENE IV THE SONG OF THE STAR 363

My own heart tells me it is so —
I 'm sure that owl announces it.
We '11 take to the hills at once.

Piqui Chaqui. But wilt thou abandon the Star ?

Ollantay. What can I do, alas !
Since she has disappeared ?
Alas, my dove ! my sweet princess.

{Music heard among the rocks.)

Piqui Chaqui. Listen to that yarahui,
The sound comes from somewhere near.
{They sit on rocks.)

Song

In a moment I lost my beloved,
She was gone, and I never knew where ;

I sought her in fields and in woods,
Asking all if they 'd seen the Coyllur.

Her face was so lovely and fair,

They called her the beautiful Star,
No one else can be taken for her,

With her beauty no girl can compare.

Both the sun and the moon seem to shine,
Resplendent they shine from a height.

Their rays to her beauty resign
Their brilliant light with delight.

Her hair is a soft raven black.

Her tresses are bound with gold thread.

They fall in long folds down her back.
And add charm to her beautiful head.

Her eyelashes brighten her face,
Two rainbows less brilliant and fair.

364 OLLANTAY AND PIQUI CHAQUI act i

Her eyes full of mercy and grace,
With nought but two suns can compare.

The eyelids with arrows concealed,
Gaily shoot their rays into the heart ;

They open, lo ! beauty revealed,
Pierces through hke a glittering dart.

Her cheeks Acliancara i on snow,

Her face more fair than the dawn,
From her mouth the laughter doth flow.

Between pearls as bright as the morn.

Smooth as crystal and spotlessly clear
Is her throat, like the corn in a sheaf ;

Her bosoms, which scarcely appear,
Like flowers concealed by a leaf.

Her beautiful hand is a sight,

As it rests from all dangers secure,
Her fingers transparently white,

Like icicles spotless and pure.

Ollantay {rising). That singer, unseen and unknown.
Has declared Coyllur's beauty and grace ;
He should fly hence, where grief overwhelms.

0 Princess ! 0 lovehest Star,

1 alone am the cause of thy death,
I also should die with my love.

Piqui Chaqui. Perhaps thy star has passed away.
For the heavens are sombre and groy.

Ollantay. When they know that their Chief has fled,

1 ArJbaiicara, a begonia. A red flower in the neighbourhood
of Cuzco, according to Zegarra. One variety is red and white.

sosyB V INCA PACHACUTI AND RUMI-:f^AUI 365

My people will rise at my call,
They will leave the tyrant in crowds
And he will be nearly alone.

Piqui Chaqui. Thou hast love and affection from men,
For thy kindness endears thee to all,
For thy hand 's always open with gifts,
And is closely shut only to me.

Ollantay. Of what hast thou need ?

Piqui Chaqui. What ? the means to get this and that,
To offer a gift to my girl,
To let others see what I have,
So that I may be held in esteem.

Ollantay. Be as brave as thou art covetous.
And all the world will fear thee.

Piqui Chaqui. My face is not suited for that ;
Always gay and ready to laugh,
My features are not shaped that way.
To look brave ! not becoming to me.
What clarions sound on the hills ?
It quickly cometh near to us.

{Both look out at different sides.)

Ollantay. I doubt not those who seek me — come,
Let us depart and quickly march.

Piqui Chaqui. When flight is the word, I am here.

[Exeunt.

Scene 5

The great hall of the palace of Pachacuti. The Inca,
as before, seated on the tiana. Enter to him Rumi-naui.

Pachacuti. I ordered a search to be made.
But Ollantay was not to be found.
My rage I can scarcely control —
Hast thou found this infamous wretch ?

366 PACHACUTI AND RIIMI-NAUI aoti

Bumi-naui. His fear makes him hide from thy wrath,
Pachacuti. Take a thousand men fully anned,

And at once commence the pursuit.

Bumi-naui. Who can tell what direction to take ?

Three days have gone by since his flight,

Perchance he 's concealed in some house,

And till now he is there, safely hid.

{Enter a chasqui or messenger with quipus.)

Behold, 0 King, a messenger ;
From Urubamba he has come.

Chasqui. I was ordered to come to my King,
Swift as the wind, and behold me.

Pachacuti. What news bringest thou ?

Chasqui. This qui'pu will tell thee, 0 King.

Pachacuti. Examine it, 0 Rumi-naui.

Bumi-naui. Behold the llanta, and the knots i
Announce the number of his men.

Pachacuti {to Chasqui). And thou, what hast thou seen ?

Chasqui. 'Tis said that all the Anti host
Received Ollantay with acclaim ;
Many have seen, and they recount,
Ollantay wears the royal fringe.

Bumi-naui. The quipu record says the same.

Pachacuti. Scarcely can I restrain my rage !
Brave chief, commence thy march at once.
Before the traitor gathers strength.
If thy force is not enough,
Add fifty thousand men of mine.
Advance at once with lightning speed.
And halt not till the foe is reached.

Bumi-naui. To-morrow sees me on the route,

1 The llanta is tho main ropo of the quipu, about a yard long.
The small cords of llama wool, of various colours, denoting different
subjects, each with various kinds of knots, recording numbers.

SCENE V

INCA PACHACUTI AND RUMI-NAUI 367

I go to call the troops at once ;
The rebels on the CoUa road,
I drive them flying down the rocks.
Thine enemy I bring to thee,
Dead or alive, Ollantay falls.
Meanwhile, 0 Inca, mighty Lord,
East and rely upon thy thrall.

[Exeunt.

END OF ACT I.

ACT II

Scene 1

Ollantay-tam'pu. Hall of the fortress-'palace. Bach
scene seven immense stone slabs, resting on them a monolith
right across. Above masonry. At sides masonry with re-
cesses ; in the r. centre a great doorway. A golden tiana
against the central slab.

{Enter Ollantay and Urco Huaranoa, both
fully armed.)

Urco Huaranca. Ollantay, thou hast been proclaimed
By all the Antis as their Lord.
The women weep, as you will see —
They lose their husbands and their sons,
Ordered to the Chayanta war.
When will there be a final stop
To distant wars ? Year after year
They send us all to far-off lands,
Where blood is made to flow hke rain.
The King himself is well suppHed
With coca and all kinds of food.
What cares he that his people starve ?
Crossing the wilds our llamas die,
Our feet are wounded by the thorns,
And if we would not die of thirst
We carry water on our backs.

Ollantay. Gallant friends ! Ye hear those words,
Ye listen to the mountain chief.

■MS

SCENE I OLLANTAY-TAMPU— OLLANTAY 369

Filled with compassion for my men,
I thus, with sore and heavy heart,
Have spoken to the cruel king :
' The Anti-suyu must have rest ;
All her best men shan't die for thee,
By battle, fire, and disease —
They die in numbers terrible.
How many men have ne'er returned,
How many chiefs have met their death
For enterprises far away ? '
For this I left the Inca's court,i
Saying that we must rest in peace ;
Let none of us forsake our hearths,
And if the Inca still persists.
Proclaim with him a mortal feud.

{Enter Hanco Huayllu, several chiefs, and a
great crowd of soldiers and fecple.)

Pecple. Long hve our king, OUantay !
Bring forth the standard and the fringe.
Invest him with the crimson fringe ;
In Tampu now the Lica reigns.
He rises Hke the star of day.

{The chiefs, soldiers, and yeople range them-
selves round. OUantay is seated on the
tiana hy Hanco Huayllu, an aged Auqui or
Prince.)

Hanco Huayllu. Eeceive from me the royal fringe,
'Tis given by the people's will.

1 This, as we have seen, was not the reason why OUantay fled
from Cuzco ; but, from a leader's point of view, it was an excellent
reason to give to the people of Anti-suyu. The great wars of the
Incas were, to some extent, a heavy drain upon the people, but
the recruiting was managed with such skill, and was so equally
divided among a number of provinces, that it was not much felt.

370 ACCLAMATION OF OLLANTAY actii

Uilcanota ^ is a distant land,

Yet, even now, her people come

To range themselves beneath thy law.

(OUantay is invested mih the fringe. Re
rises.)

OUantay. Urco Huaranca, thee I name
Of Anti-suyu Chief and Lord ;
Eeceive the arrows and the plume,

{Gives them.)

Henceforth thou art our general.

"Peo'ple. Long Hfe to the Mountain Chief.

[OUantay. Hanco Huayllu,- of all my lords
Thou art most venerable and wise.
Being kin to the august High Priest,
It is my wish that thou shouldst give
The ring unto the Mountain Chief.

(Urco Huaranca kneels, and Hanco Huayllu
addresses him.)

Hanco HuayUu. This ring around thy finger 's placed
That thou mayst feel, and ne'er forget,
That when in fight thou art engaged.
Clemency becomes a hero chief.

Urco Huaranca. A thousand times, illustrious king,
I bless thee for thy trust in me.

Hanco HuayUu. Behold the vahant Mountain Chief,
Now fully armed from head to foot.
And bristling hke the quiscahuan,'^
Accoutred as becomes a knight.

1 The snowy mountain far to the south, in sight from Cuzco.
Uilca, sacred ; unuta, water. Here is the source of the river Uilca-
mayu, which Hows by OUanlxiy-tampu.

- The aged Hanco Huayllu as Ajiqui, or Prince of the Blood,
and relation of the High Priest, gave eclat to these ceremonies.

3 Quisrahtian, anything full of thorns.

SOENE I

INVESTITURES 371

{Turning to Urco Huaranca.)
Ne'er let thine enemies take thee in rear ;
Man of the Puna,i it ne'er can be said
You fled or trembled as a reed.

Urco Huaranca. Hear me, warriors of the Andes !
Already we have a vahant king,
It might be he will be attacked ;
'Tis said th' old Inca sends a force,
The men of Cuzco now advance.
We have not a single day to lose ;
Call from the heights our Puna men.
Prepare their arms without delay.
Make Tampu strong with rampart walls.
No outlet leave without a guard ;
On hill slopes gather pois'nous herbs
To shoot our arrows, carrying death.

Ollantay {to Urco Huaranca). Select the chiefs !
Fix all the posts for different tribes ;
Our foes keep marching without sleep —
Contrive to check them by surprise.
The cojwpi ^ ruse may cause their flight.

Urco Huaranca. Thirty thousand brave Antis are here.
Amongst them no weakhng is found ;
Apu Maruti,3 the mighty in war,
From high Uilcapampa "* will come,
On steep Tinquiqueru ^ he '11 stand

1 Puna, the loftier parts of the Andes.

- Comfi, cloth or a cloak. This was an expression of the
ancient Peruvians, perhaps equivalent to our ' hoodwinking.'

3 Apu Maruti was the head of the ayllu of the Inca Yahuar
Huaccac, grandfather of Pachacuti. It was called the aylhi
AucayUi Panaca. — Mesa, Anales del Cuzco, quoted by Zegarra.

1 Uilcapampa, mass of mountains between the Uilcama3ru and
Apurimac.

5 Tinqui Queru, between Urupampa and Tampu. The word
means ' two vases coupled.' Here are two rounded lulls connected
by a saddle, three and a half miles from Tampu.

BB 2

372 SOLILOQUY OF RUMI-NAUI actii

To march when the signal appears ;
On the opposite side of the stream
Prince Chara ^ has mustered his force ;
In the gorge Charamuni '^ 1 post
Ten thousand armed Antis on watch ;
Another such force is in wait
On the left, in the vale of Pachar.^^
We are ready to meet our foes,
We await them with resolute calm ;
They will march in their confident pride
Until their retreat is cut off,
Then the trumpet of war shall resound,
From the mountains the stones shall pour down,
Great blocks will be hurled from above.
The Huancas ^ are crushed or dispersed,
Then the knife shall do its fell work.
All wiU perish by blows from our hands.
Our arrows will follow their flight.
People and soldiers. It is well ! It is very well !
{Cheers and martial music.)

[Exeunt.

Scene 2

A wild place in the mountains. Distant view of
Ollantay-tam'pu.

[Enter Rumi-naui, toni and ragged, and
covered with blood, with two attendants.)

Rumi-naui. Ah ! Kumi-iiaui — Kumi-naui,^

1 Ghara was another descendant of Yahuar Huaccac.

2 A ravine on the right bank of the VUcamayu.

3 Pachar is on the left bank of the Vilcainayu opposite Ollantay-
tanipu, with which it m connected by a ro})0 bridge.

+ Huancas, natives of the valley of Jaujo — Inca recruits.

B Like Ollantay in liis appeal to the Inca, llumi-naui, in the

SCENE n SOLILOQUY OF RUMI-:5f AUI 373

Thou art a fated rolling stone, ^
Escaped indeed, but quite alone.
And this is now thy yarahui.

Ollantay posted on the height,
Thou couldst not either fight or see,
Thy men did quickly fall or flee ;
No room was there to move or fight.

Thou knowest now thy heart did beat
And flutter like a butterfly ;
Thy skill thou couldst not then apply,
No course was left thee but retreat.

They had recourse to a surprise,
Our warriors immolated quite.
Ah ! that alone could turn thee white —
From shame like that, canst e'er arise ?

By thousands did thy warriors fall,
I hardly could alone escape,
With open mouth fell death did gape,
A great disaster did befall.

Holding that traitor to be brave,
I sought to meet him face to face —
Rushing to seek him with my mace,
I nearly found a warrior's grave.

My army then was near the hill,
When suddenly the massive stones
Came crashing down, with cries and moans.
While clarions sounded loud and shrill.

original Quichua, has recourse to octosyllabic quatrains, the first
and last hnes rhyming, and the second and third.
1 Bumi, a stone.

374 SOLILOQUY OF RUMI-:fTAUI

A rain of stones both great and small
Down on the crowd of warriors crashed,
On every side destruction flashed,
Thy heart the slaughter did appal.

Like a strong flood the blood did flow,
Liundating the ravine ;
So sad a sight thou ne'er hast seen —
No man survived to strike a blow.

0 thou who art by this disgraced.
What figure canst thou ever show
Before the king, who seeks to know
The truth, which must be faced ?

'Tis better far myself to kill.
Or losing every scrap of hope.
To hang my body with this rope.

{Takes a sling off his cap — going.)
Yet may it not be useful still ?

{Turns again.)
When bold Ollantay's end has come.i

[ExU.

1 Clearly, from Rumi-naui's own account, the strategy of
Urco Huaranca had been a complete and brilliant success.

SCENE III PITU SALLA AND YMA SUMAC 375

Scene 3

A garden in the house of the Virgins of the Sun. Chilca
shrubs and mulli trees (Schinus Molle) 2vith jpanides of
red berries. The walls of the house at the back, vdth a door.
A gate (l.) opening on the street.

(Yma Sumac discovered at the gate looking
out. To her enters (r.) Pitu Salla. Both
dressed in white loith golden belts.)

Pitu Salla. Yma Sumac, do not approach
So near that gate, and so often ;
It might arouse the Mother's wrath.
Thy name, which is so dear to me.
Will surely pass from mouth to mouth.
Honour shall be shown to chosen ones,^
Who wish to close the outer gate.
Amuse thyself within the walls,
And no one then can say a word.
Think well what you can find within —
It gives you all you can desire,
Of dresses, gold, and dainty food.
Thou art beloved by every one,
E'en Virgins of the royal blood.
The Mothers love to carry thee.
They give thee kisses and caress —
You they prefer to aU the rest.
What more could any one desire,
Than always to remain with them,

1 Aclla Cuna, the selected ones, the Virgins of the Sun. They
were under the supervision of so called Mothers — Mama Cuna. The
novices were not obliged to take the oaths at the end of their
novitiate.

376 PITU SALLA AND YMA SUMAC act n

Destined to be servant of the Sun ?
In contemplating Him there 's peace.

Yma Sumac. Pitu Salla, ever you repeat
The same thing and the same advice ;
I will open to thee my whole heart,
And say exactly what I think.
Know that to me this court and house
Are insupportable — no less ;
The place oppresses — frightens me —
Each day I curse my destiny.
The faces of all the Mama Cuna
Fill me with hatred and disgust,
And from the place they make me sit,
Nothing else is visible.
Around me there is nothing bright,
All are weeping and ne'er cease ;
If I could ever have my way,
No person should remain within.
I see the people pass outside.
Laughing as they walk along.
The reason it is plain to see —
They are not mewed and cloistered here.
Is it because I have no mother,
That I am kept a prisoner ?
Or is it I 'm a rich novice ?
Then from to-day I would be poor.
Last night I could not get to sleep,
I wandered down a garden walk ;
In the dead silence of the night,
I heard one mourn. A bitter cry,
As one who sought and prayed for death.
On every side I looked about.
My hair almost on end with fright.
Trembling, I cried, ' Who canst thou be ? '
Then the voice murmured these sad words :

SCENE m PITU SALLA— MAMA CCACCA 377

' 0 Sun, release me from this place ! '
And this amidst such sighs and groans !
I searched about, but nothing found —
The grass was rustling in the wind.
I joined my tears to that sad sound,
My heart was torn with trembUng fear.
When now the recollection comes,
I 'm filled with sorrow and with dread.
You know now why I hate this place.
Speak no more, my dearest friend,
Of reasons for remaining here.

Pitu Salla. At least go in. The Mother may appear.

Yma Sumac. But pleasant is the light of day.

[Exit, R.

{Enter Mama Ccacca, l., in grey with hlach
edges and belt.)

Mama Ccacca. Pitu Salla, hast thou spoken
All I told thee to that child ?

Pitu Salla. I have said all to her.

Mama Ccacca. And she, does she answer freely ?

Pitu Salla. She has wept and asked for pity,
Eefusing to comply at all.
She will not take the virgin's oath.

Mama Ccacca. And this in spite of thy advice ?

Pitu Salla. I showed her the dress she will wear,
Telhng her misfortune would befall
If she refused to be a chosen one —
That she would ever be an outcast.
And for us a child accursed.

Mama Ccacca. What can she imagine,
Wretched child of an miknown father,
A maid without a mother,
Just a fluttering butterfly ?
Tell her plainly, very plainly,

378 MAMA CCACCA AND PITU SALLA act

That these walls offer her a home,
Suited for outcasts such as she,
And here no light is seen.

[Exit, L.

Pitu Salla. Ay, my Sumac ! Yma Sumac !
These walls will be cruel indeed,
To hide thy surpassing beauty.

{Glancing to where Mama Ccacca went out.)

What a serpent ! What a puma !

ACT III

Scene 1

The Pam'pa Moroni, a street in Cuzco. Enter Eumi-
NAUi (l.) ^ in a long black cloak with a train, and Piqui
Chaqui (r.), meeting each other.

Bumi-naui. Whence, Piqui Chaqui, comest thou ?
Dost thou here seek Ollantay's fate ?

Piqui Chaqui. Cuzco, great lord, is my birthplace ;
I hasten back unto my home.
I care not more to pass my days
In dismal and profound ravines.

Rumi-nauL Tell me, OUantay — what does he ?

Piqui Chaqui. He is busy now entangling
An already entangled skein.

Bumi-naui. What skein ?

1 Rumi-naui is the interlocutor in the Justiniani test, in the
Dominican text, and in the text of Salisbury. Yet Zegarra would
substitute the Uillac Uma or High Priest for Rumi-naui. His
argument is that the interlocutor was of the blood-royal, and that
the High Priest was always of the blood-royal, while Rumi-naui
was not. But the text does not say that the interlocutor was of
the royal blood. Zegarra also says that the interlocutor wore a
black cloak with a long train, and that this was the dress of the
High Priest. But it was not the dress of the High Priest as
described by the best authorities. It was probably the general
mourning dress. The threats addressed to Piqui Chaqui were
likely enough to come from a soldier, but not from the High Priest
as he is portrayed in this drama.

379

380 KUMI-i5^AUI AND PIQUI CHAQUI acthi

Piqui Chaqui. Should you not give me some present
If you want me to talk to you.

Bumi-naui. With a stick will I give thee blows,
With a rope I wiU hang thee.

Piqui Chaqui. 0, do not frighten me 1

Humi-naui. Speak then.

Piqui Chaqui. Ollantay. Is it Ollantay ?
I can remember no more.

Bumi-naui. Piqui ChaquiJ Take care !

Piqui Chaqui. But you will not Hsten !
I am turning blind,
My ears are getting deaf,
My grandmother is dead,
My mother is left alone.

Bumi-naui. Where is Ollantay ? Tell me.

Piqui Chaqui. I am in want of bread,
And the Paccays i are not ripe.
I have a long journey to-day —
The desert is very far off.

Bumi-naui. If you continue to vex me
I will take your hfe.

Piqui Chaqui. Ollantay, is it ? He is at work.
Ollantay ! He is building a wall.
With very small stones indeed ;
They are brought by little dwarfs —
So small that to be a man's size
They have to climb on each other's backs.
But tell me, 0 friend of the King,^

1 Paccay {mimosa incana), a tree with large pods, having a
snow-white woolly substance round the seeds, \vith sweet juice.

2 The Zegarra and Spilsbury texts have Ccan Incacri, which
Zegarra translates, ' relation of the Inca, of the royal family.'
Spilsbury is more correct. He has ' partisan of the Inca.' The
more authentic Justiniani text has Ccan Pana. The particle ri is
one of emphasis or repetition. It does not mean a relation,

SCENE I

DEATH OF THE INCA PACHACUTI 381

Why art thou in such long clothes,
Trailing Hke the wings of a sick bird^ —
As they are black it is better.

Bumi-naui. Hast thou not seen already
That Cuzco is plunged in grief ?
The great Inca Pachacuti ^ is dead,
All the people are in mourning.
Every soul is shedding tears.

Piqui Chaqui. Who, then, succeeds to the place
Which Pachacuti has left vacant ?
If Tupac Yupanqui succeeds.
That Prince is the youngest ;
There are some others older.^

Bumi-naui. All Cuzco has elected him,
For the late king chose him.
Giving him the royal fringe ;
We could elect no other.

Piqui Chaqui. I hasten to bring my bed here.^

[Exit running.

1 The Zegarra and Spilsbury texts have hualpa, a game bird.
The Justiniani text has anca, an eagle, which is the correct reading.

- The Inca Pachacuti does not appear to advantage in the
drama. But he was the greatest man of his dynasty, indeed the
greatest that the red race has produced. He was a hero in his
youth, a most able administrator in mature age. As a very old
man some needless cruelties are reported of him which annoyed
his son.

3 The eldest son was Amaru Tupac. He was passed over by
his father with his own consent, and was ever faithful to his younger
brother. He was an able general.

'i This was exactly what Piqui Chaqui was sent to Cuzco to
find out. The expression Apumusac pununayta, ' I go to fetch
my bed,' is one of joy at any fortunate event, in Quichua.

382 ACCESSION OF TUPAC YUPANQUI ACTm

Scene 2

Great hall of the 'palace of Tupac Yupanqui. The
Inca seated on golden tiana (c).

(Enter the High Priest or Uillao Uma, with
priests and chosen Virgins of the Sun. The
Inca dressed as his father. Uillac Uma in
full dress, wearing the huampar chucu.
Virgins in ivhite with gold belts and diadems.
They range themselves by the throne (l.).
Then enter Eumi-naui and a crowd of chiefs,
all in full dress, ranging themselves by the
throne (r.).)

Tupac Yupanqui. This day, 0 Councillors and Chiefs,
Let all receive my benison ;
You Holy Virgins of the Smi ^
Keceive our father's tenderest care.
The realm, rejoicing, hails me king ;
From deep recesses of my heart
I swear to seek the good of all.

Uillac Uma. To-day the smoke of man}^ beasts
Ascends on high towards the sun.
The Deity with joy accepts
The sacrifice of prayer and praise.

1 Intic Uuamin Caccunan (Intic Uuarminca Caycuna, correct),
' Ye women of the Sun.' Zcgarra thought, on the authority of
Garcilasso do la Vega, that these could not be select Virgins of the
Sun, because the virgins were never allowed outside their convent,
and not even women might enter. He is clearly wrong. Much
higher authorities than Garcilasso, as regards this point, especially
Valera, tell us that the virgins were treated with the greatest honour
and respect. They took part in great receptions and festivals,
and when they passed along the streets they had a guard of honour.

SCENE II UILLAC UMA— RUMI-i^AUI 383

We found in ashes of the birds
Our only Inca, King, and Lord,
In the great llama sacrifice ;
All there beheld an eagle's form,
We opened it for augury,
But lo ! the heart and entrails gone.
The eagle Anti-suyu means —
To thy allegiance they return.

{Bowing to the Inca.)

Thus I, thy augur, prophesy.

{Acclamation.) [Exeunt all hut Uillac Uma
and Eumi-iiaui.

Twpac Ywpanqui {turning to Rumi-naui). Behold the
Hanan-suyu Chief
Who let the enemy escape,
Who led to almost certain death
So many thousands of my men.

Bumi-naui. Before his death thy father knew
Disaster had befallen me ;
'Tis true, 0 King, it was my fault.
Like a stone i I gave my orders.
And volleying stones soon beat me down ;
It was with stones I had to fight.
And in the end they crushed my men.
Oh ! grant me, Lord, a single chance.
Give perfect freedom to my plans,
Myself will to the fortress march,
And I wiU leave it desolate.

Tupac Ywpanqui. For thee to strive with all thy might,
For thee thine honour to regain,
For thou shalt ne'er command my men
Unless thy worthiness is proved.

1 Rumi. He keeps plaj'ing upon his namej

384 TREACHERY OF RUMI-]tJAUI acthi

Uillac Uma. Not many days shall pass, 0 King,
E'er all the Antis are subdued.
I've seen it in the quipu roll,
Haste ! Haste ! thou Rumi Tunqui.i

[Exeunt.

Scene 3

The great terrace entrance to Ollantay-tampu. On r.
a long masonry wall with recesses at intervals. At bach
a great entrance doorivay. On l. terraces descend, with
view of valley and mountains.

{Guards discovered at entrance doorway. To
them enter Rumi-naui in rags, his face cut
and slashed with wounds, and covered with
hlood.)

Rumi-Oaui. Will no one here have pity on me ?

One of the Guards. Who art thou, man ?
Who has ill-treated thee ?
Thou comest in a frightful state.
Covered with blood and gaping wounds

Bumi-naui. Go quickly to thy king and say
That one he loves has come to him.

One of the Guards. Thy name ?

Rumi-naui. There is no need to give a name.

One of the Guards. Wait here.

[Exit one of the guards.

1 Again playing upon the name of Rumi-naui. The High
Priest calls for hasto, so he substitutes Tunqui for Said (eye), the
iunqui {Rupicola Peruviana) being one of the most beautiful birds
in the forests.

SCENE ni TREACHERY OF RUMI-S^AUI 385

{Enter Ollantay loith guards, r. front.)

Bumi-naui. A thousand times I thee salute,
Ollantay, great and puissant king !
Have pity on a fugitive
Who seeks a refuge here with thee.

Ollantay. Who art thou, man ? Approach nearer.
Who has thus ill-treated thee ?
Were such deep and fearful wounds
Caused by a fall, or what mishap ?

Bumi-naui. Thou knowest me, 0 mighty chief,
I am that stone that fell down once,
But now I fall before thy feet ;
0 Inca ! mercy ! Raise me up !
{Kneels.)

Ollantay. Art thou the noble Bumi-naui,
Great Chief and Lord of Hanan-suyu ?

Bumi-naui. Yes, I was that well-known Chief —
A bleeding fugitive to-day.

Ollantay. Rise, comrade mine. Let us embrace.
{Bises.)
Who has dared to treat thee thus,
And who has brought thee here to me
Within my fortress, on my hearth ?

{To attendants.)
Bring new clothes for my oldest friend.

[Exit an attendant.
How is it that thou art alone ?
Camest thou not fearing death ?

Bumi-naui. A new king reigns in Cuzco now —
Tupac Yupanqui is installed.
Against the universal wish.
He rose upon a wave of blood ;
Safety he sees in headless trunks,

CO

386 TREACHERY OF RUMI-I«tAUI actiii

The sunchu^ and the nucchu^ red
Are sent to all he would destroy.
Doubtless you have not forgot
That I was Hanan-suyu's Chief.
Yupanqui ordered me to come ;
Arrived, I came before the king,
And as he has a cruel heart,
He had me wounded as you see ;
And now thou knowest, king and friend,
How this new Inca treated me,

Ollantmj. Grieve not, old friend Rumi-riaui,
Thy wounds before all must be cured ;
I see in thee th' avenging knife,
To use against the tyrant's heart.
At Tampu now we celebrate
The Sun's great Baymi festival ;
On that day all who love my name.
Throughout my realms hold festival.
Bumi-naui. Those three days of festival

To me will be a time of joy.

Perhaps I may be healed by then,

So that my heart may pleasure seek.

Ollantay. It will be so. For three whole nights

We drink and feast, to praise the San,

The better to cast all care aside

We shall be shut in Tampu fort.
Bumi-naui. The youths, as is their wont, will find

Their great dehght in those three nights.

Then will they rest from all their toils,

And carry off the wiUing girls.

1 Sunchu, a very large composita with a yellow flower, growing round
Cuzco. It was one of those which were used on sacred festivals.

2 Nucchu is a salvia, also considered sacred. A red flower.
Perhaps these flowers wore sent as a summons from the Inca, but
I have not seen'the custom mentioned elsewhere.

SCENE IV THE SECRET IN THE GARDEN 387

Scene 4
A corridor in the 'palace of Chosen Virgins.

{Enter Yma Sumac and Pitu Salla.)

Yma Sumac. Pitu Salla, beloved friend,
How long wilt thou conceal from me
The secret that I long to know ?
Think, dearest, of my anxious heart.
How I shall be in constant grief
Until you tell the truth to me.
Within these hard and cruel bounds
Does some one suffer for my sins ?
My sweet companion, do not hide
From me, who 'tis that mourns and weeps
Somewhere within the garden walls.
How is it she is so concealed
That I can never find the place ?

Pitu Salla. My Sumac, now I '11 tell thee all^
Only concerning what you hear,
And still more surely what you see,
You must be dumb as any stone ;
And you too must be well prepared
For a most sad heart-rending sight —
'Twill make thee weep for many days.

Yma Sumac. I will not tell a Hving soul
What you divulge. But tell me all,
I '11 shut it closely in my heart.

CO 2

388 THE DUNGEON IN THE GARDEN

Scene 5

A secluded fart of the gardens of the Virgins, (l.) flowers^
(r.) a thicket of mulli i and chilca,^ concealing a stone door.

(PiTu Salla and Yma Sumac.)
Pitu Salla. In this garden is a door of stone,
But wait until the Mothers sleep,
The night comes on. . Wait here for me.

[Exit.

(Yma Sumac reclines on a hank and sleeps.
Night comes on, Yma Sumac awakes.) "

Yma Sumac. A thousand strange presentiments
Crowd on me now, I scarce know what —
Perhaps I shall see that mournful one • v

Whose fate already breaks my heart.

(Pitu Salla returns with a cup of water, a
small covered vase containing food, and a
torch which she gives to Yma Sumac. She
leads Yma Sumac through hushes to the
stone door, fixes the torch, presses something,
and the door swings round.)

(Cusi CoYLLUR is discovered senseless, extended
on the ground, a snake tivining itself round
her waist.)

Pitu Salla. Behold the princess for whom you seek.
Well ! is thy heart now satisfied ?

1 SchinuB Molle, a tree with pinnate leaves, and panicles of
red berries, well known in the Mediterranean countries, into which
it was introduced from Peru. Called by the English ' pepper tree.'

2 Several bushes are called chilca in Peru. Ewpatorium chilca
(R.P.), baccliaris scandens, and molina latifoUa. Stereoxylon pendulum
is called puma chilca.

SCENE V DISCOVERY OF CUSI COYLLUR 389

Yma Sumac. Oh, my friend, what do I behold ?
Is it a corpse that I must see ?
Oh, horror ! A dungeon for the dead !
{She faints.)

Pitu Salla. What misfortune has now arrived ?
0 my Sumac, my dearest love,
0 come to thyself without delay !
Arouse thee. Arise, my lovely flower.

(Yma Sumac revives.)
Fear not, my dove, my lovely friend,
'Tis not a corpse. The princess Uves,
Unhappy, forlorn, she Hngers here.

Yma Sumac. Is she, then, still a Uving being ?

Pitu Salla. Approach nearer, and you can help.
She Hves indeed. Look. Watch her now.
Give me the water and the food.

{To Cusi Coyllur, while helping her to sit wp.)
0 fair princess, I bring thee food
And coohng water to refresh.
Try to sit up. I come with help.''-

Yma Sumac. Who art thou, my sweetest dove ?
Why art thou shut in such a place ?

Pitu Salla. Take a Httle food, we pray.
Perchance without it you may die.

Cusi Coyllur. How happy am I now to see,
After these long and dismal years,
The new and lovely face of one
Who comes with thee and gives me joy.

Yma Sumac. 0 my princess, my sister dear,
Sweet bird, with bosom of pure gold.
What crime can they accuse thee of.
That they can make thee suffer thus ?
What cruel fate has placed thee here
With death on watch in serpent's form ?

390 SUMAC DISCOVERS HER MOTHER

Cusi Coyllur. 0 charming child, the seed of love,
Sweet flower for my broken heart,
I have been thrust in this abyss.
I once was joined to a man
As pupil is part of the eye ;
But alas ! has he forgotten me ?
The King knew not that we were joined
By such indissoluble bonds,
And when he came to ask my hand,
That King dismissed him in a rage.
And cruelly confined me here.
Many years have passed since then,
Yet, as you see, I 'm still ahve ;
No single soul have I beheld
For all those sad and dismal years,
Nor have I found relief nor hope.
But who art thou, my dear, my love.
So young, so fresh, so pitiful ?

Yma Sumac. I too, like thee, am full of grief.
For long I 've wished to see and love,
My poor forlorn and sad princess.
No father, no mother are mine,
And there are none to care for me.

Cusi Coyllur. What age art thou ?

Yma Sumac. I ought to number many years,
For I detest this dreadful house.
And as it is a dreary place,
The time in it seems very long.

Pitu Salla. She ought to number just ten years
According to the account I 've kept.

Cusi Coyllur. And what is thy name ?

Yma Sumac. They call me Yma Sumac now.
But to give it me is a mistake.

Cusi Coyllur. 0 my daughter ! 0 my lost love,

SCENE VI TUPAC YUPANQUI AND UILLAC UMA 391

Come to thy mother's yearning heart.

{Embraces Yma Sumac.)

Thou art all my happiness,
My daughter, come, 0 come to me ;
This joy quite inundates my soul,
It is the name I gave to thee.

Yma Sumac. 0 my mother, to find thee thus !
We must be parted never more.
Do not abandon me in grief.
To whom can I turn to free thee.
To whom can I appeal for right ?

Pitu Salla. Make no noise, my dearest friend ;
To find us thus would ruin me.
Let us go. I fear the Mothers.

Yma Sumac {to Cusi Coyllur). Suffer a short time longer
here,
Until I come to take thee hence,

Patience for a few more days. •

Alas ! my mother dear ! I go.
But full of love, to seek for help.

[Exeunt closing the stone door, all hut Cusi
Coyllur. They extinguish the torch.

Scene 6
Great hall in the 'palace of Tupac Yupanqui.

{The Inca discovered seated on the tiana. To
him enter the Uillac Uma, in full dress.)
Twpac Ywpanqui. I greet thee, great and noble Priest !
Hast thou no news of Eumi-naui.

Uillac Uma. Last night, with guards, I wandered out
On heights towards Uilcahuta.

392 NEWS OF FALL OF OLLANTAY-TAMPU act in

Far off I saw a crowd in chains,
No doubt the Anti prisoners,
For they are all defeated quite.
The cacti i on the mountains smoke.
E'en now the fortress is in flames.

Tupac Ywpanqui. And Ollantay, is he taken ?
Perhaps — I hope his hfe is saved.

Uillac XJma. Ollantay was among the flames,
'Tis said that no one has escaped.

Tupac YupanquL The Sun, my Father, is my shield,
I am my father's chosen child.
We must subdue the rebel host,
For that I am appointed here.

{Enter a Chasqui with a quipu in his hand.)

The Chasqui. This morning at the dawn of day,
Eumi-naui despatched this quipu.

Tupac Yupanqui {to the Uillac Uma). See what it says.

Uillac Uma. This knot, coloured burnt ahuarancu,
Tells us that Tampu too is bm'nt ;
This triple knot to which is hung
Another which is quintuple,
In all of quintuples are three,
Denotes that Anti-suyu 's thine.
Its ruler prisoner of war.

Tupac Yupanqui {to the Chasqui). And thou. Where
wert thou ?

The Chasqui. Sole King and Lord ! Child of the Sun !
I am the first to bring the news.
That thou mayst trample on the foe,
And in thine anger drink their blood.

Tupac Yupanqui. Did I not reiterate commands

1 A kind of cactus, of which they make nccdlos, grows abun-
dantly on the mountains round Ollantay-tampu. It is called
ahuarancu. They set fire to the cacti as a war signal. Zegarra
calls it a thistle. The word in the Justiniani text is ahuarancu.

SCENE VI CAPTURE OF OLLANTAY-TAMPU 393

To spare and not to shed their blood —
Not anger but pity is my rule.

The Chasqui. 0 Lord, we have not shed their blood ;
They were all captured in the night,
Unable to resist our force.

Tupac Ywpanqui. Recount to me in full detail
The circumstances of the war.
The Chasqui. For a signal thy warriors wait,
The nights passed at Tinquiqueru,i
Concealed in the cavern below,
Yanahuara ^ men joining us late.

We waited within the large cave,
Thy men always ready to fight,
Behind fohage well out of sight.
Thy warriors patient and brave.

But for three long days and dark nights,
No food for the zealous and bold ;
Feeling hungry, thirsty, and cold,
We waited and watched for the lights.^

Rumi-naui sent orders at length.
When the Baymi * they carelessly keep,
And all of them drunk or asleep,
We were then to rush on with our strength.

Word came to surprise our foes,
Rumi-naui had opened the gate,
As cautious and silent as fate —
We were masters with none to oppose.

1 See note, p. 371.

2 Yanahuara, a ravine near Urubamba, where some of the troops
of Rumi-naui had been posted.

3 Signal lights.

4 Ccapac Raytni, the great festival of the Sun. December 22.

394 THE CHASQUI'S TALE AOTra

Those rebels fell into the trap,
The arrows came on them Uke rain,
Most died in their sleep without pain,
Not knowing their fatal mishap.

OUantay, still trusting, was ta'en,
The same Urco Huaranca befell ;
Hanco Huayllu is captive as well,
We thy rebels in fetters detain.

The Antis by thousands are slain,

A fearful example is made.

They are beaten, crushed, and betrayed.

Their women in sorrow and pain.

Twpac Ywpaiiqui. As witness of what has occurred,
On Vilcamayu's storied banks.
No doubt thou hast told me the truth.
It was a well designed attack.

{Enter Rumi-naui followed hy several chiefs.)

Bumi-naui. Great Inca, I kneel at thy feet,
This time you will hear my report,
I beseech thee to deign to restore
The trust that I forfeited once.
{Kneels.)

Twpac Ywpanqui. Rise, great Chief, receive my regard,
I accept thy great service with joy ;
Thou didst cast o'er the waters thy net.
And hast captured a marvellous fish.

Bumi-naui. Our enemies perished in crowds.
Their chiefs were captured and bound,
Overwhelmed by my terrible force.
Like a rock detached from the heights.

Twpac Yupanqui. Was much blood shed in the assault ?

SCENE VI TUPAC YUPANQUI AND RUMI-iN^AUI 395

Bumi-naui. No, Lord, not a drop has been shed,
To thine orders I strictly adhered.
Those Antis were strangled in sleep,
But the fort is entirely razed.

Twpac Ywpanqui. Where are the rebels ?
Bumi-naui. They are waiting with agonised fear.
For their fate, to perish by cords.
The people are sending up cries,
Demanding their deaths without fail.
Their women are now in their midst,
The children raise hideous cries ;
It is well that thine order should pass
To finish their traitorous lives.

Twpac Yupanqui. It must be so without any doubt,
That the orphans may not be alone.
Let all perish, not sparing one.
Thus Cuzco recovers her peace,
Let the traitors be brought before me.
In my presence the sentence they '11 hear.

{Exit Eumi-naui, and re-enter followed by
guards in charge of Ollantay, Urco
HuARANCA, and Hanco Hauyllu, hound
and blindfold, followed by guards with Piqui
Chaqui bound.)

Twpac Yupanqui. Take the bands off the eyes of those
men.
And now, OUantay, where art thou ?
And where art thou, 0 Mountain Chief ?
Soon thou wilt roll down from the heights.

{To the soldiers who bring in Piqui Chaqui.)

Whom have we here ?

Piqui Chaqui. Many fleas in the Yuncas abound,
And torment the people fuU sore,
With boiling water they are killed.

396 REBELS IN PRESENCE OF INCA act hi

And I, poor flea,i must also die.

Tupac Ywpanqui. Tell me, Hanco Huayllu, tell me,
Why art thou Ollantay's man ?
Did ! not my father honour thee ?
Did he not grant thy requests ?
Did he ever have a secret from thee ?
Speak also, you, the other rebels,
Ollantay and the Mountain Chief.

Ollantay. 0 father, we have nought to say,
Our crimes are overwhelming us.

Tupac Yupanqui {to the Uillac Uma). Pronounce
their sentence, great High Priest.

Uillac Uma. The light that fills me from the Sim
Brings mercy and pardon to my heart.

Tupac Yupanqui. Now thy sentence, Rumi-naui.

Bumi-naui. For crimes enormous such as these
Death should ever be the doom ;
It is the only way, 0 King !

To warn all others from such guilt. ,

To 'stout tocarpus^ they should be
Secured and bound with toughest rope.
Then should the warriors freely shoot
Their arrows until death is caused.

Piqui ChaquL Must it be that evermore
The Antis must all perish thus ?
Alas ! then let the branches burn —
What pouring out of blood is here.^

Bumi-naui. Silence, rash man, nor dare to speak,

1 Piqui Chaqui is literally ' flea foot.' He is punning on his
name.

2 Tocarpu, a pole or stake used at executions. Condemned
prisoners were fastened to a tocarpu before being hurled over a
precipice.

■5 Piqui Chaqui had an inkhng that the Inca had expressed dislike
at the shedding of blood. Ho ventured to say these words in the
faint hope that they might remind the Inca of this diahkc.

SCENE VI

MAGNANIMITY OF THE INCA 397

{General lamentation outside.)

Having been rolled just like a stone,
My heart has now become a stone.^

Twpac Ywpanqui. Know that tocar'pus are prepared,
Kemove those traitors from my sight,
Let them all perish, and at once.

Bumi-naui. Take these three men without delay
To the dreaded execution stakes ;
Secure them with unyielding ropes.
And hurl them from the lofty rocks.

Tupac Ywpanqui. Stop ! Cast ojff their bonds.

{The guards unbind them. They all kneel.)
{To Ollantay, kneeling). Eise from thy knees ; come to
my side.

{Bises.)
Now thou hast seen death very near,
You that have shown ingratitude.
Learn how mercy flows from my heart ;
I will raise thee higher than before.
Thou wert Chief of Anti-suyu,
Now see how far my love will go ;
I make thee Chief in permanence.
Receive this plume " as general.
This arrow ^ emblem of command.^

1 Rumi-fiaui at it again s for ever ringing changes on his name — ■
rumi, a stone,

2 The plume and the arrow were the insignia of a general.

3 Rather a staggerer for Rumi-iiaui ! Perhaps, too, the change
is too sudden, and infringes the probabiUties. Tupac Yupanqui
may have thought that his father had been unjust and that there
were excuses. It is known that the young Inca was indignant
at some other cruelties of his father. As a magnanimous warrior
he may have despised the treacherous methods of Rumi-naui. He
may have valued Ollantay's known valour and ability, and have
been loth to lose his services. All these considerations may have
influenced him more or less. The rebels were the best men he had.

398 INVESTMENT OF OLLANTAY actih

Tupac Ywpanqui {to the Uillac Uma). Thou mighty
Pontiff of the Sun,
Robe him in the regal dress.
Eaise up the others from their knees,
And free them from the doom of death.

(Urco Huaranca, Hanco Huayllu, and Piqui
Chaqui rise, the latter looking much relieved.
The Uillac Uma places the robe on OUantay's

shoulders.)

Uillac Uma. Ollantay, learn to recognise
Tupac Yupanqui's generous mind ;
From this day forth be thou his friend,
And bless his magnanimity.
This ring contains my potent charm,
For this I place it on thy hand.

[Gives him a ring, or bracelet.)
This mace receive, 'tis from the king,

{Gives him a mace (champi).)
It is his gracious gift to thee.

Ollantay. With tears I shall nearly consume
That mace thus presented to me ;
I am tenfold the great Inca's slave,
In this world no equal is found,
My heart's fibres his latchets shall be ;
From this moment my body and soul
To his service alone shall belong.

Tupac Yupanqui. Now, Mountain Chief ! come near
to me,
Ollantay is given the arrow and plume.
Though to me he gave fury and war.
Notwithstanding all that has passed
He continues the Andean chief.
And will lead his rebels to peace ;
Thee also I choose for the plume ;

SCENE VI OLLANTAY VICEROY AT CUZCO 399

From this day thou art a great chief,
And never forget in thy thoughts,
I saved thee from death and disgrace.

Urco Huaranca. Great King and most merciful Lord,
But now, expecting my death,
I am ever thy most faithful slave.

(Uillac Uma gives him the plume and arrow.)

Uillac Uma. 0 Urco, the Inca has made
A great and a powerful chief,
And grants thee with marvellous grace
The arrow and also the plume.

Bumi-naui. Illustrious King, I venture to ask,
Will Anti-suyu have two chiefs.

Tupac Ywpanqui. There will not be two, 0 Eumi-haui :
The Mountain Chief wiU rule the Antis ;
In Cuzco OUantay will reign —
As Viceroy deputed by me
His duties will call him to act
As ruler throughout the whole realm.

OUantay. 0 Ejng ! thou dost raise me too high,
A man without service or claim ;
I am thy obedient slave —
Mayst thou live for a thousand years.

Tujpac Ywpanqui. The mascapaycha now bring forth,
And to it the llautu attach.
Uillac Uma, adorn him with these,
And proclaim his state to the world.
Yes, OUantay shaU stand in my place,
Raised up like the star of the morn,
For Colla this month I shall start ;
All preparations are made.
In Cuzco OUantay wiU stay,
My Banti i and Viceroy and friend.

1 Banti, a deputy.

400 THE LOST LOVE OF OLLANTAY act m

Ollantay. I would fain, 0 magnanimous King,
Follow thee in the Chayanta war ;
Thou knowest my love for such work.
Peaceful Cuzco is not to my taste,
I prefer to be thy Canari}
To march in the van of thy force,
And not to be left in the rear.

Twpac Ywpanqui. Thou shouldst find the wife of thy
choice,
And with her reign happily here
In Cuzco; repose without care;
Rest here while I'm absent in war.

Ollantay. Great King, thy sorrowful slave
Already had chosen a wife.

Twpac Ywpanqui. How is it I know not of this ?
It should be reported to me.
I will load her with suitable gifts ;
Why was this concealed from my eyes ?

Ollantay. In Cuzco itself disappeared
That sweet and adorable dove ;
One day she did rest in my arms,
And the next no more to be seen.
In grief I made search far and near.
Earth seemed to have swallowed her up,
To have buried her far from my sight ;
0 such, mighty King, is my grief.

Tupac Yupanqui. Ollantay ! afflict not thyself.
For now thou must take up thy place
Without turning thy eyes from thy work.

{To Uillac Uma.)

High priest, obey my command.

1 Carlari, a warlike tribe of Indians, in the south part of the
kingdom of Quito. Thoy were first conquered by Tupac Yupanqui,
and thoy became devoted to him.

SCENE VI YMA SUMAC AND THE INCA 401

{The Uillac Uma goes to the icings (ii.) and
addresses the yeople outside.)

Uillac Uma. 0 people, hear what I say :
The Inca, our King and our Lord,
Thus declares his imperial will :
Ollantay shall reign in his place.

People outside. Ollantay Ranti ! Ollantay Eanti !

{Shouts and acclamations.)
Tupac Ywpanqui {to Rumi-naui and other chiefs.) You

also render him homage.
Bumi-naui. Prince Ollantay ! Incap Ranti !
Thy promotion gives me joy.
All the Antis now released,
Return rejoicing to their homes.

{He and all the Chiefs bow to Ollantay.)

Guards without. You cannot pass. Go back ! go back !

Voice without. Why, is this a festive day ?
Let me pass. I must see the king ;
I pray you do not stop me,
Do not drive me from the door ;
If you stop me I shall die.
Have a care. You will kill me.

Tupac Yupanqui. What noise is that without ?

Guard. It is a young girl who comes weeping
And insists upon seeing the king.

Tupac Yupanqui. Let her come in.
{Enter Yma Sumac.)

Yma Sumac. Which is the Inca, my lord,
That I may kneel down at his feet ?

Uillac Uma. Who art thou, charming maid ?
Behold the King.

(Yma Sumac throws herself at the King's feet.)

Yma Sumac. 0 my King ! be thou my father,

402 YMA SUMAC PREVAILS act m

Snatch from evil thy poor servant,
Extend thy royal hand to me.
0 merciful child of the Smi,
My mother is dying at this hour
In a foul and loathsome cave ;
She is killed in cruel martyrdom —
Alas ! she is bathed in her own blood.

Twpac Yuimnqui. What inhumanity, poor child !
Ollantay, take this case in hand.

Ollantay. Young maiden, take me quickly there ;
We. will see who it is that suffers.

Yma Sumac. No, sir. Not so. It is the King himself
Should go with me.
Perhaps he may recognise her ;

{To Ollantay.)
For you, I know not who you are.

0 King, arise, do not delay,

1 fear my mother breathes her last,
At least may be in mortal pain ;

0 Inca ! Father ! grant my prayer.

Uillac Uma. Illustrious King, thou wilt consent ;
Let us all seek this luckless one —
Thou canst release from cruel bonds.
Let us go, 0 King !

Tupac Ywpanqui (rising). Come all ! Come all !
In midst of reconciliations
This young maid assaults my heart.

[Exeu7iL

SCENE VII THE INCA COMES TO INVESTIGATE 403

Scene 7

The garden in the 'palace of Virgins of the Sun {same
scene as Act III, Scene 5). Stone door more visible.

{Enter the Inca Tupac Yupanqui with Yma
Sumac, Ollantay, Uillac Uma arid Kumi-
NAui; Ubco Huaranca, Hanco Huayllu
and PiQui Chaqui in the background.)

Tupac Yupanqui. But this is the Aclla Huasi ; ^
My child, art thou not mistaken ?
Where is thy imprisoned mother ?

Yma Sumac. In a dungeon within these bounds
My mother has suffered for years.
Perhaps even now she is dead.

{She points to the stone door.)
Tupac Yupanqui. What door is this ?

{Enter Mama Ccacca and Pitu Salla. Mama
Ccacca kneels and kisses the Inca's hand.)
Mama Ccacca. Is it a dream or reaUty,
That I behold my sovereign ?
Tupac Yupanqui. Open that door.

(Mama Ccacca opens the door.)

(Cusi CoYLLUR discovered chained and fainting,

with a puma and a snake, one on each side

of her.)

Yma Sumac. 0 my mother, I feared to find
That you had already passed away ;
Pitu Salla ! Haste. Bring water.
Perhaps my dove may stiU revive.

[Exit Pitu Salla.

1 AcUa, chosen ; Huasi, house : palace of the Virgins of the
Sun.

DD 2

404 COYLLUR DISCOVERED BY THE INCA actui

Twpac Yu'pa7iqui. What horrid cavern do I see ?
Who is this woman ? what means it ?
What cruel wretch thus tortures her ?
What means that chain bound around her ?
Mama Ccacca, come near to me ;
What hast thou to say to this ?
Is it the effect of maUce
That this poor creature Hngers here ?

Mama Ccacca. It was thy father's dread command ;
A punishment for lawless love.

Twpac Ywpanqui. Begone ! begone ! harder than rock.i
Turn out that puma and the snake,^
Break down that door of carved stone.
{To Mama Ccacca.) Let me not see thy face again.
A woman Hving as a bat ;
This child has brought it all to light.

{Enter Pitu Salla with water. She sprinkles
it over Cusi Coyllur, ivho revives.)

Cusi Coyllur. Where am I ? who are these people ?
Yma Sumac, my beloved child,
Come to me, my most precious dove.
Who are all these men before me ?

{She begins to faint again and is restored by
icater.)

Yma Sumac. Pear not, my mother, 'tis the King ;
The King himself comes to see you.

1 Ccacca means a rock.

2 My former translation, and those of Barranca and Tschudi,
treated puma and amaru (snake) as epithets applied to Mama
Ccacca. Zegarra considers that the puma and snake were intended
to be actually in the dungeon, and I believe he is right. The puma
would not have hurt his fellow-prisoner. Unpleasant animals were
occasionally put into the prisons of criminals. The Incas kept
pumas as pets.

SCENE vn TUPAC YUPANQUI AND COYLLUR 405

The great Yupanqui is now here.
Speak to him. Awake from thy trance.

Tupac Yupanqui. My heart is torn and sorrowful
At sight of so much misery.
Who art thou, my poor sufferer ?
Child, tell me now thy mother's name ?

Yma Sumac. Father ! Inca ! Clement Prince !
Have those cruel bonds removed.

The Uillac Uma. It is for me to remove them,
And to relieve this sore distress.

{Cuts the rope fastening Cusi Coyllur to the wall.)

Ollantay {to Yma Sumac). What is thy mother's name ?

Yma Sumac. Her name was once Cusi Coyllur,
But it seems a mistake. Her joy
Was gone when she was prisoned here.

Ollantay. 0 renowned King, great Yupanqui,
In her you see my long lost wife.

{Prostrates himself before the Inca.)

Tupac Yupanqui. It all appears a dream to me.
The * Star ' ! my sister ! i and thy wife.
0 sister ! what newly found joy.
0 Cusi Coyllur, my sister.
Come here to me, and embrace me,
Now thou art delivered from woe.

{Music.)
Thou hast found thy loving brother ;
Joy calms the anguish of my heart.

{Embraces Cusi Coyllur.)
Cusi Coyllur. Alas ! my brother, now you know
The cruel tortures I endured

1 The early Incas never married their sisters or relations. Pacha-
cuti's mother was daughter of the chief of Anta. His wife,
Anahuarqiti, was no relation. But the wife of Tupac Yupanqui
was his sister Mama OcUo.

406 OLLANTAY AND CUSI COYLLUR act m

During those years of agony
Thy compassion now has saved me.

Twpac Ywpanqid. Who art thou, dove, that hast suffered?
For what sin were you prisoned here ?
Thou mightest have lost thy reason.
Thy face is worn, thy heauty gone,
Thy looks as one risen from death.

OUantay. Cusi Coyllur, I had lost thee.
Thou wast quite hidden from my sight,
But thou art brought again to life —
Thy father should have killed us both.
My whole heart is torn with sorrow.
Star of joy, where is now thy joy ?
Where now thy beauty as a star ?
Art thou under thy father's curse ?

Cusi Coyllur. Ollantay, for ten dreary years
That dungeon has kept us apart ;
But now, united for new life.
Some happiness may yet be ours.
Yupanqui makes joy succeed grief.
He may well count i for many years.

TJillac TJma. Bring new robes to dress the princess.

{They put on her royal rohes. The High Priest
kisses her hand.)

Twpac Yupanqui. Ollantay, behold thy royal wife,
Honour and cherish her henceforth.
And thou, Yma Sumac, come to me,
I enlace you in the thread of love ;
Thou art the pure essence of Coyllur.
{Embraces her.)

1 A play upon the word yupanqui, which means lil orally, ' you
will count.' The word was a title of the Incas, meaning, ' you will
count as virtuous, brave,' &c.

SCENE VII THE AUSPICIOUS END 407

Ollantay. Thou art our protector, great King,
Thy noble hands disperse our grief ;
Thou art our faith and only hope —
Thou workest by virtue's force.

Twpac Yujpanqui. Thy wife is now in thy arms ;
All sorrow now should disappear,
Joy, new born, shall take its place.

{Acclamations from the Chiefs, and Piqui
Chaqui. Music : huancars {drums), pincul-
lus {flutes), and pututus {clarions).)

APPENDIX E

INCA FOLKLOEE

The following little fairy tale is the only one of its kind
which has been preserved, and which certainly belongs
to the time of the Incas. It was told to Fray Martin de
Morua, who was a Quichua scholar, in about 1585, by
old Amautas well versed in Inca folklore, who gave it
the following title :

Fiction or Story of a Famous Shepherd named

ACOYA-NAPA,^ AND THE BeAUTIPUL AND DiSCREET

Princess, Chuqui-llantu,- Daughter of the Sun.

In the snow-clad cordillera above the valley of Yucay,
called Pitu-siray,^ a shepherd watched the flock of white
llamas intended for the Inca to sacrifice to the Sun.
He was a native of Laris,* named Acoya-napa, a very
well disposed and gentle youth. He strolled behind

1 In the manuscript copy the word is Acoytrapa, but the word
trapa is not Quichua. I think the < is a clerical error for a, and
the r for n. This makes Acoya-napa. Acoya is provision, in
this case pasture, and napa is the sacred sacrificial llama, or its
image in gold or silver.

2 Chuqui means a lance, and llantu a shade or shadow ; Chuqui-
llantu, ' the shadow of the lance,' in allusion perhaps to the princess's
sylph-like form.

•i Pitu-siray means a couple. The range is so called from two
twin peaks.

I For some account of Laris see pp. 144 and 145.
408

SHEPHERD BOY AND PRINCESS 409

his flock, and presently began to play upon his flute
very softly and sweetly, neither feeling anything of the
amorous desires of youth, nor knowing anything of
them.

He was carelessly playing his flute one day when
two daughters of the Sun came to him. They could
wander in all directions over the green meadows, and
never failed to find one of their houses at night, where
the guards and porters looked out that nothing came
that could do them harm. Well ! the two girls came
to the place where the shepherd rested quite at his ease,
and thay asked him after his llamas.

The shepherd, who had not seen them until they
spoke, was surprised, and fell on his knees, thinking
that they were the embodiments of two out of the four
crystalline fountains which were very famous in those
parts. So he did not dare to answer them. They
repeated their question about the flock, and told him
not to be afraid, for they were children of the Sun, who
was lord of all the land, and to give him confidence
they took him by the arm. Then the shepherd stood
up and kissed their hands. After talking together for
some time the shepherd said that it was time for him
to collect his flock, and asked their permission. The
elder princess, named Chuqui-llantu, had been struck
by the grace and good disposition of the shepherd.
She asked him his name and of what place he was a
native. He replied that his home was at Laris and that
his name was Acoya-napa. While he was speaking
Chuqui-llantu cast her eyes upon a plate of silver which
the shepherd wore over his forehead, and which shone
and glittered very prettily. Looking closer she saw
on it two figures, very subtilely contrived, who were
eating a heart. Chuqui-llantu asked the shepherd
the name of that silver ornament, and he said it was

410 THE FOUR FOUNTAINS

called utusi. The princess returned it to the shepherd,
and took leave of him, carrying well in her memory
the name of the ornament and the figures, thinking with
what delicacy they were drawn, almost seeming to her
to be alive. She talked about it with her sister until
they came to their palace. On entering, the Puncu-
camayoc^ looked to see if they brought with them anything
that would do harm, because it was often found that
women had brought with them, hidden in their clothes, such
things as fillets and necklaces. After having looked well, the
porters let them pass, and they found the women of the
Sun cooking and preparing food. Chuqui-Uantu saidr that
she was very tired with her walk, and that she did not
want any supper. All the rest supped with her sister,
who thought that Acoya-napa was not one who could
cause inquietude. But Chuqui-llantu was unable to rest
owing to the great love she felt for the shepherd Acoya-
napa, and she regretted that she had not shown him what
was in her breast. But at last she went to sleep.

In the palace there were many richly furnished apart-
ments in which the women of the Sun dwelt. These
virgins were brought from all the four provinces which
were subject to the Inca, namely Chincha-suyu, Cunti-suyu,
Anti-suyu and Colla-suyu. Within there were four
fountains which flowed towards the four provinces, and
in which the women bathed, each in the fountain of the
province where she was born. They named the fountains
in this way. That of Chincha-suyu was called Chuclla-^
fuquio, that of Cunti-suyu was known as Ocoruro^-'puquio,
Siclla'^-'puquio was the fountain of Anti-suyu, and
Llulucha'^-puquio of Colla-suyu. The most beautiful child

1 Puncu, door ; camayoc, official.

'i Chudla, a cob of maize ; puquio, a fountain.

3 Ocoruro, darap fruit.

♦ Sidla, a blue flower. & LlulucJia, spawn.

SONG OF THE FOUNTAINS 411

of the Sun, Chuqui-llantu, was wrapped in profound sleep.
She had a dream. She thought she saw a bird flying
from one tree to another, and singing very softly and
sweetly. After having sung for some time, the bird
came down and regarded the princess, saying that she
should feel no sorrow, for all would be well. The princess
said that she mourned for something for which there
could be no remedy. The singing bird replied that it
would find a remedy, and asked the princess to tell her
the cause of her sorrow. At last Chuqui-llantu told the
bird of the great love she felt for the shepherd boy named
Acoya-napa, who guarded the white flock. Her death
seemed inevitable. She could have no cure but to go
to him whom she so dearly loved, and if she did her
father the Sun would order her to be killed. The answer
of the singing bird, by name Checollo} was that she should
arise and sit between the four fountains. There she
was to sing what she had most in her memory. If the
fountains repeated her words, she might then safely
do what she wanted. Saying this the bird flew away,
and the princess awoke. She was terrified. But she
dressed very quickly and put herself between the four
fountains. She began to repeat what she remembered
to have seen of the two figures on the silver plate, singing :

' Micuc isutu cuyuG utusi cucim.' ^

Presently all the fountains began to sing the same verse.
[The Indians who told the story drew a picture of the
princess between the fountains.]

Seeing that all the fountains were very favourable,
the princess went to repose for a little while, for all night
she had been conversing with the checollo in her dream.

1 A small bird like a nightingale.

3 Micuc, eating ; isutu, Isuti {Arador) ; cuyuc, moving ; ntusi,
the Utusi (heart) ; cucim {^

412 SPELLS OF THE SHEPHERD'S MOTHER

When the shepherd boy went to his home he called
to mind the great beauty of Chuqui-llantu. She had
aroused his love, but he was saddened by the thought
that it must be love without hope. He took up his flute
and played such heart-breaking music that it made
him shed many tears, and he lamented, saying : ' Ay !
ay ! ay ! for the unlucky and sorrowful shepherd,
abandoned and without hope, now approaching the day
of your death, for there can be no remedy and no hope.*
Saying this, he also went to sleep.

The shepherd's mother lived in Laris, and she knew,
by her power of divination, the cause of the extreme
grief into which her son was plunged, and that he must
die unless she took order for providing a remedy. So
she set out for the mountains, and arrived at the shepherd's
hut at sunrise. She looked in and saw her son almost
moribund, with his face covered with tears. She went
in and awoke him. When he saw who it was he began
to tell her the cause of his grief, and she did what she could
to console him. She told him not to be downliearted,
because she would find a remedy within a few days.
Saying this she departed and, going among the rocks,
she gathered certain herbs which are believed to be
cures for grief. Having collected a great quantity she
began to cook them, and the cooking was not finished
before the two princesses appeared at the entrance of
the hut. For Chuqui-llantu, when she was rested,
had set out with her sister for a walk on the green slopes
of the mountains, taking the direction of the hut. Her
tender heart prevented her from going in any other
direction. When they arrived they were tired, and sat
down by the entrance. Seeing an old dame inside they
saluted her, and asked her if she could give them any-
thing to cat. The mother went down on her knees and
said she had nothing but a dish of herbs. She brought

THE MAGIC CLOAK 413

it to them, and they began to eat with excellent appetites.
Chuqui-llantu then walked round the hut without finding
what she sought, for the shepherd's mother had made
Acoya-napa lie down inside the hut, under a cloak.
So the princess thought that he had gone after his flock.
Then she saw the cloak and told the mother that it was
a very pretty cloak, asking where it came from. The
old woman told her that it was a cloak which, in ancient
times, belonged to a woman beloved by Pachacamac, a
deity very celebrated in the valleys on the coast. She
said it had come to her by inheritance ; but the princess,
with many endearments, begged for it until at last
the mother consented. When Chuqui-llantu took it
into her hands she Hked it better than before and, after
staying a short time longer in the hut, she took leave
of the old woman, and walked along the meadows looking
about in hopes of seeing him whom she longed for.

We do not treat further of the sister, as she now
drops out of the story, but only of Chuqui-llantu. She
was very sad and pensive when she could see no signs
of her beloved shepherd on her way back to the palace.
She was in great sorrow at not having seen him, and
when, as was usual, the guards looked at what she brought,
they saw nothing but the cloak. A splendid supper
was provided, and when every one went to bed the princess
took the cloak and placed it at her bedside. As soon
as she was alone she began to weep, thinking of the
shepherd. She fell asleep at last, but it was not long
before the cloak was changed into the being it had been
before. It began to call Chuqui-llantu by her own
name. She was terribly frightened, got out of bed, and
beheld the shepherd on his knees before her, shedding
many tears. She was satisfied on seeing him, and inquired
how he had got inside the palace. He replied that the
cloak which she carried had arranged about that. Then

414 STATUES OF THE LOVERS

Chuqui-llantu embraced him, and put her finely worked
lipi mantles on him, and they slept together. When
they wanted to get up in the morning, the shepherd again
became the cloak. As soon as the sun rose, the princess
left the palace of her father with the cloak, and when
she reached a ravine in the mountains, she found herself
again with her beloved shepherd, who had been changed
into himself. But one of the guards had followed them,
and when he saw what had happened he gave the alarm
with loud shouts. The lovers fled into the mountains
which are near the town of Galea. Being tired after a
long journey, they climbed to the top of a roclr and
went to sleep. They heard a great noise in their sleep,
so they arose. The princess took one shoe in her hand
and kept the other on her foot. Then looking towards
the town of Galea both were turned into stone. To
this day the two statues may be seen between Galea
and Huayllapampa. [I have seen them many times.^
Those mountains were called Pitu-siray, and that is
their name to tliis day.]

1 Here Morua is speaking of his own experience. I too have
ridden between Galea and Huayllapampa several times, but I
did not know the story, so failed to look out for the statues.

si

V

(f

k

^1 W' ^

-/-'

INDEX

Abancay. See Apancay

Abisca, 196 ; settlements in the
montana, 197 ; estate of Gar-
cilasso de la Vega, 272

Acari, 239

Acca, native name for chicha, 127

Achacuc, diviners, 107

Achihua, Royal parasol, 292

Aclla-cuna, chosen virgins, 106 ;
at the Intip Raymi, 120, 382

Aconcagua peak, 21

Acosta, Joseph : his ' Natural
History of the Indies,' edited
by the Author, xi n. ; notice
of, and his work, 8 ; much
quoted, 9 ; on Tiahuanacu,
29 ; alludes to a change on
the accession of Rocca, 64 ;
names of stars, 117 ; his
names of months, 118; on
absence of rain on the coast,
201 ; with Toledo on his
journey of inspection, 289

Acoyapuncu, now Angostura, near
Cuzco, 126

Ahua-tuna, near Paucartampu,
195

Ahuayra-cancha, abode of the

Ayamarca chief, 71
Alarcon, Alonso de, made prisoner

by Titu Atauchi, 253
Alcamari, a falcon, 79
Alcavisas, original inhabitants of

Cuzco, 54
Alcobasa, Diego de, guardian of

Inca Garcilasso, 264
Alcobasa, Diego de (junior), school-
fellow of Inca Garcilasso, 265
Alcobasa, Francisco de, school-
fellow of Inca Garcilasso, 265 ;

Garcilasso's quotations from,
279 ; his account of Tiahua-
nacu, 278, 279

Algaroba tree (Prosopis horrida),
204

Allmcanquis, intercalary days,
117, 120

Almagro : expedition to Chile,
255 ; convention with Alva-
rado, 262; buried in La
Merced church at Cuzco, 263

Almagro, the lad : beheaded by
Vaca de Castro, 257 ; buried
with his father, 263

Alpaca, domestication, 30

Altamirano, Antonio de, father of
the schoolboys : rich from the
spoils of the palace of Huayna
Ccapac, 266 ; hanged by Car-
bajal, 269

Altamirano, Francisco, school-
fellow of Inca Garcilasso, 265 ;
horse-races, 266, 267

Altamirano, brother of Francisco,
265

Althaus, Senora Grimanesa, vi,
119. See Cotes

Alvarado, Alonzo, 261, 262

Alvarado, Pedro, 261, 262

Amaru-cancha, palace of Huayna
Ccapac, 269

Amaru Tupac, eldest son of Inca
Pachacuti, 92

Amaru, on the site of Paucar-
tampu, 195

Amaryllia aurea, 80

Amautas, learned men, 41, 106 ;
a dynasty of, 43, 44, 45 ; his-
torical information from, 140;
schools for, 142 ; composed
415

416

INDEX

dramas, 147 ; surgical skill,
knowledge of herbs, 156, 157 ;
accounts of times before the
Incas, 159 ; record the flight
of the Chancas, 178 ; in Chile
\vith the Inca's nephews, 190 ;
list of ancient kings obtained
from, 304

Amazons' river: Author's volume
on early expeditions, x n. ;
source, 193 ; tributaries from
the Andes, 193

Amazonian forests, 173 ; flight of
Chancas into, 178 ; Collas
and Lupacas sent to colonise,
191 ; approaches from the
Andes, 193. See Montana

Ambato, defeat of Huascar's
army at, 246

Amotape, on the coast, cruelties
of Pizarro at, 224

Ampuero, Francisco : married a
daughter of Pizarro, 297

Ampuero, Martin : befriended
Inca children, 297

Anahuarqui, wife of Pachacuti, 92

Ailaya, Atilano de, envoy to
Vilcapampa, 292

Anca, an eagle, 79

Ancalluasu, girl's dress, 136

Anco ayllu, image carried in front
of the Chanca army, 84

Anco-ayllu, chief of the Chanca
contingent of the Inca army :
flight into the Huallaga valley,
178

Ancon, excavations of Reiss and
Stubel, 229

Ancovilca, joint founder of the
Chanca nation, 83

Ancoyacu, Huascar's army rallied
at, 248

Andahuaylas, chief scat of the
Chancas, 83, 92, 176

Andean people, 30, 31. See
Indians

Andes : unfrequented pass from
Yea, viii ; cordillcras unite
at Vilcafiota, 21 ; and at
Cerro Pasco, 182 ; age, rise,
37, 38, 230 ; above the vale
of Vilcamayu, 52 ; mountains

of Cuntur-cunca, 179 ; Andes
penetrated by five rivers, 192 ;
descent from, to the montaiia,
194, 195. See Cordillera

Angamos, 175

Anta, Prince Cusi Hualpa rescued
by people of, 73 ; chief of,
rewarded by the Inca, 74 ;
daughter of the chief married
to Uira-cocha Inca, 77. See
Chimpu Urma and Runtu-caya

Antamarca, Huascar murdered at,
251

Antarctic lands once joined to
South America, 37

Antarctic Indian, Garcilasso called
himself, 31

Ant-eaters, fossils in Tarapatsa, 38

Anti Indians, 196

Anti-suyu, eastern division of the
empire, 173, 192-9. See Ama-
zonian forests and Montaiia

Apancay, or Abancay, 33, 174 ;
beauty of the valley, 175 ;
battle at, 262

Apocynea, tree in the northern
coast valleys, 205

April- May, Ayrihua, 119

Apu-ccuri-machi, conquest of Mar-
capata by, 196 ; crossed the
Inambari, reached Paytiti, 197

Apu Mayta, nephew of Inca Rocca :
great general, 66 ; conquests
of, 75, 77 ; against the succes-
sion of Urco, 83 ; supported
Prince Cusi, 85 ; in battle
with the Chancas, 86 ; death, 88

Apu-panaca, officer who selected
Virgins of the Sun, 163

Apu Paucar Usnu, conqueror of
Colla-suyu, son of Inca Pacha-
cuti, 189

Apurimac river, 45, 48, 77 ; west-
em frontier of the land of the
Incas, 78, 80, 81; Chanca
boundary, 83, 89, 91, 126, 137,
159, 173, 174; tributary of
the Ucayali, 193 ; Huanca
Auqui stationed to defend the
bridge, 248 ; meeting of Manco
Inca and Pizarro at the bridge,
254

INDEX

417

Arapa, stronghold of the Collas,
189

Arasa river, 193

Arayraca tribe, followers of the
Ayars, 50 ; belonging to
Hanan Cuzco, 65

Arbieto, Martin Hernando de : in

i-'ij command of the force to

;;ijj invade Vilcapampa, 293; re-

=^>|; turned to Cuzco when sated

'" ' with slaughter, 294

Architecture, megaUthic, 22-39 ;
of Ollantay-tampu, 150, 151 ;
of the Chimu, 210, 216, 218-19 ;
of Colcampata, 286, 287 ; Inca,
318

Arequipa, ix, 173 ; conquered by
the Collas, 187, 239

Arica, 239

Arpay, sacrifice, 108

Arriaga, report on the extirpation
of idolatry, 10, 235

Asia, coast valley, 227

Asillo, stronghold of the Collas, 189

Astete, Miguel : at Pachacamac
with Hernando Pizarro, 234 ;
name of chiefs on the coast
given by, 239 n. ; presented
thellautuol Atahualpa to Sayri
Tupac, 274 ; notice of, 288 n.

Astete, Colonel Pablo of Cuzco,
288 n.

Astete, Seiiora : authority on folk-
lore at Cuzco, viii ; informa-
tion from, respecting the secret
of the hidden treasure, 288 n-

Asto Huaraca, chief of the Chan-
cas, 83 ; in the battle with
Prince Cusi, 86 ; death in
battle, 89

Atacama : language, 220 ; people,
239

Atahualpa : daughter married to
Betanzos, 5 ; went to Quito
with Huayna Ccapac, 241 ;
not bom at Quito nor was his
mother a native of Quito,
241 «. ; military service unsatis-
factory, 242 ; excused himself
from coming to Cuzco, 243 ;
sent an embassy to Huascar,
244 ; his victory, 247, 249 ;

imprisoned by Spaniards, 249 ;
ransom, 250, 251 ; his name
used in mockery by school-
boys at Cuzco, 265

Aiauchi, name, 44

Atequipa, coast valley, 239

Atico, coast valley, 239

Atoc, in command of Huascar'a
army, defeated at Ambato, 246

August-September, Ccapac Situa,
118, 125

Augustine Friars. See Calancha,
Vivero, Ortiz

Auqui, name, 44

Auqui Tupac Yupanqui, put to
death by Huascar, 243

Authorities. See Acosta, Arriaga,
Avila, Ayala, Balboa, Bertonio,
Betanzos, Calancha, Cieza de
Leon, Fernandez, Garcilasso
de la Vega (Inca), Gomara,
Herrera, Holguin, Lizarraga,
Matienza, Molina, Montesinos,
Morua, Mossi Oliva, Pizarro
(Pedro), Polo de Ondegardo,
Ramos Gavilan, Relaciones
Geograficas, Salcamayhua, San-
tillan, San Tomas, Sarmiento,
Solorzano, Torres Rubio, Valera,
Valverde, Velasco, Zarate

Avendano, Hernando : work lost,
10

Avila, 10, 230. See Huarochiri

Ayacucho. author's headquarters
at, viii ; battle, 179 and note

Ayala. See Huaman

Ayamarca, month, Nov. -Dec,
118, 128

Ayamarca, chief, named Tocay
Ccapac, engaged to be married
to Micay, wife of the Inca
Rocca ; war with her tribe,
the Huayllacans, 68 ; kid-
napped Prince Cusi Hualpa,
71, 72; finally subdued, 76,
80, 91 n. ; meaning of the
name, 128 n.

Ayar, name, 43 ; title of the
mythical founders of the em-
pire, 49 ; their resolution^and
march to Cuzco, 49, 50 ; tribes
forming their armv, 49, 50

418

INDEX

Ayar Auca, 49 ; death, 54

Ayar Cachi, 49; plot against, 51 ;
murder, 52

Ayar Manco, 49 ; the leader : his
Huauqui, 50 ; plan to get rid
of his brothers, 51 ; hurled
his golden staff, 53 ; his date,
55 ; established at Cuzco, 54,
55 ; four wives of the Ayars,
49 — Occlo, Huaco, Ipacura,
Rava

Ayar Uchu, 49 ; turned into the
Huanacauri idol, 52, 128

Ayar march to Cuzco. For stop-
ping stations see Huanacancha,
Tampuquiru, Pallata, Hais
Quisru, Quirirmanta, Matahua,
Huanay-pata

Ayar ayllus or tribes, 49, 50, 55,
65, 125

Ayllus or lineages : tribes of the
Ayars, 49, 50 ; each had its
founder or ancestor, 104, 113 ;
as runners at the Situa festival,
126 ; records of events kept
by, 140 ; akin to village com-
munities, 159 ; system, 160,
161 ; mountaineers, 175 ; on
the coast, 235, 236; of the
Incas, 290
Aymara colonists, 164 ; a branch
of the Quichuas, 175, 192;
settled at Juli, 192 ; Spanish

f)riests gave the name to the
anguage of the Collas, 192;
never used for the language
until long after the conquest,
313; error explained, 314;
never used for the people of
the Collas by any early writer,
315
Aymuray, May-June, 119, 135
Ayrihua, April-May, 119, 135;
dance, 168

Baccharis Incarum or Tola, 22
Baccharia Molina — Chilca, 80
Baccharis Eupatorium — Chilca, 80
Bachiciio, Hernando : hanged by

Carbajal. 269
Balboa: translated and indexed by

the author, xi n. ; his work,
9, 10 ; his names of stars,
117; Paccari-tampu myth told
by, 140 ; account of the
Inca voyage to the Galapagos
Islands, 184 ; tradition of the
arrival of strangers at Lam-
bay eque, 221 ; on the Inca
invasion of the coast, 223

Barco, Pedro del : thi'ee sons,
schoolfellows of the Inca Gar-
cilasso, 265 ; hanged by Car-
bajal, 269 ; kindness of Garci-
lasso de la Vega to his sons, 273

Beatriz, JJusta, Inca Princess, 260 :
asked to negotiate with Sayri
Tupac, 273 ; her son received
by the Inca, 273 ; Sayri Tupac
her guest at Cuzco, 274. See
Leguisamo

Beatriz, iSiusta, Inca Princess.
See Mustincia and Hernandez

Belaunde, Victor Andres : his
review of writings of sociolo-
gists on the ayllu system of
Peru, 170, 171

Beni river, 193, J98

Bertonio, Ludovico : his Aymara
dictionary, 192, 315

Betanzos : his ' Suma y Narra-
cion' translated by the author,
xi n. ; Gregorio de Garcia in
possession of his manuscript,
4 ; edited by Jimenez de la
Espada, 5 ; work copied for
Prescott, 4 ; a Quichua scholar
and interpreter, 5 ; married
to a daughter of Atahualpa,
5, 260 ; on the origin of
the people, 32 ; occurrence
of the word Con in connec-
tion with the deity, 103 n. ;
his names for the months, 118
n. ; Paccari-tampu myth told
by, 140 ; sent to negotiate with
Sayri Tupac, 273 ; unsuccess-
ful embassy to Titu Cusi
Yupanqui, 285

Blasco Nunez do Vela, viceroy :
correspondence with the Inca
Manco, 258 ; driven out by
Gonzalo Pizarro, 209

INDEX

419

Bombon, Huascar's army defeated

at, 246
Borja, Juan Henriquez de. See

Loyola
Braganza, Duchess of : first part

of the royal commentaries

dedicated to, 279
Breastplates of gold, with the

calendar, 119 ; description, 120
Bridges, 320
Brinton, Dr. : opinion on the origin

of Peruvian civilisation, 31
Buddleia coriacea, CcoUi tree, 22 n.
Buddleia Incana, Quisuar tree,

22 n.
Buenaventura, Garcilasso de la

Vega sent to conquer land

round, 262

Ca^alla, Pedro Lopez de, 275

Cacha, temple, 36, 319 ; described
by Garcilasso de la Vega and
by Squier, 319

Cahua Ticlla, princess in charge
of Curi Coyllur, 242, 245, 246

Calancha, Prior of the Augustine
monks in Peru, his ' Coronica
Moralizada,' 11 ; value of his
work, 11 ; his names of stars,

117 ; correct names of months,

118 ; religion of the Chimu,
216 ; on the coast language
called Sec, 220 ; gives the
will of Leguisamo, 299

Galea, Huascar receives Atahu-

alpa's envoys at, 245
Calceolarias, 80
Calendar: solar observations, 115;

on golden breastplates, 119,

120. See names of months

and intercalary days
Calis Puquio, 133
Calisaya, 157
Callao, V, vi, 229
Camana, coast valley, 239
Campas Indians, 196
Camay, month, Jan. -Feb., 118, 134
Canahuisas, diviners, 108
Canas, tribe, 186
Canari, executioner of the Inca

Tupac Amaru, 294

Caiiaris, conquest of, 93, 182

Canchaguayo. See Ucayali

Canchis tribe, 80

Canchu, a diviner, 108

Candia, Pedro de : his son a
schoolfellow of Inca Garcilasso,
265

Cafiete (or Huarcu), peopled by
Yauyos, 180, 227 ; irrigation,
237, 275; Marquis of, 273.
See Mendoza

Cantaray, month when Chicha is
brewed, Nov. -Dec, 118

Cantut, a flower (phlox), 80

Caparo Muniz : museum at Cuzco,
320

Capparis crotonoides, tree in the
northern coast valley.s, called
Vichaya, 205

Caquia Saquis-ahuana, fortified
palace overlooking Pissac, to
which Inca Uira-cocha fled,
84, 89, 90

Carangues Bay, Alvarado landed
in, 262

Caravaya, visit of the author to
the montana of, ix ; Chinchona
flowers used for fevers, 157 ;
source of wealth to the Incas,
197

Caravayllo, coast valley, 227

Carbajal, lieutenant of Gonzalo
Pizarro : cruelties of, 269

Carhsle, Lord : introduction to
Mr. Prescott from, vii

Carlos Inca, son of Paullu living
at the Colcampata, 256, 261,
286 ; schoolfellow of Inca
Garcilasso, 265 ; married to
Maria de Esquive], 287 ; knew
the secret of the hidden
treasure, 288 ; baptism of his
son Melchior Carlos, 290 ;
lawlessly driven out of the
Colcampata, 294 ; banishment
and death, 297

Carrera, Fernando de, cura of
Keque : his grammar of the
Chimu language called by him
yunca, 219 ; extreme rarity
of his work, 220 ; edition by
Gonzalez de la Rosa, 220. See
BB 2

420

INDEX

Humboldt, Temaux Compans,

Villar, jMiddendorf
Carrillo, saved Loyola's life, 293.

See Soto
Casma, coast valley, 208
Cassana, palace, at Cuzco, 269
Castilla, Maria de. See Loaysa
Castro, Lope Garcia de, 276
Catacaos, peculiar language at, 220
Catalina, Maria Usica. See Paullu
Catari, Oliva's informant re-
specting an underground Tia-

huanacu, 24 ; his ancient name

of Tiahuanacu, 29 n.
Catu, or market, 263
Cauca valley : service of Cieza de

Leon in, 2
Cauqui, dialect of the Yauyos,

180, 311
Cavillaca, goddess in Huarochiri,

230-4
Cavinas, 80
Caxamarca conquered by the

Incas,92, 93, 173, 182; Pizarro

at, 225 ; Huascar's general

defeated at, 246; murder of

Atahualpa, 251 ; retribution

at, 253
Cayara, a Quichua stronghold,

174
Cayto Marca, submits to the Inca,

65
Ccamantira, singing-bird, 82
Ccapac, meaning of the word, 43
Ccapac Apu, viceroy, 163
Ccapac Cocha, hwman sacrifice,

108
Ccapac Raymi, month, Dec-Jan.,

118, 125
Ccapac Situa, month, Aug.-Sept.,

118, 125
Ccapac-tocco, window at Paccari-

tampu, 49, 51, 52
Ccapac Yupanqui, 50
Ccenti, humming-bird, 82
Ccolli (Buddleia coriacea), a tree,

22, 80
Cconi Eayac, attribute of the

deity in the Huarochiri myths,

231
Ccoya or Queen : portraits by

Huaman Poma, 17. See Ana-

huarqui, 92 ; Chuqui Urpay,
244 ; Cusi Huarcay, 274 ;
Mama Cusimii-ay, 241 ; Micay,
68 ; Mama Ocllo, 94 ; Mama
Rahua, 241 ; Mama Euntu,
241 ; Tocta Cuca, 241

Ccoya Raymi, Sept. -Oct., 118

Ccuri-cancha. See Inti-cancha

Ccuri-chulpa, concubine of Uira-
cocha Inca, 77, 83

Ccuri Vincha, golden garlands of
Virgins, 107

Centeno, Diego : arrival at Cuzco,
267 ; defeated at Huarina, 268

Centeno, Caspar, schoolfellow of
the Inca Garcilasso, 265

Centeno, Seiiora : museum once
at Cuzco, now at Berlin, S20

Cervantes, Bartolome : gave
Catari's statement to Oliva,
24

Ceterni, wife of Naymlap (whom
see)

Chachapoyas, 33, 93, 198 ; Jesuit
mission at, date of ' anonymous
Jesuit ' (Valera) fixed by date
of abandonment of, 304

Chahuar Qiiiz, month, July-
August, 118, 124

Chalco Yupanqui, led a column to
invade the montana from
Pilcopata, 196, 197

Chalcuchima, a Quito general,
second in command of Ata-
hualpa's army, 247. 250 ; met
his deserts, 251, 266

Cluimpi or battle-axe, 122

Chaiian-ccuri-coca, a valiant lady
who defended Cuzco against
the Chancas, 85

Chaiicas Confederacy, 83, 161 ;
founders, chiefs, resolution to
subdue the Incas, 83 ; flight
of Inca Uira-cocha, 84 ; defeat
of the invaders, 86, 87 ; final
overthrow, 88, 89 ; formed a
contingent of tlie Inca army,
92 ; their country, 174 ; in the
army of Pachacuti : their
flight, 178, 198

Chancay, coast valley, 206

Chanquiri, a crow, 86

INDEX

421

Gharasanis, native doctors, 157

Charcas, 31, 173, 187, 189, 198, 262

Chasca, Morning Star, worship of,
104

Chasqui, messengers, 163, 165

Chaupi rucu, class of old men,
161

Chaves, Francisco de : his work
lost, 7; friendship for Prince
Titu Atauchi, 253 ; his writ-
ings, murder, 253 «. ; in-
fluence, 255

Chavin, a tribe of the Ayars,
50,65

Chavin ruins, 33, 320

Chavin stone, 34, 35

Chayantas, 187

Ghayna, singing-bird, 82

Checollo, singing-bird like a
nightingale, 82, 411

Chestan Xecfuin, maid of honour
to the Ccoya : love of the
chief of Larabaj-eque for, 224

Chibcha language, 220

Chicama, valley and river, 208

Chlchas, 187, 189

Chiclayo, coast valley, 219

Chihua, a thrush, 70, 80

Chilca, coast valley, peopled by
Huarochiris, 181, 227

Chilca, a bush, 80

Chile subdued by Tupac Inca,
173 ; story of the conquest,
190 ; Chilians in the Inca
army, 191, 249 ; Almagro's
expedition, 255

Chima Chaui Pata, adherent of
Prince Cusi, 85

Chimpa Ocllo. See Isabel.

Chimpu Urma of Anta : arranged
the resciie of Prince Cusi
Hualpa, 73, 79

Chimu : southern boundary of
his territory, 181 ; conquest by
the Incas, 182, 223 ; extensive
ruins, 208, 209-12 ; treasure,
210; the mounds, 210; palace,
211 ; central position, 212 ;
factories, 212, 213; cotton
fabrics, 213 ; pottery, 214 ;
gold and silver work, 216 ;
religion, 215; temple, 216, 217;

physicians, 217 ; cemeteries,
217; language, 219-21; origin
and history unknown, 221 ;
Lambayeque submitted to, 223 ;
trade, 223 ; annihilated by
the Spaniards, 225 ; descen-
dants of the Chimu, 225 n, ;
further researches recom-
mended, 226

Chincha Confederacy, 237, 238

Chincha valley, peopled by the
Yauyos, 180, 227 ; irrigation,
237

Chincha Islands : guano deposits,
argument for antiquity from,
228

Chinchay-cocha, lake, 182

Chinchay-suyu, northern division
of the empii-e, 173, 177-86 ;
language, 311. See Figueredo

Chinchero palace, 81, 286, 319 ;
Tupac Inca died at, 94. See
Pumacagua, Rosas

Chinchona trees, yielding quinuie :
author entrusted with service
of introducing their cultiva-
tion into British India, ix ;
knowledge of, by the Indians,
157; beauty, 194

Chipana, golden rings, 133 ; royal
bracelet, 292

Chira river : remains of aque-
ducts, 207 ; Spaniards in
valley of, 224

Chirihuanas, a troublesome wild
tribe, 198

Chirimayu ravine, 195

Chirimoya, innt, 82

Chita liighlands : flight of Inca
Uii'a-cocha from the Chancas,
84, 87, 126

Ckoccla-poccochi, a singing-bird,
82

Cholones, tribe on the Huallaga,
198

Chonos (Guayaquil), campaign
against, 183, 184

Choque-quirao ruins, 319

Chot Temple, built by Naymlap,
222

Chuchi Ccapac, chief of the Collas,
187

422

INDEX

Chulpas, burial-places of the
Collas, 187

Chumpivilca colonists, 164, 175

Chumpillaya, maiden from Yea,
sent to Inca Huascar, 242 ;
name changed to Curi Coyllur,
242

Chunchos, Indians, 197

Chupillusca, rock where Urco
was killed, 90

Chupas, battle of : Garcilasso do
la Vega wounded, 204

Chuqui, lance, 292

Chuqui-chaca, 293

Chuqui-llantu, 155, 408-14

Cliuqui Urpay, wife of Inca
Huascar, 244

Chuy, a quail, 79

Cillorico, Juan de, schoolfellow of
Inca Garcilasso, 265

Cintu, on the coast, Pizarro at,
224

Cium, successor of Naymlap at
Lambayeque, 222

Clara Beatriz, Princess, married to
Martin Garcia de Loyola, 274

Coast valleys : conquest by the
Incas, 93, 173, 223; valleys
peopled by mountain tribes,
177, 180, 181 ; geography,
200-6; causes of absence of
rain, 201 ; garua, 201 ; cli-
mate, 202 ; effect of Hum-
boldt current, 202 ; medanos,
202, 203 ; desert, 203 ; scanty
vegetation, 203 ; lomas, 204 ;
fertile valleys, 204 ; algaroba
trees, 204 ; other trees in the
valleys, 205 ; number and
names of coast valleys, 205,
206; ancient languages, 219,
220 ; coast people extinct,
225 ; idolatries, 235, 236

Coati Island, on Lake Titicaca :
palace built by Tupac Inca
Yupanqui, 191, 319

Cobos : his ' History of the New
World,' 14, 15; names of the
months, 118; on medicinal
plants, 157

Coca plantations, 187, 195, 197, 199

Cora palla, class of lads, 162

Cofanes, a tribe on the Napo :
expedition against, 198

Colan, peculiar language at, 220

Colcampata, palace at Cuzco,
granted to Prince Paullu, 256,
261 ; Carlos Inca living at,
285; description, 286, 287,
318 ; Tupac Amaru in prison
at, 294

CoUcodendrum scabridum, Zapote
del perro, 205

Collahua, native place of Salca-
mayhua, 16

Collahuayas, native doctors, 157

Collas occupied the northern
half of the Titicaca basin,
186, 313 ; predominant -tribe
of CoUa-suyu, 187 ; a con-
federacy under the CoUa chief,
conquests, capital at Hatun-
colla, 187 ; burial places,
187 ; defeated by the Incas,
188, 189; conquered, 190;
contingent of the Inca army,
191 ; sent away as mitimacs,
or colonists, 164, 191, 197 ;
language called Aymara by
the Jesuits, 192 ; numerals,
316

Collantcs, Juan do : married
Francisca N'usta, ancestress of
Bishop Piedrahita the his-
torian, 260

CoUao movement of mitimaes or
colonists, 10 ; description 22 ;
origin of tribes, 47 ; subdued
by Inca Pachacuti, 92 ; con-
federacy, 161, 187; Inca
viceroy, 189 ; Inca system of
colonisation, 191 ; importance
of conquest, 191

CoUa-suyu, southern division of
the Empire, 73, 186

(JnUingwood, H.M.S., v

Colonists. See Mitimaeti

Oommenlarios Realcs, 279, 280

Compositce, 80

Con, 103 n. ; Co7i Titi, 103 n.

Concaclia stone, 33, 34

Conch ncos, 182, 235

Condor or Cuntiir, Huarochiri
tradition, 232, 233

INDEX

423

Condorcanqui, Cacique of Suii-
mani, married to Juana,
daughter of Inca Tupac Amaru,
ancestors of Jose Gabriel
Condorcanqui, the patriot,
called Tupac Amaru, 298

Confession, 106

Conip Inti, 103 n. See Con

Coniraya Uira-cocha, 103 n.

Conopas, household gods, on the
coast, 236

Convolvulus, 80

Copacabana, 10, 319

Copiz, on the coast, Pizarro at,
224

Cordilleras unite at Vilcailota,
21 ; and at Cerro Pasco,
182. See Andes, Huarochiri,
Lucanas, Morochucos, Soras,
Yauyos

Cordova. See Garcilasso Inca

Coruna. See Popayan, Bishop of

Cotapampa, colonists from, 164,
175 ; final overthrow of Huas-
car in, 249

Cotes, Don Manuel : gold orna-
ments of the Incas at the
house of, 119

Cotonera, estate of Garcilasso
de la Vega, 271

Cranes, 79

Crow. See Chanquiri

Cuellar, Juan de, schoolmaster of
Inca Garcilasso, 264

Cuellar, Sancho de : taken pri-
soner and executed by Prince
Titu Atauchi, for complicity
in the murder of Atahualpa,
253

Cuentas, Don Narciso of Tinta,
owner of the original MS. of
Ollantay, 148

Cugma, 91 w.

Cuis Manco, chief of the Rimac
valley, 238

Culebra, coast valley, 208

Cullcii, dove, 82

Cunow, on the organisation of the
Inca empire, 170

Cunti-suyu, western division of
the empire, 173-7

Cuntur-cuuca mountains, 179

Curacas, or chiefs, 162

Curamba, fortress, 174, 176,

319
Curi Coyllur: see Chumpillaya,

242 ; and Cahua Ticlla, 244-

246 ; flight in boy's clothes,

247 ; rescued and married
her lover under the name of
Titu, 248 ; marriage with
Quilacu, 252 ; befriended by
Hernando de Soto, 252 ;
daughter married Carrillo, a
notary, 252. See Soto

Cusi, Prince, youngest son of
Uira-cocha Inca, 77 ; resolved
to defend Cuzco against the
Chancas, 84 ; followers, 85 ;
his vision, 86 ; victories, 86-9 ;
becomes Pachacuti Inca, 87,
89, 91. See Pachacuti

Cusi Hualpa, son of Inca Rocca,
68 ; visits his Huayllacan
relations, 69, 70 ; kidnapped
by Ayamarcas, 71 ; his speech,
weeps blood, 71, 72 ; sent to
the Puna, 73, 80 ; rescued,
taken to Anta, 73, 74. See
Yahuar Huaccac

Cusi Hualpa, child name of
Huayna Ccapac, 94

Cusi Huarcay, wife of Sayri Tupac,
274; body of Tupac Amaru
conveyed to her house, 296

Cusi Titu Yupanqui, son of Manco
Inca, 259 ; accession, embassy
to, 285, 290 ; death, 290 ; son,
291

Cusimiray. See Mama Cusimiray

Cusi-pata at Cuzco : house of
Garcilasso de la Vega in,
262

Cuycusa tribe : followers of the
Ayars, 50 ; belonguig to the
Hurin Cuzcos, 65

Cuzco, city of the Incas : author's
residence at, viii, ix ; cyclopean
buildings, 32, 33 ; meaning of
the word, 43, 54 ; original
inhabitants, 54 ; goal of the
Ayars, 53 ; description of
the site, 54, 55 ; torrents, 55 ;
Hanan and Hurin Cuzco, 64,

424

INDEX

13S ; temple to the Supreme
Being, 77 ; Santa Ajia Church,
portraits, 121 ; Huacay Pata,
133 ; Atahualpa's army at,
249, 250 ; siege by Manco,
255, 262 ; the Colcampata
palace, 256 ; church of La
Merced, 263, 271; arrival of the
first bullocks, 266 ; first grapes
and asparagus, 267 ; cane
tournaments at, 268 ; topo-
graphy, 268, 269 ; great halls
in the palaces, 269 ; archi-
tecture, 319. See Cassana,
Colcampata, Cusi-pata, Inti-
cancha, Huanay-pata, Amaru-
cancha, Quilliscancha, Rimac-
pampa, Sacsahuaman

Cuzco Chumpi, son of the chief
of Lambaycque, 224 ; baptised,
225

Cyclopean ruins, 23-33

Darwin on the rise of land, 38 n.,
200, 227, 228

Dawn, worship of, 104

December-January, Ccapac Raymi,
month, 118, 129

Desjardins, view of Inca rule, 171

Diviners at the feast of Intip
Raymi, 123. See Achacuc,
Canahuisa, Canchu, Hamurpa,
Huatuc, Htutlla, Layca, Llay-
chunca, Macsa, Pacchacuc,
Socyac, Yarcacaes

D'Orbigny, his views on Inca
rule, 171

Doves. See Cullcu, Quitu, Urpi

Drama. See Ollantay

Ducks. See Nunuma, Huacfma

Eaole. See Anca

Egrets, 79

Emeralds, land of : Manta and

EsmcraHas, 186
Enock, Mr., on ruins at Chavin

and Huanuco, 320
Equinoxes, observations for, 116
Esmeraidas, 184
Eapada, Don Marcos Jimenez do

la, X ; and the second part
of Cieza de Leon, 4 n. ; edited
Betanzos, 5 ; edited Montesinos,
12 ; published the work of
the ' anonymous Jesuit,' 13,
303 ; edited the work of Coboa,
14; edited Salcamayhua, 16, 99

Esquen Pisan, chief of Lambaye-
que, 224

Esquivel, Maria de, wife of Carlos
Inca, 285

Eten, coast valley, 208 ; words
of Mochica language collected
by Middendorf, at, 220

Falcon. See Alcamari and

Hiiaman
Faquisllanga river, 222

February-March, Hatun Pucuy,
month, 119, 134

Felipe Inca, son of Prince Paullu,
256, 261 ; schoolfellow of
Inca Garcilasso. 265 ; banished
by Toledo, 297

Fernandez {El PaUntino), ' History
of Peru ' : ho makes Urco one
of the reigning Incas, 90 n. ;
his names of months, 118 n. ;
Garcilasso's quotations from,
279

Fernandez Martin : his sore eye
cured by the Inca Garcilasso,
268

Festivals : the harvest called
Intip Raymi, 120-8 ; Situa,
125-6; Huarachicu, 129-33;
Mosoc Nina, 1 35

Figueredo, Juan de, on the Chin-
chay-suyu dialect, 313 n.

Figueroa, Juan de : climb to the
roof of his house, 272

Figueroa, Garcia Sanchez de :
cousin of Inca Garcilasso at
Cuzco, 265 ; his son a school-
fellow of Garcilasso, 265 ;
letters to Garcilasso, 276 ;
quotations from, 279

Flamingoes, 79, 170

Florida. See Soto

Fongasigde. Sec Nayralap

l<Vancisca S^usta. See CoUantes

INDEX

425

Galapagos Islands : voyage of
Inca Tupac Yupanqui to, 93,
184, 185 ; two islands called
Hahua-chumpi and Nina-
chumpi, 184

Garcia, Gregorio de : in possession
of the manuscript of Betanzos,
4

Garcia de Melo : sent the first
asparagus to Cuzco, 267

Garcilasso de la Vega (the father) :
married to an Inca princess,
260 ; his noble lineage, 261 ;
birth and early career, 261,
262 ; came to Peru with
Alvarado, war services, settled
at Cuzco, 262 ; position of his
house at Cuzco, 263 ; flight
from Cuzco, at the battle of
Huarina, 269 ; flight from
Giron's rebellion, 272 ; return
to Cuzco, 273 ; his estates,
273 ; founded a hospital for
Indians, 273 ; kindness to
sons of Pedro del Barco,
273; illness and death, 274,
275

Garcilasso Inca de la Vega :
author's translation of the
first part of his Royal Com-
mentaries, X n. ; quotes Acosta,
9 ; on Tiahuanacu, 29 ;
calls himself an Antarctic
Indian, 31 ; account of Inca
buildings in the fortress of
Cuzco, 32 ; meaning of names
of Ayars, 51, 53 ; sayings of
Incas acknowledging a Supreme
Being, 103 ; denied human
sacrifices, 109 ; version of the
Paccari-tampu myth, 140 ; ex-
perience of native medicines,
158, 268 ; on Inca invasions
of the coast, 223, 238 ; bu'th
and early recollections, 263 ;
his relations at Cuzco, 264 ;
school life, 264-8 ; an excellent
topographer, 268 ; in cane
tournaments, 268 ; house at-
tacked, 269 ; goes out to
meet his father, 270 ; kindness
of Gonzalo Pizarro to, 270 ;

learning Inca lore from his
mother's relations, and the
way to count the quipus, 271 ;
adventures on the breaking
out of Giron's rebellion, 272 ;
his father's agent and secre-
tary, 273 ; interview « ith
Sayri Tupac, 274 ; takes leave
of Polo de Ondegardo, who
shows him Inca mummies,
275 ; goes to Spain, 275 ;
coldly received, restitution re-
fused, 276 ; captain in the
Morisco war, 276 ; literary
work. 277 ; MS. on the Vargas
family, settled at Cordova,
277 ; account of his ' Com-
mentaries Reales,' 278 ; ob-
tained the MSS. of Valera,
279 ; quotations from other
authors, 279 ; value of the
Commentaries, 280 ; visit of
an old schoolfellow, 280, 281 ;
agent to his mother's rela-
tions, 281 ; his will, 282 ;
legacies to his servants, 283 ;
purchase of a mortuary chapel
in Cordova Cathedral, 283 ;
death. 283 ; buried at Cordova,
in his chapel, 283 ; epitaph,
284 ; used the word Aymara
for the language once, 315

Garlands. See Ccuri Vincha

Garua. See Coast

Gasca, Pedro de la, 272, 275

Gayangos, Don Pascual de, x

Geography of Peru : Royal Geo-
graphical Society's map, xii ;
publication of the ' Relaciones
Geograficas de India?,' 8 ; relief
maps used by the Incas, 112 ;
the coast region of Peru, 200-
206; topography of Cuzco, 268,
269

Giron, Francisco Hernandez de :
rebellion, 272 ; defeated at
Pucara, 273

Gold, principal sources of, 191,
197. See Breastplate

Gomara, 15 ; account of a god
ho calls Con, 103 n. ; Garci-
lasso's quotations from, 279

426

INDEX

Gonzalez de la Rosa, Dr., x:
printed the second part of
Cieza de Leon, 4 n. ; his
researches respecting the works
of Valera, 13 ; researches re-
specting Tiahuanacu, 25 ; on
the list of kings in Montesinos,
40 ; his edition of Carrera's
Mochica grammar, 220 ; ques-
tion of Garcilasso's integrity,
280 ; proved the identity of
the anonymous Jesuit with
Valera, 303

Goose. See Huallata

Gottingen University, manuscript
of Sarmiento in library of, 6.
See Pietschmann

Gronovius library, manuscript of
Sarmiento m, 5

Guamanga, 266, 274. See Hua-
manca

Guaiiape, coast valley, 208

Guanape island, ancient cemetery,
218

Guano deposits : antiquity of relics
calculated from time supposed
to be taken in making the
deposits, 218 n. ; doubts of
Mr. Squier, 228 n.

Guayaquil. See Chonos

Gull, Andean. See Quellua

Hahua-chumpi. See Galapagos

Hais Quisru, third station of the
Ayars, 51

Hamurpa, a class of diviners,
107

Hanan Cuzco. See Cuzco

Haro, Hernando do : made pri-
soner by Titu Atauchi, and
well treated, 253

Harvest festival, 120-3, 135 ;
picture of huaman Poma,
135. Sco Intip llaymi

Hatun-colla, Inti-huatana at, IHI ;
taken by Inca Pachacuti, 189 ;
chief seat of the CoUas, 187,
319

Hatun Piicuy, niontli, February-
March, lio, 134

Hatun Tupac, son of Yahuar

Huaccac, 76 ; took the name
of Uira-cocha
Hatun-rincriyoc. See Orejonts
Haylli, song, 132

Head-dress of the Inca, 122, 292 ;
of the High Priest, 105; of
youths at the Huarachicu, 132
Helps, Sir Arthur : Spanish con-
quest of Peru, 251
Heredia, Pedro de : service of

Cieza de Leon under, 2
Hernandez, Diego, married to

Beatriz Nusta, 260
Herons, 79
Herrera, 15 ; makes Urco one of

the reigning Incas, 90
Hervay, Inca fortress on the

coast, ruins, 180, 238, 320'
High Priest. See Uillac Uma
Holguin, Quichua grammar, vi, 313
Huacas, in the valley of the
Rimac, vi, 229 ; Huaman
Poma on, 17 ; ancestral gods,
104, 114
Huacap l7^7Za, priest of a ^waco, 106
Huacap Bimachi, announcer of

oracles, 106
Huacay Pata, at Cuzco, 133
Huacay Taqui tribe, followers of

the Ayars, 50, 65
Huachua, wild duck, 79
Huaco, wife of one of the Ayars,

49, 51
Iluahuas for sacrifice (lambs, not

children), 109
Hualla, diviners, 107
Huallaga river : flight of Chancas
to, 178, 193 ; rapid called
Salto de Aguirre, 193 ; tribes
on, 198
Huallata, wikl goose, 79
Huallcanca, shield, 292
Hualpa, a chief who attacked

Loyola, 293
Hualpa Rimachi, tutor of Inca

Uira-cocha, 36
Hualpa Tuj^ac, brother of Huayna
Ccapac, grandfather of Inca
Garcilasso, 260
Hualpa Tupac Yupanqui, uncle of
the Inca Garcilasso, 264 ;
letters from, 276

INDEX

427

Huamac, novice after three years,
107

Huaman, a falcon, 79

Huaman, son of Huayna Ccapac,
179

Huaman, son of Inca Rocca, 68

Huamanca, conquest of, 93, 173 ;
name, 179. See Ore

Huaman Cancha, 132

Huamanpalpa, estate of Garci-
lasso de la Vega, 273

Huaman Poma de Ayala : account
of his MS., 16, 17 ; corrobora-
tion of the kidnapping story,
75 ; portraits of the Incas, 121 ;
sketches of agricultural imjjle-
ments, 134 n., 135 ; use of the
word Aymara for the language,
315

Huampar Chucu, head-dress of the
High Priest, 105

Huanacauri, the name, 44 ; idol,
52 ; a most sacred huaca, 128 ;
youths sacrificed to it at the
Huarachicu, 128, 129 ; prayer
of the people to, at the murder
of Tupac Amaru, 295. See
Ayar Uchu

Huanaco, swiftness, 29, 30

Huanay-pata, sixth station of
the Ayars, 53

Huancas, conquest of, 180

Huanca Auqui, Huascar's general :
defeats, 246-8 ; retreat, 248

Huancara, conquest of, 91 n.

Huancarama, 175

Huantuy, the Inca's litter, 292

Huanuco, conquest of, 93, 173,
178; palace, 182, 320. See
Yarrovilca

Huara, coast valley, 227

Huarac-tampu, 178

Huaraca or sling, 134

Huarachicu festival : time it was
held by the people of Uma,
127 ; of Ayamarca, 128 ;
youths' or aspirants' dress,
129, 132, 133 ; attendant
maidens, 130 ; Huanacauri
sacrifice, 131 ; floggings to try
endurance, 130; foot-race, 131 ;
distribution of rewards, 132 ;

dances in the Huacay Pata,
133 ; baths at Calis Puquio,
133 ; sham fight, 134 ; reaping
in the field called Sausiru, 135,
256

Huuranca, a division of the
people, thousand, 162

Huaras, Callejon de, 182

Huarcu. See Caiiete

Huari, 34

Huari Titu, a son of Huascar,
who escaped to Caxamarca,
251

Huarina, battle of, 17, 270, 276

Huarmay, coast valley, 208

Huarochiri : Avila on idolatry
and myths of, translated by
the author, xi n. ; myths, 103
71., 230-4; peopled coast val-
leys, 161 ; people, 180, 181

Huascar Inca, name, 43, 241 ?i. ;
cable, 133, 241 n. ; succession,
224, 241 : cruelty, 243 ; mar-
riage, 244 ; armies defeated,
246, 248, 249 ; taken prisoner,
249 ; death, 250. See Chum-
pillaya

Huascaran peak, 21

Huata, the year, meaning of word,
117

Huata, conquest of, 91 n.

Huatanay torrent at Cuzco, 55 ;
confined to its bed, 66, 79

Huatuc, a soothsayer, 187

Huauqui, familiar spirits of the
Incas, 110, 243; of Manco
Ccapac, 50

Huayllacan tribe : daughter of
the chief married to Inca
Rocca : war with Ayamarca,
68 ; visit of Prince Cusi
Hualpa to, 69 ; treachery of
the chief, 69, 70 ; their harvest
song, 70 ; murder of Pahuac
Hualpa, 76

Huayna, the name, 46

Huayna Ccapac, accession, 95 ;
alleged human sacrifices at
accession, 108, 179 71. ; ex-
pedition against the Cofanes,
198 ; visited the Chimu, 223 ;
left Cuzco for the northern

428

INDEX

campaign, 241 ; death at
Quito, 242 ; body and huauqui
brought to Cuzco, 243 ; wives
and sons, 241, 256, 257 ;
treasure found in his palace,
267

Human sacrifices, 108 ; law pro-
hibiting, 109. See Sacrifices

Humboldt current, 202

Humboldt, Wm., possessed a copy
of Carrera's Yunca grammar,
220

Humming-bird or Ccenti. See
Ccenti

Hunu, a division of the people,
162

Huquiz, name, 44

Hurin Cuzco. See Cuzco

Ibis, 79

Ichu, 22, 81. See Ychu

IcJiuri, a confession, 106

Idolatries, Jesuits employed to
extirpate, 10, 235, 236; on
the coast, 235, 236

Ilia Tici Uira-cocha, names of the
deity, 41, 97 ; invoked by
Siuyacu, 58, 62. See Uira-
cocha

Illampu poak, 21, 191

Illapa, thunder and lightning
worship, 104, 117

Illay Tanta, sacred bread, 124

Ulimani peak, 21, 191

Incas : study of authorities, x ;
author's translation of Molina
on rites and ceremonies, x
n. ; witnesses for Sarmiento's
history, 6 ; portraits by
Huaman Poma, 17, 141, 145,
146 ; portraits at Santa Ana
(Cuzco), 121, 122; marri-
ages, 56, 94 ; Rocca, the first
Inca, 62-7 ; submission of
tribes to, 65 ; tlie land of the,
78-82 ; Inca Yahuar Huaccac,
75, 77 ; Inca Uira-cocha, 77,
90 ; Inca Pachacuti, 90, 93 ;
Tupac Inca Yupanqui, 94 ;
Huayna Ccapac, 95 ; the fami-
liar spirits, 110; intermenta,

111 ; physique, appearance,
dress, 121, 141 ; system of
government, 166, 167, 170;
msdom and statesmanship,
172 ; policy with regard to
the montaiia, 198 ; conquest
of the coast, 223 ; war of
succession, 240 ; princesses
married to Spaniards, 260 ;
pedigree and petition sent to
Spain, 281 ; assembled at
baptism of Melchior Carlos
Inca, 290 ; will of Leguisamo
testifjring to the excellence
of their rule, 300, 301 ; roads
and bridges, pottery, 318-20

Insignia. See Achihua (jpara-
sol), Champi (battle-axe),
Chipana (bracelet), Chuqui
(lance), HuaUcanca (shield),
Huantuy {\\iic\:),Llautu (fringe),
Mascapaycha (head - dress),
Tocapu (belt), Tumi (dagger),
Tupac Yauri (sceptre), Usuta
(shoes), Yacolla (mantle), Napa
(sacred image of llama), Sunhir
Paucar (head-dress)

Indians of Peru : their character,
ix ; appointment of protector
desired by Huaman Poma, 19 ;
religious beliefs, 112, 113 ;
doctors, 157 ; organisation in
ayllus, 160 ; under the Incas,
161-3 ; division into classes,
161, 162 ; taken for various
kinds of service, 162, 163 ;
condition under the Incas, 167
Sco Ayllus, Mitimaes ; also
Jx'guisamo's will

Indians of tlio Montana, 178, 195,
196, 197. See Antis, Campas,
Chirihuanas, Cholones, Cofanes,
Chunchos, ManariH, Opataris,
Pilcosones, Yana-simis, Mayo-
runas, Lamistas

Inez Sfusta, liad two children by
Pizarro, 200

Insignia. See Incas

Intercalary days, 117

Interments, 111, 112; Chimu,
217

Inti, the sun as a deity, 116

INDEX

429

Inticaca or Titicaca, 21, 103 n.

Inti-cancha or Ccuri-cancha,
temple of the sun at Cuzco,
55 ; divided into four quarters
called Quinti-cancha, Chumpi-
cancha, Sayri-cancha, and
Tarumpuy-cancha, 56 ; rulers
at first Uved in, 58 ; royal
residence removed from, 64

Intip Chilian, name for chosen
virguis, 106

Intip Pampa, in front of the
temple : runners assemble at
the Situa festival, 125 ; Inti-
huatana in, 116

Intip Ray mi, June-July, 118 ;
great harvest festival, 120-3

Ipacura, one of the Ayar wives, 49

Iquichanos, 179

Irrigation at Nasca, 177, 237 ;
Chira valley, 207 ; Chimu,
209; Nepeiia, 218; former
density of population proved
by, 229 ; in southern coast
valleys, 237

Isabel Yupanqui ]Siusta, mother
of the Inca Garcilasso, 260 ; her
portrait, 262 ; called Chimpa
Ocllo before baptism, 262

Iscuchaca, 81, 86

Itenez river, 193

Jan. -Feb., month called Camay,
118

Jauja : conquest of, 93, 173 ;
working of the Inca system
in valley of, 166 ; river, 178 ;
Huascar's army at, 246 ; Her-
nando de Soto at, 252

Jayanca, coast valley, chiefs of,
223 ; chief of, sent to Cuzco,
224

Juana Tupac Amaru, received in
the house of ArchbishopLoaysa,
married to Condorcanqui, Cur-
aca of Surimani, 298

Juli, on the west side of Lake
Titicaca : Jesuit station at,
192, 313

July-August, month called
. Chahuar Quiz, 118

June-July, month called hitip

Raymi, 118
Justiniani, Dr., descendant of the

Incas, Cura of Laris : author's

visit to, viii, 145 ; his copy of

Ollantay, 146

Lafone Quevedo, Don Samuel
A. : his work on the cult of
Tonapa, 99

Lambayeque, tradition of arrival
of strangers, 208 ; chiefs of,
224, 225. See Naymlap

La Merced, church at Cuzco, 263,
271

Lamistas, tribe of the Huallaga,
178, 198

Lampa, contents of a native
doctor's wallet at, 157

La Ray a, 188

Laris, viii, 144, 145. See Justiniani

Larrabure y Unanue, Don E., i ;
on use of pillars in Lunahuana
ruins, 320 ; on Paramunca,
Sillustani, 319, 320

Lasiandra, bushes, 94

Lauricocha, lake, source of the
Amazon, 193

Laycas, diviners, 108

Leche, coast valley, 208, 224

Leguisamo, Mancio Serra de :
story of his gambling away
the golden image of the sun,
15, 301 n. ; mareied Beatrix
^usta, 260 ; a captain in the
force invading Vilcapampa,
293 ; witness of the Indians
reverencing the head of Tupac
Amaru, 296, 297 ; his will,
testimony to the excellence of
the rule of the Incas, 300, 301

Leguisamo, Juan Serra de (the
younger), schoolfellow of Inca
Garcilasso, 265 ; received at
Vilcapampa, 273

Leon, Pedro de Cieza de : author's
translation, x 7i. ; early life, 2 ;
services, 3 ; desire to record
events, 2, 3 : his chronicle, 3,
4, 96 ; on Tiahuanacn, 90 n. ;
gives Tuapaca as "the name of

430

INDEX

the servant of Uira-cocha, 103
n. ; put Urco in the succession
of Incas, 90 n. ; on human
sacrifices, 109 ; his version of
the Paccari-tampu myth, 140 ;
witness to the automatic work-
ing of the Inca system, 166 ;
absence of rain on the coast,
201 ; Inca roads on the coast,
225, 320 ; Garcilasso's quota-
tions from, 279 ; on Vilcas-
huaman ruins, 320 ; on Inca
roads, 320

Letoumeau, his views respecting
Inca rule, 171

Lightning, Liviac, 117

Lima, view from the sea, vi ;
excursions, viii ; library,
' Papeles varios,' ix ; in the
valley of the Rimac, 229 ;
Arriaga's work published at,
235 ; founded by Pizarro, 255 ;
Incas banished to, 297. Arch-
bishop of, see Loaysa

Limatambo, palace at, 286, 319

Litter. See Insignia, Lucanas

Lizarraga, Reginaldo de : his
work, 15 ; boundary wall
between Incas and Collas, 188

Llacta-camayoc, village officer, 161,
162

Llactapata, 93, 287. Same as
C!olcampata

Llallahua, stronghold of the Collas,
189

Llama Mama, household god, 112,
113

Llamas, 22 ; domestication, 30 ;
for sacrifice, 108, 109. See
Napa

Llampallec, idol at Lambayeque,
222

Llapchilulli, descendants made
chiefs of Jayanca. See Naym-
lap, 222

Llautu, royal fringe, 121, 274, 292

Llaychunca, diviners, 107

Llecco-llecco, plover, 79

Lloque Yupanqui Inca, 66

Loarte, Gabriel do : accomplice
in the murder of Tupac
Amaru, 298

Loaysa, Dr., first archbishop of
Lima : had a census taken
in the Piura valley, 225 ;
befriended the daughters of
Tupac Amaru, 298

Loaysa, Don Alonso : nephew
of the archbishop : wedding
supper interrupted, 272

Lomas, 203

Lopez, Dr. Don Vicente, on ancient
dynasties, 43

Lorente : review' of his conception
of Inca rule, 171

Loyola, Martin Garcia : married
the Princess Clara Beatriz,
daughter of Sayri Tupac, 274 ;
captain in the Vilcapampa
invading force, narrow escape,
293 ; captured Inca Tupac
Amaru, 295

Loyola, Lorenza, daughter of
the above : married Juan
Henriquez de Borgia, created
Marquesa de Oropesa with
remainder to the heirs-general
of her uncle Tupac Amaru, 274

Lucanas, Huaman Poma chief of,
17 ; subdued, 92 ; their coun-
try, 174, 176, 177 ; carried the
Inca's litter, 177 ; peopled the
Nasca valloj', 177

Lucuma, a fruit tree, 82

Lunahuana, ruins, 320

Lunarejo, Dr. : Quichua drama
arranged by, 155

Lupacas, on tlie west shore of Lake
Titicaca, 1 86 ; many sent
away as colonists, 164; at Juli,
313

Lupi, the sun as giver of light,
116

Lupins, 80

Lurin valley, peopled by Huaro-
cliiris, 181, 227 ; drainage
230; irrigation, 237

Macabi island : cemetery on, 218
Machay, caves for interments, 11
Macau, curer by enchantment, 108
Mactn puric, class of little boys,
162

INDEX

431

Magdalena Tupac Amaru, received
in the house of Archbishop
Loaysa, 298
Mainique, Puncu de. See Vilca-

mayu
Maize, antiquity of cultivation,
30 ; limit of cultivation, 38 ;
crops in the Vilcamayu valley,
82 ; height, 246 n.
Majes, coast valley, 239
Mala, peopled by Yauyos, 180,

227 ; irrigation, 237
Maldonado, Juan Arias : school-
fellow of Inca Garcilasso, 265 ;
visit to Garcilasso at Cordova,
281
Maldonado, Juan Alvarez : cap-
tain in the Vilcapampa invad-
ing force, 293
Malqui, a mummy. See Inter-
ments
Mama, name preceding names of
Ccoyas, and of some household
gods, 236
Mama Cuna, matrons of chosen

virgins, 106
Mama Cusimiray, 241 ; death, 243
Mama OcUo, wife of Tupac, 94
Mama Rahua OcUo, 241 ; mother
of Huascar returned to Cuzco
with the body of Huayna
Ccapac, 243 ; indignant at
Huascar's cruelty, 244 ; retired
to Siquillapampa, 244 ; forced
to acknowledge Atahualpa,
249. See Quilacu
Mama Runtu, 241
Mamore river, 193
Manaris, friendly Indians, 169, 257

293
Manco, the name, 43
Manco Ccapac, 54-7. See Ayar

Manco
Manco Inca, 241 : successor to
Huascar, 250, 254 ; met Pizarro
at the Apurimac bridge, 254 ;
acknowledged by Pizarro, 254 ;
escaped; his siege of Cuzco,
255, 262 ; his defence of
OUantay-tampu, 256 ; retreat
into Vilcapampa, 256 ; refused
to treat wjth Pizarro, 257 ;

Pizarro's murder of his
wife, 257 ; receives Almagro
fugitives, 257 ; correspondence
with the viceroy, 258 ; mur-
dered by Gomez Perez, 258 ;
his character, 258, 259 ; his
sons, 259
Manseriche, Puncu de, Marafion

rapid, 193
Mansiche river, 209
Manta, conquest of, 93, 183, 184
Maps (rehef) used in administra-
tion, 142
Marafion, valley of, 33, 34, 182 ;
river, source, 193 ; rapid, 193
Maras, 45 ; window in Paccari-
tampu, 49 ; tribe, 49 ; followers
of the Ayars, 53 ; settled at
Maras, 55 ; tribe to Hurin
Cuzco, 65. See Ortiz de Orue
Marca, division of land, 161
Marca Huasi, near Cuzco, vine-
yards, 275
Marcapata, invasion of, 196, 197
Marca Yutu, son of Yahuar

Huaccac, 76
March-April, month called Pacha

Pucuy, 119
Maria Tupac Usca, daughter of
Manco Inca, wife of Pedro
Ortiz de Orue, 145, 259
Market. See Catu
Marriages, Inca, 56
Martin Tupac Amaru : banished,
but befriended by Ampuero,
297
Masca tribe : followers of the

Ayars, 50, 65
Mascapaycha, royal head-dress,

121, 292
Mastodon : found at Ulloma, 37
^latahua, fifth station of the

Ayars, 53, 130
Matecllu, plant, cures sore eyes, 268
Matienza, Juan de : his work on
Peru, 7, 169 ; journey with
Viceroy Toledo, 289
Maudslay, Mr. : on Maya civilisa-
tion, 31
Maule river : southern limit of the

Inca empire, 94, 190
Maya, 31

432

INDEX

May- June, month called Aymuray,

119, 135
Mayornna Indians, 198
Mayta, name, 46
Mayta Ccapac, Inca, 56
Mayta Yupanqui : reinforced

Huascar's army at Jauja,

246-8
Medanos on the coast, 202, 203
Medicinal herbs, 157, 158, 268
Megalithic age, 31, 36, 46
Melastomacese, 194
Melchior Carlos Inca: baptism,

290 ; agent in Spain for the

Incas, 281
Melo, Garcia de: sent the first

asparagus to Cuzco, 267
Mendez, Diego : took refuge with

Inca Manco, 257
Mendoza, Don Antonio de, vice-
roy, 5
Mendoza, Don Andres Hurtado de,

Marquis of Cafiete, viceroy :

induced Sayri Tupac to leave

Vilcapampa, 273
Mesa, Don Alonso de : agent in

Spain for the Inca family,

281
Mestizos or half-castes at Cuzco,

with Spanish fathers and Inca

mothers, 264 ; their education,

264 ; schoolfellows of the Inca

Garcilasso, 265 ; banished by

Toledo, 298 ; authors (see

Bias Valera and Garcilasso)
Micay, Queen (Ccoya) of Inca

Rocoa, 68, 71
Micucancha or Paullu : chief place

of the Huayllacans, 69
Middendorf, Dr. : vocabularies of

the Mochica language, 220
Miller, General : help and advice

given to the author, ii
Milman, Dr., Dean of St. Paul's :

introduction to Mr. Prescott

from, vii
Mircay-mafia : tutor to Prince

Cusi, 85
' Miscelanea Austral,' by G. Balboa

(whom see)
MilivMen or colonists : system,

164, 239 ; in the Collas, 10,

191; results of the system,
165, 191. See Collas, Lupacas,
Aymaras

Mochica language: on the coast,
219, 220, 221, 311. See Car-
rera, Yunca

Molina, Cristoval de : his work on
the fables and rites of the
Incas, X n., 9 ; on the origin
of the people, 32, 96 ; temple
of the Supreme Being, 97 ;
prayers in Quichua, 98 ; on
human sacrifices, 109 ; names
of months, 117 n., 280 ; at the
murder of Tupac Amaru, 274

MoUe tree (Schinus MolU), 80, 86,
244

MoUepata, 81

Monedero, Bartolome : school-
fellow of Inca Garcilasso, 265

Montana : campaign of Tupac
Yupanqui, 94, 195, 199;
scenery and vegetation, 194 ;
products of, 195 ; wild Indians,
196, 197 ; voyage of Orejones
in, 198. See Abisca, Caravaya,
Indians, Paucartampu, Hual-
laga

Montesinos : translated by the
author, xi n. ; account of, 11;
his work on the origin of the
people, 32 ; his hst of kings,
40, 306-9 ; tradition of Rocca,
64 ; Paccari-tampu myth, 140 ;
voyage of Orejones in the
Montana, 198 ; Inca invasion
of the coast, 223 ; his use
of Valera's work, 304 ; his
methods, 305

Months, 118, 119, 120-35; names
given by different authorities,
118 and note

Moon : worship of, 104 ; names of,
117

Moquegua, 164, 172, 239

Moro Urco : house where the
rope for dancers was kept,
133

Morua or Murua, Fray Martin de,
li n. ; change of dynasty by
Bocca, 64 ; kidnapping of
Cusi Hualpa 75 n. ; prayer

INDEX

433

of the Inoa, 98 ; names of
stars given by, 117 ; names
of months, 118 ; version of the
Paccari-tampu myth, 140 ;
love story, 155, 408 ; deriva-
tion of name Guamanga, 179,
280 ; used the word Aymara
for the language twice, 315

Mosoc caparic, class of babies,
162

Mosoc Nina, festival, 135

Mossi, Dr., Quichua scholar :
translated the hymns given by
Salcamayhua, 99 ; his deriva-
tion of the word Quichua,
174

Motilones on the Huallaga, 178,
198

Motupe : coast valley, 208 ; Pizarro
at, 224

Muchanaca, ceremony of treading
on captives and spoils, 89

Muchi, river on the coast, 208 ;
temple of the Moon on, 216,
221

Mummies. See Interments, On-
degardo

Murua. See Morua

Museums. See Centeno and Cap-
aro Muiiiz

Mustincia, Martin de : married
Beatriz :S;usta, 260

Mujma, submits to the Inca, 65,
80, 142

Myring, Mr. : discovery of Chimu
pottery, 218

Nacac, cutter up of sacrificial

beasts, 108
Napa, sacred image of a llama,

51 ; at the Huarachicu festival,

130
Napo river, 198
Nasca, viii : irrigation works, 177,

237 ; coast valley, 227 ;

ancient pottery, 230. See

Lucanas
Navamuel, secretary : with the

Viceroy Toledo during the

journeys of inspection, 289
Naymlap, a chief : arrival at

Lambayeque by sea, with a
fleet of strangers, 222 ; his
temple and idol, death, 222.
His servants (see Fongasigde,
Llapchilulli, Ninacolla, Nin-
gentue, Ochocalo, Ollopcopoc,
Pitazofi, Xam). His wife (see
Ceterni) ; temple (Ghot) ; idol,
(Llampallec)

Nepeua, coast valley, 208 ; irriga-
tion, 218

Nestler, Professor, of Prague :
making researches at Tia-
huanacu, 25

Nightingale. See Ohecollo

Nina-chumpi. See Galapagos
Islands

Ninacolla, 222. See Naymlap

Ninan Cuyuchi, eldest son of
Huayna Ccapac, 241 ; death,
242

Ningentue, 222. See Naymlap

November - December, month
called Ayamarca, 118, 128

Novices, 106

Nuiiuma, wild duck, 79

;5Justa-caUi-sapa, maidens who
attended the youths at the
Huarachicu, 130, 131

Observations of the sun for
time of solstices and equinoxes,
115, 117

Oca {Oxalis tuberosa), 23

Ocampo, Baltasar de : eye-witness
of the murder of Tupac Amaru,
296 n.

Occlo, 49

Ochoa, Dr. Julian : authority
on folklore at Cuzco, viii,
144

Ochocalo, 222. See Naymlap

Ocoiia, coast valley, 239

October-November, month called
Uma Bay mi, 118

O'Higguas, La Senora, vi

Oliva, Anello : work on dis-
tinguished Jesuits in Peru, 14
n. ; on Tiahuanacu, 24, 29 n. ;
evidence of Valera's authorship
from Oliva, 303

434

INDEX

Oliva, Diego de : received the
manoscript of Francisco de
Chaves, 253 n.

Ollantay, an Inca drama : trans-
lated by the author, xi n., 143,
144 ; reduced to writing by
Dr. Valdez, 145, 325 ; the Jus-
tiniani text, 148 ; Dominican
text, 148 ; argument of the
drama, 149, 152-4, 330-4;
Zegarra's text, 328 ; name,
335

Ollantay- tampu : megalithic part,
32 ; beauty, 82 ; conquest of,
91 n. ; Inti-huatana at, 116 ;
description, 150-1, 319; de-
fence of, by Manco Inca,
256

Ollopcopoc, 222. See Naymlap

Ondegardo, Polo de : translation
of his report by the author,
xi n., 7 ; on human sacrifices,
108 ; search for Inca mummies,
110, 111, 275; his names of
the months, 118; on Inca
administration, 169 ; with the
Viceroy Toledo on his journey
of inspection, 289

Opatari Indians, 196

Ore, Bishop Luis Geronimo : on
the Mochica language, 219 ;
his ' Rituale,' 313 ; a native
of Guamanga, 313

Orejones or Hatun-rincriyoc, 67 ;
chief of Anta : raised to rank
of, 76 ; flight with Inca Uiia-
cocha, 84 ; defeat of Chancas
by, 89 ; return to Cuzco, 90 ;
dress, 123 ; youths equipped
as, 134 ; in battle with the
CoUas, 189 ; many received in
Colla-suyu, 191 ; voyage in
the montaiia, 1 98 ; resumed
offices on departure of Ata-
hualpa's army, 250 ; acknow-
ledge Manco as Inca, 254 ;
besiege Cuzco, led by Manco,
255

Orgofiez, Lieutenant of Almagro,
256

Ortiz de Grue, Pedro. See Maria
Usca

Ortiz, Friar Diego, Augustine :
sent to convert Cusi Titu
Yupanqui, 290 ; put to death
for not curing the Inca, 291,
292

Oviedo, Friar Gabriel : his account
of the murder of Tupac
Amaru, 296 n.

Oxalis luberosa or Oca, 23

Pacajes, tribe on the southern
side of Lake Titicaca, 186,
313

Pacasas, tribe on the eastern side
of Lake Titicaca, 186

Pacasmayu, coast valley, 208

Paccari-tampu, myth, 48-57 ;
date, 55 ; authorities on, 140.
See Ayars

Paccarisca, ancestor worship, 109,
114

Paccay, a fruit tree, 82, 380

Pacchacuc, diviners, 107

Pachaca, division of the people:
a hundred families, 161

Pachacamac, a fish god on the
coast: temple, 181, 233, 234,
320 ; great oracle, 232 ; idol
destroyed by Hernando Pizarro
234 ; erroneous idea respect-
ing, 235, 320

Pachachaca river, 174, 176; Ay-
maras at the head-waters of,
191

Paohacuti, a royal title : meaning,
41, 42 ; the eighth Pachaouti,
46 ; Prince Cusi received the
title, 87, 89 ; march against
Urco, 90 ; achievements, 91
conquests, 92 ; palace, 1 20
his heir, 92 ; death-scene, 93
mummy, 112 ; in the drama of
Ollantay, 148, 330; sent an
army to conquer Chinchay-
suyu, 178 ; conquest of Colla-
suyu, 188, 189; built the
Colcampata, 287. See Cusi

Pacha Mama, spirit of the earth,
112

Pacha Pucuij, month, Maroh-
April, 119, 134 ''

INDEX

435

Pacific naval station, v ;
youngsters taught languages,
vi

Pacsa Mama, the moon as a
deity, 117

Pahuac Hualpa Mayta, eldest
son of Inca Yahuar Huaccac :
murdered by the Huayllacans,
76

Pallata, second station of the
Ayars, 51

Paltas, 82

Pampa Maroni : afe Cuzco, 319

Pampas river, 92, 158, 174 ;
gorge of, 176, 178

Pancurcu, torches at the Sittui
festival, 126

Pando, mestizo servant : inter-
preter to the mission at Vilca-
pampa, 291 ; put to death,
291, 292

Paramunca, coast valley, 208 ;
southern boundary of Chimu
territory, 227 ; Inca fortress,
238, 320

ParJhuana-cocha, 176

Papoquets, 82

Partridge. See Yutu

Paruro, 45 n.

Pasto, 191

Pata-llada. See Llactapafa

Pativilca, southern boundary of
Chimu territory, 181

Paucar, son of Inca Rocca, 68

Paucar, son of Uira-cocha luca.
See Tupac

Paucartampu, author at, ix ;
valley of, 194 ; montana, 194 ;
base of the Inca's operations
in the montana, 195

PauUu, son of Huayna Ccapac,
241 ; went to Chile with
Almagro, 255 ; threw in his
lot with the Spaniards, 260 ;
joined Vaca de Castro, bap-
tised, 256 ; granted the Col-
campata palace, 256 ; his
sons, 256 ; his wife, 261 ; his
death, 261 ; extinction of tlie
male line of his family, 282.
See Carlos, Felipe, Melchior,
Sahuaraura

Paytiti, 197

Peel, Sir William, v

Penachis, savage tribe on the skirts

of the coast mountains, 224
Pepperell, visit to Mr. Prescott

at, vii, viii
Peru : discovery (see Xeroa),

hospitality, ix ; antiquity of

civilisation, 29-31 ; origin,

31, 32 ; list of kings, 40, 46,

306
Peruvians. See Indians
Pictures used for recording events,

141
Piedrahita. See Collantes
Pietschmann, Dr., librarian of the

university of Gottingen, editor

of the work of Sarmicnto, 6 ;

discovered the work of Hua-

man Poma, 16
Pilco Cassa, head-dress of aspirants

at the Huarachicu, 132
Pilcopata, 196

Pilcosones, hostile Iixlians, 197
Pinahua, submits to the Inca, 65,

80
Pincos, 175
Piquillacta ruins, 319
Pirua, 41, 230
Pirua, dynasty, 42, 48
Pirua Paccari Manco, first king of

Peru, 42
Pisco, peopled by Yauyos, 180,

227 ; irrigation, 237
Pissac, 82, 184, 125, 116, 319
Pitazoji, 222. See Naymlap
Pizarro, Francisco : on the coast,

224 ; arrival at Caxamarca,

225; founded Truxillo, 225;

murder of Atahualpa, 250,

251 ; acknowledged Manco

Inca, 254 ; founded Lima,

255 ; murder of Manco's wife,

257 ; two children by an Inca

princess, 260
Pizarro, Francisco (the younger),

265, 271
Pizarro, Gonzalo, 258 ; rebellion,

269 ; victory at Huarina, 270 ;

arrival at Cuzco, kindness to

Inca Garcilasso, 271 ; death,

271, 276

FF 2

436

INDEX

PizaiTO, Hernando : at Pachaca-
mac, 234, 238

Pizarro, Pedro : his ' relaciones,' 6

Planets, names given by Valera,
117

Plover. See Lleco-Ueco

Pocheos, on the coast, Pizarro at,
224

Pocras, Andean tribe, 179

Polo de Ondegardo. See Onde-
gardo

PolyUpis racemosa. See Quenuar

Pomares, Felipe de : on Inca
treasure, 288 n.

Pongos, fishermen on the coast,
239

Popayan, Bishop of : with the
Viceroy Toledo on his journey,
289 ; protests against the
murder of Tupac Amaru, 295

Potatoes, 23 ; antiquity of culti-
vation, 30

Pottery, at Nasoa, 177, 230;
Chimu, 213, 214; Yea, 229,
230 ; Inca, 320

Prayers of the Incas, 98, 100,
101, 102, 143

Prescott, Mr. ; ' Conquest of Peru,'
V, vi ; visit of author to, vii ;
conversations with, vii, viii ;
manuscript of Betanzos copied
for, 4 ; mistake about the
second part of Cieza de Leon,
4 n. ; his copy of Pedro
Pizarro's ' Relaciones,' 6 ; and
of Polo de Ondegardo, 7 ;
quotes Acosta, 9 ; Cieza dc
Leon, 4 n. ; story of Spanish
invasion, 251 ; story of siege
of Cuzco, 255 ; use of Garci-
lasso de la Vega, 280. See
Belaundc

Priego, Marquis of, 276

Priests, 106, 108. See Uillac Umu

Prosopis horrida. See Algaroba

Pucara, battle at, 45, 190, 273 ;
stronghold of the CoUas, 189

Pucllac huamra, class of boys, 162

Pumacagua, insurrection, 144 ;
had seen the Inca treasure,
251 n., 288 n.

Puna island, 184

Punchau, name of the sun, 116

prayer to, 98
Punchau Chivan. See Aclla
Puncu or Pongo. See Rapids
Punuc rucu, class of very old

men, 161
Puquina, dialect. See Urus
Puric, the unit, head of a family,

160 ; his responsibility, 161
Purun-pacha, remote times, 230

Quail. See Ghuy

Quellua, Andean gull, 79

Quenuar {PolyUpis racemosa), 22,
80

Quichua tribe : study of the
language, vi ; songs collected,
ix, 156 ; dictionaries by the
author, xi n. ; their country,
92; dramas, 147, 148-56;
name given by grammarians
to the Runa-simi or general
language of Peru, 137, 138,
174, 312 ; their fortresses, 174,
175 ; derivation of the word
by Mossi, 174. See Holguin,
Justiniani, Mossi, Santo Tomas,
Torres Rubio

Quicuchica, ceremony for girls,
136, 168

Quilacu : love episode, 10 ; sent
on an embassy to Huascar :
treatment, 244 ; reception by
the Ccoya, 245 ; in love with
Curi Coyllur, 244 ; betrothed
246 ; in command of reserve
of Atahualpa's army, 247 ;
wounded : rescued by Curi
Coyllur, 247 ; marriage, 282

Quilla, the moon, 117 ; month, 117

Quillaguas, a tribe of Colla-suyu,
186

Quilliscancha, suburb of Cuzco, 85,
86

Quina-quina, 157

Quinine. See Chinchona

Quinua, 22

Quinoncs, Antonio, brother-in-law
of Garcilasso dc la Vega :
flight with him, 273

Quinti-cancha. See Inti-cancha

INDEX

437

Quipaypa, near Cuzco : Atahu-
alpa's army at, 249 ; school-
boys go out hawking there, 26(5

Quifu records : hst of ancient
kings derived from, 41 ; re-
ferred to by Siuyacu, 59 ; de-
scription, 139 ; uses, 139, 140,
141, 271 ; learnt by Inea
Garcilasso, 271 ; used as au-
thorities by Valera, 305

Quipucamayocs, recorders, 41, 106,
139, 142

Quiquisana, 120

Quirau, or cradle, 135

Quirirmanta, fourth station of
the Ayars, 52

Quispicancha, 95, 270

Quispi Titu, son of Cusi Titu
Yupanqui : befriended by
Martin Ampuero, 297

Quisnar (Buddleia Incana), 22, 80

Quito conquest, 93, 95, 164, 173,
182, 198; death of Huayna
Ccapac at, 95, 242 ; Balboa
wrote at, 221 n. ; Atahualpa
not born at, 241 n.

Quitu, a dove, 82

Quizquiz, a Quito general, 242 ;
m command of Atahualpa's
army, 247 ; repulsed : took
Huascar prisoner, 249, 250 ;
met his deserts, 251

Ramos Galivan : his work on the
church of Copacabana, 10 ; ac-
count of mitimaes at Juli, 314

Ransom, for Atahualpa, 250, 251

Ranti, name, 46

Rapids on Amazonian rivers,
called puncu, 193. See Man-
seriche, Salto de Aguirre,
Canchaguayo, Mainique

Raua or Rava, 49

Raymi, name, 44. See Festivals,
Months

Reis3,Dr. : researches at Ancon, 227

Roads, 320

Rimac-pampa, 95

Rocca, 46, 66, 58

Rodadero, rock near the fortress
of Cuzco : place for toboggan-
ing, 266

Rodriguez, de Figucroa, Diego :
embassy to Cusi Titu Yupanqui
285, 291 ; wrote an account
of the mission, 291

Rosa, Dr. Gonzalez de la : printed
the second part of the chronicle
of Cieza de Leon, 4 n.; his
researches respecting the work
of Valera, 13 ; information
from, respectmg Tiahuanacu,
25 ; on the list of kings in
Montesinos, 40 ; his edition
of Carrera's grammar, 220 ;
questions Garcilasso's integrity,
280 ; proved that the anony-
mous Jesuit was Valera, 303

Rosas, Dr., Cura of Chinchero :
had a copy of OUantay, 148

Rumihuasi pass, ix

Rumi naui, a Quito general, 242,
266

Runa-huana, ravine, 180

Rmin-simi, the general language,
137, 138. See Quichua

Runtu-caya, of Anta, wife of
Uira-cocha Inca, 77

Rutuchicu, ceremony of naming
boys, 135, 167

Saavedra, Don Bautista : views

on the ayllu communities, 171
Saavedra, Dr. Maklonado : gave

the Valera manuscripts to Inca

Garcilasso, 278
Sacrifices, 180 ; human, 109
Sacsahuaman hill : fortress on, 32,

33 ; Cliingana cave on, 60. See

Rocca
Sacsahuana. See Saquis-ahuana
Sahuaraura, Dr. Justo : claimed

descent from Prince Paullu,

282 n.
St. Paul's, Dean of. See Milman,

Dr.
Salcamayhua : antiquities of Peru,

translated by the author, x n. ;

account of his work, 16 ;

makes Urco a reigning Inca,

90 71. ; temple to Uira-cocha,

97, 98 ; Tarapaca and Tonapa,

names of Uira-cochas servants.

438

INDEX

105 n. ; version of the Paccari-
tampu myth, 140, 280

Salinillas, name of the horse of
Garcilasso de la Vega, 270, 271

Salto de Aguure. See Huallaga

Sana, coast valley, 208

Sanchez, schoolmaster to Mestizos
at Cuzco, 264

San Crifitoval, church at Cuzco,
256, 286

Sancu, pudding at Situa festival,
126

San Damian, in Huarochiri, 230

San Domingo, convent at Cuzco :
copy of Ollantay at, 148

San Lorenzo, island, v, 227

Sanoc tribe : followers of the
Ayars, 50, 65

Santa, coast valley, 208

Santa Ana, church at Cuzco :
portraits of Incas, 121

Santillan : ' Relacion,' xi ??., 7, 169

Santo Tomas, Domingo de : his
grammar of the general lan-
guage gave it the name of
Quichua, 312

Saquis-ahuana, 84, 89, 90 ; mean-
ing of the words, 90 n. ; cor-
rupted to Xaquix Akuana
and Sacs Ahnnna, 90. See
Caquia

Sara Mama, 112

Sarmiento, Pedro de : voyages
translated by the author, xi n. ;
history of the Incas, xi n. ;
manuscript at Gottingen,
edited by Dr. Pietschmann, 5 ;
account of, special value, 6, 280 ;
version of the Paccari-tampu
myth, 49-57 ; liis dates, 55 ;
gives Tahuapaca as the name
of Uira-cocha's servant, 101 ;
on human sacrifices, 109 ;
method of recording events,
140 ; condition of Peru before
the Incas, 159 ; Inca's voyage
to the (Jalapagos islands, 184,
185 ; Inca invasion of the
coast, 223 ; survivals of Incas,
254 ; with the Viceroy Toledo
on his journey of inspect ion, 289

Sausiru, farm, 135

8at/a huamrac, class of children,
162

Sayri-cancha, 56

Sayri Tupac, son and heir of
Manco Inoa, 259 ; tournament
at his baptism, 268 ; induced
to come to Lima, 273, 274 ;
return to Cuzco, death, 274 ;
his wife Cusi Huarcay, 274 ;
marriage of his daughter to
Loyola, 274 ; received the
llautu of Atahualpa from
Miguel Astete, 274

Schimts molle, berry used to
flavour chicha, 127. See Molle

Schools. See Yacha-huasi

Sec, peculiar language on _ the
coast, 220

Sechura, on the coast, 220

Sicuani, 113; Dr. Valdez, Cura
of, 148

Sillustani, chulpas or Colla burial
towers, 187, 319

Silva, Diego de, godfather of
Inca Garcilasso, 264

Simaponte, Tupac Amaru cap-
tured at, 293

Sinchi, chief, 159

Sinchi Rocca, 56

Siquillapampa, the Ccoya Mama
Rahua's residence at, 244, 245,
247

Situa, festival, 125-7

Siuyacu, mother of Rocca : revo-
lution arranged by, 58, 69;
urges reforms, 66

Socialism under the Incas, 169

Socso or Sucso, bastard of Inca
Uira-cocha, 77, 84

Socyac, diviners, 107

Solar observations, 115, 116

Solorzano, Juan de : his ' Politica
Indiana,' 8

Solstices, 115

Solstitial pillars, 115

Sondor-hvasi, 319

Songs: harvest song, 70 ; Huari,
131; HuylH, 132; Yarahui,
135; mythical song, 143; love
songs, 156

Soothsayers. See Diviners

Sora, an intoxicating spirit, 128

INDEX

439

Sora : tribe subdued, 92, 176

Soto, Hernando de : befriended
Quilacu and Curi Coyllur, 252 ;
history of his Florida expedi-
tion, 277

Soto, Juan de, officer of the court :
at the execution of Tupac
Amaru, 295

Soto, Leonor de, daughter of Curi
Coyllur and Hernando de Soto :
married to a notary named
Carrillo, 252

Spaniards : arrival on the coast,

224 ; reach Caxamarca, 225 ;
destruction of the coast people,

225 ; at Caxamarca, 249 ; on
the march to Cuzco, 251 ;
Mauco made reprisals on, 257 ;
invasion of Vilcapampa, 293,
294 ; disastrous results of
their rule, 299, 300-10

Spencer's ' Sociology ' : his view-
respecting Inca rule based on
inaccurate information, 171

Spruce, Mr. : on ancient aqueducts
in the Chira valley, 207; de-
scribes Chimu plates covered
with figures, 213 ; collected
words of a coast language, 220

Squier : opinion as to origin of
Peruvian civilisation, 31 ; de-
scribed the Chimu ruins, 209 ;
and irrigation works, 218 ;
best authority on Inca archi-
tecture, 319, 320

Stfers : number of names given by
different authorities, 117. See
Chasca

Stereoxylon patens. See Tasta

Stipa Ychu, grass, 22, 81

Stubel, Dr. : researches at Ancon,
227

Sucanca, solstitial pillars, 115

Sucso. See Socso

Sun worship : names, IIG; ances-
tral worship, 46, 49, 63, 104,
110, 168. See Temple

Suntur Paucar, insignia of the
Inca, 131, 132

Supreme Being. See Uira-cocha

Surimani, the chief of. See Con-
doreanqui

Suriti plain, 81, 83, 243, 248
Susur Puquio, vision of Prince

Cusi at, 86
Sutic, window of the Paccari

tampu cave, 49

Tacna, 164, 173 : peopled by the

CoUas, 187, 239
Tahuapaca, servant of Uira-cocha

according to Sarmiento, 101,

103 «.
Tambopata river, 193
Tampu tiibe: came out of the

Sutic window at Paccari-tampu,

49, 55, 05
Tampus or tambos, list of, on the

roads, given by Huaman Poma,

18
Tampu-chacay, murderer of Ayar

Cachi, 52
Tampu-quiru and Pallata, second

station of the Ayars, 51
Tampu-tocco : dynasty, 45, 46, 47,

48 ; three windows in the hill,

49, SO
Tangarara, on the Chira : first

Spanish settlement, 224
Tapacri, near Cochapampa, estate

of Garcilasso de la Vega, 273
Tarapaca, fossil ant-eaters, 38
Tarapaca, one name of the servant

of Uira-cocha, 101, 103 n. See

Tahuapaca, Tuapaca, Tonapa
Tarpuntaj' tribe, followers of the

Ayars, 50, 65
Tarpuntay, sacrificing priest, 108,

109
Tasta, a shrub, 80
Tauri-chumbi, chief of Pachaoa-

mac, 235
Tempellec, last of the Naymlap

dynasty at Lambayeque, 222
Temple ot the Sun, 56, 62, 104,

322 ; to Uira-cocha, 97, 121 ;

to the Moon, 216, 221 ; at

Lambayeque, called Chot, 222
Temaux Compans : his copj' of

Carrera's grammar in the

British Museum, 220 ; edition

of Montesinos, 12 ; translation

of Balboa, 221 n.

440

INDEX

Teruel, Pedro de : work lost, 10

Theresa, H.R.H. Piincess of
Bavaria, 113

Thrush. See Chihua

Thunder and lightning, worship
of, 104, 117

Tiahuanacu : described, 23, 24 ;
account in the work of Oliva,
24 ; monolithic doorway, 25 ;
central figure, 25, 26 ; kneeling
figures, 27 ; mystery surround-
ing origin, 28 ; myth, 28, 29 ;
name, 29 ; evidence of Acosta
and Cieza de Leon, 29 ;
Tiahuanacu and Chavin work
compared, 35, 36 ; carving,
42 ; Tupac Inoa Yupanqui at,
191

Tici or Teece, attribute of the
deity, 41

Tin: principal source, 191

Titicaca lake : basin of, ix ;
region around, 21, 38, 92 ;
Titi, a clerical error, probably
Inticaca, 103 n. ; myth, 28, 48,
103 n. ; basin of, 186, 187 ;
palace on Coati island, 191

Titu. See Curi Coyllur

Titu Atauchi, son of Huayna
Ccapac, 241 ; attacked Spanish
rear at Tocto and made some
prisoners, 253 ; friendship with
Francisco de Chaves, 253

Tocapu, brocade invented by Inca
Uira-coclia, 90, 122

Tocay Ccapac, chief of Ayamarca,
68, 71, 72, 73

Tocco, windows, 49. See Tampu-
tocco

Tocta Cuca, mother of Atahualpa,
241

Tocto, defeat of Spaniards at, 253

Toguaru, conquest of, 91 n.

Tola {Baccharis Incarum), 22

Toledo, Don Francisco de, viceroy
of Peru : liis journey of inspec-
tion, 7, 289; his prolific legisla-
tion, 8, 15, 298 ; examination
of Indians respecting Inca
history, 289 ; arrival at Cuzco,
290; godfather to Melchlor
Carlos Inca, 290; ordered the

invasion of Vilcapampa, 292 ;
' ^ the Inca brought before him,

• 294 ; entreated to spare the
Inca, 295 ; his banishment of
the Inca family, 297 ; perse-

• cution of mestizos, 298 ; his
disgrace doubtful, 299

Tomay Huaraca, chief of the
Chancas, 83, 86. 89

Tono river, 193, 196

Tonapa, Lafone on the cult of,
99 71., 101

Topography. See Geography

Topu, measure of land, 161

Torres Ruhio, Quichua dictionary,
vi, 313 ; Aymara dictionary.
192, 315, 316 _ '

Treasure, of the Incas, 251 and note,
288 ; in the palace of Huayna
Ccapac, 267 ; of the Chimu,
210, 211

Tropceolum, 80

Truxillo, Cliimu ruins near, 208 ;
founded by Pizarro, 225

Ttahuantin-siiyu, the official name
of the empire of the Incas, 173

Ttanta raquizic : class of boys, 162

Ttantana Marca, caves for inter-
ment on the, 112

Tuapaca. See Tarapaca

Tucuman, 31, 32, 36, 173 ; con-
quest, 190

Tucuyricocs, or overseers, 162

Tulumayu, torrent at Cuzco, 55,
66, 79

Tumbez : acquired by Tupac Inca
Yupanqui, 184, 185, 208;
Spaniards start from, 224

Tumi, dagger, knife, 292

Tumipampa, palace, 182 ; body
of Huayna Ccapac taken to,
242 ; thence to Cuzco, 243 ;
Huascar'a army defeated at, 246

Tupac Amaru Inca, son of Manco,
259 : accession, great cere-
mony, 290, 292 ; innocent of
the deaths of Ortiz, Pando,
and Anaya, 292 ; captured by
Loyola, 293 ; brought before
Toledo, 294 ; scene at his
execution, 294 ; last words,
295, 296 n. ; worship of his

INDEX

441

head by the people, 290, 297 ;
fate of his children, 298

Tupac Ayar Manco, son of Inca
Pachacuti, conqueror of the
Collas, 189

Tupac Cusi, 51

Tupac Paucar, son of Uira-cooha
Inca : joined his younger
l)rother Cusi, against the Chan-
cas, 85

Tupac Inca Yupanqui : chosen as
heir by Inca Pachacuti, 92 ;
conquests, 93 ; his reign, 94 ;
built the palace at Huanuco,
182 ; generalship, 183, 185 ;
voyage to the Galapagos
Islands, 184, 185 ; conquest
of Colla-suyu, 189 ; system of
colonising, 191 ; built the
palace at Coati, 191 ; campaign
in Anti-suyu, 195, 196 ; in the
drama of Ollantay, 148, 332;
his daughter married the father
of Huaman Poma, 17

Tupac Yauri, golden sceptre, 121

Tuya, singing-bird, 82

Tuyara, a Quichua stronghold, 174

UcAYALl, river, 193 ; rapid, 193
Uhle, Dr. Max : on llamitas as
offerings to the earth spirit,
113 ; inquiry about the golden
breastplate, 1 19 ; Choque-
quirao, 319 ; mvestigation of
ruins, Pachacamac, 320
Uilca Chucu, head-dress of the high

priest, 105
Uilcas, priests, 106
Uilca, ancient name of the sun, 116
Uilca Cammjoc, recorder of sacri-
fices, 108
Uilcafiota. See Vilcanota
U iliac Uma, high priest of the
Sun : his position, life, dress,
105 ; went to Chile with
Almagro, 255
Uinapu, an intoxicating spirit, 128
Uira-cocha, name of the Deity, 41,
97 ; conception of, 41-2 ;
temple^to, 97 ; prayers to, 100,
102 ; names of servants, 101 n.

Uira-cocha Inca, name taken by
Hatun Tupac, 76, 77 ; his
sons, 77 ; intrigues for Urco
to succeed, 83 ; flight from
Cuzco, 84 ; spoils of Chanca
victory sent to, 87, 89 ; death,
90 ; invented tocapu, 90

Uiscacha, Andean rodent, 23, 79

Ulloma. See Mastodon

Uma Raymi, month, Oct.-Nov.,
118, 127

Umasayus, 175

Urco, bastard of Uira-cocha Inca,
77, 83 ; intrigues about his
succession, 84 ; fled with his
father, 84, 87 ; rebellion and
death, 90 ; made to succeed
as a reigning Inca by Cieza
de Leon, Fernandez Herrera,
and Salcamayhua, 90 n.

Urco Huaranca, chief of Quillis-
cacha, a suburb of Cuzco :
faithful to Prince Cusi, 85. 86 ;
sent with spoils of the Chanca
victory to Uira-cocha Inca, 87

Urcos, 76

Urpi, a dove, 82

Urpi Huachac, wife of Pachaca-
mac, 233

Uru tribe, followers of the Ayars,
50 ; settled at Urupampa, 55 ;
Hurin Cuzcos, 65

Urus tribe, on lake Titicaoa, speak-
ing Puquina, 187
Usca Paucar, Quichua drama, 156

Uscovilca, joint founder of the
Chanca nation, 83 ; image
carried before the Chanca
army, 83, 86
Usutas, sandals, 122, 292 ; for the
youths at the Huarachicu,
129
Uturuncu Achachi, in command
of a column invading the
montafia, 195, 196 ; to com-
plete the conquests, 197

Vaca de Castro, Cristoval, 256,

257, 264
Vadillo, service of Cieza de Leon

under, 2

442

INDEX

Valdez, Dr. Antonio, Cura of
Sicuani : reduced the drama
of Ollantay to writing, 145,
325

Valera, Bias, same as the ' anony-
mous Jesuit ' : translated by
the author, xi n., account of,
12, 13 ; his works, 13, 14, 303 ;
compiler of the list of kings, 40 ;
denies human sacrifices, 108 ;
names of planets given by,
117 ; refers to Quipu records,
139, 305 ; mythical song given
by, 143 ; Garoilasso received
his manuscripts, 278 ; Garci-
lasso's quotations from, 279 ;
credibility of the list of kings
dependent on his evidence,
303 ; proofs of authorship, 304

Valera, Luis de : executor to
Francisco de Chaves, 253 n.

Valerian, 80

Valverde, Friar Vicente : his
' Carta Relacion,' 8

Vargas, family, 260, 261, 277

Vargas, Alonzo : uncle of Inca
Garcilasso, whom he adopted
as his heir, 277, 283

Vargas, Juan : uncle of Inca
Garcilasso, 264 ; slain at Hua-
rina, 270

Velasco, ' History of Quito ' :
names of months, 1 18 n. ; on
Inca roads, 320

Vicaquirau, son of Inca Rocca,

general, 66 ; conquests, 75, 77 ;

against the succession of Urco,

83 ; supported Prince Cusi,

>•' 85, 86 ; death, 88

Vicchu Tupac, second son of
Yahuar Huaccac, 76

Vichaya, tree, in coast valley, 205

Vicuna, 22, 30

Vilcamayu, valley of the, author's
residence in, viii ; 55, 77, 81,
82, 126, 137, 144, 193

Vilcafiota, wall across, 15, 188;
knot of, 21, 79 ; name, 44, 78,
263

Vilcapampa, 79, 82, 199 ; retreat
of the Inca to, 256 ; descrip-
tion, 267 ; Incas maintain

independence in, 259 ; Sayri
Tupac leaves, 273, 274 ; mis-
sion to, 290, 291 ; invasion by

fA,;<Spaniards, 292, 293, 294

Vilcas-huaman ruins, 176, 178,
320 ; flight of Huascar's army
to, 248

Village communities, views of
Cunow, 171. See Ayllus

Villalobos, Juan Rodriguez de :
brought the first bullocks to
Cuzco, 266

Villar, Senor : his copy of Car-
rera's grammar, 220

Viracocha. See Uira-cocha

Virgins of the Sun, 106, 107. See
Aclla

Viru, coast valley, 208

Viacacha. See Uiscaclia

Vivero, Friar Juan de. Prior of
Augustines : baptised Sayri
Tupac, 290 ; embassy to Cusi
Titu Yupanqui, 290

' Vocabulario Historico del Peru,'
by Valera : consulted by
Oliva, 303

Wiener : review of his conception
of Inca i-ule, by Belaunde, 171 ;
described Chimu ruins, 209 ;
and Vilcas-huaman, 320

Xam. See Naymlap
Xaquixaguana, a corrupt form of

Saquis-ahnana, 90 7(.
Xauxa. See Juuja
Xecfuin Pisan, chief of Lamba-

yeque, 224, 225
Xeres and Astete : reports on the

discovery of Peru : author's

translation, x

Yachachic, attribute of the deity,

42
YacJia-huasi, schools, 66, 142, 319
Yacolla, Royal mantle, 292
Yahuar Huaccac Inca, succesBion,

75 ; his sons, 76. See Cusi

Hualpa

INDEX

443

Yamqui Pachacuti Salcamayhua.

See Salcamayhua
Yana-cuna, servants, 163, 164
Yanamarca, battle at between

armies of Huascar and Atahu-

alpa, 247
Yana-simi. See Mafiaris
Yapaguit, month, July-August,

125
Yarampuy-cancha, 5G
Yarcacaes, diviners, 108
Yarrovilca, lord of Huanuco,

ancestor of Huaman Poma, 17
Yauri, sceptre, 131
Yauyos, account of, 180, 237.

See Cauqui
Yea, viii ; coast valley, 227 ;

pottery, 230 ; beautiful maiden

of, named Chumpillaya, sent

to Huascar, 242
Ychu {Stipa Ychu), grass, 22, 81
Ychupampa, Chancas encamped

on, 83, 88 ; same as Suriti
Year called huata, 117
Yma huayna, class of young

men, 162 ; taken as colonists,

164
Yscuchaca, 81. See Iscuchaca
Yucay, Inca palace at, 82, 286,

319
Yunca, language of the Chimu,

219 ; Carrera's grammar of,

220 ; name given to coast

valleys, 230
Yupanqui, a royal title : meaning,

42, 43
Yutu, a partridge, 23, 79, 76 n.
Yuyac, adults for sacrifice : llamas,

not men, 109

Zapote del Perro, a tree in coast

valleys, 205
Zaran, in the Piura valley :

Pizarro at, 224
Zarate, his work on Peru, 7 ;

Garcilasso's quotations from,

279 ; on Inca roads, 320
Zodiac signs, 117
Zolzdoni, wife of Cium, 222

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